microsoft word anderson-feeding.doc ethnobiology letters                                                                                                                    book review    45    feeding the people, feeding the spirit:  revitalizing northwest coastal  indian food   elise krohn and valerie segrest. 2010. northwest indian college, bellingham, wa.  pp. x + 158, copiously  illustrated, tables, bibliography.      reviewed by e. n. anderson 1    reviewer address:  1 department of anthropology, university of california, riverside, riverside, california 92521    received: april 29 th  2011                                       volume2:45  published: august 14 th  2011                       © 2011 society of ethnobiology    this beautifully produced book is a traditional food sourcebook for native americans, primarily of western washington state. created by nutritionists working with the tribes there, it is part of a major food revitalization program that was featured at the traditional foods summit at the recent society for applied anthropology convention in seattle. the book is divided into four chapters, covering traditional views and foods; their fate in the contemporary world of supermarkets and online grocery shopping; revitalization efforts; and traditional foods—basically an ethnobotany. many of the entries on traditional foods include myths, stories, and conservation knowledge. this is followed by a long and quite mouthwatering section of recipes. all parts of the book are useful and accessible. anthropologists will find notably valuable the long and detailed quotes and stories from elders. inez bill of the tulalip tribe contributes (on p. 42) some particularly good food rules, which from my experience seem general to the northwest coast and farther: “taking and gathering only what you need so mother nature can regenerate her gifts to us.” “remembering to not waste any of our traditional food.” “sharing what you gather with family, friends and elders that are not able to go out and gather whenever possible.” “including prayer and giving thanks when gathering.” “preparing local native foods at gatherings.” “preparing food with a good heart and mind so when you serve your meal, people will enjoy their meal.” “providing nourishment for our people and their spirits, but also the spirit of our ancestors. we will strive to continue this way of life.” the ethnobotany section includes not only the traditional foods that are still commonly used, but considerable food advice on how to deal with supermarket foods: how to substitute for traditional foods, how to shop wisely, what to avoid, and so on. some of this advice is of use only to educated urban people (e.g. advice to buy nut butters other than peanut butter, p. 115), but there are now, thank goodness, a great number of highly educated and urbanized native northwest coasters. the recipes are also far from the stereotype of “hunter-gatherer” cuisine. thanks to the importance of feasts and potlatches, the northwest coast peoples had a genuine haute cuisine long before the euroamerican world intruded. this book moves on into fusion realms: nettle pesto, wild berry crisp, balsamic blueberries with amaranth, and the like. the recipes are wonderful, and i hope to try them out soon. in short, buy this book. it supports a good cause.  northwest coast food and medicine: grapevines and willow trees. photo by e. n. anderson, 2010. microsoft word pazhoohiebl2011.doc ethnobiology letters                                                                                                                    book review    63      mammalian diversity and matses ethnomammalogy in amazonian  peru. part 1: primates  robert s. voss and david w. fleck. 2011. bulletin of the american museum of natural history, number 351. pp.  81, 3 figures, 25 tables. free at amnh digital library issn 0003‐0090.  reviewed by farid pazhoohi 1      reviewer address:  1  department of animal science, college of agriculture, shiraz university, shiraz, iran.  email: pazhoohi@gmail.com   received: september 5 th  2011                                                                  volume 2:63‐64  published: september 27 th  2011                                                   © 2011 society of ethnobiology    probably many people are not more familiar with the amazon than just knowing its name. how much do you know about the primates of these forests? do you want to take a tour of the region? are you interested in learning more about new world monkeys? if so, this book is for you. robert s. voss, a systematic mammalogist, and david w. fleck, an anthropological linguist, take readers on a journey through the amazonian forest, one of the most intact rainforests on planet earth. the journey begins in the peruvian department of loreto, an inaccessible and biologically unexplored region, where four rivers encompass a dense forest. with descriptions of geography, natural vegetation, rivers and landscapes, voss and fleck introduce readers to the anthropology of loreto. then they teach readers about the natural history of amazonian mammals, especially primates, between the yavari and ucayali rivers of northeastern peru. voss and fleck report on the taxonomic diversity of primates in their book which is the first issue published as part of a series on mammals in amazonian peru. voss and fleck collected 1145 mammalian specimens from nuevo san juan during their collaborative research. moreover, they examined external and craniodental measurements of primates and also corrected the faulty categorization of some subspecies. the authors combined their ethnobiological observations with another amazing source of information: the collective knowledge of native amazonian people about primates. the indigenous matses people who live in the yavari-ucayali interfluve are the community of focus in this ethnobiological study. this native amazonian tribe had their first contact with the outside world in 1969. matses still obtain much of their nutritional needs from traditional activities such as hunting. due to the importance of hunting expertise for their daily lives, matses are reliable observers of their surrounding fauna. matses have a rich “vocabulary for accurately communicating relevant natural history information” (p. 9). for example, in addition to the principal name for a species, a monkey might have three hunting names and a ceremonial name. voss and fleck also compile matses accounts of physical appearance, anatomy, sexual dimorphism, habitat preferences, troop size, social behavior, maternal behavior, vocalizations, communications, daily activities and sleeping patterns, predation and predator avoidance, eating and drinking resources for each of fourteen primate taxa that occur in that region. furthermore, the authors incorporate these data with matses terminology, classification, and hunting strategies for primates as well as the cultural significance of species. the authors, for example, describe matses’ interesting methods of hunting, their traditions and taboos for eating different species of primates, and the way they use some species as pets and some others’ canines as necklaces. an example is howler monkeys (alouatta seniculus atelidae l.); matses believe only older people are permitted to eat their meat. if a young person ate these monkeys, they would become lazy. “for this reason, matses do not hunt howler monkeys as frequently as they do other monkeys. the laziness induced by eating howler monkey meat can be cured with frog poison and by following a special diet” (p. 16). matses hunt howler monkeys by following their calls. they know that these animals “can be found in any primary forest habitat, but they do not come to abandoned swiddens” (p. 17). matses know that howler monkeys travel in male-led troops with fewer than ten individuals. and, as for howler monkeys eating behavior, matses say, “one monkey stays in the trees as a lookout, while the others make a hole in the bank of the mineral lick and ethnobiology letters                                                                                                                    book review    64    eat inside the hole” (p. 17). matses believe that if they hear the howls of these monkeys early in the morning, that day is going to be a nice day. matses know that these monkeys are those who wake up earlier than other monkeys in the morning. voss and fleck corroborate matses observations with scientific literature and conclude that, although some differences occur, matses knowledge of primate natural history seems to be accurate and consistent with scientific reports. this book should be referred to as a “report” because it is mostly devoted to descriptive and methodological summaries and review of the literature. the “book” looks like an extended research article or one chapter in another book. hence, it might seem to be for professional readers, but other individuals who would like to discover more about matses or new world monkeys would enjoy reading this book. indeed, this book is a great source for primatologists. plants and humans in the near east and the caucasus: ancient and traditional uses of plants as food and medicine, a diachronic ethnobotanical review 17  book review  listed, however, have not yet been reported for archaeological sites. the first volume of the set provides basic background on the physiographical, climatic, phytogeographical, ethnographic, historical, and archaeological setting of the region covered. in such a broad survey, there are a few arguable statements. for example, it would be more appropriate to call akkadian the earliest written semitic language, not the origin of semitic languages (vol. 1, p. 118). also, the most useful historical or ethnographic information for an archaeobotanist concerns old technologies, such as the use of straw lined storage pits in syria (vol. 1, p. 127), rather than national crop production statistics from the late 20th century. nevertheless, for researchers familiar with part of the area covered, volume one provides expedient access to information and references about the entire region. of direct importance to non archaeobotanists, the authors provide a brief summary of the nature of the physical and textual evidence for ancient plant use (vol. 1, pp. 184187). the country-by-country listing by site includes basic information: location, period, references, and, for most sites, latitude and longitude; locational data are harder to find than you might think, so this is a great service. the two volumes cover much of the same geographical territory as zohary et al. (2012), but provide much more botanical and ethnobotanical information. the benefit of the book for archaeobotdiego rivera and his colleagues have produced a comprehensive reference of ethnobotanical and archaeobotanical data for a region which saw early experiments in plant cultivation and fruit growing, the earliest agropastoral systems known, and the first urban societies. the modern nation states covered in most detail are: armenia, azerbaijan, and georgia in the caucasus, and iran, iraq, lebanon, syria, and turkey, a group of countries that have experienced varying amounts of attention from archaeobotanists.1 as is true of the ancient and modern peoples covered, the available data also cross modern international boundaries, and so information from the arabian peninsula, cyprus, israel, jordan, and palestine are included; of these countries, israel is best documented, but many of the sources are difficult to find chapters in site reports or regional journals. the core of the work is the last part of the first volume (ferns, gymnosperms), and the entire second volume (angiosperms). families, genera, and species are listed in alphabetical order. the basic format of the entries is: genus, species, authority, phytogeographical zone; modern fruit and/or seed description; habitat; archaeological examples; text or linguistic references; ethnobotanical uses. additional sections (e.g., wood description and biology) are added as appropriate to some entries. the fullest archaeological treatment is given to the best documented types, cereals and pulses; many of these entries include measurements compiled from other publications. most of the species for which traditional uses are plants  and  humans  in  the  near  east  and  the  caucasus:  ancient  and  tradi onal uses of plants as food and medicine, a diachronic ethnobotanical review (2 vols). vol. 1: the landscapes. the plants: ferns and  gymnosperms. vol. 2: the plants: angiosperms.  diego rivera núñez, gonzalo ma lla séiquer, concepción obón, francisco alcaraz ariza. 2011. ediciones de la  unverisdad de murcia. pp. 1056. eur 23.76 (paperback). isbn 978‐84‐15463‐07‐08 (2 vols.), 978‐84‐15463‐05‐4  (vol. 1), 978‐84‐15463‐06‐1 (vol. 2).  reviewed by naomi f. miller  reviewer address: university of pennsylvania museum, 3260 south street, philadelphia, pa 19104 usa.   nmiller0@sas.upenn.edu  received: november 20, 2013  volume: 5:22‐23  published: february 10, 2014  © 2014 society of ethnobiology  18  book review  anists is the sheer number of species included, the data for plant use in the caucasus, and the archaeobotanical information collected from sometimes hard-to -find sources. the three main audiences for these volumes are botanists, ethnobotanists, and archaeobotanists. the work presumes a basic understanding of botany and plant taxonomy. this compendium represents an enormous research effort. its limited print run (250) is understandable, given the current state of academic publishing. this fact provides an excellent argument for reproducing the work in digital, searchable format. indeed, ideally it could form the core of a website to which other researchers would add their own published data, including seed measurements, photographs, site latitude and longitude, and maps showing the site locations. the absence of an index makes clear the other great advantage of a digital format: searchability. the economics of publishing and requirements of academic advancement are beyond the control of the authors. yet it would be a great contribution were the underlying database of this volume more readily available to researchers worldwide. references cited ford, richard i. 1979. paleoethnobotany in american archaeology. in advances in archaeological method and theory, vol. 2, ed. m.b. schiffer, pp. 285–336. academic press, new york. google books. 2013. google ngram viewer. available at: https://books.google.com/ngrams. accessed on december 4, 2014. zohary, daniel, maria hopf, and ehud weiss. 2012. domestication of plants in the old world. 4th ed. oxford university press, oxford. notes 1nowadays, paleoethnobotany and archaeobotany are used interchangeably to refer to the study of archaeological plant remains, typically macroremains such as seeds and charcoal. in the early 1980s, preference for the term “paleoethnobotany” grew in americanist archaeology after richard i. ford (1979:286) narrowly defined paleoethnobotany as the “analysis and interpretation of archaeological remains,” relegating “archaeobotany” to “the [mere] recovery and identification of plants” [emphasis in original] (ibid. p. 299), specifically not their interpretation (for usage history of the terms in british and american english see google books 2013). moral ecology of a forest: the nature industry and maya post-conservation. by josé martínez-reyes. 2016. university of arizona press, tucson. 216 pp. anderson. 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):142–143 142 reviews perspectives from gene anderson’s bookshelf actual situation, needs, or capabilities. the plan thus fails, and is forgotten. meanwhile, tres reyes continues to exist in substantial poverty. in 2009, the community barred further action by ngos, but cannot stop annoying and erratic interference by mexican government agencies. josé martínez-reyes’ findings are similar to many of those who have worked in nearby communities, including: ueli hostetler (1996), amber o’connor (o’connor and anderson 2017), and myself (anderson 2005; anderson and medina tzuc 2005), among others. hostetler describes the resulting “project fatigue” caused by the pattern mentioned above. having worked over a 25-year period in nearby chunhuhub, i can testify to josé martínez-reyes’ accuracy and insight. he is a first-rate ethnographer with a solid command of languages, previous research, and the field situation. i know tres reyes somewhat, know some of the people martínez-reyes mentions, and followed some of the plans and ngo activities he discusses. occasionally i know some back stories; for instance, he discusses the heavy hand of the amigos de sian ka’an (“friends of the sian ka’an reserve”) as one of the heavy-handed, clueless ngos. i recall that at first this was an idealist local group with sensible ideas, but the local leadership was muscled out by remote bureaucrats, leading to the problems martínez-reyes accurately describes. he provides an excellent and well-organized theoretical framework drawn from literature on ethnoecology, moral economy, moral ecology, and critical studies of conservation. especially useful is “moral ecology” is a term recently coined in parallel with the term “moral economy.” it certainly is the right term for the resource management strategies of the yucatec maya, for whom proper dealings with plants, animals, and the landscape is at the heart of ethical and moral behavior. josé martínez-reyes has worked for many years in the tiny, isolated community of tres reyes, quintana roo, mexico. this community has the bad luck to be situated on the border of the vast sian ka’an nature reserve, a major biosphere reserve and a point of pride for quintana roo. tres reyes depends on milpa agriculture, plant gathering, and hunting, and thus affects the forest next to and even within the reserve. this has put it in the sights of government agencies and ngos who try to prevent or regulate farming, hunting, and other local activities. like other traditional maya, the people of tres reyes have a thoroughly sustainable system, supported by ethical and religious teachings that range from careful fire control when the milpa is burned to taking no more animals than the game herds can spare. ceremonies that have lapsed in more modern communities, such as the ch’a chaak to bring rain and the loj ts’oon to renew hunting luck (which involves minimizing overhunting), still serve to keep tres reyes in balance with its surroundings. all this has meant little to outside agencies, which follow a typical pattern: a project—often good in concept, but poorly planned and implemented—is imposed on the local people. some initial funding is provided, but not maintained. the local people try to adapt, but no one listens to them or attends to their moral ecology of a forest: the nature industry and maya postconservation. by josé martínez-reyes. 2016. university of arizona press, tucson. 216 pp. eugene n. anderson 1* 1 department of anthropology, university of california riverside, usa. * eugene.anderson@ucr.edu received september 21, 2017 open access accepted september 21, 2017 doi 10.14237/ebl.8.1.2017.1119 copyright © 2017 by the author(s) licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. anderson. 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):142–143 143 reviews perspectives from gene anderson’s bookshelf recent latin american thought, such as the work of arturo escobar, enrique leff, and victor toledo, who have described similar situations and theorized the conflict between powerful but ignorant government or nongovernmental groups and less powerful but far more aware people on the land. the critical work of writers like james igoe and dan brockington is also important. martínez-reyes sees much of the problem as “neoliberalism,” but only an attempted land grab by a local millionaire was “neoliberal” in the usual sense of the term (i.e., private enterprise run amok). the rest of the problem is better seen through max weber’s view of bureaucracy: a powerful, impersonal force, taking on a life of its own, often intruding on local agency. james scott’s writings on the dysfunctions of modern states (notably scott 1998) are useful here. ethnobiologists will not only profit from the tight, well-constructed theoretical framework herein, but from the superb descriptions of hunting and milpa making. the future is cloudy. “post-conservation” might well mean no conservation—instead, the progressive destruction of the forest and agricultural system as is happening widely in the yucatan peninsula today. hunting is almost certainly unsustainable now in the tres reyes area, despite ceremonies. the game is thoroughly shot out of most of the yucatan peninsula, and yucatan state has saved its deer only by truly draconian conservation measures. better management will come only when government agencies listen to local people, take them and their knowledge seriously, and invest time on the ground working with communities. such a future is currently unlikely, given the rush to turn all of quintana roo into a macro-cancun. having done research in the area, i am extremely glad to see an excellent ethnography that makes major theoretical contributions as well as practical applications. references cited anderson, e. n. 2005. political ecology of a yucatec maya community. university of arizona press, tucson, az. anderson, e. n., and f. m. tzuc. 2005. animals and the maya in southeast mexico. university of arizona press, tucson, az. hostetler, u. 1996. milpa agriculture and economic diversification: socioeconomic change in a maya peasant society of central quintana roo, 19001990s. doctoral dissertation, university of berne, switzerland. available from university microfilm international dissertation express (umi no. 9701056). o’connor, a., and e. n. anderson. 2017. k’oben: three thousand years of the maya hearth. rowman and littlefield, lanham, md. scott, j. 1998. seeing like a state. yale university press, new haven, ct. urban pollution: cultural meanings, social practices ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):114‐115. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.382. 114 book review irresponsible, ‘polluting others’. meanwhile young asian immigrants counteract this stereotype with volunteer litter removal initiatives. in the next chapter, damaris lüthi argues that concepts of im/ purity in kottar correlate with the physical world and are therefore more similar to scientific understandings rather than symbolic ones. inside homes and spiritual spaces, lower caste impurities are more dangerous than those from upper castes, which reinforces class and caste segregation. in the fourth chapter, susanna trnka describes the legacy of indo-fijian hindus, the second largest cultural group in fiji, who were brought there by the british as indentured servants. indo-fijians provided the physical labor for the “development” of the nation, while the british colonizers forced indigenous fijians to remain rural. through this separation, the “jungle” is seen as wild, encroaching, and indigenous; in contrast the city of suva is perceived as an advanced, modern, and clean place, in spite of actual physical pollution. in chapter 5, anouk de koning argues that in cairo, tropes of pollution and defilement are used to elaborate and contest new class configurations from egypt’s liberal era through the bodies of young upper-middle class women. the women’s experiences and contestations are linked to space and place as they negotiate their current positions shaped by gender and class. next, magnus treiber provides an ethnographic account of two different social establishments in asmara, eritrea. asmara is shaped by post-independence youth, students and young professionals, who draw on symbolic conceptions of pollution through a differentiation between “hangouts” and “bars”. in the seventh chapter, szabina kerényi looks at postcommunist social movement mobilization and collective action in budapest. she argues that memsocial science research on environmental pollution tends to focus on impacts from natural resource extraction in rural and remote areas, while studies on the urban environment often concentrate on technology, economics, and innovation. environmental anthropologists write about green spaces and gardens in cities, but have generally neglected the brown spaces. the 15th volume of the studies in environmental anthropology and ethnobiology series, entitled urban pollution: cultural meanings, social practices, presents an innovative collection of ethnographic case studies on perceptions of pollution in urban centers. the authors use mary douglas’ seminal work risk and blame (1966) as an entry point for examining pollution as a disruption of social order. to correct for what they see as douglas’ “unmitigated dualism” and “constructivist inclinations,” the editors set the intention in the introductory chapter to give equal weight to symbolic and physical pollution (dürr and jaffe 2010:5). they argue: [a] symbolic-material dualism only holds true up to a point, as these categories are, of course, overlapping and interrelated. the materiality and sociality of urban pollution are relational entities that produce each other—this relational materiality itself, as well as the hybridity of pollution, can be the focus of study (dürr and jaffe 2010:3). in the second chapter, eveline dürr examines how concepts of cultural pollution are revealed through discourse about environmental pollution in new zealand. settler “kiwis” place value on environmental and indigenous flora and fauna preservation, while describing asian immigrants as environmentally urban pollution: cultural meanings, social practices edited by eveline dürr and rivke jaffe. 2010. studies in environmental anthropology and ethnobiology, vol. 15. berghahn books, new york. 216 pp. $27.95 (paperback), $120.00 (hardcover). isbn 978-1-84545-692-4 (paperback), 978-1-78238-5080 (hardcover). reviewed by janelle marie baker reviewer address: department of anthropology, mcgill university, 855 sherbrooke street west, montréal, québec h3a 2t7, can. email: janelle.baker@mail.mcgill.ca received: march 21, 2015 volume: 6(1):114-115 published: august 31, 2015 © 2015 society of ethnobiology ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):114‐115. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.382. 115 book review bers of urban social movements define pollution on overlapping material and abstract levels, as it is considered both ritually unclean and resulting from harmful practices in the urban environment. in chapter 8, johanna rolshoven employs a historical perspective of european discourse of the city to look at characterizations of cleanliness, sanitation, health, and morals that determine urban management. she finds that concepts of health and the city are fundamentally linked, reflecting society and space. next, in chapter 9, kathryn scott and her co-authors apply political ecology to the discourses and material conditions that shape the urban environment and reinforce existing power relations in glen innes, new zealand. the authors show that low-density housing is a symbol for the middle class, while high-density housing is equated with slums, even though more compact forms of housing have the potential to improve the lives of marginalized people living in glen innes. as aidan davison points out in the afterword, research on pollution is not cleanly separated into the various academic disciplines: “as the illegitimate offspring of technological systems, pollution appears to be the antithesis of ecological order and social order. the category of pollution threatens to pollute modern disciplines of knowledge by seeming to originate from neither the realm of nature nor the realm of culture” (davison 2010:198). in this context ethnobiologists are well-equipped to study pollution, as they are skilled in the interdisciplinary negotiations of researching human interactions with nature, in which measurable science and traditional knowledge need not be framed as opposing forces. however, if you are looking for a book on ethnobiology and pollution, urban pollution might not suit your needs. it leans heavily towards urban anthropology and away from presenting folk taxonomy, scientific results, or ecological or environmental data. in fact, the chapters fall short of the editors’ aforementioned intention to give equal weight to measurable conditions and cultural perceptions of pollution by focusing on symbolic pollution. nonetheless, academic inquiry often favors ecological systems outside of cities, in spite of the fact that now the majority of the global population lives in urban centers. a diversity of perspectives on environmental pollution in cities is a welcomed contribution and this volume presents a scholarly and rich selection that is worth consideration. references cited davison, a. 2010. afterword: impure thoughts on messy cities. in urban pollution: cultural meanings, social practices, edited by e. dürr and r. jaffe, pp. 198-201. studies in environmental anthropology and ethnobiology. berghahn books, new york. douglas, m. 1966. purity and danger: an analysis of concepts of pollution and taboo. routledge, london. dürr, e. and r. jaffe, eds. 2010. urban pollution: cultural meanings, social practices, volume 15. berghahn books, new york. trees, knots, and outriggers: environmental knowledge in the northeast kula ring. by frederick h. damon. 2017. berghahn, new york. 375 pp. townsend. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(2):101–102 101 reviews deals with the sago orchards (metroxylon sagu) and their relationship to meadows: the dense thickets of grass and ferns that are the only un-forested areas of the island, with leached soils that are highly acidic and high in aluminum. sago starch is an important food in the lean seasons for farming. chapter four centers on another set of trees: the several species of calophyllum. six types are locally distinguished—each with different properties and uses as well as growing conditions—challenging systematists at the herbaria to which damon submitted specimens and resulting in the description of new species by peter stevens. muyuw attention to several species of calophyllum, particularly for the properties of the grain of their wood, leads into the final third of the book, which deals with the use of flora in the construction of seagoing outrigger canoes. more than once, i found myself wishing that the book had been split into two books at this point: one book on trees and a second on boats, edited to include some discussion of the materials used in their construction. i suspect that most ethnobiologists are unlikely to persist through the discussion of tying knots, weaving sails, and on into the detailed structure of boats. a sailor, skipping those lengthy chapters on trees, could not fully appreciate the choice of boat-building materials. these decisions are of life-threatening significance as the wrong materials may cause a mast or rudder to “explode” in high winds and heavy seas. the amount of detail amassed after a few chapters is beyond holding in a reader’s memory, though an improved glossary and index would help. in the early 1990s, mid-career social anthropologist frederick damon re-invented himself as an environmental anthropologist for a series of visits to his original field site on muyuw (woodlark) island, papua new guinea, where he had made several previous trips to study kinship and exchange in the 1970s and 1980s. at the same time, he broadened the scope of his work from the kula ring region in milne bay province off the east coast of papua new guinea to include china, as he worked toward encompassing a world-system linked by austronesian-speaking seafarers. this bold double move is documented in the book under review. although damon does not use the term landscape ecology (preferring the term historical ecology), we might categorize the first two-thirds of the book with either term. muyuw is a raised coral island with a volcanic core. its forests are heavily modified by agriculture and now also by logging and mining exploration. chapter one deals in detail with the three types of fallow period distinguished in the muyuw language and the trees related to garden planning. it reports muyuw planting of the gwed tree (rhus taitensis) to enhance or “sweeten” the soil of gardens. extensive efforts to determine how gwed improved the yield of the yams (dioscorea esculenta) planted adjacent to it were inconclusive, though it seemed most likely that it addressed potassium deficiency. chapter two deals with muyuw classification and categorization of trees in general. chapter three describes the use of trees to name and characterize places or ecological zones. in this chapter damon trees, knots, and outriggers: environmental knowledge in the northeast kula ring. by frederick h. damon. 2017. berghahn, new york. 375 pp. patricia k. townsend 1* 1 department of anthropology, university at buffalo, buffalo, ny, usa *pkt@buffalo.edu received november 27, 2017 open access accepted december 10, 2017 doi 10.14237/ebl.9.2.2018.1177 copyright © 2018 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open‐access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution‐noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by‐nc/4.0), which permits non‐commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. townsend. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(2):101–102 102 reviews chapter five is titled vatul, vines. after listing the 44 vines collected or described, it deals primarily with the use of vines in tying, particularly in constructing boats, but also in making fishnets and string figures. deep into his discussion of vines and knots in muyuw, damon tells the self-deprecating story of the slurs he suffered by tying two ends of a cord with sip vinay, the granny knot he usually makes, rather than with sip tawau, the square knot he needed to be taught during his fieldwork. nowhere in the text or index are line drawings or english terms for these knots given. not until the reader digs through photographs published online is any of this clear, and then perhaps only to readers who learned knots as a scout. this anecdote epitomizes the challenges that make trees, knots, and outriggers nearly unreadable, at least for scholars working outside the kula ring. the text is liberally sprinkled with vernacular terms that are rarely given an english gloss. there is no glossary, and the index is less helpful than it might be. further, the text lacks diagrams of knots, boats, or trees, and the line drawings promised in the preface failed to appear with the photographs on the web site: https:// pages.shanti.virginia.edu/trees_knots__outriggers/ table-of-contents/ (accessed november 27, 2017). nevertheless, this reader persisted, determined to recognize instructive analogies with mainland papua new guinea ethnobotany. the granny-knot anecdote hints at another feature of damon’s writing, which is the thorough recounting of his discovery process, both in the field and in his travels to meet other scholars at their home institutions and conferences. those who have undertaken similar projects, even on a small scale, will appreciate damon’s discussion of the ethnobotanical discovery process, but it burdens the text with yet more complexity and might better have been discussed in a separate publication, as a memoir or case study on field methods. chapter six describes the internal structure of the anageg, the seagoing outrigger sailing canoe, even now being replaced by dinghy and outboard motor. discussing the construction of mast, outrigger float, keel, strakes, ribs, rudder, and decorative carvings, damon returns to the properties of trees that make them suitable or unsuitable for each part of the boat. again, the scarcity of line drawings makes this difficult going for the landlubber. as an ethnobiologist damon sees himself as the mediator between two sets of experts on trees: the pacific islanders he revisits over a period of forty years, and the botanists in herbaria at harvard and lae who work with his voucher specimens. disagreements among his teachers are recounted, illustrating the variability among individuals in the acquisition of traditional knowledge as well as ecological variability and cultural specialization throughout the northeast kula ring region from the trobriands to muyuw. this specialization enables people to thrive despite the challenges of multi-year variation in the el niño southern oscillation. this is rich data from long and wide-ranging fieldwork and deserving of more analysis and editing into more digestible form. without that, it is likely to remain on the bookshelves of a small set of specialist libraries. anthropological perspectives on tooth morphology: genetics, evolution, variation ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):8‐9. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.298. 8 book review ical chapter written by the late professor turner about his education and training along with the development of the arizona state dental anthropology system (asudas). the first section is composed of papers on genetics and evolution. in the last 20 years, our knowledge of the relationship between genetics and dental morphology has grown exponentially. this section is a welcome new addition, as these authors take on the important issues of developmental genetics, dental ontogeny, and chromosomal nondisjunction. the chapter by guatelli-steinberg is particular noteworthy on understanding phenotypic correlations associated with the carabelli’s trait. the third chapter explores the relationship between sex chromosome genes and tooth formation. the contribution by mizoguchi reports on the correspondence between environmental factors and the expression of morphological traits in the asudas system. to conclude this section, rizk and his colleagues provide a detailed introduction to studies that use geometric morphometric approaches to human tooth morphology highlighting connections between tooth shape and various environmental and developmental factors. in the second section, various authors focus on paleoanthropological research. in past volumes, fossil hominin dental morphology was of secondary importance and these chapters show how far the field has advanced in the past 60 years. the first chapter by schror and wood represents a novel approach to reconstruct the dental morphology in the last common ancestor of humans and apes. they explore the tooth crown morphology of modern humans as well the study of teeth is a diverse topic that has inspired a continuous flow of books in the last few decades. anthropological perspectives on tooth morphology is the latest compilation describing the state of research on the evolution of hominin and human dental morphology. this edited volume stems from a symposium organized by the editors in honor of regents’ professor christy g. turner ii, held at the 2010 annual meeting of the american association of physical anthropologists in albuquerque, new mexico. the standardization of dental nonmetric traits outlined in the arizona state university dental anthropology system (asudas) has been an important foundation for developing studies on dental morphology. the book is highly scholarly, and is an advanced treatment of dental morphology. all of the authors are dental anthropologists or specialists in related fields, most with many years of experience. the publication is composed of 21 chapters. the editors divide the contributions into three general sections: a genetic and evolutionary perspective (part i); fossil hominins and dental morphology (part ii) and a global perspective on recent human dental variation (part iii). some chapters focus on emerging techniques used in evaluating dental morphology including geometric morphometrics (gmm) and microfocal x-ray computed tomography. the volume editors, g. richard scott and joel d. irish, set the stage in their introduction through critical analysis of the history of dental morphology and the role that professor turner played in advancing this field. those looking for previous volumes on variation in modern human dental morphology with more detail may wish to look at scott and turner (1997 and 1988). the second chapter is a detailed autobiographanthropological perspectives on tooth morphology: genetics, evolution, variation g. richard scott and joel d. irish, eds. 2013. cambridge university press, cambridge. 612 pp., 107 black and white illustrations, 8 color illustrations, 47 tables. $120.00 (cloth), $96.00 (ebook). isbn: 978-1-10701-145-8. reviewed by tricia e. owlett reviewer address: department of east asian languages and cultures, stanford archaeology center, stanford university, stanford, ca 94305-2000, usa. email: towlett@stanford.edu received: december 11, 2014 volume: 6(1):8-9 published: march 6, 2015 © 2015 society of ethnobiology ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):8‐9. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.298. 9 book review as extinct and fossil members of extant apes. martintorres and her colleagues further investigate the large sample of middle pleistocene hominin teeth from the site of sima de los huesos (sh) in northern spain. they focus upon finding intrapopulation variability within the earliest example of a hominin population with neanderthal features. in the next chapter, bailey and hublin address the issue of dental modernity by exploring what nonmetric dental traits set homo sapiens apart from earlier species of homo. they argue that it is impossible to list a set of traits that define the “modern” human dentition, as there is such a high degree of dental variation in modern h. sapiens populations. the final chapter in this section explores the potential of microfocal x-ray computed tomography which allows researchers to explore not just the external crown and root surfaces, but also the inside of a tooth. the third section of the book includes a large number of in-depth, specific bioarchaeological studies and presents a global view of variation in recent modern human populations. major geographic locations are covered including africa, europe, east and southeast asia, and the new world. in the course of the next ten chapters topics including peopling of remote islands, population interaction, and migration are discussed. the contributors successfully integrate broader large scale and regional questions of population origins with major evolutionary questions in dental anthropology. the first chapter by irish further expands upon afridonty in subsaharan africa, and scott explores unique features of the basque dentition. hanihara presents a novel approach to support the out of africa model, by utilizing an r-matrix based approach to correlate within group variability with geographic distance. the chapter by stojanowski synthesizes the long history behind studying native american dental morphology and tooth size. some chapters in this section expand upon previous studies, such as lee and zhang’s chapter that represents a concise and clearly formulated update of nonmetric dental traits of previous populations present in china and mongolia. in closing, edgar and ousley’s evaluation of forensic applications highlight the ability of tooth morphology to help identify unknown persons, and burnett and his colleagues illustrate the important potential pitfalls of tooth morphology studies that are related to tooth wear. criticisms of this volume are few. given the relatively high price of the book, some problems with the finished product should be noted. if i have any reservations about this collection of papers, it is that some of the writing is dense and jargon-heavy in some of the chapters, occasionally making lines of argument difficult to follow. despite these problems, the publication has enough interesting content to merit a qualified recommendation. overall, the text is a welcome addition to the literature on dental anthropology. the volume is generally edited to a very high standard, and has a high quality of illustrations distributed throughout the book. it will be of interest to scholars across diverse disciplines, including archaeologists, paleoanthropologists, biologists, and geneticists. ethnobiologists concerned with the role of environmental interactions in the history of human evolution will particularly find this book useful. as an interdisciplinary overview of the state of current knowledge and method in the study of tooth morphology, this book is highly recommended. references cited scott g. r. and turner c.g. ii. 1997. the anthropology of modern human teeth: dental morphology and its variation in recent human populations. cambridge university press, cambridge. scott, g.r. and turner c.g. ii. 1988. dental anthropology. annual review of anthropology. 17:99-126. shells on a desert shore: mollusks in the seri world. cathy moser marlett. 2014. university of arizona press, tucson. 304 pp. $75.00 (hardcover). isbn: 978-0-8165-3068-7. ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):63‐64. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.328. 63 book review part i, “the settings,” invites readers to get to know and familiarize themselves with seri culture, language, and territory. in addition, part i offers a brief section on the author’s background, information resources and data, seri traditional knowledge, and technical notes. part ii, “mollusks in the seri culture,” is perhaps the most robust in terms of how the information is synthesized and presented. here, the reader plunges directly into seri ethnomalacology thanks to the vivid description of numerous biocultural roles that mollusks play within seri culture. starting with a brief explanation of the seri way of naming living kinds, moser marlett makes it clear that many of the taxonomic categories are covert and that seri do not name mollusks as a single taxonomic unit. the most valuable asset of this section is, without question, the intimate understanding of seri ways of naming. seri ethnotaxonomies may not be very descriptive or structured, but are full of remarkably sharp ethological descriptions. when the reader becomes aware that hant quixooa [what plans to fight] is the seri name for hermit crabs, he can only marvel on the profound ecological and intra-specific observations behind such a name. part ii deals with taxonomy and anatomy and subtly incorporates daily life aspects—mythology and folklore, magical practices and mortuary rituals, medicine, food, material culture, trade and commerce, and place names—in which mollusks play a part in seri life. it is a thorough and comprehensive section, yet also an easy to follow ethnography. part iii, “species accounts,” is perhaps the most attractive and conspicuous section. illustrated with many pictures and remarkable drawings, most of which are the author’s work, the section groups all of the mollusks known by the seri into classes— bivalvia, gastropoda, polyplacophora, scaphoda, and cephalopoda—then discusses the ethnomalacology of each of the species included in every class. the the oceans have played a vital role in sustaining human communities since the pre-neolithic era (marean et al. 2007). currently, global annual consumption of seafood amounts to an impressive 107 million tons a year (laurenti 2007). humans have also used marine biota as a source of weapons, tools, adhesives, tanning materials, pigments, adornment, musical instruments, recreation supplies, storage items, shelter, fuel, and medicines (narchi 2011). there are few societies in the americas in which marine ethnobiological knowledge is as vibrant and self-evident as that of the seri people of coastal sonora, mexico. the seri are the southernmost nomadic hunter-gatherer and fishing society in north america. having roamed much of the midriff island area of the sonoran desert for at least 2000 years, their culture is characterized by a seafaring tradition, an extensive use of marine resources, and an overall reservoir of ethnobiological knowledge not commonly found in hunter-gatherer literature. many talented researchers, including alfred l. kroeber, richard felger and gary nabhan, have worked among the seri. yet i cannot think of someone as knowledgeable of seri affairs as author cathy moser marlett. daughter of two linguistic experts on the seri language, cathy has spent long seasons in the seriland since her early childhood not only speaking the language, developing friendships, and experiencing seri culture as it evolves (see moser marlett 2000), but also meeting with many researchers from diverse disciplines who were hosted by her parents, making her a quintessential participant observer from an early age. all of these experiences and acquired skills have helped cathy give us a remarkable book on seri ethnomalacology. the book is divided into three sections, eight appendices and a foreword by desert ethnobotanist richard s. felger. shells on a desert shore: mollusks in the seri world cathy moser marlett. 2014. university of arizona press, tucson. 304 pp. $75.00 (hardcover). isbn: 978-0-8165-3068-7. reviewed by nemer e. narchi 1,2 reviewer address: centro de estudios en geografía humana, el colegio de michoacán, cerro de nahuatzen 85, fracc. jardines del cerro grande, c.p. 59370, la piedad, michoacán, méxico. 2 next generation sonoran desert researchers. email: nenarchi@gmail.com received: january 29, 2015 published: june 23, 2015 volume: 6(1):63-64 © 2015 society of ethnobiology ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):63‐64. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.328. 64 book review section expands, details, and particularizes every aspect of seri ethnomalacology introduced in part ii, and it does so for each of the species included in the volume. i dare to say that if one would be willing to take this volume to the beach, species’ illustrations are so vivid and accurate that it could easily be used for field classification. in a digital era, when all books can be scanned into a single pdf file, roberto calasso (2013) has argued for the vital importance of personalized book covers: seductive images that can create a link between a given author and a diversity of readers. in this regard, the university of arizona press has chosen the perfect image for the book’s dust jacket. the elderly and tanned hands of victoria astorga showing her shell-made pottery tools generate excitement and curiosity without giving away the contents of the book. one thing i find problematic is the feeling that the full potential of the book has not been appreciated by a wider readership. critical praises in the back panel refer to the book as “essential reading for everyone interested in the seri” (e.a. anderson) and “... definitive work on seri mollusks, a subject scarcely scratched by earlier southwest ethnographers” (a.m. rea). while absolutely true, these praises fall short in that the significance of this volume goes beyond the seri or even the southwest. first and foremost, the volume represents a substantial addition to the limited literature on ethnomalacology worldwide; a meager 24 results can be obtained from a search using google scholar, web of science and the university of georgia’s gil database (narchi 2011). second, it contributes to the developing body of knowledge dealing with non-fisheries marine ethnobiology. third, it adds evidence against those views that consider hunter-gatherer ethnomedicinal systems to be limited and unsophisticated. lastly, it is a material example from which seri people can derive a sense of pride in their culture, knowledge, identity and territory. this book represents the accomplishment of a life’s observations and intimate exchange of ideas with seri collaborators and it surely is an important contribution to ethnobiology as a discipline. references cited calasso, r. 2013. l'impronta dell'editore. adelphi edizione, milan, italy. laurenti, g. 2007. fish and fishery products: world apparent consumption statistics based on food balance sheets 1961-2003. food and agriculture organization of the united nations, rome, italy. marean, c. w., m. bar-matthews, j. bernatchez, e. fisher, p. goldberg, a. i. r. herries, z. jacobs, a. jerardino, p. karkanas, t. minichillo, p. j. nilssen, e. thompson and i. watts and h. m. williams. 2007. early human use of marine resources and pigment in south africa during the middle pleistocene. nature 449:905-908. doi: 10.1038/ nature06204. moser marlett, c. 2000. a desemboque childhood. journal of the southwest (seri hands: a special issue) 42:411 -426. narchi, n. e. 2011. one knowledge, two conduits: the social, demographic, and toxicological factors that govern seri ethnomedicine. doctoral dissertation, university of georgia, athens, ga. brazil’s new biodiversity law ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):216‐217. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.562. 216 editorial provisional measure 2186-16 (brazil 2001), which also sought to implement parts of the convention on biological diversity but was overwhelmingly criticized for discouraging biological and ethnobiological research, innovation, and international collaboration (da silva 2015; escobar 2015). in particular, the new law facilitates research and commercialization of products by eliminating federal authorization for most kinds of research and clearly specifying the quantities, beneficiaries, and mechanisms of benefit sharing. in fact, it gives a free pass for past irregularities and noncompliance with provisional measure 2186-16, forgiving applicable fines for activities regularized within one year. differently than the provisional measure 2186-16, which required prior federal authorization to conduct ethnobiological research, the new law stipulates registration through an online system at any time before depositing collections, publishing results, or commercializing products. simply completing this registration is expected to generate an electronic declaration of legal compliance irrespective of whether an endeavor actually follows the spirit of the law or was duly approved by study communities. in other words, compliance will be reduced to an administrative act by the interested researcher, company, or other party. however, until this registry system is designed and implemented along with other provisions of the law, it is unknown at this stage whether additional protections will be incorporated. benefit sharing, which will be tracked in a publicly accessible online system, is to be fixed at 0.1 to 1% of annual net receipts and deposited in a special governmental fund. exemptions and exceptions are contemplated for pre-consumer products, intermediaries, small producers, traditional farmers, and upon special request by interested parties for the sake of economic competitiveness. non-monetary benefit sharing is also allowed. in 1992, 168 countries signed the convention on biological diversity, a multilateral treaty addressing conservation, sustainable use, and benefit sharing of genetic and biodiversity resources. with the exception of the united states, all united nations member states, including brazil, have ratified the treaty. in april 2015 brazil’s legislature passed law 13123, known as the new “biodiversity law” (brazil 2015), which came into effect on november 17, 2015 and regulates the country’s internal mechanisms for complying with the treaty, including measures addressing access to genetic resources and related traditional knowledge, as well as equitable sharing of benefits resulting from their commercial use. the move was applauded by representatives of some important public institutions in brazil as a victory for researchers (da silva 2015) and for indigenous and traditional peoples (tolentino and assis 2015). despite receiving praise from some quarters, the new law may have been enacted through a process marred by major legal oversights, including inadequate previous consultation with indigenous peoples, as required by the international labour organization convention no. 169 on indigenous and tribal peoples (távora et al. 2015). in fact, indigenous and traditional peoples, with the support of many academic societies and international organizations, issued a letter of repudiation arguing that they were not consulted and their interests were insufficiently addressed (ascom/consea 2015). furthermore, since its ratification, statutory implementation stalled late this year, perhaps in part because the country’s indigenous and traditional peoples boycotted the public consultation process. according to cristiane julião of the articulation of indigenous peoples and organizations of the northeast, “they brought us just to say yes. and we said no” (diniz 2015). in some respects, the new biodiversity law seeks to improve upon brazil’s previous biodiversity law, brazil’s new biodiversity law james r. welch author address: escola nacional de saúde pública, fundação oswaldo cruz, rua leopoldo bulhões 1480, rio de janeiro, rj, 20911-300, brazil. email: welch@ensp.fiocruz.br received: december 20, 2015 volume: 6(1):216-217 published: december 21, 2015 © 2015 society of ethnobiology ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):216‐217. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.562. 217 editorial many will be surprised by the new law’s reach, which encompasses all research and use related to genetic information (plant, animal, and microbial species, among others) encountered anywhere within the national territory, continental shelf, territorial sea, or exclusive economic zone. this includes, for example, such diverse types of studies as taxonomy, description of new species, biological inventories, ecology, biogeography, and epidemiology (da silva 2015). access to associated traditional knowledge covered by the law includes not only original research with identifiable peoples and communities, but also studies of information originated from “unidentifiable” populations or obtained from secondary sources, such as publications, inventories, films, and other records. noncompliance with the new law is punishable by fines up to r$100,000 and r$100,000,000 for individuals and businesses, respectively, as well as seizure of collections and products. in addition to provoking strong negative reactions by a long list of indigenous organizations, passage of the new biodiversity law has led to a temporary regulatory quagmire. because law 13123 has yet to be implemented by means of specific decree but nevertheless already revoked provisional measure 2186-16, as of the publication of this editorial there are no specific guidelines or protocols in effect for many aspects of ethnobiological research in the country. consequently, researchers must temporarily operate without knowledge of the requirements to which they will be subjected regarding prior informed consent, project registration, public deposit of findings, and handling of genetic material. criticism aside, there appears to be ample political will to implement brazil’s new biodiversity law. doing so will take time and may lead to further chaos as research, development, and commercialization continue in the absence of specific statutory guidelines. but the real test of the law’s success will be after implementation, when it becomes apparent if its vast scope and lack of protections of indigenous and traditional peoples’ rights lead to abuses. in the meantime, however, researchers can rest assured that the former quasi-criminalization of routine academic research and fair commercial use in brazil is now a thing of the past. references cited ascom/consea. 2015. moção critica projeto sobre a biodiversidade. available at: http:// www4.planalto.gov.br/consea/comunicacao/ noticias/2015/marco/mocao-critica-projeto-sobre-a -biodiversidade. accessed on december 17, 2015. brazil. 2001. medida provisória nº 2.186-16, de 23 de agosto de 2001. available at: http:// www.planalto.gov.br. accessed on december 17, 2015. brazil. 2015. lei nº 13.123, de 20 de maio de 2015. available at: http://www.planalto.gov.br. accessed on december 17, 2015. diniz, m. 2015. ‘nos trouxeram só para dizer sim’, diz indígena sobre a lei da biodiversidade. available at: http://agenciabrasil.ebc.com.br/ direitos-humanos/noticia/2015-10/nos-trouxeramso-para-dizer-sim-diz-indigena-sobre-lei-da. accessed on december 17, 2015. escobar, h. 2015. brazil cuts red tape stifling biodiversity studies. science magazine 348:952-953. doi: 10.1126/science.348.6238.952. silva, m. 2015. a nova lei da biodiversidade e seu impacto na área de pesquisa. available at: http:// agencia.fiocruz.br/nova-lei-da-biodiversidade-e-seuimpacto-na-área-de-pesquisa. accessed on december 17, 2015. távora, f. l., h. j. f. neto, l. m. c. póvoa, k. kässmayer, l. b. g. souza, v. m. pinheiro, f. basile, and d. m. n. carvalho. comentários à lei nº 13.123, de 20 de maio de 2015: novo marco regulatório do uso da biodiversidade (texto para discussão nº 184). núcleo de estudos e pesquisas/ conleg/senado, brasília. available at: http:// www.senado.leg.br/estudos. accessed on: december 17, 2015. tolentino, l., and l. assis. 2015. sancionado o marco legal da biodiversidade. available at: http:// www.mma.gov.br. accessed on december 17, 2015. biosketch james r. welch is associate professor of human ecology and health at the national school of public health, rio de janeiro, and co-editor of ethnobiology letters. his anthropological research focuses on the interface between environment, culture, and health among indigenous peoples in brazil. camels in asia and north africa: interdisciplinary perspectives on their past and present significance   book review  ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 129‐131. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.261. 129  that the two camels have separate ancestors and that their separation is of significantly greater antiquity than the holocene timescale of human domestications (chapter by burger; ji et al. 2009). burger reviews the genetic evidence for the origins of the domestic camels, and highlights the advances being made in our understanding of these processes. this chapter covers a lot of ground, but the treatment occasionally feels a little too concise, for example burger hints at the modern mitochondrial dna evidence for dromedaries pointing to ‘two domestication scenarios’, but does not elaborate on what these are. the hybridization of the one-humped and twohumped camels by humans is the subject of faye and konuspayeva’s chapter. in a fascinating short study, they detail the social and economic significance of camel hybridization in modern kazakhstan. four chapters discuss aspects of the current populations of wild two-humped camels (c. ferus) in central asia. these are critically endangered, surviving only in small numbers in four discrete areas. the human impact on, and conservation challenges of, these animals are discussed by yadamsuren et al., lei et al., walzer et al., and silbermayr and burger. hybridization with the very large surrounding domestic population is one very serious threat to the wild camels, which has been recorded as deliberately initiated on occasion to improve the fitness of domestic stock (silbermayr and burger). the bactrian camel (c. bactrianus) is the subject of three chapters. returning to the difficult question of domestication, trinks et al. report analyses of mitochondrial dna of both archaeological and modern camels and argue that low genetic diversity in this volume is concerned with the old world camels: the extant population of wild two-humped camels (camelus ferus przewalski camelidae), the domestic two-humped bactrian camel (camelus bactrianus linnaeus camelidae), and the domestic one-humped dromedary (camelus dromedaries linneaus camelidae). it stems from an international conference organised by the two editors of the volume in 2010 at the austrian academy of sciences. conceived as a truly interdisciplinary meeting, this publication brings this approach to fruition in a rich and diverse account of the past, present, and indeed future, of camel-human relationships. the volume is composed of 26 chapters which, excluding the introduction by knoll and afterword by bulliet, are divided across four main sections. the first section of the book consists of three chapters dealing with the relationships between the old world camels, and in particular the origins and relationships of the domestic forms. this has long been an enigmatic question, in part due to the sketchy archaeological record. in the past, some scholars have argued that the two old world domestic camels were both descended from only one wild form, the two humped camel, based on the absence of a modern wild one-humped camel, the fact that bactrian camels and dromedaries produce fertile offspring when crossed, and observations in the late 19th century c.e. by l. lombardini that dromedaries passed through a two-humped stage in their embryonic development. this notion is now, however, convincingly refuted. the chapter by knospe et al. presents a study of foetal hump development that disproves the idea that dromedaries pass through a two-humped stage in their development. also, genetic studies show camels in asia and north africa: interdisciplinary perspec ves on their past and present significance eva‐maria  knoll  and  pamela  burger,  eds.  2012.  verlag  der  österreichischen  akademie  der  wissenscha en  (austrian  academy  of  sciences  press),  wien  (vienna).  pp.  298,  111  colour  illustra ons,  33  black‐and‐white  illustra ons. €45.00 (paperback). isbn 978‐3‐7001‐7244‐4.  reviewed by robin bendrey reviewer address: department of archaeology, university of reading, whiteknights box 226, reading, rg6 6ab, uk.  r.bendrey@reading.ac.uk  received: october 2, 2014  volume: 5:129‐131  published: november 13, 2014    © 2014 society of ethnobiology   book review  ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 129‐131. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.261. 130  the modern domestic populations supports the idea of a single camel domestication centre. although the geographic origins of the domestic bactrian camel are still unclear, what is certain now from the dna evidence is that they did not descend from the extant wild c. ferus population, but from a separate twohumped ancestor (see also ji et al. 2009). moving from their population biology, to their social significance, two chapters – by lang and by chuluunbaatar – discuss the place of the camel in mongolian culture. by far the largest section of the book is committed to domestic dromedaries, starting with an up-todate summary of the zooarchaeological evidence for their domestication by h-p and m uerpmann. this is an excellent critical account of the subject, reflecting the substantial and long-term contribution of these authors to the archaeology of the arabian peninsula. the result is a robust understanding of when domestic dromedaries appear in southeast arabia, although we still do not have a good handle on precisely where, when and why dromedaries were first domesticated. other chapters further develop the history of dromedary use as transport animals in arabia. dostal’s thought provoking reflection links dromedary anatomy, riding technology and the regional significance of the bedouin in warfare and long distance trade. heiss considers south arabian camel caravans and in particular the 10th century ce accounts of al-hasan al-hamdānī who describes the equitable communal organization of caravans, which could consist of thousands of camels stretching over several miles. providing nuanced interpretations of ethnographic observations from the tihāma, in southwest arabia, gingrich identifies the essential roles of dromedaries in transport, powering wells and mills, and, importantly, symbolism. the significance of dromedaries to diverse modern human economies is reflected in a range of further contributions to this section: dromedary husbandry and use in syria (by tabbaa) and pakistan (by iqbal); camel milk production and use, in chapters by dioli and also younan and mwangi, and milk shelf life (by zubeir); and bakhsh et al. consider the position of both camel milk and urine in arabian folk medicine. ethnography also makes a significant contribution to the book, with fischer’s study of the imuhar nomads (also known as the tuareg) of south algeria, and varisco’s chapter on the ethnobotany of camel diet. abdussamad et al. present a photo-essay on camel phenotypes, reproduction and foetal wastage, and herd health in the nigeria-niger corridor: these are significant issues for boosting camelrearing here and improving food security. diverse other aspects are also considered, for example, tourist camel trekking in jordan’s desert area (chapter by shunnaq and shunnaq). as an interdisciplinary overview of the state of current knowledge and method in the study of the past and present old world camels, this book is highly recommended. it will be of interest to scholars across diverse disciplines, including archaeologists, historians, biologists, cultural anthropologists and conservationists. although some studies have been published before, it does represent a unique resource collected together in one place. the volume is generally edited to a very high standard, and has rich and copious colour illustrations, which although divorced from the text as a separate section at the back of the book add significantly to the volume in the diversity and quality of illustrations. as bulliet points out in his afterword to the volume, unlike the other old world major domestic ungulates that have spread around the globe, camel husbandry and use is largely restricted to its native habitats and those areas that share similar climatic extremes. bulliet argues that the economic utility of camels derives from their outstanding strength, tractability and stamina and their adaptation to extremely arid environments; but that the greater costs, in terms of human investment, of raising the slow-maturing dromedary in non-desert habitats, compared to other faster maturing domestic animals (see wilson 184, 135-136), makes them economically uncompetitive in these environments. this pragmatic blend of economic and ecological perspectives in explaining the modern distribution and use of camels links in with increasing understanding of the biogeography of human-animal relationships in the holocene (e.g. bendrey 2014; manning et al. 2012). understanding these processes in the longue durée has significant modern relevance for diverse communities contending with ensuring food security from pastoral farming in the face of changing regional climates (e.g. kayunyu and wanjohi 2014). this book represents an excellent starting point for the next wave of camel research. the volume highlights the vital role of old world camels in the human past and present – in particular in regional food production and transport contributions to warfare and long-distance trade and communication –   book review  ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 129‐131. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.261. 131  and also potential contributions for the future. although the role of camels as transport animals is reduced in the modern world due to the rise of motorized transport, they clearly remain a powerful cultural icon. it is particularly in their adaptation to arid environments that their husbandry still holds great significance for human food production in marginal environments. references cited bendrey, r. 2014. population genetics, biogeography, and domestic horse origins and diffusions. journal of biogeography 41: 1441-1442. ji, r., p. cui, f. ding, j. geng, h. gao, h. zhang, j. yu, s. hu, and h. meng. 2009. monophyletic origin of domestic bactrian camel (camelus bactrianus) and its evolutionary relationship with the extant wild camel (camelus bactrianus ferus). animal genetics 40: 377–382. kagunyu, a.w. and j. wanjohi. 2014. camel rearing replacing cattle production among the borana community in isiolo county of northern kenya, as climate variability bites. pastoralism, 4(1): 1-5. manning, k., s. downey, s. colledge, j. conolly, k. stopp and s. shennan. 2013. the origins and spread of stock-keeping: the role of cultural and environmental influences on early neolithic animal exploitation in europe. antiquity 87: 1046-1059 wilson, r. t. 1984, the camel. longman, london and new york. reconstructing meat consumption through biomarker analyses of paleofeces ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):111-113. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.401. 111 mini-review ceramics from other contexts) tested negative. from this study, it is evident that future use of myoglobin analysis in paleofecal studies could offer broader insights into animal resources that were incorporated into prehistoric diet. recent advances in stable isotope analysis may also allow for dietary reconstruction from paleofeces. isotopic analysis of paleofeces has not been frequently applied in archaeological studies, but isotope ratios from modern feces show seasonal variability and dietary shifts on a shorter timescale in comparison to the early-life signature of teeth and the long-term signature of bone (blumenthal et al. 2002; kuhnle et al. 2013). in contrast to teeth and bone, feces represent only a day or two in the life of the animal (kuhnle et al. 2013). meat consumption is reflected in isotopic signatures based on trophic level enrichments. carbon becomes fixed in plant tissues and is absorbed by consumers; further up the food chain 13c becomes more enriched relative to 12c. although δ15n can vary between plant species based on nitrogen origin, δ15n primarily rises with increasing trophic levels, so that animals and fish have enriched 15n. however, given the increased complexity of marine food chains, fish are more enriched in 15n than terrestrial animals, so that the relative representation of fish and meat in diet can be difficult to assess using isotopic studies. a modern dietary study demonstrated that it is possible to differentiate between fish diets and mixed fish and meat diets using stable δ15n and δ13c isotopes analyses from fecal material, although the researchers paleofeces provide some of the most precise and unambiguous evidence for diet in archaeological research, as they allow researchers to directly identify digested remains of dietary constituents. furthermore, parasite eggs, human dna, and other contents of paleofeces can inform about individual health and life histories. radiocarbon dating can directly link these data to a temporal scale (jenkins et al. 2012). this review discusses the potential application of three biomarkers found in paleofeces—myoglobin, stable isotopes, and dna—that can be used to reconstruct meat consumption in the archaeological record. several biomolecules can indicate meat consumption, but perhaps the least understood of these is myoglobin. myoglobin is an oxygen and iron binding protein found exclusively in skeletal and cardiac muscle; therefore, it can only be incorporated into feces by ingestion or due to severe health issues. myoglobin can often be identified to the genus or species level, and is used in modern food studies to identify the contents of meat products. a groundbreaking archaeological study performed by marlar and colleagues (2000) used enzyme-linked immunosorbent assay (elisa) on a cooking pot sherd and a human paleofecal sample from cowboy wash pueblo, colorado to confirm a suspected case of cannibalism. both the paleofeces and the cooking pot tested positive for human myoglobin, indicating human muscle tissue had been cooked and consumed. all control samples (including comparative modern human fecal samples, human paleofeces, and reconstructing meat consumption through biomarker analyses of paleofeces jenna m. battillo 1* and abigail e. fisher 1 author addresses: 1 department of anthropology, southern methodist university, 3225 daniel avenue, heroy hall, room 408, dallas, tx 75205-1437, usa. * corresponding author: jbattillo@smu.edu received: may 6, 2015 volume: 6(1):111-113 published: august 25, 2015 © 2015 society of ethnobiology abstract: this mini-review outlines three underutilized approaches for studying meat-based biomarkers in archaeological paleofeces that we expect will increase in significance within the field. myoglobin, stable isotope, and adna analyses all have untapped potential to inform meat-based dietary constituents. keywords: paleodietary analysis, dna, stable isotope analysis, myoglobin, meat consumption, coprolites, paleofeces ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):111-113. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.401. 112 mini-review were unable to differentiate between purely terrestrialbased meat diets and diets containing meat and fish (kuhnle et al. 2013). the ability conferred through isotopic analysis of paleofeces to distinguish between terrestrial and marine-based diets holds important implications for human behavioral shifts (e.g., the neolithic revolution). stable isotope analysis can be used to investigate diet and environment directly, but they can also be used in a more indirect way to study cultural practices related to meat consumption, such as changes in animal husbandry (e.g., fisher and thomas 2012). paleofecal analyses of cattle dung and human feces from the same cultural context could link dietary changes in cattle to patterns of human consumption. for example, they can offer a more nuanced view of changes in cattle tending, including changes in seasonality that would likely be missed using bone or teeth. as such, isotopic analyses of fecal material could offer an untapped source of information on diet and cultural treatment of animals for archaeologists. digested remains of meat often cannot be identified through visual assessment, so dna can serve as an invaluable source of information on specific animal resources in diet. both traditional pcr and high-throughput sequencing have been used in multiple ecological studies of modern animals to identify dietary remains from feces (deagle et al. 2010; mallott et al. 2015). recent advances in highthroughput dna sequencing technologies allow simultaneous testing for numerous taxa in a single sample while using smaller dna fragments. these studies have changed the way that ecological and primatological studies of diet are being conducted (e.g., mallott et al. 2015) and have the potential to contribute similarly to archaeological studies. recent archaeological studies have demonstrated that paleofeces often contain analyzable dna from dietary contents (e.g., battillo et al. 2014; poinar et al. 2001). both poinar et al. (2001) and battillo et al. (2014) successfully extracted mitochondrial dna (mtdna) using traditional pcr to study animal constituents from archaeological paleofeces in hinds cave, texas and turkey pen ruin, utah, respectively. the hinds cave human paleofeces yielded mtdna from three animal taxa as well as chloroplast dna from eight plant families. several turkey pen ruin paleofeces also yielded mtdna from mammalian species and one sample tested positive for turkey (meleagris sp. linnaeus phasianidae) mtdna, as well. although there were a number of turkey paleofeces and remains in the same midden, the single positive result for turkey dna suggests that dna crosscontamination was unlikely and probably indicates a rare instance of turkey consumption at this site. dna leaching through sediments has been demonstrated (haile et al. 2007), but work by jenkins and colleagues (2012) at paisley caves, oregon showed that leaching is not universal, and demonstrated the validity of associating dna with a specific paleofecal sample within rock shelter settings. biomolecular analyses of paleofeces have been underused in studying diet in archaeology. myoglobin, stable isotopes, and dna analyses of paleofeces allow for increased precision in dietary studies through greater species-specific differentiation. our focus has been on ways to identify the meat portion of human diet, but biomolecular methods should be equally effective when applied to plant remains, and we believe they will greatly enhance archaeological understanding of prehistoric diet. references cited battillo, j. m., k. lupo, j. mata-miguez, d. bolnick, w. d. lipe and r. g. matson. 2014. no bones about it: adna sequencing of dietary remains from human paleofeces. paper presented at the 12th international conference of archaeozoology (icaz). san rafael, argentina. doi:10.13140/ rg.2.1.4842.2241. blumenthal, s. a., k. l. chritz, j. m. rothman and t. e. cerling. 2012. detecting intraannual dietary variability in wild mountain gorillas by stable isotope analysis of feces. proceedings of the national academy of sciences of the united states of america 109 (52):21277-21282. doi:10.1073/pnas.1215782109. deagle, b. e., a. chiaradia, j. mcinnes and s. n. jarman. 2010. pyrosequencing faeces dna to determine diet of little penguins: is what goes in what comes out? conservation genetics 11:2039–2048. doi:10.1007/s10592-010-0096-6. fisher, a. e. and r. thomas. 2012. isotopic and zooarchaeological investigation of later medieval and post-medieval cattle husbandry at dudley castle, west midlands. environmental archaeology 17 (2):151-167. doi:10.1179/1461410312z.00000000013. haile, j., r. holdaway, k. oliver, m. bunce, m. thomas, p. gilbert, r. nielsen, k. munch, s. y. w. ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):111-113. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.401. 113 mini-review ho, b. shapiro and e. willerslev. 2007. ancient dna chronology within sediment deposits: are paleobiological reconstructions possible and is dna leaching a factor? molecular biology and evolution 24(4):982–989. doi:10.1093/molbev/ msm016. jenkins, d. l., l. g. davis, t. w. stafford jr, p. f. campos, b. hockett, g. t. jones, l. scott cummings, c. yost, t. j. connolly, r. m. yohe ii, s. c. gibbons, m. raghavan, m. rasmussen, j. l. a. paijmans, m. hofreiter, b. m. kemp, j. l. barta, c. monroe, m. t. p. gilbert and e. willerslev. 2012. clovis age western stemmed projectile points and human coprolites at the paisley caves. science 337 (6091):223-8. doi:10.1126/science.1218443. kuhnle, g. g., a. m. joosen, c. j. kneale and t. c. o’connell. 2013. carbon and nitrogen isotopic ratios of urine and faeces as novel nutritional biomarkers of meat and fish intake. european journal of nutrition 52(1):389-395. doi:10.1007/ s00394-012-0328-2. mallott, e. k., r. s. malhi and p. a. garber. 2015. brief communication: high-throughput sequencing of fecal dna to identify insects consumed by wild weddell’s saddleback tamarins (saguinus weddelli, cebidae, primates) in bolivia. american journal of physical anthropology 156(3):474-481. doi:10.1002/ajpa.22654. marlar, r. a., b. l. leonard, b. r. billman, p. m. lambert and j. e. marlar. 2000. biochemical evidence of cannibalism at a prehistoric puebloan site in southwestern colorado. nature 407:74–78. doi:10.1038/35024064. poinar, h. n., m. kuch, k. d. sobolik, i. barnes, a. b. stankiewicz, t. kuder, w. g. spaulding, v. m. bryant, a. cooper and s. pääbo. 2001. a molecular analysis of dietary diversity for three archaic native americans. proceedings of the national academy of sciences of the united states of america 98(8):43174322. doi:10.1073/pnas.061014798. biosketches jenna m. battillo is a ph.d. candidate in the department of anthropology at southern methodist university. her research focuses on paleodietary reconstruction using paleofeces from cedar mesa, utah. abigail e. fisher is a ph.d. student in the department of anthropology at southern methodist university. her current research uses stable isotope and zooarchaeological analyses to study mechanisms of state collapse in south africa. ethnobiology letters editorial letter 81 letter from the editors an interview with ethnobiologist dr. elizabeth widjaja cynthia fowler and amy pittsenbarger author address: wofford college, department of sociology, spartanburg, south carolina 29303 ethnobiologyletters@gmail.com received: december 7 th 2011 volume: 2:81-84 published: december 11 th 2011 © 2011 society of ethnobiology in this letter from the editors that caps the second volume of ethnobiology letters, we are honored and excited to introduce you to dr. elizabeth anita widjaja who currently works as a senior researcher in the botany division of the indonesian institute of sciences and is affiliated with the herbarium bogoriense. she served as director of the plant resources of south east asia (prosea) between 2004 and 2008. the purpose behind our design of this letter from the editors is to present an interview with dr. elizabeth widjaja and to spread the word about a successful female ethnobiologist from a developing country. photo 1 by elizabeth widjaja. gigantochloa atroviolacea widjaja poaceae. elizabeth first came to our attention on february 5th, 2011 when she delivered the presentation, “economic botany from the herbarium amboinense to the plant resources of southeast asia.” elizabeth’s presentation was her contribution to the posthumous celebration of professor e.m. beekman’s life during which his translation of georgius everhardus rumphius’ legendary the ambonese herbal, volumes 1-6 (2011, yale university press) was unveiled and he was awarded the ntbg david fairchild medal for plant exploration. this event occurred on the miami campus of the national tropical botanical gardens (ntgb), which is known affectionately as the kampong, meaning “village” in the family of malay languages that includes elizabeth’s bahasa indonesia. elizabeth was born in the kudus regency in central java province. she received her undergraduate education at the university padjadjaran in bandung. her m.sc. and ph.d. are from the university of birmingham, england. among the awards elizabeth has received for her scholarship are the best young scientist from the indonesian institute of sciences in 1996-1997, the world biodiversity day award from the state ministry of environment in 1999, the indonesian president award in 2004, the harsberger medal from india’s society of the ethnobotanists in 2001, and an award in 2010 for 30 years of service to the indonesian government. widjaja participates in the international cooperative biodiversity group, which involves her indonesian partners and their colleagues at the university of california campuses at davis, berkeley, and san francisco. bamboo captures most of elizabeth’s attention. she has studied the taxonomy, propagation, genetics, ethnobotany, and folk classification of bamboo. she is particularly knowledgeable about malesian and indonesia types of bamboo. elizabeth is the authority for numerous species of bamboo, including her favorite gigantochloa atroviolaceae widjaja poaceae. this indonesian species, known by the common name “black mailto:ethnobiologyletters@gmail.com http://www.lipi.go.id/ http://yalepress.yale.edu/book.asp?isbn=9780300153767 http://yalepress.yale.edu/book.asp?isbn=9780300153767 ethnobiology letters editorial letter 82 bamboo” is portrayed in photo 1. black bamboo is elizabeth’s favorite species because of its beauty and its utility for furniture construction. elizabeth’s second favorite species is dendrocalamus asper (schultes f.) backer ex heyne poaceae. she likes this species because of its, “large size and tasty young shoots which can be used as vegetables.” (see photos 2 and 4.) we explore dr. widjaja’s interest in bamboo and other topics related to her life as an ethnobotanist in the following transcript of our interview with her. dr. cynthia fowler (cf): talk about your work in the field of ethnobotany. dr. elizabeth widjaja (ew): my interest in bamboo began in 1975 with a study of bamboo musical instruments in west java. back then, i realized that indonesians do not pay much attention to bamboo, because it is so commonplace for them. in other areas of ethnobotany, i have studied folk classifications of local rice and bananas in the northern region of eastern kalimantan. cf: how would you describe the ethnobotanical significance of bamboo in indonesia? ew: indonesians on java, bali, lombok, and elsewhere use bamboo in thousands of ways. the torajanese of south sulawesi, for example, use bamboo to make roofs for their homes. torajanese use bamboo to mark almost every phase of life, from birth until death. they use the stems, roots, and leaves of bamboo. cf: how is bamboo used when people die? what communities use bamboo for funeral ceremonies? ew: bamboo biers are constructed to carry corpses to the graveyards. the balinese wait several days before cremating family members’ corpses. balinese funeral ceremonies sometimes occur weeks or months after a person’s death. a special species of bamboo – the yellow variety of schizostachyum brachycladum kurz poaceae (photo 3) – is used to catch the water that leaks from decaying corpses when the cremation or burial of the body is delayed. cf: please describe the use of bamboo in the birth of children. ew: midwives cut the umbilical cords of newborns with slices of bamboo. many indonesian communities, including the javanese, sundanese, balinese, and melayu, use this practice. cf: do you have any bamboo in your home or office? ew: i used to have items made out of black bamboo (gigantochloa atroviolacea) but they were worn out after more than twenty-five years of use. currently, my home garden is only 2 x 5 meters, so i grow bamboo in containers. several species are growing there. one that i recently planted is a climbing bamboo and i am waiting for it to flower. thyrsostachys siamensis gamble poaceae, bambusa multiplex (lour.) raeusch. ex schult. & schult. f. poaceae, and melocanna baciffera (roxb.) kurz poaceae are also growing in my garden. photo 2 by elizabeth widjaja. dendrocalamus asper (schultes f.) backer ex heyne poaceae. cf: how would you describe your day-to-day life as an indonesian ethnobotanist? ew: [i am] a senior researcher. i have a lot of meetings. when i am not in meetings, i do research in the herbarium or i work in my office on proposals and manuscripts. cf: what professional meetings have you attended recently? ew: i mostly attend meetings about bamboo. i am interested in any sort of meeting about bamboo. sometimes i am not able to attend conferences because the registration fees are too expensive and i have no funding to pay for my travel and accommodation expenses. the most recent conference i attended was the rhumphius celebration [at the ntbg kampong in ethnobiology letters editorial letter 83 miami]. i have attended the flora malesiana symposium where we discussed the revision of flora in the malesia and i presented a paper on the flora of mekongga mountains in southeast sulawesi. another meeting i have attended was for the association for tropical biology and conservation where i presented a paper about the loss of floral diversity on java. cf: what are the most critical issues in the ethnobotany of indonesia today? ew: medicinal plants, natural dyes, and traditional knowledge concerning the conservation of nature are all current issues in indonesia. elizabeth has written two books about bamboo plus over seventy-five papers about her varied research interests. a selective list of her publications appears below. to conclude our letter from the editors for volume 2 of ethnobiology letters we reprint this quote in which widjaja describes her observations in 1977 of torajan funeral ceremonies. “when a torajanese dies, a kind of undertaker called tomabalun will prepare the body for the ma’ dio’ tomate ceremony (tangdilintin 1975). first he will make a mixture of various herbs for spicing and perfuming the water to be used in bathing and smearing the body or pouring into the mouth of the deceased (wellenkamp 1984). the herbs used by one of the tomabaluns consist of leaves of lemo (citrus hystrix dc) and young leaves of coconut (cocos nucifera l.) and banana (musa paradisiaca l.) which are boiled in water. other tomabaluns many use different kinds of plants, such as the rind of pangi (pangium edule reinw.), the powdery substance obtained from the inner part of the culm of bamboo petung [dendrocalamus asper (schult. f.) backer ex heyne], and also powder made of buffalo horn. wellenkamp (1984) reported the use of dambu (psidium guajava l.) during washing of the body. bathing of the corpse has a dual purpose: to purify it and to embalm it for long-term preservation. herbs and other material or secret formulas used in preparing the corpse but not disclosed to me by the tomabalun apparently have preservative properties…” (widjaja 1988:251). photo 3 by elizabeth widjaja. schizostachyum brachycladum var. kuning kurz poaceae. references cited & selected bibliography widjaja, elizabeth. 1980. the angklung and other west javanese bamboo musical instruments. in bamboo research in asia: proceedings of a workshop held in singapore, 28-30 may 1980, edited by gilles lessard and amy chouinard, pp. 201-4. international development research centre, ottawa. widjaja, elizabeth. 1988. ethnobotany of the funeral ceremony of the torajanese. economic botany. 42(2):250-254. widjaja, elizabeth. 1995. document on bamboo genetic resources in indonesia. report of fao project no. 94729. herbarium bogoriense, bogor. widjaja, elizabeth. 1997a. jenis-jenis bambu endemik dan konservasinya di indonesia. prosiding seminar nasional biology xv. pbi and universitas lampung, lampung. widjaja, elizabeth. 1997b. konservasi flora bambu indonesia. paper presented in the syposium of botanical gardens, bogor. widjaja, elizabeth. 1998. state of the art of indonesian bamboo. in bamboo: conservation, diversity, ecogeography, germplasm, resource utilization, and taxonomy, edited by a.n. rao and v. ramanath rao. international plant genetic research institute, regional office for asia, ethnobiology letters editorial letter 84 the pacific, and oceania, malaysia. available at http://www2.bioversityinternational.org/publications/ web_version/572/ch26.htm. accessed on december 8, 2011. widjaja, elizabeth and sri nurani kartikasari. 2001. identikit jenis-jenis bambu di jawa. puslitbang biologilipi, bogor. widjaja, elizabeth and sri nurani kartikasari. 2001. identikit jenis-jenis bambu di kepulauan sunda kecil. puslitbang biologi-lipi, bogor. tabata, yasunori, elizabeth widjaja, tri mulyaningsih, ir parman, harry wiriadinata, y.i. mandang and takao itoh. 2003. structural survey and artificial induction of aloeswood. bulletin of the wood research institute. 90: 1112. widjaja, elizabeth, inggit astuti and ida arinasa. 2004. new species of bamboos (poaceae-bambusoideae) from bali. reinwardtia 12(2):199-204. photo 4 by elizabeth widjaja. d. asper. http://www2.bioversityinternational.org/publications/web_version/572/ch26.htm http://www2.bioversityinternational.org/publications/web_version/572/ch26.htm winds from the north: tewa origins and historical anthropology   book review  ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 132‐134. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.278. 132  were slowly incorporated into endemic culture. the population movement hypothesis envisions a rapid large-scale migration from mesa verde into the northern rio grande. ortman sets out to assess which hypothesis is best supported by the new lines of historic and prehistoric evidence that are revealed throughout the book. winds from the north is comprised of 14 chapters that progressively lead the reader through each line of evidence that informs ortman’s final conclusion. chapter 1 is dedicated to situating the reader within the existing body of knowledge on tewa origins. basically, this chapter serves to answer the question: what research has been done on this topic in the past and what is the most recent work? it is, therefore, a valuable compendium of resources for anyone researching tewa culture. chapter 2 orients the reader with regard to the theoretical underpinnings of the rest of the book. ortman describes the evolutionary perspective he uses to research genes, language, and culture. he draws from durham (1991) to set up the prerequisites needed to assume that each one of these human systems produces descent with modification. ortman is abundantly clear that each line of evidence―genes, language, and culture―must be evaluated on its own merits and must not be bundled with the other systems. he then goes on to delineate the three hypotheses of tewa origins mentioned above and sets up expectations for each (table 2.3). in chapter 3 the author begins evaluating each hypothesis and situates the reader into a body of literature on modeling past populations in the tewa basin. strengths and weaknesses of past approaches are assessed and are used in chapter 4 to build a new model that utilizes a regional stratified sampling technique. that is, ortman uses topography, historical for decades, the origin of the tewa, one of the culturally affiliated groups in the northern rio grande region of new mexico, has fascinated southwestern anthropologists and archaeologists. it has long been postulated that the northern rio grande was an important area of immigration after the depopulation of the mesa verde region in southwestern colorado (ca. a.d. 1300). the initial line of evidence for this interpretation was an apparent decrease in population density in the mesa verde region alongside a corresponding increase in the northern rio grande at roughly the same time. this interpretation, however, has been questioned due to a lack of distinct mesa verde material culture in the northern rio grande after a.d. 1300. understanding what happened to the people of mesa verde after depopulation is important for ethnobiology for a number of reasons. one major, though broad, reason is to understand past human response to environmental uncertainty, which characterized this time period in the american southwest. undoubtedly, this issue is increasingly relevant in the context of contemporary worldwide environmental change. in the book winds from the north: tewa origins and historical anthropology, scott ortman’s objective is to sort out the “puzzle of tewa origins” (p. 1) using new lines of historic and prehistoric evidence. to initiate this process, ortman describes the three leading hypotheses concerning tewa origins: 1) the in situ development hypothesis, 2) the immigration hypothesis, and 3) the population movement hypothesis. the in situ hypothesis is characterized by intrinsic growth among the people that already occupied the northern rio grande before a.d. 1300. the immigration hypothesis claims that small bands of mesa verde people immigrated into the northern rio grande and winds from the north: tewa origins and historical anthropology sco  g. ortman. 2012. the university of utah press, salt lake city. pp. 520, 51 illustra ons, 25 maps, 54 tables.  $70.00 (hardcover). isbn  978‐1‐60781‐172‐5.  reviewed by jonathan dombrosky reviewer address: university of north texas, department of geography, 1155 union circle #305279, denton, tx 76203  jonathan.dombrosky@unt.edu received: march 5, 2014  volume: 5:132‐134  published: november 13, 2014    © 2014 society of ethnobiology   book review  ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 132‐134. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.278. 133  accounts, and the archaeological record to break the tewa basin into five unique geographic regions. this is significant because each region exhibits population trends that differ from the overall tewa basin trend, especially in the pajarito and cochiti regions. regarding migration from mesa verde, the population history model ortman uses for the pajarito and cochiti areas aligns with the population movement hypothesis because populations started increasing there, largely in previously unsettled areas, before increasing in the rest of the tewa basin. chapter 5 assesses and utilizes craniometric data to model past genetic relationships of people in the four corners region through time. first, ortman seeks to understand past genetic distances within populations of the four corners. close genetic distance is established between mesa verde and post a.d. 1275 pajarito and chama populations. then, ortman explores the patterns of gene flow within populations of the tewa basin. his results indicate that there was little gene flow among the pajarito, chama, and tano populations and a greater amount of gene flow between the cochiti and santa fe populations. in other words, post-1275 populations in the pajarito and chama areas are closely related to inhabitants of the mesa verde region and had received little genetic input from other northern rio grande populations. importantly, he concludes that genetic drift does not account for the observed patterns in these areas. lastly, ortman is interested in understanding the relative genetic contribution of possible migrants and existing populations to postabandonment populations in the tewa basin. through admixture analysis, he shows that the genetic structure of post-abandonment populations meets the expected genetic contribution of migrants and locals based off of modeled population sizes. chapters 6 through 8 address three questions about the linguistic history of the kiowa-tanoan language family (of which tewa is one): “how long has tewa been a distinctive language? how long can this language be documented as having been spoken in the tewa basin? and what aspects of the tewa language might one expect to see expressed in material culture of ancestral tewa speakers, and where and when do we see them” (p. 125)? briefly, ortman’s results, based on animal names, plant names, object names, place names, place lore, and oral tradition, indicate that tewa became a distinct language between a.d. 920 and 980, but not necessarily within the northern rio grande. ortman favors the population movement hypothesis and sees mesa verde as the primary location of tewa ethnogenesis; thus his approach is to analyze the presence or absence of names related to places either in the northern rio grande or in mesa verde. he determines that there is an absence of northern rio grande place-related terms, suggesting that tewa did not originate there. he postulates that tewa language was not situated geographically in the northern rio grande until a.d. 1240 to 1280. to further this argument, ortman moves beyond the previous “standard approaches” (p. 204) to introduce the contemporary cognitive science theory of conceptual metaphor. according to ortman, identifying conceptual metaphors in past societies can illuminate their worldviews, constructed in particular times and places. ortman argues that given certain aspects of mesa verde material culture (i.e., architectural plans and pottery designs) archaeologists can infer conceptual metaphors that framed everyday tewa life. he refers to the remnants of these metaphors as dead metaphors and analyzes the tewa language accordingly. chapters 11 through 13 address material culture directly. chapter 11 serves to situate the reader into the current literature of population movement and ultimately reframes how archaeologists can pick up on these signals. chapter 12 addresses the material culture of the mesa verde region and explicates the “push factors” that are associated with people leaving this region at a.d. 1300. chapter 13 introduces new ways of looking at material culture, derived from chapter 11 but with particular reference to the tewa basin. one salient example is that of smearedindented-corrugated utility ware. ortman shows that around a.d. 1050 to 1200 corrugated pottery was similar in the mesa verde and tewa basin. however, in the mid 1200’s the same corrugated pottery process was being done in the tewa basin but with an extra step; the exterior of corrugated pottery was being smeared away. therefore, the question becomes why would people take extra steps in the pottery making process only to erase what those extra steps accomplished? finally, chapter 14 serves to quickly summarize results from the previous chapters and then assesses them with regard to the expectations elicited in chapter 2. ortman explains that his analysis best supports the population movement hypothesis and least supports the in situ development hypothesis.   book review  ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 132‐134. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.278. 134  though he is clear in this chapter (and throughout the book) that his conclusions are not irrefutable, he argues that population movement away from mesa verde was integral to the ethnogenesis of the tewa people. he suggests that the collapse of the mesa verde society elicited a largely religious migration into the northern rio grande to escape the hegemonic structures and institutions to the west. ortman terms this the “religious revolution model of tewa ethnogenesis” (p. 361). ortman also advances the historical account of the pueblo revolt to bolster his argument. using this example, he suggests that, “the ideology of the pueblo revolt can thus be characterized as one of a return to a state of bodily satisfaction through the overthrow of the dominant fraction, destruction of items related to the religion of that fraction, the abandonment of villages in which the religion of the dominant fraction had been practiced, and the readoption of the way of life of an earlier period” (p. 363). by analogy, ortman uses this example to explain the absence of mesa verde material culture in the tewa basin after a.d. 1300, by suggesting that the mesa verde people would revert to the “old ways” of making materials as a way to distance themselves from their more recent past. smearing the exterior of corrugated pottery represents such distancing. the scope of ortman’s book is immense and reifies what a modern four field approach toward anthropological inquiry looks like. overall, questions are framed in the context of the most relevant bodies of literature needed to understand them, the importance of most questions are explicitly underscored, results are clearly discussed, and duplicitous results are usually highlighted. this book is a great example of a weight of evidence approach towards answering research questions. however, there are some inherent drawbacks to the large scope of this work. data quality is rarely addressed. some holes in data (i.e., craniometric data) are smoothed over, so as to fit them into more “robust” models. and the classic question of, “are we measuring what we think we are?” (kerlinger 1964) is never directly addressed. as the topics and questions of each chapter shift from biological, to linguistic, to cultural, the presence of discussions related to equifinality diminish. these criticisms aside, there is little doubt that the work ortman has done has furthered research in archaeology and historical anthropology. it has, without a doubt, set a precedent for future anthropological and archaeological research in the northern rio grande region. further, for the ethnobiologist, ortman’s work allows one to contemplate the utility of population movement in the face of severe environmental and societal crisis (sensu spielmann et al. 2011). references cited durham w. h. 1991. coevolution: genes, culture, and human diversity. stanford university press, stanford, ca. kerlinger f. 1964. the foundations of behavioral research. holt, new york, ny. spielmann, k. a., n. margaret, s. ingram, and m. a. peeples. 2011. mitigating environmental risk in the u.s. southwest. in sustainable lifeways: cultural persistence in an ever-changing environment, edited by n. f. miller, k. m. moore, and k. ryan, pp. 180211. university of pennsylvania press, philadelphia, pa. paleoethnobotany and ancient alcohol production: a mini-review ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):28‐31. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.378. 28 mini-review number of preparation steps that can be involved in alcohol production, including steeping, sprouting, pressing, mashing, drying, toasting, grinding, boiling, and distilling plant parts for a range of effects. there is also a wide range of botanical additives, including spices and herbs, which are used to boost flavor and aroma. because the beverage itself is unlikely to preserve in the archaeological record, archaeobotanists must infer ancient alcohol production by examining the structure and form of recovered seeds and examining the spatial context of recovery. for example, the process of malting, which involves soaking and sprouting grains in water to convert starches to sugar for fermentation, alters the form of the grain from its original state, which can be seen archaeologically. bouby et al. (2011) provide archaeobotanical evidence for malted barley (hordeum vulgare linnaeus poaceae) in the mediterranean region of france during the 5th century a.d. in their analysis of a single household context, the authors find a high density and ubiquity of barley (compared to other taxa recovered from a single household); moreover, 90% of these barley seeds show a similar state of induced germination. this evidence for germination, in addition to the lack of weedy species in the assemblage, suggests the grain was intentionally processed to remove unwanted taxa and then soaked to begin the process of fermentation. additionally, other artifactual data, including fermenting pots, ovens, grindstones, and areas to dry the sprouted grain—essentially, a beer-making toolkit— were also recovered from the household, lending further support to bouby et al.’s (2011) hypothesis. the cultural practices surrounding the production and consumption of alcoholic beverages represent a growing area of archaeobotanical inquiry. as a food, alcohol is of great importance to many cultures around the world and is of interest to researchers studying myriad issues, including gender, religion, identity, politics, status, labor, and economy (dietler 2006; jennings and bowser 2009; mcgovern 2009; smith 2008). however, it can be problematic to convincingly argue for the production of alcohol in the past using archaeological evidence. how can archaeologists demonstrate that ancient plants were used for making alcohol and not for some other purpose? to address this question, archaeobotanists have adopted a multi-scalar approach that incorporates several lines of evidence to address issues related to the production and cultural role(s) of alcoholic beverages in the past. these lines of evidence— macrobotanical (seeds, wood charcoal) and microbotanical1 (pollen, starch grains, phytoliths) remains, spatial contexts of plant use and discard, documentation of ethnohistoric practices, and the correspondence between plant ingredients and other artifacts— can be integrated to identify ancient production areas of fermented beverages. humans have been making alcohol for at least 10,000 years and have developed a variety of methods to produce it. generally, alcohol is produced when yeast converts plant starches and sugars into ethanol (alcohol) during the process known as fermentation. grains, tubers, roots, and fruits are commonly used to produce alcohol because they possess a readily available source of starches and sugars, though other ingredients (i.e. honey) can also be used. there are a paleoethnobotany and ancient alcohol production: a mini-review matthew e. biwer 1* and amber m. vanderwarker 1 author addresses: 1 department of anthropology, university of california, santa barbara, ca 93106-3210, usa. * corresponding author: mbiwer@umail.ucsb.edu received: march 18, 2015 volume: 6(1):28-31 published: may 5, 2015 © 2015 society of ethnobiology abstract: the production and consumption of alcoholic beverages in the past is an important consideration when addressing issues involving ancient food. however, successfully demonstrating that alcoholic beverages were produced in prehistoric contexts is problematic. as a result, archaeobotanists have developed a multi-scalar approach, incorporating multiple lines of evidence, to argue for the production of fermented beverages in the past. keywords: paleoethnobotany, archaeology, fermented beverages ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):28‐31. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.378. 29 mini-review a similar technique of documenting changes in seeds as a result of the alcohol production has been used in the peruvian andes. archaeobotanists have found that when the drupes of the peruvian pepper tree (schinus molle linnaeus anacardiaceae), the key ingredient used in making the alcoholic beverage chicha de molle, are steeped and boiled in water prior to fermentation, they take on an irregular form that is distinct from the non-boiled globular fruit (sayre et al. 2012:236). similarly, in southern france the association of domesticated grape (vitis vinifera linnaeus vitaceae) seeds with crushed grape skins, pedicels, and rachis indicate that these grapes were not simply cooked at the site, but that the fruits were pressed prior to fermentation to extract the juice for wine production (figueiral et al. 2010). thus, the state of recovered seeds in both cases suggests brewing and fermentation took place, and also provides a means to evaluate the steps of each brewing process. in addition to the morphology of macrobotanical remains (e.g., evidence of sprouting, boiling, pressing), the association of macrobotanical remains with brewing contexts (i.e., the presence of large cooking and/or fermentation containers, grinding stones, cooking fires, lack of diversity in activities in the space, etc.) provides clues to which plants were used to produce alcohol and how they were processed prior to boiling and fermentation. in the moquegua valley of southern peru, archaeologists identified an ancient wari (a.d. 600-1000) brewery on the summit of cerro baúl, a provincial administrative center of the wari empire (moseley et al. 2005). this trapezoidal structure contains three separate rooms, each of which was identified as a distinct area for milling, boiling, and fermentation, respectively (figure 1). other evidence that supports the interpretation that this space was a specialized chicha beer production area includes: the presence of grinding slabs in the milling room, the remnants of large boiling/fermentation ceramic vats with a line of hearths lined paralleling the wall, the presence of stone pedestals used to support the vats in the boiling room, and the remains of drinking cups (keros) recovered throughout the structure. in addition, the recovery of thousands of boiled, desiccated, and carbonized schinus molle drupes, alongside carbonized maize (zea mays linnaeus poaceae) kernels and embryos (another ingredient in chicha production), suggests the brewers were steeping the molle fruits and grinding sprouted maize as part of the production process involved in making chicha (goldstein et al. 2009). microbotanical data have also been used to identify and document the production of fermented beverages. in particular, evidence from starch grains and phytoliths has been used to test the sugar stalk hypothesis put forth by smalley and blake (2003). these authors suggest early mesoamerican maize was initially cultivated not for its grain but rather for its stalk, which the authors argue would have been valued for its sugary pith, an attractive resource for the production of alcohol. piperno et al. (2009) recently tested this hypothesis by extracting and identifying phytoliths and starch grains from chipped stone tools and grinding stones recovered from an archaic-period (~7000 b.c.) site of xihuatoltla, located in the central balsas river valley of mexico; this location is significant as it has recently been identified as the origin of maize domestication in addition to being the home of maize’s wild ancestor, teosinte (zea mays ssp. parviglumis iltis & doebley poaceae) (buckler et al. 2006; fukunaga et al. 2005; matsuoka et al. 2002). the results of analysis conducted by piperno and colleagues indicate: a lack of teosinte starch grains and figure 1. the boiling room of the brewery excavated on the top of cerro baúl, moquegua, peru (photo courtesy of patrick ryan williams). ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):28‐31. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.378. 30 mini-review phytoliths; the presence of starch grains and phytoliths from domesticated maize kernels; and no evidence of phytoliths or starch grains from the stalks of maize or teosinte (piperno et al. 2009:5020-5022). thus, the currently available microbotanical data from maize’s center of origin does not support smalley and blakes (2003) hypothesis that the grain was initially exploited for its sugary stalk to produce alcohol. another microbotanical study regarding maize fermentation uses phytoliths to assess the emergent role of domesticated maize (zea mays linnaeus poaceae) in formative-period (~800 b.c.) foodways of the titicaca basin in the south american andes (logan et al. 2012). the authors use a combination of phytolith data recovered from human teeth, ritual paraphernalia, ceramic pots, lithic tools, and contextual analysis of space (e.g., areas identified as public ritual spaces versus household contexts of daily food production) to assess the early uses of beer in the region. their results indicate a lack of phytoliths from the interiors of domestic cooking vessels, suggesting maize was not boiled or cooked as part of daily subsistence. instead, it appears that maize played a larger role in ceremonial and ritual activities, as indicated by the identification of maize glume and kernel phytoliths on: (1) grinding stones recovered near ceremonial spaces; (2) ritual paraphernalia, such as incense burners (incensarios); and (3) the teeth of human sacrifice victims recovered from ritual locations (logan et al. 2012:247-248). considering the phytolith evidence and spatial contexts in tandem, the authors argue that the earliest use of maize in the titicaca basin is most likely attributable to the production of chicha de maíz for consumption during ritual activities, rather than production for daily household consumption. we emphasize a multi-proxy approach to research on alcohol production because of the limitations inherent in using organic remains. relying primarily on paleoethnobotanical data to address the ancient production of alcoholic beverages is problematic because of the nature of plant preservation. how can archaeologists who work in areas with minimal or no botanic preservation find evidence for the production of fermented beverages? the presence and contexts of materials used to produce alcohol (hearths, grinding stones, ceramic vessels for boiling, fermenting, and storing of liquids) can be taken together with ethnographic evidence to assess whether or not alcohol could have been produced at a site. while archaeobotanical materials are useful for identifying the kinds of fermented beverages produced at the site, the spatial associations and contexts of production-related materials allow us to address the actual production process that ancient peoples used to ferment beverages. research focusing on the production of fermented beverages and their cultural significance in the past represents a small, but growing, area of paleoethnobotany. methodological developments in archaeobotany, in particular the analysis of phytoliths and starch grains, have been critical in advancing interpretive power, especially in very early production contexts in which the preservation of macrobotanical remains is poor (e.g., the balsas river valley case). by combining archaeobotanical data with artifactual data and information on the social/spatial contexts of use, archaeobotanists can continue to develop new ways to better conceptualize the production and consumption of alcoholic beverages in the past. references cited buckler, e. s., m. m. goodman, t. p. holtsford, j. f. doebley, and g. j. sánchez. 2006. phylogeography of the wild subspecies of zea mays. maydica 51:123134. bouby, l., p. boissinot, and p. marinval. 2011. never mind the bottle: archaeobotanical evidence of beer -brewing in mediterranean france and the consumption of alcoholic beverages during 5th century b.c. human ecology 39:351-360. dietler, m. 2006. alcohol: anthropological/ archaeological perspectives. annual review of anthropology 35:229-249. figueiral, i, l. bouby, l. buffat, h. petitot, and j. f. terral. 2010. archaeobotany, wine growing and wine producing in roman southern france: the site of gasquinoy (beziers, herault). journal of archaeological science 37:139-149. fukunaga, k., j. hill, y. vigouroux, y. matsuoka, j. sánchez, k. liu, e. s. buckler, and j. doebley. 2005. genetic diversity and population structure of teocinte. genetics 169:2241-2254. logan, a. l., c. a. hastorf, and d. m. pearsall. 2012. “let’s drink together”: early ceremonial use of maize in the titicaca basin. latin american antiquity 23:235-258. ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):28‐31. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.378. 31 mini-review goldstein, d. j., r. c. coleman goldstein, and p. r. williams. 2009. you are what you drink: a sociocultural reconstruction of pre-hispanic fermented beverage use at cerro baul, moquegua, peru. in drink, power, and society in the andes, edited by justin jennings and brenda bowser, pp. 133-176. university of florida press, gainesville, fl. jennings, j., and b. bowser. 2009. drink, power, and society in the andes: an introduction. in drink, power, and society in the andes, edited by justin jennings and brenda bowser, pp. 1-27. university press of florida, gainesville, fl. matsuoka, y., y. vigouroux, m. m. goodman, g. j. sánchez, e. buckler, and j. doebley. 2002. a single domestication for maize, shown by multilocus microsatellite genotyping. pnas 99:6080-6084. mcgovern, p. e. 2009. uncorking the past: the quest for wine, beer, and other alcoholic beverage. university of california press, los angeles, ca. moseley, m. e., d. j. nash, p. r. williams, s. defrance, a. miranda, and m. ruales. 2005. burning down the brewery: establishing and evacuating an ancient imperial colony at cerro baúl, peru. pnas 102:17264-17271. piperno, d. r., a. j. ramere, i. holst, j. iriarte, and r. dickau. 2009. starch grain and phytolith evidence for early ninth millennium b.p. maize from the central balsas river valley, mexico. pnas 106:5019-5024. sayre, m., d. goldstein, w. whitehead, and p. r. williams. 2012. a marked preference: chicha de molle and huari state consumption practices. nawpa pacha 32:231-282. smith, f. h. 2008. the archaeology of alcohol and drinking. university press of florida, gainesville, fl. biosketches matthew e biwer is a ph.d student in the department of anthropology at the university of california, santa barbara. his work focuses on paleoethnobotany, culture contact, and foodways in the peruvian andes. amber m. vanderwarker is an associate professor of anthropology at the university of california, santa barbara. she has been involved in field and laboratory work in mexico, eastern north america, and peru. notes 1this review does not include those studies of chemical residue analysis of archaeological materials. 96  editorial  concerns as they relate to the subjects of research, publication involves additional obligations, such as those owed to the public. ethical publication is the responsibility of authors and publishers. in 2012, ethnobiology letters adopted a publication ethics and malpractice statement (http:// ethnobiology.org/publications/ethnobiology-letters), which outlines some of the responsibilities of authors, reviewers, and editorial board members. one of the most evident issues the statement identifies is disclosure by all parties of originality, conflicts of interest, and ethical soundness. as elementary as the idea of disclosure might appear, it can become more complex when put into practice. one of the most important factors involved in disclosure is straightforwardly providing all information that might be relevant for the readership to interpret and evaluate the merits of a study. ethical transparency in publishing includes but is not limited to disclosure that the minimum legal and institutional prerequisites for research were satisfied. in the united states, one such prerequisite is to obtain and adhere to irb approval. however, especially in international settings, authorization may be required by multiple governmental agencies or community organizations. for example, in brazil, current federal legislation requires that researchers obtain formal permission from government institutions to study traditional knowledge of biodiversity, to collect biological samples of any kind, to enter federal indigenous reserves, and to excavate archaeological sites on public and private land. additionally, many indigenous and traditional communities in brazil have their own leadership structures and associations that should be consulted for research authorizations. in some countries and academic fields, disclosure of permissions is standard practice and considered a necessary component of responsible publishing. some with the recent multiplication of traditional and electronic venues for publishing in ethnobiology, the social sciences, the life sciences, and related fields, it is increasingly important that authors practice selfdiligence to ensure that the contents of their publications meet criteria of veracity and ethical soundness. although the peer-review process encourages high standards, it is an insufficient means for verifying the ethical worthiness of most publications. the ethical merits of published research derive from a cumulative process including formulating a research design, obtaining permissions, collecting and analyzing data, and finally composing and submitting a manuscript. unfortunately, there is no failsafe ethical gatekeeper at any stage of the process. the importance of ethical publishing is all the more important in the field of ethnobiology, as professionals in the field often cross the intellectual and methodological boundaries between disciplines, and their research often involves multiple stakeholders in widespread jurisdictions. there are good resources providing ethical guidelines for ethnobiology researchers and authors. for example, in 2006, the society of ethnobiology adopted the international society of ethnobiology (ise) code of ethics (http://ethnobiology.net/codeof-ethics/) and additional resources are available on the society’s website (https://ethnobiology.org/ about-society-ethnobiology/ethics). also, ethnobiological ethics are addressed in recently published chapters (gilmore and eshbaugh 2011; hardison and bannister 2011). these documents cover a broad range of topics and should be considered required reading for novice and experienced researchers alike. an important conclusion to be drawn from these sources is that ethnobiology research and publishing ethics cannot be reduced to any single issue and often vary according to the circumstances of a particular study. whereas these documents emphasize ethical ethics in ethnobiology publica on james r. welch   author address: escola nacional de saúde pública, fundação oswaldo cruz, rua leopoldo bulhões 1480, rio de janeiro,  21041‐210, brazil  welch@ensp.fiocruz.br  received: september 24, 2012  volume: 3:96‐97  published: december 29, 2012  © 2012 society of ethnobiology  http://ethnobiology.org/sites/default/files/publication_ethics_and_malpractice_statement.pdf� http://ethnobiology.net/code-of-ethics/� http://ethnobiology.net/code-of-ethics/� http://ethnobiology.net/code-of-ethics/� http://ethnobiology.net/code-of-ethics/� https://ethnobiology.org/about-society-ethnobiology/ethics� https://ethnobiology.org/about-society-ethnobiology/ethics� https://ethnobiology.org/about-society-ethnobiology/ethics� https://ethnobiology.org/about-society-ethnobiology/ethics� mailto:welch@ensp.fiocruz.br� 97  editorial  authors, reviewers, and editors may not be aware of all the accepted norms in countries other than their own. at ethnobiology letters, we have adopted the practice of requiring authors to declare which permissions were obtained. of course, additional steps are often required to satisfy the requirements of informed consent and for the use of such information as intellectual property, artistic expressions, photographic images, and databases. also, the publication of sensitive or confidential information, including the names of individuals, must be done with extreme care. ultimately, the decision to publish specific information falls to the authors of an article and cannot be policed by any editorial board or scholarly organization. one potential measure for ensuring that the contents of a publication are consistent with any applicable ethical constraints is consultation with local academic authorities, community representatives, or stakeholders. in some cases, it may be appropriate to involve advisors or research consultants as reviewers before submitting an article. as the ise code of ethics emphasizes, due credit to research consultants is a standard of ethical research in ethnobiology. however, care must be taken because just as the failure to include material contributors as authors is widely regarded as a breach of publication ethics, so is the inclusion of people who did not take part substantially in the conception or execution of a study or reporting of its results (“gift authorship”). more information on ethical authorship and co-authorship is available from the council of science editors (http:// www.councilscienceeditors.org). certainly, researchers must attend to ethical standards at every step beginning with the formulation of a research idea and continuing into the field or laboratory. however, the moment authors submit an article for publication many of the cumulative effects of unethical research become concrete in the eyes of the public. once an article is published, the effects are difficult to undo through retraction. the ethical complexities involved in ethnobiology are diverse and open to interpretation, but they exist through efforts to ensure that our work benefits society. as part of that endeavor, responsible publishing is the concern of each and every one of us. references cited hardison p. and k. bannister. 2011. ethics in ethnobiology: history, international law and policy, and contemporary issues. in ethnobiology, edited by e. n. anderson, d. m. pearsall, e. s. hunn, and n. j. turner , pp. 27-49. john wiley & sons, hoboken, nj. gilmore m. p. and eshbaugh w. h. 2011. from researcher to partner: ethical challenges and issues facing the ethnobiological researcher. in ethnobiology, edited by e. n. anderson, d. m. pearsall, e. s. hunn, and n. j. turner , pp. 51-63. john wiley & sons, hoboken, nj. biosketch james r. welch is co‐editor of ethnobiology le ers and  assistant professor of human ecology and health at the  na onal  school  of  public  health  in  rio  de  janeiro.  his  research  focuses  on  indigenous  peoples  in  brazil  and  california.  http://www.councilscienceeditors.org� http://www.councilscienceeditors.org� http://www.councilscienceeditors.org� http://www.councilscienceeditors.org� << /ascii85encodepages false /allowtransparency false /autopositionepsfiles true /autorotatepages /none /binding /left /calgrayprofile (dot gain 20%) /calrgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /calcmykprofile (u.s. web coated \050swop\051 v2) /srgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /cannotembedfontpolicy /error /compatibilitylevel 1.4 /compressobjects /tags /compresspages true /convertimagestoindexed true /passthroughjpegimages true /createjobticket false /defaultrenderingintent /default /detectblends true /detectcurves 0.0000 /colorconversionstrategy /cmyk /dothumbnails false /embedallfonts true /embedopentype false /parseiccprofilesincomments true /embedjoboptions true /dscreportinglevel 0 /emitdscwarnings false /endpage -1 /imagememory 1048576 /lockdistillerparams false /maxsubsetpct 100 /optimize true /opm 1 /parsedsccomments true /parsedsccommentsfordocinfo true /preservecopypage true /preservedicmykvalues true /preserveepsinfo true /preserveflatness true /preservehalftoneinfo false /preserveopicomments true /preserveoverprintsettings true /startpage 1 /subsetfonts true /transferfunctioninfo /apply /ucrandbginfo /preserve /useprologue false /colorsettingsfile () /alwaysembed [ true ] /neverembed [ true ] /antialiascolorimages false /cropcolorimages true /colorimageminresolution 300 /colorimageminresolutionpolicy /ok /downsamplecolorimages true /colorimagedownsampletype /bicubic /colorimageresolution 300 /colorimagedepth -1 /colorimagemindownsampledepth 1 /colorimagedownsamplethreshold 1.50000 /encodecolorimages true /colorimagefilter /dctencode /autofiltercolorimages true /colorimageautofilterstrategy /jpeg /coloracsimagedict << /qfactor 0.15 /hsamples [1 1 1 1] /vsamples [1 1 1 1] >> /colorimagedict << /qfactor 0.15 /hsamples [1 1 1 1] /vsamples [1 1 1 1] >> /jpeg2000coloracsimagedict << /tilewidth 256 /tileheight 256 /quality 30 >> /jpeg2000colorimagedict << /tilewidth 256 /tileheight 256 /quality 30 >> /antialiasgrayimages false /cropgrayimages true /grayimageminresolution 300 /grayimageminresolutionpolicy /ok /downsamplegrayimages true /grayimagedownsampletype /bicubic /grayimageresolution 300 /grayimagedepth -1 /grayimagemindownsampledepth 2 /grayimagedownsamplethreshold 1.50000 /encodegrayimages true /grayimagefilter /dctencode /autofiltergrayimages true /grayimageautofilterstrategy /jpeg /grayacsimagedict << /qfactor 0.15 /hsamples [1 1 1 1] /vsamples [1 1 1 1] >> /grayimagedict << /qfactor 0.15 /hsamples [1 1 1 1] /vsamples [1 1 1 1] >> /jpeg2000grayacsimagedict << /tilewidth 256 /tileheight 256 /quality 30 >> /jpeg2000grayimagedict << /tilewidth 256 /tileheight 256 /quality 30 >> /antialiasmonoimages false /cropmonoimages true /monoimageminresolution 1200 /monoimageminresolutionpolicy /ok /downsamplemonoimages true /monoimagedownsampletype /bicubic /monoimageresolution 1200 /monoimagedepth -1 /monoimagedownsamplethreshold 1.50000 /encodemonoimages true /monoimagefilter /ccittfaxencode /monoimagedict << /k -1 >> /allowpsxobjects false /checkcompliance [ /none ] /pdfx1acheck false /pdfx3check false /pdfxcompliantpdfonly false /pdfxnotrimboxerror true /pdfxtrimboxtomediaboxoffset [ 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 ] /pdfxsetbleedboxtomediabox true /pdfxbleedboxtotrimboxoffset [ 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 ] /pdfxoutputintentprofile () /pdfxoutputconditionidentifier () /pdfxoutputcondition () /pdfxregistryname () /pdfxtrapped /false /createjdffile false /description << /ara <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> /bgr <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> /chs <feff4f7f75288fd94e9b8bbe5b9a521b5efa7684002000410064006f006200650020005000440046002065876863900275284e8e9ad88d2891cf76845370524d53705237300260a853ef4ee54f7f75280020004100630072006f0062006100740020548c002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e003000204ee553ca66f49ad87248672c676562535f00521b5efa768400200050004400460020658768633002> /cht <feff4f7f752890194e9b8a2d7f6e5efa7acb7684002000410064006f006200650020005000440046002065874ef69069752865bc9ad854c18cea76845370524d5370523786557406300260a853ef4ee54f7f75280020004100630072006f0062006100740020548c002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e003000204ee553ca66f49ad87248672c4f86958b555f5df25efa7acb76840020005000440046002065874ef63002> /cze <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> /dan <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> /deu <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> /esp <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> /eti <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> /fra <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> /gre <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> /heb <feff05d405e905ea05de05e905d5002005d105d405d205d305e805d505ea002005d005dc05d4002005db05d305d9002005dc05d905e605d505e8002005de05e105de05db05d9002000410064006f006200650020005000440046002005d405de05d505ea05d005de05d905dd002005dc05d405d305e405e105ea002005e705d305dd002d05d305e405d505e1002005d005d905db05d505ea05d905ea002e002005de05e105de05db05d90020005000440046002005e905e005d505e605e805d5002005e005d905ea05e005d905dd002005dc05e405ea05d905d705d4002005d105d005de05e605e205d505ea0020004100630072006f006200610074002005d5002d00410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e0030002005d505d205e805e105d005d505ea002005de05ea05e705d305de05d505ea002005d905d505ea05e8002e05d005de05d905dd002005dc002d005000440046002f0058002d0033002c002005e205d905d905e005d5002005d105de05d305e805d905da002005dc05de05e905ea05de05e9002005e905dc0020004100630072006f006200610074002e002005de05e105de05db05d90020005000440046002005e905e005d505e605e805d5002005e005d905ea05e005d905dd002005dc05e405ea05d905d705d4002005d105d005de05e605e205d505ea0020004100630072006f006200610074002005d5002d00410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e0030002005d505d205e805e105d005d505ea002005de05ea05e705d305de05d505ea002005d905d505ea05e8002e> /hrv (za stvaranje adobe pdf dokumenata najpogodnijih za visokokvalitetni ispis prije tiskanja koristite ove postavke. stvoreni pdf dokumenti mogu se otvoriti acrobat i adobe reader 5.0 i kasnijim verzijama.) /hun <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> /ita <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> /jpn <feff9ad854c18cea306a30d730ea30d730ec30b951fa529b7528002000410064006f0062006500200050004400460020658766f8306e4f5c6210306b4f7f75283057307e305930023053306e8a2d5b9a30674f5c62103055308c305f0020005000440046002030d530a130a430eb306f3001004100630072006f0062006100740020304a30883073002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e003000204ee5964d3067958b304f30533068304c3067304d307e305930023053306e8a2d5b9a306b306f30d530a930f330c8306e57cb30818fbc307f304c5fc59808306730593002> /kor <feffc7740020c124c815c7440020c0acc6a9d558c5ec0020ace0d488c9c80020c2dcd5d80020c778c1c4c5d00020ac00c7a50020c801d569d55c002000410064006f0062006500200050004400460020bb38c11cb97c0020c791c131d569b2c8b2e4002e0020c774b807ac8c0020c791c131b41c00200050004400460020bb38c11cb2940020004100630072006f0062006100740020bc0f002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e00300020c774c0c1c5d0c11c0020c5f40020c2180020c788c2b5b2c8b2e4002e> /lth <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> /lvi <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> /nld (gebruik deze instellingen om adobe pdf-documenten te maken die zijn geoptimaliseerd voor prepress-afdrukken van hoge kwaliteit. de gemaakte pdf-documenten kunnen worden geopend met acrobat en adobe reader 5.0 en hoger.) /nor <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> /pol <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> /ptb <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> /rum <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> /rus <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> /sky <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> /slv <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> /suo <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> /sve <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> /tur <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> /ukr <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> /enu (use these settings to create adobe pdf documents best suited for high-quality prepress printing. created pdf documents can be opened with acrobat and adobe reader 5.0 and later.) >> /namespace [ (adobe) (common) (1.0) ] /othernamespaces [ << /asreaderspreads false /cropimagestoframes true /errorcontrol /warnandcontinue /flattenerignorespreadoverrides false /includeguidesgrids false /includenonprinting false /includeslug false /namespace [ (adobe) (indesign) (4.0) ] /omitplacedbitmaps false /omitplacedeps false /omitplacedpdf false /simulateoverprint /legacy >> << /addbleedmarks false /addcolorbars false /addcropmarks false /addpageinfo false /addregmarks false /convertcolors /converttocmyk /destinationprofilename () /destinationprofileselector /documentcmyk /downsample16bitimages true /flattenerpreset << /presetselector /mediumresolution >> /formelements false /generatestructure false /includebookmarks false /includehyperlinks false /includeinteractive false /includelayers false /includeprofiles false /multimediahandling /useobjectsettings /namespace [ (adobe) (creativesuite) (2.0) ] /pdfxoutputintentprofileselector /documentcmyk /preserveediting true /untaggedcmykhandling /leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice saccharomyces cerevisiae fermentation effects on pollen: archaeological implications dozier. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(1):32–37 32 research communications individual grains or the pollen profile of honey as fermented into mead, beer, or wine. fermented honey beverages in the archaeological record the development of fermented beverages in prehistory is of particular interest to archaeologists worldwide, as these technologies are associated with feasting societies, increasing social complexity, domestication of cereals, and the intensification of ceramic technocomplexes (braidwood et al. 1953; hayden 2009; hayden et al. 2013; smalley and blake 2003). honey is a prized commodity in many cultures and is a common source of sugar in a variety of fermented beverages, such as beer, wine, and mead. humans have been exploiting the byproducts of honeybees (apis mellifera) for at least the past 8500 years (roffetsalque et al. 2015). both beeswax and honey are incredibly useful bee products; honey is particularly introduction a recent food science paper (roldán et al. 2011) found that the addition of pollen while brewing mead resulted in higher alcohol content, as well as an improvement in taste. the authors conclude that pollen acts as a nutrient for saccharomyces cerevisiae, the most common brewing yeast. while palynologists have long understood that ethanol does not alter the structure of pollen grains (pollen is often stored in ethanol), no direct study has looked at how s. cerevisiae metabolism affects pollen grains. a variety of bacteria and fungi are known to obliterate pollen from soil samples (goldstein 1960; havinga 1967). if brewing yeast consumes or alters the pollen in fermented beverages, prior arguments built on palynological assessments of fermented beverages may be unfounded. the research presented here observed pollen grains through the fermentation process to see if yeast metabolism altered the sporopollenin of saccharomyces cerevisiae fermentation effects on pollen: archaeological implications crystal a. do zier1* 1department of anthropology, texas a&m university, college s tatio n, usa. *cdozier@tamu.edu abstract pol len is the reproductive agent of flowering p lants; p aly nology is utilized b y archaeol ogists because sporopollenin, a major componen t in the exine of pollen grains , i s resistant to decay and morphologically di stinctive. wine, beer, and mead have been identified in the archaeological record by palynological assess ment due to indicator species or due to a pollen profile simil ar to th at recovered from honey, a common source of sugar in a v ariety of fermented beverages. while most palynolo gists h ave assu med that pollen grain s are resistant to alcoholic fermentation, a recent s tudy in food science implies that pollen is a yeast nutrient because pollen-enriched meads produce more alcohol. the experiment presented here explores the potential distortion of the pollen record through fermentation by brewing a tradi tional , pollen rich mead with saccharomyces cerevisiae. in this experiment, the pollen grains did not undergo any discernible morphological changes nor were distorted in the pollen profile. any nutrition that the yeast garners from the pollen therefore leaves sporopollenin intact. these results suppor t palynologic al research on residues of alcoholic beverages and confirms that the fermentation process does no t dis tort the pollen profile of the original sub stance. the paper concludes with the potential and limits of p alynological study to as sess fermentation wi thin the archaeological record. received de cember 24, 2015 open access accepted march 9 , 2016 doi 10.14237/ebl.7.1.2016.573 keywords arch aeological p al ynolo gy, fermentation, me ad, fermented beverages, melis sopalyno logy supplementary files av ailable at ojs .ethnobiology .org/index.php/ebl/rt/suppfiles/573/290 copyright © 2016 dozier; licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attributionnoncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. dozier. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(1):32–37 33 research communications important as one of the few sources of simple sugars available without processing. hayden et al. (2013:108– 109) convincingly argue that the yeasts required for early fermentation probably originated either in honey or on acorn shells. many early fermented beverages included at least some honey to increase the available sugars for yeast (and thereby increase alcohol content), perhaps to inoculate (introduce the yeast or fermenting microorganism) the beverage, and undoubtedly for taste (mcgovern et al. 2003). the consumption of alcoholic beverages is interpreted from the archaeological record when indicator pollen species are found in ceramic residues and within coprolites (moe and oeggl 2014). vitis vinifera (grape) pollen has been used as a marker to distinguish wine amphorae from other storage vessels in mediterranean shipwrecks (arobba et al. 2014; gorham and bryant 2001; jacobsen and bryant 1998). high con cen trations o f f ilipendula ulmar ia (meadowsweet) pollen in coprolites has been interpreted as alcohol consumption as the plant is historically known to have been used as a flavoring agent in mead production (moe and oeggl 2014). the presence of cereal pollen has also been used to interpret ale and mead production (lagerås 2000). this interpretive framework of looking for an indicator species only allows for confirmation of previously understood fermentation processes. honey contains an extremely high concentration (and often diversity) of pollen grains, some of which are only commensal species-pollinated taxa. diversity of commensal species-pollinated pollen has been used to identify honey and mead (kvavadze et al. 2006; rösch 1999). extensive review by guerra-doce (2014) indicates that a number of researchers in europe have exploited palynology, the study of pollen grains, to identify potentially fermented beverages. she highlights studies that utilize palynology to identify mead and beer (see supplementary file 1). no studies in north or south america have taken this approach; apix honey bees were only introduced after the columbian exchange (whitfield et al. 2006), although stingless bees (meliponini) were exploited by the maya for honey in the creation of a mead called balché (bruman 2000:91–93). melissopalynology melissopalynology describes pollen found within honey (jones and bryant 1992, 1996; low et al. 1989; todd and vansell 1942). pollen is the reproductive agent of flowering plants; pollen grains have a wall containing sporopollenin that protects gametophytes during fertilization in spermatophytes. angiosperms and gymnosperms use pollen to distribute genetic material between individuals, which aids in genetic diversity and the ability for a species to adapt to changing conditions. luckily for archaeologists, sporopollenin is resistant to destruction over time and pollen grains can often be identified to species with use of light microscopy and computer-aided microscopy, such as sem. pollen is sequestered in/on plant reproductive organs (including fruits), sometimes released airborne, and carried by commensal species. pollen does seem to provide some kind of nutritional value to brewing yeasts (roldán et al. 2011). methods in order to assess the effect that fermentation had on a pollen profile, i brewed a simple mead (honey wine) and tracked pollen profile and morphological integrity through the fermentation process. mead as shown in table 1, the only ingredients used in this mead were water, honey, yeast, and pollen pellets. industrial honeys, such as was used in this experiment, are commonly micro-filtered to remove pollen and other particles—a misconception in the industry maintains that pollen can engender crystallization (bryant 2014a). therefore, pollen pellets were added in proportions close to roldán et al. (2011)’s methods to ensure the presence of pollen in the mead. the pollen pellets contained a variety of common north american taxa with a variety of sizes and morphological traits. material amount source water 10 l fort worth, tx municipal water honey 2512 g fermentap, concord ca pollen pellets 192 g the wealth savin gs center, valley stream ny dry yeast (s . cerevisiae ) 2 g lalvin bourgovin rc212, denmark tab le 1 materials used to m ake mead in th is study. dozier. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(1):32–37 34 research communications the honey and water were brought to a sanitizing threshold of 71 °c to create the must (the preinoculated substrate). the must was then cooled and the pollen pellets added and mixed thoroughly. the must was inoculated with s. cerevisiae yeast and left to ferment in a sealed, food grade plastic tub for seven days at 22–28 °c. the specific gravity of the mead dropped from original gravity of 1.081 to a final gravity of 1.007; therefore, the resulting mead obtained approximately 9.71-10.50% alcohol by volume, consistent with mead characteristics. the mead finished with a standard reference method (srm) color of 15, a rich golden light brown. pollen sampling several samples of the mead were taken through the brewing process to track the pollen profile. two 50 ml samples were taken before inoculation (referred to as must) and two more 50 ml samples were taken after fermentation had completed (referred to as mead). the must/mead was stirred well before sampling to ensure no settling of pollen out of the samples. the four samples were frozen before analysis at the texas a&m palynological research laboratory. pollen analysis samples were analyzed adopting standard melissopalynological procedures (jones and bryant 1996) at the texas a&m palynological research laboratory. ten ml subsamples were taken from each of the mead/ must samples, to which one lycopodium tablet (18583 spores/tab) was added. the water source for the mead/must was not tested for pollen as pollen was intentionally added to the must; however, all equipment within the texas a&m palynological research laboratory is regularly tested for pollen contamination and the laboratory distilled water is pollen-free, so no pollen was added subsequent to fermentation. the samples were then centrifuged at 3500 rpm for two minutes, the same time and speed for all of the subsequent washes. the supernatant liquid was decanted and the samples were washed with 7 ml of glacial acetic acid. a standard acetolysis regime was followed whereas 7 ml of a 1:9 ratio of sulfuric acid to acetic anhydride was added to each sample and heated for 10 minutes at 80 °c. the samples were stirred occasionally before being washed with 7 ml of glacial acetic acid. the samples were then washed in water and ethanol (jones and bryant 2004) before seven drops glycerin were added per sample and the samples were mounted to a slide. one slide from each sample was analyzed under light microscopy. at least 200 grains were analyzed from each sample, as is standard practice and statistically secure (barkley 1934). broad identifications were made to assign pollen grains to taxonomic family or genera, but exact identifications were irrelevant. rather, the relative frequency of different pollen types was the most important facet to understand if and how the yeast used the pollen as a nutrient. supplemental data file 2 contains the raw counts of taxa and their relative frequencies. results pollen preservation in the must and mead samples was phenomenal and no damage to pollen walls was observed under light microscopy. figure 1 indicates the diversity of pollen taxa recovered. figure 2 illustrates the relative frequencies of the different pollen types; no significant differences in the pollen profiles of any of the samples were observed following fermentation. figure 1 a mead sample prior to processing. note presence of yeast cells around pollen grains. b & c mead sample after acetolysis. no damage to pollen exines. note pollen and spore diversity. dozier. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(1):32–37 35 research communications discussion while roldán et al. (2011) found the addition of pollen increased lipids and other nutrients for s. cerevisiae that resulted in higher ethanol production (indicating yeast metabolism of pollen grains), the individual exines of pollen grains and pollen profile of honey remained unchanged under light microscopy through fermentation. any nutrition that the yeast garners from the pollen therefore leaves sporopollenin intact; differentiation between unaltered and fermented food residues based on palynological analysis alone is unlikely. it is possible that minor damage to sporopollenin may be visible under scanning electron microscopy (sem). this study did not have the resources to pursue this possibility, which may be an avenue for future research. the research presented here supports interpretations of honey in archaeological residues through palynological analysis (kvavadze et al. 2006; lagerås 2000; moe and oeggl 2014; rösch 1999). as always, though, archaeologists and paleo(ethno)botanists need to remain cognizant of other taphonomic processes (bryant and hall 1993; cushing 1967; havinga 1967) that may affect the palynological record. for example, wetting and drying cycles are known to destroy pollen grains (campbell and campbell 1994). with secure context and proper control sampling, however, palynological analysis of possibly fermented residues have the potential of greatly informing the archaeological record. palynological assessments may provide additional paleoenvironmental insights beyond identifying honey utilization because pollen in honey profiles can reflect some aspects of local environments (bryant 2014b; kvavadze et al. 2006; rösch 1999). conclusions a simple mead (honey wine) was brewed to assess if pollen grains are affected by fermentation processes. palynological analysis of both must (pre-fermentation) and mead (post-fermentation) indicates that no damage to the pollen exine occurs and there are no figure 2 rel ative frequen cies o f po llen types. no sig nifi cant differences in po llen type frequency are seen among the four samples . dozier. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(1):32–37 36 research communications differences in the pollen profile through the brewing process. this study confirms that fermented beverages contain the same pollen profile as their unfermented bases, which supports previous interpretations of honey from archaeological residues (kvavadze et al. 2006; lagerås 2000; moe and oeggl 2014; rösch 1999). this study implies that palynological analysis alone cannot differentiate between unaltered and fermented honey residues under light microscopy. however, pollen profiles of honey can indicate some aspects of the local environment (bryant 2014b); therefore, palynological assessment of archaeological residues of foods made with honey may yield reliable paleoenvironmental data. acknowledgements i would like to thank the texas a&m university palynological research laboratory, and especially dr. vaughn bryant jr., for guidance and support through this project. comments and suggestions from participants of the session “exploring the production and consumption of fermented beverages and food in preand protohistoric communities” at the 21st annual meeting of the european association of archaeologists improved this paper. i also appreciate the thoughtful comments and suggestions of two anonymous reviewers and the patience of ethnobiology letters’ excellent editing staff. declarations permissions: v.m. bryant, jr. allowed for the use of the palynological research laboratory at texas a&m university for this study. sources of funding: this study was funded by the author. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited arobba, d., f. bulgarelli, f. camin, r. caramiello, r. larcher, and l. martinelli. 2014. palaeobotanical, chemical and physical investigation of the content of an ancient wine amphora from the northern tyrrhenian sea in italy. journal of archaeological science 45:226–33. barkley, f. a. 1934. the statistical theory of pollen analysis. ecology 15:283–89. braidwood, r. j., j. d. sauer, h. helbaek, p. c. mangelsdorf, h. c. cutler, c. s. coon, r. linton, j. steward, and a. l. oppenheim. 1953. symposium: did man once live by beer alone? american anthropologist 55:515–526. bruman, h. j. 2000. alcohol in ancient mexico. university of utah press, salt lake city, ut. bryant, v. m., jr., and s. a. hall. 1993. archaeological palynology in the united states: a critique. american antiquity 58:277–86. doi:10.2307/281970. bryant, v. m., jr. 2014a. the basics of honey identification. bee culture april:59–63. bryant, v. m., jr. 2014b. truth in labeling: honey testing. bee culture august:29–33. campbell, i. d., and c. campbell. 1994. pollen preservation: experimental wet-dry cycles in saline and desalinated sediments. palynology 18:5– 10. doi:10.2307/3687753. cushing, e. j. 1967. evidence for differential pollen preservation in late quaternary sediments in minnesota. review of palaeobotany and palynology 4:87– 101. doi:10.1016/0034-6667(67)90175-3. goldstein, s. 1960. degradation of pollen by phycomycetes. ecology 41:543–45. doi:10.2307/1933329. gorham, l. d., and v. m. bryant, jr. 2001. pollen, phytoliths, and other microscopic plant remains in underwater archaeology. international journal of nautical archaeology 30:282–98. guerra-doce, e. 2014. the origins of inebriation: archaeological evidence of the consumption of fermented beverages and drugs in prehistoric eurasia. journal of archaeological method and theory 22:751–782. doi:10.1007/s10816-014-9205-z. havinga, a. j. 1967. palynology and pollen preservation. review of palaeobotany and palynology 2:81–98. doi:10.1016/0034-6667(67)90138-8. hayden, b. 2009. the proof is in the pudding. current anthropology 50:597–601. hayden, b., n. canuel, and j. shanse. 2013. what was brewing in the natufian? an archaeological assessment of brewing technology in the epipaleolithic. journal of archaeological method & theory 20:102–150. jacobsen, m., and v. m. bryant, jr. 1998. preliminary fossil pollen analysis of terebinth resin from a 15century bc shipwreck at ulu burun, turkey. in new developments in palynomorph sampling, extraction, and analysis, edited by v. m. bryant, jr. and j. dozier. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(1):32–37 37 research communications wrenn, pp. 75–82. contributions series-american association of stratigraphic palynologists. american association of stratigraphic palynologists foundation, dallas, tx. jones, g. d., and v. m. bryant, jr. 1996. new frontiers in palynology. in palynology: principles and applications, edited by j. jansonius and d.c. mcgregor, pp. 933–38. american association of stratigraphic palynologists foundation, dallas, tx. jones, g. d., and v. m. bryant, jr. 2004. the use of etoh for the dilution of honey. grana 43:174– 82. jones, g. d., and v. m. bryant, jr. 1992. melissopalynology in the united states: a review and critique. palynology 16:63–71. doi:10.1080/01916122.1992.9989407. kvavadze, e., i. gambashidze, g. mindiashvili, and g. gogochuri. 2006. the first find in southern georgia of fossil honey from the bronze age, based on palynological data. vegetation history and archaeobotany 16:399–404. doi:10.1007/s00334-006 -0067-5. lagerås, p. 2000. burial rituals inferred from palynological evidence: results from a late neolithic stone cist in southern sweden. vegetation history and archaeobotany 9:169–73. low, n. h., c. schweger, and p. sporns. 1989. precautions in the use of melissopalynology. journal of apiculture research 28:50–54. mcgovern, p. e., s. j. fleming, and s. h. katz. 2003. the origins and ancient history of wine: food and nutrition in history and anthropology. routledge, new york, ny. moe, d., and k. oeggl. 2014. palynological evidence of mead: a prehistoric drink dating back to the 3rd millennium b.c. vegetation history and archaeobotany 23:515–26. doi:10.1007/s00334-013-0419-x. roffet-salque, m., m. regert, r. p. evershed, a. k. outram, l. j. e. cramp, o. decavallas, j. dunne, p. gerbault, s. mileto, s. mirabaud, m. pääkönen, j. smyth, l. šoberl, h. l. whelton, a. alday-ruiz, h. asplund, m. bartkowiak, e. bayer-niemeier, l. belhouchet, f. bernardini, m. budja, g. cooney, m. cubas, e. m. danaher, m. diniz, l. domboróczki, c. fabbri, j. e. gonzález-urquijo, j. guilaine, s. hachi, b. n. hartwell, d. hofmann, i. hohle, j. j. ibáñez, n. karul, f. kherbouche, j. kiely, k. kotsakis, f. lueth, j. p. mallory, c. manen, a. marciniak, b. maurice-chabard, m. a. mc gonigle, s. mulazzani, m. özdoğan, o. s. perić, s. r. perić, j. petrasch, a. pétrequin, p. pétrequin, u. poensgen, c. j. pollard, f. poplin, g. radi, p. stadler, h. stäuble, n. tasić, d. urem-kotsou, j. b. vuković, f. walsh, a. whittle, s. wolfram, l. zapata-peña, and j. zoughlami. 2015. widespread exploitation of the honeybee by early neolithic farmers. nature 527:226–30. doi:10.1038/nature15757. roldán, a., g. c. j. van muiswinkel, c. lasanta, v. palacios, and i. caro. 2011. influence of pollen addition on mead elaboration: physicochemical and sensory characteristics. food chemistry 126:574– 82. doi:10.1016/j.foodchem.2010.11.045. rösch, m. 1999. evaluation of honey residues from iron age hill-top sites in southwestern germany: implications for local and regional land use and vegetation dynamics. vegetation history and archaeobotany 8:105–12. doi:10.1007/bf02042848. smalley, j., and m. blake. 2003. sweet beginnings. current anthropology 44:675–703. todd, f. e., and g. d. vansell. 1942. pollen grains in nectar and honey. journal of economic entomology 35:728–31. whitfield, c. w., s. k. behura, s. h. berlocher, a. g. clark, j. s. johnston, w. s. sheppard, d. r. smith, a. v. suarez, d. weaver, and n. d. tsutsui. 2006. thrice out of africa: ancient and recent expansions of the honey bee, apis mellifera. science 314:642–45. doi:10.1126/science.1132772. supplementary files are linked to the online version of the paper at ojs .ethnobiology .org/index.php/ebl/rt/ suppfiles/573/290. http://www.nature.com/nature/journal/v527/n7577/abs/nature15757.html#auth-65 river notes: a natural and human history of the colorado 110  book review  creation on the canyon’s rim where they first saw sunlight crack open the sky” (page 37). mormon use of the river in the book, davis describes the early (1800’s) mormon colonizers and evangelists, like jacob hamblin and john lee (for whom lee’s ferry, the definitive start of float trips through the grand canyon, is named). to quote, “their mission, inspired by god, was to settle and make fertile the desert wastes” (page 34). this brought to mind a recent course field trip i took with students from the university of north texas. the course concerns agricultural, recreational and municipal water use in the west, focused largely on the colorado and green river basins. we had visited the promontory in canyonlands, from which one could see the confluence of the green and colorado rivers. as we were returning from the short hike to the viewpoint, we met a mormon scout leader with his troop of scouts. he was telling them that “all that open land (just upstream from cataract canyon!) was a waste and should be built on!” i was astounded by his remark and remain ashamed to this day that i did not call him out to ask about his feelings of wilderness and the value of open land. he obviously continues the divinely-inspired vision of all lands being filled with humans. no different than in the 1870’s. running the colorado the excitement one feels as one readies rafts or dories for a grand canyon trip cannot be adequately described in words, even in this book. i have floated this stretch five times during my life and each trip was a total immersion (pun intended) in a part of the globe that is most profound, beautiful, awe-inspiring, and at times harrowing. davis describes his trip down the colorado through the grand canyon with a professional group, and brightly describes the excitement he felt has he traversed the roaring 20’s, this is a wonderful book on the cultural and natural history of the colorado river and the demands on the water it carries. the book presents a geological, cultural and biological panorama of colorado river water throughout history, beginning with the formation of the colorado river drainage, and then neatly describing the relation between water and human culture. the book focuses largely on the lower portion of the river, and delights in its descriptions of canyons, anasazi, hopi and zuni culture, water demands, and recreation in present and past. the book carries a serious warning about how we are presently using colorado river water (abusing, actually) and what the root cause is of this disturbing waste of a precious resource. historical use of the river davis’ background as a highly regarded ethnographer comes into play early as he describes the early essay by aldo leopold, in which leopold canoes down lower colorado river through the delta formed as the river flows into the gulf of california. in the book, davis weaves together a great section about the use of water by the ancients, the anasazi and more recently the hopi and zuni. the anasazi had elaborate dams and water control structures and recognized the value of water. it was ingrained into their culture. as water became scarce, the society fell apart and the people drifted into smaller groups, away from the areas surrounding the present-day “four corners” area of the us. he writes about the hopi of the first mesa. their water problems are legion, not to mention the daily difficulties of keeping youngsters in the area, continuing to be part of the culture. in each case, their beliefs of origin reflect “their astonishment as they took in the canyon’s beauty, the painted rocks and magical animals, the springs and lush plantings by the shallows of bright angel creek, the fulcrum of river notes: a natural and human history of the colorado  wade davis. 2012 island press. pp. 176 $23.63 (hardcover). isbn 978‐1610913614  reviewed by thomas  w. la point  reviewer address: department of biological sciences, university of north texas,  1155 union circle #305220, denton, tx  76203. lapoint@unt.edu  received: september 20, 2013  volume: 4:110‐112   published: november 4, 2013  © 2013 society of ethnobiology  111  book review  badger creek, hance, granite, crystal, the jewels, and lava. davis’ book does a great job of intertwining the views and experiences on his trip with those of john wesley powell, the first director of the us geological service and the key voice warning against agrarian development of the western states. he cautioned against such development, as water was too limiting. powell’s ideas, of course, were swept aside by developers, politicians and land agents intent on selling land, dreams, and abundance. davis was on a commercial trip and notes that private trips do give one more time to take side hikes up remote canyons. hikes into side canyons lead to sublime views and an absolute quiet that exists nowhere else that i know. on one private trip, we hiked up matkatamiba canyon. the clear water of the creek poured in a little rivulet down the base of this amazing canyon, with overhangs covered with seeps, ferns and mosses. around the trail is a riot of flowers, including camas lilies, datura, figworts, asters, and penstemons. all this, however, pales in comparison to the stillness of the canyon (excepting the wonderful cadence of a canyon wren). stillness that no one in a city can anymore imagine; stillness that allows the blood coursing through one’s temples to sound loud. such stillness has “to be not heard” to be believed. i personally think that john muir’s (1938 cited in dunlap 2009) statement “in god's wildness lies the hope of the world the great fresh, unblighted, unredeemed wilderness" is really a reference to the quiet and peacefulness in such places. in my own trips and on davis’ trip down the river, an amazing variety of boats and technical equipment are now employed that help folk to get safely downstream: multi-compartment rafts, wide dories, life preservers capable of holding 24 lbs of deadweight up in the water, and coolers capable of holding ice for 10 – 12 days. compared to what powell had, it is a life of luxury. yet, it still is true that the river itself decides which boat to let through its rapids – and determines which side ends up upright. i had been feeling fairly smug on my fifth trip, as on the previous four i had not flipped in any colorado river rapids. on my fifth trip, we flipped in houserock, an 8 on the scale of 10 used to describe the difficulty of the rapids. in house rock i was too far left and the curling wave off of the house-rock sized boulder on lower left curled my little 16 foot boat over – and humbled me greatly. after that, i was much more careful in placing the boat in the current. davis writes about running lava, one of the great rapids of north america: “ there are two types of people, those who have flipped and those that will.” to that, i add one more truism (from dick barker, co -owner of barker-ewing raft trips in jackson hole wy): “there are old boatmen, and there are bold boatmen. however, there are no old, bold boatmen.” the river decides and requires respect. i had to chuckle to myself how davis describes his raft trip down the canyon, with lava falls as the climax of the trip. i have experienced on every trip the same attitude among fellow participants: lava falls is so huge, overwhelming, and just plain scary, and had been anticipated for so long, that running it effectively ends the raft trip. in truth, there are usually two or three full days after lava to enjoy the canyon, wonderful vistas, and several more great rapids. however, on every trip we have taken, the “trip is over” at lava. folks begin talking about the shuttle to flagstaff, via kingman, getting a real shower, etc. all i have thought of is “how do i get on the river again?” loss of glen canyon i have read much of the loss of glen canyon. many books, including this one, have written about how beautiful the canyon was and how many ancient ruins were lost by raising the level of lake powell. i am sure john wesley powell turned in his grave when the great river he explored was dammed behind glen canyon dam – and then named for him in an ultimate irony. perhaps it should have been named “lake dominy” for the bureau of reclamation water master who saw any water passing a given location as “wasted water.” davis eloquently writes of guides on lake powell describing the “islands” around which they boat, forgetting that each island is a “drowned butte.” thinking three-dimensionally is a good way to visualize what was lost under the waters. the link between powell and the colorado river – and his exploration of this part of the west – cannot be overstated. davis writes extensively of this, summarizing powell’s explorations of the green river (the major tributary to the colorado, joining it upstream from cataract canyon) and then down into the unknown terrors of the canyon’s immense rapids. powell’s determination to travel down the canyon is epic; he and his team faced difficulties unimaginable now to river runners. historically, however, the most visionary aspect of powell was his warning to congress about inhabiting this desert country. it was not suited at all for the typical farm, he warned. he actually suggested that state borders be based on 112  book review  watershed boundaries. sadly, his warning suggestion was ignored for political and economic expedience. the dam itself has always been controversial because of the phenomenal canyon it flooded. one commercial or cultural aspect of the dam is the electrical power it produces. a tour of the dam provides insight into the tremendous power of the stored water behind it. seven wires, albeit large ones, leave from glen canyon dam. they carry 1.3 million kilowatts of power produced by eight generators in the dam, each powered by water from the hypolimnion of lake powell. that power provides electricity for cities, commerce and recreation in several western states. the cold hypolimnetic release, cold and clear, allows trout to be caught downstream as far as lee’s ferry. this is totally unnatural and has disrupted the ecology of the endangered fish in the colorado river downstream from the dam. as davis writes, the dam provides power not only for municipalities, but also for agriculture – there is an electrical cost for transporting water for agriculture. the more than 60,000 water systems and 15,000 wastewater systems in the united states are among the country’s largest energy consumers, using about 75 billion kwh/yr nationally—3 percent of annual u.s. electricity consumption (nrdc 2010). i am sure that most people do not recognize the “water cost” of food on their table, nor do they recognize the ecological cost of running water through a tap or faucet. it takes either burning coal (as in texas) or turning a turbine to produce enough electrical power to pump water through the various treatment plants, through delivery pipes, up to municipal water storage towers, then into each home or business. the cost is real, in terms of what we expect from the colorado: in southern california, pumping one acre-foot of colorado river aqueduct water to southern california requires about 2,000 kwh. according to an estimate from the metropolitan water district of southern california, the amount of electricity used to deliver water to residential customers in southern california is equal to one-third of the total average household electric use in southern california. it also provides the power for lifting water over mountains into agricultural irrigation systems. on our being homo sapiens the final chapter of davis’ great book ends on a cautionary note for all. water is not recognized for the valuable resource it is. agricultural water demands on the colorado river largely go for cultivating alfalfa, a feed used primarily for cattle. alfalfa is a water-hungry forage and depends on overhead sprinkling systems. such systems lose as much as 50% of the water applied during hot summers. the u.s. subsidies for irrigating range land in the west, with colorado river water, are huge. davis writes that the cost to farmers is $17 per acre foot, whereas municipal costs are closer to $ 1500 per acre-foot. in that arid climate, using precious colorado river water to grow alfalfa to feed cattle, brings home an important point: society should be able to change this horribly wasteful practice. i think it should, as does davis. it becomes a personal choice, as consumers (or, as i like to think of it, as educated humans) decide whether or not to continue to eat as much beef as we do. it also becomes increasingly important to participate in civics, as voters. we can and should vote down such subsidies. as he elegantly describes it, “..even assuming that all such wanton habits of consumption can be dramatically curbed, no conservation initiative can succeed that gives a free pass to the cattle industry.” as humans, we should be able to contemplate the consequences of our actions; hence, the term “homo sapiens.” however, we seem to be disregarding efforts to control our affluence, our greed and our demand for ever more resources to be used ever more quickly. rather than following the advice of gifford pinchot, who said, “the best use for the most people for the longest time,” we are taking the first two thirds of that advice, at our risk. the mantra has become: “the best use for the most people now, not later.” we cannot go on in this and davis points this out in his last chapter, in which he lays out the problem: we are growing a water-hungry plant alfalfa in dry country to feed cattle for our consumption. public education is a must here, as many folk have not made the connection. they cannot see their way to “connect the dots. davis ends his book by suggesting we re-visit the delta where the colorado river enters the gulf of california. his description evinces the growth that could occur and the riot of life that would ensue if water were to once again flow into the gulf. i am convinced that, if we do not hear this warning, we will perish in the desert. references cited muir, j. 1938. john of the mountain: the unpublished journals of john muir. cited in dunlap, d. 2009. the national parks: america’s best idea, pp. 43. alfred a. knopf publishers, toronto. mormon use of the river running the colorado historical use of the river loss of glen canyon on our being homo sapiens << /ascii85encodepages false /allowtransparency false /autopositionepsfiles true /autorotatepages /none /binding /left /calgrayprofile (dot gain 20%) /calrgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /calcmykprofile (u.s. web coated \050swop\051 v2) /srgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /cannotembedfontpolicy /error /compatibilitylevel 1.4 /compressobjects /tags /compresspages true /convertimagestoindexed true /passthroughjpegimages true /createjobticket false /defaultrenderingintent /default /detectblends true /detectcurves 0.0000 /colorconversionstrategy /cmyk /dothumbnails false /embedallfonts true /embedopentype false /parseiccprofilesincomments true /embedjoboptions true /dscreportinglevel 0 /emitdscwarnings false /endpage -1 /imagememory 1048576 /lockdistillerparams false /maxsubsetpct 100 /optimize true /opm 1 /parsedsccomments true /parsedsccommentsfordocinfo true /preservecopypage true /preservedicmykvalues true /preserveepsinfo true /preserveflatness true /preservehalftoneinfo false /preserveopicomments true /preserveoverprintsettings true /startpage 1 /subsetfonts true /transferfunctioninfo /apply /ucrandbginfo /preserve /useprologue false /colorsettingsfile () /alwaysembed [ true ] /neverembed [ true ] /antialiascolorimages false /cropcolorimages true /colorimageminresolution 300 /colorimageminresolutionpolicy /ok /downsamplecolorimages true /colorimagedownsampletype /bicubic /colorimageresolution 300 /colorimagedepth -1 /colorimagemindownsampledepth 1 /colorimagedownsamplethreshold 1.50000 /encodecolorimages true /colorimagefilter /dctencode /autofiltercolorimages true /colorimageautofilterstrategy /jpeg /coloracsimagedict << /qfactor 0.15 /hsamples [1 1 1 1] /vsamples [1 1 1 1] >> /colorimagedict << /qfactor 0.15 /hsamples [1 1 1 1] /vsamples [1 1 1 1] >> /jpeg2000coloracsimagedict << /tilewidth 256 /tileheight 256 /quality 30 >> /jpeg2000colorimagedict << /tilewidth 256 /tileheight 256 /quality 30 >> /antialiasgrayimages false /cropgrayimages true /grayimageminresolution 300 /grayimageminresolutionpolicy /ok /downsamplegrayimages true /grayimagedownsampletype /bicubic /grayimageresolution 300 /grayimagedepth -1 /grayimagemindownsampledepth 2 /grayimagedownsamplethreshold 1.50000 /encodegrayimages true /grayimagefilter /dctencode /autofiltergrayimages true /grayimageautofilterstrategy /jpeg /grayacsimagedict << /qfactor 0.15 /hsamples [1 1 1 1] /vsamples [1 1 1 1] >> /grayimagedict << /qfactor 0.15 /hsamples [1 1 1 1] /vsamples [1 1 1 1] >> /jpeg2000grayacsimagedict << /tilewidth 256 /tileheight 256 /quality 30 >> /jpeg2000grayimagedict << /tilewidth 256 /tileheight 256 /quality 30 >> /antialiasmonoimages false /cropmonoimages true /monoimageminresolution 1200 /monoimageminresolutionpolicy /ok /downsamplemonoimages true /monoimagedownsampletype /bicubic /monoimageresolution 1200 /monoimagedepth -1 /monoimagedownsamplethreshold 1.50000 /encodemonoimages true /monoimagefilter /ccittfaxencode /monoimagedict << /k -1 >> /allowpsxobjects false /checkcompliance [ /none ] /pdfx1acheck false /pdfx3check false /pdfxcompliantpdfonly false /pdfxnotrimboxerror true /pdfxtrimboxtomediaboxoffset [ 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 ] /pdfxsetbleedboxtomediabox true /pdfxbleedboxtotrimboxoffset [ 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 ] /pdfxoutputintentprofile () /pdfxoutputconditionidentifier () /pdfxoutputcondition () /pdfxregistryname () /pdfxtrapped /false /createjdffile false /description << /ara <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> /bgr <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> /chs <feff4f7f75288fd94e9b8bbe5b9a521b5efa7684002000410064006f006200650020005000440046002065876863900275284e8e9ad88d2891cf76845370524d53705237300260a853ef4ee54f7f75280020004100630072006f0062006100740020548c002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e003000204ee553ca66f49ad87248672c676562535f00521b5efa768400200050004400460020658768633002> /cht <feff4f7f752890194e9b8a2d7f6e5efa7acb7684002000410064006f006200650020005000440046002065874ef69069752865bc9ad854c18cea76845370524d5370523786557406300260a853ef4ee54f7f75280020004100630072006f0062006100740020548c002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e003000204ee553ca66f49ad87248672c4f86958b555f5df25efa7acb76840020005000440046002065874ef63002> /cze <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> /dan <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> /deu <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> /esp <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> /eti <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> /fra <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> /gre <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> /heb <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> /hrv (za stvaranje adobe pdf dokumenata najpogodnijih za visokokvalitetni ispis prije tiskanja koristite ove postavke. stvoreni pdf dokumenti mogu se otvoriti acrobat i adobe reader 5.0 i kasnijim verzijama.) /hun <feff004b0069007600e1006c00f30020006d0069006e0151007300e9006701710020006e0079006f006d00640061006900200065006c0151006b00e90073007a00ed007401510020006e0079006f006d00740061007400e100730068006f007a0020006c006500670069006e006b00e1006200620020006d0065006700660065006c0065006c0151002000410064006f00620065002000500044004600200064006f006b0075006d0065006e00740075006d006f006b0061007400200065007a0065006b006b0065006c0020006100200062006500e1006c006c00ed007400e10073006f006b006b0061006c0020006b00e90073007a00ed0074006800650074002e0020002000410020006c00e90074007200650068006f007a006f00740074002000500044004600200064006f006b0075006d0065006e00740075006d006f006b00200061007a0020004100630072006f006200610074002000e9007300200061007a002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e0030002c0020007600610067007900200061007a002000610074007400f3006c0020006b00e9007301510062006200690020007600650072007a006900f3006b006b0061006c0020006e00790069007400680061007400f3006b0020006d00650067002e> /ita <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> /jpn <feff9ad854c18cea306a30d730ea30d730ec30b951fa529b7528002000410064006f0062006500200050004400460020658766f8306e4f5c6210306b4f7f75283057307e305930023053306e8a2d5b9a30674f5c62103055308c305f0020005000440046002030d530a130a430eb306f3001004100630072006f0062006100740020304a30883073002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e003000204ee5964d3067958b304f30533068304c3067304d307e305930023053306e8a2d5b9a306b306f30d530a930f330c8306e57cb30818fbc307f304c5fc59808306730593002> /kor <feffc7740020c124c815c7440020c0acc6a9d558c5ec0020ace0d488c9c80020c2dcd5d80020c778c1c4c5d00020ac00c7a50020c801d569d55c002000410064006f0062006500200050004400460020bb38c11cb97c0020c791c131d569b2c8b2e4002e0020c774b807ac8c0020c791c131b41c00200050004400460020bb38c11cb2940020004100630072006f0062006100740020bc0f002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e00300020c774c0c1c5d0c11c0020c5f40020c2180020c788c2b5b2c8b2e4002e> /lth <feff004e006100750064006f006b0069007400650020016100690075006f007300200070006100720061006d006500740072007500730020006e006f0072011700640061006d00690020006b0075007200740069002000410064006f00620065002000500044004600200064006f006b0075006d0065006e007400750073002c0020006b00750072006900650020006c0061006200690061007500730069006100690020007000720069007400610069006b007900740069002000610075006b01610074006f00730020006b006f006b007900620117007300200070006100720065006e006700740069006e00690061006d00200073007000610075007300640069006e0069006d00750069002e0020002000530075006b0075007200740069002000500044004600200064006f006b0075006d0065006e007400610069002000670061006c006900200062016b007400690020006100740069006400610072006f006d00690020004100630072006f006200610074002000690072002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e0030002000610072002000760117006c00650073006e0117006d00690073002000760065007200730069006a006f006d00690073002e> /lvi <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> /nld (gebruik deze instellingen om adobe pdf-documenten te maken die zijn geoptimaliseerd voor prepress-afdrukken van hoge kwaliteit. de gemaakte pdf-documenten kunnen worden geopend met acrobat en adobe reader 5.0 en hoger.) /nor <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> /pol <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> /ptb <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> /rum <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> /rus <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> /sky <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> /slv <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> /suo <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> /sve <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> /tur <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> /ukr <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> /enu (use these settings to create adobe pdf documents best suited for high-quality prepress printing. created pdf documents can be opened with acrobat and adobe reader 5.0 and later.) >> /namespace [ (adobe) (common) (1.0) ] /othernamespaces [ << /asreaderspreads false /cropimagestoframes true /errorcontrol /warnandcontinue /flattenerignorespreadoverrides false /includeguidesgrids false /includenonprinting false /includeslug false /namespace [ (adobe) (indesign) (4.0) ] /omitplacedbitmaps false /omitplacedeps false /omitplacedpdf false /simulateoverprint /legacy >> << /addbleedmarks false /addcolorbars false /addcropmarks false /addpageinfo false /addregmarks false /convertcolors /converttocmyk /destinationprofilename () /destinationprofileselector /documentcmyk /downsample16bitimages true /flattenerpreset << /presetselector /mediumresolution >> /formelements false /generatestructure false /includebookmarks false /includehyperlinks false /includeinteractive false /includelayers false /includeprofiles false /multimediahandling /useobjectsettings /namespace [ (adobe) (creativesuite) (2.0) ] /pdfxoutputintentprofileselector /documentcmyk /preserveediting true /untaggedcmykhandling /leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice trail trees: living artifacts (vivifacts) of eastern north america ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):183-188. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.410. 183 perspective those who might follow behind (barr 2011:33). they also planted tree saplings with split trunks to mark watering holes, orienting the saplings to point in the direction of the water source. they even carved and painted tree trunks with scenes of everyday life. on their journey across north america (18041806), meriweather lewis and william clark noted culturally modified trees as evidence of indigenous presence. when their party approached the rocky mountains in 1805, they “saw several indian camps [and] trees peeled” (devoto 1953:160). as they returned to the united states, they again noted scarred trees in the bitter root mountains that had been “peeled by the nativs for the iner bark of which they scraped and eate [sic]” (devoto 1953:404). the “corps of discovery” in turn modified trees to mark trails, assist with river navigation, and memorialize their trip, including a series of arboglyphs that commemorated their brief occupancy at fort clatsop on the pacific coast (devoto 1953). basque immigrants in california and nevada left similar modifications of trees after their arrival to the area following the 1848 gold rush. many of them found a niche in shepherding and made carvings in aspen trees (populus tremuloides michaux salicaceae) during their leisure time. basque arborglyphs are widely distributed, with over 20,000 examples found to date, including names, icons, and even erotic introduction living trees historically modified by human populations, oftentimes referred to as “culturally modified trees” (cmts), are found throughout the north american landscape. these include trees modified by harvest activities and bark stripping (arno et al. 2008; jett 2005; josefsson et al. 2012; mobley and eldridge 1992) as well as pruning, coppicing, and pollarding (turner et al. 2009). some trees have also acted as trail and boundary markers and even mediums of art. of the various cmts, these latter examples are perhaps the most culturally significant because they exhibit the ways in which people have employed trees as living signs and symbols. many instances of native north americans’ use of trees to convey symbolic meanings appear in the anthropological and historical literature (e.g., parker 1912). creek warriors stripped bark from “conspicuous places” and “painted red and black hieroglyphics” as warnings to their enemies of further bloodshed (swanton 1928a:415). the creek also stripped bark and removed limbs from the eastern side of trees during healing rituals (swanton 1928b:665). among the choctaw, human bodies and trees could be marked with the same symbol as a way to alert strangers to the identity of the family who dwelled in the area (swanton 1928b:686). west of the mississippi river, the comanche placed tally marks on trees as they moved along trails, leaving signals for trail trees: living artifacts (vivifacts) of eastern north america nicholas c. kawa 1* , bradley painter 1 , and cailín e. murray 1 author addresses: 1 department of anthropology, ball state university, burkhardt building 315, muncie, in 47306, usa. * corresponding author: nckawa@gmail.com received: may 26, 2015 volume: 6(1):183-188 published: september 17, 2015 © 2015 society of ethnobiology abstract: living trees historically modified by human populations, oftentimes referred to as “culturally modified trees” (cmts), are found throughout the north american landscape. in eastern north america specifically, indigenous populations bent thousands of trees to mark trails, and some of these still exist in the region today. in this article, we pr esent a synthesis of current knowledge on trail trees, including their speculated functions, formation, and selection. we also examine the theoretical implications of these living artifacts (or vivifacts) and how they may open new avenues for investigation by archaeologists, environmental historians, and ethnobiologists. to conclude, we make a call for expanded public recognition and documentation of trail trees, discussing the need for their incorporation into forest and park management plans. keywords: culturally modified trees (cmts), trail trees, living artifacts, vivifacts ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):183-188. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.410. 184 perspective images that lonely shepherds etched into the trunks of the region’s aspens (mallea-olaetxe 2001). in the eastern woodlands of north america, many different sources have reported on native americans’ use of trees as trail markers (allison 2005; amerson 1999; downes and samor 2011; elliott 1993; jannesen 1941; jordan 1997; mcclain 2006; ritzenthaler 1965; sander 1965; wells and wells 2011). much of this literature, however, is limited to journalistic pieces and non-academic publications, often produced by a small group of enthusiasts and self-published writers. in this article, we present the first comprehensive overview of trail trees of eastern north america, synthesizing current knowledge of these trees, including their speculated functions, formation, and selection. since these trees are considered “living artifacts” for which no technical designation currently exists, we also introduce the term vivifact. this concept should encourage archaeologists, environmental historians, and ethnobiologists, to open a broader investigation into the ways that living organisms modified by human populations continue to thrive in the environment while also reflecting its past use. to conclude, we urge for greater recognition of trail trees and other vivifacts, which can be documented and shared publicly through open-source databases online and incorporated into cultural heritage management plans. this is especially important as such trees are quickly disappearing from the north american landscape. the forms and functions of trail trees across eastern north america, trees bent in peculiar forms with severely angled trunks and deformed branches appear in many old tracts of forest (figure 1). these trees have taken on various names, including “trail marker trees,” “signal trees,” “thong trees,” “indian bent trees,” and simply “trail trees.” they have garnered special attention for once having served as blazes on paths traveled by native north americans. however, these trees do not conform to just one particular shape, and their morphology is said to vary depending on their past marking purpose (janssen 1941; jordan 1997). most trail trees are bent a few feet from the ground at an acute angle (jannsen 1941). these “standard” trail trees are identified as having once marked indigenous footpaths and travel routes. however, there is also documentation of “rider trees,” which were bent parallel to the trail path at the same acute angle, approximately eight feet off the ground to allow riders on horseback to easily spot them (jordan 1997). other trail trees are considered to be boundary markers. such “boundary trees” are bent with multiple branches forming acute angles, similar to a pitchfork or a candelabra, and define the borderline of a given territory or rangeland (mcclain 2006). many writers claim that native north americans also used living trees to indicate bodies of water, important landmarks, and burial sites. some argue that they even used such deformed trees to conceal objects in their nooks (jordan 1997). the bent leader branch of most trail trees is usually absent, either because it died off or was removed. the knob or end of the tree that is left remaining is commonly referred to as the “nose.” it has been suggested that the noses of such trees were expanded through the insertion of moss or other materials into the hollowed end (jordan 1997). trees with hollowed noses are sometimes referred to figure 1. an oak trail tree found on a private property in monterey, tn. photo by dennis downes (2001), reproduced under a creative commons attribution-share alike 3.0 unported license. ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):183-188. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.410. 185 perspective as “message trees,” although their use for such a purpose appears to be wishful conjecture. as noted here, many of the past uses of trail trees are speculative. there is little direct documentation regarding the use and management of such trees by native north americans. still, it is widely recognized that indigenous peoples did use trees as markers, as has been found in other parts of the world (andersson 2005; carver 2001; drslerova and mikulas 2010; ostlund et al. 2003). and what is unique about these trees is that while they carry signs of the human past, they often outlive the very people who shaped them, remaining enduring features of the landscape. trail tree formation it is likely that native american populations experimented with a number of different materials to shape trail trees into their distinctive forms. branches, sinews, vines, and bundles of rocks tied to the tree have all been suggested as possible materials used in the process. although the precise methods employed were never historically documented, several different techniques have been proposed (amerson 1999; downes and samors 2011; elliott 1993; jordan 1997; mcclain 2006; ritzenthaler 1965). ritzenthaler (1965) reasoned that after a young sapling was bent toward the ground, its trunk was tied to a stake that was attached by sinew or animal skin. others have speculated that a bundle of rocks may have been used to weigh it down. it is also frequently claimed that a “y”-shaped stick (sometimes referred to as a “thong”) was used to support the sapling’s trunk, preventing it from bending too close to the ground while securing it firmly in place until the supporting stick rotted away or was removed (amerson 1999:54; elliott 1993). over time, the leader branch of the tree slowly died off or may have been cut off, where the “nose” then formed. trail tree biology and selection north america possesses a total of 652 known tree species (elias and sargent 1980). the majority of the trail trees that have been discovered and recorded in eastern north america can be reduced to just six of these. don wells, president of the mountain stewards organization in georgia, maintains a database of several hundred recorded trail trees that have been found throughout the eastern united states. his organization has determined that the most commonly used species is the white oak (quercus alba linnaeus fagaceae) followed closely by the red oak (quercus rubra linnaeus fagaceae) (wells and wells 2011:7; see also elliott 1993 and mcclain 2006). oaks are very strong yet pliable when young, allowing for easy manipulation by humans. although they grow slowly, they can live for several hundred years, which makes them ideal long-term markers. they also exhibit strong resistance to disease and insect infestations (petrides and wher 1998:281). it should be noted, however, that oaks represent a very large percentage of the hardwood trees used in the lumber industry, which means many trail trees are potential targets for economic exploitation. in addition to white and red oaks, the mountain stewards have identified trails marked by live oaks (quercus virginiana miller fagaceae), sweetgums (liquidambar styraciflua linnaeus altingiaceae), and tulip poplars (liriodendron tulipifera linnaeus magnoliaceae). in southern reaches of the midwest, the mountain stewards have also encountered a large number of pines that were bent in a similar manner, especially loblolly pine (pinus taeda linnaeus pinaceae). this is in contrast to western north america where native peoples primarily used the ponderosa pine (pinus ponderosa douglas ex c.lawson pinaceae). other hardwood trees were used as trail trees as well. these include hickories, maples, and elms (sander 1965). although hickories are not as resilient to insect infestations and decay as oaks (petrides and wher 1998:239), they are both strong and flexible, and evidence shows that hickory species were heavily utilized by native americans in the past (weeks et al. 2005:246). maples and elms (with a combined total of 20 species in north america) also have strong, pliant wood, although somewhat less than oaks or hickories, and frank reed grover noted in 1901 that the trail trees found along chicago’s north shore were mostly “large elms” (p.21). vivifact: a conceptual contribution an artifact is generally defined as “an object made or modified by human workmanship, as opposed to one formed by natural processes” (oed 2015). this includes, for example, stone tools, woven baskets, bronze sculptures, and cellular phones. living organisms, like trees, are generally excluded from this category. archaeologists also employ the term “ecofact” to refer to biological materials (e.g., pollen) that are found in the archaeological record, but are considered “natural remains” (oed 2015). lewis binford (1964) described ecofact as “the term applied to all culturally relevant nonartifactual data” which ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):183-188. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.410. 186 perspective “can be broken down into subclasses representing different populations such as pollen, soil, and animal bone” (p.432; see also neustupný 1993). although binford’s definition is relatively open-ended, the subclasses he outlines consist of the remains of biological organisms found in the archaeological record. trail trees, which are essentially “living artifacts,” thus present a curious case that fits outside of traditional archaeological classification. they are living biological organisms that have been manipulated or modified by humans in the past, but continue to live on and persist in the environment. for this reason, we introduce the concept of the vivifact to occupy this categorical lacuna. in adopting this concept, we aim to encourage archaeologists along with environmental historians and ethnobiologists to investigate the ways by which human populations, and especially indigenous populations, have physically modified living organisms in the environment that continue to live on today. culturally modified trees are perhaps the bestknown examples of vivifacts. these include trail trees as discussed here, but also the scarred rubber trees (hevea brasiliensis müller argoviensis euphorbiaceae) of amazonia that were tapped to produce latex for the burgeoning tire industry in the early 20th century and, then later, for the allied powers during world war ii (dean 1987). others examples include cacti that exhibit carvings left by migrants during border crossings in the southwestern u.s. (sundberg and kaserman 2007) and the japanese bonsai, which illustrates that the production of vivifacts can be a distinctive art form itself (e.g. liang 2005). many other organisms modified by humans may be worthy of future investigation, from wild macaws with clipped wings to tortoises with perforated carapaces. landscapes that reflect past human modification and management, including clam gardens, may even be considered vivifeatures (see, for example, deur et al. 2015). rather than outline numerous lines of future investigation, our intention here is to simply draw attention to some of these living artifacts with the hope that they may open new paths of inquiry into human-environmental relations. conclusions since many of the trees historically modified by indigenous populations of north america are disappearing from the landscape, greater public recognition and documentation of these trees is needed. currently, the organization mountain stewards maintains a geo-database of trail trees identified in eastern north america, but these data are not available to the public. while the members of the organization are concerned that a public database could lead to undesirable attention or even destruction of these historic landmarks, we strongly believe that an open-source geo-database or geographic information system (gis) could help these trees gain greater public appreciation and support. it is important to highlight that the past uses of these trees is still largely speculative, and many of the trail trees identified today require more vigorous investigation to determine whether they are in fact the product of past human management or manipulation. clearly, every tree with a bent limb is not a trail tree. how to distinguish indigenous trail trees from aged trees with distinctive bends due to other forces will be important for cultural heritage management. the measurement and dating of trees in addition to consultation of the ethnohistorical record can aid in verification. the mapping of recognized trail trees in relation to identifiable historic trails and travel routes may also be necessary. lastly, dendrochronological analysis and research involving the coring of some recognized trail trees will help to identify distinctive characteristics related to stress and past use. to avoid the unnecessary destruction of living trees, this may be appropriate in the case of dying trail trees. in parts of canada, culturally modified trees are protected by law. under british columbia’s heritage conservation act, for example, culturally modified trees dating before 1846 have legal protections that prevent them from being logged (stryd 2001). however, such protections have been disputed and even overturned in the court of law (mcneil 2010). in the united states, the department of natural resources (dnr) can prohibit logging of areas that contain cultural resources, such as archaeological sites, but there is no specific state or federal legislation that protects culturally modified trees. while some parks and recreation areas feature signage that draws attention to culturally modified trees, their inclusion within forest and park management plans is sorely needed. lastly, trail trees, and other vivifacts mentioned above, would benefit from greater investigation by anthropologists, environmental historians, and ethnobiologists. since vivifacts are by definition “living artifacts,” we know that one day they will die. ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):183-188. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.410. 187 perspective and for that reason, they require our attention now while they are still alive. references allison, r. b. 2005. every root an anchor: wisconsin’s famous and historic trees, 2nd edition. wisconsin historical society press, madison, wi. andersson, r. 2005. historical land-use information from culturally modified trees. unpublished doctoral dissertation, department of forest vegetation ecology, swedish university of agricultural sciences, uppsala, sweden. amerson, a. d. 1999. the cherokee trail trees. north georgia journal summer:52-57. arno, s. f., l. östlund and r. e. keane. 2008. living artifacts: the ancient ponderosa pines of the west. montana: the magazine of the western history spring:55-67. barr, j. 2011. geographies of power: mapping indian borders in the “borderlands” of the early southwest. the william and mary quarterly 68(1):5-46. carver, g. 2001. an examination of indigenous australian culturally modified trees in south australia. unpublished doctoral dissertation, department of archaeology, flinders university, adelaide, south australia. dean, w. 1987. brazil and the struggle for rubber: a study in environmental history. cambridge university press, cambridge, england. deu, d., a. dick, k. recalma-clutesi and n. j. turner. 2015. kwakwaka’wakw “clam gardens”: motive and agency in traditional northwest coast mariculture. human ecology 43(2):201-212. devoto, b., ed. 1953. the journals of lewis and clark. houghton mifflin, boston, ma. devoto, b., ed. 1953. the journals of lewis and clark. houghton mifflin, boston, ma. downes, d. 2001. this classic oak tree is one of two trail marker trees on private property near the town of monterey, tn. available at: https:// commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/ file:trail_marker_tree_one_of_two_classic_oak_tre es_on_private_property_near_the_town_of_monte rey,_tn.jpg. accessed on may 20, 2015. downes, d. and n. samors. 2011. native american trail marker trees: marking paths through the wilderness. chicago books press, chicago, il. dreslerova, d. and r. mikulas. 2010. an early medieval symbol carved on a tree trunk: pathfinder or territorial marker? antiquity 84:1067-1075. elias, t.s. and c. sargent. 1980. the complete trees of north america. field guide and natural history. van nostrand reinhold co., new york, ny. elliott, d. r. 1993. thong trees: living indian relics. central states archaeological journal 40(1):16-19. grover, f. r. 1901. our indian predecessors—the first evanstonians. evanston historical society, evanston, il. janssen, r. e. 1941. living guide-posts of the past. the scientific monthly 53(1):22-29. jett, s. c. 2005. navajo-modified living trees and cradleboard manufacture. material culture 37:131142. jordan, e. 1997. indian trail trees. jordan ink publishing, ellijay, ga. josefsson, t., e. k. sutherland, s. f. arno and l. östlund. 2012. ancient barkpeeled trees in the bitterroot mountains, montana: legacies of native land use and implications for their protection. natural areas journal 32(1):54-64. liang, a. 2005. the living art of bonsai: principles and techniques of cultivation and propagation. sterling publishing company, new york, ny. mallea-olaetxe, j. 2001. carving out history: the basque aspens. forest history today spring/fall:4450. mcclain, w. 2006. mysteries of the trail-marker trees. illinois steward magazine summer 15(2). available at: http://web.extension.illinois.edu/ illinoissteward/openarticle.cfm? articleid=26&page=1. accessed on february 10, 2014. mcneil, k. 2003. culturally modified trees, indian reserves and the crown’s fiduciary obligations. supreme court law review 21(2d):105-138. mobley, c. m. and m. eldridge. 1992. culturally modified trees in the pacific northwest. arctic anthropology 29(2):91-110. ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):183-188. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.410. 188 perspective myer, w. e. 1928. indian trails of the southeast. 42nd annual report of the bureau of american ethnology for the years 1924-1925, pp. 727-857. us government printing office, washington, dc. neustupný, e. 1993. archaeological method. cambridge university press, cambridge, england. östlund, l., t. s. ericsson, o. zackrisson and r. andersson. 2003. traces of past sami forest use: an ecological study of culturally modified trees and earlier land use within a boreal forest reserve. scandinavian journal of forest research 18 (1):78-89. oed online. 2015. oxford university press. available at: http://www.oed.com/view/ entry/11133?redirectedfrom=artifact. accessed on may 25, 2015. parker, a. c. 1912. certain iroquois tree myths and symbols. american anthropologist 14(4):608-620. petrides, g. a. and j. wehr. 1998. a field guide to eastern trees: eastern united states and canada, including the midwest. houghton mifflin, boston, ma. ritzenhaler, r. e. 1965. trail marker trees. the wisconsin archeologist 46(3):183–189. sander, p. 1965. a “trail marker tree” at twin lakes. the wisconsin archeologist 46(3):189-190. stryd, a. h. 2001. culturally modified trees of british columbia: a handbook for the identification and recording of culturally modified trees. british columbia ministry of forests, victoria, bc, canada. stryd, a. h. and m. eldridge. 1993. cmt archaeology in british columbia: the meares island studies. bc studies: the british columbian quarterly 99:184-234. sundberg, j. and b. kaserman. 2007. cactus carvings and desert defecations: embodying representations of border crossings in protected areas on the mexico-us border. environment and planning d: society and space 25(4):727-744. swanton, j. r. 1928a. social organization and social usages of the creek confederacy. 42nd annual report of the bureau of american ethnology for the years 1924-1925, pp. 23-472. u.s. government printing office, washington, dc. swanton, j. r. 1928b. aboriginal culture of the southeast. 42nd annual report of the bureau of american ethnology for the years 1924-1925, pp. 673726. u.s. government printing office, washington, dc. turner, n. j., y. a. f. berkes, i. davidson-hunt, z. f. ertug and a. miller. 2009. cultural management of living trees: an international perspective. journal of ethnobiology 29(2):237-270. weeks, s. s., h. p. weeks, jr. and g. r. parker. 2005. native trees of the midwest: identification, wildlife values, and landscaping use. purdue university press, west lafayette, in. wells, d. and d. wells. 2011. mystery of the trees: native american markers of a cultural way of life that may soon be gone. mountain stewards publishing, jasper, ga. biosketches nicholas c. kawa is an assistant professor in the department of anthropology at ball state university. his research centers on human relationships to plants and soils in both brazilian amazonia and the american midwest. bradley painter completed his m.s. in anthropology with an archaeological focus at ball state university in 2015. his primary research interest is the use of geographic information systems (gis) for archaeological prospection. cailín e. murray is an associate professor in the department of anthropology at ball state university. she specializes in environmental ethnohistory, native american studies, landscape studies, and the impact of settler colonialism on indigenous belief systems about place. she has also done work on the historic impact of hydroelectric development on marine resources in the pacific northwest. 91  interview  dr sofia a. vougioukalou (sav): what were your incentives in compiling this volume and selecting the contributions that feature in it? professor elisabeth hsu (eh): this is a coauthored book with dr. stephen harris who is the curator of the herbarium at the university of oxford and who has also done very interesting research into the history of botany. the volume is based on the medical anthropology research seminar series ‘ethnobotany, health and healing’ which we held in winter 2004 at the institute of social and cultural anthropology at the university of oxford, shortly after setting up our masters course which aims to combine social and biological anthropological approaches to medical anthropology. as professor roy ellen noted in the 9th international congress of ethnobiology in june in the same year at the university of kent, although 70% of humankind depends on medicinal plant preparations, there is actually very little academic research on this subject. his ‘ethnobiology and sciences of humankind’ keynote therefore makes our project all the more timely and relevant. the book is based on the presentations given in the seminar series. the emphasis was on thick description and ethnography. wenzel geissler and ruth prince show how the luo of kenya use plants to enhance children’s growth and rather than focusing on how a particular chemical compound of a particular species is used therapeutically, they highlight how plants are an integral aspect of social practices of belonging, child care and preventive health; and those are fun and playful! francoise barbira-freedman’s piece asks why in the upper amazon shamans are mostly men. she shows that plants are gendered and that shamans have to seduce them to engage them in the healing in this interview professor elisabeth hsu discusses ethnobiology as an interdisciplinary science and introduces the book she co-edited with dr. stephen harris plants, health and healing: on the interface of ethnobotany and medical anthropology (hsu and harris 2010). she discusses epistemological contradictions between biologically and anthropologically orientated ethnobiological studies and argues for a more anthropologically grounded and methodologically rigorous discipline. the interview took place at the school of anthropology and conservation at the university of kent in the uk in february 2011. the anti-malarial qinghaosu (artemisinin) captured elisabeth's attention when she was doing fieldwork in the early 2000s on chinese medicine in east africa, as qinghaosu constituted over 50% of the over-thecounter transactions in the private chinese medical clinics she visited, which mostly catered to the swahili -speaking local clientele. dawa ya kichina, “the medicine from china”, was in this case a purified chemical substance that chinese scientists had extracted, isolated and chemically identified in the 1970s and 1980s from a traditional chinese medical plant. it was a western medical drug, a molecule extracted from the plant materials of artemisia annua l., which, as elisabeth demonstrates in her article in this book, since antiquity had been praised for its parasite-killing and wound-healing properties and since medieval times for its use against intermittent fevers. at the time, thousands of articles had been published on the unusual structure of the molecule, its pharmacokinetics, its toxicity and its clinical effects, but not a single one on the history of qinghao in the chinese medical literature. this prompted elisabeth into launching a seminar series out of which grew this book project. an interview with elisabeth hsu on plants, health and healing: on  the interface of ethnobotany and medical anthropology  sofia a. vougioukalou   author address: king’s college london, department of primary care and public health sciences, 42 weston street, london  se1 3qd   sofia.vougioukalou@kcl.ac.uk  received: september 17, 2012  volume: 3:91‐95  published: december 29, 2012  © 2012 society of ethnobiology  mailto:sofia.vougioukalou@kcl.ac.uk� 92  interview  process. we wanted to be broad so we also included clinical medical, botanical and historical research. sav: one of the book’s strengths, that highlights its ability to cross disciplinary boundaries, is that its editors are a medical anthropologist and a botanist. for botanists, the core of ethnobotanical research is the accurate identification of medicinal plant species. however, this is not regarded a priority by medical anthropologists and is frequently ignored. how did your partnership work? eh: stephen harris and i are based in the same university and in the same college, green templeton college. in the college we are encouraged to undertake joint projects. sir john grimley evans is an emeritus fellow at the same college, a distinguished gerontologist, who is rather sceptical about the alleged memory-enhancing effects of gingko biloba leaf extracts for alzheimer’s patients. he provides a really succinct appraisal of rcts in general, and shows that there are none to prove it. if these leaf extracts have any effect, it is indirect: his hunch is that they modulate mood and reduce depression and thereby may enhance people’s performance in memory tests. the identification of medicinal plant species indeed is very important but there are other important issues in the way plants are used that are neglected by ethnobotanists. for example, geissler and prince show that for the plants used externally in the baths that enhanced luo childrens’ growth, it was important that the plants used grew on the land that belonged to the clan. the people connected to their land through the plants. the authors also had the plants botanically identified by stephen harris. so one can do both, write an ethnographic narrative to emphasise what is important for the people and also in the footnotes provide the identification of the species and the range of plant species used. sav: this is a great example of interdisciplinary work actually working, especially bearing in mind the long history of animosity between anthropologists and biologists that study the same topic and tend to disregard each other. it shows the benefits that come out when people actually collaborate. eh: it is important when we collaborate that we actually are willing to learn a bit about both languages, to be multi-lingual does service to both audiences. for example, harris mentions plant species names in the text and plant appearances in a footnote. whereas geissler and princes’ plant species names feature in footnotes. this is one way in which different disciplines can collaborate and still maintain their focus of interest. sav: your introduction presents an astute critique of medicinal ethnobotany. what in your view has ethnobotany in the uk been missing so far? eh: i only know a little bit about medicinal ethnobotany and it evidently has developed very much in a cognitivist direction and not taken account of recent developments in medical anthropology. a lot of the writing still works with concepts of ‘culture’, ‘illness’ and ‘disease’ that have since been revised. i hope with this book to invite medicinal ethnobotanists to be more open to a phenomenologically-inspired approach that takes seriously people’s experience of plants and that focuses on the practices in which people engage when they interact with plants. medical anthropologists, in light of current trends beyond the figure 1. book cover for plants, health and healing:  on  the  interface  of  ethnobotany  and  medical  an‐ 93  interview  body proper (lock and farquhar 2007), may become more interested in the study of medicinal plants as cultural artefacts, and in their social lives as an aspect of material culture. sav: you discussed thomas reid’s philosophy of ‘common sense’ and james gibson’s ‘ecological psychology of perception’ and advocate combining them for the investigation of medical realities. you present them as distinct from empirical and functional knowledge that dominates medicinal ethnobotany. can you expand on that? eh: it is really a question why do many medical anthropologists find medicinal ethnobotany so limited, and do not want to engage with it. i think it has to do with its philosophical orientation; ethnobotany appears wedded to an uninteresting kind of empiricism. medical anthropology has gone a different way. narrative theory has questioned the idea of a single truth postmodernism, practice theory, foucauldian questions of institutional power and more recently the phenomenological twist, the interest in the body, personhood and the self, and the impulse we got from science studies to investigate technologies, materiality and material culture. the two orientations are not easily merged. it seems to me that it is a philosophical problem. the ethnobotanist scott atran talked about common sense as some kind of ‘manifestly perceivable empirical fact’ (atran and medin 2008). for an anthropologist a ‘manifestly perceivable empirical fact’ does not exist. scott atran cited george moore who cited thomas reid, and reid i found the most carefully formulated and readable author. his philosophy of common sense concerns the self and how it relates the environment. it posits that in certain situations the self can engage with the world in an unmediated way, such that the self and the environment form a continuum. thomas reid (1764 [1997]) was at the time arguing against his contemporary david hume, who in a typical empiricist fashion was very sceptical about the veracity of whatever is mediated through the senses. i thought reid was interesting as this interrelatedness with the environment until very recently has been dematerialised in medical anthropology. reid, moreover, has extremely interesting thoughts about the senses and perception, and, in my reading, some of them point in the same direction as thomas gibson’s ecological approach to visual perception (gibson 1979) and the notion of affordances that gibson developed in that context. both authors validate the sensory experiences of the common person in ways that scientific empiricism does not, as the latter takes seriously only expert knowledge. so, there is also a knowledge political edge to my argument. if one implicates the self, and its modes of perception, into the study of what appears commonsensical, this may provide a meeting ground for both disciplines. sav: your fascinating account of the ubiquitous presence of qinghao throughout chinese materia medica highlights the importance of history of medicine and linguistic interpretations to unravel the changing nature of medicinals as cultural artefacts. what are the implications for ethnobotanical enquiry when ethnomedical remedies are studied as ‘cultural artefacts’ instead of ‘natural herbs’? eh: it is often said that complementary and alternative medical practitioners work with ‘natural herbs’. this is pretty wrong. what is a ‘natural herb’? the chemical constitution of the ‘herb’ depends on the time plants are harvested, the location of where the plants grow, on their preparation and application. in most traditional medicines one mixes plants with other ingredients, like honey, or with other herbs, or one burns them to ashes, dries them in the shade or sun, rolls them into pills or pounds them into powders, therefore, processed plant materials don’t only have different cultural meanings and connotations but also different chemical properties, with different medical effects. pharmaceuticals as well as the ‘natural herbs’ are cultural artefacts and have figure  2. elisabeth in a field of sweet wormwood,  artemisia annua l. (asteraceae).  94  interview  social lives. sav: the discussion on the differences between the cultures of different disciplines goes back quite a while. c.p. snow in 1959 remarked on the ‘two cultures’ of modern society – the humanities and sciences (snow 2001 [1959]). how can we better integrate social and biological sciences for interdisciplinary benefits and enhanced knowledge in the understanding of human sickness and its treatment? eh: i do not believe in integration through one language. human beings are born with the ability to speak many languages. the human mind has the capacity to be multi-lingual. in burkina faso i was living in a compound visiting my godchild shortly after her birth, and in this compound there were five languages spoken by children under nine. our knowledge is enhanced by learning the language of different disciplines; learning to frame the problem in different ways and learning to see different perspectives. there are many more than two cultures of modern society: there are enormous differences in the culture of doing science even within the school of anthropology at oxford. within the medical sciences there are differences between geneticists and epidemiologists; the epidemiologists, like anthropologists, emphasize the environmental factors causing disease. and among the geneticists there are the systems biologists who stress the importance of the phenotype when it comes to the transmission of genetic information. it is very important for scholars in the humanities to have an inkling of the natural sciences, and for natural scientists to have one of the social sciences. sav: do you see empiricism, bioculturalism, and neo -darwinism as part of the same framework? eh: weckerle, timbul and blumenshine ask why is it that, worldwide, all seven plant genera that have species producing caffeine (camellia, coffea,, cola, ilex, paullinia, theobroma and citrus) have been put to use in ritual? it is really amazing because these species are in entirely different botanical families and grow in geographically completely unrelated areas. they are used in meditation rituals, in tea ceremonies; they are chewed, drunk or smoked. what is it between human beings and caffeine? it is a psychotropic drug and awakens the mind. this falls nicely into a biocultural framework of explanation: it is a matter of adaptation. weckerle and her colleagues mention adaptation and they bring into this discussion human observation of animal behaviour, but they go further in their explanation by pointing to cultural and economic historical changes. i find any kind of research into these phenomena fascinating. what i find problematic is the idea of adaptation as explanation for their existence. bioculturalist explanations often subsume socio-cultural processes within one species, homo sapiens, into a framework of explanation with which darwin explained species differentiation over geological, not historical or biographical, time periods. the concept “environment” itself is problematic not only because it implies that it is static. the relationship between the self and other organisms needs to be rethought. darwinists themselves, like levins and lewontin (1985) have long questioned the concept of adaptation. sav: major global challenges like public health, food security, climate change and natural disasters when combined with demographic change at current levels call for ethnobiology and medical anthropology to join forces to deliver benefits to the communities studied and vulnerable communities in general. how can that be achieved? eh: applied medical anthropology contributes directly to public health. this book is not about this. it takes seriously cultural history and gives an understanding for the interrelatedness of human beings with the plant world. it tries to get away from focusing on plant chemistry and its medicinal exploitation. it shows how human beings and plants are figure 3. preparing qinghao by macera ng artemi‐ sia  annua  leaves  and  squeezing  the  juice  in  cold  water. quing hao contains artemisinin which is cur‐ rently recommended as an an malarial by who.   95  interview  reid t. 1764 [1997]. an inquiry into the human mind on the principles of common sense. ed. derek r brookes. edinburgh university press, edinburgh. gibson, j. j. 1979. the ecological approach to visual perception. houghton mifflin, boston. snow, c. p. 2001 [1959]. the two cultures. cambridge university press, london. levins, r. and r. c. lewontin. 1985. the dialectical biologist. harvard university press, cambridge, ma. biosketch elisabeth hsu is professor in anthropology and fellow of  green  templeton  college,  university  of  oxford.  her  research  interests concern chinese medicine, transmis‐ sion of knowledge and prac ce, body and personhood,  as  well  as  touch,  pain,  feelings, emo ons,  and  sensory  experience.  dr. sofia anthi vougioukalou is a research associate at  the  department  of  primary  care  and  public  health  sciences  at  king’s  college  london  and  an  honorary  research  fellow  at  the  school  of  anthropology  and  conserva on at the university of kent (uk).  part of one world, entwined in sometimes strikingly similar cultural histories. in the sciences, knowledge is enhanced by a subject-object relationship where the subjective experiences are to be distrusted and the environment is to be objectified; the self has to be detached from the object it studies and a distance is to be produced. there might be another attitude, which arises from a heightened sensitivity to the experiential in human-plant interrelations that are taken for granted. the benefit it might provide for people in these disaster zones is to sharpen their consciousness for these interconnections in everyday life. references cited hsu, e. and s. harris, eds. 2010. plants, health, and healing: on the interface of medical anthropology and ethnobotany. in the series epistemologies of healing, volume 6. berghahn, oxford and new york. lock, m. and j. farquhar, eds. 2007. beyond the body proper: reading the anthropology of material life. duke university press, durham and london. atran s. and d. medin. 2008. the native mind and the cultural construction of nature. mit press, cambridge ma. << /ascii85encodepages false /allowtransparency false /autopositionepsfiles true /autorotatepages /none /binding /left /calgrayprofile (dot gain 20%) /calrgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /calcmykprofile (u.s. web coated \050swop\051 v2) /srgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /cannotembedfontpolicy /error /compatibilitylevel 1.4 /compressobjects /tags /compresspages true /convertimagestoindexed true /passthroughjpegimages true /createjobticket false /defaultrenderingintent /default /detectblends true /detectcurves 0.0000 /colorconversionstrategy /cmyk /dothumbnails false /embedallfonts true /embedopentype false /parseiccprofilesincomments true /embedjoboptions true /dscreportinglevel 0 /emitdscwarnings false /endpage -1 /imagememory 1048576 /lockdistillerparams false /maxsubsetpct 100 /optimize true /opm 1 /parsedsccomments true /parsedsccommentsfordocinfo true /preservecopypage true /preservedicmykvalues true /preserveepsinfo true /preserveflatness true /preservehalftoneinfo false /preserveopicomments true /preserveoverprintsettings true /startpage 1 /subsetfonts true /transferfunctioninfo /apply /ucrandbginfo /preserve /useprologue false /colorsettingsfile () /alwaysembed [ true ] /neverembed [ true ] /antialiascolorimages false /cropcolorimages true /colorimageminresolution 300 /colorimageminresolutionpolicy /ok /downsamplecolorimages true /colorimagedownsampletype /bicubic /colorimageresolution 300 /colorimagedepth -1 /colorimagemindownsampledepth 1 /colorimagedownsamplethreshold 1.50000 /encodecolorimages true /colorimagefilter /dctencode /autofiltercolorimages true /colorimageautofilterstrategy /jpeg /coloracsimagedict << /qfactor 0.15 /hsamples [1 1 1 1] /vsamples [1 1 1 1] >> /colorimagedict << /qfactor 0.15 /hsamples [1 1 1 1] /vsamples [1 1 1 1] >> /jpeg2000coloracsimagedict << /tilewidth 256 /tileheight 256 /quality 30 >> /jpeg2000colorimagedict << /tilewidth 256 /tileheight 256 /quality 30 >> /antialiasgrayimages false /cropgrayimages true /grayimageminresolution 300 /grayimageminresolutionpolicy /ok /downsamplegrayimages true /grayimagedownsampletype /bicubic /grayimageresolution 300 /grayimagedepth -1 /grayimagemindownsampledepth 2 /grayimagedownsamplethreshold 1.50000 /encodegrayimages true /grayimagefilter /dctencode /autofiltergrayimages true /grayimageautofilterstrategy /jpeg /grayacsimagedict << /qfactor 0.15 /hsamples [1 1 1 1] /vsamples [1 1 1 1] >> /grayimagedict << /qfactor 0.15 /hsamples [1 1 1 1] /vsamples [1 1 1 1] >> /jpeg2000grayacsimagedict << /tilewidth 256 /tileheight 256 /quality 30 >> /jpeg2000grayimagedict << /tilewidth 256 /tileheight 256 /quality 30 >> /antialiasmonoimages false /cropmonoimages true /monoimageminresolution 1200 /monoimageminresolutionpolicy /ok /downsamplemonoimages true /monoimagedownsampletype /bicubic /monoimageresolution 1200 /monoimagedepth -1 /monoimagedownsamplethreshold 1.50000 /encodemonoimages true /monoimagefilter /ccittfaxencode /monoimagedict << /k -1 >> /allowpsxobjects false /checkcompliance [ /none ] /pdfx1acheck false /pdfx3check false /pdfxcompliantpdfonly false /pdfxnotrimboxerror true /pdfxtrimboxtomediaboxoffset [ 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 ] /pdfxsetbleedboxtomediabox true /pdfxbleedboxtotrimboxoffset [ 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 ] /pdfxoutputintentprofile () /pdfxoutputconditionidentifier () /pdfxoutputcondition () /pdfxregistryname () /pdfxtrapped /false /createjdffile false /description << /ara <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> /bgr <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> /chs <feff4f7f75288fd94e9b8bbe5b9a521b5efa7684002000410064006f006200650020005000440046002065876863900275284e8e9ad88d2891cf76845370524d53705237300260a853ef4ee54f7f75280020004100630072006f0062006100740020548c002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e003000204ee553ca66f49ad87248672c676562535f00521b5efa768400200050004400460020658768633002> /cht <feff4f7f752890194e9b8a2d7f6e5efa7acb7684002000410064006f006200650020005000440046002065874ef69069752865bc9ad854c18cea76845370524d5370523786557406300260a853ef4ee54f7f75280020004100630072006f0062006100740020548c002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e003000204ee553ca66f49ad87248672c4f86958b555f5df25efa7acb76840020005000440046002065874ef63002> /cze <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> /dan <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> /deu <feff00560065007200770065006e00640065006e0020005300690065002000640069006500730065002000450069006e007300740065006c006c0075006e00670065006e0020007a0075006d002000450072007300740065006c006c0065006e00200076006f006e002000410064006f006200650020005000440046002d0044006f006b0075006d0065006e00740065006e002c00200076006f006e002000640065006e0065006e002000530069006500200068006f006300680077006500720074006900670065002000500072006500700072006500730073002d0044007200750063006b0065002000650072007a0065007500670065006e0020006d00f60063006800740065006e002e002000450072007300740065006c006c007400650020005000440046002d0044006f006b0075006d0065006e007400650020006b00f6006e006e0065006e0020006d006900740020004100630072006f00620061007400200075006e0064002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e00300020006f0064006500720020006800f600680065007200200067006500f600660066006e00650074002000770065007200640065006e002e> /esp <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> /eti <feff004b00610073007500740061006700650020006e0065006900640020007300e4007400740065006900640020006b00760061006c006900740065006500740073006500200074007200fc006b006900650065006c007300650020007000720069006e00740069006d0069007300650020006a0061006f006b007300200073006f00620069006c0069006b0065002000410064006f006200650020005000440046002d0064006f006b0075006d0065006e00740069006400650020006c006f006f006d006900730065006b0073002e00200020004c006f006f0064007500640020005000440046002d0064006f006b0075006d0065006e00740065002000730061006100740065002000610076006100640061002000700072006f006700720061006d006d006900640065006700610020004100630072006f0062006100740020006e0069006e0067002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e00300020006a00610020007500750065006d006100740065002000760065007200730069006f006f006e00690064006500670061002e000d000a> /fra <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> /gre <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> /heb <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> /hrv (za stvaranje adobe pdf dokumenata najpogodnijih za visokokvalitetni ispis prije tiskanja koristite ove postavke. stvoreni pdf dokumenti mogu se otvoriti acrobat i adobe reader 5.0 i kasnijim verzijama.) /hun <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> /ita <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> /jpn <feff9ad854c18cea306a30d730ea30d730ec30b951fa529b7528002000410064006f0062006500200050004400460020658766f8306e4f5c6210306b4f7f75283057307e305930023053306e8a2d5b9a30674f5c62103055308c305f0020005000440046002030d530a130a430eb306f3001004100630072006f0062006100740020304a30883073002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e003000204ee5964d3067958b304f30533068304c3067304d307e305930023053306e8a2d5b9a306b306f30d530a930f330c8306e57cb30818fbc307f304c5fc59808306730593002> /kor <feffc7740020c124c815c7440020c0acc6a9d558c5ec0020ace0d488c9c80020c2dcd5d80020c778c1c4c5d00020ac00c7a50020c801d569d55c002000410064006f0062006500200050004400460020bb38c11cb97c0020c791c131d569b2c8b2e4002e0020c774b807ac8c0020c791c131b41c00200050004400460020bb38c11cb2940020004100630072006f0062006100740020bc0f002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e00300020c774c0c1c5d0c11c0020c5f40020c2180020c788c2b5b2c8b2e4002e> /lth <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> /lvi <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> /nld (gebruik deze instellingen om adobe pdf-documenten te maken die zijn geoptimaliseerd voor prepress-afdrukken van hoge kwaliteit. de gemaakte pdf-documenten kunnen worden geopend met acrobat en adobe reader 5.0 en hoger.) /nor <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> /pol <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> /ptb <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> /rum <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> /rus <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> /sky <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> /slv <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> /suo <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> /sve <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> /tur <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> /ukr <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> /enu (use these settings to create adobe pdf documents best suited for high-quality prepress printing. created pdf documents can be opened with acrobat and adobe reader 5.0 and later.) >> /namespace [ (adobe) (common) (1.0) ] /othernamespaces [ << /asreaderspreads false /cropimagestoframes true /errorcontrol /warnandcontinue /flattenerignorespreadoverrides false /includeguidesgrids false /includenonprinting false /includeslug false /namespace [ (adobe) (indesign) (4.0) ] /omitplacedbitmaps false /omitplacedeps false /omitplacedpdf false /simulateoverprint /legacy >> << /addbleedmarks false /addcolorbars false /addcropmarks false /addpageinfo false /addregmarks false /convertcolors /converttocmyk /destinationprofilename () /destinationprofileselector /documentcmyk /downsample16bitimages true /flattenerpreset << /presetselector /mediumresolution >> /formelements false /generatestructure false /includebookmarks false /includehyperlinks false /includeinteractive false /includelayers false /includeprofiles false /multimediahandling /useobjectsettings /namespace [ (adobe) (creativesuite) (2.0) ] /pdfxoutputintentprofileselector /documentcmyk /preserveediting true /untaggedcmykhandling /leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice data collection in zooarchaeology: incorporating touch-screen, speech-recognition, barcodes, and gis ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(2):249‐257. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.2.2015.393. 249 data, methods & taxonomies special issue on digital zooarchaeology barcode labels, alongside legible text, enable a rapid and accurate printing and recording of excavation ids. the cost of the label paper and scanner is easily offset by the time and errors an analyst can save by making this change. integrating this coded information to a spatial representation of anatomical elements (a simple gis), it is possible to design a data entry system where analysts can click or touch an anatomical zone or landmark, rather than memorizing codes. touch-screen or speech-recognition enabled databases are simple to design through the use of buttons, which prompt users for information and answer questions. the change from pressing “g” for goat to touching a labeled illustrated button, or speaking aloud its caption, can increase efficiency and reduce a significant amount of error. speechrecognition allows for hands-free recording and an investigator to remain focused on the material. none of these methods are innovative but the combination creates a synergetic data entry system with a wide range of potential use in various field and lab settings. however, it should be noted that, while the digital recording methods described below will reduce human errors, they will not entirely eliminate all forms of careless mistakes, nor the incorrect use of basic zooarchaeological methods. introduction modern technology commonly facilitates the process of archaeological data collection, especially on large datasets with thousands of entries. while research teams generally recognize the need for well-crafted, rigorous project-wide databases, too frequently individual researchers persist in using low-tech solutions (paper and pencil, train-of-thought word processing documents, or disorganized spreadsheets) for large datasets. zooarchaeological data recording is an essential, but time-consuming and tedious process. detailing the attributes of an individual bone specimen – and all its potential value for interpretation – into database format requires utilizing many arbitrary codes or ids representing excavation context, taxonomic status, anatomical location, tooth-wear stage, etc. (driver 1992; gifford and crader 1977; kansa and kansa 2013, 2014). the potential for transcription errors can be high, especially among zooarchaeological assemblages where analysts are working under budgetary and time constraints, or in challenging field settings. a variety of new digital approaches for data collection offer high potential for a dramatic improvement in efficiency in the lab as well as a substantial reduction in the potential for data-recording error that is inherent in conventional lab practices. data collection in zooarchaeology: incorporating touch-screen, speech-recognition, barcodes, and gis w. flint dibble author address: department of classics, university of cincinnati, po box 210226, cincinnati, oh 45221-0226, usa. email: dibblewf@mail.uc.edu received: april 14, 2015 volume: 6(2):249-257 published: december 16, 2015 © 2015 society of ethnobiology abstract: when recording observations on specimens, zooarchaeologists typically use a pen and paper or a keyboard. however, the use of awkward terms and identification codes when recording thousands of specimens makes such data entry prone to human transcription errors. improving the quantity and quality of the zooarchaeological data we collect can lead to more robust results and new research avenues. this paper presents design tools for building a customized zooarchaeological database that leverages accessible and affordable 21 st century technologies. scholars interested in investing time in designing a custom-database in common software (here, microsoft access) can take advantage of the affordable touch -screen, speech-recognition, and geographic information system (gis) technologies described here. the efficiency that these approaches offer a research project far exceeds the time commitment a scholar must invest to deploy them. keywords: zooarchaeology, digital archaeology, archaeological database, touch-screen, database, gis, barcodes ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(2):249‐257. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.2.2015.393. 250 data, methods & taxonomies special issue on digital zooarchaeology although few zooarchaeologists have strong backgrounds in programming or database design, there is much that one can do to tailor applications to specific needs with minimum training (jones and hurley 2011). it is possible to adapt the methods described here to fields other than archaeology, zooarchaeology, or zoology. it is also possible to adapt these methods for other software (filemaker pro) and non-windows touch screen devices (android or ios); however, this requires a different set of software, coding, or database-design skills (e.g., see the blog paperlessarchaeology.com by john wallrodt for more suggestions on creating touch-screen filemaker pro databases). microsoft access (ms access) provides a database interface known to many current practitioners, and the tools presented below simply enhance the user interface within one’s own database. crucial skills utilized here include a basic knowledge (but not expertise) of relational database design and the ms access design interface, as well as a willingness to learn about coding specific actions (such as pressing a button) into an existing database. while it is impossible to predict which pieces of technology will become obsolete in the mediumto long-term future, the methods presented here do not necessarily require a change to the structure of the data or its need for archiving. given the inevitable challenges due to changing devices and software obsolescence, it is important that today’s scholars should try to “keep up” with technology in order to stay current in the scientific world. acknowledging these challenges, the methods presented here are designed to be low-tech, simple solutions in order to take advantage of current, widely available technology. redundant data collection process it is essential to first design one’s data recording process prior to designing a complementary digital system. i designed this database to facilitate my recording of ca. 20,000 zooarchaeological specimens over the course of two years from the sites of the athenian agora, azoria, and nichoria in greece. i developed the following step-by-step process (adapted from halstead 2014) with the intention of increasing efficiency and reducing identification and data-entry errors: 1) sort bags of zooarchaeological material into desired contextual assemblages (e.g., chronological, spatial, etc.) based upon research questions and preliminary observations. 2) label all potentially identifiable specimens (as determined by the project’s recording protocol) in each bag with a printed barcode tag containing a unique zooarchaeological id (e.g., stratigraphic unit + sequential number) 3) sort labeled specimens by anatomical element (e.g., humerus, femur), laid out on a table with all other specimens of the same anatomical element and the same contextual group. 4) sort each anatomical element by taxon (e.g., pig, sheep/goat, equid) with reference to a representative comparative collection. 5) sort each group into left vs. right vs. indeterminate sided. 6) if appropriate, sort each group by age or sex indicators, and/or proximal and/or distal halves. 7) determine minimum counts of each anatomical unit (e.g., proximal pig humerus). 8) following the project’s zooarchaeological recording protocol, record each specimen into the database, organized by the above contextual, anatomical, and taxonomical groupings. 9) repeat each step until the entire assemblage has been analyzed. as in an assembly-line, the analyst focuses on only a few redundant variables at a time. stackable trays or portable shelves enable a specialist to augment restricted table space, often needed for sorting large assemblages. by leveraging the redundancy in process and restricting the focus to just a few variables, it is possible to take advantage of existing technologies to improve and automate steps and correspondingly reduce operator error. human error a clear strength of an organized, efficient work flow that also takes advantage of digital approaches is a reduction in data-recording error. human mistakes are especially grievous when they involve archaeological context. such errors are common both when initially assigning ids and when repeatedly transcribing ids in the course of organizing, cataloging, analyzing and curating archaeological remains. digitally produced and recorded ids allow archaeologists to both reduce error and save time. these improvements can be demonstrated through identification and datarecording experiments. to understand the frequency and nature of human errors that occur during analysis, we conduct ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(2):249‐257. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.2.2015.393. 251 data, methods & taxonomies special issue on digital zooarchaeology ed several experiments. in the first, eight undergraduate students each labeled a collection of 40 lithics, not knowing they would be tested for error (dibble and dibble 2014). following this step, each student then transcribed 40 ids from their neighbor’s assemblage. finally, another student verified the transcribed ids against the labeled lithics. out of 320 total labeled lithics, 18 were transcribed incorrectly on the final sheet (a 5.6% error-rate). in another experiment, 25 participants (phd students and recent phds) each recorded the same set of 20 archaeological identification codes three times: once by hand, once with a keyboard, and once with a barcode scanner (figures 1). this resulted in 500 uniquely entered records recorded in triplicate. participants were aware that they would be timed and checked for errors. the author timed each participant’s data-entry with a stop-watch (figure 2, table 1). despite the fact that many participants said they would proceed slowly in order to avoid errors, they made frequent mistakes. illegibility was the leading cause of a 4.4% error-rate for the 500 handwritten ids, while typos presented a 2.6% error-rate for the 500 keyboard-input ids and a 0% error-rate for the 500 barcoded ids. these error rates can be compounded by the common excavation workflow, where a tag is first written out by hand (or a specimen labeled), and later keyed into a database. the above results are comparable to other published error rates from a variety of data-entry studies conducted in various professions where such rates fall around “a few percent” per cell on a spreadsheet (panko 2008a). for more complex, multi-step tasks, perhaps analogous to entering all the variables from an archaeological specimen, the error rate is generally far higher, ca. 30% of all records containing at least one error. furthermore, the ca. 80% error detection rates observed in most proofreading studies suggests that many errors are not caught (panko 2008b). taking this logic to its ultimate conclusion, it is probable that ca. 6% of all recorded specimens in any given assemblage contain some form of error ranging from minor to grievous typos. therefore, given the tenacity of human error, it is crucial – especially when considering the scale of archaeological data-entry – to design robust analytical workflows. ideally, these systems should be designed to minimize unconscious mistakes made when transcribing information onto data labels or databases. while some detailed suggestions are presented below, it is also recommended to use digital devices (calipers, scales, etc.) whenever possible since they can transfer data directly to the computer with few transcription errors (mcpherron and dibble 2002). barcoding archaeology printed barcoded labels is a simple method already in use on many archaeological projects for reducing errors and speeding up archaeological labeling and recording processes in the field and lab (dibble et al. 2007; dibble and dibble 2014; mcpherron and dibble 2002). labels can be custom designed to include whatever printed text one wishes, with a barcode at the bottom of a tag representing an archaeological provenience or ‘id’ (figure 3). figure 1. examples of handwritten mistakes from the timed data entry experiment. figure 2. the time results for the data entry experiment in a bar graph showing average time per id entered (25 participants entering 20 ids each) with standard deviation bars. ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(2):249‐257. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.2.2015.393. 252 data, methods & taxonomies special issue on digital zooarchaeology therefore, even if barcodes become obsolete, data are still recorded in the layout one wishes on a tag. it is possible to affordably print tags (with or without barcodes) on paper, mylar, polyethylene, or many other materials. due to the idiosyncrasies of archaeological cataloging, research, and curation systems it is important to approach label creation and id assignment in a project-by-project ad hoc manner. a printed labeling system needs to be robust enough to deal with potential joining fragments, “bags within bags,” and needs to readily integrate (through both textual and visual vocabulary) within the larger archaeological project. the barcode merely duplicates in a digitalreadable format the standard conventions of a project. automating the printing of tags can save a significant amount of time and reduce error. for example, from an archaeological context with 75 identifiable specimens, it is simple to instruct the computer to print tags for all 75 specimens at once, each with a unique-sequential id. this eliminates 74 chances to record an id incorrectly, and the printed labels can easily be checked as a block prior to assigning them to individual specimens and sorting the labeled specimens into larger contextual assemblages. in addition, scanning a barcode is a virtually error-free method for recording an archaeological id. the risk of scanning the wrong barcoded tag is the same as data-entering the wrong tag. the tag includes any text one wishes, therefore, it is still possible for anyone to visually inspect a tag or do manual data entry. a button-based database most database entry forms used in archaeology rely upon a combination of drop-down boxes or text boxes. while both are useful, neither truly solves the issue of typos. while restrictions on variables in dropdown boxes do limit spelling mistakes, they do not adequately prevent an operator from mistyping and participant typing errors writing errors scanning errors 1 211 1 140 3 30 2 217 165 56 3 146 128 4 37 4 267 215 1 70 5 172 125 3 47 6 243 1 165 55 7 234 2 119 1 35 8 230 1 155 1 48 9 160 142 1 50 10 230 114 1 45 11 243 175 50 12 201 1 161 50 13 220 232 32 14 145 123 34 15 158 115 33 16 308 1 170 1 45 17 200 2 138 1 36 18 198 184 46 19 126 110 2 21 20 134 1 157 32 21 167 110 2 38 22 400 1 168 85 23 209 145 42 24 124 1 156 1 35 25 225 1 176 36 total 5168 13 3788 22 1088 0 table 1. the results from the data entry experiment organized by participant, data entry type, and number of mistakes. ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(2):249‐257. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.2.2015.393. 253 data, methods & taxonomies special issue on digital zooarchaeology accidentally selecting a wrong choice from the restricted variables. typos are grievous errors to commit because they do not allow the effective querying of one’s results. in a very real sense, spelling counts when analyzing data. after all, archaeological codes include not only spatial context, but frequently a large variety of variables coded into alphanumeric shorthand make archaeological datasets difficult reading. while data validation routines can identify and sometimes clean problematic data (kansa and kansa 2014), certain similarly spelled words or codes, in addition to numerals are notoriously difficult to retroactively identify and fix. a simpler user interface involves designing a single recording form for each field in a table, including buttons on the data-entry form corresponding to the most common responses for the field (figure 4. clicking a button enters the data and proceeds to the next entry form. if the data table is extremely complex it is possible, through vba coding within ms access, to order the data entry process sequentially or create forms that adapt to the entry as it progresses. once designed, button-based databases are easy to use with touch-screen and speech-recognition software and hardware available on affordable new computers. buttons can be ‘pushed’ via clicking a mouse, touching a screen, or (if speech-recognition is activated) speaking aloud the caption (button captions in ms access are automatically ‘listened for’ by the native windows 7 and 8 speech-recognition software). figure 3. example barcoded labels designed in archcode, it is possible to create whatever template you want incorporating any fields in a table. figure 4. the design view for frm_species with buttons for each common taxon. ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(2):249‐257. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.2.2015.393. 254 data, methods & taxonomies special issue on digital zooarchaeology both touch-screen and speech-recognition are extremely easy to use as the verbal or tactile nature of data entry keeps the focus on the actual information one is recording, rather than struggling to transpose and type a code or awkward archaeological term. lastly, speech-recognition provides the added benefit of hands-free data-entry, meaning one’s concentration can remain unbroken from the archaeological specimen. the native windows 7 and 8 speech-recognition software is adequate for reliably recording information in english via buttons but is not adequate for recording ‘freehand’ sentences. since the speech-recognition software is “listening” only for the captions of the buttons, it can swiftly and accurately recognize complex terms (“carpometacarpus”) and distinguish between similar terms (“sheep goat” vs. “sheep” vs. “goat”). if the software is confused by a spoken command, it will ask the analyst for clarification. therefore, speech-recognition can only be relied on for specific pre-designed responses, but not for populating text boxes. integrating spatial-anatomical information within a database it is also possible to create a simple gis of spatialanatomical zones (e.g., crania, post-crania, hind limbs, etc.) overlain onto an illustration of a skeleton (figures 5 and 6) whereby anatomical zones are linked to a button-based database. this enables clickable buttons to be placed on an image on the data-entry form, approximating the size of each zone. figures 5 and 6 show zones defined for specific anatomical elements utilized for cutmark recording following anatomical templates provided by popkin (2005) and zones defined by dobney and rielly (1988) (also see orton 2010). these buttons and linkages can be adjusted depending on the focal species and eliminates the need to memorize, look-up, or mistype an arcane zone value. the buttons work with touchscreen or mouse. since the zones are saved in a standardized fashion (e.g., in a cutmark table), it is additionally possible to export these results to gis software and run explanatory spatial analyses illustrating which element was most well represented in a given assemblage or which element had the highest frequency of cutmarks. gis software can consider each zone as a polygon and there is no need to adjust them to a coordinate system (after all, each specimen is of a different size). it is necessary to record cutmarks within their own data table since there might be many cutmarks on each specimen. the example presented in figure 6 from the athenian agora illustrates the high frequency of chop marks evident on the proximal anterior tibiae (zone 4) from the removal of the patella (while no other zone had even 10 chops, the anterior zone 4 had 30 such examples). this butchery pattern, readily visualized through spatial analysis, highlights the introduction of a standardized butchery technique associated with the adoption of the cleaver in urban contexts during classical period athens (dibble 2014). this example of a gis visualization highlights the utility of combining different software while conducting data-entry and exploratory spatial (in this case anatomical) analyses in field and lab settings. time is money: the cost of a digital system surprisingly, according to the above timed studies of data-entry, it actually takes longer to use a keyboard to type out a unique archaeological id (a3102.03) than it does to write it out on paper (figure 2). cumulatively, it took 25 individuals 85 minutes to type 20 id codes each (500 total entries). ids or codes are often awkward to recall, let alone type, and thus they reduce time for zooarchaeological analysis. moreover, specialists frequently record the same id twice or more (the handwritten id associated with an object, its data, whether it has been photographed or not, etc.). therefore, each id in a hypothetical 10,000 specimen assemblage might be written or typed two to three times for a total of well over 50 hours of work. the experiment above suggests that scanning a barcoded id is approximately 400% faster than writing it, and 500% faster than typing it. in addition, this speed does not account for the mental distraction of typing in id codes, nor the time spent correcting figure 5. recording the spatial zone of a cutmark (photograph by jonida martini). ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(2):249‐257. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.2.2015.393. 255 data, methods & taxonomies special issue on digital zooarchaeology human mistakes. this also does not include, as mentioned above, the time saved in automating the printing of labels, rather than laboriously writing them out. therefore, while implementing this digital system incurs some up-front expenses, the amount of time an analyst saves should provide a financial cushion (fewer travel and cost-of-living expenses incurred over the course of a project). importantly, the analyst can carry forward the expenses in equipment and design time to future projects. the methods and materials described above are affordable to most scholars. touch-screen functionality requires a windows 8 handheld device with a touch-screen (ca. $400 usd) running ms access (academic license for office 365 ca. $70 usd). speech-recognition works better with an external microphone (ca. $30 usd). the expense of barcoding is also quite minimal, although this depends on what material one wishes the tags to be printed on. the program, archcode, co -designed by the author and harold l. dibble, is available for free at www.oldstoneage.com and has been tested on windows 7 and 8. archcode should require no additional coding but will read/write to a single table in a ms access database file (.mdb extension). it is possible to print out 10,000 labels on sticky label sheets to be integrated with each specimen in a small plastic bag for a total budget of under $500 usd. however, these might be destroyed in the course of a field-project and need replacement. figure 6. an example gis output of chop marks on tibias from the athenian agora (most chops derive from anterior zone 4 seen clearly in the accompanying photograph of a specimen taken by jonida martini). ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(2):249‐257. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.2.2015.393. 256 data, methods & taxonomies special issue on digital zooarchaeology indestructible, archival plastic tags (polyester, polypropylene, or polyethylene) incur a larger expense but solve the above problem. the tags are more expensive (ca. $600 usd for 10,000 tags) and a thermal-transfer printer ($300+ usd) and printer ribbons are required to print on archival quality tags. conclusion affordably incorporating 21st century technology within archaeological data recording systems serves to increase the efficiency of field and lab based research and to decrease the incidence of human errors. the only real expense is an investment in time prior to designing a large data recording project; however, this investment enables researchers to maximize their data recording time, leading to a net-gain in research capacity. the database described in this paper is available for download at paperlessarchaeology.com. hopefully, the examples presented above will convince scholars that it is worth the effort to create simple, yet powerful code to enhance one’s database by incorporating a variety of current technologies. each of these technologies need not replace a scholar’s current data structure but rather enhance the custom data entry interface. the utilization of barcodes, gis, touch-screen, and speech-recognition, combined with a minimum knowledge of software programming, can help create a robust and efficient data entry system. while none of these technologies are new to archaeology, investing time to creatively deploy such data management technology can save researchers significant time and reduce mistakes. improving the quantity and quality of zooarchaeological data will lead to stronger results and new research avenues. acknowledgments the development of the database and software described above was made possible due to research funding provided by the american school of classical studies at athens, the archaeological institute of america, and the university of cincinnati. laboratory supplies were provided by the malcolm h. wiener laboratory of the american school of classical studies at athens, the institute of aegean prehistory, and the azoria project. the undergraduate lithic labeling experiment was conducted by harold dibble. thanks are due to harold dibble, sarah kansa, iain mckechnie, john wallrodt, and two anonymous reviewers for comments on the paper. i also thank sarah kansa and iain mckechnie for encouraging the submission of this paper. declarations permissions: none declared. sources of funding: the study received funding from the american school of classical studies at athens, the archaeological institute of america, and the university of cincinnati. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited dibble, w. f. 2014. urban butchery patterns from the athenian agora and azoria in greece. paper presented at the 12th international conference of archaeozoology: san rafael, argentina. dibble, w. f. and h. l. dibble. 2014. barcoding archaeology: digital methods for error-free and rapid labeling, data-entry, and inventorying. poster presented at the 115th annual meeting of the archaeological institute of america. chicago, il. dibble, h. l., c. w. marean, and s. p. mcpherron. 2007. on the use of barcodes in excavation projects with examples from mossel bay (south africa) and roc de marsal (france). the saa archaeological record 7:33-38. driver, j. c. 1992. identification, classification, and zooarchaeology. circaea 9:35-47. dobney, k. and k. rielly. 1988. a method for recording archaeological animal bones: the use of diagnostic zones. circaea 5:79-96. gifford, d. p. and d. c. crader. 1977. a computer coding system for archaeological faunal remains. american antiquity 42:225-238. halstead, p. 2014. the faunal remains. in nemea valley archaeological project, volume 1: early bronze age village on tsoungiza hill, edited by d. j. pullen, pp. 741-804. the american school of classical studies at athens, princeton. jones, e. l. and d. a. hurley. 2011. relational databases and zooarchaeology education. the saa archaeological record 11:19-21. kansa, e. c. and s. w. kansa. 2013. we all know that a 14 is a sheep: data publication and professionalism in archaeological communication. journal of eastern mediterranean archaeology and heritage studies 1:88-97. ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(2):249‐257. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.2.2015.393. 257 data, methods & taxonomies special issue on digital zooarchaeology kansa, s. w. and e. c. kansa. 2014. data publishing and archaeology’s information ecosystem. near eastern archaeology 77:223-227. mcpherron, s. p. and h. l. dibble. 2002. using computers in archaeology: a practical guide. new york: mcgraw hill. orton, d. c. 2010. a new tool for zooarchaeological analysis: arcgis skeletal templates for some common mammalian species. internet archaeology 28. doi:10.11141/ia.28.4. panko, r. r. 2008a. what we know about spreadsheet errors. journal of end user computing 10: 15-21. available at: http://panko.shidler.hawaii.edu/my% 20publications/whatknow.htm. accessed on february 2, 2015. panko, r. r. 2008b. the human error website. honolulu, hi: university of hawaii: available at: http://panko.shidler.hawaii.edu/humanerr/ index.htm. accessed on february 2nd, 2015. popkin, p. 2005. caprine butchery and bone modification templates: a step towards standardisation. internet archaeology 17. doi:10.11141/ia.17.2. wallrodt, j. 2015. paperless archaeology. available at paperlessarchaeology.com accessed on august 25, 2015. biosketch ethnobiology 5: interdisciplinarity in an era of rapid environmental change 21  perspec ve  ethnobiologists are increasingly addressing environmental management, conservation, environmental ethics, and related topics (e.g., anderson 2010; gilmore and young 2012; lepofsky 2009; müller and dan guimbo 2010), but this does not represent a discipline-wide collective enterprise. more can be done to engage the relevance of ethnobiological research for addressing problems related to global environmental and cultural crises. to do so requires that ethnobiologists address a broader audience of scholars. while most ecologists identify themselves as biologists, scholars in the fields of human ecology, ethnoecology, and environmental anthropology do not necessarily see themselves as ethnobiologists. why is this the case? it relates to the historical effect of ethnobiology being forged on the boundaries of entrenched disciplines; although ethnobiology draws from a diverse crowd, most of its scholars find their primary academic homes in mainstream anthropology and biology, which have deeper histories. because it was framed and has existed inbetween traditional disciplines, ethnobiology is well-suited to serve as an interdisciplinary umbrella for environmental scientists, conservation biologists, restoration ecologists, the term ‘ethnobiology’ was coined by biologists, has been adopted by anthropologists, spans into archaeobotany and zooarchaeology, and correspondingly provides an umbrella for an astonishing array of subject matter (ford 2011; references in anderson et al. 2011). no longer an unadulterated convergence of ethnozoology with ethnobotany (ford 2011), the short definition of ethnobiology used by the society of ethnobiology is “the scientific study of dynamic relationships among peoples, biota, and environments.” under this brief but expansive definition, ethnobiologists do many things along a spectrum from pure to applied research. as is the case for many disciplines during the last two decades, ethnobiologists could go so far as to delineate an applied ethnobiology that focuses on the relevance of ethnobiological data in conservation science, environmental justice, and related areas of scholarship, but to do so could fragment an already small body of scholars. however, to be “applied,” the ethnobiologist needs to do nothing more than redirect the relevant nature of ‘knowing about humanenvironment relationships’ already central to the field toward various disciplines concerned with conservation science and environmental studies. indeed, ethnobiology 5: interdisciplinarity in an era of rapid environmental  change  steve wolverton  author  address:  university  of  north  texas,  department  of  geography,  ins tute  of  applied  science,  denton,  tx  76203.  wolverton@unt.edu   received: september 24, 2012  volume: 4:21‐25  published: january 21, 2013  © 2013 society of ethnobiology  abstract: ethnobiology 5 stems from eugene hunn’s four phases of the history of ethnobiology and focuses on the relevance  of ethnobiological research in the context of environmental and cultural change.  it refers to a contemporary phase of the  field’s historical development.  in this paper, i argue that ethnobiology is preadapted to be a scholarly umbrella for a number  of disciplines that concern human‐environment interac ons, sugges ng that one goal of ethnobiology 5 is to bridge tradi‐ onal academic boundaries  in order to broaden the community of ethnobiologists. another goal of ethnobiology 5  is to  capitalize on and communicate the relevance of ethnobiological scholarship for solving problems related to contemporary  environmental and cultural crises.  indeed, ethnobiology is not a subfield of any tradi onal discipline and by the nature of its  name bridges humani es, social science, and science.  ethnobiology has always been interdisciplinary in terms of its subject  ma er, yet its community of scholars is rela vely small compared to mission‐driven disciplines, such as conserva on biology.   venues for publica on and presenta on of ethnobiological research, as well as how ethnobiologists portray their research,  are cri cal to growing ethnobiology.   key words: ethnobiology 5, conserva on biology, interdisciplinarity, biocultural conserva on   mailto:wolverton@unt.edu� 22  perspec ve  environmental philosophers, and others who engage in applied research related to human-environment interactions. however, the ability of ethnobiology to include others under this umbrella by broadening its audience has developed slowly. an example illustrates why this is so. conservation biology provides an interesting point of contrast to ethnobiology; its subject matter is so deeply and pragmatically relevant that it stands nearly separate from conventional biology and ecology. the mission of conservation biology is powerful because it relates scholarship to preservation and protection of biodiversity (lindenmeyer and hunter 2010; meine et al. 2006). from its relatively narrow moniker, the field has reached outward, branching into ecosystem ecology, population genetics, and biocultural conservation (figure 1). the mission of conservation biology ‘to provide the opportunity of continued evolution of biota’ (sensu frankel and soulé 1981:4) is so persuasive that the field transcends traditional disciplinary boundaries and scales of research. in comparison, ethnobiology represents intriguing subject matter without the unity provided by a narrow and compelling mission. indeed, there are ethnobiologists who are advocates for social and environmental justice and there are those who are activists supporting preservation and protection of cultural and biological diversity. in contrast to conservation biology, however, there are multiple objectives in ethnobiology that tend to be topical, and there is no focal and uniform mission shared by most ethnobiologists. nonetheless, biocultural conservation, environmental co-management, environmental ethics, and other topics relevant to addressing and solving modern environmental and cultural problems at local, regional, and global scales, might find a comfortable, explicitly acknowledged, and well-populated home in ethnobiology (nabhan et al. 2011a, 2011b). currently, the field is dominated by anthropologists, as well as ethnobotanists, but also attracts a smaller number of geographers, archaeologists, and paleobiologists interested in addressing human environmental relationships. in simplistic terms, conservation biology and ethnobiology are inverted versions of one another, focusing (these days) on similar subject matter but with different objectives and audiences (figure 1). indeed, the audience of ethnobiology beyond its own frontiers is quite small relative to that of conservation biology. an expansive future for ethnobiology lies beyond its traditional disciplinary homes in anthropology and biology, moving toward human geography, environmental philosophy, political ecology, conservation biology, and related fields with more explicit ideological missions. ethnobiology is, perhaps, pre-adapted to become a scholarly home for interdisciplinary research on human environment relationships because the field is currently populated (in large part, but by no means in total) by anthropologists who are trained to understand and transcend cultural boundaries (sensu nabhan 2009:6; nabhan and martinez 2012:4). scholarly disciplines are cultural institutions (ball and lacey 1980), and an ethnobiology willing to traverse disciplinary and cultural boundaries has the potential to maximize its own relevance (nabhan et al. 2011a). momentum toward a focus on application and practical relevance in ethnobiological scholarship represents what wyndham et al. (2011:124) describe as “ethnobiology 5,” piggy-backing from hunn’s (2007; ford 2011) four phases of ethnobiology’s historical development. phase 5 requires that ethnobiologists address “the needs of a world coping with figure 1.   a simple, ordinal scale model of the missions  of  ethnobiology  and  conserva on  biology  represented  as  con nua  connected  to  respec ve  audiences.    the  implica on  is  that  the  audience  of  ethnobiologists  is  small, yet the mission of the field is to study the earth’s  various  human‐environmental  interac ons  in  me  and  space, which is broad.  in contrast, conserva on biology  is mission driven and is explicitly concerned with support  of con nued evolu on of biological systems, from popu‐ la ons  and  species  to  communi es  and  ecosystems.   yet,  its  audience  is  enormous  because  its  relevance  is  immediately transparent.  23  perspec ve  rapid ecological change and shifting political economies” (wyndam et al. 2011:124; see also nabhan et al. 2011b). that said, how can ethnobiology 5 continue to gain momentum? modest solutions might include hosting conferences, organizing sessions, and publishing papers that reach across the politically entrenched divides in academia in order to invite new perspectives. these offer particular solutions, but there are two additional goals that should be adopted as core objectives. first, to engage the broader audience of environmental studies, media, philosophy, and science, ethnobiologists should continue to publish in flagship ethnobiology journals and increase the frequency of papers that explicitly address phase 5 (e.g., beserra de farias et al. 2010; gilmore and young 2012). for example, it is one matter to publish a plant taxonomy and to debate the cognitive reality of language and classification, it is quite another to link diversity in plant taxonomy to diversity in language (maffi 2001; stepp et al. 2005). and it is still yet another to explicitly recognize that extinction rates in biology and culture (including language) can share a biocultural geographic pattern (sensu albuquerque and muniz de medieros 2012; e.g., maffi 2001; stepp et al. 2004, 2005). ethnobiologists are “on the ground” in such biocultural geographic contexts and command the intimate details concerning human-environmental relationships situated within subtle ecologies of time and place (wyndham 2009), and it is just these subtle ecologies that are of growing interest in community based conservation and environmental comanagement. an equally pervasive argument can be made that ethnobiologists should publish their research in ecology, environmental science, and conservation journals, but then the work may lose its ethnobiological identity. common use of the terms ethnobiology, ethnobiological research, and ethnobiologist in conservation, ecology, and related journals will broaden the exposure of our research and may direct scholars to the society of ethnobiology and its flagship journals as homes for interdisciplinary research on human-environment interactions. though it has been argued that ethnobiologists have much to offer in terms of cultural theory (nabhan et al. 2011a:3), a clear strength of the discipline related to phase 5 is the vast empirical record of humans in places and time―that is, we have data. the cultural, geographic, and evolutionary scope of ethnobiological subject matter, when conveyed broadly, represents what environmental philosopher albert borgmann (2000:103) terms “disclosure.” a disclosive perspective is one that shifts the human experiential scale; for example, a human lifespan is miniscule in terms of geological time. moreover, environmental impacts when recognized in terms of the contingency of earth are more disclosive of the magnitude of particular effects, such as extinction (wolverton and lyman 2012). the same can be said for cultural diversity in environmental knowledge (wolverton et al. 2011); cross-cultural awareness of diverse and local environmental values transcends any particular policy or aim of environmental management and discloses new information relevant to local communities and economies (anderson 2010; müller and dan guimbo 2010). it is the empirical nature of subtle ecologies in varied contexts that provides this disclosure. a focus on the disclosive aspects of ethnobiological scholarship should be developed, as most if not all ethnobiological research is simply relevant to biocultural conservation, environmental ethics and justice, and environmental management (lepofsky 2009). second, the ethnobiology conference is an important venue for generating and encouraging the conversation about the relevance of ethnobiology in a changing world. in recent years, the conference has been organized around important themes, such as “the meeting place: integrating ethnobiological knowledge” (2010), “conservation and communities” (2012), and “climate change and ethnobiology” (2013). such themes enable ethnobiologists to accomplish two important goals: first, it encourages established ethnobiologists to bring the relevance of their research to the forefront of ongoing scholarship within ethnobiology. second, and equally important is it allows the audience to grow because themes conveying messages relevant to the modern global environmental and cultural crises are concerns addressed in multiple areas of scholarship. it is important that conservation biologists, environmental philosophers, eco-critical writers, and environmental scientists be invited to the forums provided by the ethnobiology conference. encouraging their attendance at the society of ethnobiology’s conferences will require new conceptual spaces within which they can situate their own scholarship. the conference should continue to provide an umbrella for such conversations, and doing so will change the community of scholars from one situated primarily in anthropology and botany to one that is even more interdisciplinary than it is currently. 24  perspec ve  ethnobiology has a history of being inherently fascinating to ethnobiologists. scholars of ethnobiology, however, are also deeply concerned about modern environmental and cultural crises ranging from overharvest of marine fish populations to loss of native heirloom plant varieties, to the richness of human cognition and language, to the deep temporal evolutionary implications of biological and cultural extinction. this is our own subtle ecology, something that sometimes is hidden in our plant taxonomies, our tables of data on faunal remains from archaeological sites, our language maps, and our ethnographies. our data are relevant and essential to solving large scale environmental and cultural problems because, as stated by rozzi (1999), problems of humanenvironmental impact cannot be solved unless the values of people in contemporary societies change, and values do not change unless experiences change. the clearest path to initiating such progress is through direct encounter with plants, animals, environments, the outdoors, earth―if ethnobiology is nothing else, it comprises a record of such encounters from many times and places. acknowledgements i wish to thank dana lepofsky for thoughtful review comments and james r. welch and cynthia fowler for comments and support to publish this paper in ebl. declarations permissions: not applicable. sources of funding: none declared. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited albuquerque, u. p. and p. m. medeiros. 2012. systematic reviews and meta-analysis applied to ethnobiological research. ethnobiology and conservation 1:6. anderson, e. n. 2010. the pursuit of ecotopia: lessons from indigenous and traditional societies for the human ecology of our modern world. praeger press, santa barbara, ca. anderson, e. n. 2011. ethnobiology: overview of a growing field. in ethnobiology, edited by e. n. anderson, d. m. pearsall, e. s. hunn, and n. j. turner, pp. 1-14. wiley-blackwell, hoboken, nj. anderson, e. n., d. m. pearsall, e. s. hunn, and n. j. turner, eds. 2011. ethnobiology. wiley-blackwell, hoboken, nj. ball, s. j. and c. lacey. 1980. subject disciplines as the opportunity for group action: a measured critique of subject sub-cultures. in teacher strategies: explorations in the sociology of the school, edited by p. wood, pp. 149-177. routledge, new york. baserra de farias, g., a. g. c. alves, and j. geraldo. 2010. mythological relations between the “lavandeira” birds fluvicola nengeta and motacilla alba in northeast brazil and northwest spain: possible cultural implications for conservation. journal of ethnobiology 30:240-251. borgmann, a. 2000. the transparency and contingency of the earth. in earth matters: the earth sciences, philosophy, and the claims of community, edited by r. frodeman, pp. 99-106. prentice hall, upper saddle river, nj. ford, r. i. 2011. history of ethnobiology. in ethnobiology, edited by e. n. anderson, d. m. pearsall, e. s. hunn, and n. j. turner, pp. 15-26. wiley-blackwell, hoboken, nj. frankel, o. h., and m. e. soulé. 1981. conservation and evolution. cambridge university press, cambridge, uk. gilmore, m. p. and j. c. young. 2012. the use of participatory mapping in ethnobiological research, biocultural conservation, and community empowerment: a case study from the peruvian amazon. journal of ethnobiology 32:6-29. hunn, e. 2007. ethnobiology in four phases. journal of ethnobiology 27:1-10. lepofsky, d. 2009. the past, present, and future of traditional resource and environmental management. journal of ethnobiology 29:161-166. lindenmayer, d., and m. hunter. 2010. some guiding concepts for conservation biology. conservation biology 24:1459-1468. maffi, l. 2001. introduction: on the interdependence of biological and cultural diversity. in on biocultural diversity: linking language, knowledge, and the environment, edited by l. maffi, pp. 1-50. smithsonian institution press, washington, dc. meine, c., m. soulé, and r. f. noss. 2006. a mission 25  perspec ve  driven discipline”: the growth of conservation biology. conservation biology 20:631-651. müller, j., and i. dan guimbo. 2010. letting wood rot: a case study on local perceptions of global conservation initiatives (boumba, niger). ethnobiology letters 1:40-50. nabhan, g. p. 2009. perspectives in ethnobiology: bridging disciplines, cultures and species. journal of ethnobiology 29:3-7. nabhan, g. p., k. chambers, d. tecklin, e. perramond, and t. e. sheridan. 2011a. ethnobiology for a diverse world – defining new disciplinary trajectories: mixing political ecology with ethnobiology. journal of ethnobiology 31:1-3. nabhan, g. p., f. wyndham, and d. lepofsky. 2011b. ethnobiology for a diverse world: ethnobiology emerging from a time of crisis. journal of ethnobiology 31:172-175. nabhan, g. p. and d. martinez. 2012. ethnobiology for a diverse world – traditional ecological knowledge and endangered species recovery: is ethnobiology for the birds? journal of ethnobiology 32:1-5. rozzi, r. 1999. the reciprocal links between evolutionary-ecological sciences and environmental ethics. bioscience 49:911-921. stepp, j. r., s. cervone, h. castaneda, a. lasseter, g. stocks, and y. gichon. 2004. development of a gis for global biocultural diversity. policy matters 13:267-271. stepp, j. r., h. castaneda, and s. cervone. 2005. mountains and biocultural diversity. mountain research and development 25:223-227. wolverton, s., c. r. randklev, and a. barker. 2011. ethnobiology as a bridge between science and ethics: an applied paleozoological perspective. in ethnobiology, edited by e. n. anderson, d. m. pearsall, e. s. hunn, and n. j. turner, pp. 115-132. wiley-blackwell, hoboken, nj. wolverton, s. and r. l. lyman. 2012. introduction to applied zooarchaeology. in conservation biology and applied zooarchaeology, edited by s. wolverton and r. l. lyman, pp. 1-22. university of arizona press, tucson. wyndham, f. s. 2009. spheres of relations, lines of interaction: subtle ecologies of the rarámuri landscape in northern mexico. journal of ethnobiology 29:271-295. wyndham, f. s., d. lepofsky, and s. tiffany. 2011. taking stock in ethnobiology: where do we come from? what are we? where are we going? journal of ethnobiology 31:110-127. biosketch steve wolverton is an archaeologist and ecologist in the  department  of  geography  at  the  university  of  north  texas.  he is one of the founding editors of ethnobiology  le ers,  and  his  research  focuses  on  the  intersec ons  between  zooarchaeology,  ethnobiology,  and  conserva‐ on biology.   ethnobiology 5: interdisciplinarity in an era of rapid environmental change << /ascii85encodepages false /allowtransparency false /autopositionepsfiles true /autorotatepages /none /binding /left /calgrayprofile (dot gain 20%) /calrgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /calcmykprofile (u.s. web coated \050swop\051 v2) /srgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /cannotembedfontpolicy /error /compatibilitylevel 1.4 /compressobjects /tags /compresspages true /convertimagestoindexed true /passthroughjpegimages true /createjobticket false /defaultrenderingintent /default /detectblends true /detectcurves 0.0000 /colorconversionstrategy /cmyk /dothumbnails false /embedallfonts true /embedopentype false /parseiccprofilesincomments true /embedjoboptions true /dscreportinglevel 0 /emitdscwarnings false /endpage -1 /imagememory 1048576 /lockdistillerparams false /maxsubsetpct 100 /optimize true /opm 1 /parsedsccomments true /parsedsccommentsfordocinfo true /preservecopypage true /preservedicmykvalues true /preserveepsinfo true /preserveflatness true /preservehalftoneinfo false /preserveopicomments true /preserveoverprintsettings true /startpage 1 /subsetfonts true /transferfunctioninfo /apply /ucrandbginfo /preserve /useprologue false /colorsettingsfile () /alwaysembed [ true ] /neverembed [ true ] /antialiascolorimages false /cropcolorimages true /colorimageminresolution 300 /colorimageminresolutionpolicy /ok /downsamplecolorimages true /colorimagedownsampletype /bicubic /colorimageresolution 300 /colorimagedepth -1 /colorimagemindownsampledepth 1 /colorimagedownsamplethreshold 1.50000 /encodecolorimages true /colorimagefilter /dctencode /autofiltercolorimages true /colorimageautofilterstrategy /jpeg /coloracsimagedict << /qfactor 0.15 /hsamples [1 1 1 1] /vsamples [1 1 1 1] >> /colorimagedict << /qfactor 0.15 /hsamples [1 1 1 1] /vsamples [1 1 1 1] >> /jpeg2000coloracsimagedict << /tilewidth 256 /tileheight 256 /quality 30 >> /jpeg2000colorimagedict << /tilewidth 256 /tileheight 256 /quality 30 >> /antialiasgrayimages false /cropgrayimages true /grayimageminresolution 300 /grayimageminresolutionpolicy /ok /downsamplegrayimages true /grayimagedownsampletype /bicubic /grayimageresolution 300 /grayimagedepth -1 /grayimagemindownsampledepth 2 /grayimagedownsamplethreshold 1.50000 /encodegrayimages true /grayimagefilter /dctencode /autofiltergrayimages true /grayimageautofilterstrategy /jpeg /grayacsimagedict << /qfactor 0.15 /hsamples [1 1 1 1] /vsamples [1 1 1 1] >> /grayimagedict << /qfactor 0.15 /hsamples [1 1 1 1] /vsamples [1 1 1 1] >> /jpeg2000grayacsimagedict << /tilewidth 256 /tileheight 256 /quality 30 >> /jpeg2000grayimagedict << /tilewidth 256 /tileheight 256 /quality 30 >> /antialiasmonoimages false /cropmonoimages true /monoimageminresolution 1200 /monoimageminresolutionpolicy /ok /downsamplemonoimages true /monoimagedownsampletype /bicubic /monoimageresolution 1200 /monoimagedepth -1 /monoimagedownsamplethreshold 1.50000 /encodemonoimages true /monoimagefilter /ccittfaxencode /monoimagedict << /k -1 >> /allowpsxobjects false /checkcompliance [ /none ] /pdfx1acheck false /pdfx3check false /pdfxcompliantpdfonly false /pdfxnotrimboxerror true /pdfxtrimboxtomediaboxoffset [ 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 ] /pdfxsetbleedboxtomediabox true /pdfxbleedboxtotrimboxoffset [ 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 ] /pdfxoutputintentprofile () /pdfxoutputconditionidentifier () /pdfxoutputcondition () /pdfxregistryname () /pdfxtrapped /false /createjdffile false /description << /ara <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> /bgr <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> /chs <feff4f7f75288fd94e9b8bbe5b9a521b5efa7684002000410064006f006200650020005000440046002065876863900275284e8e9ad88d2891cf76845370524d53705237300260a853ef4ee54f7f75280020004100630072006f0062006100740020548c002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e003000204ee553ca66f49ad87248672c676562535f00521b5efa768400200050004400460020658768633002> /cht <feff4f7f752890194e9b8a2d7f6e5efa7acb7684002000410064006f006200650020005000440046002065874ef69069752865bc9ad854c18cea76845370524d5370523786557406300260a853ef4ee54f7f75280020004100630072006f0062006100740020548c002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e003000204ee553ca66f49ad87248672c4f86958b555f5df25efa7acb76840020005000440046002065874ef63002> /cze <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> /dan <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> /deu <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> /esp <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> /eti <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> /fra <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> /gre <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> /heb <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> /hrv (za stvaranje adobe pdf dokumenata najpogodnijih za visokokvalitetni ispis prije tiskanja koristite ove postavke. stvoreni pdf dokumenti mogu se otvoriti acrobat i adobe reader 5.0 i kasnijim verzijama.) /hun <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> /ita <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> /jpn <feff9ad854c18cea306a30d730ea30d730ec30b951fa529b7528002000410064006f0062006500200050004400460020658766f8306e4f5c6210306b4f7f75283057307e305930023053306e8a2d5b9a30674f5c62103055308c305f0020005000440046002030d530a130a430eb306f3001004100630072006f0062006100740020304a30883073002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e003000204ee5964d3067958b304f30533068304c3067304d307e305930023053306e8a2d5b9a306b306f30d530a930f330c8306e57cb30818fbc307f304c5fc59808306730593002> /kor <feffc7740020c124c815c7440020c0acc6a9d558c5ec0020ace0d488c9c80020c2dcd5d80020c778c1c4c5d00020ac00c7a50020c801d569d55c002000410064006f0062006500200050004400460020bb38c11cb97c0020c791c131d569b2c8b2e4002e0020c774b807ac8c0020c791c131b41c00200050004400460020bb38c11cb2940020004100630072006f0062006100740020bc0f002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e00300020c774c0c1c5d0c11c0020c5f40020c2180020c788c2b5b2c8b2e4002e> /lth <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> /lvi <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> /nld (gebruik deze instellingen om adobe pdf-documenten te maken die zijn geoptimaliseerd voor prepress-afdrukken van hoge kwaliteit. de gemaakte pdf-documenten kunnen worden geopend met acrobat en adobe reader 5.0 en hoger.) /nor <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> /pol <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> /ptb <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> /rum <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> /rus <feff04180441043f043e043b044c04370443043904420435002004340430043d043d044b04350020043d0430044104420440043e0439043a043800200434043b044f00200441043e043704340430043d0438044f00200434043e043a0443043c0435043d0442043e0432002000410064006f006200650020005000440046002c0020043c0430043a04410438043c0430043b044c043d043e0020043f043e04340445043e0434044f04490438044500200434043b044f00200432044b0441043e043a043e043a0430044704350441044204320435043d043d043e0433043e00200434043e043f0435044704300442043d043e0433043e00200432044b0432043e04340430002e002000200421043e043704340430043d043d044b04350020005000440046002d0434043e043a0443043c0435043d0442044b0020043c043e0436043d043e0020043e0442043a0440044b043204300442044c002004410020043f043e043c043e0449044c044e0020004100630072006f00620061007400200438002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e00300020043800200431043e043b043504350020043f043e04370434043d043804450020043204350440044104380439002e> /sky <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> /slv <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> /suo <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> /sve <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> /tur <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> /ukr <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> /enu (use these settings to create adobe pdf documents best suited for high-quality prepress printing. created pdf documents can be opened with acrobat and adobe reader 5.0 and later.) >> /namespace [ (adobe) (common) (1.0) ] /othernamespaces [ << /asreaderspreads false /cropimagestoframes true /errorcontrol /warnandcontinue /flattenerignorespreadoverrides false /includeguidesgrids false /includenonprinting false /includeslug false /namespace [ (adobe) (indesign) (4.0) ] /omitplacedbitmaps false /omitplacedeps false /omitplacedpdf false /simulateoverprint /legacy >> << /addbleedmarks false /addcolorbars false /addcropmarks false /addpageinfo false /addregmarks false /convertcolors /converttocmyk /destinationprofilename () /destinationprofileselector /documentcmyk /downsample16bitimages true /flattenerpreset << /presetselector /mediumresolution >> /formelements false /generatestructure false /includebookmarks false /includehyperlinks false /includeinteractive false /includelayers false /includeprofiles false /multimediahandling /useobjectsettings /namespace [ (adobe) (creativesuite) (2.0) ] /pdfxoutputintentprofileselector /documentcmyk /preserveediting true /untaggedcmykhandling /leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice using 3d microscopy to analyze experimental cut marks on animal bones produced with different stone tools ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(2):267‐275. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.2.2015.349. 267 research communication special issue on digital zooarchaeology the application of 3d technologies has also produced useful data related to engraved palaeolithic mobiliary art (bello et al. 2013; güth 2012; joordens et al. 2014; moretti 2014), where research has informed the technical and artistic procedures followed by prehistoric artists. over the last few years the authors have been carrying out a review of the entire portable art assemblage of grotta paglicci (foggia, southern italy) by means of 3d digital microscopy. this 12-meter thick stratigraphic sequence is considered a reference for understanding the evolution of the upper palaeolithic in italy and is more generally a point of reference for the whole of the south-eastern mediterranean region (palma di cesnola 1993, 2006; ronchitelli et al. 2014; wierer 2012). the grotta paglicci research program is developing an experimental approach with the following goals: 1) to characterize artistic engravings and butchering marks on bone surfaces with micromorphometric parameters. introduction 3d digital microscopy has many applications in archaeological research, particularly for precise micromorphometric analysis of very small surfaces, enabling measurements in three dimensions. in previous studies, 3d microscopy allowed us to distinguish between grooves inflicted by stone and metal tools (bello and soligo 2008; boschin and crezzini 2012), as well as characterize the marks produced by ancient tools (bello et al. 2009). similarly, 3d microscopic analysis of grooves present on two human teeth from epigravettian (ca., 17,0000-10,000 years bp) layers of grotta paglicci (southern italy) enabled the interpretation of tooth picking behaviours aimed at alleviating sore gums (ricci et al. 2014). in their study of “hatched bricks,” a type of brick used in civil and religious monumental architecture during 12th-14th centuries in northern and central italy, arrighi et al. (2012b) used 3d microscopy of experimental engravings to define parameters that suggested a link between engraving patterns, the tools employed, and the action performed. using 3d microscopy to analyze experimental cut marks on animal bones produced with different stone tools erika moretti 1 , simona arrighi 1,2 , francesco boschin 1,2* , jacopo crezzini 1,2 , daniele aureli 1,3 , and annamaria ronchitelli 1 author addresses: 1 università degli studi di siena, dipartimento di scienze fisiche, della terra e dell'ambiente, unità di ricerca preistoria e antropologia, via laterina 8, 53100 siena, italy. 2 cesq, centro studi sul quaternario onlus. via nuova dell'ammazzatoio 7, i 52037 sansepolcro (arezzo), italy. 3 université paris ouest nanterre la défense, umr 7041 – arscan, equipe antet, boite n°32, maison rené ginouvès (mae), 21 allée de l'université f-92023 nanterre cedex, france. * corresponding author: fboschin@hotmail.com received: february 19, 2015 volume: 6(2):267-275 published: december 18, 2015 © 2015 society of ethnobiology abstract: this study uses a combination of digital microscopic analysis and experimental archaeology to assess stone tool cut marks on animal bones. we used two un-retouched flint flakes and two burins to inflict cut marks on fresh, boiled, and dry ungulate bones. the experiment produced three series of three engravings on each bone with each of the experimental tools. the first series involved one single stroke; the second, two strokes in the same direction; and the third, multiple strokes using a to-and-fro movement. we analyzed the striations using a hirox 3d digital microscope (kh-7700) and collected metric and profile data on the morphology of the cut marks. in order to describe the shape of each cross section, we calculated the ratio between the breadth at the top and the breadth at the floor of cut marks. preliminary results show that both the tool type and the method of creating the cut mark influence the shape of the resulting groove. in our experiment, morphological parameters can be used to differentiate between marks produced using un-retouched flint flakes and those produced using burins. however, neither morphological nor morphometric analysis allows us to identify the mechanical motion used to produce the cuts, nor the state of the bone (fresh, boiled, or dry) at the moment of marking. keywords: taphonomy, digital microscopy, 3d imaging, cut marks, zooarchaeology ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(2):267‐275. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.2.2015.349. 268 research communication special issue on digital zooarchaeology 2) to differentiate engravings produced by different types of lithic tools. 3) to identify the origin of uncertain marks on bones found at grotta paglicci (if they are produced with artistic meanings or if they are the result of subsistence activities). 4) to reassess previous evaluations of artistic engravings from grotta paglicci that were based on optical microscopy. the research reported in this paper focuses on the contribution of 3d digital microscopy to identifying the origin of different kinds of grooves on modern animal bones, in order to inform our study of archaeological bones from grotta paglicci. we focus specifically on the potential to differentiate between cut marks produced by un-retouched flakes (generally, very sharp and thin) and those produced by burins which are comparatively more robust and oblique. while un-retouched flakes were likely used both for butchering activities and artistic production by ancient populations due to the ease of making them and their superior cutting capabilities (dewbury and russel 2007), burins were also hypothesized to be used, among other activities, in the production of prehistoric artistic engravings at grotta paglicci (arrighi et al. 2008; arrighi et al 2012a). materials and methods taphonomic studies on bone remains have long demonstrated the potential for recognizing micromorphological parameters useful for identifying the origin of cut marks (e.g., greenfield 1999; potts and shipman 1981). the improved imaging technology provided by 3d digital microscopy allows the capture of a 3d image of a cut mark along its entire length. in addition, analyzed surfaces do not need to be specially prepared, and digital representations are obtained in a few minutes. this approach also allows visualization of the mark’s cross sections and collection of morphometric data that can be analysed statistically. in previous studies 3d morphology of marks (particularly the distinction between “v” shaped marks and “\_/” shaped marks) was analyzed using 2d imagery (e.g., domínguez-rodrigo et al. 2009). in our experience, directly observing cross sections of cut marks is not readily feasible using conventional 2d microscopy (both optical and sem) because diagnostic criteria pertaining to the micromorphology of the cross sections and the slopes and floor of the grooves are difficult to calculate. while an innovative alternative approach using microscopic observations of transversally cut casts or moulds was carried out by greenfield (1999), this also relied on a 2d image when a 3d image is better suited to such an analysis. for the experimental study presented here, we focused on two types of lithic artefacts: burins and un -retouched flakes. tools were produced by one of the authors (da) using flint obtained from the gargano promontory (apulia, southern italy). burins were produced according to the technical variability of epigravettian burins found at grotta paglicci. the table 1. experimentally produced stone tools used to create cut marks. tool number length (mm) width (mm) thickness (mm) tool type type of blank cutting edge prehensile portion (proximal end of tool) tool 1 (figure 1a) 63 27 17 burin on fracture thick flake cortex removal phase dihedral; α: 70°; β: 90° presence of backs (back a, opposite side to the functional part: thickness: 15 mm; back b, adjacent to the functional part: thickness: 10 mm) tool 2 (figure 1b): 59 36 15 burin on fracture thick flake cortex removal phase dihedral; α: 70°; β: 90° presence of backs (back a, opposite side to the functional part: thickness: 15 mm; back b, adjacent to the functional part: thickness: 10 mm) tool 3 (figure 1c) 26 28 7 unretouched flint flake blank: flake dihedral; α: 50°; β: 70° absence of back on the opposite side to the functional part; presence of a back adjacent to the functional part (thickness of back: 0.7 mm) tool 4 (figure 1d) 38 14 4 unretouched flint flake blank: bladelet dihedral; α:30°; β: 70° absence of backs ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(2):267‐275. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.2.2015.349. 269 research communication special issue on digital zooarchaeology following description of experimental tools follows a techno-functional typology (lepot 1993; boëda 2001), aimed at understanding the role of the tool’s prehensile and functional parts in the production of engravings. parameters of produced tools are presented in table 1. in this study, we refer to both engravings and butchery marks as “cut marks.” however, we distinguish engravings from butchering marks by the latter being the epiphenomenal by-product of butchering soft tissue (lyman 1987). in contrast, we define “engravings” as cut marks of prearranged shape, made with a slow and controlled hand movement on a flat surface (as one would see in bone working, as opposed to butchery). we produced engravings on three modern bones: a roe deer (capreolus capreolus linnaeus cervidae) scapula (dry bone), a cattle (bos taurus linnaeus bovidae) innominate (fresh bone), and a cattle scapula (after boiling to remove soft tissues) (figure 2). the roe deer scapula was collected from a field in north-eastern italy. the bone surface is well preserved and does not show any kind of weathering. the cattle bones came from an animal that was butchered a few days before this experiment took place. engravings were produced by the lead author, maintaining control on two parameters: force applied and hand position. the experiment produced three series of three engravings on each bone with each of the experimental tools. the first series involved one single stroke; the second, two strokes in the same direction; and the third, multiple strokes using a to-and-fro movement. we analysed the engravings using a hirox kh-7700 digital microscope with an mxg-10c body, an ol-140ii lens and an ad-10s directional lighting adapter. this instrument allows creation of a 3d image obtained by the composition of several pictures (up to 120) taken at different focal lengths, enabling the bone surfaces to be observed from different points of view. in addition, the cross-section of each cut mark can be viewed along its entire length. furthermore, areal, linear, and angular measurements of profiles of cross-sections can be obtained (arrighi and borgia 2009). five crosssections were calculated per cut mark for a total of 540 profile measurements. the cross sections were grouped into seven morphological categories, according to boschin and crezzini (2012) (see figure 3). the breadth at the top (bt) and breadth at the floor (bf) of individual cut marks, as well as the ratio between the breadth at the top and the breadth at the floor (ratio of top to floor [rtf] index) were recorded on each of the 540 cross sections, following boschin figure 1. burins produced for the experiments . α, β: angles characterizing the cutting edge. measurements are reported in table 1. figure 2. the experimental production of engravings. ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(2):267‐275. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.2.2015.349. 270 research communication special issue on digital zooarchaeology and crezzini (2012) (figure 3). the absolute depth of the cut (dc), as defined by bello and soligo (2008) was not considered because it is primarily a reflection of the force applied by the operator when producing cut marks. micromophological characteristics of these experimentally produced engravings were compared with a sample of archaeologically documented butchery marks (sensu greenfield 1999) (n = 134) identified on gravettian and epigravettian faunal remains from grotta paglicci (foggia, southern italy), and with epiphenomenal butchery marks produced during modern butchering experiments using unretouched flint flakes (n = 93). experimental cut marks in the modern butchering experiments were produced with un-retouched flakes, butchering two fresh cattle autopodia (metapodials and phalanges) and three complete cat carcasses. cut marks were related to skinning, disarticulation and removal of soft tissues1 (boschin and crezzini 2012, crezzini et al. 2014). these comparative archaeological and experimental cut marks will be referred to as “butchering marks” in the following paragraphs and will be examined in relation to the experimentally produced engravings. results using high resolution three-dimensional imagery, we first conducted a micromorphological analysis on the entire sample of experimental engravings. this analysis quantified the cross-section morphology of the 540 engravings and placed them into one of seven categories (figure 3). there is a clear morphological figure 3. seven morphological categories and measurements taken on the profiles. modified from boschin and crezzini (2012). 1. profiles with a flat floor; 2. narrow vshaped regular profiles; 3. narrow u-shaped regular profiles; 4. broad v-shaped profiles; 5. irregular vor ushaped profiles characterised by the presence of one ancillary groove or edge on one side; 6. irregular vor ushaped profiles characterised by the presence of several ancillary parallel striations, on one or both sides, lateral to the apex of the cut and of uneven length and thickness; 7. profiles with two apexes occurring on the floor of the groove. figure 4. a) cross-section of an experimental engraving produced with an un-retouched flake. b) cross-section of an experimental engraving produced with a burin. ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(2):267‐275. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.2.2015.349. 271 research communication special issue on digital zooarchaeology distinction between engravings produced by unretouched flakes which are more irregular and vshaped (figure 4a) and engravings produced using burins which have a more u-shaped cross section (figure 4b). the bulk of engravings produced using sharp un-retouched flakes can be grouped into two morphological categories (1 = 27%; 3 = 22.9%), but categories 4 and 5 are also well represented (figure 5). on the contrary, among engravings produced using burins, category 1 is the most represented (34.4%), followed by category 3 (30.3%). v-shaped profiles are less represented (categories 2 and 4) and, in general, the distribution of profiles in the seven categories is significantly different between engravings inflicted with un-retouched flakes and those inflicted by burins (χ2 = 25.4, p<0.001; figure 5a). notably, burins seem to produce very few engravings with ancillary edges or irregular microstriations within the main groove (category 6) or with two ridges on the floor (category 7) suggesting that these categories may explain why they are infrequently observed. butchery marks produced with un-retouched flint flakes during butchering experiments tend to be vshaped (category 1 counts only for about the 4.3 % figure 5. a) frequency of each morphological category according to the groups; black: experimental engravings (burins, n = 270), white: experimental engravings (unretouched flakes, n = 270), dark gray: experimental butchering marks (n = 93), light gray: archaeological butchering marks (n = 134). b) experimental engravings: frequency of each morphological category according to tool and hand movement. every sample is composed by 90 observations. black: burin, single mark; white: burin, to and fro movement; light gray: burin, double unidirectional movement; dark gray: flake, single mark; horizontal hatching: flake, to and fro movement; oblique hatching: flake, double unidirectional movement. c) experimental engravings: frequency of each morphological category according to tool and bone type. every sample is composed by 90 observations. black: burin, boiled bone; white: burin, fresh bone; light gray: burin, dry bone; dark gray: flake, boiled bone; horizontal hatching: flake, fresh bone; oblique hatching: flake, dry bone. figure 6. rtf (ratio between the breadth at the top and the breadth at the floor) of single-stroke engravings (according to tool category) and of butchering marks. sample size: burins = 270; blanks = 270; butchery marks = 227. ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(2):267‐275. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.2.2015.349. 272 research communication special issue on digital zooarchaeology and category 3 for the 13.9 % n = 93) and quite different from the non-butchery-related engravings inflicted with the same kind of tool (χ2 = 30.4, p<0.001). category 1 is also under-represented among archaeological butchering marks (11.2%). differentiating between burins and flakes is difficult if variation in hand movement is considered. u-shaped cross sections tend to increase when flakes are used with multiple hand movements, but decrease when burins are used in the same way. more irregular profiles with internal striations (category 5) seem to increase when all tools type are used inflicting two strokes or with a to-and-fro movement (figure 5b). trends in the micromorphology of engravings remain unclear when comparing fresh bone to dried bone. differences observed among groups could be related to other parameters, such as the tool used or variability in the movement of the operator (figure 5c). therefore, we further analysed the rtf index values of engravings in order to explore how different tool types, hand movements, and whether bones were fresh or dry influenced the morphology of engravings. among single-strokes, engravings produced with burins and those produced with flakes show a similar distribution of rtf index values (figure 6). when subjected to multiple hand movements, the breadth at the top (bt) and bottom (bf) increases (figure 7). among burins, cross sections become more u-shaped as indicated by a slight decrease of the rtf values, whilst among blanks this reduction was not observed (figure 8). discussion our experimental results reveal significant morphological differences between engravings produced with burins and engravings produced with un-retouched flakes. burins composed of two backs, one adjacent (corresponding to a fracture) and one opposite (corresponding to lateral cortex) indicate that the proximal (prehensile) portion of the tool is a key functional element. morphological characteristics of this ‘prehensile’ portion of the tool provides more control over movement and in the application of force. conversely, the two un-retouched flakes do not have thick prehensile portions and accordingly, lacks the force of burins when tools are used by hand. in addition, the wider edge angles of burins (α between 70° and 90°) are more oblique than in unretouched flakes (α between 30° and 50°). thus the edge of an un-retouched flake could be more fragile and likely to chip when inflicting marks on hard materials, resulting in an irregular shape. these characteristics likely explain the greater variability observed among marks produced with flakes that have not been retouched than those which are characterised by more irregular ridges or internal striations. it is important to note that the morphology of experimental butchering marks inflicted with unretouched flakes, is measurably different from that of figure 7. bf (breadth at the floor) and bt (breadth at the top) values of engravings according to tool and hand movement. a) bf – blanks; b) bf – burins; c) bt – blanks; d) bt – buris. every sample is composed by 90 observations. figure 8. rtf (ratio between the breadth at the top and the breadth at the floor) of engravings, according to tool and hand movement. a) blanks; b) burins. every sample is composed by 90 observations. figure 7. bf (breadth at the floor) and bt (breadth at the top) values of engravings according to tool and hand movement. a) bf – blanks; b) bf – burins; c) bt – blanks; d) bt – buris. every sample is composed by 90 observations. ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(2):267‐275. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.2.2015.349. 273 research communication special issue on digital zooarchaeology engravings produced using the same type of tool which were conducted with slow and completely controlled hand movements. on the one hand, production of engravings on the surface of a bone is a goal while butchering marks are a secondary consequence of a cutting action (egeland 2003; lyman 1987). on the other hand, different applications of a tool can be chosen making use of particular portions of un-retouched flakes (e.g., a dihedral or an elongated cutting edge) as well as different applications of force, hand position, and movement. following our goal to differentiate cut marks produced by different types of lithic tools, this study shows that tool types have to be considered in relation to the characteristics of their prehensile and functional elements and not only in relation to their technological categorization (such as “burin” or “un-retouched flake”). our analysis shows that metrical data on cut marks vary depending on the type of action adopted. for instance, with a to-and-fro movement the breadth of marks increases and, at least among burins, crosssections become more u-shaped. however, clear quantitative differences between profiles of cut marks produced by burins and flakes do not emerge. thus, absolute measurements (bt and bf) cannot be used to reliably distinguish between them because they can depend on the size of the tool's edge and its penetration into the bone tissue. the distribution of values of the rtf index, which is a function of the shape of the tool's edge, is quite similar with an analogous mean (ttest, experimental engravings, burins vs. flakes: t = -1.19, p = 0.23). conclusions this paper presents our first attempt at using 3d microscopy to characterize and examine variability in marks produced by specific lithic tool types on a range of bone surfaces. our preliminary research supports 3d microscopy as a promising method to analyze and quantify the micromorphology of butchery marks and engravings. our results suggest that most marks have u-shaped cross sections (morphological categories 1 and 3) and lack more complex shapes (categories 5, 6, 7) and therefore can be considered to be produced by robust functional edges of tools (such as burins). conversely, profiles characterized by a narrow floor, including the presence of engravings with two ridges on the floor or irregular striations or internal ridges, suggests the use of narrower or more fragile functional elements of tools (for instance, the edges of un-retouched flakes). however, neither morphological nor morphometric analysis allows us to identify the hand motion used to produce the marks, nor the state of the bone (fresh or dry) at the time of marking. we observe that un-retouched flakes produce morphologically different cut marks depending on the activity: prearranged cuts created by controlled, slow, and regular hand movements on flat, clean bone surfaces (such as used for bone working) differed from cuts produced during butchering activities. this evidence is relevant in developing future experimental protocols in the study of tool marks and other human caused traces on bones. while our results remain preliminary, they show a distinction between engravings produced with different tool types, although they also show that such morphological observations cannot be made in the absence of other contextual evidence. in future research, we plan to apply this method to archaeological materials from grotta paglicci, where recent research has demonstrated a significant micromorphometric difference between artistic epigravettian engravings and butchering marks (moretti 2014). the preliminary results presented in this paper have helped us improve our experimental protocol for future research. the refined protocol will (1) include the use of other types of lithic artifacts (i.e. retouched flakes) and (2) maintain greater control of the modern substrate in the experiments by using the same bone elements from the same species observed in the archaeological sample. acknowledgements we thank the soprintendenza per i beni archeologici della puglia for supporting research at grotta paglicci. we are also grateful to the editors of this special issue for editing and improving the original manuscript. declarations permissions: none declared. sources of funding: none declared. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited arrighi, s., v. borgia, f. d'errico, and a. ronchitelli. 2008. i ciottoli decorati di paglicci: raffigurazioni e utilizzo. rivista di scienze preistoriche 58:39-58. arrighi, s. and v. borgia. 2009. surface modifications of flint tools and their functional meaning. ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(2):267‐275. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.2.2015.349. 274 research communication special issue on digital zooarchaeology materials and manufacturing processes 24:922-927. doi:10.1080/10426910902987150. arrighi, s., v. borgia, f. d'errico, s. ricci, and a. ronchitelli. 2012a. manifestazioni d’arte inedite e analisi tecnologica dell’arte mobiliare di grotta paglicci (rignano garganico – foggia). preistoria alpina 46:49-58. arrighi, s., i. cacciari, f. gabbrielli, m. giamello, a. mencaglia, and s. siano. 2012b. i mattoni graffiati della fonte nuova, siena. analisi delle superfici. atti del vii congresso nazionale di archeometria, modena 22-24 febbraio 2012, pp. 674-689. pàtron editore, bologna. bello, s. and c. soligo. 2008. a new method for the quantitative analysis of cutmark micromorphology. journal of archaeological science 35:1452-1552. doi: 10.1016/j.jas.2007.10.018. bello, s., s. a. parfitt, and c. stringer. 2009. quantitative micromorphological analyses of cut marks produced by ancient and modern handaxes. journal of archaeological science 36:1869-1880. doi: 10.1016/ j.jas.2009.04.014. bello, s. m., i. de groote, and g. delbarre. 2013. application of 3-dimensional microscopy and micro-ct scanning to the analysis of magdalenian portable art on bone and antler. journal of archaeological science 40:2464-2476. doi: 10.1016/ j.jas.2012.12.016. boëda, é. 2001. détermination des unités technofunctionelles de pièces bifaciales provenant de la couche acheuléenne c'3 base du site de barbas i. in les industries à outils bifaciaux du paléolithique moyen d'europe occidentale, edited by d. cliquet, pp. 51-75. actes de la table ronde internationale, caen, 14-15 octobre 1999, eraul 98, liége. boschin, f., and j. crezzini. 2012. morphometrical analysis on cut marks using a 3d digital microscope. international journal of osteoarchaeology 22:549562. doi: 10.1002/oa.1272. crezzini, j., f. boschin, u. wierer, and p. boscato. 2014. wild cats and cut marks: exploitation of felis silvestris in the mesolithic of galgenbühel/dos de la forca (south tyrol, italy). quaternary international 330:52-60. doi: 10.1016/j.quaint.2013.12.056. dewbury, a. g. and n. russel. 2007. relative frequency of butchering cutmarks produced by obsidian and flint: an experimental approach. journal of archaeological science 34:354-357. doi:10.1016/j.jas.2006.05.009. domínguez-rodrigo, m., s. de juana, a.b. galán, and m. rodríguez. 2009. a new protocol to differentiate trampling marks from butchery cut marks. journal of archaeological science 36:2643-2654. doi:10.1016/j.jas.2009.07.017. egeland, c. p. 2003. carcass processing intensity and cutmark creation: an experimental approach. plains anthropologist 48:39-51. greenfield, h. j. 1999. the origins of metallurgy: distinguishing stone from metal cut-marks on bones from archaeological sites. journal of archaeological science 26:797-808. güth, a. 2012. using 3d scanning in the investigation of upper palaeolithic engravings: first results of a pilot study. journal of archaeological science 39:3105-3114. doi:10.1016/j.jas.2012.04.029. joordens, j. c. a., f. d’errico, f. p. wesselingh, s. munro, j. de vos, j. wallinga, c. ankjærgaard, t. reimann, j. r. wijbrans, k. f. kuiper, h. j. mücher, h. coqueugniot, v. prié, i. joosten, b. van os, a. s. schulp, m. panuel, v. van der haas, w. lustenhouwer, j. j. g. reijmer, and w. roebroeks. 2014. homo erectus at trinil on java used shells for tool production and engraving. nature 518:228231. lepot, m. 1993. approche techno fonctionnelle de l'outillage lithique moustérien: essai de classification des parties actives en terme d'efficacité technique. master thesis, université paris x nanterre, france. lyman, r. l. 1987. archaeofaunas and butchery studies: a taphonomic perspective. advances in archaeological method and theory 10:249-337 moretti, e. 2014. il contributo della nuova tecnologia 3d hirox nello studio dell’arte mobiliare di grotta paglicci (rignano garganico, foggia). integrazione dell’analisi stilisitica e tecnica su due opere dell’epigravettiano evoluto. tesi di laurea magistrale inedita, dipartimento di scienze fisiche, della terra e dell'ambiente, università degli studi di siena, siena, italy. palma, di cesnola a. 1993. il paleolitico superiore in italia, introduzione allo studio. garlatti & razzai editore, firenze. ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(2):267‐275. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.2.2015.349. 275 research communication special issue on digital zooarchaeology palma di cesnola, a. 2006. l'aurignacien et le gravettien ancien de la grotte paglicci au mont gargano. l'anthropologie 110:355-370. potts, r. and p. shipman 1981. cutmarks made by stone tools on bones from olduvai gorge, tanzania. nature 291:577-580. ricci, s., g. capecchi, f. boschin, s. arrighi, a. ronchtelli, and s. condemi. 2014. toothpick use among epigravettian humans from grotta paglicci (italy). international journal of osteoarchaeology in press. doi: 10.2002/oa.2420. ronchitelli, a., s. mugnaini, s. arrighi, a. atrei, g. capecchi, m. giamello, l. longo, n. marchettini, c. viti, and a. moroni. 2014. when technology joins symbolic behaviour: the gravettian burials at grotta paglicci (rignano garganico e foggia e southern italy). quaternary international, 359-360:423441 doi: 10.1016/j.quaint.2014.08.038. wierer, u. 2012. variability and standardization: the early gravettian lithic complex of grotta paglicci, southern italy. quaternary international 288:215-238. doi: 10.1016/j.quaint.2012.04.043. notes 1slicing cut marks on spongy bones (epiphyses, tarsal and carpal bones, vertebral bodies) were not included in order to avoid striations whose characteristics may have been dictated by the softness of the bone surface rather than the nature of the cut. biosketches erika moretti graduated at the university of siena where she produced a thesis on paleolithic portable art objects. simona arrighi is collaborator of the university of siena studying paleolithic art and use-wear on lithic tools. she is also developing new protocols for the application of 3d microscopy in zooarchaeology. francesco boschin is a zooarchaeologist focusing on prehistoric italy. he is also developing new protocols for the application of microtomography scans and 3d microscopy in zooarchaeology. jacopo crezzini is a zooarchaeologist focusing on prehistoric italy. he is also developing new protocols for the application of 3d microscopy in zooarchaeology. daniele aureli is focusing his research interests on the study of lower and middle paleolithic lithic artifacts. he is also carrying out fieldwork on lower-middle paleolithic sites from italy. annamaria ronchitelli is a professor at the university of siena, a paleoanthropologist, and a prehistoric archaeologist working on italian paleolithic sites. an evaluation of the contemporary uses and cultural significance of mammals in mexico ávila‐nájera et al. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(2):124–135 124 research communica ons decisions, particularly where cultural usage of a species is high (alves and souto 2015). wild mammals remain an important and widely used natural resource by indigenous and rural communities (happold 1995; alves et al. 2016). they provide a major source of protein, and have many other uses including ornamental, handicraft, medicinal, magical-religious symbolism, pets, trophy hunting, and commercial trading (alves 2012). the benefits associated with each animal and the methods used to capture it are usually highly valued aspects of traditional cultures and vary with locality and ethnic group (alves et. al. 2016; robinson and bennett 2000). in addition to being associated with benefits, some wild animals have a negative cultural introduction close human interactions with animals have occurred in all societies throughout our history (alves 2012). these ethnozoological relationships go beyond simple utilitarian needs, such as for food, to complex superstitions and magic-religious associations (alves et al. 2009; alves et al. 2010; prins et al. 2000). in some cultures, the continued use of a particular animal stems from a strong supernatural relationship established over thousands of years (allaby 2010; alves 2012). there is an increasing interest in the wider applications of such ethnozoological knowledge, including its value in informing conservation strategies and wildlife management an evalua on of the contemporary uses and cultural significance of mammals in mexico dulce maría ávila‐nájera 1,5 , eduardo j. naranjo 2 , barbara tigar 3* , oscar villarreal 4 , and germán david mendoza 5 1 unidad académica de biotecnología y agroindustrial, universidad politécnica de huatusco, huatusco, veracruz, méxico. 2 departamento de conservación de la biodiversidad, el colegio de la frontera sur, san cristóbal de las casas, chiapas, méxico. 3* school of forensic and applied sciences, university of central lancashire, preston, uk. 4 facultad de medicina veterinaria y zootecnia, benemérita universidad autónoma de puebla, tecamachalco, puebla, méxico. 5 departamento de producción agrícola y animal, universidad autónoma metropolitana, unidad xochimilco, mexico city, méxico. *b gar@uclan.ac.uk abstract we evaluated current uses of wild mammals by indigenous and mes zo communi es in mexico by extrac ng data from 59 sources published or produced between 1987–2017, covering data from 240 locali es and 3,905 ques onnaires. we then calculated a cultural value index (cvi) previously applied to plants to quan fy resource use and assess the cultural significance of each mammal. a total of 82 species were reported, and the animals with the highest cultural importance according to their cvi (in brackets) were two species of deer (odocoileus virginianus [18.32] and mazama temama [10.04]), as well as the nine‐banded armadillo (dasypus novemcinctus [14.18]), white‐nosed coa (nasua narica [14.75]), collared peccary (pecari tajaccu [11.90]), northern raccoon (procyon lotor [11.28]) and spo ed paca (cuniculus paca [9.84]). the most common uses were for food, to reduce the damage or harm they cause, and for medicinal purposes, with o. virginianus, p. lotor, n. narica, and d. novemcinctus frequently hunted for all these reasons. our analysis also highlighted the hun ng of rarer species of na onal conserva on concern, including commercial trading of body parts of the felids panthera onca, leopardus pardalis, and leopardus wiedii. by quan fying the ethnozoological significance of wildlife to indigenous communi es, indices such as cvi provide a robust measure of the extent of use and preference for par cular species or taxa. this adds to the body of evidence used to develop effec ve regula ons and laws related to harves ng and hun ng, and helps promote a more sustainable and long‐term approach to the use of natural resources. received september 18, 2017 open access accepted march 26, 2018 doi 10.14237/ebl.9.2.2018.1106 keywords cultural value index, ethnozoology, wildlife conserva on, conserva on management copyright © 2018 by the author(s) licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open‐access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution‐noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by‐nc/4.0), which permits non‐commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. ávila‐nájera et al. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(2):124–135 125 research communica ons significance because they are harmful to humans, livestock, goods, or property, and as a result they are controlled to mitigate the damage they cause. therefore, cultural attitudes towards wildlife can be both positive and negative (alves et al. 2012; alves et al. 2016; treves et al. 2006). mexico is highly biodiverse and culturally diverse (sarukhán et al. 2009), and is ranked third globally for its species richness of mammals with 535 species (conabio 2008). some mammals are preferred or more highly valued for particular uses, including ungulates, large rodents, armadillos, and felines, which are subject to high hunting pressures (naranjo 2013). cunningham (2001) proposed allocating a numerical value to indicate the utility or benefit of each species based upon human perceptions of it and the extent of scientific or traditional knowledge about it (purdy and decker 1989). the advantage of using a quantitative index is that the results can be ordered by rank, which is useful when prioritizing species for decision-making purposes, as well as for spatial and temporal comparisons. here we evaluate current ethnozoological knowledge on the extent of usage, types of uses, and cultural significance of mammals by rural communities in mexico in a novel way by applying a cultural value index (cvi) (turner 1988) —originally developed to quantify the ethnobotanical value of plant species—to another taxonomic group: mammals. our aim was to generate a quantitative approach to help evaluate and develop effective strategies for the long-term conservation and sustainable use of mammals as well as other natural resources at local or regional levels in mexico, which could be useful in other locations and cultures. numerical measures of the ethnozoological significance, such as cvi, can provide evidence to inform and develop hunting regulations that more closely reflect the interests of the indigenous and mestizo communities who currently utilize wild mammals. materials and methods we systematically searched for research articles, books, theses, reports, and online material published or produced between 1987–2017, and extracted data on cultural values of, attitudes towards, and specific uses of mammals on a state by state basis in mexico. we used the national consortium of scientific and technological information resources (conricyt) database to access online ethnobiology journals, which are the main publishing option for many mexican researchers. where there were multiple articles by the same author(s), we avoided double counting by checking for unique place names or localities. we excluded records of domestic animals and corrected synonyms using ceballos and arroyocabrales (2012). records of resource-use by species were grouped into 11 categories for analysis: food, pets, trade, ornamental, artisanal, magic-religious, medicinal, sports hunting, recreational (species persecuted for amusement), harmful, and other benefits. the last of these categories includes a few animals used to control harmful species or those with secondary benefits, such as guano production by bats (cossio 2007). turner’s (1988) cultural value index (cvi) was applied to the published data for each mammal species using the following equation: cvi = σ (iu + fm + vut) where: iu (intensity of use) = (number of uses for each species from all sources / total number of uses for all species from all sources) x 100 fm (frequency of use) = (number of records [times a species is mentioned] of all uses for each species from all sources / total number of records of all uses for all species from all sources) x 100 vu (use value) = (number of records for each species of a single use from all sources / total number of records of a single use for all species from all sources) x 100 vut (total use value for each species) = sum of vu for all uses / total uses. results we found 59 sources documenting indigenous and mestizo cultural use of mammals (supplementary table 1). these consisted of information described in interviews with 3,905 individuals at 240 localities, with records for 17 mexican federal states, particularly the southern states of campeche, oaxaca, and chiapas (figure 1). there were a total of 1,727 recorded uses for 82 mammal species in mexico, representing 54 genera, 21 families, and 11 orders (table 1), particularly the orders carnivora and rodentia (24 and 28 species, respectively). about a third of these mammals were considered endangered (n=6), at risk of extinction (n=15), or subject to special protection (n=6) in mexico (table 1). mammals were mainly taken for food (36.5%) or killed to prevent damage or ávila‐nájera et al. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(2):124–135 126 research communica ons harm (14%), as well as for ornamentation (10%), trade (8%), and artisanal use (6.5%), with <2% having other uses (figure 2). the cvi scores varied from 0.03 for species with a single record of use, to 15 for frequently mentioned species with multiple uses (table 1). the cvis suggest that the most frequently used species were white-tailed deer (odocoileus virginianus, 18.32), white-nosed coatis (nasua narica, 14.75), nine-banded armadillos (dasypus novemcinctus, 14.18), collared peccaries (pecari tajacu, 11.90), northern raccoons (procyon lotor, 11.28), central american red brocket deer (mazama temama, 10.04), spotted pacas (cuniculus paca, 9.84), jaguars (panthera onca, 9.02), tigrillos (leopardus wiedii, 7.87), and pumas (puma concolor, 7.48). the most frequent reason for using mammals was for food, and the most commonly consumed species were d. novemcinctus (6.82), n. narica (6.66), o. virginianus (6.34), p. tajacu (6.03), and p. lotor (5.07); numbers in parenthesis are the frequency with which a species was mentioned for that use. another common reason for hunting was to reduce the damage or harm associated with a species, particularly for n. narica (6.75), p. lotor (5.48), and p. concolor (4.21). medicinal use was also common, and included d. novemcinctus (7.81), o. virginianus (6.17), mephitis macroura (hooded skunks) (6.17), and n. narica (5.34). the most frequently commercially traded mammals were o. virginianus (9.62), p. onca (8.88), c. paca (6.66), p. concolor (5.18), leopardus pardalis (ocelots) (5.18), and l. wiedii (5.18). discussion recent ethnozoological studies have shown that native and rural populations have a deep-rooted knowledge of wildlife and nature, which they apply when interacting with or exploiting natural resources (mourão et al. 2006; mourão and nordi 2002; souto et al. 2011). this traditional knowledge has been passed down through many generations and is finding new applications as a tool to inform faunal figure 1 the loca on of the 17 mexican federal states (labels 1–17) that had records for cultural uses of mammals used to calculate cultural value indices (cvis) for the 82 species. the shading indicates the number of independent sources used to calculate the cvis, where light gray is <5 (1, aguascalientes; 4, méxico city; 5, colima; 6, durango; 7, estado de méxico; 8, jalisco; 9, morelos; 11, puebla; 12, quintana roo; 13, san luis potosí; 14, sinaloa; 15, tabasco; 16, veracruz; 17, yucatán); dark gray is between 5 and 10 (2, campeche; and 10, oaxaca); and black indicates 16 sources (3, chiapas). ávila‐nájera et al. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(2):124–135 127 research communica ons taxonomic classifica on conserva on status number of uses reported cvi order artiodactyla family cervidae mazama temama 9 10.04 odocoileus hemionus 43 1.75 odocoileus virginianus 11 18.32 family tayassuidae pecari tajacu 9 11.90 tayassu pecari 8 5.75 order carnivora family canidae canis latrans 9 6.49 urocyon cinereoargenteus 11 8.41 family felidae leopardus pardalis r 7 6.31 leopardus wiedii r 9 7.87 lynx rufus 76 3.94 puma concolor 7 7.48 panthera onca r 8 puma yagouaroundi e 8 5.40 family mephitidae conepatus leuconotus 3 1.64 conepatus semistriatus p 34 1.50 conetaptus spp 2 1.08 mephi s macroura spp 3 1.09 mephi s spp 7 5.02 spilogale gracilis 2 0.66 spilogale putorius 3 1.50 spilogale pygmaea r 93 1.50 family mustelidae   eira barbara r 3 2.17 galic s vi ata e 1 0.34 table 1 taxonomic classifica on of wild mammal species with their na onal conserva on status according to the nom‐ 059‐semarnat‐2010 (semarnat 2010) where e=endangered or threatened, r=at risk of ex nc on, and p=subject to spe‐ cial protec on measures; total number of uses reported in mexico (from a total of 11 types of use) and cultural value index (cvi) are also reported. species with high cvis (cvi>10) are shown in bold. (con nued on next page) ávila‐nájera et al. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(2):124–135 128 research communica ons taxonomic classifica on conserva on status number of uses reported cvi family mustelidae lontra longicaudis 8 5.09 mustela frenata 7 8.51 taxidea taxus e 32 1.21 family procyonidae bassariscus astutus e 1 0.46 bassariscus sumichras p 4 1.98 nasua narica 11 14.75 potos flavus p 6 5.67 procyon lotor 10 11.28 order chiroptera 3 1.37 family molossidae tadarida brasiliensis 1 0.70 family phyllostomidae ar beus jamaicensis 1 0.70 order cingulata family dasypodidae cabassous centralis r 5 2.10 dasypus novemcinctus 11 14.18 order didelphimorphia family didelphidae caluromys derbianus e 1 0.37 chironectes minimus r 1 0.34 didelphis marsupialis 3 1.77 didelphis virginiana 4 3.18 didelphis spp 5 4.35 marmosa mexicana 1 0.43 philander opossum 4 1.75 (con nued from previous page) table 1 taxonomic classifica on of wild mammal species with their na onal conserva on status according to the nom‐ 059‐semarnat‐2010 (semarnat 2010) where e=endangered or threatened, r=at risk of ex nc on, and p=subject to spe‐ cial protec on measures; total number of uses reported in mexico (from a total of 11 types of use) and cultural value index (cvi) are also reported. species with high cvis (cvi>10) are shown in bold. (con nued on next page) ávila‐nájera et al. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(2):124–135 129 research communica ons taxonomic classifica on conserva on status number of uses reported cvi order lagomorpha family leporidae lepus alleni 10 2.57 lepus flavigularis p 32 1.05 lepus spp r 2 0.67 romerolagus diazi r 1 0.32 sylvilagus audubonii 37 1.24 sylvilagus brasiliensis 34 1.74 sylvilagus cunicularius 6 2.60 sylvilagus floridanus 10 7.48 sylvilagus spp 5 2.27 order perissodactyla family tapiridae tapirus bairdii r 6 3.72 order pilosa family cyclopedidae cyclopes didactylus r 1 0.58 family myrmecophagidae tamandua mexicana r 9 6.63 order primates family atelidae aloua a palliata r 5 3.20 ateles geoffroyi r 6 6.06 order rodentia family agoutidae dasyprocta mexicana 1 0.32 dasyprocta punctata 2 1.08 dasyprocta spp 7 5.31 family cuniculidae cuniculus paca 8 9.84 (con nued from previous page) table 1 taxonomic classifica on of wild mammal species with their na onal conserva on status according to the nom‐ 059‐semarnat‐2010 (semarnat 2010) where e=endangered or threatened, r=at risk of ex nc on, and p=subject to spe‐ cial protec on measures; total number of uses reported in mexico (from a total of 11 types of use) and cultural value index (cvi) are also reported. species with high cvis (cvi>10) are shown in bold. (con nued on next page) ávila‐nájera et al. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(2):124–135 130 research communica ons taxonomic classifica on conserva on status number of uses reported cvi family erethizontidae coendou mexicanus e 7 4.52 family geomyidae 4 1.58 heteromys desmares anus 22 0.74 heteromys gaumeri 2 0.68 heteromys spp 1 0.34 orthogeomys grandis 1 0.46 orthogeomys hispidus 34 2.55 orthogeomys spp 3 1.32 pappogeomys bulleri 1 0.34 family muridae 1 0.34 microtus mexicanus 1 0.35 neotoma mexicana 2 0.73 neotoma phenax p 4 2.22 neotoma spp 3 1.19 ototylomys phyllotys 1 0.32 peromyscus aztecus 1 0.32 peromyscus levipes 1 0.32 peromyscus mexicanus 1 0.32 peromyscus spp 1 0.43 peromyscus yucatanicus 1 0.68 peromyscus zarhynchus p 1 0.32 reithrodontomys spp 2 0.69 sigmodon hispidus 1 0.34 tylomys nudicaudus 2 0.73 family sciuridae ammospermophilus interpres 1 0.43 otospermophilus variegatus 3 1.40 sciurus aureogaster 8 5.34 sciurus colliaei 3 1.11 sciurus deppei deppei 6 2.64 (con nued from previous page) table 1 taxonomic classifica on of wild mammal species with their na onal conserva on status according to the nom‐ 059‐semarnat‐2010 (semarnat 2010) where e=endangered or threatened, r=at risk of ex nc on, and p=subject to spe‐ cial protec on measures; total number of uses reported in mexico (from a total of 11 types of use) and cultural value index (cvi) are also reported. species with high cvis (cvi>10) are shown in bold. (con nued on next page) ávila‐nájera et al. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(2):124–135 131 research communica ons taxonomic classifica on conserva on status number of uses reported cvi sciurus nayaritensis 1 0.32 sciurus spp 7 5.01 sciurus yucatanensis 5 2.58 orden sirenia family trichechidae trichechus manatus r 3 1.35 family sciuridae (con nued from previous page) table 1 taxonomic classifica on of wild mammal species with their na onal conserva on status according to the nom‐ 059‐semarnat‐2010 (semarnat 2010) where e=endangered or threatened, r=at risk of ex nc on, and p=subject to spe‐ cial protec on measures. total number of uses reported in mexico (from a total of 11 types of use) and cultural value index (cvi) are also reported. species with high cvis (cvi>10) are shown in bold. ávila‐nájera et al. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(2):124–135 132 research communica ons inventories, as well as zoological and ecological research (alves and souto 2015; alves et al. 2016). while ethnobotany is well-established, the emergence of ethnozoology helps to emphasize the social and economic value of regional fauna (cullen et al. 2000; léopold et al. 2009) and provides evidence to inform environmental impact assessments, resource management, and sustainable development (alves and souto, 2015; johannes 1993; sillitoe 1998). our cvi results for mexico show widespread levels of hunting and diverse uses of wild mammals, particularly large and medium-sized species like deer and peccaries, which are a major source of meat in many rural areas. however, 27 (33%) of the mammals currently used are considered to be at risk of extinction in mexico (semarnat 2010), including the jaguar, tigrillo, ocelot, jaguarundi (puma yagouaroundi), hare of the isthmus of tehuantepec (lepus flavigularis), howler monkey (alouatta palliata), spider monkey (ateles geoffroyi), and tapir (tapirus bairdii). in addition, many carnivores of national and global conservation concern have high cvi scores, suggesting they are particularly vulnerable to overuse. although subsistence hunting generally poses lower risks to wildlife than commercial hunting (fa and peres 2001), this depends on the level of hunting pressure and is often exacerbated by habitat degradation (alves et al. 2016). the impact of hunting is generally highest on large and medium vertebrates, particularly species taken for human consumption (alves et. al. 2016) or causing some form of damage or harm (peres 2000; redford 1992). species with a relatively high cvi score require management that encourages sustainable harvesting. however, as cvis reflect the values of a specific cultural group or locality, they can both help inform effective hunting laws or regulations that minimize the risk to wild populations, and bring long-term benefits to both wildlife and the people using them (naranjo 2013; robinson and bennett 2000). an example of good practice for frequently hunted species in mexico is the establishment of special units for conservation management and the sustainable use of wildlife (unidades para la conservacion, manejo y aprovechamiento de la vida silvestre [uma]) (gallina-tessaro et al. 2009), where the economic harvesting of natural resources is controlled by the local communities that rely on them. therefore, umas would benefit from considering cvis when calculating harvesting rates, and when evaluating their long-term effectiveness and figure 2 total number of mammal species reported to have a par cular use or benefit (black bars) and the total number of mes a specific cultural use of a mammal was men oned (gray bars) in all literature sources for mexico published be‐ tween 1987–2017. ávila‐nájera et al. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(2):124–135 133 research communica ons sustainability. such an approach can be strengthened by other activities that reduce the overuse of wildlife, such as improving the levels of environmental education, wildlife surveillance, and opportunities for better-paid local employment (naranjo 2008). in addition, promoting the local knowledge and traditions of those species most at risk helps to reinforce and maintain their cultural importance in a community (purdy and decker 1989). therefore, indices such as cvi, which quantify the importance of a species to a community, can complement accurate information on catch rates and populations sizes, leading to management strategies that support the long-term persistence of wildlife. where suitable ethnobiological and ethnozoological information are available, conservation managers and wildlife biologists can incorporate cvi into the decision-making processes for any natural resource or locality. in addition, cvi can highlight the animals most frequently utilized by human communities and at highest risk of over harvesting, which in this study included several taxonomic groups including ungulates, big cats, and large rodents, known to be important indicators of the overall health and structure of an ecosystem (miller et al. 2001). acknowledgements the authors thank their respective heads of department at the universidad politecnica de huatusco, el colegio de la frontera sur, the university of central lancashire, and the universidad autónoma metropolitana (unidad xochimilco), for supporting their collaboration on this original research idea. this research was made possible by funding to dulce maria avila nájera from the secretaria de educación pública, mexico, postdoctoral research scholarship, uam-x-ca-24. we also thank the editor and two anonymous referees for their constructive comments, which helped us to improve our article. declarations permissions: not applicable sources of funding: dulce maria avila nájera, postdoctoral research scholarship (uam-x-ca-24) from the secretaria de educación pública, mexico conflicts of interest: none declared references cited allaby, m. 2010. animals: from mythology to zoology. facts on file, inc., new york, ny. alves, r.r.n. 2012. relationships between fauna and people and the role of ethnozoology in animal conservation. ethnobiology and conservation 1:1–69. doi:10.15451/ec2012-8-1.2-1-69. alves, r.r.n., a. feijó, r.r.d. barboza, w.m.s. souto, h. fernandes-ferrerira, p. cordeiro-estrela, and a. langguth. 2016. game mammals of the caatinga biome. ethnobiology and conservation 5:1–55. doi:10.15451/ec2016-7-5.5-1-51. alves, r.r.n., l.e.t. mendonça, m.v.a. confessor, w.l.s. vieira, and l.c.s. lopez. 2009. hunting strategies used in the semi-arid region of northeastern brazil. journal of ethnobiology and ethnomedicine 5:1–50. doi:10.1007/s10668-0169827-2. alves, r.r.n., e. nogueira, h. araujo, and s. brooks. 2010. bird-keeping in the caatinga, ne brazil. human ecology 38:147–156. doi:10.1007/s10745009-9295-5. alves, r.r.n., i.l. rosa, n.a. léo-neto, and r. voeks. 2012. animals for the gods: magical and religious faunal use and trade in brazil. human ecology 40:751–780. doi:10.1186/1746-4269-9-3. alves, r.r.n. and w.m.s. souto. 2015. ethnozoology: a brief introduction. ethnozoology and conservation 4:1–13. doi:10.15451/ec2015-14.1-1-1. ceballos, g. and j. arroyo-cabrales. 2012. lista actualizada de los mamíferos de méxico. revista mexicana de mastozoología nueva epoca 2. available at: http://www.revmexmastozoologia.unam.mx/ojs/ index.php/rmm/article/view/20. accessed on august 22, 2017. comisión nacional para el conocimiento y uso de la biodiversidad (conabio). 2008. el capital natural de méxico. vol. i. conocimiento actual de la biodiversidad. comisión nacional para el conocimiento y uso de la biodiversidad, méxico. available at: http:// www.biodiversidad.gob.mx/pais/ conocimientoactual.html. accessed on august 22, 2017. cossio, b.a. 2007. cocimiento y comparación del uso de la fauna silvestre en dos comunidades ejidales del municipio de hueytamalco, puebla, méxico. unpublished master’s thesis, instituto de ecología, xalapa, mexico. cullen, l., r.e. bodmer, and c. padua. 2000. effects of hunting in habitat fragments of the atlantic ávila‐nájera et al. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(2):124–135 134 research communica ons forests, brazil. biological conservation 95:49–56. doi:10.1016/s0006-3207(00)00011-2. cunningham, a.b. 2001. applied ethnobotany: people, wild plant use, and conservation. earthscan, london and stirling, uk. fa, j.e. and c.a. peres. 2001. game vertebrate extraction in african and neotropical forests: an intercontinental comparison. in conservation of exploited species. conservation biology. number 6, edited by j.d. reynolds, g.m. mace, k.h. redford, and j.g. robinson, pp. 203–241. cambridge university press, cambridge, uk. gallina-tessaro, s.a., a. hernández-huerta, c. delfín-alfonso, and a. gonzález-gallina. 2009. unidades para la conservación, manejo, y aprovechamiento sustentable de la vida silvestre en méxico (uma). retos para su correcto funcionamiento. investigación ambiental 1:142–152. happold, d.c.d. 1995. the interactions between humans and mammals in africa in relation to conservation: a review. biodiversity and conservation 4:395–414. doi:10.1007/ bf00058424. johannes, r.e. 1993. integrating traditional ecological knowledge and management with environmental impact assessment. in traditional ecological knowledge: concepts and cases, edited by j.t. inglis, pp. 33–39. international program on traditional ecological knowledge and international development research centre, ottawa, canada. léopold, m., a. cakacaka, s. meo, j. sikolia, and d. lecchini. 2009. evaluation of the effectiveness of three underwater reef fish monitoring methods in fiji. biodiversity and conservation 18:3367–3382. doi:10.1007/s10531-009-9646-y. miller, b., b. dugelby, d. foreman, c. martinez del río, r. noss, m. philips, r. reading, m.e. soulé, j. terborgh, and l. willcox. 2001. the importance of large carnivores to healthy ecosystems. endangered species update 18:202–2010. mourão, j.s., h.f.p. araujo, and f.s. almeida. 2006. ethnotaxonomy of mastofauna as practised by hunters of the municipality of paulista, state of paraíba-brazil. journal of ethnobiology and ethnomedicine 2:1–7. doi:10.1186/1746-4269-2-19. mourão, j.s. and n. nordi. 2002. comparações entre as taxonomias folk e científica para peixes do estuário do rio mamanguape, paraíba-brasil. interciencia 27:664–668. naranjo, e.j. 2008. uso y conservación de mamíferos en la selva lacandona, chiapas, méxico. in avances en el estudio de los mamíferos de méxico ii edited by c. lorenzo, e. espinoza, and j. ortega, pp. 675–691. asociación mexicana de mastozoología, a.c. (ammac). san cristóbal de las casas, méxico. naranjo, e.j. 2013. uso de la fauna silvestre. in la biodiversidad de chiapas: estudio de estado, edited by a. cruz-angón, e.d. melgarejo, f. camacho-rico, and k.c. nájera-conchero, pp. 271–280. comisión nacional para el conocimiento y uso de la biodiversidad (conabio) and gobierno del estado de chiapas, mexico city, méxico. peres, c.a. 2000. evaluating the impact and sustainability of subsistence hunting at multiple amazonian forest sites. in hunting for sustainability in tropical forests, edited by j.g. robinson and e. bennett, pp. 31–56. columbia university press, new york, ny. prins, h.h.t., j.g. grootenhuis, and t.t. dolan. 2000. wildlife conservation by sustainable use. kluwer academic publisher, boston, ma. purdy, k. and d. decker. 1989. applying wildlife values information in management: the wildlife attitudes and values scale. wildlife society bulletin 17:494–500. redford, k.h. 1992. the empty forest. bioscience 42:412–422. doi:10.2307/1311860. robinson, j.g. and e.l. bennett. 2000. hunting for sustainability in tropical forests. columbia university press, new york, ny. sarukhán, j., p. koleff, j. carabias, j. soberón, r. dirzo, j. llorente-bousquets, g. halffter, r. gonzález, i. march, a. mohar, s. anta, and j. de la maza. 2009. capital natural de méxico: conocimiento actual, evaluación y perspectivas de sustentabilidad. síntesis. report for comisión nacional para el conocimiento y uso de la biodiversidad (conabio), méxico. available at: http:// www.biodiversidad.gob.mx/pais/pdf/capnatmex/ capital%20natural%20de%20mexico_sintesis.pdf. accessed on august 22, 2017. secretaría de medio ambiente y recursos naturales (semarnat). 2010. norma oficial mexicana nom-059-semarnat-2010. protección ambiental, especies nativas de flora y fauna silvestres de méxico, categorías de riesgo y especificaciones para su inclusión, exclusión o cambio, y lista de especies en riesgo. diario ávila‐nájera et al. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(2):124–135 135 research communica ons oficial de la federación [web page]. url: https:// www.gob.mx/profepa/documentos/norma-oficialmexicana-nom-059-semarnat-2010. accessed on august 22, 2017. sillitoe, p. 1998. the development of indigenous knowledge. current anthropology 39:223–252. doi:10.1086/204722. souto, w.m.s., j.s. mourão, r.r.d. barboza, and r.r.n. alves. 2011. parallels between zootherapeutic practices in ethnoveterinary and human complementary medicine in ne brazil. journal of ethnopharmacology 134:753–767. doi:10.1016/j.jep.2011.01.041. treves, a., r.b. wallace, l. naughton-treves, and a. morales. 2006. co-managing human-wildlife conflicts: a review. human dimensions of wildlife 11:383–396. doi:10.1080/10871200600984265. turner, n. 1988. the importance of a rose, evaluating the cultural significance of plants in thompson and lilloet interior salish. american anthropologist new series 90:272–290. actualistic zooarchaeology in central western argentina in cave and open air contexts ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 94‐103. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.227. 94 research communica on  periand post-mortem events that affect remains of animals in the passage from the biosphere to the lithosphere, including diagenetic processes (efremov 1940; olson 1980). these processes make up the taphonomic history (lyman 1994) of faunas, which are assemblages of animal remains from a particular spatial and temporal context. it is important to understand how these processes influence the condition (e.g., shape, completeness, identifiability) of animal remains because bone, shell, antler, horn, and other types of remains can be added to, removed from, or modified within any particular assemblage during its taphonomic history. in order to understand past human behaviors related to subsistence and human ecology, it is important to understand the taphonomic histories of zooarchaeological assemblages. taphonomic analysis relies on the use of analogies to make inferences about taphonomic histories of faunas. in some cases, these analogies are based on actualistic studies in which agents and processes that cause signatures (effects) are observed; this type of analogy is termed a relational analogy (giffordgonzalez 1991; hodder 1982). for example, in haynes’ (1980) research on carnivore damage on introduction for nearly two decades archaeologists have recognized a need for development of actualistic taphonomic research in central, western argentina (borrero 2002; gil 2006; neme 2007; neme et al. 1995; neme et al. 1999; neme and gil 2008). several zooarchaeological studies that focus on differential preservation of animal remains and agents of bone destruction have been published during the last five years that help fill this gap (corbat et al. 2009; fernández 2012; giardina 2010; otaola et al. 2012). however, none of the studies report results from actualistic experiments that characterize processes and agents within the context of regional environmental conditions. the archaeological record contains material products related to human activities that occurred in the past. these materials are invariably exposed to an array of processes from the time they were discarded to the time they are recovered and investigated by archaeologists. zooarchaeology focuses on the portion of the archaeological record that comprises animal remains (e.g., remnants of bones, teeth, horn, antler, shell, and other biological residues from animals) that are recovered from archaeological sites. within zooarchaeology, taphonomy is the study of actualis c zooarchaeology in central western argen na in cave and open air contexts clara otaola   author address: museo de historia natural de san rafael. av ballofe  s/n parque mariano moreno. c.p: 5600, san rafael,  mendoza, argen na.  email: claraotaola@yahoo.com.ar  received: july 8, 2014  volume: 5:94‐103  published: september 4, 2014  © 2014 society of ethnobiology  abstract:  many cultural and natural processes form the archaeological record. taphonomy, the study of the transi on of organic ma er from living contexts (the biosphere) to geological contexts (the lithosphere), aids in understanding how agents and processes affect skeletal remains in the archaeological record. in this paper the results of an actualis c taphonomic study on deposi on of bones in open-air and cave contexts in the high eleva on andes mountains are presented. results indicate that within the first three months a er deposi on many bones are displaced or removed from sites and that the agents that act in each context are different. horizontal displacement of bones from their deposited loca ons is limited in the cave context but is dominant in the open air site. carnivores appear to be responsible for moving bones in open-air contexts, and rodents appear to displace bones ver cally in the cave context. such naturalis c experiments are important in par cular areas of the world in which local taphonomic processes vary. keywords: actualis c research; taphonomy; zooarchaeology; carnivore damage; rodent damage ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 94‐103. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.227. 95 research communica on  skeletal remains, analogies are based on observation of carnivores ravaging bones, from which characterizations of gnawmarks were made. recognition of carnivore damage on bones from archaeological contexts is made by relational analogy because similar processes (gnawing) are inferred to have led to similar effect (gnawmarks). formal analogies are a weaker type of analogy that simply attribute similar cause to similar attributes without observation of the processes that led to the effects (gifford-gonzález 1991). actualistic studies provide a means to develop relational analogies; taphonomists develop studies for assessing different manners in which diverse agents influence (preserve, move, damage) bone, which then aid in the construction of taphonomic histories of faunas. relational analogies rest on the principle of methodological uniformitarianism, where it is assumed that natural laws do not vary with time; therefore processes observed in the present are the same as those that occurred in the past (simpson 1970). there are two kinds of actualistic studies: naturalistic studies and controlled experiments (marean 1995). the main difference between these is that in experiments, the analyst controls variables to precisely understand the relations between the trace (effects on remains) and the agent that generates it. taphonomic experiments can be performed in a laboratory or with animals in captivity, but can also be done in natural settings (blumenschine and marean 1993). in such cases, the researcher controls and manipulates the variables of interest, in order to refine understanding of the process being studied. in contrast, in naturalistic studies the analyst does not manipulate the parameters of the process being studied, since those processes occur in a natural context. a classic example is behrensmeyer’s (1978) naturalistic studies on bone weathering in which bone was exposed to natural weathering agents for which stages were described. the strength of experiments is precise control of taphonomic variables, but a weakness is that experiments do not occur in realistic contexts. naturalistic studies, in contrast, benefit from being carried out in realistic contexts but allow less precise control of taphonomic variables. in this paper, i present two naturalistic studies carried out in southwestern mendoza province, argentina, in the central basin of the salado river, in the andes cordillera (figure 1). in this area, archaeological research had been carried out for more than twenty years. zooarchaeological remains that are recovered from sites are highly fragmented and preservation is poor. several processes affect these faunal assemblages during their taphonomic histories, and the aim of this study is to understand the processes that influenced bones during the initial stages after their discard and deposition. the focus of this research is on the agents that impact bones from goat (capra hircus) carcasses immediately after deposition in the high altitude environment of the andes. although goats were introduced during the historic period, this study focuses on those processes that influence ungulate skeletons and bone in general. the area is located in the patagonia physiographic province (cabrera 1971), zoogeographically this region corresponds to the fauna de montaña, consisting of mammals such as puma concolor and lama guanicoe, lycalopex culpaeus, dolichotis patagonum, lagidium viscacha, microcvia australis, akodon andinus and phyllotis darwini migratory birds that live in small lagoons and creeks (e.g., anas sp. and choelephaga picta) as well as scavengers birds, such as vultur griphus, caracara plancus and milvago chimango (roig 1972). methodology experiments were done in two locations and replicated in two sequential years; january 2009 and january 2010. the different locations were labeled “context a” and “context b”. context a study was in an openair site, and context b was located in a small cave (figure 1, a and b). context a is 150 m from el desecho creek, at 35° 11’ 56.2” south latitude and 70° 03’ 49.3” west longitude, at 2082 masl. the cave selected for doing these experiments (context b) is located 1100 m from the context a, near colorado creek, at 35° 12’ 03.4’’ south latitude and 70° 5’ 25.6’’ west longitude, at 2200 masl. the cave has a depth of 5.5 m and a width of 4.8 m. both contexts have archaeological materials on the surface. indeed, context b is located within the cueva arroyo colorado archaeological site, which had been excavated and reported previously (lagiglia et al. 1994; neme 2007). defleshed goat bones were deposited on the surface and at 20 cm depth below surface in both contexts. bones were registered and photographed in their locations of deposition; after three months the bones were located, recovered, and studied in the laboratory. in january 2009, a total of 48 skeletal elements from a single goat carcass were deposited in context a. thirty-six of these bones were left at the ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 94‐103. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.227. 96 research communica on  surface near a chuquiraga sp. bush, and 18 were buried 1m east the surface assemblage. in context b a total of 80 goat bones were deposited, 60 were deposited on the surface and 20 were buried near the east wall of the cave, 1 m from the cave entrance (table 1 and 2). after three months visible bones were mapped in context a and b, and it was noted if bones had been displaced, buried, or unburied relative to their original deposited locations. after recording, bones were recovered and analyzed for taphonomic modifications in the department of anthropology at the museo de historia natural de san rafael. post-depositional modifications to bone surface, such as carnivore and rodent gnawmarks or any other agent responsible for bone-surface damage or fragmentation were recorded. table 1. bones deposited in context a and the assemblage found three months a er this deposi on. first experiment (2009)  and replica on (2010).     goat (capra hircus) element start end (three months later) nisp obs. nisp bone modifica ons/observa ons ribs  6     4  moved from the original se ng  2 metapodials with 1°, 2°  and 3° phalanx  8  ar culated  2  rodent marks, moved from the original se ng under  the bush  humerus  1     1  moved under the bush  scapula  1     1  moved under the bush. rodent marcs  radius  1     ‐  ‐  tibia  1     ‐  ‐  proximal femur  1     ‐  ‐  innominate  1     ‐  ‐  thoraxic vertebrae  14  ar culated  14  remain ar culated. under the bush  calcaneous  1     1  ‐  astragalus  1     1  ‐     scapula  1     1  buried  radius ulna  1     1  buried  thoracic vertebrae  7  ar culated  7  par ally unburied. gnawed  tibia  1     1  buried  metatarsal with 1°, 2° and  3° pha.  8  ar culated  2  buried  replica on (summer 2010)    innominate  1     2  carnivore marks. perfora ons.  lumbar vertebrae  3     ‐     tibia, radius, ulna  3  ar cualted  ‐     femur  1     2  carnivore marks –under the bush  ribs  6     4  marks indet  atlas  1     ‐     axis  1     ‐     cervical vertebrae  4     ‐     scapula  1     1  under the east part of the bush.  ribs  12     ‐     tibia,  calcaneus  and  astragalus  3  ar culated  2  under the bush. the calcaneus was absent. tibia have  helicoidal fracture.     femur  1     1  unburied  scapula  1     1     ribs  5     5     innominate  1     1  unburied  cervical vertebrae  4     4     s u rf a ce   s u b su rf a ce   s u rf a ce   s u b su rf a ce   ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 94‐103. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.227. 97 research communica on  the same three-month-duration experiment was replicated beginning in january 2010 in both contexts. in the replication, initial conditions from 2009 were maintained, such as use of goat bones, locations of deposition, starting-period for the experiment (january), and the same interval between initial deposition and subsequent observation (three months). in context a for the replication a total of 48 bone elements were deposited, 36 on surface and 12 bones were left in subsurface. in context b 69 bone elements were deposited on the surface and no bones were buried (tables 1 and 2). results after three months in context a and b, skeletal elements were displaced from their original locations, were modified, or were missing altogether. postdepositional displacement and modification are recorded in table 1 for context a and in table 2 for context b. in the first experiment (2009) of the 48 bones that were originally deposited in context a, 60% were visible and recovered three months later. in the replication of this experiment, only 30% from a total of 36 bones were recovered. most of the bones were displaced from their original deposition location and were trapped under a chuquiraga sp. bush; some of the displaced bone exhibited carnivore marks indicating that perhaps a small carnivore cached the bones near the bush. for buried bones in context a, lumbar vertebrae were “emerging” at the surface, exhibiting carnivore gnawmarks and some evidence of pitting (binford 1981; haynes 1983, lyman 1994), indicating that a small carnivore excavated the remains (figure 2a). in the replication of this experiment, one buried femur and one buried innominate were recovered at the surface and exhibited carnivore damage (figure 2b). in context b for 2009, only 46% of the specimens were recovered after three months, and in the replication in 2010 only 37% were recovered. none of the bones deposited on the surface were in their original positions. all of the bones that were buried in context b were recovered near their original place of deposition. many bones recovered from context a were damaged by carnivore ganwing. in the 2009 experiment, 28% of the bones exhibited carnivore gnawmarks and 8% of them showed rodent gnawmarks. in the 2010 replication, carnivore damage was recorded for 45% of the bones. bones had been displaced under the chuquiraga bush, all of them exhibiting pits or gnawmarks. one of the recovered tibiae exhibited a helicoidal fracture, similar to those made to extract medular grease (binford 1981; gifford-gonzález 1989). in context b, carnivores and rodents also modified bones, though rodents were a more active agent in this context (figure 2c and d). all the elements found at the end of the first replication have rodent marks and 3.5% exhibit carnivore damage. in the 2010 replication, 84% of the bones were rodent damaged and 3.8% exhibited carnivore gnawmarks (table 2). some bones had a combination of gnawmarks, pitting, and cupping, and some bones exhibited complete destruction of spongy bone, which is likely due to carnivore ravaging. results of actualistic experiments in fox dens (lycalopex culpaeus and l. griseus) in northwestern argentina and patagonia show patterns of damage like those observed here, not only destruction of the epiphyses, but also pitting and cupping on ends of the epiphyses (fernández et al. 2010; martin 1998; mondini 1995, 2003a and b). comparisons between the two contexts variables analyzed in this short term study provide figure 1. localiza on of the actualis c studies presented  in this paper. a: context a; b: context b.  ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 94‐103. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.227. 98 research communica on     goat (capra hircus) element start end (three months later) nisp observa ons nisp bone modifica ons/observa ons tibia  2  distal frag. (1)  1  rodent marks  ribs  16     3  indeterminate marks. found in a den  ulna  1     1  carnivore marks. fracture  femur  2  distal frag. (1)  ‐  rodent marks  astragalus  1     ‐     matapodial  3  ar culated  3  rodent marks  1° phalanx  6  ar culated  6  rodent marks  2° phalanx  6  ar culated  6  rodent marks  3° phalanx  6  ar culated  6  rodent marks  thoracic v.  5     ‐     lumbar v.  1     ‐     caudal v.  2     ‐     scapula  1     1  rodent marks  humerus  1     ‐     innominate  1     ‐     cervical v.  1     ‐     radius ulna  1     ‐        metapodial  1  ar culated  1  buried  1° phalanx  2  ar culated  2  buried  2° phalanx  2  ar culated  2  buried  3° phalanx  2  ar culated  2  buried  radius  1     1  buried  scapula  1     1  buried  calcaneus  1     1  buried  astragalus  1     1  buried  ribs  6     6  buried  cervical v.  3     3  buried  replica on summer 2010    tibia  2     1  rodent marks  astragalus  1     ‐     calcaneus  2     ‐     scapula  2     2  rodent marks  innominate  2     2  rodemt marks  femur  2     2  rodent marks (1)  ribs  26     10  fragmented (2) rodent(8)  lumbar v.  12     ‐     radioulna  2     2  carnivore (1) rodent (1)  cervical v  3     1  rodent  axis  1     ‐     atlas  1     ‐     vertebrae  3     ‐     caudal v.  2     ‐     humerus  1     2  ro/carn? liquens (1) rodent (1)  thoracic v  7     4  rodent marks  table 2. bones  deposited  in  context  b  and  the  assemblage  found  three  months  a er  this  deposi on.  first  experiment  (2009) and replica on (2010).  s u rf a ce   s u b su rf a ce   s u rf a ce   ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 94‐103. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.227. 99 research communica on  data on bone modification that occurs in the first three months after deposition of skeletal remains. this actualistic study is useful because it allows detection of differences and similarities in how taphonomic processes affect skeletal remains in the two different contexts, an open-air site and a cave, within the same physiographic region. surface assemblages of skeletal remains from contexts a and b showed a substantial loss of skeletal elements after three months, illustrating that the potential for disappearance of unburied faunal remains is high in caves and open air sites in this region (figure 3a and b). gnawing damage to bone is important in both contexts, but there are important differences regarding the agents involved. in the open air context (context a), carnivores were the main agent responsible for bone-surface modifications, and very few bones were gnawed by rodents (figure 3c). in contrast, the rodents produced most of the gnawing damage in the cave context (context b) (figure 3d). even though the common damages on bones generated by scavenger activity of birds such as vultur gryphus (andean condor), coragyps atratus (black vulture), were not observed (e.g., digestive corrosion on bones and/or the presence of pellets), avian scavengers could be responsible for the displacement and disappearance of some bones in open air context. these processes were not observed in this study and remain a topic for future study. in both contexts, skeletal remains were commonly displaced from their original location of deposition. however, horizontal and vertical dispersion of bones differ according to context. vertical displacement is common in caves, due to restricted horizontal space figure 2. different post‐deposi onal damage. a & b: carnivore gnawing in context a; c & d: rodent gnawing in context b.  ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 94‐103. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.227. 100 research communica on  and the high activity of fossorial animals that tend to live there. signs of rodent activity (e.g., krotovina and rodent gnawmarks on bone) are common in cave archaeological assemblages. indeed, many actualistic studies have been carried out in order to understand the impact of rodent disturbance on archaeological assemblages (boceck 1986; durán 1991; erlandson 1984). in the open air context, even though some vertical displacement was observed in this study, horizontal displacement was more evident than vertical displacement. however, some bones in the open air site were vertically displaced. in context a some of the bones that were originally buried, were removed by carnivores and recovered on the surface. in addition, there is limited evidence of horizontal displacement in context b, as some of the remains were found in the rocky part of the cave, at a higher elevation than where they were originally deposited. final remarks the objective of this research is to understand agents involved in the modification of zooarchaeological assemblages in the salado river valley, in the andean portion of southern mendoza. in this actualistic and naturalistic study (sensu marean 1995), initial variables were controlled (such as locations of deposition), but there was not strict control of what happened after deposition. given these conditions, the results indicate that cave versus open-air contexts are important in this region in terms of taphonomy. there are three important implications concerning taphonomic histories in open air and cave contexts made clear through this study. first, there is an important loss of skeletal material in the early stages of depositions in both contexts, which suggests that remains that become part of the archaeological record may only constitute a small proportion of the originally deposited assemblage. second, differences in animal activity between assemblages in these different contexts were observed. carnivores were more impactful in open air contexts, while rodents were more influential in caves. third, it was observed in both contexts contrary to what was expected, that vertical and horizontal displacement of skeletal remains occurred. the extent figure 3. comparison between context a and b. a & b: differences in nisp percentages at the star ng of the experiment and  at the end. c: carnivore marks in context a & b, d: rodent marks in context a & b.  ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 94‐103. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.227. 101 research communica on  of horizontal and vertical movement of bone varied by context; however, this observation needs to be tested via longer temporal experiments. the actualistic studies presented in this paper are part of a broader taphonomic investigation that includes not only short term observations, but also longitudinal actualistic studies of taphonomic histories of assemblages comprising the remains of large mammals (otaola 2013). these longitudinal studies carried out in different habitats of the rio salado valley demonstrate additional differences in displacement of skeletal remains in the different contexts. at rock shelters and caves, the probability of vertical mixing of material is higher, due to the action of rodents and the horizontal limits of the caves. at open air sites, carnivores are an active agent that modify the composition of the assemblages and cause horizontal displacement of bones (otaola 2013). the results of this actualistic study help to understand archaeological chronological patterns observed in sites from this region, such as inverted dates in caves, which has been observed at cueva arroyo colorado (lagiglia et al. 1994), cueva salamanca and palulo cave (otaola and llano in press). in addition, rodent remains tend to be common in cave sites but not in open air sites, but carnivore remains occur in both contexts (otaola 2013). acknowledgments steve wolverton helped improve the english and the content of this paper. adolfo gil, gustavo neme, and luis borrero helped develop the methodology and interpret the results of the actualistic experiments carried out in southern mendoza. two anonymous reviewers provided constructive comments that improved the paper. the work presented here was supported by conicet doctoral and post-doctoral fellowships. declarations permissions: not applicable. sources of funding: conicet. conflicts of interest: none declared. references behrensmeyer, a. k. 1978. taphonomic and ecologic information from bone weathering. paleobiology 4:150-162. binford, l.1981. bones: ancieint men and modern myths. academic press, london. bocek, b. 1986. rodent ecology and burrowing behaviour: predicted effects on archaeological site formation. american antiquity 51:589-603. borrero, l. a. 2002. arqueología y biogeografía humana en el sur de mendoza (comentario crítico). in entre montañas y desiertos: arqueología del sur de mendoza, edited by a. f. gil and g. neme, pp. 194-202. buenos aires, sociedad argentina de antropología, buenos aires. blumenschine, r. j. and c. w. marean. 1993. a carnivore´s view of archaeological bone assemblages. in from bones to behavior. ethnoarchaeological and experimental contributions to the interpretation of faunal remains, edited by j. hudson, pp. 272-300. center for archaeological investigations, occasional paper 21. southern illinois university at carbondale, carbondale, il. cabrera, a. l. 1971. fitogeografía de la república argentina. boletín de la sociedad argentina de botánica 14:1-42. corbat, m., a. f. j. zangrando and a. gil. 2009. el estudio de restos de peces en conjuntos arqueológicos del sur de mendoza. in arqueología de patagonia: una mirada desde el último confín, edited by m. salemme, f. santiago, m. álvarez, e. piana, m. vázquez and e. mansur, pp. 717-727. editorial utopías, ushuaia. durán, v. 1991. estudios de perturbación por roedores del género ctenomys en un sitio arqueológico experimental. revista de estudios regionales 7:7-31. efremov, i. a. 1940. taphonomy: a new branch of paleontology. pan american geologist 74:81-93 erlandson, j. m. 1984. a case study in faunalturbation: delineating effects of the burrowing pocket gopher on the distribution of archaeological material. american antiquity 49:785-790. fernández, f. j. 2012. microvertebrados del holoceno de sitios arqueológicos en el sur de mendoza (república argentina): aspectos tafonómicos y sus implicancias en la subsistencia humana. doctoral dissertation. facultad de ciencias naturales y museo, universidad nacional de la plata. fernández p., i. cruz, a. i. forlano. 2010. sitio 37: una madriguera de carnívoro en el norte de la ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 94‐103. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.227. 102 research communica on  patagonia andina (cholila, provincia de chubut, argentina). in zooarqueología a principios del siglo xxi, aportes teóricos, metodoslógicos y casos de estudio, edited by m. a. gutierrez, m. de nigris, p. fernández, m. giardina, a. gil, a. izeta, g. neme, h. yacobaccio, pp. 409-417. buenos aires. giardina, m. a. 2010. el aprovechamiento de la avifauna entre las sociedades cazadorasrecolectoras del sur de mendoza: un enfoque arqueozoológico. unpublished doctoral dissertation. universidad nacional de la plata, facultad de ciencias naturales y museo. gifford-gonzalez, d. 1989. ethnographic analogues for interpreting modified bones: some cases from east africa. in bone modification, edited by r. bonnichsen and m. h sorg, pp. 179-246. center for the study of the first americans, institute for quaternary studies, university of maine, orono, me. gifford-gonzalez, d.1 991. bones are not enough: analogues, knowledge, and interpretive strategies in zooarchaeology. journal of anthropological archaeology 10:215-254. gil, a. 2006. arqueología de la payunia. bar international series 1477. archaeopress, oxford. haynes, g. 1980. evidence of carnivore gnawing on pleistocene and recent mammalian bone. paleobiology 6:341-351. haynes, g. 1983. frequencies of spiral and greenbone fractures on ungulate limb bones in modern surface assemblages. american antiquity 48:102-114. hodder, i. 1982. symbols in action. ethnoarchaeological studies of material culture. cambridge university press, cambridge, ma. lagiglia, h. a, g. neme and a. gil 1994. investigaciones arqueológicas en la cueva arroyo colorado (malargüe-mendoza). in actas y memorias del xi congreso nacional de arqueología argentina (segunda parte), edited by h. lagiglia, pp. 119-120, san rafael, mendoza. lyman, r. l 1994. vertebrate taphonomy. cambridge university press, cambridge, ma. marean, c. 1995. of taphonomy and zooarchaeology. evolutionary anthropology 4: 64-72. martin f. 1998. madrigueras, dormideros y letrinas. in arqueología de la patagonia meridional: proyecto magallania, edited by l. a. borrero, pp. 73-96. ediciones búsqueda de ayllu, concepción del uruguay. mondini, n. m. 1995 artiodactyl prey transport by foxes in puna rock shelters. current anthropology 36:520-524. mondini, n. m. 2003a. formación del registro arqueofaunístico en abrigos rocosos de la puna argentina: tafonomía de carnívoros. unpublished dissertation, facultad de filosofía y letras, universidad de buenos aires. mondini, n. m. 2003b. modificaciones óseas por carnívoros en la puna argentina: una mirada desde el presente a la formación del registro arqueofaunístico. mundo de antes 3:87-108. neme g. 2007. cazadores-recolectores de altura en los andes meridionales: el alto valle del río atuel. british archaeological reports international series, 1591. archaeopress, oxford. neme, g., v. durán and a. gil. 1995. análisis arqueofaunístico del sitio cueva de luna (malargüe‑mendoza, argentina). in actas del xiii congreso nacional de arqueología chilena. hombre y desierto 9:363-370, antofagasta, chile. neme g. and a. gil. 2008. faunal exploitation and agricultural transitions in the south american agricultural limit. international journal of osteoarchaeology 18:293-306. neme g., a. gil and v. durán. 1999. el registro arqueofaunístico del alero puesto carrasco (malargüe-mendoza). soplando el viento... actas de las terceras jornadas de arqueología de la patagonia, pp. 491514. olson, e. c. 1980. taphonomy: it´s history and role in community evolution. in fossils in the making. vertebrate taphonomy and paleoecology, edited by a. k. behrensmeyer and a. p. hill, pp. 5-19. university of chicago press, chicago. otaola, c. 2013. zooarqueologia en la cordillera del sur de mendoza: un enfoque tafonómico. unpublished doctoral dissertation. facultad de filosofía y letras, universidad de buenos aires. otaola, c., m. giardina, m. corbat and f. j. fernández. 2012. zooarqueología en el sur de mendoza: ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 94‐103. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.227. 103 research communica on  integrando perspectivas zooarqueológicas en un marco biogeográfico. paleobiogeografía en el sur de mendoza, edited by a. gil and g. neme. sociedad argentina de antropología, buenos aires. otaola, c. and c. l. llano. in press. consumo de vegetales y animales en el sur de mendoza: el caso del sitio cueva palulo. intersecciones en antropología. roig, v. g. 1972. esbozo general del poblamiento animal en la provincia de mendoza. boletín de la sociedad argentina de botánica 8 (suppl.):81-88. simpson, g. 1970. uniformitarianism: an inquiry into principle, theory, and method in geohistory. in essays in evolution and genetics in honor of theodosius dobzhansky, edited by m. k. hecht and w. c. steere, pp. 43-96. appleton-century-grofts, new york. biosketch clara otaola  is a post‐doctoral researcher for conicet,  at  the  museo  de  historia  natural  de  san  rafael  who  specializes in zooarchaeology of western argen na.   the effects of food processing on the archaeological visibility of maize: an experimental study of carbonization of lime-treated maize kernels 12  research communica on  employing a charring technique that allows for complete carbonization of the kernel, without damage. hence, this research adds to the body of data on ancient maize processing techniques by specifically exploring how alkali processing affects the archaeological preservation of different maize varieties (martinez-bustos et al. 2001). the process of alkali cooking, known as hominy production in the eastern woodlands and nixtamalization in mesoamerica, was widely used by societies living throughout mesoamerica and north america. i first address the origins and use of alkali processing in the americas. this is followed by a brief consideration of quantification methods and lab procedures, which is followed by results of the experiments and discussion of their implications for maize-variety identification, processing method identification, and general importance in new world archaeology. alkali processing of maize the purpose of cooking maize with an alkali substance is to lengthen its storage life, to increase its nutritional content by changing the chemical and physical composition of the kernels, and to facilitate the removal of the pericarp (martínez-bustos et al. 2001). unprocessed, maize is deficient in niacin and introduction the effects of ancient processing on the archaeological visibility and recovery of maize is important for reconstructing past subsistence practices in the new world. because maize was a prominent cultivar in the americas, it is important to determine the varieties people grew and the processing methods employed. previous studies by goette et al. (1994), king (1987), and pearsall (1980) addressed this issue through recreating ancient processing techniques (e.g. boiling, sprouting, and parching) to see how these methods affected preservation in the archaeological record. however, these studies were broad in scope and used charring techniques that provided inconclusive results. because of severe distortion to kernel morphology, measurements of kernel shape and size were inaccurate and did not provide reliable results regarding how processing affects carbonization and preservation. as a result, past studies were unable to make direct comparisons between modern carbonized kernels and archaeological carbonized kernels to determine the processing techniques used. this study compares archaeological and modern samples to determine how alkali processing alters phenotypes of new world maize varieties, as well as to establish parameters for identifying alkali processed kernels the effects of food processing on the archaeological visibility of maize:  an experimental study of carboniza on of lime‐treated maize kernels  caroline dezendorf  author address: interna onal studies program, university of oregon, 175 prince lucien campbell hall, eugene, or 97403.  dezendor@uoregon.edu  received: september 26, 2012  volume: 4:12‐20  published: january 19, 2013  © 2013 society of ethnobiology  abstract: this paper explores the effects of maize processing on the carboniza on and preserva on of maize kernels in the  archaeological record. the shi  to processing maize with lime (known as hominy produc on in the eastern woodlands and  nixtamaliza on  in mesoamerica)  in ancient  mes had the effect of making maize more nutri ous through  increasing the  availability of calcium, niacin, dietary fiber, and essen al amino acids.  less understood is how this process of cooking maize  in  a  lime  solu on  affects  the  archaeological  preserva on  of  maize;  if  there  is  a  clear  difference  in  the  archaeological  signature of maize remains that are and are not processed this way, then this process may be iden fiable in the archaeological record. to this end, an experiment was constructed analyzing the varia on in size between dried and alkali processed  maize kernels before and a er carboniza on. results indicate that alkali processed maize kernels are less likely to fragment  during carboniza on. key words: maize processing, nixtamaliza on, mesoamerica, paleoethnobotany, carboniza on   13  research communica on  the essential amino acids lysine and tryptophan; however, alkali processing enhances the potency of these nutrients (king 1987). the traditional process involves the use of alkali cooking, steeping, and washing to remove maize skin from the kernels before consumption or storage (martinez-bustos et al. 2001). martinez-bustos et al. (2001) state that cooking with an alkali substance (e.g., wood ash) allows for increased water uptake, thus resulting in kernel expansion. the amount of water uptake depends heavily on the maize genotype and processing conditions, such as water temperature and time soaked and cooked (martinez-bustos et al. 2001). however, depending on how the maize variety reacts to the process, alkali-processed maize kernels could be differentially preserved through carbonization compared to unprocessed carbonized kernels. four varieties of maize representing modern descendants of archaeological varieties—also known as heirloom varieties―were selected for experimentation to determine how different maize varieties are affected by alkali processing. it is impossible to obtain modern maize with the exact genetic make-up of their archaeological ancestors, due to evolution; thus, the kernels were acquired from seeds of change (www.seedsofchange.com) based on geographic origin and cultural connections (i.e. the historical significance of the heirloom variety in a given region). the four types selected were oaxacan green, anasazi flour, hopi pink, and hickory king. both the oaxacan green (originating from the zapotec indians in southern mexico and green in color) and the hickory king (originating in the southeast united states and yellow in color) are dent varieties. dent maize is characterized by a starchy endosperm in the middle, extending towards the top of the kernel that is surrounded by a corneous endosperm along the sides (sturtevant 1898). hickory king is known to be used for hominy in the southeastern united states (www.victoryseeds.com). in contrast, anasazi flour (a multi-colored maize) and hopi pink are soft-flour varieties from the southwestern united states. the flour varieties are considered soft due to the absence of corneous endosperms and the lack of indentation (sturtevant 1898). it is difficult to make a direct comparison between archaeological specimens and contemporary races of maize even when the evolutionary relationships are well understood because maize is constantly evolving due to human selection (benz 1994). therefore, there is little information available that allows archaeologists to make comparisons of maize kernels over large areas and through time. nevertheless, by studying farmer or heirloom varieties, for which change is slower compared to many other varieties, archaeologists can create a statistical method of analysis to demonstrate correlations of size between modern and ancient varieties (blake and cutler 2001). as most archaeological maize is carbonized, if the effects of alkali processing can be determined, it may be possible to better characterize archaeological varieties. according to king (1987), there are five kernel measurements that can be used to determine variety; these include angle, length, width, thickness, and distance from base to widest part of the kernel. several studies (e.g., pearsall 1980; goette et al. 1994; blake and cutler 2001) have attempted to determine variety using kernel angle to estimate the number of rows on each cob. however, this measurement does not take into account distortion and shrinkage due to charring or processing. blake and cutler (2001) suggest that up to 40% distortion in characteristics can occur during the carbonization process, which alters the kernel angle. thus, kernel angle is not an accurate tool for determining varieties and the most accurate results are based on determining preand post-carbonization length, width, and thickness (king 1987). given these challenges, the purpose of this experimental study is to: (1) determine the best way to identify alkali processing of maize in the archaeobotanical record and (2) understand how the alkali process affects different maize varieties. previous research as suggested by king (1987), processing method plays a role in determining charred kernel shape. understanding the differences in carbonized kernel morphology is essential for characterizing different varieties. in terms of alkali processing, i draw on several previous studies. the first study, conducted by goette et al. (1994), examined three different races of andean maize using techniques of toasting, sprouting, and boiling. the second study, based in north america and conducted by francis king (1987), describes how alkali processing alters the kernel shape. both experiments conclude that most maize recovered from archaeological sites was likely boiled with wood ash (goette et al. 1994; king 1987). charred kernels with endosperm extrusion (when the endosperm expands greatly, causing a fragile and extreme distortion to the kernel) are unlikely to 14  research communica on  survive in the archaeobotanical record. therefore, maize kernels processed by sprouting or toasting, which have high percentages of extrusion, are unlikely to survive, especially compared to boiled kernels, which only have an extrusion percentage of 10-15% (goette et al. 1994). goette et al.’s (1994) findings support ethnographic data suggesting the process of boiling maize with wood ash was a widespread practice throughout north and south america. because goette et al. (1994) focused on only three varieties indigenous to peru, it is important to expand experimentation to other varieties so as to provide an accurate representation of processing and preservation throughout the new world (goette et al. 1994). hence, further knowledge of how alkali processed kernels react to carbonization will help archaeologists determine the processing method used and the number of different varieties at a given site based on morphological characterization (goette et al. 1994). because most recovered archaeobotanical remains are charred, it is difficult to distinguish maize varieties and processing techniques based on morphology alone. past experiments used charring methods in an attempt to recreate archaeological maize and to understand how carbonization affected morphology. often, these studies provided inconclusive results due to the nature of particular charring methods that left kernels indistinguishable. for example, cutler and blake (1973) suggest that kernels carbonized loose (i.e. not on the cob) become too distorted to provide any type of meaningful measurements. however, other scholars indicate that kernels can be charred not on the cob, when packaged tightly together, which avoids extreme distortion to the kernel shape (goette et al. 1994; king 1987). nevertheless, because previous charring experiments were conducted under conditions of too rapid or too high heat, the morphology of the charred kernels were too distorted and provided inaccurate and unreliable measurements for determining kernel size and shape (king 1987; pearsall 1990). in past experiments parching techniques were used to obtain measurable results (goette et al. 1994; king 1987; pearsall 1990). however, parching likely does not provide analogical realism as it does not cause the same changes in morphology or the representation of archaeological kernels that is caused by charring. for the current experiment it was important to develop and use a method of charring that would preserve the features (length, width, and thickness) and shape of the kernels so as to make them comparable to archaeological specimens. materials and methods to determine how alkali processing and carbonization affects the morphology of kernels, it was necessary to perform a laboratory experiment to determine how these processes affect kernels of the four selected varieties of maize. based on experimental design from goette et al. (1994) and king (1987), an experiment was constructed to analyze size variability among maize kernels that were a) dried, b) alkali processed, c) dried and carbonized, and d) alkali processed and carbonized. sample size varied from 40-45 kernels per variety. initially, each dried kernel was photographed and measured using a stereo-microscope with a camera attachment. i recorded kernel weight, length, width, and thickness, as these are morphological characteristics that relate to reproduction and that are least affected by environmental variability in phenotype (goodman and paterniani 1969). the next step involved a 50% random selection of each variety to be processed in an alkali solution. in order to use historically appropriate methods and follow convention of previous alkali processing experiments, ten pounds of uncontaminated oak, maple, and ash wood were burned to produce ash for the alkali solution. three cups of the hardwood ash were boiled in six quarts of water for one hour to achieve a ph of 10 (goette et al. 1994). the water was then sieved and divided between four pots, one for each maize variety, and the maize was soaked for fourteen hours (martinez-bustos et al. 2001). after soaking, the maize was cooked at 85º celsius for one hour, at which point the pericarps began to loosen. the kernels were then rinsed under running water and rubbed together to remove seed coats and points of attachment. after drying, the alkali-processed kernels were re-measured. the next step was carbonization. because research by blake and cutler (1973) suggests that kernels carbonized loose will cause distortion, kernels were placed in tin-foil packets before carbonization. in total there were eight tin-foil packets that were carbonized—two for each variety with one containing the unprocessed kernels and the other containing the alkali-processed kernels. the kernels were cooked in a muffle furnace at 180-190ºc, conditions that represent a low-burning fire, for one hour and then were removed from the furnace to cool for three minutes (werts and jahren 2007). they were then cooked for one more hour at which point smoking ceased, which is indicative of complete charring. the purpose of the 15  research communica on  double cooking method was to mitigate issues that previous studies experienced—these include carbonizing kernels in too high of heat or too rapidly. because this research is experimental, temperature and cooking time were controlled. however, archaeological kernels would not have been exposed to consistent heat, as fire temperatures and surrounding soil temperatures vary (werts and jahren 2007). during the initial phase of the carbonization process, the unprocessed kernels cracked, at an average rate of one to two pops per five minute period, exhibiting splitting and swelling. after one hour, these unprocessed kernels became surrounded by a foamy black matrix. when carbonization was complete, all kernels were re-measured using the same methods as prior to processing. dependent t -tests are used to assess differences in shrinkage among dried, alkali-processed, and carbonized kernels. results by using a controlled charring environment, i was able to carbonize specimens that exhibit similar morphologies to archaeological specimens (including those found at sites in the midwestern united states1), which allows insights into how processing affects maize kernel taphonomy. the metric dimensions of the carbonized alkali-processed kernels were greater than those of non-alkali-processed kernels. there are substantial differences between the (a) dried, (b) alkali processed, (c) unprocessed carbonized, and (d) alkali processed carbonized kernels. there were clear differences in thickness and width amongst the varieties. the increase in thickness between dried (a) and alkali-processed-carbonized (d) ranged from 21.64% for anasazi flour to 71.38% for hickory king. in addition, the lengths of the kernels decreased in size after alkali processing and again after carbonization; this decrease ranged from 3.09% for hickory king to 22.05% for hopi pink. goette et al. (1994) report similar results, indicating that the decrease in moisture causes vertical contraction of kernels, whereas increasing internal pressure causes horizontal expansion. these differences are best demonstrated visually with scatterplots. note that the majority of alkaliprocessed-carbonized kernels show an increase in width and thickness (figure 1), when compared to the (non-carbonized) dried and alkali-processed kernels. in addition, the unprocessed-carbonized kernels show an increase in thickness, but not width, which indicates that carbonization is a contributing factor to increased thickness. it is thus logical to conclude that the increase in internal pressure that occurs during carbonization forces the kernels to expand in thickness; however, because of decreased moisture content in the absence of alkali processing, other factors, such as length and width, appear not to increase under carbonization alone. therefore, the magnitude of width expansion is likely dependent upon cooking method. this interpretation is supported by visual inspection of figure 2, which plots length by width for all four varieties under different experimental conditions. by examining the scatterplots, it is evident that the alkali-processed and the alkali-processedcarbonized kernels exhibit the greatest shift in width when compared to the dried maize and unprocessedcarbonized kernels. the majority of the alkaliprocessed hopi pink kernels and anasazi flour kernels show the largest increase in width after processing, and exhibit a slight decrease in width with carbonization. the fact that the alkali-processed kernels exhibit greater width than the alkali-processed -carbonized kernels indicates a decrease in kernel moisture content caused by carbonization. unless kernels are alkali processed, they should not have significant changes in width. the use of dependent t-tests allows for statistical analysis of shrinkage in kernel dimensions. a comparison of the dried kernels (a) with the alkali processed kernels (b) was beneficial to determining the impact that alkali processing has on kernel shape. tests on width measurements between these pairs (for all varieties) yield p-values less than 0.05, indicating significant differences in width—in other words, alkali processing leads to significant kernel swelling along this dimension (table 1). there is also a significant difference in width between unprocessed carbonized kernels (c) to alkali processed carbonized kernels (d) (p-value < 0.001). dependent t-tests were also used to determine statistical differences in thickness (table 1). for all varieties, it was determined that thickness increases with carbonization. additionally, unprocessed carbonized kernels (c) and alkali processed carbonized kernels (d) were compared in order to determine if the measurement of thickness could be used to determine the different processing methods in archaeological kernels. dependent t-tests demonstrate that the differences are significant; thus, for archaeological specimens, comparisons of the width and the thickness of kernels, assumed to be the same variety, 16  research communica on  figure 1. results from sca er‐plots of width vs. thickness for anasazi flour, hickory king, hopi pink, and oaxacan green  maize kernels.   17  research communica on  figure 2. results from sca er‐plot of length vs. width anasazi flour, hickory king, hopi pink ,and oaxacan green maize ker‐ nels.  18  research communica on  can allow researchers to determine whether or not alkali processing occurred before carbonization. kernels that exhibit increased thickness and width indicate alkali processing and carbonization whereas, kernels that only exhibit increased thickness suggest carbonization alone. additionally, because data suggest that the widths and thicknesses for each variety fall within certain ranges, researchers could separate kernels into varieties. specifically, dent varieties of maize display larger width and thickness dimensions than flour varieties. after carbonization, the median width for the alkali processed anasazi flour kernels was 8826.5 µm and the median width for the alkali processed hopi pink was 9713.0 µm. in contrast the processed and carbonized oaxacan green dent measured 10994.9 µm and the hickory king dent measured 1499.36 µm. results for thickness demonstrate a similar pattern with the median anasazi flour and hopi pink, measuring 5829.1 µm and 7079.1µm, respectively, while median thickness for oaxacan green and hickory king were 6607.1 µm and 7710.5 µm, respectively. both measurements indicate that flour varieties will be smaller in size after carbonization than dent varieties. after experimental carbonization, there was a large phenotypic difference between the kernels that were boiled in the alkali solution and then carbonized compared to those that were only carbonized. the reason for this difference is that the effect of heating on kernels is directly correlated to endosperm composition (king 1994). because the four varieties were composed mainly of floury endosperms, they were more likely to swell and split due to intense pressure build-up in the early stages of carbonization (king 1994). the unprocessed kernels expanded and split, making them unrecognizable, while the alkaliprocessed kernels maintained their shape and structure. the majority of hickory king, oaxacan green, hopi pink, and anasazi flour unprocessed kernels split and became globulated, which indicates that the starches oozed out the pericarp due to internal pressure that produced foamy black matrices. the kernels also became very brittle—a clear indicator that unprocessed kernels are not good candidates for archaeological preservation as they would likely suffer significant mechanical damage, leading to higher rates of fragmentation. in contrast, the alkali processed kernels appeared very similar to archaeological specimens (e.g., from myer-dickson and roskamp sites located in the central illinois river valley in the midwestern united states). a few of the oaxacan green kernels cracked along the exterior, which is likely due to not being soaked long enough in the alkali solution. nevertheless, all of the kernels were identifiable and durable. it is important to note that unlike some archaeological kernels, the embryos of the kernels used in the experiment stayed attached after carbonization, which note: a = dried ; b =  alkali processed ; c = unprocessed carbonized ; d =  alkali processed carbonized ; * indicates sta s cal significance  maize type  pairs for ker‐ nel width  t  df  p‐ value     pairs for kernel  thickness  t  df  p‐value  anasazi flour  a / b  3.855  50.5  0.000*  anasazi  flour  a / c  8.301  20.4  0.000*     c / d  0.169  28.3  0.867     c / d  4.723  26.3  0.000*  hickory king  a / b  3.541  51  0.001*  hickory  king  a / c  13.661  19.5  0.000*     c / d  4.813  26  0.000*     c / d  4.881  27.8  0.000*  hopi pink  a / b  5.377  38.1  0.000*  hopi pink  a / c  7.837  24.1  0.000*     c / d  3.817  31.7  0.001*     c / d  2.195  29.5  0.036*  oaxacan green  a / b  5.336  40.4  0.000*  oaxacan  green  a / c  14.24  14.5  0.000*     c / d  4.926  23.2  0.000*     c / d  8  16.9  0.000*  table 1. results of two‐sample t‐tests with separate variances for anasazi flour, hickory king, hopi pink, and oaxacan  green maize kernels.  19  research communica on  is most likely due to the effects of uniform temperature in the controlled carbonization environment. the lack of distortion in the alkali-processed kernels likely relates to the fact that boiling softens the endosperm, thus allowing the kernel to swell without splitting. discussion and conclusion it is evident from these results that the distinguishing characteristics of carbonized maize are not only based on the genotypic variety but also on the processing mechanisms which the kernels undergo (goette et al. 1994). upon carbonization, most of the alkali processed kernels were similar in appearance to kernels recovered at archaeological sites in the midwestern u.s. (myer-dickson, roskamp, lamb)i, which do not have embryos and are broad and crescent shaped (king 1994). therefore, it can be assumed that various native american groups were using a method of alkali processing, which results in better archaeological preservation of the kernels. however, the use of alkali processing creates a preservation bias at archaeological sites due to the fact that it is primarily alkali processed kernels that remain complete, compared to unprocessed kernels which are more brittle and tend to fragment (king 1994). because the studies indicate that unprocessed kernels become distorted when carbonized, the probability of finding identifiable unprocessed complete kernels is slim compared to finding kernels that are alkali processed (goette et al. 1994; king 1994). additionally, certain varieties, based on endosperm composition, were more likely to be alkali processed than others, and thus, the varieties of recognizable maize found at archaeological sites favor those that underwent alkali processing, which would most likely be dent and flour varieties. due to the fact that there have not been many studies conducted on alkali processing, further research is needed to determine archaeological varieties that underwent processing. what this study does conclude is that alkali processed kernels, which are not brittle and are less likely to fragment, are more readily found at archaeological sites than unprocessed kernels. through the use of statistical analysis that examines kernel morphology, researchers will be able to categorize and determine the number of varieties at a site based on measurements of length, width, and thickness. it is also important to note that there are problems based on developing methods of measurement and of statistical analysis that can be applied to maize varieties from different sample groups. because of genetic differences, it is difficult to make direct comparisons between the samples created in a laboratory and those formed in the archaeological record (goette et al. 1994). however, understanding of genealogy and varietal relationships can help mitigate this problem. in addition, because every variety of maize reacts differently to alkali processing and, therefore, the results for one variety will be different than those of another variety, different varieties can be grouped based on statistical differences. finally, this study focused on flour and dent varieties; we still do not understand how flint, sweet, or popcorn varieties (which have different endosperm compositions) are altered by alkali processing. nevertheless, this study does provide conclusive evidence that alkali processed kernels, when carbonized, will demonstrate increased widths, increased thickness, and loss of pericarps and points of attachment (indicative of alkali processing). if kernels were not alkali processed, they would not lose their pericarps, and therefore, would have different phenotypic compositions than alkali processed kernels. future studies must be conducted in order to determine which archaeological maize samples were alkali processed. the current study demonstrates that there are morphological similarities between modern alkali processed, carbonized kernels and archaeological kernels; however, studies analyzing the chemical composition of archaeological kernels are still needed. it would also be beneficial to conduct burial studies to analyze how modern alkali processed, carbonized varieties, placed underground for an extended period of time, react to environmental pressures. the use of burial studies would allow researchers to determine how local environmental conditions affect composition of the alkali processed kernels to determine if more phenotypic or chemical changes occur. as suggested by modern ethnographic data, there is a high correlation between societies that cultivate and consume maize and those that use alkali processing (king 1987). additionally, we know that alkali processing diffused from mesoamerica to north america, but further research is necessary to understand when diffusion occurred (king 1987). future studies must also determine when different groups in mesoamerica and north america first used alkali processing. to do this, analysis of a broader range of maize varieties, including archaeological kernels from different time periods, needs to occur. nevertheless, 20  research communica on  this study provides clear evidence of the importance of alkali processing for the preservation of archaeological maize and for the identification of different maize phenotypes. understanding how alkali processing affects kernel morphology will allow archaeologists to formulate a statistical method for determining processing techniques and maize varieties in the archaeobotanical record. acknowledgements this research was originally written as my honor’s thesis at the university of california, santa barbara (ucsb) in 2011 and was presented at the 2011 society of ethnobiology conference under the direction of dr. amber vanderwarker. archaeological and experimental aspects of this research were conducted at ucsb. i would like to thank dr. vanderwarker, dr. greg wilson, and dana bardolph for editorial comments and for support and encouragement of my research. two anonymous reviewers provided helpful comments and suggestions. declarations permissions: not applicable. sources of funding: none declared. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited benz, b.f. 1994. can prehistoric racial diversification be deciphered from burned corn cobs? in corn and culture in the prehistoric new world, edited by s. johannessen and c.a. hastorf, pp. 23-33. westview press, boulder, colorado. bird, r.m. and m.m. goodman. 1977. the races of maize v: grouping maize races on the basis of ear morphology. economic botany 31:471-481. blake, l.w. and h.c. cutler. 2001. plants from the past. the university of alabama press, tuscaloosa. cutler, h.c. and l.w. blake. 1973. plants from archaeological sites east of the rockies. missouri botanical garden, st. louis. goette, s., m. williams, s. johanneseen, and c.a. hastorf. 1994. towards reconstructing ancient maize: experiments in processing and charring. journal of ethnobiology 14:1-21. goodman, m.m. and e. paterniani. 1969. the races of maize: iii. choices of appropriate characters for racial classification. economic botany 23:265 -273. king, f. 1987. prehistoric maize in eastern north america: an evolutionary evaluation. unpublished doctoral dissertation, department of agronomy, university of illinois, urbana. king, f. 1994.variability in cob and kernel characteristics of north american maize cultivars. in corn and culture in the prehistoric new world, edited by s. johannessen and c.a. hastorf, pp. 35-54. westview press, boulder, colorado. martinez-bustos, f., h.e. martinez-flores, e. sanmartin-martinez, f. sanchez-sinencio, y.k. chang, d. barrera-arellano and e. rios. 2001. effect of the components of maize on the quality of masa and tortillas during the traditional nixtamalisation process. journal of the science of food and agriculture 81:1455-1462. pearsall, d.m. 1980. analysis of an archaeological maize kernel cache from manabi province, ecuador. economic botany 34:344-351. smith, b.d. 1995. the emergence of agriculture. scientific american library, new york. sturtevant, e.l. 1898. varieties of corn. usda experiment station, bulletin 137. werts, s.p. and a.h. jahren. 2007. estimation of temperatures beneath archaeological campfires using carbon stable isotope compostion of soil organic matter. journal of archaeological science 34: 850-857. biosketch caroline  dezendorf  is  currently  pursuing  her  master’s  degree  in  interna onal  studies  at  the  university  of  oregon. her current research focuses on issues of food  jus ce and la no immigra on.   notes 1 these samples are currently being analyzed in dr. amber vanderwarker’s lab at uc-santa barbara. analysis of starch grains produced in select taxa encountered in southwest asia ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 135‐145. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.251. 135 research communica on asian taxa except for triticum durum desf. (durum wheat), triticum compactum l. (club wheat), hordeum distichon l. (two-rowed barley), and vicia ervilia (l.) willd. (bitter vetch) and numerous wild grasses (henry et al. 2011; henry and piperno 2008; piperno et al. 2004). unfortunately, not all of these publications provide detailed descriptions of the taxa they discuss despite their pioneering endeavors. having thorough descriptions of starch producing taxa included in publications provides information about which taxa do and do not produce starches thereby helping researchers in identifying their own archaeological starch materials. southwest asian taxa are also described in archaeological publications from other parts of the world either because these taxa were introduced to the region or because their natural distribution overlaps with that of southwest asia. for example, yang and perry (2013) analyze starch grains from the tribe triticeae that grow in north china. these taxa include introduced southwest asian domesticates, such as triticum aestivum l. (bread wheat), and wild taxa that are native to both china and southwest asia, such as aegilops tauschii coss. (tauschs goatgrass). a list of publications detailing starch grains from poaceae taxa that grow in southwest asia can be found in table 1. introduction recent starch grain analysis in southwest asia has provided insight into new areas of research such as beer brewing in ancient egypt (samuel 1996) and the diets of middle holocene farmers (henry and piperno 2008), upper paleolithic hunters and gatherers (piperno et al. 2004), and neanderthals (henry et al. 2011). despite these promising strides in archaeological research, much remains to be done in regards to discovering which plants produce starches in southwest asia and whether or not these starch grains can be used to aid archaeological and paleoecological endeavors. in this paper i seek to understand the research potential of archaeological starch grain research in southwest asia by: 1) centralizing where starch grain information about southwest asian taxa can be found; 2) examining 64 previously unstudied taxa from 22 families to assess their production patterns; and 3) examining the diagnostic potential of starches found in these new taxa if present. organization of comparative southwest asian publications the most comprehensive and detailed information about southwest asian taxa are embedded within archaeological site reports from this region. these publications provide the best source of data because they cover almost all of the domesticated southwest analysis of starch grains produced in select taxa encountered in southwest asia thomas c. hart author address: department of anthropology, university of texas, 2201 speedway c3200, university of texas at aus n, aus n, texas, 78712, u.s.a. email: thomas.hart@utexas.edu received: september 13, 2014 volume: 5:135‐145 published: december 15, 2014 © 2014 society of ethnobiology abstract: starch grain analysis is a rapidly growing field of archaeological research in southwest asia. however, much work s ll remains regarding which taxa produce starch grains that can be iden fied in the archaeological record. in this paper, i centralize what is known about starch produc on pa erns within regional flora and analyze 64 previously unstudied taxa from 22 families. the results of this study demonstrate that descrip ons of starch grains from southwest asian taxa are sca ered between archaeological and plant and food science publica ons. ten of the species examined in this study, most of whom are grasses, produced starch grains that can be iden fied at varying taxonomic levels. keywords: paleoethnobotany, starch grains, southwest asia ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 135‐145. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.251. 136 research communica on table 1. poaceae (gramineae) taxa that have been published. note, not all of these publica ons include descrip ons of op cal proper es. genus and species source aegilops bicomis (forsk.) jaub. & spach. henry et al., 2011 aegilops caudate auct. reichert, 1913 aegilops geniculata roth piperno et al., 2004 aegilops peregrina (hackel) maire et weiler piperno et al., 2004 aegilops speltoides tausch henry et al., 2011 aegilops truincialis l. reichert, 1913 agropyron cristatum (l.) gaertn. reichert, 1913 agropyron rigidum (schrad.) p. beauv. reichert, 1913 agros s spica‐ven l. reichert, 1913 aira caespitosa l. reichert, 1913 alopecurus arundinaceus poir piperno et al., 2004 alopecurus geniculatus l. reichert, 1913 alopecurus utriculatus banks & sol. piperno et al., 2004; reichert, 1913 alopecurus pratensis l. reichert, 1913 avena barbata po ex link piperno et al., 2004 avena sterilis l. henry et al., 2011 brachypodium distachyon (l.) p.beauv. piperno et al., 2004 bromus brachystachys hornung reichert, 1913 bromus pseudobrachystachys h. scholz piperno et al., 2004 bromus squarrosus l. reichert, 1913 gastridium ventricosum (g. australe) (gouan) schinz & thell. piperno et al., 2004; reichert, 1913 hordeum bulbosum l. piperno et al., 2004 hordeum glaucum steudel henry et al., 2011; piperno et al., 2004 hordeum hexas chon l. henry et al., 2011 hordeum marinum huds. piperno et al., 2004 hordeum sa vum var. (champion) jess. reichert, 1913 hordeum spontaneum l. henry et al., 2011; piperno et al., 2004 hordeum vulgare l. henry et al., 2011; reichert, 1913 koeleria macrantha (ledeb.) schult. messner, 2011 lolium mul florum lam. piperno et al., 2004 lolium rigidum gaudin piperno et al., 2004 lolium temulentum var. speciosum l. reichert, 1913 phalaris minor retz. piperno et al., 2004 phalaris paradoxa l. piperno et al., 2004 piptatherum holciforme (m.bieb.) roem. & schult. piperno et al., 2004 poa pratensis l. messner, 2011 poa nemoralis l. messner, 2011 puccinellia distans (jacq.) parl. piperno et al., 2004 puccinellia gigantea (grossh.) grossh. piperno et al., 2004 secale cereale l. reichert, 1913 secale cereale var. mammothwinter l. reichert, 1913 secale cereale var. spring l. reichert, 1913 secale cereale ssp. ancestrale l. henry et al., 2011 secale vavilovii grossh. henry et al., 2011 (con nued on next page) ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 135‐145. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.251. 137 research communica on messner (2011) analyzes starch grains in seeds and underground storage organs (usos) produced by taxa that grow in the delaware river valley, usa. two of these taxa, typha latifolia l. (cattail) and cyperus esculentus l. (yellow nutsedge), are also found in southwest asia (davis 1965; migahid 1988). finally, a few southwest asian taxa are discussed in experimental archaeological publications where researchers examine how food-processing activities affect starch grain morphology and how these changes can be detected archaeologically (ge et al. 2010; henry et al. 2009). food and plant science research on southwest asian taxa is extensive, focusing on understanding the chemical and physical attributes of main southwest asian domesticates: triticum spp. (wheat), hordeum spp. (barley), secale spp. (rye), vicia faba l. (faba bean), lens culinaris medikus (lentil), pisum sativum l. (pea), and cicer arietinum l. (chickpea). other domesticates, such as vicia sativa (common vetch) and vicia ervilia (bitter vetch), have received little attention. reichert (1913) provides the most comprehensive analysis of starch grains produced by taxa and remains one of the seminal publications used by many paleoethnobotanists. in this publication, he reviews the state of starch grain research at the beginning of the 20th century, discusses the chemical and physical properties of specific taxa, and provides an assessment on how these taxa can be identified based on their chemical and physical characteristics. many of the taxa that he describes are found in southwest asia and can be referenced by comparing the list of species he covers with the species listed in one of the regional floras such as the flora of turkey and east aegean islands (davis 1965). materials and methods selecting species for analysis sixty-four species representing 22 families that currently grow in syria were collected from professor joy mccorriston’s extensive southwest asian herbarium collection at ohio state university. the 64 species were subdivided into their constituent parts resulting in eighty-two samples (tables 2 and 3). these samples included seeds, pericarps, synconia, legumes, and legume capsules. in this study, the generic term “seed” is used for simplicity. no leaves, stems, or small roots (con nued from previous page) tri cum aegilopoides (t. monococcum subsp aegilopoides) (link) balansa ex körn. henry et al., 2011 tri cum aes vum (t. aes vum ssp aes vum) l. henry et al., 2011; 2009 tri cum dicoccum (t. turgidum ssp. dicoccum) schrank ex schübl reichert, 1913 tri cum dicoccoides schrank ex schübl piperno et al., 2004 tri cum monococcum l. reichert, 1913 tri cum monococcum subsp. aegilopoides henry et al., 2011 tri cum sa vum var.dicoccum (schrank) reichert, 1913 tri cum sa vum var.vulgare reichert, 1913 tri cum turgidum desf. henry et al., 2011; reichert, 1913 tri cum urartu tumanian ex gandilyan henry et al., 2011 vulpia persica (boiss. & buhse) krecz. & bobrov piperno et al., 2004 bibliography for poaceae of southwest asia: henry, a. g., a. s. brooks, d. r. piperno. 2011. microfossils in calculus demonstrate consump on of plants and cooked foods in neanderthal diets (shanidar iii, iraq; spy i and ii, belgium). proceedings of the na onal academy of sciences 108:486‐491. henry, a. g., h. f. hudson, and d. r. piperno. 2009. changes in starch grain morphologies from cooking. journal of ar‐ chaeological science 36:915–922. messner, t. c. 2011. acorns and bi er roots: starch grain research in the prehistoric eastern woodlands. university of alabama press, tuscaloosa, al. piperno, d. r., e. weiss, i. holst, and d. nadel. 2004. processing of wild cereal grains in the upper palaeolithic revealed by starch grain analysis. nature 430:670‐673. genus and species source ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 135‐145. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.251. 138 research communica on were analyzed because they rarely produce large storage starch grains (haslam 2004). underground storage organs of important wetland taxa from the cyperaceae family (ryan 2011) were not available for analysis because they are difficult to store and are rarely found in herbarium collections. processing the samples samples were cleaned according to the protocol outlined by pearsall (2000: 436–437), cut into small pieces using a sterile scalpel, or gently crushed using a sterile mortar and pestle. very little pressure was applied when using the mortar and pestle to minimize potential damage to the starch grains. two drops of a one to one glycerol/distilled water mix were placed on a 25 × 75 × 1mm microscope slide for each comparative sample. this medium was chosen, as opposed to a more permanent medium such as permount or entellen, in order to allow potential starch grains to be rotated when examined. the sample was gently covered with a microscope cover slip and the edges were sealed using finger nail polish and allowed to dry before being examined. recording methods samples were examined at 500× magnification using a zeiss axiostar plus microscope. each starch grain was given an identification number, described according to terms defined in the international code for starch grain nomenclature (icsn 2014) and measured using nis elements software. photos of individual starch grains were taken at the environmental archaeology lab at university of texas. in order to minimize researcher bias, starch grains were chosen at random for description by using the random number generator function within excel to provide x and y coordinates on the microscope stage. fifty simple or half compound starch grains were described and photographed when present for each sample. compound and aggregate starch grains were noted although excluded from the total count because clustering would often obscure their optical attributes making the individual starch grains difficult to describe and quantify. starches less than five microns were typically omitted because their optical attributes were often hard to distinguish. starch grains less than five microns in length were only counted in instances where they constituted the bulk of the starch grains produced. results ten of 64 species produced starch grains. all of the starches were produced in the seeds with the exception of moringa peregrina (forssk.) fiori (yusor tree) that concentrated its starch in the pericarp (table 2). the 54 species that did not produce starch grains were from wild taxa that were related to the domesticated grains and legumes or from other types of domesticatfigure 1. transmi ed and polarized views of starch at 400 × magnifica on from: a, b) cyperus esculentus; c, d) vicia ervil‐ ia; and e, f) moringa peregrina. ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 135‐145. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.251. 139 research communica on ed taxa (table 3). these taxa produced seeds that were very small and contained almost no starches. cyperus esculentus the starches formed within cyperus esculentus (yellow nutsedge) seeds have a mean length of four microns, range in size from one to eight microns and are mostly ovoid in shape (figure 1a, b). they differ markedly in size and shape from the starches produced in the tuber or root-stock, which have an average length of 12 to 14mm and are conical to oval in shape (reichert 1913). the seed starches are diagnostic to cyperaceae because of their size and rounded, oval, compressed lenticular, angular, or polyhedral shapes that are commonly associated with other cypereraceae seeds discussed in reichert (1913). vicia ervilia vicia ervilia (bitter vetch) starches have an average length of 16mm and range in size from five to 27mm (reichert 1913) (figure 1c, d). vicia ervilia starches from seeds can be identified to the family level because they exhibit what reichert (1913) refers to as “bean type” features (spherical to ovoid in shape, half to as broad as long, slightly compressed with a distinct longitudinal cleft) that are characteristic of the fabaceae (leguminosae) family. these starches are mostly ovoid to elliptical and reniform shape and have deep longitudinal clefts. moringa peregrina moringa peregrina starches are mostly angular rounded, range in size from four to 27mm, and have an average length of ten microns (figure 1. e, f). it is hard to determine if these starches are diagnostic because there are no close relatives discussed in reichert (1913) or any of the other publications mentioned in this study. more studies should be conducted on moringa and closely related taxa to determine the diagnostic status of these starches. it is important to note that starch grains were extracted from the pericarp of the m. peregrina sample, and not the seed. this species suggests that tissues surrounding the seed, and not just the seed itself, need to be studied when conducting comparative starch grains research. aegilops crassa, a. triaristata, hordeum distichon, triticum durum, and t. compactum the seeds from the species aegilops crassa (persian goatgrass) (figure 2a, b), a. triaristata (three awn-goat family genus/species plant part cyperaceae cyperus esculentus l. seed fabaceae (leguminosae) vicia ervilia legume moringaceae moringa peregrina pericarp poaceae (gramineae) aegilops crassa boiss seed aegilops triaristata willd. seed aegilops vavilovii (zhuk.) chennav. seed hordeum dis chon l. seed pennisetum americanum (l.) leeke seed tri cum compactum host. seed tri cum durum desf. seed table 2. taxa that produced starch grains in abundance in this study. figure 2. transmi ed and polarized views of starch at 400× magnifica on from: a, b) aegilops crassa; c, d) ae‐ gilops triaristata; e, f) aegilops vavilovii; g, h) hordeum dis chon; i, j) pennisetum americanum; k, l) tri cum durum; and m, n) tri cum compactum. ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 135‐145. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.251. 140 research communica on table 3. taxa that did not produce abundant starch grains. family genus/species plant part anacardiaceae pistacia atlan ca desf. seed pistacia khinjuk stocks seed pistacia palaes na boiss. seed pistacia terebinthus l. seed rhus coriaria l. seed apiaceae (umbelliferae) bupleurum lancifolium hornem. seeds cuminum cyminum l. seeds arecaceae (palmae) phoenix dactylifera l. seed asteraceae (compositae) carthamus nctorius l. seed guizo a abyssinica (l.) cass. seed helianthus annus l. seed notobasis syriaca (l.) cass. seed onopordum illyricum l. seed onopordum palaes num eig. seed silybum marianum (l.) gaertn seed euphorbiaceae chorozophora nctoria (l.) a. juss. seed fabaceae (leguminosae) acacia farnesiana (l.) willd. legume acacia nilo ca (l.) delile seed hymenocarpos circinnatus (l.) savi legume prosopis farcta banks & sol.) j. f. macbr. legume capsule trigonella foenum‐graecum l. legume trigonella monantha c. a. mey. legume trigonella stellata forssk. legume geraniaceae erodium ciconium (l.) l'hér. ex aiton seed erodium gruinum (l.) l'hér. ex aiton seed malvaceae malva parviflora l. seed moraceae ficus carica l. synconium, seed moringaceae moringa peregrina (forssk.) fiori seed oleaceae olea europaea l. pericarp, seed pedaliaceae sesamum indicum l. seed poaceae bromus scoparius scop. seed polygonaceae polygonum patulum m. bieb seed polygonum venan anum clemen seed ranunculaceae adonis dentata delile seed rhamnaceae rhamnus palaes nus boiss. pericarp, seed zizyphus spina‐chris (l.) desf. exocarp, pericarp, seed rosaceae amygdalus arabica (oliv.) pericarp, seed amygdalus communis l. pericarp, seed amygdalus orientalis mill. exocarp, pericarp, seed (con nued on next page) ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 135‐145. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.251. 141 research communica on grass) (figure 2c, d), hordeum distichon (two-rowed barley) (figure 2g, h), triticum durum (durum wheat) (figure 2k, l), and t. compactum (club-wheat) (figure 2m, n) in this study all exhibit features that are diagnostic of the tribe triticeae within the poaceae (gramineae) family. in general, starch grains from this tribe have simple, lenticular, oval, kidney (reniform) or dicoid in shapes with small reticulate surface depressions (piperno et al. 2004; yang and perry 2013). the five triticeae taxa that yielded abundant starch grains within this study exhibited all of these features seed starch grains from aegilops, hordeum, and triticum taxa (aht) and the triticeae tribe are also much larger in general than the seed starch grains from non-triticeae taxa. this feature can be used to identify individual starches at least to the tribe level when shape and size attributes are analyzed together. the mean length for the poaceae starch grains observed in this study follow the pattern observed by piperno et al. (2004) where aht taxa can be distinguished from other grass taxa, such as the pennisetum americanum, based on their overall large size (table 4). the average length of the 18 aht seed starch grain taxa in table 4 with a sample size of 50 is 17.7mm with a standard deviation of 5.7mm. this length is well above the average length of the 15 non-triticeae with an average of 5.1mm and a standard deviation 2.6mm. recent work by yang and perry (2013) on 38 grass species from china supports this hypothesis and goes one step further, suggesting that all members of the tribe triticeae produce larger starches relative to other poaceae. the one non-triticeae grass in this study that yielded abundant seed starch, pennesitum americanum yielded semi-compound to compound, flat, angular, or irregular shaped starch grains (figure 2. i, j). this compares well with other studies of non-triticeae grasses such as bromus sp. and pipatherum sp. where similar features were observed (piperno et al. 2004). discussion and conclusions chemical and physical properties of starch grains from over 100 species from southwest asia have been published in archaeological reports and food and plant science literature. an additional 64 species were examined here, ten of which produced abundant starch grains in their seeds and pericarps that are diagnostic at the tribe, family, and potentially genus and species level. this project adds to the growing body of knowledge regarding archaeological starch grain analysis in southwest asia by centralizing the published comparative literature for this region and describing the starches produced in domesticated and wild taxa. the starches from cyperus esculentus seeds are crataegus aronia (l.) dc pericarp, seeds prunus domes ca l. seeds prunus mahaleb l. seeds prunus persica (l.) stokes pericarp, seed rosa canina l. pericarp/seed, seeds rosa phoenicea boiss. pericarp, seeds sarcopoterium sinposum (l.) spach. seeds rubiaceae asperula arvensis l. seeds coffea arabica l. beans galium tricornutum dandy seeds solanaceae hyscamus mu cus l. seed physalis alkekengi l. seed physalis angulata l. pericarp solanum sepicula dunal seed, fruit ur caceae ur ca pilulifera l. seed zygophllaceae balanites aegyp aca (l.) delile exocarp, pericarp, seed family genus/species plant part (con nued from previous page) ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 135‐145. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.251. 142 research communica on table 4. mean (±s.d.) length (mm) and range for poaceae starch grains divided by subfamily and tribe. subfamily tribe genus/species mean range n source panicodae paniceae pennisetum americanum (l.) leeke 5.7 (1.4) 3–10 50 this study pooideae aveneae alopecurus arundinaceus poir. 4 (0.9) 2–8 50 piperno et al 2004 alopecurus utriculatus banks & sol. 5 (1.5) 2–8 50 piperno et al 2004 avena barbata po ex link 12 (2.9) 6–18 50 piperno et al 2004 gastridium ventricosum (gouan) schinz & thell. 4 (1.0) 2–6 50 piperno et al 2004 phalaris minor retz. <2.0 ‐ 50 piperno et al 2004 phalaris paradoxa l. <4.0 ‐ 50 piperno et al 2004 brachypodieae brachypodium distachyon (l.) p.beauv. 9 (2.2) 4–16 50 piperno et al 2004 bromeae bromus pseudobrachystachys h. scholz 5 (1.4) 4–8 50 piperno et al 2004 poeae lolium mul florum lam. <6.0 ‐ 50 piperno et al 2004 lolium rigidum gaudin <6.0 ‐ 50 piperno et al 2004 puccinellia distans (jacq.) parl. <4.0 ‐ 50 piperno et al 2004 puccinellia gigantea (grossh.) grossh. <4.0 ‐ 50 piperno et al 2004 vulpia persica (boiss. & buhse) krecz. & bobrov <2.0 ‐ 50 piperno et al 2004 s peae piptatherum holciforme (m.bieb.) roem. & schult. 3 (1.0) 2–4 50 piperno et al 2004 tri ceae aegilops crassa boiss 16 (7.6) 5–31 50 this study aegilops geniculata roth 21 (6.4 ) 10–36 50 piperno et al 2004 aegilops peregrina hack. 25 (8.0) 12–52 50 piperno et al 2004 aegilops speltoides tausch 22 (4.5) 10–32 50 henry et al 2011 aegilops triaristata willd. 10 (3.4) 5–20 50 this study aegilops vavilovii (zhuk.) chennav. 13 (6.2) 5–35 50 this study hordeum bulbosum l. 17 (3.7) 10–24 50 piperno et al 2004 hordeum bulbosum (with lamellae only) 21 (1.6) 18–24 50 piperno et al 2004 hordeum dis chon l. 11 (2.7) 5–18 50 this study hordeum glaucum steudel 18 (3.5) 10–30 39 henry et al 2011 hordeum glaucum steudel 18 (3.9) 8–24 50 piperno et al 2004 hordeum glaucum (with lamellae only) 22 (1.4) 18–26 50 piperno et al 2004 (con nued on next page) ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 135‐145. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.251. 143 research communica on distinct from the starches produced in its tubers but are similar to the seeds of other related taxa within the cyperaceae family making them diagnostic to this family. vicia ervilia starches exhibit “bean type” features and can be identified to the genus and species level due to their small size and fabaceae (leguminosae)-like properties. although the diagnostic ability of moringa peregrina starches remains unclear, their production in the pericarp, and not the seed challenges assumptions originally made in this project, and in the general literature, about perceived starch production in particular plant parts and illustrates the importance of testing every part of a plant when possible. finally, the poaceae taxa in this study can be distinguished from each other at the tribe level by size and overall shape. centralization of information about taxa that produce starch grains will help specialists narrow down identification of unknown starch grains encountered in the archaeological record. the discovery of starch grains within important domesticated taxa such as hordeum distichon, triticum durum, and wild taxa such as cyperus esculentus provides a clearer understanding of what can be identified within southwest asia and within these families and genera. there are many avenues of comparative starch grain research that can be pursued to better aid archaeologists in their reconstruction of plant use in southwest asia. with a few exceptions, very little research has been conducted on starch grains produced by underground storage organs such as bulbs, corms, rhizomes, and tubers (henry et al. 2009, 2011; messner 2011; piperno et al. 2004; reichert 1913; yang and perry 2013). macrobotanical and phytolith evidence suggests that wetland taxa played an important role as a source of food in southwest asia during the epipaleolithic (wollstonecroft et al. 2008), pre-pottery neolithic (balbo et al. 2012), pottery neolithic (rosen 2005), and ubaid (kennett and kennett 2006) periods. aside from the research by hather (1991, 1993), very little work has been conducted to establishd criteria for identifying underground storage organs at archaeological sites. recovering and identifying starch grains associated with uso’s would open a whole new avenue of research into wild resource exploitation, complement existing datasets, and allow for archaeologists to explore new topics through the analysis of starches contained in artifact residues and dental calculus. the research on triticeae taxa from china (yang and perry, 2013) and taxa from the delaware river valley, usa (messner 2008, 2011) are excellent examples of how a regional synthesis can lead to the construction of standardized dichotomous keys for a region. in both of these papers, the researchers develop an easy to use dichotomous key that allows for quick identification of archaeological starch grains. further research into starch grain production patterns of other taxa found in southwest asia and the identification of southwest asian taxa discussed in reichert (1913) would eventually lead to the developpooideae tri ceae hordeum hexas chon l. 20 (3.5) 10–30 52 henry et al 2011 hordeum marinum huds. 10 (1.8) 6–14 50 piperno et al 2004 hordeum spontaneum l. 18 (3.8) 12–30 27 henry et al 2011 hordeum spontaneum l. 20 (4.7) 10–26 50 piperno et al 2004 hordeum spontaneum (with lamellae only) 28 (2.9) 18–26 50 piperno et al 2004 secale vavilovii grossh. 25 (4.2) 15–36 50 henry et al 2011 tri cum aes vum l. 24 (4.4) 15–35 52 henry et al 2011 tri cum compactum host. 12 (4.9) 5–22 50 this study tri cum dicoccoides schrank ex schübl. 17 (6.1) 8–30 50 piperno et al 2004 tri cum durum desf. 11 (4.0) 5–23 50 this study tri cum monococcum subsp. aegilo‐ poides (link.) thell. 15 (1.7) 10–20 46 henry et al 2011 subfamily tribe genus/species mean range n source (con nued from previous page) ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 135‐145. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.251. 144 research communica on ment of a dichotomous key and the establishment of regional diagnostic starch grain types that archaeologists could use in this important area of the world. acknowledgements i owe professor joy mccorriston a massive debt of gratitude for allowing me to study and use her near eastern macrobotanical comparative collection for this project. i would also like to thank masoumeh kimiaie and matthew senn for their assistance and hospitality while working in the mccorriston laboratory at ohio state university. this project would not have been possible without the aid of my undergraduate assistants kathleen hammel, andrew ritz, joyce fountain, stephen mckay, and jessica lundquist. without them, i never would have been able to create and study such a wonderful starch grain comparative collection. finally, thank you to my committee members dr. alexia smith, dr. natalie munro, professor deborah pearsall, professor gil stein, and professor sally mcbrearty, as well as the anonymous reviewers for the helpful comments on the manuscript. declarations permissions: none declared. sources of funding: national science foundation dissertation improvement grant. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited balbo, a. l., e. iriarte, a. arranz, l. zapata, c. lancelotti, m. madella, l. teira, m. jiménez, f. braemer, and j. j. ibáñez. 2012. squaring the circle. social and environmental implications of pre-pottery neolithic building technology at tell qarassa (south syria). plos one 7:e42109-e42109. cummings, l. s., and a. magennis. 1997. a phytolith and starch record of food and grit in mayan human tooth tartar. in estado actual de los esudios de fitolitos en suelos y plantas, edited by a. pinilla, j. juan-tresserras, and m. j. machado, pp. 211-218. centro de ciencias medioambientales, madrid. davis, p. h. ed. 1965. flora of turkey and the east aegean islands, vol 1. edinburgh university press, edinburgh. duncan, n. a., d. m. pearsall, and r. a. benfer, jr. 2009. gourd and squash artifacts yield starch grains of feasting foods from preceramic peru. proceedings of the national academy of sciences 106:13202 -13206. ge, w., l. liu, x. chen, j. zhengyao. 2010. can noodles be made from millet? an experimental investigation of noodle manufacture together with starch grain analyses. archaeometry 53:194-204. gott, b., h. barton, d. samuel, and r. torrence. 2006. biology of starch, in ancient starch research, edited by r. torrence, and h. barton, pp. 35-45. left coast press, walnut creek, ca. haslam, m. 2004. the decomposition of starch grains in soils: implications for archaeological residue analyses. journal of archaeological science 31:1715-1734. hather, j. g. 1991. the identification of charred archaeological remains of vegetative parenchymous tissue. journal of archaeological science 18:661675. hather, j. g. 1993. an archaeobotanical guide to root and tuber identification: europe and south west asia. oxbow books limited, oxford. henry, a. g., a. s. brooks, and d. r. piperno. 2011. microfossils in calculus demonstrate consumption of plants and cooked foods in neanderthal diets (shanidar iii, iraq; spy i and ii, belgium). proceedings of the national academy of the sciences 108:486-491. henry, a. g., h. f. hudson, and d. r. piperno. 2009. changes in starch grain morphologies from cooking. journal of archaeological science 36:915-922. henry, a. g., and d. r. piperno. 2008. using plant microfossils from dental calculus to recover human diet: a case study from tell al-raqā'i, syria. journal of archaeological science 35:1943-1950. horrocks, m., g. irwin, m. jones, and d. sutton. 2004. starch grains and xylem cells of sweet potato (ipomoea batatas) and bracken (pteridium esculentum) in archaeological deposits from northern new zealand. journal of archaeological science 31:251-258. icsn. 2014. the international code for starch nomenclature [www document]. foundation for archaeobotanical research in microfossils. available at: http://fossilfarm.org/icsn/code.html. accessed on february 2, 2014. ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 135‐145. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.251. 145 research communica on kennett, d., and j. kennett. 2006. early state formation in southern mesopotamia: sea levels, shorelines, and climate change. the journal of island and coastal archaeology 1:67-99. li, m., x. x. yang, h. wang, q. wang, x. jia, and q. ge. 2010. starch grains from dental calculus reveal ancient plant foodstuffs at chenqimogou site, gansu province. science china earth sciences 53:694-699. messner, t. c. 2008. woodland period people and plant interactions: new insights from starch grain analysis. unpublished doctoral dissertation, department of anthropology, temple university, philadelphia, pa. messner, t. c. 2011. acorns and bitter roots: starch grain research in the prehistoric eastern woodlands. university of alabama press, tuscaloosa, al. migahid, ahmed mohammed. 1988. flora of saudi arabia, vol 1., king saud university, riyadh. parr, j. f., and m. carter. 2003. phytolith and starch analysis of sediment samples from two archaeological sites on dauar island, torres strait, northeastern australia. vegetation history and archaeobotany 12:131-141. pearsall, d. m. 2000. paleoethnobotany: a handbook of procedures, 2nd ed. academic press, san diego, ca. perry, l. 2004. starch analyses reveal the relationship between tool type and function: an example from the orinoco valley of venezuela. journal of archaeological science 31:1069-1081. piperno, d. r., and t. d. dillehay. 2008. starch grains on human teeth reveal early broad crop diet in northern peru. proceedings of the national academy of sciences 105:19622-19627. piperno, d. r., a. j. ranere, i. holst, and p. hansell. 2000. starch grains reveal early root crop horticulture in the panamanian tropical forest. nature 407:894-897. piperno, d. r., e. weiss, i. holst, and d. nadel. 2004. processing of wild cereal grains in the upper palaeolithic revealed by starch grain analysis. nature 430:670-673. riehl, s. 1999. bronze age environment and economy in the troad: the archaeobotany of kumtepe and troy. unpublished doctoral dissertation, faculty of geosciences, university of tübingen, tübingen, germany. reichert, e. t. 1913. the differentiation and specificity of starches in relation to genera, species, etc., stereochemistry applied to protoplasmic processes and products and as a strictly scientific basis for the classification of plants and animals. the carnegie institute of washington, washington d. c. rosen, a. m. 2005. phytolith indicators of plant and land use at çatalhöyük, in inhabiting çatalhöyük; reports from the 1995-99 seasons, edited by i. hodder, pp. 203–212. mcdonald institute of archaeology, cambridge. ryan, p. 2011. plants as material culture in the near eastern neolithic: perspectives from the silica skeleton artifactual remains at çatalhöyük. journal of anthropological archaeology 30:292-305. samuel, d. 1996. investigation of ancient egyptian baking and brewing methods by correlative microscopy. science 273:488-490. sivak, m. n. s., and j. preiss, eds. 1998. starch: basic science to biotechnology. academic press, san diego, ca. tester, r. f., j. karkalas, and x. qi. 2004. starch— composition, fine structure and architecture. journal of cereal science 39:151-165. torrence, r., and h. barton, eds. 2006. ancient starch research. left coast press, walnut creek, ca. wollstonecroft, m. m., p. r. ellis, g. c. hillman, and d. q. fuller. 2008. advances in plant food processing in the near eastern epipalaeolithic and implications for improved edibility and nutrient bioaccessibility: an experimental assessment of bolboschoenus maritimus (l.) palla (sea club-rush). vegetetation history and archaeobotany 17:19-27. yang, x., and l. perry. 2013. identification of ancient starch grains from the tribe triticeae in the north china plain. journal of archaeological science 40:3170-3177. zohary, d., m. hopf, m., and e. weiss. 2012. domestication of plants in the old world. oxford university press, oxford. biosketch thomas c. hart is the laboratory manager/research scien st for the environmental archaeology laboratory at the university of texas at aus n. ‘fish’ and ‘non-fish’ in lio and nage: folk-intermediates and folk-generics in the fish classification of two eastern indonesian peoples forth 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):61–69 61 research communications they apply to these fish are lexically quite different yet reveal a high degree of semantic correspondence, with mostly the same empirical features being employed to distinguish and designate the same ichthyological species or genera. qualifying an overall similarity between lio and nage fish classification, an important folk taxonomic difference lies in the fact that only lio expressly include these five generics as members of a named ‘folk-intermediate’ (sensu berlin 1992), a variety of folk taxon exemplified by english ‘bird-of-prey’ and previously characterized as typically being unnamed (forth 2016:31, 33–34). in this way, the present study draws attention to the folkintermediate as an underexamined component of folk taxonomies and as a relatively neglected topic in theoretical work on folk biological knowledge. also, concerning connections between classification and nomenclature, a close examination of similarities and differences between lio and nage fish taxa further contributes to an understanding of the folk-generic, especially regarding the relative influence of cultural and inherent perceptual factors (or ‘natural discontinuity’) in representing and naming generics, introduction in previous publications (forth 2012, 2016), i described how the nage people of flores island in eastern indonesia classify fish. occurring as a named life-form in nage taxonomy, ika (‘fish’) reflects proto -austronesian *sikan (blust 2002:125). at the same time, nage ika refers mostly to marine fish, creatures that are poorly known to this highland-dwelling people, and only implicitly does it incorporate five categories (or folk-generics, sensu berlin 1992) of freshwater gobies—all members of the suborder gobioidei—with which nage are far more familiar. the present article explores a comparable ethnoichthyological classification more recently investigated in the ethnolinguistically related but distinct lio region of east central flores, located some 120 to 150 km to the east of nage territory. a particular issue in lio classification concerns how the lio names denoting the five kinds of gobies correspond to nage names for what are evidently the same species. although nage and lio both belong to the ngadha-lio grouping of languages, the names ‘fish’ and ‘non-fish’ in lio and nage: folk-intermediates and folkgenerics in the fish classification of two eastern indonesian peoples gregory forth 1* 1 department of anthropology, university of alberta, edmonton, canada. * gforth@ualberta.ca abstract based on recent field research on flores island, this paper describes the classification of fish found among the lio people. formally, lio fish taxonomy closely resembles that of the nage of central flores, discussed in a previous paper (forth 2012), but differs insofar as several kinds of freshwater fish, all members of the gobioidei, are subsumed in a named folk-intermediate taxon labeled mbo. most attention is given to lio names for folk-generics included in this intermediate. these correspond to the same species and genera included in a nage folk-intermediate which, however, is unnamed. moreover, lio names for the component generics are clearly motivated by the same morphological and behavioral features as are reflected in nage names for the same generics, yet the lio names themselves are lexically quite different. these simultaneous classificatory similarities and nomenclatural differences are discussed with reference to the parts played by a common cultural heritage and natural discontinuity in the categorization of fish among these two ethno-linguistically related groups. received february 9, 2017 open access accepted may 18, 2017 doi 10.14237/ebl.8.1.2017.900 keywords ethnoichthyology, classification and nomenclature, folk-intermediates, folk-generics, flores island copyright © 2017 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. forth 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):61–69 62 research communications categories that have usually been treated as the basic units of any system of folk taxonomy. obtained during three visits to flores between 2014 and 2016, information of lio fish classification was recorded in the districts of mego and paga, in the easternmost part of the lio region, and derives mostly from conversations with lio residents in the conjoined mego settlements of nua lolo and léke ba’i and in the south coastal villages of wara, ma’u lo’o, and wolo wiro. principal informants included eight men who regularly engaged in fishing, or did so in their younger years. ages ranged from 39 to 73; the mean age was 57.6 and the median was 59.5. research was mostly conducted within the region in which a dialect identified as ‘east lio’ is spoken (suryati et al. 2013). according to the same source, ma’u lo’o and wolo wiro villagers should be speakers of ‘central lio,’ but this appears to affect neither the names nor the forms of classification of freshwater fish discussed here. combined with general, non -directive ethnographic conversations, more directive questioning about freshwater fish was conducted employing a combination of lio and bahasa indonesia (the indonesian national language) and partly took the form of free-listing, requesting people to list the lio names of all fish and other aquatic creatures they knew that occurred in local rivers and streams. the same method was applied to sea fish. once names were identified, i asked informants to describe the form, appearance, and habits of the creatures each designated. information on both freshwater and marine fish was further obtained from observing specimens caught by fishermen. photographs were taken of specimens as an aid to questioning and matching these to linnean taxa. considerable assistance in identifying species from photographs was kindly provided by professor akihisha iwata, an ichthyologist at kyoto university and an internationally recognized specialist in the suborder gobioidei. very little has been published on flores freshwater fish. just over twenty years ago, kottelat (1994:422) stated that “we know nothing about the freshwater fish fauna” of nusa tenggara (the eastern indonesian region which includes flores), and there is no indication the situation has significantly changed since then. lio, nage, and fish in addition to speaking related languages, in terms of livelihood, indigenous social organization, and general culture, lio do not differ greatly from nage. like nage, lio are primarily cultivators, raisers of livestock, and sometime hunters. for present purposes, the most important difference is that the eastern lio i worked with live closer to the sea, specifically the sawu sea on flores’ south coast. villagers in nua lolo and léke ba’i, the source of most of my information on fish, are moreover traditionally allied with the coastal village of wara, located about four kilometers due south. wara men spend most of their time engaged in maritime fishing, and during the twentieth century nua lolo and léke ba’i villagers also would seasonally participate in fishing expeditions—either going out in vessels or catching fry (recognized by lio as the immature forms of gobies and other freshwater species) as they enter estuaries. in addition, nua lolo, léke ba’i and other inland mego villages are situated close to the river wajo (kali wajo), a major water course that empties into the sawu sea near wara. to the present, villagers regularly catch fish, eels, and crustaceans in the wajo, employing traditional traps, nets, and weirs and increasingly the environmentally harmful and dangerous method of shock-fishing with motor batteries (or, sometimes, small generators) and electric prods. somewhat in contrast to lio, nage exploit freshwater fish less than they once did, and especially in central nage (the region in which my ethnozoological studies have been concentrated) people claim the number of fish and other creatures available in local rivers and streams has significantly declined in recent years—in part due to the harmful modern technologies also employed in lio (forth 2012). but although fish numbers are now reduced, and their importance for subsistence has accordingly decreased, nage are still knowledgeable about the various local categories i describe in this study. within the unique-beginner (sensu berlin 1992) labeled ana wa (‘animal’), nage include ika (fish) as a named life-form. lio ika has the same status, although for lio, ‘animal’ in the most comprehensive sense is denominated by binata, an obvious adaptation of malay binatang (‘animal’) (arndt 1933; forth 2004). like its nage cognate, as a life-form taxon lio ika subsumes not just bony fish (osteichthyes) but also sharks (ika iu) and rays (ika pari)—both chondrichthyes or cartilaginous fish—and sea mammals, including whales (léla ngai), dolphins (lobu), and dugongs (called ruju, ika ruju, or ata ruju). also like nage, lio do not usually regard marine turtles (kéra) as ika (fish). i once recorded ‘ika kéra’ as an item of observed speech, but subsequent enquiries revealed that this is not a regular forth 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):61–69 63 research communications expression. and lio ika also does not include eels (nake)1, freshwater and saltwater crustaceans (kura, mongga, kojo), or cephalopods (octopuses, kubi, and squids, wenu). in both nage and lio classification, ika is polysemous, for in addition to denoting a life-form taxon, the term labels a less inclusive class of fish. among nage this class admits a further distinction of ‘sea fish’ (ika mesi, specifically marine bony fishes) and river fish (ika lowo), categories i have previously treated as folk-intermediates. the same distinction is recognized by lio, who express it with the same terms. moreover, contrasting to ika at the intermediate level in the classification of both groups are the several previously mentioned categories of freshwater gobies. nage describe these as forming a distinct, albeit unnamed folk-intermediate that i have previously called the ‘tebhu cluster’, after its bestknown member (forth 2012, 2016:211–216), and in view of this contrast they regularly state that gobies are not ika (‘fish’). previously, i interpreted the nage distinction not as referring to ika as a life-form (which includes sharks, whales, and dugongs as well as bony fish) but to ika as a folk-intermediate. in a remarkably similar way, lio also say the gobioidei are not ‘fish’ (ika), and whereas both groups commonly assert that ika are all creatures of the sea, like nage they nevertheless recognize a number of folk-generics called ika which occur in freshwater (see table 1). by all indications, among lio as well the gobies are distinguished from ika specifically at the intermediate level and not from the entirety of ‘fish’ (ika). one support for this are the numerous times i recorded lio as well as nage describing gobies as ‘fish’ (ikan) when speaking bahasa indonesia (see forth 2012). another is the general point that speakers of any language are often not conscious of, nor do they articulate, different contextual senses of single terms. in fact, the classificatory contrast between sea fish and freshwater fish—in these ethnographic instances represented solely by gobies—appears to be more widespread on flores island. for manggarai, the language of western flores, verheijen (1967) glosses ikang (a cognate of nage and lio ika) as ‘(sea) fish’ (bi ‘ikan (laut)’). similarly, a native speaker of biting, a dialect of eastern manggarai, informed me that ikang denotes only sea fish (including sharks) and some freshwater fish—apparently mostly recently introduced exotics (cf. forth 2016:212, 214)—whereas other freshwater fish are not classified as ikang2. it is by now sufficiently clear that lio fish classification is, in most respects, formally similar to that of the nage. but there is one important difference. whereas the five nage generics included in the ‘tebhu cluster’ do not compose a named intermediate, for the lio they do, since all five, and another two kinds i was unable to identify, are classified as members of a folk-intermediate lio named mbo. mbo is clearly cognate with nage bo in the name ana bo, a synonym of ana tebhu, the prototype of the five fish generics that compose the ‘tebhu cluster’3. in addition, lio further employ mbo polysemously, to label one of the folk-generics included in intermediate mbo (see table 2), and by all indications this is the same species nage name ana bo or ana tebhu. lio recognize the same physical and behavioral differences between mbo and ika (or specifically lio name linguistic notes and identification ka mbara ae described as a ‘clear white’ fish. arndt (1933) lists ika mbara simply as a ‘river fish’. the relevant meaning of mbara here may be ‘clear, transparent, translucent’; ae is ‘water’, ‘water course’ (cf. nage ika ae, river fish, a synonym of ika lowo). ika mbulo a fish numerous in river estuaries. (arndt, 1933, gives mbulo as ‘marine eel’ and ana mbulo as a ‘sea fish’). ika ro ro is ‘(to) sting, smart, be painful’. the fish is so named because being stuck by its sharp scales (or spines) is very painful. lio described the fish as resembling a catfish and say it cannot be caught with a hook and line, unlike other river fish (ika). ika seli watu the name means ‘slides, sticks between stones’. described as a brownish fish, very similar to a milkfish (indonesian ‘ikan bandeng’) chanos chanos (see figure 1a). ika ka’i kapa the name translates as ‘thick-scaled fish, fish with thick scales’. lio in léke ba’i described both this kind and the following as not occurring in local rivers but only at higher elevations, in deep pools of cold water. ika éwa nawa ēwa, ‘fish’s tail’; nawa, ‘freckle, liver spot, birthmark’ (arndt 1933). lio describe the tail as speckled. table 1 list of lio freshwater fish generics identified as ika. forth 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):61–69 64 research communications freshwater ika) as do nage, in regard to body shape, swimming habits, and so on (forth 2012, 2016:211). also, as fish occurring in often fast-flowing rivers and streams, mbo are mostly caught with weirs and traps, whereas ika occurring in rivers are usually caught with hook and line. there are, however, exceptions to this, since lio employ lines to catch one sort of mbo (specified as kose ena) while some ika occurring in rivers are also caught in traps. as i previously concluded for the nage tebhu cluster (forth 2012:27), therefore, the folk-intermediate lio label as mbo is evidently a fully-formed taxon based on morphological and behavioural features rather than simply a utilitarian or other culturally specific ‘special-purpose’ category (see berlin 1992:142–144). a list of the lio mbo fish, with identifications and descriptions, is found in table 2 (see also figures 1 and 2); a list of freshwater ika distinguished by lio appears in table 1. all the categories listed in table 2 can be explicitly named as mbo (e.g., mbo mata taka) or alternatively by the specific name alone (e.g., mata taka). as indicated, all these names are straightforwardly descriptive of a morphological or behavioural feature of the fish concerned. the same applies to the several categories of freshwater fish lio identify as ika, which are listed in table 1, although in these cases ika is a necessary component of each name. in addition to the five generics described in table 2, all of which i was able to observe, informants mentioned two other kinds of mbo. one is mbo bita. bita means ‘mud’, and indeed the fish is described as living in mud. the other is mbo kéle te’a, described as showing yellow (te’a) under the front fins (kéle is ‘armpit’). informants also described this fish as being ‘stupid’ and easy to catch, thus somewhat like mbo kole kanda. lio mbo has another use that requires attention. the several folk-generics included under mbo are among the aquatic creatures lio collectively designate with the standard expression kura mbo. this term, however, does not denote a taxon but a utilitarian category comprising two animal names, a type of construction extremely common in the languages of central flores (forth 2016:140–148). complementing mbo in this context, kura, ‘prawn, crayfish’ (cf. nage kuza), refers to several kinds of freshwater crustaceans. but, as lio themselves recognize, the class of edible creatures labelled kura mbo incorporates table 2 folk-generics lio identify as kinds of mbo. lio name identification, description, and linguistic notes mbo boka janga, or simply mbo a freshwater goby sicyopterus sp., gobiidae, suborder gobioidei. arndt (1933, s.v. boka) lists boka janga (transcribed boka dzan’a) as ‘twigs of janga’, the name of an unidentified plant or tree. verheijen 1990 gives lio (detu keli) janga as kleinhovia hospita. if the identification is correct, then the name apparently refers to some resemblance between the form or coloration of the fish and the leaves or bark of the tree. (mbo) mata taka loach goby rhyacichthys aspro, rhyacichthyidae, suborder gobioidei. informants correctly describe the fish as attaching itself to rocks on stream bottoms. possessing a flattened head and ventral mouth, the fish more specifically attaches itself to stones with its broadened pelvic and pectoral fins and head and snout (larson 2011:55). the name refers to this behaviour. mata is ‘eye; node; central part (of something)’; taka, is ‘to stick, adhere to’ (arndt 1933). (mbo) kia ri’a throatspine gudgeon belobranchus belobranchus, eleotridae. named after its relatively large head (kia is ‘head, cranium’; ri’a is ‘big, large’). (mbo) kose ena awaous sp., godiidae; so named because the fish lives in sandy stream beds (ena, ‘sand’; kose, ‘to fit closely, tightly into or between (two things)’) (arndt 1933). lio informants glossed the name with bahasia indonesia ‘masuk pasir’, ‘enters, goes into sand’, and indeed, the shape of the snout is adapted to precisely this behaviour (akihisha iwata 2015, personal communication). among the several kinds of mbo (gobies), lio say only these can be caught with a hook and line, like eels and freshwater ika (fish), whereas all other mbo are caught with weirs and traps. the species is not certain. monk et al. (1997) list three species for eastern indonesia (nusa tenggara and maluku): awaous grammepomus, a. personatus, and a. melacocephalus, the largesnout goby. (mbo) kole kanda unidentified, but may refer in part to females of belobranchus belobranchus. described as a ‘stupid’ fish, in the sense that it does not swim away when approached and is therefore easily caught. informants interpreted the name as referring to this characteristic. one man equated kanda with bi ‘kandang’ (enclosure, corral); arndt gives it as ‘basket’ or ‘cage for chickens’. he also lists kole as ‘to lay, set down (trans.)’. the sense, therefore, may well be that the fish stays in one spot, as though placed in a container. forth 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):61–69 65 research communications figure 2 a mbo or mbo janga (sicyopterus sp.); b mbo kose ena (awaous sp.); c mbo mata taka (rhyacichthys aspro) showing attachable ventral fins. photos: gregory forth. figure 1 a ika seli watu, a freshwater fish (lio ika); b mbo ki’a ri’a (belobranchus belobranchus); c nake or nake léro, eel (anguilla sp.) showing dark speckling on yellow ground color. photos: gregory forth. forth 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):61–69 66 research communications not only gobies and crustaceans called kura but equally includes eels (nake), which lio classify as neither mbo nor ika, as well as freshwater crabs separately named as mongga and kojo. on the other hand, the category excludes riparian frogs, although these too are eaten. in this regard, lio kuza mbo precisely corresponds to the nage composite kuza tebhu (crustaceans [and] tebhu fish), a somewhat less common alternative to nage kuza tuna (crustaceans [and] eels), which similarly denotes a utilitarian class comprising several kinds of edible freshwater creatures. as mentioned, the categories of mbo fish described in table 2 correspond to the five nage generics identified as members of the covert folkintermediate i call the ‘tebhu cluster’. because lio and nage, though related, are different languages, it is not particularly surprising that the names the two groups give to these are quite different. but while the nage and lio names are lexically distinct, semantically they reveal a number of interesting correspondences. the details of these are summarized in table 3. to complete this overview of lio fish fauna, more should be said about eels. distinguished from both mbo and ika, several kinds of freshwater eels recognized by lio are named together as nake ae or simply as nake. ae is ‘water’. nake is interesting, as the term has the more general sense of ‘meat’; thus, nake ae might be glossed as ‘water meat’. but while this literal sense may suggest a special importance (or former importance) for eels in the lio diet, its precise significance is uncertain. also worth noting is the use of nake in the ende region, to the west of lio (thus intervening between lio and nage), as a general term for ‘bird’ (forth 2006), and the use of cognates in nage and ngada as a term for ‘meat’ but without simultaneously denoting any particular kind of animal. having the further meaning of ‘meat’, as the term for ‘eel’ lio nake might be thought to possess a utilitarian flavour. however, this applies to the name rather than the taxon denoted, as is shown by the lio identification of several kinds of eels (nake) with names that mostly refer to physical features of the living creatures, and it is further noteworthy that these descriptors all qualify nake, rather than nake ae. named eel kinds are listed in table 4. partly in view of comparative evidence from nage classification (forth 2016:216–221), these several kinds can be taken as folk-specifics, with nake (or nake ae) then being interpreted as a folk-generic unaffiliated with any lifeform. discussion and conclusion lio naming of the several goby generics under a single label, mbo, supports my previous interpretation (forth table 3 lio and nage ichthyological and nomenclatural equivalents. note: these identifications supersede those given for nage categories in forth 2012. identification nage name gloss lio name gloss comments sicyopterus sp. ana tebhu or ana bo mbo (=mbo boka janga; see table 2) cognate with nage bo (unanalyzable) rhyacichthys aspro kaka watu ‘sticks to rocks’ mata taka ‘adhering face belobranchus belobranchus tebhu teke ‘gecko tebhu’, or ‘gecko goby’, so named because of its large head, comparable to a gecko’s kia ri’a ‘large head’ teke denotes large geckoes of the genus gekko in both nage and lio awaous sp. su lai ‘penetrates, enters sand’ kose ena ‘fits into, enters sand’ uncertain (may in part refer to females of belobranchus belobranchus) pusu ‘heart; navel; centre’ kole kanda ‘placed in a container, basket’ this equivalence is partly inferred by elimination. (nage have no explanation for pusu as a fish name.) forth 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):61–69 67 research communications 2012) of ‘the tebhu cluster’ as a covert folkintermediate in nage classification. in both cases, the two folk taxa coincide with the scientific taxon gobioidei (a suborder of the perciformes). moreover, this folk taxonomic concordance involves an identical distinction, within the life-form ika, between mbo and ika, the second term in this context denoting, like mbo, a less inclusive folk-intermediate. to be sure, the overall isomorphism of the two classifications contrasts with the designation, in the two languages, of fish-generics included in mbo and the nage tebhu cluster by lexically quite different names. as shown, however, the names are in several cases semantically similar since in each instance they refer to the same morphological or behavioral features of the fish kinds they identify. this coincidence raises a question. can these semantic resemblances and coexistent lexical differences be explained by linguistic relatedness (accompanied by necessary divergence) between lio and nage? or, do resemblance and divergence reflect other factors, more particularly some combination of a common perception of natural discontinuity among different members of the gobioidei, on the one hand, and of a shared cultural heritage, on the other. the evidence provides more support for the second interpretation. for if linguistic relatedness were sufficient to explain semantic resemblance between the nage and lio terms, one should expect the names to be more similar than they actually are. for example, whereas lio call belobranchus belobranchus ‘large head’ (see table 3), nage call the same fish ‘gecko goby’, thus identically focusing on the fish’s relatively large head, which they compare to that of the lizard. but, partly because the same term (teke) denotes large geckoes (gekko spp.) in both languages, there is no obvious reason why lio, also, should not have named this fish by reference to the gecko. (here it should be noted that herpetofauna of the lio and nage regions appear not to be significantly different.) to cite another example, nage ‘sticks to rocks’ (kaka watu) and lio ‘adhering face’ (mata taka), both alluding to the same behavior and both denoting the loach goby rhyacichthys aspro, describe the same distinctive feature of this fish but in quite different ways. and they do so, moreover, even though the lio name might equally have incorporated watu (the word for ‘rock(s), stone(s)’ in both languages), especially as lio, too, speak of the species as ‘adhering’ to rocks. like the presence in both languages of teke, watu, mata, and other identical terms besides, these differences further rule out loan translation (the process whereby speakers of one language adopt a term from another and render it employing their own lexicon4) as an explanation for simultaneous semantic resemblances and lexical distinctions between lio and nage fish terms. in fact, there is only one name which could suggest a loan translation, that of the fish lio call kose ena and nage call su lai, since both names approximately mean ‘enters into sand,’ referring to the species’ characteristic habit of immersing itself into sand at the bottom of rivers and streams (see table 3). however, in nage, ‘sand’ is both ena (as it is in lio) and lai, so had the name been adopted from lio (kose ena) one would expect the fish to be called ‘su ena.’ contrariwise, su occurs with much the same meaning in both lio and nage, so had lio adopted the term from nage, ‘su ena’ (rather than su lai) should be expected as the nage name. table 4 kinds of eels (nake or nake ae). lio name linguistic notes, description, and identification nake or ‘nake biasa’ (bahasa indonesia biasa, ‘common’) anguilla sp., also specified as nake léro. léro denotes a bright yellow. accordingly, lio describe this as a yellow eel with stripes, and also as aggressive (see figure 1c). nake) jai (or jaghi) described as a dark-colored eel with long ‘scales’ or ‘spines’ on the back, found especially in the wet season when rivers are in flood. transcribed as jaghi, the modifier may mean ‘unpleasant tasting’ (arndt 1933, s.v. jayi). (nake) nggélu a light-colored eel. the sense of nggélu in this context is unclear. (nake) lo léna a small eel described as possessing a ‘hard body’ and a rounded tail that looks very similar to the head, and as occurring in sand. lo can mean ‘trunk’; the sense of léna is unclear. (nake) lawi lolo a flat-bodied eel, long, and with sharp teeth. following arndt (1933, s.v. lawi), the name translates as ‘sorghum leaf’, and may therefore refer to the body shape. (this may be the same eel nage call hame; forth 2016:216.) forth 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):61–69 68 research communications before exploring the second, better supported interpretation of concurrent similarities and differences between the nage and lio names, it is useful to recall that all distinguish folk-generics. it is further relevant that such generics everywhere—in contrast to taxa at higher and lower levels of classification—constitute biological gestalts, meaning that “exemplars of the category come to mind as a picture of the entire plant or animal” (berlin 1992:60; hunn and brown 2011:326). thus, folk-generics compose the psychologically most salient and obviously distinct components of any fauna or flora. and insofar as perceiving something as a gestalt may be entailed in an apprehension of living things as possessing singular ‘essences’ (sensu atran 1990), then folk-generics can be called the most ‘essential’ of taxa. as well as the inherent discontinuity between the several associated fish kinds, this quality of the folkgeneric contributes significantly to an explanation of why, taxonomically and nominally, nage and lio distinguish the same fish in similar ways. yet perceptual factors are not sufficient to account for the semantic similarities among the lexically different names. for the character of these names additionally points to the common possession, by the two ethnolinguistically related but separate groups, of a fundamentally identical conception of the same ichthyological species and genera which, in each instance, involves a selective focus on the same empirical morphological and behavioral features. i should stress that the reference here is to names rather than taxa. thus, the interpretation does not contradict the characterization of folk-generics as gestalts; rather the selectivity reflected in the names concerns not the entirety of a mental image but part of a process of representation, specifically that part which is concerned with nominally distinguishing folk -generics from similar but in some perceptible ways contrasting generics. rather than similar names per se, it is this common representation of the same or similar creatures found in lio and nage territory that reflects the shared heritage of the two peoples, and this heritage, moreover, is more broadly cultural rather than simply linguistic. of course, culture is implicated also in straightforward differences between the two nomenclatures, for example between the lio name kole kanda and the nage name pusu (see table 3), which designate if not the same species then at least members of the same suborder (gobioidei). to what extent cultural variation might account for the fact that the nage tebhu cluster comprises just five intermediates whereas the lio folk-intermediate labeled mbo includes two further fish kinds (mbo bita and mbo kéle te’a)—thus a difference less of naming than of classification—is difficult to say, as the classificatory difference may owe more to regional differences in the occurrence of particular ichthyofauna. nevertheless, the present analysis has shown how a detailed study of folk classification among ethnolinguistically close yet sufficiently distant populations like nage and lio can more precisely reveal the operation of what we usually call ‘culture’, in relation to cognitive, linguistic, and zoological factors (or factors of perceptual salience; hunn 1999:47–48), in the representation of folk-generic taxa, and the development of folk zoological taxonomies generally. notes 1interestingly, however, ika can be used as an avoidance term when speaking of a wife’s mother whose name is nake. whereas nake is a female personal name, ika is not. 2the informant mentioned three examples, lengor or lenger, peper, and senggilo (a snakehead). lengor may denote eliotris fuscus (verheijen 1967), one of the gobioidei. 3as discussed elsewhere (forth 2016:55, 250), nage ana (child, person, member [of a collectivity]) occurs frequently in nage names for folk-generics that comprise small animals and especially non-mammals. lio do not conjoin ana and mbo, nor does ana so commonly occur in other lio animal names. it is also worth stressing that, whereas nage ana bo names a folk-generic, lio mbo designates both a generic and a folk-intermediate. 4a familiar example of loan translation is english ‘worldview,’ derived from the semantically similar but lexically mostly different german ‘weltanschaung.’ declarations permissions: none declared. sources of funding: social sciences and humanities research council insight grant (2-13-2017). conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited arndt, p. 1933. li'onesisch-deutsches wörterbuch. arnoldus-druckerei, ende, flores, indonesia. forth 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):61–69 69 research communications atran, s. 1990. cognitive foundations of natural history. cambridge university press, cambridge, united kingdom. berlin, b. 1992. ethnobiological classification: principles of categorization of plants and animals in traditional societies. princeton university press, princeton, nj. blust, r.a. 2002. the history of faunal terms in austronesian languages. oceanic linguistics 41:89– 139. forth, g. 2004. the category of ‘animal’ in eastern indonesia. journal of ethnobiology 24:51–73. forth, g. 2006. words for ‘bird’ in eastern indonesia. journal of ethnobiology 26:177–207. doi:10.2993/0278-0771(2006)26[177:wfbiei] 2.0co;2. forth, g. 2012. when is a fish not a fish: questions raised by a nage life-form category. ethnobiology letters 3:23–30. doi:10.14237/ebl.3.2012.41. forth, g. 2016. why the porcupine is not a bird: explorations in the folk zoology of an eastern indonesian people. toronto university press, toronto, canada. hunn, e. s. 1999. size as limiting the recognition of biodiversity in folkbiological classifications: one of four factors governing the cultural recognition of biological taxa. in folkbiology, edited by d. l. median and s. atran, pp. 47–69. mit press, cambridge, ma, and london, united kingdom. hunn, e. s., and c. h. brown. 2011. linguistic ethnobiology. in ethnobiology, edited by e. n. anderson, d. pearsall, e. hunn, and n. turner, pp. 319–333. wiley-blackwell, hoboken, nj. kottelat, m. 1994. ‘the fishes of the mahakan river, east borneo: an example of the limitations of zoogeographic analysis and the need for extensive fish surveys in indonesia’. tropical biodiversity 2:401–426. larson, h. k. 2011. systematics of the rhyacichthyidae. in the biology of gobies, edited by r. a. patzer, j. l. van tassell, m. kovacic, and b. g. kapoor, pp. 51–60. crc press, new york, ny. monk, k., y. de fretes, and g. reksodiharjo-lilley. 1997. the ecology of nusa tenggara and maluku. the ecology of indonesia series volume v. periplus editions, hong kong, china. suryati, m., and a. m. mbete, m. lauder, and m. dhanawaty. 2013. phonological and lexical varieties of lio language in flores, east nusa tenggara: a study of geographical dialect. ejournal of linguistics 6:1–27. verheijen, j. a. j. 1967. kamus manggarai i: manggaraiindonesia. martinus nijhoff, s-gravenhage, netherlands. verheijen, j. a. j. 1990. dictionary of plant names in the lesser sunda islands. pacific linguistics series d, 83. department of linguistics, research school of pacific studies, canberra, australia. sidama agro-pastoralism and ethnobiological classification of its primary plant, enset (ensete ventricosum) ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 116‐125. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.222. 116 perspec ve  argued that classification is not purely perceptual but also reflects local culture in that language is utilitarian; and knowledge of a life-form reflects practical, adaptive cultural importance of that organism. cecil brown asserted that “vocabulary is to a large extent reflective of the long-term interests and endeavors of the people who use it” (brown 1986: 3). he demonstrated that with subsistence differences and their associated divergences in attention to certain biota, shifts in nomenclature—expansion or restrictions of taxonomic ranks—may occur within the berlinian classification framework (brown 1985, 1986). recently, hunn (2013) used the example of english speakers’ folk taxa for dogs to demonstrate how biota of particular cultural focus may require an expansive shift within the berlinian framework. the term “dog,” in addition to its position as a folk generic taxon, may serve more generally as a life-form taxon, depending on the frame of reference. hunn coins the term “generic elevation” (see also hunn and brown 2011) for these circumstances in which generic taxa ‘rise’ to the life-form rank to allow more specificity to classify ethnobiologically important “kinds” of a species, as with “kinds” or “breeds” of dog among this letter discusses sidama folk taxonomy of enset [ensete ventricosum (welw.) cheesman1], an important root and stem staple in the horn of africa, in the highlands and midlands of southern ethiopia. the enset plant feeds millions of ethiopians, and is central to sidama agro-pastoralism. sidama people eat enset daily, sleep on its fibers as mattress stuffing nightly, and use it for numerous other purposes, including feeding their treasured cattle. it is, perhaps unsurprising that in the sidama language, enset description would contain specificity requiring a generic elevation (sensu hunn 2013) of the berlinian (e.g. berlin 1992) framework of folk biological classification. using cross-linguistic data, brent berlin and colleagues developed a universal framework for folk biological classification (see notably berlin 1973, 1992; berlin et al.1966, 1973). this standard berlinian framework contains six ranks of taxonomic inclusion, progressing as follows from most inclusive to most exclusive: unique beginner [or kingdom, e.g. ‘plant’], life-form [e.g. ‘tree’], generic [e.g. ‘pine’], specific [e.g. ‘white pine’], varietal [e.g. ‘eastern white pine’], with a possible intermediate rank between life-form and generic levels [e.g. ‘evergreen’]. eugene hunn (1982) sidama agro‐pastoralism and ethnobiological classifica on of  its primary plant, enset (ensete ventricosum)  marsha b. quinlan 1* , robert j. quinlan 1 , and samuel jilo dira 1,2  author address: 1 department of anthropology, washington state university, pullman, wa, usa.  2 department of behavioral  science, anthropology program, hawassa university, snnprs, ethiopia.  * corresponding author: mquinlan@wsu.edu  received: july 01, 2014  volume: 5:116‐125  published: october 2, 2014  © 2014 society of ethnobiology  abstract: enset is an essen al plant for the ethiopian sidama system of agropastoralism. sidama agropastoralism and the folk taxonomy of enset is presented here in ethnographic context. one of several socie es of ethiopia’s enset complex, the highland sidama are among the most wholly reliant on enset and maintain more enset varie es in their gardens than other groups. sidama agro‐pastoral systems revolve around human‐enset‐ca le interac on: sidama eat low‐protein parts of enset; ca le eat high‐protein parts of enset; sidama get protein from dairy; sidama fer lize enset with ca le manure. in the sidama language, enset offers an example of hunn’s generic eleva on within the framework of berlinian perceptual‐ taxonomic theory. weesho (enset) may serve both as a folk generic taxon and a life‐form taxon depending on the frame of reference. such expansion allows for an intermediate taxa transla ng to “male” or “female” ensets, followed by generic and specific taxa for kinds or “breeds” of enset. generic eleva on offers descrip ve magnifica on of nomenclature for enset, a most salient species among sidama people. keywords: east africa, linguis c ethnobiology, musaceae, ethnobotany, pastoralism  ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 116‐125. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.222. 117 perspec ve  americans in hunn’s example. this perspective letter is based on descriptive, observational data and literature. we do not attempt to inventory each taxon for “kinds of enset” in the lexicon (see bizuayehu 2008 for many terms). rather, we use berlinian ethnobiological classification, ethnography of sidama subsistence behavior, and widespread subsistence vocabulary to examine how sidama generic elevation of enset occurs on the ground, or, more accurately, in the garden. our data is part of the larger ethiopia risk and resilience project2, on which we all participated during field seasons in 2012 (robert quinlan and samuel dira) 2013 (samuel dira, marsha and robert quinlan), and for which all authors collected qualitative data concerning agricultural practices using open-ended ethnographic interviews with sidama highlander key informants. we culled these interviews for enset terms and their usage. we compared and added our findings to those of bizuayehu 2008. to find rankings, we asked sidama people to clarify, regarding “kinds,” asking, e.g., “is b a kind of a?” (berlin 1992). s.j.d. returned to ethiopia in summer 2014 for his dissertation and was able to inquire with other sidama (s.j.d. is a native sidama anthropologist) on particular questions of classification. sidama agro-pastoralism and enset gardening the sidama belong to the east african “enset complex” (shack 1966), which has received relatively little academic attention compared to the east african “cattle complex” system (herskovitz 1926). the horn of africa, in addition to its pastoralism, has plantingbased subsistence traditions, broken into hoe (root) and plow (cereal) cultures (e.g. murdock 1959, westphal and westphal-stevels 1975). within the hoe cultures, enset is “by far” the most important staple food (murdock 1959), feeding a dense rural population across sw ethiopia (see e.g. bezuneh 1971, bezuneh and feleke 1966, brandt et al. 1997, rahmato 1995, shack 1963). in ethiopia, the pastoralist, hoe, and plow farming distinctions remain useful, but, on the ground, these are not simple, isolated strategies. in all but the driest lowlands, where herders grow no crops, and the highest altitudes, where enset thrives best (pijls et al. 1995), people grow enset along with varying proportions of other root crops or cereals (see brandt et al 1997, and r. quinlan et al.n.d.). shack (1963) concludes that the sedentary– pastoral dichotomy is inadequate, and we concur. planting co-exists with the cattle complex in the form of agro-pastoralism, such that the “enset complex,” in reality entails a subsistence system of mutual dependence between humans, livestock, and crops. ensete ventricosum is native to ethiopia, which is the center of its domestication and diversity (vavilov 1951). the species is widely distributed in subsaharan africa (simmonds 1962), yet only ethiopians cultivate and use enset primarily as a food crop (bezuneh 1971, pijls et al. 1995, simmonds 1962). due to civil wars and other political instabilities in ethiopia from 1974 through the 1990s, academic exchange and research on ethiopian people and biota declined for many years, hence the culture of enset remains under-studied and obscure internationally relative to the size of the populations that subsist on it. enset cultivation covers about 42,000 square miles of ethiopia (bezuneh and feleke 1966) and supports a dense rural population ranging from 200 to over 400 people per square kilometer (≈322 to 644 mi2), totaling well over 10 million people (brandt et al. 1997) and shank and ertiro (1996) estimate up to 15 million. with this many people supported almost entirely by enset, we might expect local languages to distinguish and identify numerous enset types. the sidama are a cushitic-speaking people inhabiting areas between the rift valley lakes of awassa and abaya in southwestern ethiopia (hamer 1987). most sidama reside in the southern nationalities, nations, and peoples regional state (snnprs). as of the 2007 census, the sidama population of almost three million made them the fifth largest ethnic group in ethiopia (csae 2013). not only are the sidama one of several societies that comprise ethiopia’s “enset complex,” they are one of the two cultures―the gurage being the other― that ethiopians refer to as the quintessential enset cultures for which a good proportion of their communities rely on enset as their sole staple crop (see brandt et al 1997). this research takes place in the sidama highlands, the area most reliant on enset. the sidama’s primary food is waasa (wasa in i.p.a.), the starchy pulp from of enset leaves, stem and corm. sidama eat waasa in two forms, either flattened and cooked as bread, called tima, or as a thick porridge called raisame. they complement these enset foods with butter, milk, or cabbage. the sidama agro-pastoral system revolves around human-enset-cattle interactions. sidama raise zebu cattle, bos primigenius indicus3. the pasture grass in the sidama highlands is primarily andropogon abyssinicus r.br. ex fresen., which many ethiopian highlanders ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 116‐125. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.222. 118 perspec ve  credit as being good for cattle (smeds 1955). grazing land is limited by the relatively high rural population, however, such that enset is an essential fodder (asfaw and ågren 2007, brandt et al. 1997). livestock eat the parts of enset plants that humans do not eat (leaves and outer stems), which also contain the most protein in the plant (yilma 2001). the waasa starches that comprises the primary sidama food are low in protein, however sidama consume cows’ milk, such that enset cow-fodder indirectly fuels human protein requirements. cattle, in turn, fertilize enset through human intervention. sidama dig trenches that channel livestock run-off from stalls into enset gardens, and women collect the manure to distribute among enset plants (see m. quinlan et al. n.d.). highland sidama cultivate plants besides enset, including some barley (hordeum vulgare l.), fruits and vegetables, african highland bamboo (yushania alpina (k.schum.) w.c.lin) and eucalyptus (eucalyptus globulus labill. and e. camaldulensis dehnh.) trees for construction and repair of traditional houses and fences, and they may grow coffee or khat (chat in ethiopia) to sell (i.e., coffea arabica l. and chata edulis forssk., both native stimulants). sidama raise smaller livestock including goats (arsi-bale rift valley goat, capra aegagrus hircus), sheep (ethiopian menz and horro breeds of fat-tail sheep, ovis aries), and chickens (gallus gallus domesticus), which are mostly for consumption (asfaw & ågren 2007). nevertheless, enset and cattle dominate sidama subsistence and cultural values (hamer 1987). sidama call an enset garden a weesete gate, or simply gate. gate range from ¼ hectare to 1½ hectares (tesfaye 2008). as enset takes at least five years to mature, gardens contain plants of various ages and figure 1. landscape in sidama zone showing five houses (le ‐rear and four across the center) with their fenced enset gar‐ dens and pasture areas. photo by robert quinlan.  ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 116‐125. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.222. 119 perspec ve  sizes. sidama language has at least ten terms referring to enset age-stages4 (tesfaye 2008). larger adult plants are closest to the house due to transplantation. compared to other societies in the enset complex, the sidama maintain more plant varieties in their gardens (bizuayehu 2008, smeds 1955, tesfaye 2008, but see shigeta 1990 for the ari enset diversification technique). tesfaye (2008) finds that sidama gardens contain 5-15 varieties of enset with increasing diversity as garden size and hectares per household member increase. sidama report that maintaining mixed enset varieties is important to best provide varied materials for numerous enset products they use in subsistence, tools, aesthetics and religion; and to ensure a continued and flexible yield of waasa through varied weather conditions, timing and pest invasions. although there are five varieties of enset that are abundant across sidama gardens (gantichcha [gantiča in ipa], midashsho [midašo], guulummo [gúlumo], dammala [damala], and daraasi ado [därasi ado]), individual gardens tend to limit their plantings to two of these common varieties, planted with three or more of the rarer varieties (tesfaye 2008). although not ethnobiological classification per se, the most mentioned distinction that sidama farmers make regarding kinds of plants, is to distinguish between gide, domestic plants, and dubo, wild plants. gide actually refers to planted garden plants, while dubo refers collectively to forest plants, weeds, and domestic species growing as escapes. people usually speak of enset (weesho, [wešo] enset [singular]) as a gide, although dubbo weese (wild ensets) exist as both escapes and undomesticated forms. sidama classification of enset figure 2. a sidama house and enset garden. in the foreground are young enset plants, about one year old, called qaxalo. in  the rear‐right are more mature plants, about four years old, called malancho or itancho. on the le  side, behind the house,  a piece of the yard/pasture is showing, bordered by eucalyptus in the rear. this vantage obscures that the yard is about one  acre (the household has other grazing land as well).  photo by marsha quinlan.  ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 116‐125. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.222. 120 perspec ve  as a species, enset morphology is highly variable and although the extent of its variation remains unknown, researchers document that ethiopian enset farmers recognize and name many enset varieties or cultivars (admasu and struik 2002, bizuayehu 2008, shigeta 1990, tesfaye 2008). bizuayehu (2008) found that sidama collectively named 103 different enset taxa, with individuals naming between five and thirty-five taxa. nine enset breeds (8.7% of those named collectively) were of common knowledge, as more than 50% of sidama knew the terms across ten sidama villages. there are another 59 kinds that a large minority (over 10%) of sidama know. fourteen taxa were named by single informants. sidama enset taxa fall into categories, which bizuayehu (2008) addresses with the botanical terms “supra-variety, variety, and sub-variety.” classification per berlin’s (1992) folk biological classification terms would differ. at the unique beginner or kingdom rank, sidama language identifies all plants with the term mu’ro. sidama also have two (perhaps three) life-form classifications. sidama generally divide plants into either a haqqe (hake) or hayiso, i.e., “tree” or “grerb” (sensu brown, e.g. 1977, 1984), in which haqqe (tree) is a joint category for woody trees and shrubs, and hayiso (grerb) is a joint grass and herbaceous plant category. enset, (weesho [wešo, singular], weese [wese, plural]), however, is neither haqqe nor hayiso. martin (2004) warns that, in the berlinian system, some generics that are “morphologically distinct or economically important plants may be unaffiliated or independent of all lifeforms (p. 216).” indeed, in this case, weese (enset), are simultaneously herbaceous, as with hayiso figure 3. samuel jilo dira (1.72m [5’8”] in height) walking/standing in an enset garden. photo by robert quinlan.  ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 116‐125. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.222. 121 perspec ve  [grerbs]) and large, like haqqe, trees. perhaps this unique morphology makes enset neither a ‘tree’ nor ‘grerb,’ or perhaps their singular economic importance sets them apart from other plants. sidama informants told s.j.d, however, that weese (ensets), are their own type of mu’ro (plant). it appears, here, that sidama regard ensets as a special life-form. in sidama, weesho (enset [singular], or weese [plural]) generally refers to the edible species of enset (i.e., e. ventricosum). weesho can serve as a single “generic” kind of plant in reference to, for example, all “plants” (mu'ro), or “crops” (gide), or when sidama refer, as they normally do, to their gidenna weese, meaning “enset and crop.” because enset is a domesticated species with a great deal of specificity in types, “generic elevation” (hunn 2013) occurs. weesho becomes like a life-form in that there are three further levels of specificity recognized with respect to “kinds of enset.” sidama language has two intermediate taxa, between the term weesho as a life-form, and generic breed terms for ensets. all ensets are classified as either labbaahu (la’bahu), “male,” or meyati (meäti), “female.” these are symbolic, metaphorical gender terms as enset plants are hermaphroditic. the “male” or “female” attribution has to do with both size differences in plant morphology and with food qualities (see table 1). meyati, “female” ensets, are smaller than the labbaahu , “male” enset types. “female” varieties have sweet, softer pulp, which is easier to prepare than that of the “male” types. some meyati pulp can be boiled and eaten directly, others need fermentation, but less of it than that of the labbaahu plants. the “male” labbaahu varieties have larger, tougher corms, which are fibrous and bitter, unattractive to pests, difficult to process, and require more fermentation than meyati corms. meanwhile, the meyati “female” enset plants are more prone to predation (e.g., from porcupines), and they are “weaker,” i.e. more sensitive to drought, wind, and frost. despite the extra work involved and less appealing taste, labbaahu are a safer investment due to their size and relative hardiness, so, while sidama farmers plant both meyati and labbaahu in each garden, labbaahu dominate (bizuayehu 2008, tesfaye 2008). the sidama “male” and “female” enset dichotomy is reminiscent of the ethnobiological classification of domesticated manioc (manihot esculenta crantz) among lowland south americans in that “bitter” varieties protect against pests (mckey et al. 1993) and are therefore prominent in indigenous gardens (arroyo-kalin 2010). another similarity is that aguaruna jivaro also classify manioc cultivars according to fermentation requirements; in their case either for “beer-making” (fermenting) or “eating” (not fermenting) (boster 1984). we see in table 1 that the intermediate rank classification of meyati and labbaahu appears to reflect a perceptual/morphological distinction (in size and durability of the members). but there is also a related functional distinction from a human-use perspective (anderson 2011:5), giving those taxa elements of a “special purpose” classification (hunn, 1982, 2013) (as with watch-dogs in hunn’s 2013 dog example). sidama use the word, sircho (sirčo, breed, also seed or lineage) to describe the “generic” level kinds of enset. bizuayehu (2008) finds that generic terms for enset breeds are mostly (94.2%) uninominal (as expected in generic terms [berlin 1992]), though there are some binomials. most of the generic enset names describe plant morphology. for example, the breed called ado (“milk”) has relatively pale leaves and a white corm, while the one called ambooma (am’bôma), characteris c  labbaahu (male)  meya   (female)  aerial plant size  larger  smaller  corm size  larger  smaller  edible stem pulp quality  harder  so er  corm texture  tougher  so er  corm taste  bi er  sweet  corm a rac ve to pests?  no  yes  processing work  difficult  easy  fermen ng  me  long  short or absent  aerial plant vulnerable to predators?  no  yes  "strength" in environmental stress  strong  vulnerable   table 1. characteris cs of sidama “male” and “female” intermediate enset types.   ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 116‐125. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.222. 122 perspec ve  “hyena,” has black spots on its leaves and petioles. in bizuayehu’s (2008) inventory, more than half of the breeds had names describing the morphology, while non-morphological generic names refer to either growing habit or are names for individuals or groups of people (generally marking regional distributions). according to bizuayehu (2008) there are six sub -varieties, which we reckon as “specific” taxa. specifics all have binomial names comprised of a common generic and a prefix or suffix to modify the specific. for example, darassi ado, is a specific subtype of the ado breed. this pattern shows the hierarchical relationship between the generic and its subordinate specific taxa. compared to the standard berlinian representation (figure 4a), taxonomic elevation (figure 4b) appears to best reflect the cognitive and linguistic processes of sidama speakers. it allows generic and specific ranks to fall neatly into the berlinian system, allowing for the “intermediate” rank to fall, as expected, between the “life form” and “generic” ranking5. folk taxonomies are thus “flexible cognitive mechanisms” (hunn 2013) that can conform to cultural contexts (such as breeding). in the sidama example, weesho (enset [singular]) remains a generic taxon in the context of the domain mu’ro (plants). however, when the cultural domain at hand becomes weese (ensets [plural]), then weesho (enset) comes to resemble—or is elevated to—the rank of life-form, which allows sidama speakers to focus on the intermediate (labbaahu “male” or meyati “female”), the generic sircho (breeds), and the specific sub-breeds. though the modules (taxonomic ranks) of the berlinian system may be universal (berlin 1992, brown 1984), cultures differ ethnoscientifically. languages may hence omit, expand or shift taxonomic ranks to deal with cultural needs for specificity in taxa, which are utilitarian (hunn 1982). the more useful a life-form is within a culture, the more experience members have with it, the more the diversity-based ethnobiological reasoning occurs6 (coley et al. 1996). a species’ usefulness to a society impacts individuals’ emotions regarding the organism, which, in turn, reinforce management of that resource (anderson 1996). emotions about life-forms also impact language such that ethnobiological specificity reflects cultures’ shared emotions (appreciation or disdain) for organisms (nolan and robbins 2001, nolan et al.2006). the enset lexicon is utilitarian indeed. enset is essential to sidama agro-pastoralism; human and livestock survival depend on it. generic elevation offers further magnification of the descriptive ability of generic and specific nomenclature for enset. such specificity is important within cultures of the enset complex, and especially for the highland sidama. acknowledgements this work was funded through a washington state university college of arts and sciences seed grant for the initiative for global innovation studies. we thank the school of behavioral sciences' anthropology program at hawassa university, especially walelign tadesse robele and amalo sooge, for general advice figure 4. sidama classifica on of enset in standard taxonomic representa on (a) and using taxonomic eleva on (b). taxo‐ nomic eleva on allows for the detail present in sidama language.  ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 116‐125. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.222. 123 perspec ve  and cooperation. we are grateful to eugene hunn for advice on this ethnobiological classification analysis. declarations permissions: washington state university institutional review board. sources of funding: washington state university college of arts and sciences. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited admasu, t. and p. c. struik. 2002. analysis of enset (ensete ventricosum) indigenous production methods and farm-based biodiversity in major growing regions of southern ethiopia. experimental agriculture 38:291-315. anderson, e. n. 1996. ecologies of the heart: emotion, belief and the environment. oxford university press, new york, ny. anderson, e. n. 2011. ethnobiology: overview of a field. in ethnobiology, edited by e. n. anderson, d. m. pearsall, e. s. hunn and n. j. turner, pp.1-14. wiley-blackwell, hoboken, nj. arroyo-kalin, m. 2010. the amazonian formative: crop domestication and anthropogenic soils. diversity 2:473-504. asfaw, z. and g. i. ågren. 2007. farmers’ local knowledge and topsoil properties of agroforestry practices in sidama, southern ethiopia. agroforestry systems 71:35-48. berlin, b. 1973. the relation of folk systematics to biological classification and nomenclature. annual review of systematics and ecology 4:259-71. berlin, b. 1992. ethnobiological classification: principles of categorization of plants and animals in traditional societies. princeton university press, princeton, nj. berlin, b., d. e. breedlove and p. h. raven. 1966. folk taxonomies and biological classification. science 154:273-5. berlin, b., d. e. breedlove and p. h. raven. 1973. general principals of classification and nomenclature in folk biology. american anthropologist 75:21442. bezuneh, t. 1971. the role of musaceae in ethiopian agriculture i. the genus ensete. acta horticulturae (ishs) 21:97-100. available at: http:// www.actahort.org/books/21/21_16.htm. accessed in january, 2014. bezuneh, t. and a. feleke. 1966. the production and utilization of the genus ensete in ethiopia. economic botany, 20:65-70. bizuayehu, t. 2008. on sidama folk identification, naming, and classification of cultivated enset (ensete ventricosum) varieties. genetic resources and crop evolution 55:1359-1370. boster, j. s. 1984. classification, cultivation, and selection of aguaruna cultivars of manihot esculenta (euphorbiaceae). advances in economic botany 1:3447. brandt, s. a., a. spring, c. hiebsch, j. t. mccabe, e. tabogie, m. diro, g. wolde-michael, g. yntiso, m. shigeta and s. tesfaye. 1997. the “tree against hunger”: enset-based agricultural systems in ethiopia. american association for the advancement of science, washington, d.c. brown, c. h. 1977. folk botanical life‐forms: their universality and growth. american anthropologist 79:317-342. brown, c. h. 1984. language and living things: uniformities in folk classification and naming. rutgers university press, new brunswick, nj. brown, c. h. 1985. mode of subsistence and folk biological taxonomy. current anthropology 26:43-62. brown, c. h. 1986. the growth of ethnobiological nomenclature. current anthropology 27:1-19. brown, c. h. 1987. the folk subgenus: a new ethnobiological rank. journal of ethnobiology 7:181192. coley j. d., d. l. medin, j. b. proffitt, e. lynch and s. atran. 1996. inductive reasoning in folkbiological thought. in folkbiology, edited by d. l. medin and s. atran, pp.205-232. mit press, cambridge, ma. csae (central statistical agency of ethiopia). 2013. population and housing census report-country – 2007. central statistical agency, 2010-07, english. central statistical agency, addis ababa. available at: http://www.csa.gov.et/index.php/2013-02-2014-51-51/2013-04-01-11-53-00/census-2007. accessed on june 20, 2014. hamer, j. h. 1987. humane development: participation ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 116‐125. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.222. 124 perspec ve  and change among the sadama of ethiopia. university of alabama press, tuscaloosa, al. herskovits, m. j. 1926. the cattle complex in east africa. american anthropologist 28:230-272. hunn, e. s. 1982. the utilitarian factor in folk biological classification. american anthropologist 84:830-847. hunn, e. s. 2013. “dog” as life-form. in explorations in ethnobiology: the legacy of amadeo rea, edited by m. quinlan and d. lepofsky, pp. 141-53. society of ethnobiology, denton, tx. hunn, e. s. and c. h. brown. 2011. linguistic ethnobiology. in ethnobiology, edited by e. n. anderson, d. m. pearsall, e. s. hunn and n. j. turner, pp. 319-334. wiley-blackwell, hoboken, nj. martin, g. j. 2004. ethnobotany: a methods manual. earthscan, sterling, va. mckey, d. and s. beckerman. 1993. chemical ecology, plant evolution and traditional manioc cultivation systems. in tropical forests, people and food: biocultural interactions and applications to development, edited by c. m. hladik, a. hladick, o. f. linares, h. pagezy, a. semple, and m. hadley, pp. 83-112. parthenon, carnforth, uk, and unesco, paris, france. murdock, g.p. 1959. africa: its people and their culture history. mcgraw hill, new york, ny. nolan, j. m., k. e. jones, k. w. mcdougal, m. j. mcfarlin and m. k. ward. 2006. the lovable, the loathsome, and the liminal: emotionality in ethnozoological cognition. journal of ethnobiology 26:126-138. nolan, j. m. and m. c. robbins. 2001. emotional meaning and the cognitive organization of ethnozoological domains. journal of linguistic anthropology 11:204–249. pijls, l. t. j., a. a. m. timmer, z. wolde-gebriel and c. e. west. 1995. cultivation, preparation and consumption of ensete (ensete ventricosum) in ethiopia. journal of the science of food and agriculture 67:1-11. quinlan, m. b., r. j. quinlan, s. j. dira, m. caudell, a. sooga and a. a. amzye. n.d. enset reliance, change to maize, and concepts of productivity among the sidama of ethiopia. (unfinished ms.). quinlan, r. j., m. b. quinlan, s. j. dira, m. caudell, a. sooga and a. a. amzye. n.d. vulnerability and resilience of sidama enset and maize farms in southwestern ethiopia. (under review). rahmato, d. 1995. resilience and vulnerability: enset agriculture in southern ethiopia. journal of ethiopian studies 28:23-51. shack, w. a. 1963. some aspects of ecology and social structure in the ensete complex in southwest ethiopia. the journal of the royal anthropological institute of great britain and ireland 93:72-79. shack, w. a. 1966. gurage: a people of the ensete culture. oxford university press, london. shank, r. and c. ertiro. 1996. a linear model for predicting enset plant yield and assessment of kocho production in ethiopia. report to united nations development programme, world food programme, emergencies unit for ethiopia.available at: http://www.africa.upenn.edu/ eue_web/enset96.doc. accessed on may 20, 2014. shigeta, m. 1990. folk in-situ conservation of ensete (ensete ventricosum [welw.]e.e. cheesman): towards the interpretation of indigenous agricultural science of the ari in southwestern ethiopia. african study monographs 10:93-107. simmonds, n. w. 1962. the evolution of bananas. longman, london. smeds, h. 1955. the ensete planting culture of eastern sidamo. acta geographica 13:1-39. tesfaye, b. 2008. the enset (ensete ventricosum) gardens of sidama: composition, structure and dynamics of a traditional poly-variety system. genetic resources and crop evolution 55:1347–1358. vavilov, n. i. 1951. the origin, variation, immunity and breeding of cultivated plants. chronica botanica 13:1-366. westphal, e. and j. m. c. westphal-stevels. 1975. agricultural systems in ethiopia (no. 826). agricultural research report, centre for agricultural publishing and documentation, wageningen, netherlands. yilma, t. 2001. coffee-enset-livestock interaction for sustainable livelihood in the sidama area of southern ethiopia. international conference on ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 116‐125. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.222. 125 perspec ve  african development archives. paper 39. available at: http://scholarworks.wmich.edu/ africancenter_icad_archive/39. accessed on may 15, 2014. biosketches marsha  b.  quinlan  is  an  environmental  and  medical  anthropologist  with  foci  largely  at  the  intersec ons  of  ethnobotany  and  ethnozoology  with  health.  her  fieldwork  has  been  in  north  and  south  america,  the  caribbean, and, most recently,  in east africa (tanzania  and ethiopia). she is an associate professor at washing‐ ton state university in pullman, washington, usa, in the  department of anthropology.  robert j. quinlan is associate professor of anthropology  at washington state university. he is generally interest‐ ed in ecological and medical anthropology, with specific  focus on household demography and  livelihood among  east african small‐holders. his most recent collabora ve  research focuses on vulnerability and resilience among  agro‐pastoralists in sw ethiopia. he has also conducted  recent  research  concerning  maasai  veterinary  ethno‐ medical  prac ces  in  northern  tanzania.    he  teaches  graduate  courses  in  quan ta ve  analysis,  human  behavioral  ecology,  ethnography,  and  social‐ecological  systems.  samuel jilo dira is a doctoral candidate at washington  state university in the department of anthropology, and  lecturer  in  the  department  of  behavioral  science,  hawassa university, hawassa, ethiopia.  his interests are  in ecological and development anthropology, par cular‐ ly of east africa. he works in ethiopia where he applies  social‐ecological  system  approaches  to  cultural  resili‐ ence  and  adapta on,  and  biocultural  approaches  to  social learning and ecological knowledge transmission.   notes 1synonyms are musa ensete gmel. and ensete edule (gmel.) horan. 2funded by a seed grant from washington state university college of arts and sciences initiative for global innovation studies to r. quinlan and t. rotolo. 3synonyms are bos indicus and bos taurus indicus. 4sidama enset age-stage terms are sima (0–3 month), funta (4–12 month), kasho (kašo in ipa, 2nd year), qatalo or mogicho (katalo or mogičɩč, 3rd year), simancho (simančo, 4th year), mallancho (malančɩč, 5th year), itancho (itančɩč, 6th year), hindicho (hindičɩč, 7th year, or nearly final maturity), qalimmo (kalimič, 4th-10 th year, i.e., final maturity till death. flowering and seed time varies depending on the breed, manure availability and elevation.). 5brown (1987) noted a similar function with the “folk subgenus.” 6diversity-based reasoning may depend on the species’ variability or the mode of propagating it. hunn (personal communication) notes that, maize in mexico, despite its paramount role as a nutritional staple, does not exhibit the degree of nomenclatural elaboration of such vegetatively propagated cultivars as manioc, potato, sweet potato, taro, or enset. perhaps crops that reproduce from seed may exhibit less readily defined and manipulated phenotypic variation.   the trouble with tek wyndham 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):78–80 78 editorial landscapes, a multitude of environments, and transform sources of life into ‘resources’ to be managed (looking horse 2016; nadasdy 2003; wyndham 2009). thus, the coagulation that is the phrase traditional ecological knowledge itself is an epistemic shortcut that allows for the oversimplified objectification of complex and varied processes. it cuts networks of relatedness and sheds context. but, as the use of the additional shortcut of its acronym form grows more popular and spawns a hundred offspring (wep, tfs, ik, lek, etc., see above), we could surely agree that by not even bothering to spell out the words traditional, ecological, and knowledge, writing or uttering tek instead, we lose all hope of remembering that we are communicating about living breathing relations. by using tek we are confessing to having chopped away the capillaries of connection and to be ok with placing our cauterized notions neatly in a box, tied and labeled as commodities. we tourniquet verbs into nouns. they are so much easier to sell that way. they can be sorted and stacked in piles and sold to conservationists, to policy planners, to government officials, even back to the people with whom they originated. the deep histories, the political realities, and the social inequities that likely adhere to the matter at hand can all thus be glossed over, elided, and seemingly depoliticized (nadasdy 1999). i remember that in my first year as a graduate student, i was shocked at how prevalent the use of acronyms and abbreviations was in the anthropology literature we read (predominantly those published after, say, 1980)—thus i was introduced to abm, sts, ant, and, yes, tek. some journals in the technical sciences have been so strict about word count that authors embraced acronyms to save those six, seven, or eight words in their total editorial count. people like to use field terms as a shortcut to a cloud of inter-related meanings. and these are shibboleths: i grew up in southern california loving to gather and consume weps, though they were a minority report in my family’s tfs. i might even venture to say that my experience as a posttoddler seeking out what we called indian chewing-gum, sour grass, soap root, and prickly pears sparked my enduring interest in tek, lek, ik, trem, and the few nexus, inspiring both a personal and scholarly process of unearthing the cmp in which my own life unfolds, studying with and learning from ips mainly in north, south and mesoamerica. great, right? to keep the trouble with ‘tek’ simple and selfevident, i will limit myself here to voicing two core objections to acronym creep in general, and for ethnobiology in particular. first, acronyms nominalize processes. secondly, the abundant use of acronyms obscures communication and, as a shibboleth, limits readership. my most throat-tightening grievance regarding tek is the way that term takes hostage the living, changing, evanescent, and emergent processes it pretends to describe as an abbreviation of ‘traditional ecological knowledge.’ the word traditional is derived from the action “of handing over…of transmitting an idea, concept or teaching” (oed 2016). the word has its critics but that is for another debate another time (e.g., see mallon 2010). ecological knowledge is a “condition of knowing something” (oed 2016) about the interrelationships between living entities and their environments. the phenomenological experience of traditional ecological knowing is inescapably relational and transactional, best characterized by the way it activates or mediates interaction. first nations and indigenous scholars have attempted to correct the ways settler/colonial academics try to turn these active, living relations of knowing and acting into simple data points that can be compared and integrated with traditional western modes of knowing (mika 2012; reo 2011; smith et al. 2016). somehow, by using a neat label and a gerund, it is easier to objectify people, other animals, plants, the trouble with tek open access doi 10.14237/ebl.8.1.2017.1006 copyright © 2017 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. wyndham 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):78–80 79 editorial cmp colonial matrix of power few food-energy-water nexus gps global positioning system ied improvised explosive device ik indigenous knowledge ips indigenous peoples lek local ecological knowledge oed oxford english dictionary sts science & technology studies tek traditional ecological knowledge tfs traditional food systems trem traditional resource ecosystem management wep wild edible plant fortunately, ethnobiology letters and the journal of ethnobiology discourage acronyms, so we are usually in good company without them on these pages. references cited looking horse, a. 2016. important message from keeper of the sacred white buffalo calf pipe. indian country media network. 26 august. available at: www.indiancountrymedianetwork.com. accessed on december 10, 2016. mallon, s. 2010. against tradition. the contemporary pacific 22(2):362-381. mika, c. t. h. 2012. overcoming ‘being’ in favour of knowledge: the fixing effect of ‘mātauranga’. educational philosophy and theory 44(10):1080–1092. doi: 10.1111/j.1469-5812.2011.00771.x. nadasdy, p. 1999. the politics of tek: power and the “integration” of knowledge. arctic anthropology 36(1-2):1–18. nadasdy, p. 2003. hunters and bureaucrats: power, knowledge, and aboriginal-state relations in the southwest yukon. vancouver, university of british columbia press. oed (oxford english dictionary). 2016. “traditional” and “knowledge” entries. available at: www.oed.com. accessed on october 2, 2016. reo, n. j. 2011. the importance of belief systems in traditional ecological knowledge initiatives. the international indigenous policy journal 2(4). available at: http://ir.lib.uwo.ca/iipj/vol2/iss4/8. accessed on november 15, 2016. smith, l. t., t. k. maxwell, h. puke, p. temara. 2016. indigenous knowledge, methodology and they help create social in-group exclusivity, as do jargon or arcane vocabulary. in fact, i remember a first prick of self-satisfaction, of feeling part of an ingroup when i knew what tek stood for, and another student did not. (i humbly apologize to whomever that was!) that is not the way to create the next generations of scholars who can write clearly about complex ecological interrelationships. let’s agree to give up our (delusional) aspiration of showing that we know the passwords to some elite clique and just write out what we are trying to say. deep in the crust of our hearts we already know that there are no real kudos to be accumulated in the prestige-economy that is academia by taking these cognitive shortcuts. finally, the creep of the acronym is a warning symptom of a more pervasive militarization of daily life, including the daily life of academia. the us military uses over 600 acronyms and abbreviations in its internal and external communications (wikipedia 2016), explained by a justifiable need for quick, clear communications in the heat of battle, and in-group knowledge that contributes to linguistic and identity cohesion. for non-initiates, acronym-talk presents obstacles to understanding military commands or communiqués. academia has innocently adopted many military innovations (the hand-me-downs of computers, email, gps, drones, cargo pants, to name a few). but gentle reader, let us not mix up the ieds with the oeds. and if you are anything like me, when you are half way through an article you may no longer remember what the lonely letters of an acronym stand for. you find that you must search back through the piece to locate where the author first introduced the term. don’t let journal editors tell you that you must abbreviate for them to save a few tens of character spaces in layout. when you want to write or say tek, instead try for words that really get to the heart of the matter. your readers will notice and thank you. so, let’s keep the trouble with tek in mind, and all live hea.1 notes 1. authors working in the romance genre will know this common, infelicitous acronym for happily ever after. the other acronyms above were gleaned from published articles i have encountered recently, and stand for, in alphabetical order: ant actor-network theory abm agent-based modeling wyndham 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):78–80 80 editorial list_of_u.s._government_and_military_acronyms. accessed september 13, 2016. wyndham, f. s. 2009. spheres of relation, lines of interaction: subtle ecologies of the rarámuri landscape in northern mexico. journal of ethnobiology 29(2):271–295. mayhem: what is the role of methodology in producing indigenous insights? a discussion from mātauranga māori. knowledge cultures 4(3):131–156. wikipedia. 2016. list of u.s. government and military acronyms. available at: https:// en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ june 3, 2017 felice s. wyndham 290 stanton way, athens, ga, usa. fwyndham@ethnobiologyletters.org microsoft word anderson_pierotti.doc ethnobiology letters                                                                                                                    book review    3    indigenous knowledge, ecology, and evolutionary biology  raymond pierotti. 2011. routledge (taylor & francis group), new york.  pp. xv + 264, bibliography, index.   isbn13: 978‐0‐415‐87924‐8 (hbk), 978‐0‐203‐84711‐4 (ebk).    reviewed by e. n. anderson1    reviewer address: 1 department of anthropology, university of california, riverside, riverside, california 92521    received: april 15th 2011                                            volume 2:3‐5  published: may 11th 2011                         © 2011 society of ethnobiology    raymond pierotti is both a sophisticated veteran field biologist and a scholar of native american cultures and worldviews. this combination has allowed him to develop a rather unique view of the natural world and our place in it as humans. this book consists of eleven essays, treating different topics related to native american views of the nonhuman world. perhaps the best way to review it is to select common themes and general conclusions. the most summary statement in the book is probably the following: “a common general philosophy and concept of community appears to be shared by all of the indigenous peoples of north america, which includes: 1) respect for nonhuman entities as individuals, 2) the existence of bonds between humans and nonhumans, including incorporation of nonhumans into ethical codes of behavior, and 3) the recognition of humans as part of the ecological system” (pp. 198-199). these three themes receive much elaboration. in regard to the first, pierotti notes that his experience as a field biologist confirms the considerable differences that can occur between individuals in the same population of mammals or birds. some are stunningly successful reproducers, some fail. some are terrific hunters or fighters or foragers, others (most) are not. biologists with little field experience tend not to realize this, and to think of all animals of one species as interchangeable (in spite of darwin). of course any good field biologist learns to pick up on individual differences eventually—think of jane goodall’s work—but certainly having a native american outlook helps. in regard to the second, humans and nonhumans are also related religiously and socially; they share one communitas in victor turner’s terms, and other-thanhuman persons are typically incorporated in kinship systems. this is not so much a matter of projecting human society on nature (as early-day social scientists argued) but of seeing society as fully incorporating both human and other-than-human persons. wider kinship groups like moieties and clans naturally include both. this may be metaphoric; pierotti sees much of the religious discourse on animals as metaphoric and based on empirical observation, rather than as irrational mystical belief. as to the third, pierotti critiques the almost universal tendency of biologists to see humans as intruders, disruptors, or plain outsiders to ecosystems, in spite of the fact that humans have been in the americas for at least 13,000 years (and probably longer), and evolved in africa over millions of years. even in the americas, that gives plenty of time for humans to have influenced the evolution of even quite slow-breeding animals, let alone annual plants. humans have influenced all earthly ecosystems profoundly, and outside of the polar regions these influences are long-standing. this leads to the further point that euro-american science has very many blinders, biases, and wrong assumptions of its own, and is hardly in a position to condemn other scientific traditions for whatever errors they may have. (the present reviewer sometimes tries to count up how many of the great scientific truths i learned in high school and undergraduate education have been disproved since. i never finish the list because i lose count.) other themes recur frequently but are foregrounded in particular chapters, to which we may now turn. the first defines traditional knowledge, noting (among other things) that traditions are dynamic, changing and keeping up with the times. the idea of “tradition” as static and archaic is simply silly. many other terminological issues are raised here, including the problem with “supernatural” in societies that do not separate natural from supernatural. are wolves and coyotes supernatural because they (mythically) helped with creation (in a possibly ethnobiology letters                                                                                                                    book review    4    metaphoric sense)? or are they natural, with some dubious powers attributed to them? the second essay, “all things are connected,” develops points two and three above. pierotti also points out that native americans, in common with modern ecologists but not with early-day ones, see the world as dynamic, contingent, and constantly changing, rather than as always in stable harmony and balance except during brief “disruptions.” native americans can thus deal more easily with things like fluctuating fish populations, rather than seeking for an illusorilyexact “maximum sustained yield” figure that turns deadly when fishermen fish up to it even when natural fluctuation leads to a population crash. pierotti then speculates, interestingly, on the roles of plagues in causing population changes but also in conditioning human thought about nature. the third, “predators not prey,” develops the point that native americans tend to identify with—or at least foreground in myth—the predators: wolves, coyotes, bears, eagles, and others. the european world often fears and hates predators and identifies with its animal wards, as in the countless judeo-christian metaphors involving lambs and sheep. europeans love domestic predators, but not wild ones. this has led to mistaken biology; again, an older generation tended to see predators as disruptive and ravaging, not part of the natural order. it is quite amazing to read old sources condemning birds like cooper’s hawks for “cruelly” taking songbirds, or to see the flak that aldo leopold endured for suggesting that wolves had a place in nature. chapter 4, “metaphors and models” develops the point that a great deal of what seems like “religious” or “mythic” discourse to the outsider can be understood as metaphoric discourse based on how animals really act. mythic wolves and eagles act more or less like real ones, and the “keepers of the game” universally known in north america (including among my maya friends in mexico, i may point out) appear to be based on the recognition that some animals are super-successful at breeding, hunting, or other activities. in many species, a few individuals in a population contribute disproportionately to the gene pool. conversely, european biology is also based on models, especially the infamous statement of descartes that animals are mere soulless machines (descartes 2003:40). this led to ignoring complexity, will, individuality, and mentation in animal behavior, and by further extension to the harmony-and-balance errors in accounts of ecology in general. the fifth essay deals with creation and evolution; some native american authors have attacked the theory of evolution, based on poor understandings of it, and pierotti defends it while showing that native american creation stories are quite evolutionary in thinking. the sixth discusses ways of applying traditional knowledge in euro-american science. this will probably be the most interesting essay to a biologist, because pierotti discusses many of his research findings and shows how they fit with native american science but not with european—largely because of the “individual difference” point raised above, but there is much more here, including several examples of high intelligence or of completely inexplicable but complex actions by other-than-human persons. clearly, biologists need the native american eye. the seventh, “connected to the land: nature and spirit in native american novels,” discusses the views on nature reflected in recent native american novels. it seems to me a superb example of literary reading, but i am not competent in the field, so will leave it to better qualified persons to assess. the eighth, “ecological indians,” critiques several inaccurate portrayals of native american ecology, especially shepard krech’s the ecological indian (1999) on grounds that should be familiar to readers of this newsletter (cf. my review, anderson 2000). this essay is long and detailed, and should be required reading for anyone writing on this subject; it is a particularly sensitive and thorough analysis of the truth as opposed to the various stereotypes. the ninth essay extends the same degree of thorough analytic criticism to vine deloria’s creationist ideas and some of his other shaky views on native american matters. pierotti expresses surprise that deloria, usually a defender of indigenous views, has accepted fundamentalist christian ideas closely associated with genocidal and culturocidal policies toward indigenous peoples. the rather briefer tenth and eleventh essays (previously published in shorter versions) call for renewed defense of otherthan-humans in this world of mass destruction (human as well as other), and for much more study, use, and application of traditional ecological knowledge. overall, this book is one of the most impressive, unique, and thoroughly documented discussions of native american ecological thinking. pierotti uses a wide range of quotes, and is extremely literate in everything ranging from state-of-the-art biology to novels and poetry. the book stays at a uniformly high level of analytic and theoretical sophistication. it is convincing and important. it is absolutely necessary reading for anyone interested in native american views ethnobiology letters                                                                                                                    book review    5    of and theories about the natural or other-than-human world and humanity’s place therein. criticisms are few. possibly the most thoughtful would be that “wilderness” in our popular sense (of a truly wild place—not our sense of “scary” or “bad”) was not an unknown concept before columbus: young men seeking visions were expected to go as far from humans as they could get, stay in some remote place among dangerous wild animals, and purify themselves, learn courage and self-reliance, and become strong both physically and spiritually in that solitude. this not only parallels our concept, it may even have inspired it, via the idealization of the “wilderness experience” by people like theodore roosevelt and john muir. they had associated with native americans in the wild, and to my knowledge they were the first to use this sort of rhetoric in english. perhaps pierotti drives the “metaphor” concept a bit beyond its scope; native american ideas of nature can certainly be seen that way now, but, equally certainly, people (europeans as much as native americans) of a few centuries ago believed many things to be factual (not just metaphoric) that we would now consider dubious. there is also one rather surprising error in the book (p. 43): pierotti accepts the theory that the aztecs ate their sacrifices because of lack of protein. this idea was refuted as soon as published (see ortiz de montellano 1990) and has no basis in fact. aside from these trivial notes, this book is an astonishing achievement, covering a wide range of subjects with ease and grace as well as accuracy and depth. it shows that native americans were hardheaded scientists as well as poets and mythmakers. they were not romantic noble savages, but were highly competent and successful users of the environment. they constructed knowledge systems that are not only interesting in their own right, but are vitally important today. the survival of humanity may depend on using their extensive and thorough understandings. thanks to ray pierotti for help with this review— full disclosure: i checked it with him for accuracy. any problems and errors remain entirely mine. references cited anderson, e. n. 2000. the ecological indian by shepard krech. journal of ethnobiology 20:37-42. descartes, rené. 2003. discourse on method and related writings. tr. desmond clarke (french original 1637). penguin, new york. krech, shepard, iii. 1999. the ecological indian: myth and reality. w. w. norton, new york. ortiz de montellano, bernard r. 1990. aztec medicine, health, and nutrition. rutgers university press, new brunswick, nj. new lives for ancient and extinct crops ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):116‐118. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.344. 116 book review in the first chapter, gayle j. fritz describes how maygrass (phalaris caroliniana walter poaceae.) was an important north american grass that was a part of the eastern agricultural complex for at least 3,000 years. the earliest evidence for maygrass is found during the late archaic in illinois, tennessee, and kentucky. eventually this crop spread out of its native range and encompassed an area from wisconsin and pennsylvania, in the north, to texas and georgia, in the south. this very small seeded grass was an important component of the ritual feasts that took place at cahokia, as evidenced by the abundant remains recovered from sub-mound 51. the agricultural potential for maygrass lies in its ability to grow in poorly drained soils as an early-season crop in nonmediterranean climates. the marketing success of canary grass (phalaris canariensis linnaeus poaceae.), a close relative of maygrass, suggests that a similar market may exist for maygrass as alternative source of protein. in the second chapter, kristen j. gremillion frames a discussion of the eastern north american domesticate goosefoot (chenopodium berlandieri moquin -tandon amaranthaceae ssp. jonesianum smith & funk) within a larger discussion about the use of the chenopodium genus within the americas. goosefoot is related to the popular quinoa (chenopodium quinoa willdenow amaranthaceae) and kañawa (chenopodium pallidicaule aellen amaranthaceae), crops that are still grown today. goosefoot was a small seeded grass that thrived in disturbed habitats along riverbanks and on floodplains. domesticated chenopodium, a term that the author uses interchangeably with goosefoot, was found as early as the late archaic period (ca 1,000– 300 bc) and rose to prominence as a major cultivar in kentucky, illinois, tennessee, and ohio. eventually this crop was replaced by maize during middle in this edited volume, paul e. minnis and the chapter authors successfully illustrate how archaeological, ethnohistorical, and ethnobotanical data can be effectively synthesized to provide a detailed account of how ancient and extinct crops were used, as well as the potential they hold for diversifying global food stocks. the authors explore the ancient uses and contemporary large scale agricultural potentials of maygrass, goosefoot, sumpweed or marshelder, agave, little barley grass, chia, arrowroot, leren, and sama (or bitter vetch). minnis suggests that by looking to the past, researchers can “pre-screen” species in terms of looking for genetic material from ancient taxa that could be incorporated into new domesticated taxa. some of the crops discussed in this book, such as goosefoot, are no longer domesticated and used in agriculture and have reverted to their wild forms. other crops, such as chia and agave, are still cultivated today but not on enough of a scale to impact global food markets. the book is divided into an introduction and nine chapters. in the introductory chapter, minnis provides an excellent overview of why researchers and the general public should be interested in ancient crops and agricultural practices. the goal of this book is to make archaeological and ethnobotanical data about each taxa available for developing a global sustainable food base. this goal is achieved by constructing plant profiles of specific taxa, in which the authors: 1) describe the physiology, morphology, and ecology of the crops, 2) provide detailed archaeological and ethnohistoric data about their domestication (if known), widest distributions, and eventual disappearances, and 3) details of their potentials as major sources of food. new lives for ancient and extinct crops edited by paul e. minnis. 2014. the university of arizona press, tucson. 288 pp. $65.00 (hardcover). isbn: 978-0-8165-30625. reviewed by thomas c. hart reviewer address: department of anthropology, university of texas, 2201 speedway stop c3200, sac 4.102, austin, tx 78712, usa. email: tchart200@gmail.com received: february 8, 2015 volume: 6(1):116-118 published: august 19, 2015 © 2015 society of ethnobiology ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):116‐118. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.344. 117 book review woodland period (ad 400–1000) and slowly disappeared altogether. gremillion then delves into the commercial success of quinoa in the western world, suggesting that the redomestication of goosefoot may have a similar popularity. gail e. wagner and peter h. carrington detail another eastern north american crop, sumpweed or marshelder (iva annua linnaeus asteraceae), in the third chapter. sumpweed is a large oily seed annual that thrived in disturbed habitats alongside other crops such as sunflower and maygrass. native americans ate wild versions of sumpweed starting in the middle archaic (cal 5970–4945 bc) and eventually domesticated it by the late archaic (cal. 3640–2880 bc). during its heyday in the late woodland (ad 300–1200) and early-middle mississippian/middle ceramic periods (ad 700–1400), sumpweed was grown from the mid-atlantic states westward to the great plains and until as late as the 1800s. exactly why this crop disappeared remains unknown. the value in redomesticating wild varieties of sumpweed rests in its ability to grow nutritionally valuable fruit/ seeds in high salt environments that can no longer support most crops. in the fourth chapter, suzanne k. fish and paul r. fish describe how agave (agave spp. linnaeus agavaceae) disappeared from the archaeological record in the border region of the southwest u.s. and northwest mexico. agave is a hardy succulent that thrives in very arid conditions and was widely cultivated during the prehispanic period among the hohokam of southern arizona. these taxa were grown at the edges of irrigated fields and in rock pile fields as a source of food, fiber, and alcohol. however, agave disappeared as a large-scale crop by the time of the spanish arrival. the authors suggest the hohokam were most likely growing agave murpheyi gibson agavaceae; although they acknowledge that numerous other agave taxa, such as agave delamateri hodgson & slauson agavaceae, may have also been cultivated in the region. the more recent interest in agave is the result of a growing popular demand for agave-based products such as tequila and agave syrup. the potential for agave to have an impact on the global food supply rests with its high productivity combined with an ability to thrive in degraded and arid environments. in chapter five, karen r. adams describes the importance of the small seeded, cool-season little barley grass (hordeum pusillum nuttall poaceae). little barley was grown throughout the southeast, midwest, and southwest u.s. from the terminal archaic up until the late prehispanic period. the majority of this chapter is focused, however, on exploring the archaeological record surrounding its domestication and use in the u.s. southwest—arizona in particular. the chapter touches on such topics as its taxonomy, evidence for domestication, geographical distribution in the prehispanic period, preparation and use, and nutritional value. the chapter also provides an interesting theoretical model for how it was originally domesticated. little barley holds great potential as a major source of food because the wild variety thrives throughout most of north america in many different ecosystems, making the domesticated variety more resistant to biotic and environmental changes than non-native crops. turning our attention southward towards mexico, in chapter six emily mcclung de tapia, diana martínez-yrizar, and carmen christina adrianomorán discuss the physiology, chemical properties, and archaeological, historical, and ethnobotanical evidence for prehispanic production and use of chia (salvia hispanica linnaeus lamiaceae). although the origins of chia domestication remain unknown, the earliest evidence for salvia species dates to around 3,000 b.p. at cerro juanaqueña in northwest chihuahua, mexico. chia is most widely known as a major component of the tribute made to the aztec empire. the authors, however, strive to move beyond discussions about its ceremonial importance within aztec society. chia is thought to hold great potential as an industrial product, an additive, or as a food product unto itself. continuing southward, deborah m. pearsall describes the taxonomy, distribution, and archaeological, historical, and ethnographic evidence for arrowroot (maranta arundinaceae linnaeus marantaceae) and leren [calathea latifolia (willdenow ex link) klotzsch maranthaceae]. arrowroot and leren are members of the marantaceae family and fall into the category of fleshy underground crops, a departure in discussion from earlier chapters that focus on seed crops. these two taxa were grown throughout the lowland neotropics of central and south america and the caribbean and are still cultivated today, albeit at a small scale when compared to other root crops such as manioc (manihot esculenta crantz euphorbiaceae), yam (dioscorea linnaeus dioscoreaceae), or sweet potato (ipomoeae batatas linnaeus convolvulaceae). ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):116‐118. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.344. 118 book review the origins of domestication for these crops remains a mystery with the earliest evidence for marantaceae root crop use coming from san isidro, colombia, 9,250–8,500 cal b.c. leren and arrowroot were often considered to be “minor” crops in the past and were grown alongside “main” crops such as manioc and, later, maize (zea mays linnaeus poaceae). pearsall suggests that arrowroot and leren have the potential to contribute to sustainable agriculture in the lowland neotropics because they do not require processing to remove toxins (as is the case with many other fleshy underground crops), are pest resistant, and are fairly easy to grow within mixed farming systems. in chapter eight, steven a. weber and arunima kashyap discuss the evolution and decline in use of the small seeded crop panicum sumatrense roth ex. römer. & schultes poaceae in south and southeast asia. p. sumatrense, also known as little millet or sama, is a fast growing, early-maturing species that thrived particularly well in regions associated with summer monsoons such as gujarat, india. the earliest evidence for sama cultivation comes from the indus valley site of harappa (3,000–1,900 b.c.), pakistan. however, the origin of sama domestication remains unknown, as the authors note, because of the relatively new incorporation of archaebotanical recovery techniques into recent archaeological excavations. sama is recorded in the historical record as having a wide range of cultivation stretching from the himalayan foothills to the southernmost point of india. poorer farmers in the semiarid and mountainous regions of india grew it widely until as recently as forty years ago. however, it has since seen a decline in cultivation having been replaced by cash crops such as cassava, pineapple, and coffee. sama holds great potential as a significant food source because of its high nutritional value, low demands for management, and good productive returns. naomi f. miller and dirk enneking discuss in chapter nine the basic physiology, agronomy, and cultivation of bitter vetch [vicia ervilia (linnaeus) willdenow fabaceae] in the near east. bitter vetch was one of the original crops domesticated in the fertile crescent around the tenth millennium cal b.c. this important crop is often forgotten when discussing its more famous domesticated cohort members, such as wheat and barley. this legume is characterized by rapid germination, high protein content, and nonshattering pods, making it an appealing domesticate. this crop originally was grown throughout the the mediterranean, balkan, and caucasus regions, but has subsequently declined in use. currently, it is grown as source of fodder rather than a source of food for human consumption. bitter vetch is stress tolerant and pest resistant, making it a suitable candidate for agricultural revival. focused plant breeding efforts to improve crop yield combined with explorations of its pharmacological and qualitative properties may help bitter vetch go from a “boutique” health food item to a larger mainstay crop. overall, there are very few criticisms that i can offer of this book. the book is an excellent example of how archaeologists and ethnobotanists can lend their knowledge and expertise to ongoing discussions regarding crop diversity and sustainable agriculture. it provides a starting point for researchers interested in the ancient use and cultivation of maygrass, goosefoot, sumpweed or marshelder, agave, little barley grass, chia, arrowroot, leren, sama, and bitter vetch. it provides basic botanical and ecological information regarding each taxa crop, how each taxa was used in the past, and how these taxa may yet be used to diversify global food stocks. in addition, the book sets up a model for future collaborative publications that could bring together scholars to synthesize data about often forgotten about taxa from other parts of the world. overall, new lives for ancient and extinct crops is a valuable resource for archaeologists, ethnobotanists, agricultural scientists, and anyone interested in sustainable agriculture and how ancient plants might play an important role in the global food supply. microsoft word hockett.doc ethnobiology letters                                                                                                                    book review    1    paleonutrition  mark q. sutton, kristin d. sobolik, and jill gardner. 2010. university of arizona press, tucson.  pp. 384, black‐and‐ white illustrations.  $75.00 (hardback). isbn 9780816527946.    reviewed by bryan hockett1    reviewer address: 1 bureau of land management, nevada state office, 1340 financial blvd., reno, nv 89502    received: jan 30th 2011                                            volume 2:1‐2  published: may 9th 2011                         © 2011 society of ethnobiology    paleonutrition is touted by the publisher as “a definitive volume on ancient diets”. paleonutrition should not be considered the “definitive volume” on the study of ancient nutrition and health, but it does have some good points. the book is divided into two general sections. the first section covers a short history of paleonutrition research (chapter 1), but is devoted almost entirely to descriptive and methodological concerns (chapters 2-4). the weakest part of the book, chapter 5, briefly outlines a limited number of models used in subsistence-related research. the second section (chapter 6) is devoted to five case studies, utilizing various aspects of paleonutritional research. paleonutrition is predominately methodological in scope. most of the book is devoted to descriptive and methodological summaries of how nutritional data may be gleaned from an imperfect archaeological record. the case studies, too, are largely descriptive interpretations. as a taphonomist who has devoted some time asking how archaeologists can interpret descriptive facts accurately from the archaeological record, i am quite sympathetic to these concerns. however, the general lack of treatment of explanatory frameworks used in the study of ancient diets relegates the book to a general textbook manual most appropriate for undergraduate anthropology students. paleonutrition and i got off on the wrong foot in the introduction when the book boldly exclaims that “…the acquisition of food …is the driving force of human evolution” (page 1). that statement is decidedly deductive and explanatory in nature, and it would have been interesting if the authors had carried this postulate forward with concrete evidence supporting it. in fact, it can be argued that discussions on the use of subsistence remains in elucidating ancient sociopolitical organizations, while poorly developed in chapter 5 (pp. 164-166), call into question the authors’ own postulate. there is much more to the history of paleonutrition research than alluded to in chapter 1. for example, the american anthropological association incorporated a human nutrition interest group in 1974, called the council on nutritional anthropology (now known as the society for the anthropology of food and nutrition) (american anthropological association 2006). within two years of this founding, wm. c. brown company published two general texts on the anthropology of nutrition related research (underwood 1975; little and morren 1976). students reading this text should not come away with the idea that this portion of the book, including the two-page treatments of the history of zooarchaeology and paleopathology, represent the depth of the historical development of all of these subdisciplines. additionally, chapter 1 states (p. 6) that the most significant development in the history of paleonutrition research was the new archaeology concept that developed in archaeology in the 1960s. this is debatable; perhaps the most significant development in the history of both the nutrition sciences and the application of nutritional principles to the ancient past (paleonutrition) was the discovery of the organic and inorganic micronutrients in the 1920s and 1930s (e.g., carpenter 2003; carpenter et al. 1997). without these discoveries, paleonutrition would be solely focused on an energy-imperative paradigm with or without the principles imbedded in the new archaeology. chapters 2-4 do an overall good job at summarizing a wealth of previous studies related to the interpretation of descriptive patterns of health and disease in the ancient past. this is the book’s strength. nevertheless, readers should be aware of the following points when reading these chapters: (1) human coprolites or paleofeces are given the lofty distinction of being “direct” evidence for ancient diets rather than “indirect” evidence (such as faunal remains), but nowhere is it mentioned that, in many western north ethnobiology letters                                                                                                                    book review    2    american caves and rockshelters where these items are typically found, fragments or pieces of human and nonhuman feces are often found mixed together; methods to distinguish them are not discussed; (2) the goals stated for the analysis of faunal remains (p. 69) are (a) the reconstruction of subsistence and (b) the reconstruction of paleoecological settings; zooarchaeologists have much more on their minds than this, but the explanatory goals of the subdiscipline are not mentioned, such as explaining why changes occur in the type and density of animals procured through time; (3) chapters 2-4 are liberally referenced except between pages 100-150 (during the discussions of taphonomy and zooarchaeological analysis), when references are in short supply; and (4) the difficulties of ascertaining stone tool cut marks from other markings, particularly trampling damage, is inadequately presented (p. 116). in chapter 5 is the only portion of the book that attempts to go beyond basic method and description in paleonutrition research. unfortunately, only 12 pages of the 372-page volume are devoted to answering the higher-order “why?” questions. for those limited models that are discussed, readers are told: “within evolutionary theory, optimization models appear to be the best, if not the only, current way to explore the interaction between people and their environment” (p. 158). this book would have been better balanced if it had included expanded summaries of models that focus on human cognitive endeavors such as political power and how paleonutritional studies can elucidate the consequences of these behaviors, as well as models than directly challenge the optimization (cost-benefit) paradigm, such as nutritional ecology (hockett and haws 2003, 2005; hockett 2007). informing readers that the only way to investigate interactions between humans and their environment is through optimization models is counterproductive. all higher-order models in archaeology, including the application of nutritional principles to the ancient past, currently have issues with testability and an imperfect archaeological record, so broadening the scope of this section of the book would have made it more useful to a larger group of students and scholars. while the case studies present in chapter 6 are useful, the conclusions drawn are sometimes as misleading as those a case study purported to fix in the first place. for example, the case study involving the study of pinyon pine seed use in the great basin ends with, “much of the interpretation of the region is based on the premise that there was some sort of cultural continuity in the central great basin for the past 5,500 years.” in fact, there is much cultural continuity that underlies a great deal of cultural change in the great basin in material remains and behavioral patterns that span many millennia. in sum, i would recommend paleonutrition be used in undergraduate courses with the caveats mentioned above. use of the book in graduate level courses, in particular addressing the “why” of studying ancient nutritional patterns, will need to be heavily supplemented with journal articles. references cited american anthropological association. 2006. http://www.nutritionalanthro.org/about.php. carpenter, k. 2003. a short history of nutritional science: part 3 (1912-1944). journal of nutrition 133:3023-3032. hockett, b. 2007. nutritional ecology of late pleistocene to middle holocene subsistence in the great basin: zooarchaeological evidence from bonneville estates rockshelter, nevada. in: paleoindian or paleoarchaic? great basin human ecology at the pleistoceneholocene transition, edited by k. e. graf and d. n. schmitt, pp. 204-230. university of utah press, salt lake city. hockett, b., and j. haws. 2003. nutritional ecology and diachronic trends in paleolithic diet and health. evolutionary anthropology 12:211-216. hockett, b., and j. haws. 2005. nutritional ecology and the human demography of neanderthal extinction. quaternary international 137:21-34. little, m., and g. morren. 1976. ecology, energetics, and human variability. wm. c. brown company, dubuque, iowa. underwood, j. 1975. biocultural interactions and human variation. wm. c. brown company, dubuque, iowa. explorations in ethnobiology: the legacy of amadeo rea   book review  ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 126‐128. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.286. 126 community that is important to their personal and professional growth. johnson and kingsley provide an overview of rea’s career. a couple of important points about rea are that he began his professional career as a franciscan friar and proved to be a highly effective biology teacher at a reservation high school. this experience led rea into the study of ornithology within a nonwestern cultural context, which launched his scholarly career and helped establish the discipline of ethnobiology. my early memories of rea come from our time as budding ornithologists in the 1970s, where amadeo presented his innovative idea that comparative behavior could be used to establish taxonomic relationships, providing evidence that vultures and storks were closely related. this concept may have come from his work with indigenous peoples, who classify storks as a form of vulture. several chapters deal with rea’s legacy as an ornithologist, including chapter 9 by kay fowler about the ethnoornithology of one band of northern paiute, chapter 10 by jan timbrook and john johnson concerning the avian knowledge of the chumash, and chapter 12 by carothers, house, and johnson on endangered species and habitat destruction. other chapters deal with rea’s influence on ethnobotany in the southwestern us and northern mexico. chapter 5 by hodgson discusses the precolumbian introduction of domestic agave. in chapter 6 brown et al. discuss paleobiolinguistics and domesticated squash. only one chapter deals specifically with archaeology: charmion mccusick’s chapter 11 on the ecological conclusions that can be drawn based upon evidence from ruins in the upland salado between the explorations in ethnobiology: the legacy of amadeo rea (eie) begins with a short article by rea setting the tone by pointing out how western attempts at economic development often destroy both local diversity and long-term management schemes developed by indigenous peoples, a theme repeated in several chapters. another key theme is evident in rea’s statement: “…we westerners are saturated from birth to death with the values of consumerism and progress through advanced technology, so much so that it is almost impossible for us to conceive of anyone thinking differently” (p., 6), which reinforces the point that western approaches should not be automatically privileged over those of peoples who have lived in their places, interacting with their fellow species for centuries, if not millennia. similar themes are established in chapter 3, ten principles of ethnobiology, in which lepofsky interviews rea. rea says, for example, “many cultures specify appropriate ways of interacting with their biological worlds that are, in turn embedded in more general rules about the right way to live. understanding the complexity of peoples’ relationships with their biological worlds, and how these relationships are expressed within specific cultures, are fundamental goals of ethnobiological research” (p. 41). these principles deal with the interdisciplinary, cross-cultural, mutually respectful nature of top flight ethnobiological research. the relationships that indigenous peoples have with their landscapes and of careful listening are discussed along with the necessity of keeping in mind potential applied aspects of such research. for example, scholars can find themselves testifying before courts or legislatures as experts on the cultures of people of which they are still outsiders. if this is done effectively, they can give back to the explora ons in ethnobiology: the legacy of amadeo rea marsha quinlan and dana lepofsky, eds. 2013. society of ethnobiology, denton, tx. pp. 310, color illustra ons,  maps, tables. $56.95 (paperback). isbn 978‐0988733008.  reviewed by raymond piero reviewer address: ecology and evolu onary biology, university of kansas, lawrence, ks 66045‐2106.   piero @ku.edu  received:  august 11, 2014  volume: 5:126‐128  published: november 13, 2014  © 2014 society of ethnobiology   book review  ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 126‐128. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.286. 127 salt and gila rivers near globe, arizona. this paper feels somewhat disconnected from the other papers, which seem to be divided between ethnographic studies and philosophical or theoretical arguments. one area for which rea, nabhan, hunn, anderson, fowler, and many scholars in this volume should be congratulated is in their ready acceptance of statements by indigenous peoples as solid forms of evidence, which can contribute to scientific understanding. too often statements, or accounts, by indigenous people are relegated to what anderson describes as “hot cognition,” which is set in opposition to the “cool cognition” of the scientific method. a somewhat benign form of this attitude is the description of indigenous people as being “mystical,” hence not in touch with reality. another, more noxious form, is description of indigenous accounts of experienced relationships between different species, including humans, as “fairy tales” or “myths.” archaeological findings and ethnographic accounts seem to function best when they compliment one another. the advantages of archaeological data are revealed in chapter 10 by timbrook and johnson in their evaluation of harrington’s ethnological data on the chumash people of the south central california coast. accounts recorded by harrington, which rely primarily on the memories of a few elders, seem to omit some crucial groups, e.g., alcids (murres and auklets), from the account of important avian food sources, whereas the archaeological data included in this paper reveal the importance of this group, at least to island chumash populations. there are a series of insightful essays on more general topics by gene anderson (chapter 4), gary nabhan (chapter 7), gene hunn (chapter 8), and an elegant closing (chapter 13) by nancy turner and several first nations collaborators. one theme emerging from several essays is how important indigenous people are to local ecology and how they have profound observational knowledge of the organisms that share the places where they coexist. this theme is well presented in anderson’s what shapes cognition? traditional sciences and modern international science. anderson argues cogently that different perceptions that emerge from specific cultural traditions represent different but equivalent ways of seeing and comprehending interactions between species and other natural phenomena because knowledge, including western scientific knowledge, is socially constructed. the manner in which anderson develops this argument involves an examination of aspects of knowledge that seem either “natural” or “supernatural” and that western science tries to limit itself to the former, which restricts its usefulness in some ways because it cannot address issues that are not easily quantifiable; e.g., are nonhumans capable of emotional responses or do they have cultural traditions. hunn’s essay, “dog” as a life form, addresses important issues concerning systematics. few biological ethnobiologists address theoretical issues, such as the correct approach to phylogenetic analysis. hunn points out that most humans elevate the concept of ‘dog’ to a status that might be more properly associated with a taxonomic genus or family, because the way in which we parse the diversity within this “life-form.” folk taxonomy runs counter to contemporary dnabased canid phylogeny, in which ‘dog’ has become a sort of orphaned but aggregate grouping with no proper scientific name, considered to be a domestic form of wolf, the wild ancestor of all “dogs.” confusion generated by dna-based interpretations has caused numerous local governments to pass unenforceable, problematic laws, because of difficulties in in dealing with ‘dogs’ who are close to their wolf ancestors, as opposed to most ‘recognized breeds’ which are clearly domestic animals. other articles in eie address systematic issues, such as hodgson’s excellent discussion of how the presence of “domesticated forms” of agave can be used to infer human occupation and use patterns in areas where the people themselves have disappeared. brown et al. use a similar approach in examining the terminology used to describe different forms of squash domesticated in the americas. they reveal that archaeological evidence is often millennia older than the linguistic terminology, suggesting that names evolve well after use patterns have been established and the people are quite familiar with the species with whom they share their lives. also related to issues of how indigenous people see the world is nabhan’s clever and insightful chapter 7, the wild, the domesticated, and the coyote tainted, which explores differences in perception between hunter-gatherer (comc’aac) and agrarian (o’odham) indigenous cultures. nabhan is significant here as the only person directly mentored by rea, starting as an undergraduate and continuing to the present. he makes an important distinction between the biological coyote, canis latrans say canidae, and   book review  ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 126‐128. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.286. 128 two aspects of the coyote of myth, as both trickster and as the tricked. in some cultural traditions, the last two states might represent opposite sides of the same coin, because even when coyote functions as trickster, he often ends up the butt of his own tricks. nabhan discusses how the more agrarian o’odham people are prone to regard wild relatives of domestic flora as inferior variants of domestic forms belonging to coyote, whereas the hunting and gathering comc’aac regard less useful wild forms as the property or outcome of coyote’s careless or foolish activities. there are quite different interpretations of the role of domesticated forms, with o’odham regarding domesticates as more perfect life forms, whereas the comc’aac regard domesticated forms as being almost parasitic because they require time and energetic input on the part of humans. the issue of how different cultures view “wild” versus “domestic” life forms appears in several chapters, including brown et al.’s discussion of the phylogenetics of domestic squash, hodgson’s examination of the distribution of agaves that were domesticated during pre-columbian times, and hunn’s examination of how to apply berlin’s folk taxonomic concepts to ‘dogs’. the real issue may be “when did the neolithic begin in the americas as opposed to other parts of the globe?” this issue becomes particularly telling in the final essay, by nancy turner and her co-authors on the feast tradition in pacific northwest first nations, where almost all foods are taken from nature and there are no domestic forms, because the environment is rich and prolific and the nutritional quality of the gathered foods is high. feasts consisting almost entirely of non-domestic food types may be a thing of the past because of the social and cultural pressures imposed by us and canadian production of foodstuffs. this is a fascinating volume, full of provocative ideas and themes that might be used to develop the future of ethnobiology. i hope that future generations follow up upon traditions established by amadeo rea and the authors of this volume. if we succeed, perhaps future generations of o’odham people will see the gila as once again a river with a functioning riparian zone rejoicing to calls of ferruginous pygmy owls. eating the landscape: american indian stories of food, identity, and resilience ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):25‐27. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2015.316. 25 book review to the culture of the people and the mutual respect they have for the environment that surrounds them. his knack for telling a story is so strong that my (stevens’) 4-year-old-daughter enjoyed listening to me read it, and asked for his stories rather than her usual bedtime stories of cinderella and snow white. this ability to reach a child is important in the retention of our many indigenous cultures. her unusual request for reading material brought me back to the times when i would rather listen to my grandmother tell a story than go play games with my friends. as an indigenous scholar with deep roots in his home community, enrique salmón has become one of the most important voices in the renaissance of traditional knowledge of indigenous peoples and the significance of this knowledge in allowing us to understand the world. salmón opens the book with the chapter, “in my grandmother’s kitchen,” in which he paints a strong and personal picture by providing intimate details about his family and the many social gatherings where food was the center of the interactions. this chapter connects the reader to the book with stories that define the author, while opening up a dialogue with the reader, and providing a basic model for the rest of the book. many indigenous people have gained their cultural knowledge from their grandparents, so the opening chapter helps indigenous people relate to the book and lets nonindigenous readers see where his story begins. as an example, his account of families competing for who makes the best tamales is a concept that i am sure many families share, whether it is tamales or some other type of food. for my family and community, it is corn soup. as an indigenous woman living away from her ceremonial home, language, culture, and original people while i (stevens) attend school, i sometimes find myself lost in this big world. when you are away from the things that have helped define you since your youth, it is easy to forget who you are and what you stand for. when this happens people sometimes turn to their language, ceremonial/social songs, or to the stories of their people in order to reconnect them to their culture. i am different, however. when i (stevens) feel like i am losing who i am, as a hotinoshonni woman, i turn to food. i grew up with white corn and wild berries as a staple to my diet. they were served at every ceremony and social gathering. so this is where i find solace. when i eat these and other foods i have grown up with, i am returned to those moments in the longhouse; hearing the songs, the feeling of the floorboards jumping beneath my feet from the passionate dancing, the laughter of my elders as they tell jokes too fast in the language for the children to understand, the smell of wood burning under the huge pot of corn soup, watching my chiefs and faithkeepers close their eyes and retell the stories of our people and thanking the creator for all that we have. those are the moments i miss, those are the moments that remind me who i am, and as odd as it may sound, the food i eat evokes those moments. while many people overlook the connection that food has to your identity, enrique salmón exemplifies the art of storytelling while reinforcing that very idea. in eating the landscape: american indian stories of food, identity, and resilience, salmón takes you through a world of indigenous food and how it is tied directly eating the landscape: american indian stories of food, identity, and resilience enrique salmón. 2012. university of arizona press, tucson. 160 pp.. $17.95 (paperback). isbn: 978-0-8165-3011-3. reviewed by lois stevens 1 and raymond pierotti 2* reviewer addresses: 1 indigenous studies program, university of kansas, 1410 jayhawk boulevard, lawrence, ks 66045. 2 department of ecology and evolutionary biology, university of kansas, 2041 haworth hall, 1200 sunyside avenue, lawrence, ks 66045. * corresponding author: pierotti@ku.edu received: october 18, 2013 volume: 6(1):25-27 published: march 27, 2015 © 2015 society of ethnobiology ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):25‐27. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2015.316. 26 book review i (stevens) remember when my mother, who was working on revitalizing her traditional self after being away from it for so long, made her first pot of corn soup for one of the ceremonies. the entire longhouse community was going to have this soup and she had overcooked the corn to the point where the kernels popped, in a way. she was devastated and embarrassed to bring it to the longhouse; however, she held her head high and brought it in even though she knew she would get teased. most of her peers and i ended up loving the soup, and although she still got teased, it was all in good faith. it is stories like these and many others that bring communities together. my mother was trying to reaffirm her place in the traditional community and was embarrassed by her attempt, but the community leaders reminded her that it is not about how good she made the food, but about how much feeling she put into it. many indigenous people have gained their cultural knowledge from their grandparents or community elders in a similar manner, so this opening chapter helps indigenous people relate to the book and lets non-indigenous readers see where his story begins. continuing through his narrative, salmón brings the reader smoothly through the examples of how food is connected to various aspects of a culture, using examples from the u.s. southwest, as well as northwest mexico. he stresses the idea that a sustainable future full of good and safe food is dependent on the knowledge of small farmers such as the ones he describes in his book. there are traditional indigenous methods that have sustained our people for years before this creation of mass-produced agriculture came along. salmón tells us how indigenous groups today are working to continue these practices within the modern frame and encourages the idea of more communities engaging in the idea for the betterment of our people and the planet. there is an unhealthy relationship between politics, economics, and our modern food system. salmón’s intention with this book is to debunk this economic relationship and to instead tell stories of interconnected relationships among the landscape and the food we eat along with how we perceive our own identities. until we acknowledge this connection, we will be stuck in this unhealthy relationship with our food and our communities. a theme salmón develops early in the text is the importance of stories, which provide metaphors and cultural models that can be employed to interpret and understand interactions between the human and nonhuman elements of the community. this theme was also developed by pierotti (2011), who emphasized the similarity between the stories of indigenous peoples and theoretical models employed in western science. both traditions employ metaphor as a means of understanding basic principles that can then be used to interpret specific interactions and phenomena. an important difference between these traditions emphasized by salmón is that western cultural history tends to focus upon heroes, i.e., human figures that dominate action. in contrast, in salmón’s rarámuri culture, history is focused on the landscape, or place, and the “heroes” are plants, nonhuman animals and children, who share the landscape rather than dominating it. given this premise, it is obvious why this approach appeals to children, even though it represents profound and complex concepts. to illustrate this theme, salmón points out that the rarámuri classification scheme includes the concept of gendered plants, which can be nourishing and sustaining, such as corn, assume the role of a mother-in-law such as tobacco, or represent “quarrelsome” species, such as the brazil wood (haematoxylon brasiletto karst. leguminosae), a plant with strongly antimicrobial and antibacterial properties, whose antagonistic chemical actions exemplify its personality. in contrast, male plants include conifers, oaks, beans, squash, peyote, and datura. overall the rarámuri are part of an extended ecological family tied together by the concept of iwígara, or shared spirit, which implies ancestry and origins in common. this makes this worldview inherently both evolutionary in concept and ecological in spirit (see also pierotti 2011). at its root, iwigá means soul, life force, and breath, and everything that breathes (respires) is considered to have a soul and to share the same breath, a metaphor that is literally true if we consider the relationship between photosynthesis and respiration and the role these processes have had in shaping the world and all of the life within it. moving to other cultures, salmón discusses the puebloan peoples and their ability to deal with drought. this is an important theme because these peoples have developed a thriving culture in a climate that is not conducive to agriculture by developing their own forms of drip irrigation and soil development such that, rather than being depleted, the areas where they grow crops have higher soil quality than ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):25‐27. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2015.316. 27 book review surrounding areas rather than lower soil quality, as is typically observed in us large scale agriculture. salmón concentrates on a case study of the hopi, who, because of their truly wise use of the land, regard the superficially arid landscape of the colorado plateau, as being a place that cares for and protects the people. they believe that they emerged from the land and that the land models responsible behavior, so that to lose the land is the same as losing one’s own flesh and sense of well being. this discussion puts flesh on the bones of vine deloria’s metaphor of indigenous people being spatially (locally) oriented, in contrast to the temporal orientation of western civilizations (deloria 1982). the next group discussed by salmón is the yaqui of the sonora desert, where salmón continues to explore the theme of relationships among human and nonhuman. he argues that indigenous paradigms suggest that the human-nature relationship requires mutual participation in the “dance of life,” in contrast to the western concept of the natural world as an inert mass of chemical compounds, which reflects the idea of plant personality being expressed through chemically driven physiological interactions above. the yaqui deer dances and songs are used to illustrate this theme. he continues his theme of the importance of metaphors and their importance to understanding how land-based cultural traditions enhance diversity, through interpreting the daily realities of landscapes. to salmón, metaphors offer glimpses into the most fundamental aspects of a culture, including its language, which he sees as a reflection of the landscape in which it develops. he links loss of languages on a global scale to concurrent losses in biodiversity, and explores this theme by discussing how humans can enhance their landscapes and increase local diversity rather than reduce it. thus deer songs are thus seen as being conversations between the singer, the deer, and the nonhuman world, because the singer must maintain a constant connection with this world in order to sing the songs properly. this is a crucial component of the oral tradition, because when texts “transform nature into silent and static symbols void of being-ness and vitality…nature ceases to breathe and loses its color and dynamic, un-resting personality” (p. 76). the next to last chapter provides an account of the seri (comcaac) people of sonora and the importance of song in their culture, a theme also emphasized by gary nabhan in his book singing the turtles to sea (nabhan 2003). a seri singer salmón met on the hopi reservation at an event organized by nabhan told salmón he had been expecting him and needed to impart some songs to him, but these songs could only be learned in the country where the seri live. the seri regularly break into song, and their performances were featured at the international ethnobiology congress in montpellier, france. this compliments the theme in the chapter on the yaqui, by emphasizing the importance of song and language in cultural relationships with their local environments. the final chapter, “the whole enchilada” points out that the human mind can verbalize only that which it has experienced, and that when our inner self begins its journey it becomes aware of a world that we eventually come to reflect. experiences become knowledge, and both are inseparable from our bodies, language, and way of life. this provides insight into the statement that “(traditional knowledge) is not really ‘knowledge’ at all; it’s more a way of life” (kluane first nation member quoted in nadasdy 2003:63). the issue that nadasdy (and his kluane colleagues) seem to want emphasized is that to the kluane people, hunting is a way of life, and that hunting consists of everything from the first thoughts about when to start, through the kill and the ultimate preparation, on to ultimate allotment of the “meat” that is gathered as a part of the hunting process (pierotti 2011). salmón is making a similar argument by contending that our foods, our language, and our ways of understanding are closely tied to the places where we live and the experiences we have in those places. references cited deloria, vine, jr. 1992. god is red: a native view of religion. north american press, golden, colorado. nabhan, g. p. 2003. singing the turtles to sea: the comcaac (seri) art and science of reptiles. university of california press, berkeley. nadasdy, p. 2003. hunters and bureaucrat: power, knowledge, and aboriginal-state relations in the southwest yukon. ubc press, vancouver. pierotti, r. 2011. indigenous knowledge, ecology and evolutionary biology. routledge, new york. plant-based solutions to global livestock anthelmintic resistance french. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(2):110–123 110 perspec ves 2011; karesh et al. 2012; patz et al. 2000; semenza and menne 2009). anthelmintic resistant parasites affecting livestock can also spread to humans (e.g., through hybridization of parasites affecting livestock and those affecting humans, as in the case of schistosomiasis and fascioliasis), leading to billions of dollars in economic loss and thousands of human lives every year (king et al. 2015; waller 2006). this is particularly severe in developing countries due to over-use/misuse of anthelmintics, poor sanitary conditions, and shared land and water use among livestock and humans (king et al. 2015). the use of synthetic anthelmintics also has wider ecological and economic effects. synthetic anthelmintics reduce soil invertebrate diversity (spratt 1997; strong 1993). for introduction anthelmintic resistance in livestock is increasing globally. in the usa, south america, and south africa, current pharmaceutical anthelmintics (e.g., benzimidazoles, avermectins) are now completely ineffective in many regions (kaplan and vidyashankar 2012; shalaby 2013; vatta and lindberg 2006). in the uk and northern europe resistance is also on the rise, but complete resistance has yet to occur (taylor et al. 2009; traversa and von samson-himmelstjerna 2016). climate change and global trade have also increased helmintic infections in livestock by increasing the abundance of specific zoonotic parasites (or their hosts), and by introducing new parasites into new regions (fayer 2000; fox et al. plant‐based solu ons to global livestock anthelmin c resistance katherine e. french 1* 1 department of plant sciences, university of oxford, oxford, uk *katherine.french@plants.ox.ac.uk abstract anthelmin c resistance in livestock is increasing globally. livestock intes nal parasites now develop resistance to synthe c anthelmin cs within 2–10 years, collec vely cos ng billions of dollars annually in lost revenue around the world. over‐reliance on commercial drugs and dips and changes in livestock management prac ces are key drivers of this trend. to date, current research has focused on iden fying new anthelmin cs from bacterial and fungal sources or even synthesizing new drugs that target parasite metabolism or reproduc on. plant‐derived anthelmin cs are a promising alterna ve, yet to date major research funders and scien sts have overlooked this op on. un l the mid‐20 th century, rural communi es relied on plant‐based methods of controlling livestock parasites. these methods include feeding livestock specific medicinal plants and trees, grazing livestock on herbal leys, and changing where livestock grazed based on ecological factors (e.g., flooding) that increased parasite burdens. many historic texts and ethnological accounts record the ethnobotanical knowledge of rural communi es and the plants they used to control livestock intes nal parasites. some tradi ons persist today yet the farmers, graziers, and shepherds who hold this knowledge are rapidly disappearing and with them perhaps a poten al long‐term solu on to anthelmin c resistance. this short perspec ve piece will cover recent research using ethnobotanical data as a means to iden fying poten al new anthelmin cs; the morphological, physiological, and metabolic effect of plant secondary metabolites on parasites; and an overview of “best prac ces” which can reduce bias in assessments of plant bioac vity and increase reproducibility of test results. this will hopefully bring recent advances in ethnobiology, chemistry, and ecology to new audiences, and, poten ally, spark new interest in using medicinal plants to improve livestock health. received may 19, 2017 open access accepted february 19, 2018 doi 10.14237/ebl.9.2.2018.980 keywords drug‐resistance, livestock, local ecological knowledge, conserva on, ecology copyright © 2018 by the author(s) licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open‐access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution‐noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by‐nc/4.0), which permits non‐commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. supplementary files available at ojs.ethnobiology.org/index.php/ebl/ar cle/view/980 french. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(2):110–123 111 perspec ves example, lab and field studies suggest anthelmintic residues in livestock dung reduce beetle populations by decreasing egg production and increasing larval mortality (cook et al. 2017; numa et al. 2012; ridsdill-smith 1993). international and national initiatives support the development of new preventative or therapeutic alternatives1, but current research continues to focus on developing chemical solutions that deactivate specific genes or proteins in parasites that disrupt ability to feed, nicotinic acetylcholine receptors (nachr), and fertility (hotez et al. 2010; kaminsky et al. 2008; sabatelli 2010). exploiting the diversity and bioactivity of plant secondary metabolites may be a viable alternative. plants naturally produce over 60,000 chemical compounds to deter herbivores, to destroy microbial pathogens, and to communicate with other organisms like pollinators (wink 2010). before the creation of synthetic anthelmintics by drug companies in the mid20th century, humans relied on plants to control livestock intestinal parasites (corley and godley 2011). in europe, medieval herbals and 17th–19th century printed books are filled with descriptions of plants fed to livestock to expel parasites. today, many small farmers and pastoralists around the world continue to use plants to treat livestock diseases. for example, in south africa aloes are the premier anthelmintic (beinart and brown 2013). in northern europe, small farmers still value old “traditional” pastures rich in medicinal herbs and legumes for the perceived anthelmintic qualities of specific wild plants (french 2017). because many of these plants are actively consumed by livestock within traditional agropastoral systems, their toxicity and environmental effects are likely low. yet these traditions are rapidly disappearing and with them perhaps a potential long-term solution to anthelmintic resistance. this short perspective piece will cover recent research using ethnobotanical data as a means to identifying potential new anthelmintics; the morphological, physiological, and metabolic effect of plant secondary metabolites on parasites; and an overview of “best practices” which can reduce bias in assessments of plant bioactivity and increase reproducibility of test results. this will hopefully bring recent advances in ethnobiology, chemistry, and ecology to new audiences, and, potentially, spark new interest in using medicinal plants to improve livestock health. phyto-anthelmintics: old plants, new leads over the past ten years the number of publications on plants used to treat livestock parasites has doubled (figure 1). an increasing resistance to traditional synthetic anthelmintics may be responsible. the majority of these publications are from india, although there are a surprising amount of publications from the us and uk. most research is published in the journals relating to parasitology, pharmacology, veterinary sciences, and plant sciences. a phytochemical database run by the united states department of agriculture (usda) contains 1,029 plants with 58 different chemicals with anthelmintic properties (united states department of agriculture 1992-1996) (supplementary materials table 1). the top five plants with the highest number of anthelmintic compounds are achillea millefolium, dryopteris filix-mas, peumus boldus, rosmarinus officinalis, and salvia officinalis. although the database contains plants from around the world, the majority of these are cultivated or economic plants and many wild plants (even common ones) are excluded. for example, many wild legumes found in british meadows (e.g., lathyrus pratensis, vicia cracca) are absent. in addition, many indigenous plants recently evaluated for anthelmintic qualities are not found in the database. one solution would either be to actively maintain this phytochemical database by allowing users to upload data, or to create a new open-access database specifically for anthelmintic plants. perhaps one of the most surprising aspects of anthelmintic plants is that they are often common (figure 2). for example, bartha et al. (2015) found that villagers in romania used allium sativum bulbs, cucurbita pepo seeds, daucus carota ssp. sativus roots, and quercus petraea and quercus robur nuts to treat pigs, cattle, and horses. similarly, in northern europe many of the plants reported by farmers and pastoralists to have anthelmintic properties are wild plants commonly growing in pastures and meadows (waller et al. 2001). in addition, a number of studies have shown that the bark, fruits, and nuts of many trees found in traditional rangeland and pasture systems and which are naturally consumed when livestock are ill (zoopharmacognosy) have anthelmintic properties. for example, many of the plants found in arid rangelands of jordan contain plants such as achillea fragrantissima (lavender cotton), artemisia judaica (wormwood), and thymus bovei, which have antiparasitic properties according to bedouins (al-tabini french. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(2):110–123 112 perspec ves et al. 2012; landau et al. 2014). in british columbia (canada), juniperus communis (juniper), pinus ponderosa (pinaceae) (yellow pine), and symphoricarpos albus var. laevigatus (snow berry) branches are used against endoparasites and liver fluke (lans et al. 2007). the same plants (or another from the same genus) are also used as anthelmintics in geographically dispersed regions. for example, juniper is used to treat liver fluke in canada, as mentioned above, while the leaves of juniperus excelsa are used by the wakhi pastoralists of afghanistan (soelberg and jäger 2016). other anthelmintic plants with widespread, cross-cultural use include: urtica dioica (nettle), mentha pulegium (penny royal), digitaria abyssinica (couch grass), salix spp., and carica papaya (pawpaw) (nabukenya et al. 2014). ethnobotanical research can contribute to the identification of which plants might contain figure 1 trends in natural anthelmin c research. a) publica ons on plants with anthelmin c proper es have tripled in the past ten years. b) the countries producing the majority of these papers are india, brazil, usa, pakistan, england, and south africa, all places where anthelmin c resistance is a prime agricultural and economic issue. c) most research on an‐ thelmin c plants occurs within the fields of parasitology, pharmacology, veterinary sciences, and plant sciences. all charts were generated using web of science data using search terms “anthelmin c” and “plants” (accessed: june 3, 2016). french. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(2):110–123 113 perspec ves anthelmintic properties, as well as how they are prepared. this local knowledge is a form of metadata: time of collection, method of preparation, and dose can direct metabolomic, pharmacological, and epidemiological research (silva et al. 2014). however, this knowledge is a finite resource. the widespread use of synthetic anthelmintics has spurred the decline of traditional anthelmintics in livestock management around the world in favor of feeds such as maize, soy, and cereals which increase daily live weight gain (bartha et al. 2015). farmers who switch from raising local breeds to crossed/exotic livestock breeds and/ or increase herd sizes due to governmental incentives also switch from local ethnoveterinary medicines to pharmaceutical alternatives (nabukenya et al. 2014; vatta and lindberg 2006). decreased medicinal plant availability due to environmental changes or restricted access to natural sources (e.g., by limiting grazing rights) have also contributed to this change (beinart and brown 2013; nabukenya et al. 2014). how phytochemicals affect parasites ethnobotanical data serve as a guide, but not a basis, for plant-based anthelmintic research. without further chemical analyses and in vitro and in vivo tests, these data remain “hearsay”. advances in chemical identification using multiple methods from mass spectrometry (liquid-chromatography mass s p e c t r o m e t r y , g a s c h r o m a t o g r a p h y m a s s spectrometry) can aid in identifying the secondary metabolites found in medicinal plants. it can also lead to the discovery of new molecules that could serve as drug leads. research within the past ten years suggests that plants with anthelmintic properties affect multiple morphological, physiological, and metabolic targets. plant secondary metabolites with anthelmintic figure 2 plants rich in anthelmin c compounds. plants store anthelmin c compounds in vacuoles, resin ducts, and tri‐ chomes (phytoan cipins) and produce other compounds in response to pathogenic a ack (phytoalexins). to date, plants with the greatest number of anthelmin c compounds are common, widespread, and thus, highly studied. from le to right: (a) salvia officinalis (b) rosmarinus officinalis (c) achillea millefolium (d) dryopteris filix‐mas and (e) peumus boldus. all im‐ ages are available in the public domain (cc0). french. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(2):110–123 114 perspec ves properties reduce motility, create epidermal lesions, degrade esophagus and gut tissues, decrease egg production in females, inhibit eggs from transforming into larvae, and cause death within 24–72 hours (see table 1). of all the plant secondary metabolites, phenolic compounds show the highest level of bioactivity against parasitic worms. phenolic compounds inhibit proteins and include flavonoids, coumarins, and condensed tannins (wink and schimmer 2010). condensed tannins have received the most attention, and international research programs such as the eu-wide legume-plus initiative have sought to develop new breeds of tanninenri ched lucerne and sainf oin (http:// legumeplus.eu/). however, feeding livestock tannindense feeds (>7% dry matter) can have detrimental effects including reduced growth rate (hoste et al. 2006). in addition, lucerne contains phytoestrogens (coumestans) which can reduce livestock fertility (smith et al. 1979). lucerne and sainfoin seeds are also expensive and the latter requires fertile, moist calcareous soils to grow. these factors may limit the geographic range and farmer uptake of these plants. selecting a range of plants with different anthelmintic bioactive compounds, instead of one or two, could be a more effective strategy to control livestock parasites. this approach would also satisfy the other dietary needs of livestock (e.g., sugar, protein, fiber, and macro and micro minerals). the synergy of metabolites found in any given plant, and those found among plants in complex mixtures, may be more effective together than when purified, isolated, and tested on their own in vitro and in vivo. a recent ethnoveterinary study reported that 70% of all practices in the study area relied on more than one plant (bartha et al. 2015). for example, the metabolites in table 1 each target different parts of helminth physiology and/or reproductive cycle. however, to date no study has established whether the efficacy of anthelmintic plants is due to multiple phytochemicals working together. statistical approaches developed to assess the activity of multidrug therapies in cancer research could be used to determine synergistic activity. for example, the “mixlow” method combines: (1 multiple nonlinear mixed-effects models, (2 the lowe index, and (3 confidence intervals for the lowe index to investigate drug interactions (boik et al. 2008). the potential synergistic efficacy of plant secondary metabolites differs remarkably from current anthelmintics under development (table 2). current ac vity psm reference inhibit energy metabolism tannins (de macedo et al. 2015) cause epidermal lesions adenine, ascorbic‐acid, chymopapain, caricain, genistein, glycyl endopep dase, lutein, malic‐ acid, papain (duke 1992; piluzza et al. 2014; vieira et al. 2001) decrease motor ac vity tannins, saponins (athanasiadou and kyriazakis 2004; hoste et al. 2006; williams et al. 2014) terpenoids (athanasiadou and kyriazakis 2004) caffeic acid (cowan 1999) inhibit transforma on of eggs to larvae tannins (athanasiadou and kyriazakis 2004) table 1 func on of plant‐secondary metabolites with anthelmin c proper es. “ac vity” refers to the antagonis c func on of specific metabolites against microbiota and/or helminths. in the table, “psm” = plant secondary metabolite (or metabo‐ lite class). french. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(2):110–123 115 perspec ves synthetic anthelmintics target particular dna regions, proteins, or biosynthetic pathways (e.g., chokepoints) using synthetic chemicals, proteins from other parasites, or metabolites produced by bacteria and fungi. however, the problem with all of these approaches is the specificity of the anthelmintic under development. by focusing on one target, anthelmintic resistance will continue as parasites evolve and evade current drugs. how rapidly this resistance occurs varies: some studies report resistance in 10 years, while more recent studies have reported resistance to the newest anthelmintics within 2 years (buckingham et al. 2014). hotspots of resistance may also emerge in areas where anthelmintics are used heavily (e.g., multiple does per year) and for both humans and livestock (king et al. 2015). although many studies report the efficacy of plant-based anthelmintics in vitro and in vivo, the negative results reported from experimental research should also lend a word of caution. for example, githiori et al. (2003) tested seven local plants used to treat anthelmintic infections in kenya and found that only one (ananas comosus) had weak in vitro activity. in addition, a recent study found that when goats and kids were fed a commercial herbal feed supplement containing a mix of several herbs traditionally used as vermifuges (artemisia absinthium (wormwood), allium sativum (garlic), juglans nigra (black walnut), cucurbita pepo (field pumpkin), artemisia vulgaris (mugwort), foeniculum vulgare (fennel), hyssopus officinalis (hyssop), and thymus vulgaris (thyme)) at a dose of 19 g for three days, the supplement failed to control intestinal parasites (burke et al. 2009). this suggests that other factors, including amount of plant consumed (dose and length of administration), the effects of manufacturing and packaging, and even metabolite stability may influence the bioactivity of such supplements. developing best practices many studies on the anthelmintic properties of plants use very different methodological procedures. different practices—from the initial collection of plant material, to method of metabolite extraction, to assay-design—can introduce bias (of false positive or false negative results). the following provides some suggestions for “best practices” which can help standardize the evaluation of plant bioactivity and increase reproducibility. 1. preparation of plant material: plants should be collected at the same time of day (if collected over an extended period) and dried outside in the shade or indoors in a drying room for 48 hours to one week. if plants are collected for metabolomic analysis, at least 4 replicates of each plant from each site are needed. alternatively, freezing plants in liquid nitrogen (in falcon tubes) followed by lycophilization as soon as plants are collected will preserve the metabolite composition (asami et al. 2003; de torres et al. 2010). in addition, plants prepared in this way are easier to homogenize into a fine powder which will increase the exposure of plant cell walls to the solvent of choice. although oven drying is widely practiced, this can lead to loss of aromatic metabolites (e.g., terpenes). 2. assay selection: agar and broth dilution assays can be used to establish the minimal inhibitory concentration (mic) and lethal concentration (lc) values of a crude extract on helminths. in agar assays, a petri dish is seeded with nematodes and e. coli (their food source) and then exposed to a plant extract. however, many metabolites (e.g., essential oils) do not travel through agar very well which may lead to false negatives. in broth dilution assays, 96-well microtiter plates are filled with a nematode growth medium, nematodes (e.g., 10–50 l-4 stage adults), and the crude extract under assessment (garvis et al. 2009). the advantages of the 96-well plates are that many compounds can be assayed against nematodes in different life stages (e.g., eggs, larvae, adults) at once and the system can be semi-automated. screening parasites at different life stages can nuance our understanding of how these plant compounds work; some might be effective at halting egg production, while others interfere with larvae growth and development. a copas biosorter can be used to distribute a specific number of nematodes at a given life-stage into each well in a matter of seconds. identification of nematode survival can be established by counting under a microscope. this process can be automated using the wormassay protocol, where a high definition camera is attached to an inverted microscope to detect parasite motility and the captured images are analyzed using specially-designed algorithms (marcellino et al. 2012; storey et al. 2014). when feasible, using the latter method will provide more accurate, reproducible results. 3. fractionation: fractionation takes a specific amount of plant material and extracts metabolites french. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(2):110–123 116 perspec ves table 2 non‐plant based anthelmin cs. current anthelmin cs are synthesized from specific lead chemicals, microbial me‐ tabolites, or parasi c worms and their ac vity is based on one specific target. type source ac ve agent target reference chemical 1‐dimethyl‐4‐ phenylpiperazinium (dmpp) synthe c chemical nico nic agonist (kaminsky et al. 2008) albendazole synthe c chemical eggs (taylor et al. 2013) amino‐acid deriva‐ ves (aad) synthe c chemical nematode‐specific clade of ace‐ tylcholine receptor subunits affec ng movement, growth and viability (kaminsky et al. 2008) benzimidazoles synthe c chemical α‐ and β‐tubulin monomers (demeler et al. 2013) dasa nib synthe c chemical protein kinases (taylor et al. 2013) diethyllabamazine (dec) synthe c chemical eggs (taylor et al. 2013) flavopiridol synthe c chemical protein kinases (taylor et al. 2013) invermec n synthe c chemical eggs (taylor et al. 2013) levamisole synthe c chemical subtype of nico nic acetylcholine receptor (nachr) (kaminsky et al. 2008) neomycin synthe c chemical protein kinases (taylor et al. 2013) vaccine dictyocaulus spp. x‐irradiated l3 l3‐stage adults (hotez et al. 2010) echinococcus granulosus recombinant pro‐ teins eg95 (hotez et al. 2010) fasciola hepa ca cathepson l egg produc on and viability (sabatelli 2010) fasciola hepa ca an ‐h‐gal‐gp diges on (sabatelli 2010) necator americanus protein‐2 unspecified (sabatelli 2010) necator americanus apr1 inhibit parasite feeding by neu‐ tralizing enzyme ac vity (hotez et al. 2010) pichia pastoris gst1 inhibit parasite feeding by neu‐ tralizing enzyme ac vity (hotez et al. 2010) microbial arthrobotrys conoides secondary metabo‐ lites larvicidal (falbo et al. 2015) arthrobotrys musiformis secondary metabo‐ lites larvicidal (acevedo‐ramírez et al. 2015) bacillus circulans spore crystal sus‐ pension larvicidal (sino et al. 2012) bacillus thuringiensis cry5b p38 mitogen‐ac vated protein kinase; nico nic acetylcholine receptor (nachr) agonist (cappello et al. 2006; hu and aroian 2012; urban et al. 2013) bacillus thuringiensis cry21a nico nic acetylcholine receptor (nachr) agonist (hu and aroian 2012) (con nued on next page) french. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(2):110–123 117 perspec ves (con nued from previous page) table 2 non‐plant based anthelmin cs. current anthelmin cs are synthesized from specific lead chemicals, microbial me‐ tabolites, or parasi c worms and their ac vity is based on one specific target. type source ac ve agent target reference microbial bacillus thuringiensis var. kurstaki spore crystal suspension larvicidal (sino et al. 2012) bacillus thuringiensis var. israelensis spore crystal suspension larvicidal (sino et al. 2012) bacillus thuringiensis var. osvaldocruzi spore crystal suspension larvicidal (sino et al. 2012) clonostachys candelabrum 7 metabolites (five roselipins, linoleic acid, and auran ogliocladin) diacylglycerol acyl transferase 2 (ayers et al. 2010) duddingtonia flagrans chlamydospores larvicidal (larsen 2000; waghorn et al. 2003; waller 2006) monacrosporium salinum secondary metabolites larvicidal (liu et al. 2015) monacrosporium thaumasium secondary metabolites larvicidal (vilela et al. 2013) bacillus thuringiensis cry14a growth and development (wei et al. 2003) french. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(2):110–123 118 perspec ves using a variety of solvents (e.g., ethanol, acetone, chloroform, methanol, water). each solvent will cause plant cells to release different categories of metabolites based on polarity and hydrophilicity. when combined with metabolomic analysis of each fraction, this approach is a good way to identify highly active components. however, these approaches, specifically fractionation, may overlook the synergistic role of metabolites in killing parasites. if screening of fractions is performed, combining all fractions as one treatment could be a way to quickly assess any potential synergistic activity. 4. in vivo tests: plants showing anthelmintic activity in vitro may not show the same activity in vivo. while a number of studies slaughter livestock used in in vivo experiments, there are more humane alternatives. fecal egg counts can be conducted weekly or monthly during a grazing experiment (taylor et al. 2009). no livestock are harmed in the process and vets can check livestock weekly to ensure those receiving herbal/plant-based therapeutics did not contract a life-threatening parasitic infection. in addition to conducting fecal egg counts, the number of eggs and/or larvae in soil cores and on grass samples can also be performed to establish whether there are changes in the abundance of parasites where animals are grazing depending upon treatment type (e.g., synthetic anthelmintic, bioactive forages, herbal supplement, etc.) (lopes et al. 2016). implications for agriculture and conservation the potential role of plants with potential anthelmintic properties has important ramifications for agriculture and conservation. first, a greater emphasis could be placed on cultivating these plants. for example, in semi-natural ecosystems, grazing activities could center around when these plants are in flower. in more sedentary agricultural systems, these plants could be included in pasture and/or meadow seed mixes. second, many plants used within ethnoveterinary systems are indigenous and may be under threat. some plants traditionally given to livestock (or naturally grazed) to control parasites are considered “weeds” that are removed to achieve conservation objectives (lans et al. 2007). for example, conservation groups often cut down willow from wet pastures and juniper from chalk grasslands in the uk. conservation activities could promote the active use of these plants to sustain local populations. future directions what role should ethnobiological research play in the development of new anthelmintics? as this short perspective piece has shown, ethnobotanical and ethnozoological research has shed light on the vast array of plants which could potentially be added to pastures and feed supplements to naturally prevent and control parasitic infection. plants could thus provide a sustainable alternative to traditional synthetic anthelmintics. however, further figure 3 fodder trees boost livestock health and increase pastoral sustainability. acacia nilo ca (le ) and salix spp. (right) trees contain condensed tannins and other polyphenols with established an ‐parasi c proper es. livestock grazing in more natural pasture systems (e.g., rangelands, wood pasture) naturally consume the pods and bark (respec vely) of these trees when ill. plan ng more trees with anthelmin c proper es could help control livestock endoparasites, reduce inputs (water, fer lizer) needed to feed livestock, and provide environmental benefits like soil stabiliza on and flood control. all images are available in the public domain (cc0). french. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(2):110–123 119 perspec ves interdisciplinary and rigorous research on plant-based anthelmintics is needed. we need to establish the natural availability of secondary metabolites in specific ecosystems (e.g., pastures, rangelands) and specific plants. we also need to establish whether the metabolomic composition of these plants changes over time. to prevent needless replication of research and to make this data accessible to end-users (e.g., farmers), such research should be made publicly available. future research could concentrate on identifying species which could be used as anthelmintic fodder trees. these would provide perennial forage and may be suitable to regions experiencing high levels of aridity and/or flooding (figure 3). for example, in the middle east the pods of acacia trees (e.g., acacia nilotica) contain saponins and proanthocyanins (abdel-farid et al. 2014). these trees are drought-resistant and provide a good source of forage when other grasses, forbs, and herbs have disappeared. in the uk, willow trees (salix spp.) contain high levels of salicylic acid and proanthocyanidins (agnolet et al. 2012), and cattle roaming natural pastures often actively consume the bark of the tree when ill (french 2017). because these trees are also good for mitigating flooding, planting more of them would have both economic and environmental effects. more research could also investigate whether aqueous solutions made from plant crude extracts could be applied to highly infected pastures to reduce parasitic load. finally, further interdisciplinary research on parasite ecology and livestock health should record and integrate local ecological knowledge into regional programs for controlling parasite outbreaks. for example, farmers and graziers can provide information on how changes in the weather (e.g., increased flooding) and animal husbandry practices (e.g., over-stocking) may increase/decrease parasitic infection in livestock. this information could be analyzed along with environmental, climatological, and hydrological information in geographical information systems (gis). while perhaps optimistic, further interdisciplinary research into the bioactivity of plants traditionally used to manage parasites—and incorporation of these plants into current agricultural systems—could reduce the rise of livestock anthelmintic resistance globally. notes 1these include: sustainable control of parasites in sheep (scops) (http://www.scops.org.uk/); the responsible use of medicines in agriculture alliance (ruma) (http://www.ruma.org.uk/); the antiparasitic resistance management strategy (arms) of the fda in the usa; and the world health organization global action plan (gap) on antimicrobial resistance (http://www.who.int/ antimicrobial-resistance/en/). declarations permissions: not applicable. sources of funding: none declared. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited abdel-farid, i.b., m.g. sheded, and e. a. mohamed. 2014. metabolomic profiling and antioxidant activity of some acacia species. saudi journal of biological science 21:400–408. doi:10.1016/ j.sjbs.2014.03.005. acevedo-ramírez, p.m. del c., j.a. figueroa-castillo, r. ulloa-arvizú, l.g. martínez-garcía, a. guevaraflores, j.l. rendón, r.o. valero-coss, p.m. gives, and h. quiroz-romero. 2015. proteolytic activity of extracellular products from arthrobotrys musiformis and their effect in vitro against haemonchus contortus infective larvae. veterinary record open 2, e000103. doi:10.1136/vetreco-2014-000103. agnolet, s., s. wiese, r. verpoorte, and d. staerk. 2012. comprehensive analysis of commercial willow bark extracts by new technology platform: combined use of metabolomics, high-performance liquid chromatography–solid-phase extraction– nuclear magnetic resonance spectroscopy and high-resolution radical scavenging assay. journal of chromatography a 1262: 130–137. doi:10.1016/ j.chroma.2012.09.013. al-tabini, r., k. al-khalidi, and m. al-shudiefat. 2012. livestock, medicinal plants, and rangeland viability in jordan’s badia: through the lens of traditional and local knowledge. pastoralism research, policy, and practice 2:4. doi:10.1186/20417136-2-4. asami, d., j. hong, d. barrett, and a. mitchell. 2003. comparison of the total phenolic and ascorbic acid content of freeze-dried and air-dried marionberry, strawberry, and corn grown using conventional, organic, and sustainable agricultural french. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(2):110–123 120 perspec ves practices. journal of agricultural food chemistry 51:1237–1241. doi:10.1021/jf020635c. athanasiadou, s., and i. kyriazakis. 2004. plant secondary metabolites: antiparasitic effects and their role in ruminant production systems. proceedings of the nutritional society 63:631–639. doi:10.1079/pns2004396. ayers, s., d.l. zink, k. mohn, j.s. powell, c.m. brown, g. bills, a. grund, d. thompson, and s. b. singh. 2010. anthelmintic constituents of clonostachys candelabrum. journal of antibiotics 63:119– 122. doi:10.1038/ja.2009.131. bartha, s.g., c.l. quave, l. balogh, and n. papp. 2015. ethnoveterinary practices of covasna county, transylvania, romania. journal of ethnobiology and ethnomedicine 11: 35. doi:10.1186/s13002-015-0020-8. beinart, w., and k. brown. 2013. african local knowledge and livestock health: traditional, environmental & biomedical approaches in south africa. james currey, oxford, uk. boik, j.c., r.a. newman, and r. j. boik. 2008. quantifying synergism/antagonism using nonlinear mixed-effects modeling: a simulation study. statistical medicine 27:1040–1061. doi:10.1002/sim.3005. buckingham, s.d., f.a. partridge, and d. b. sattelle. 2014. automated, high-throughput, motility analysis in caenorhabditis elegans and parasitic nematodes: applications in the search for new anthelmintics. international journal of parasitology, drugs, and drug resistance 4:226–232. doi:10.1016/ j.ijpddr.2014.10.004. burke, j.m., a. wells, p. casey, and r.m. kaplan. 2009. herbal dewormer fails to control gastrointestinal nematodes in goats. veterinary parasitology 160:168–170. doi:10.1016/j.vetpar.2008.10.080. cappello, m., r.d. bungiro, l.m. harrison, l.j. bischof, j.s. griffitts, b.d. barrows, and r. v. aroian. 2006. a purified bacillus thuringiensis crystal protein with therapeutic activity against the hookworm parasite ancylostoma ceylanicum. proceedings of the national academy of sciences 103:15154–15159. doi:10.1073/pnas.0607002103. cooke, a.s., e.r. morgan, and j.a.j. dungait. 2017. modelling the impact of targeted anthelmintic treatment of cattle on dung fauna. environmental toxicology and pharmacology 55:94–98. doi:10.1016/ j.etap.2017.07.012. cowan, m.m.1999. plant products as antimicrobial agents. clin. microbiol. rev. 12:564–582. de macedo, m., s. clais, e. lanckacker, l. maes, e. lima, and p. cos. 2015. anti-infective agents: the example of antibacterial drug leads. in ethnopharmacology, edited by m. heinrich and a. jäger, pp. 111–123. wiley-blackwell, chichester, west sussex. de torres, c., m.c. díaz-maroto, i. hermosíngutiérrez, and m.s. pérez-coello. 2010. effect of freeze-drying and oven-drying on volatiles and phenolics composition of grape skin. analytica chimica acta 660:177–182. doi:10.1016/ j.aca.2009.10.005. demeler, j., n. krüger, j. krücken, v.c. von der heyden, s. ramünke, u. küttler, s. miltsch, m.l. cepeda, m. knox, j. vercruysse, p. geldhof, a. harder, and g. von samson-himmelstjerna. 2013. phylogenetic characterization of β-tubulins and development of pyrosequencing assays for benzimidazole resistance in cattle nematodes. plos one 8:e70212. doi:10.1371/ journal.pone.0070212. duke, j.a. 1992. handbook of phytochemical constituent grass, herbs, and other economic plants. crc press, boca raton, fl. falbo, m.k., v.t. soccol, i.e. sandini, j.h. novakowiski, and c. r. soccol. 2015. effect of spraying arthrobotrys conoides conidia on pastures to control nematode infection in sheep. semina: ciências agrárias 36:239–252. doi:10.5433/16790359.2015v36n1p239. fayer, r. 2000. global change and emerging infectious diseases. journal of parasitology 86: 1174– 1181. doi:10.1645/0022-3395(2000)086 [1174:gcaeid]2.0.co;2. fox, n.j., p.c.l. white, c.j. mcclean, g. marion, a. evans, and m.r. hutchings. 2011. predicting impacts of climate change on fasciola hepatica risk. plos one 6:e16126. doi:10.1371/ journal.pone.0016126. french, k.e. 2017. species composition determines forage quality and medicinal value of high diversity grasslands in lowland england. agriculture, ecosystems, and the environment 241:193– 204. doi:10.1016/j.agee.2017.03.012. french. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(2):110–123 121 perspec ves garvis, s., a. munder, g. ball, s. de bentzmann, l. wiehlmann, j.j. ewbank, b. tümmler, and a. filloux. 2009. caenorhabditis elegans semi-automated liquid screen reveals a specialized role for the chemotaxis gene cheb2 in pseudomonas aeruginosa virulence. plos pathogens 5:e1000540. doi:10.1371/journal.ppat.1000540. githiori, j.b., j. höglund, p.j. waller, and r. leyden baker. 2003. evaluation of anthelmintic properties of extracts from some plants used as livestock dewormers by pastoralist and smallholder farmers in kenya against heligmosomoides polygyrus infections in mice. veterinary parasitology 118:215–226. doi:10.1016/j.vetpar.2003.10.006. hoste, h., f. jackson, s. athanasiadou, s.m. thamsborg, and s.o. hoskin. 2006. the effects of tannin-rich plants on parasitic nematodes in ruminants. trends in parasitology 22:253–261. doi:10.1016/j.pt.2006.04.004. hotez, p.j., j.m. bethony, d.j. diemert, m. pearson, and a. loukas. 2010. developing vaccines to combat hookworm infection and intestinal schistosomiasis. nature reviews in microbiology 8:814– 826. doi:10.1038/nrmicro2438. hu, y., and r.v. aroian. 2012. bacterial poreforming proteins as anthelmintics. invertebrate neuroscience 12:37–41. doi:10.1007/s10158-0120135-8. jr, j.f.u., y. hu, m.m. miller, u. scheib, y.y. yiu, and r. v. aroian. 2013. bacillus thuringiensis-derived cry5b has potent anthelmintic activity against ascaris suum. plos neglected tropical diseases 7:e2263. doi:10.1371/journal.pntd.0002263. kaminsky, r., p. ducray, m. jung, r. clover, l. rufener, j. bouvier, s.s. weber, a. wenger, s. wieland-berghausen, t. goebel, n. gauvry, f. pautrat, t. skripsky, o. froelich, c. komoin-oka, b. westlund, a. sluder, and p. mäser. 2008. a new class of anthelmintics effective against drugresistant nematodes. nature 452:176–180. doi:10.1038/nature06722. kaplan, r.m. and a.n. vidyashankar. 2012. an inconvenient truth: global worming and anthelmintic resistance. veterinary parasitology special issue: novel approaches to the control of helminth parasites of livestock 186:70–78. doi:10.1016/j.vetpar.2011.11.048. karesh, w.b., a. dobson, j.o. lloyd-smith, j. lubroth, m.a. dixon, m. bennett, s. aldrich, t. harrington, p. formenty, e.h. loh, c.c. machalaba, m.j. thomas, and d.l. heymann. 2012. ecology of zoonoses: natural and unnatural histories. the lancet 380:1936–1945. doi:10.1016/ s0140-6736(12)61678-x. king, k.c., r.b. stelkens, j.p. webster, d.f. smith, and m.a. brockhurst. 2015. hybridization in parasites: consequences for adaptive evolution, pathogenesis, and public health in a changing world. plos pathog 11:e1005098. doi:10.1371/ journal.ppat.1005098. landau, s.y., h. muklada, a. abu-rabia, s. kaadan, and h. azaizeh. 2014. traditional arab ethnoveterinary practices in small ruminant breeding in israel. small ruminant research 119:161–171. doi:10.1016/j.smallrumres.2014.01.004. lans, c., n. turner, t. khan, g. brauer, and w. boepple. 2007. ethnoveterinary medicines used for ruminants in british columbia, canada. journal of ethnobiology and ethnomedicine 3:11. doi:10.1186/1746-4269-3-11. larsen, m. 2000. prospects for controlling animal parasitic nematodes by predacious micro fungi. parasitology 120:s121–s131. liu, w., y. han, b. wang, l. sun, m. chen, k. cai, x. li, m. zhao, c. xu, q. xu, l. yi, h. wang, d. xie, x. li, j. wu, j. yang, s. wei, d. li, c. chen, t. zheng, q. li, and j. peng. 2015. isolation, identification, and characterization of the nematophagous fungus monacrosporium salinum from china. journal of basic microbiology 55:992–1001. doi:10.1002/jobm.201400909. lopes, s.g., l.b.g. barros, h. louvandini, a.l. abdalla, and l.m. costa junior. 2016. effect of tanniniferous food from bauhinia pulchella on pasture contamination with gastrointestinal nematodes from goats. parasitology vectors 9:102. doi:10.1186/s13071-016-1370-3. marcellino, c., j. gut, k.c. lim, r. singh, j. mckerrow, and j. sakanari. 2012. wormassay: a novel computer application for whole-plate motion-based screening of macroscopic parasites. plos neglected tropical diseases 6. doi:10.1371/ journal.pntd.0001494. nabukenya, i., c. rubaire-akiiki, d. olila, k. ikwap, and j. höglund. 2014. ethnopharmacological practices by livestock farmers in uganda: survey experiences from mpigi and gulu districts. journal french. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(2):110–123 122 perspec ves of ethnobiology and ethnomedicine 10:9. doi:10.1186/1746-4269-10-9. numa, c., j.r. verdú, c. rueda, and e. galante. 2012. comparing dung beetle species assemblages between protected areas and adjacent pasturelands in a mediterranean savanna landscape. rangeland ecology and management 65:137–143. doi:10.2111/ rem-d-10-00050.1. patz, j.a, t.k. graczyk, n. geller, and a.y. vittor. 2000. effects of environmental change on emerging parasitic diseases. international journal for parasitology 30:1395–1405. piluzza, g., l. sulas, and s. bullitta. 2014. tannins in forage plants and their role in animal husbandry and environmental sustainability: a review. grass forage science 69:32–48. doi:10.1111/gfs.12053. ridsdill-smith, t.j. 1993. effects of avermectin residues in cattle dung on dung beetle (coleoptera: scarabaeidae) reproduction and survival. veterinary parasitology 48:127-37. sabatelli, l. 2010. effect of heterogeneous mixing and vaccination on the dynamics of anthelmintic resistance: a nested model. plos one 5:e10686. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0010686. semenza, j.c. and b. menne. 2009. climate change and infectious diseases in europe. lancet infectious diseases 9:365–375. doi: 10.1016/s1473-3099(09) 70104-5. shalaby, h.a. 2013. anthelmintics resistance: how to overcome it? iranian journal of parasitology 8:18– 32. silva, f. dos s., u.p. albuquerque, l.m. costa júnior, a. da s. lima, a.l.b. do nascimento, and j.m. monteiro. 2014. an ethnopharmacological assessment of the use of plants against parasitic diseases in humans and animals. journal of ethnopharmacology 155:1332–1341. doi:10.1016/ j.jep.2014.07.036. sinott, m.c., n.a. cunha filho, l.l.d. castro, l.b. lorenzon, n.b. pinto, g.a. capella, and f.p.l. leite. 2012. bacillus spp. toxicity against haemonchus contortus larvae in sheep fecal cultures. experimental parasitology 132:103–108. doi:10.1016/ j.exppara.2012.05.015. smith, j.f., k.t. jagusch, l.f.c. brunswick, and r.w. kelly. 1979. coumestans in lucerne and ovulation in ewes. new zealand journal of agricultural research 22:411–416. doi:10.1080/00288233.1979.10430768. soelberg, j. and a.k. jäger. 2016. comparative ethnobotany of the wakhi agropastoralist and the kyrgyz nomads of afghanistan. journal of ethnobiology and ethnomedicine 12:2. doi:10.1186/ s13002-015-0063-x. spratt, d.m. 1997. australian and new zealand societies for parasitology scientific meeting endoparasite control strategies: implications for biodiversity of native fauna. international journal of parasitology 27:173–180. doi: 10.1016/s0020-7519 (96)00147-6. storey, b., c. marcellino, m. miller, m. maclean, e. mostafa, s. howell, j. sakanari, a. wolstenholme, and r. kaplan. 2014. utilization of computer processed high definition video imaging for measuring motility of microscopic nematode stages on a quantitative scale: “the worminator.” international journal of parasitology, drugs, and drug resistance 4:233–243. doi:10.1016/ j.ijpddr.2014.08.003. strong, l. 1993. overview: the impact of avermectins on pastureland ecology. veterinary parasitology 48:3–17. doi:10.1016/0304-4017(93) 90140-i. taylor, c.m., q. wang, b.a. rosa, s.c.-c. huang, k. powell, t. schedl, e.j. pearce, s. abubucker, and m. mitreva. 2013. discovery of anthelmintic drug targets and drugs using chokepoints in nematode metabolic pathways. plos pathology 9:e1003505. doi:10.1371/journal.ppat.1003505. taylor, m.a., j. learmount, e. lunn, c. morgan, and b.h. craig. 2009. multiple resistance to anthelmintics in sheep nematodes and comparison of methods used for their detection. small ruminant research special issue: keynote lectures of the 7th international sheep veterinary congress 86:67–70. doi:10.1016/ j.smallrumres.2009.09.020 traversa, d. and g. von samson-himmelstjerna. 2016. anthelmintic resistance in sheep gastrointestinal strongyles in europe. small ruminant research special issue: advances in sheep and goats research: a holistic approach. selected papers from sipaoc 2014 meeting, italy 135:75– 80. doi:10.1016/j.smallrumres.2015.12.014. vatta, a.f. and a.l.e. lindberg. 2006. managing anthelmintic resistance in small ruminant french. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(2):110–123 123 perspec ves livestock of resource-poor farmers in south africa: review article. journal of south african veterinary association 77:2–8. doi:10.4102/ jsava.v77i1.331. vieira, m.e.d., c. costa, a.c. silveira, and m.d. arrigoni. 2001. saponins and tannins in twentyeight alfalfa (medicago sativa l.) cultivates grown in botucatu sp. brazilian journal of animal science 30: 1432–1438. doi:10.1590/s151635982001000600007. vilela, v.l.r., t.f. feitosa, f.r. braga, j.v. de araújo, s.c. de lucena, e.s. dantas, a.c.r. athayde, and w.w. silva. 2013. efficacy of monacrosporium thaumasium in the control of goat gastrointestinal helminthiasis in a semi-arid region of brazil. parasitology research 112: 871–877. doi:10.1007/s00436-012-3078-4. waghorn, t.s., d.m. leathwick, l.-y. chen, and r.a. skipp. 2003. efficacy of the nematode-trapping fungus duddingtonia flagrans against three species of gastro-intestinal nematodes in laboratory faecal cultures from sheep and goats. veterinary parasitology 118: 227–234. doi:10.1016/ j.vetpar.2003.09.018. waller, p.j. 2006. from discovery to development: current industry perspectives for the development of novel methods of helminth control in livestock. veterinary parasitology 139:1–14. doi:10.1016/j.vetpar.2006.02.036. waller, p.j., g. bernes, s.m. thamsborg, a. sukura, s.h. richter, k. ingebrigtsen, and j. höglund. 2001. plants as de-worming agents of livestock in the nordic countries: historical perspective, popular beliefs, and prospects for the future. acta veterinaria scandanavia 42:31. doi:10.1186/17510147-42-31. wei, j.-z., k. hale, l. carta, e. platzer, c. wong, s.c. fang, and r.v. aroian. 2003. bacillus thuringiensis crystal proteins that target nematodes. proceedings of the national academy of sciences 100:2760–2765. doi:10.1073/pnas.0538072100. williams, a.r., c. fryganas, a. ramsay, i. muellerharvey, and s.m. thamsborg. 2014. direct anthelmintic effects of condensed tannins from diverse plant sources against ascaris suum. plos one 9, e97053. doi:10.1371/ journal.pone.0097053. wink, m. 2010. introduction. in functions and biotechnology of plant secondary metabolites, edited by m. wink, pp. 1–20. blackwell publishing ltd., oxford, uk. wink, m. and o. schimmer. 2010. molecular modes of action of defensive secondary metabolites. in functions and biotechnology of plant secondary metabolites, edited by m. wink, pp. 21–161. blackwell publishing ltd., oxford, uk. outline of an anthropological contribution to the study of snake venom variability: the case of echis sp. envenomation 24 research communication analyses, toxicity and lethality studies on animals or in vitro, as well as clinical observations of envenomation symptoms. chippaux et al. consider clinical observations as an important method in the identification of venom variation and as a “first clue to composition variability” (1999:1283). particularly in the african context, in the case of snakebites, clinical observations are seldom made by medical practitioners or hospital staff, as the majority of people prefer to seek the assistance of “traditional” healers in such cases. the dispensary of bonkoukou, niger, for example, which, theoretically, all sick people of the present research area may attend, treats only an insignificant number of bites (one or two in a month), whereas each interviewed healer, “responsible” for a much smaller community, may treat one to three snakebite victims in one month.2 this preference for “traditional” healing is also confirmed in literature (e.g., chippaux 2006:26). for example, 80% of bite victims in benin (chippaux 2002) and 95% in senegal (chippaux et al. 2005) refer themselves to local healers. observations of envenomation symptoms made by medical personnel may thus not be representative when studying venom variability in the african context. furthermore, hospital or dispensary staff often has a different cultural background to the local population and may thus also have a different understanding of “illness” caused by snakebites. introduction the present paper outlines an ethnozoological and ethnomedical approach to snake venom variability as a contribution to interdisciplinary research.1 first, in a brief theoretical overview, the anthropological input to such research, as well as to the topic of venom variability, will be discussed. then follows, as an example of how an anthropological contribution could be realized, a short case study of echis leucogaster roman viperidae envenomation carried out in western niger. medical descriptions of e. leucogaster envenomation do not seem to exist, and scholars tend to reference, in the case of this species, descriptions of envenomation by echis ocellatus stemmler viperidae. this may be problematic, as snake venom can show high variability on several levels (species, subspecies, etc.). thus, these local descriptions of e. leucogaster envenomation are, in the following discussion, contrasted to existing descriptions of envenomation by e. ocellatus in order to show possible differences in symptoms which may be due to interspecies variability. theory snake venom variability is of high relevance when developing adequate treatments for envenomation. natural sciences apply several methods in order to study variability: biochemical and electrophoretic outline of an anthropological contribution to the study of snake venom variability: the case of echis sp. envenomation tilman musch author address: ethnologie, universität bayreuth, bayreuth, germany 95440. tilman.musch@uni.bayreuth.de received: december 10, 2013 volume: 5:24-30 published: march 19, 2014 © 2014 society of ethnobiology abstract: an understanding of the variability of snake venom composition is of high relevance for adequate treatment of snakebites. clinical observations of bite victims are considered as a first step in the study of venom variability. the present paper suggests the study of local clinical observations made by healers as an anthropological contribution to the interdisciplinary research of venom variability on a species and subspecies level. such an anthropological contribution will take into account cultural particularities of a region. in order to illustrate his approach, the author describes his ethnozoological and ethnomedical fieldwork among zarma and tuareg in western niger where he studied envenomation by echis leucogaster. this species is of particular interest, as no medical descriptions of envenomation resulting from its bites seem to exist. key words: snake venom, snakebites, ethnozoology, ethnomedicine, echis leucogaster, niger mailto:tilman.musch@uni.bayreuth.de 25 research communication the present research seeks to contribute to the above mentioned method of observing clinically in order to study venom variability. it proposes a decisively anthropological approach, as it discusses descriptions of envenomation given by local people. it is supposed that such local knowledge assembled during decades or even transmitted through generations can provide important information which is closely linked to a specific region and to the local particularities of its snake fauna. the composition of snake venom, which is genetically determined, presents a high variability among species, as well as a wide range of variations on interfamily, individual, seasonal, geographic or other levels (e.g., chippaux et al. 1991; currier et al. 2010; nkinin et al. 1997). in several cases, the scientific discovery of venom variability in one presumed species provided evidence for classification into two species or into a further subspecies. jimenez-porras (1967) used variation in venom composition to differentiate between bothrops nummifer viperidae hoge and bothrops picadoi dunn viperidae. the two species are closely related in shape and color patterns but show marked differences in the composition and electrophoretic properties of their respective venom (e.g., the absence of a coagulant effect in the venom of b. picadoi). in terms of symptoms, lethal proteases of b. nummifer venom, for example, produced massive lung hemorrhages in mice, whereas this effect was not observed from venom of b. picadoi. evidence for the existence of two different species was also found in the venoms of montivipera bornmulleri werner viperidae and montivipera latifii mertens, darevsky, klemmer viperidae. in this case it was shown that immunological differences between the venoms of the species correspond to their wide spatial separation. this allowed the suggestion of an important separation in evolutionary development (weinstein and minton 1984; nilson and sundberg 1981). one example of inner-specific variability is vipera aspis linnaeus viperidae. differences in the venom of snake specimens led here to the zoological classification of the new subspecies v. aspis zinnikeri kramer viperidae (bouquet 1948; chippaux et al. 1991). the discussion of venom properties in echis carinatus schneider viperidae and echis coloratus günther viperidae ultimately led to the conclusion that venoms, even within the same species, can vary considerably and may cause contradictory physiological or biochemical test results (schaeffer 1987). e. leucogaster, the white-bellied carpet viper and e. ocellatus, the west african carpet viper, are very similar in shape and coloration. as sympatric species, they occupy neighboring environments (e.g., chippaux 2006:257), but the latter prefers a more humid habitat. it was only in the 1970s that e. leucogaster was classified as a species of its own. whereas numerous papers discuss the effects of e. ocellatus envenomation (e.g., below), no scientific report seems to exist concerning envenomation by e. leucogaster, as is also stated by phelps (2010:386). bites of the latter are often considered to have the same effects on the human organism as those of other echis spp. (e.g., mion et al. 2002a). the assumption that e. leucogaster venom may act in the same way as venom from other echis spp. is nevertheless surprising when considering the wide range of venom variability, in particular on an interspecies level. one may thus ask if e. leucogaster envenomation should still a priori be considered as similar to envenomation by other echis spp. as will be shown below, local descriptions of e. leucogaster envenomation significantly differ in some aspects from medical observations of envenomation by e. ocellatus, and a further biochemical study would seem to be useful. case study: e. leucogaster envenomation the aim of the following case study is to exemplify how an anthropological contribution to snake venom variability research could be realized. the study was carried out in a precise and well-circumscribed area of western niger with which the author is very familiar as a result of carrying out several periods of fieldwork on rural habitat since 2007. the analysis doesn’t attempt to be exhaustive, as still more features of variability may be present in other places of the sahel where e. leucogaster can be found. methods and geographical context the present research was carried out near the village of bonkoukou (department of filingué, republic of niger).3 the research area is located in dallol bosso, a fossil valley leading from the south of gaya, niger, up to the malian adrar. it belongs to the sahelian belt. two settlements on a plateau bordering the valley slightly westwards of bonkoukou were chosen as field sites: sanayan, tilobi, a zarma village, and tigalalen, inhabited by now highly assimilated tuareg.4 the latter mostly adopted the zarma language. whereas these two communities of settled agriculturalists have a different historical ethnic background, the patterns 26 research communication of their contemporary every-day-life are rather similar to each other. the two field sites can be considered as an ecologically coherent micro environment (ellen 1989:81) with the inhabiting zarma and mostly assimilated tuareg as its ecological population (ellen 1989:77f.). the very dry area is located on a rocky plateau, marked by erosion and scarce and shrubby vegetation, whereas one can encounter lower and damper places to its south, east and west. in the north, a landscape increasingly resembling the sahara is found, populated by other ethnic groups. the choice of this relatively small dry area allows the study of local representations of e. leucogaster bites and, at the same time, avoids the habitat of e. ocellatus, which prefers more humid places, as the occurrence of the latter species could have falsified the descriptions obtained. in cases of snakebites, locals appeal to specialized healers.5 the number of healers is very limited; only five were identified in the research area. ordinary locals here have quite poor knowledge of snakes and snakebites, as became clear during the fieldwork, thus, choosing a random sample among the whole population would not have made sense. in order to provide scientifically reliable data despite the small number of healers, the information given by any one person was cross-checked by “triangulation” (flick 2009:53f) with the other informants. in order to discuss with the healers e. leucogaster envenomation and its symptoms, semi-structured interviews were held, leading to open-ended conversation[s] (martin 1995:109ff.). the zarma language was mostly used, but some answers were given in tamashek. snake species were determined by means of dead samples, scientific descriptions and photographs (e.g., chippaux 2006; phelps 2010; trape et al. 2006).6 in order to give an example of how the healers represent envenomation symptoms, a selection of short quotations in local languages is listed below in an annex (numbers given in brackets). no relevant differences could be detected in the descriptions of the five healers. local knowledge of e. leucogaster envenomation e. leucogaster can be distinguished from e. ocellatus by the coloration of its ventral face; the former has an immaculate ivory white belly, whereas the latter has a pale-colored one with brownish spots (chippaux 2006; phelps 2010., hughes 1976; roman 1972; stemmler 1970). the informants were aware of these differences between e. leucogaster and e. ocellatus and also of their different habitats and contrast them in the zarma language by secondary color terms: the former is called “red echis” (hayni dooru ciray) and the latter “black echis” (hayni dooru bi).7 thus, each of the species represents not only a different scientific taxon, but one can also consider them as two different folktaxa (berlin 1992). the generic name hayni dooru and its equivalent ta-masangu in tamashek allude to the noise made by the snake’s scales when menaced and which is said to resemble trickling millet (hayni dooru = “pour millet”; ta‑masangu = “that one from the millet grains”). the informants underlined the relatively slow action of the venom of e. leucogaster. all of them mentioned local edema around the bite, which two of the informants compared to a scald: “the place [of the bite] looks like as if hot water has been poured on it” [01]. later on, necrosis develops. necrosis was described as “fouling flesh” with bad odor [02, 03]. envenomation was described by all informants as very painful. first, pain is felt as a local symptom around the bite [04], but then it is felt throughout the whole body [05]. three informants associated the venom directly with pain: pain and venom spread at the same rate progressively around the person’s body. the venom/pain tries to reach the heart [07, 08], and “good” medicine, on the other hand, prevents it from doing so [11]. without immediate treatment however, the pain “comes to your heart” [07], and the person wants to vomit [08]. hemorrhage, especially of the nasal mucosa, was also mentioned [06] by all the healers. three healers also said that the blood-circulation does not go the “right” way and that blood “assembles in one place” [10, 09]. affected blood and the affected heart are sometimes seen by them as closely linked to each other [10]. all healers described the “closure” of the heart which can lead to death [11, 12, 14] as the most salient symptom. they also linked it directly to asphyxia: when the heart “closes”, breathing is not possible [12]. as the “closure” of the heart is considered to be the most important symptom, healing in particular focuses on this cardiac affliction. thus, four healers explained the interaction of venom and remedy as follows: the venom tries to “mount” up to the heart (a bite often occurs on the feet), and the remedy tries to prevent it from doing so [13]; if the venom has already 27 research communication reached the heart and the remedy is given only then, the latter should provoke vomitus8 in order to make the former leave the person’s body [15]; if the venom leaves in such a way, the heart will not close [14, 15]. discussion as already mentioned, medical reports of e. leucogaster envenomation do not seem to exist. concerning envenomation by e. ocellatus and e. carinatus, scientific descriptions emphasize the high potency of the venom and the high mortality (e.g., warrell and arnett 1976). symptoms such as edema and necrosis, which the informants mentioned for e. leucogaster, are present in other echis spp. too, and sometimes the importance of the edema as well as the high necrotizing activity of the venom are emphasized (mion et al. 2002b; warrell and arnett 1976). several authors describe persistent and abnormal bleeding, hemorrhages, non-clotted blood and death from bleeding for e. ocellatus (chippaux and goyffon 1991; chippaux et al. 1999; einterz and bates 2003; pugh et al. 1979). the healers mentioned bleeding and hemorrhages as well. some of them underscored the affected blood circulation. it can be supposed that the images linked to “affected blood” represent for them also a symbolic way to express “illness.” in fact, the “right” or “wrong” circulation of blood expresses, in songhay,9 representations of illness, well-being or disease (bisilliat 1979). the fact that cardiac problems and asphyxia were mentioned by all informants seems to be of great interest, as these symptoms are not recorded in scientific observations of envenomation by other echis spp. the conspicuous nature of these symptoms in the descriptions of the healers may allow the hypothesis that particularities in the composition of e. leucogaster venom could differentiate it from the venoms of other echis spp., thus representing a case of intraspecies variability. however, as the “heart,” “cardiac troubles,” and “breathing” may be culturally variable concepts, this hypothesis should be further tested by biochemical analyses searching in particular for supposed cardioor neurotoxic components of the venom. conclusion knowledge of venom variability is of high importance for the treatment of snakebites, and clinical observations are considered as a first step in the analysis of composition variability. clinical observations made by local healers seems to be highly relevant, as they take into account the particular cultural background of a specific population and the possible regional particularities of snake fauna. studying such local clinical observations of snakebite envenomation from ethnomedical and ethnozoological viewpoints could be an anthropological contribution to the interdisciplinary study of snake venom variability. acknowledgments i thank the whole population of the bonkoukou area in western niger who has known me since 2007. in particular, i express my thanks to the healers, as well as to dr. soufiane tahirou, director of the bonkoukou dispensary, and jean-phillippe chippaux, institut de recherche au développement, cotonou, for his advice. declarations permissions: ministry of higher education and research of the republic of niger, chief of bonkoukou canton in niger sources of funding: institut national de langues et civilisations orientales at inalco in paris and faculty of cultural studies at bayreuth university in germany conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited berlin, b. 1992. ethnobotanical classification. principles of categorization of plants and animals in traditional societies. princeton university press, princeton, nj. bisilliat, j. 1979 (1976). village diseases and bush diseases in songhay: an essay in description and classification with a view to a typology. in social anthropology and medicine, edited by j. b. loudon, pp. 553-593. academic press, london. boquet, p. 1948. venins de serpent et antivenins. flammarion, paris. chevallier, j. 1997. nouvelles données sur l’ecologie d’echis ocellatus (viperidae) au burkina faso. bulletin de la société herpétologique de france 81:21-27. chippaux, j.-p. 2006 (1999, 2001). les serpents d’afrique occidentale et centrale. ird, paris. chippaux, j.-p., a. massougbodji, and m. goyffon. 2005. table ronde 20 novembre 2004: recommandations pour l’amélioration de la prise en charge des envenimations en afrique. bulletin de la société de pathologie exotique 98:316-319. chippaux, j.-p. 2002. épidémologie des morsures de 28 research communication serpent au bénin. in bulletin de la société de pathologie exotique 95:172-174. chippaux, j.-p., v. williams, j. white. 1991. snake venom variability: methods of study, results and interpretation. toxicon 29(11): 1271-1303. chippaux, j. p. and m. goyffon. 1991. production and use of snake antivenim. in reptile venoms and toxins. handbook of natural toxins, 5, edited by t. a. tu, pp. 529-555. decker, new york. chippaux, j. p., s. amadi-eddine, and p. fagot. 1999. diagnostic et surveillance des hémorragies dues aux envenimations vipérines en savane africaine. bulletin de la société de pathologie exotique 92(2):109113. ellen, r. 1989. environment, subsistence and system. the ecology of small-scale social formations. cambridge university press, cambridge. einterz, e. m. and m. e. bates. 2003. snakebite in northern cameroon: 134 victims of bites by the saw-scaled or carpet viper, echis ocellatus. transactions of the royal society of tropical medicine and hygiene, 97(6):693-696. flick, u., 2009. an introduction to qualitative research. sage, london. hughes, b. 1976. notes on africa carpet vipers, echis carinatus, e. leucogaster, and e. ocellatus (viperidae, serpentes). revue suisse de zoologie 83 (2):359-371. jimenez-porras, j. m. 1964. intraspecific variations in composition of venom of the jumping viper, bothrops nummifera. toxicon 2(3):187-195. jimenez-porras, j.m. 1967. differentiation between bothrops nummifer and bothrops picadoi by means of the biochemical properties of their venoms. in animal toxins, edited by f. e. russell and p. r. saunders, pp. 307-321. pergamon press, oxford. martin, g. j. 1995. ethnobotany: a methods manual. earthscan, london. mion, g., f. olive, e. hernandez, n.y. martin, a-s. vieillefosse, and m. goyffon. 2002a. action des venins sur la coagulation sanguine: diagnostic des syndromes hémorragiques. bulletin da la société de pathologie exotique 95(3): 132-138. mion, g., f. olive, d. giraud, e. lambert, c. descraques, e. garrabé, and m. goyffon. 2002b. surveillance clinique et biologique des patients envenimés. bulletin de la société de pathologie exotique 95(3):139-143. nilson, g. and p. sundberg. 1981. the taxonomic status of the vipera xanthina complex. journal of herpetology 15(3):379-381. nkinin, s.w., j. p. chippaux, d. piétin, y. doljanski, o. trémeau, and a. ménez. 1997. l’origine génétique de la variabilité des venins: impact sur la préparation des sérums antivenimeux. bulletin de la société de pathologie exotique 90(4):277-281. olivier de sardan, j. p. 1982. concepts et conceptions songhay-zarma. histoire, culture, société. nubia, paris. phelps, t. 2010. old world vipers. a natural history of the azemiopinae and viperinae. chimaira, frankfurt/ main. pugh, r. n. h., c. c. m. bourdillon, r. d. g. theakston, and h. a. reid. 1979. bites by the carpet viper in the niger valley. the lancet 314 (8143):625-627. roman, b. 1972. deux sous-espèces de la vipère echis carinatus (schneider) dans les territoires de haute-volta et du niger: echis carinatus ocellatus stemmler, echis carinatus leucogaster n. ssp. notes et documents voltaïques 5(4):3-13. rouch, j. 1989. la religion et la magie songhay. éditions de l’université de bruxelles, brussels. schaeffer, r.c. 1987. heterogeneity of echis venoms from different sources. toxicon 25(12):1343-1346. stemmler, o. 1970. die sandrasselotter aus westafrika, echis carinatus ocellatus subsp. nov. (serpentes, viperidae). revue suisse de zoologie 77 (2,18):273-282. trape, j.-f., y. mané. 2006. guide des serpents d’afrique occidentale. savane et désert. ird, paris. warrell, d. a., c. arnett. 1976. the importance of bites by the saw-scaled or carpet viper (echis carinatus): epidemiological studies in nigeria and a review of the world literature. acta tropica 33(4): 307-341. weinstein, s. a. and s. a. minton. 1984. lethal potencies and immunoelectrophoretic profiles of venoms of vipera bornmulleri and vipera latifii. toxicon 22(4):625-629. 29 research communication biosketch tilman musch works at bayreuth university on topics of spatial anthropology and ethnobiology in west africa and central asia. annex [01] nango gate danga hari dungo no munu boro boŋ [zarma] – “the place [of the bite] looks like as if hot water has been poured on it”. [02] nango ga fumbu [za.] – “the place is rotten / smells bad”. [03] edǎg-di ad irsaḍ [tamashek] – “this place will be rotten”. [04] edǎg ən nagi-nes ikkûs [ta.] – “the place of the poison [of the bite] is hot [very painfull]”. [05] ni gaham mo kulu no ga dooru [za.] – “your whole body is painful”. [06] tinžar n ǎwedem a dd-igâmӑḍ azni [ta.] – “the nose of the person, blood comes out [from it]” [07] dooro ga koy ni bina do [za.] – “the pain comes to your heart”. [08] dooro no ga koy boro bina ga, bora ga ceeci kayeeri [za.] – “the pain goes to the heart, the person wants to vomit”. [09] kuro ga margu nangu fallan [za.] – “the blood is assembling in one place”. [10] as tədǎd awedam awəl-nes a ibâddӑγǎn, γas azni a itâssin awəl eqqâmu isâγlǎy kunduba ibâddaɣan n əwəl ad ənkərǎn dǎγ ǎwedam [ta.] – “when it bites [a person], his heart closes, then blood goes to the heart, it goes around until closures of the heart are happening in the person”. [11] da i mana tarka bora safar, bora bina ga daabu, bora mabu [za.] – “if you haven’t provided rapid healing to the person, the heart of person closes, the person dies”. [12] bina ga daabu, boro si hin ka fulanzam [za.] – “the heart will close, the person cannot breathe”. [13] a ga gandji naadjo makoy beene [za.] – “it prevents the venom from mounting [up to the heart]”. [14] dinna bora haŋŋgandi enda, a ga yeeri bina si daabu [za.] – “if you make the person drink [the water] with it [the remedy], he will vomit, the heart will not close”. [15] bora yeeri nadjo aga fatta [za.] – “the person vomits, the venom leaves”. notes 1research on venom variability has to be interdisciplinary, and the present paper outlines the anthropological contribution to such research. whereas the anthropological input lies in the study of local conceptions on how the venom of a respective species or regional subspecies may act on the human organism, only a biochemical analysis of the venom will allow the exact molecular agent of symptoms provoked by a venom to be determined (for example: respiratory paralysis can be due to neurotoxins as well as to phospholipase a2 enzymes). 2the village of bonkoukou, to which the research area belongs administratively, has about 20,000 inhabitants (as compared to 1,400 for the research area itself). the dispensary provides only symptomatic treatment, as immunotherapy would be too expensive and is not available there. 3three periods of fieldwork, each of about 6 weeks, were spent on this topic (july-august 2011, octoberdecember 2012, and march-april 2013). 4sanayan is located around n 14° 07.275‘, e 003° 09.087‘ (227 m). tigalalen is a wide area located around n 14° 03.727‘, e 003° 12.756‘ (238 m). the former has about 1,000 and the latter about 400 inhabitants. 5healers are called zima (zarma language) and have a special relationship with spirits which confer on them the knowledge of plants and healing (rouch 1989:56 ff., 204ff.). the interviewed healers are considered by the local population as specialists in snakebites. 6people of the area relatively often encounter snakes and kill them. the inhabitants were not required to search for snakes for the present scientific purpose. discussing the matter by handling living animals was not possible – venomous snakes are considered a serious danger to humans and animals. nobody would have tried to capture a snake alive and, if captured alive, nobody would have released it after examination. due to the small number of venomous snake-species relevant in the area (bitis arietans merrem viperidae, e. leucogaster, and naja nigricollis elapidae reinhardt; and, rarely, naja haje elapidae linnaeus), an exact scientific determination of e. leucogaster was possible without examination of living samples. 7these color terms may not allude to real coloration. “black” and “red” are used by zarma also in order to 30 research communication mark contrast, particularly in a hierarchical sense between social classes (olivier de sardan 1982:67f.). 8informants did not mention a possible diuretic effect of their respective treatments, which can, however, be of high relevance in the elimination of snake-venom. 9songhay are an ethnic group culturally and geographically close to zarma, sharing with them the same language. una isĩ kayawa: livro de cura do povo huni kuĩ do rio jordão. edited by agostinho manduca m. ĩka muru and alexandre quinet. 2014. jardim botânico do rio de janeiro and dante editores, rio de janeiro. 260 pp. coimbra. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(1):24–25 24 reviews collected, and named by the huni kuĩ in their native language, hatxa kui. of this total, 109 plant samples were botanically identified and selected for inclusion in the book, accompanied by detailed descriptions of their healing properties, associated curing rituals, preparations, and uses (e.g., ritual bathing, topical applications, eye drops, etc.). over the last decade, several important books on the ethnobotany of indigenous peoples in brazil have become available. among the newer releases, i would highlight for its comprehensiveness and richness of description a monographic volume about the yanomami by anthropologist bruce albert and botanist william milliken (2009; see welch 2010 for a review). also, an edited volume by ethnobiologist moacir haverroth (2013) encompasses ten case studies focusing on the relationship between indigenous ethnobotanical knowledge and curing practices, based on research carried out by various authors among different communities in brazil. a possible common denominator between these two books, as well as other contributions to the ethnobotany of indigenous peoples in brazil, is their predominantly, if not purely, academic approach. in most previous work, field investigation was done by academic researchers with the aid of indigenous guides or plant specialists. the design and writing of such books more closely follows academic conventions, i.e., organization into chapters and subsections in accordance with standard ethnographic or botanical logic. in the case of una isĩ kayawa, the entire project departs from a very different perspective, intermingling over twenty kaxinawá (or huni kuĩ, their preferred ethnic self-designation, meaning real people) shamans from various villages dispersed along the jordão river, near the brazilian border with peru, held a series of workshops over the course of two years that aimed to document and exchange traditional knowledge about plants, particularly medicinal, as well as their associated stories and myths. one result of this collective effort is una isĩ kayawa, a nicely produced book that combines the expertise of huni kuĩ shamans with that of botanists from rio de janeiro botanical garden. agostinho ĩka muru was a famed shaman who, since the 1970s, accompanied his people’s saga of migration from rubber plantations (seringais), where they worked under slave-like conditions, back to their traditional territories, which are now officially recognized by the brazilian government. during these decades, he played a major role in safeguarding huni kuĩ cultural traditions, including chants, rituals, graphic designs, cotton weaving technics, foodways, and mythologies. ĩka muru wished to perpetuate his people’s knowledge in a book, like the “whites” do, as he often stated, so that huni kuĩ youth would forever have access to reliable information about key elements of their culture. in collaboration with botanist alexandre quinet from rio de janeiro, 21 experts on different plant families from renowned herbaria in brazil and abroad were invited by ĩka muru and other huni kuĩ shamans to participate in the project. through this collective effort involving indigenous plant experts and botanists, 351 plants types were recognized, una isĩ kayawa: livro de cura do povo huni kuĩ do rio jordão. edited by agostinho manduca m. ĩka muru and alexandre quinet. 2014. jardim botânico do rio de janeiro and dante editores, rio de janeiro. 260 pp. carlos e. a. coimbra jr. 1* 1 escola nacional saúde pública, fundação oswaldo cruz, rio de janeiro, brazil. * carloscoimbrajr@gmail.com received december 18, 2015 open access accepted january 8, 2016 doi 10.14237/ebl.7.1.2016.561 copyright © 2016 coimbra; licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attributionnoncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. coimbra. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(1):24–25 25 reviews traditional huni kuĩ knowledge of plants with leading -edge botanical science. back in the 1970s, as he travelled through rainforest trails to visit huni kuĩ communities dispersed along the rio jordão valley, ĩka muru observed, experimented, and recorded plants and plant knowledge among his own people. he recorded detailed plant descriptions and information about plant habits and uses in notebooks, which he kept in secrecy. in addition, ĩka muru recorded his own memories about the plants he saw during his travels and recollections of oral reports from shamans and plant specialists that lived during his youth. he went about this private project at a time when it was not easy to maintain traditional healing practices and rituals because his people lived under the rule of socalled rubber barons (barões da borracha), who viewed indigenous cultural traditions and expressions as challenges to their authority (iglesias 2010). as a watchful leader, ĩka muru worried about the continuity of huni kuĩ culture and society in face of the swift social and political transformations, to which younger generations seemed to him to be more vulnerable. in his own words: [...] we elders know more or less the meaning of each of these species, but these young people, they are now studying. [...] i was concerned, and still am. because our ancestors knew one hundred percent of what we know. the elders also studied a lot with them [...]. so, i was concerned about recording these stories. [...] because this material will no longer be hidden, as it was in the past. (pages not numbered in ĩka muru´s opening to the book). given this background, i see the book una isĩ kayawa as more than a rich contribution to amazonian ethnobotany. it is also the concretization of a dream, ĩka muru´s dream, to pass his and his peer shamans’ knowledge and secrets to future generations of huni kuĩ. shortly after the completion of the final workshop, shaman ĩka muru died among his close kin, never seeing the final work in print. references cited albert, b., and w. milliken. 2009. urihi a: a terrafloresta yanomami. instituto socioambiental, são paulo. iglesias, m. p. 2010. os kaninawá de felizardo: correrias, trabalho e civilização no alto juruá. paralelo 15, brasília. haverroth, m., ed. 2013. etnobiologia e saúde de povos indígenas. núcleo de publicações em ecologia e etnobotânica aplicada. universidade federal de pernambuco, recife. welch, j. r. 2010. review of urihi a: a terra-floresta yanomami, by b. albert and w. milliken with g. goodwin gomez. ethnobiology letters 1:18-19. from ethical codes to ethics as praxis: an invitation bannister. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(1):13–26 13 perspectives special issue on ethics in ethnobiology new form of responsible science that works with native peoples for a better future, and not just treats them as subjects for the advancement of white man’s science” (posey 1990 as reprinted in posey 2004:5, emphasis in original). from those origins in belém, largely through posey’s bold conviction and dedication, an ongoing commitment by ethnobiologists from around the world was set in motion to bring global attention to indigenous issues related to biocultural diversity and to work towards creative solutions for their redress. one of the most notable of these achievements was development of a code of ethics by the ise, which remains a foundational reference point in biocultural ethics1 to this day. since those beginnings, global public awareness and ethical guidance for research involving indigenous and local communities, cultural knowledge and associated biodiversity has evolved significantly. for example, within ethnobiology and in “as we learn together, the journey offers the sacred gift of humility.” (iwama et al. 2009:7) ethics is an important element of ethnobiology, and ethnobiology is an important learning space for understanding cross-cultural and interdisciplinary research ethics. indeed, ethnobiologists have collectively influenced ethical thought, policy and practice from local to international levels since at least the late 1980s, with the founding of the international society of ethnobiology (ise) in 1988. at the close of the first ise congress (belém, brazil) involving hundreds of delegates from 35 countries, founding members created the declaration of belém, a statement of guiding principles that represented “the goals and ideals of ethnobiologists and ethnobiology in an international context” (berlin 1990 as quoted in international society of ethnobiology, nd). darrell posey called the declaration of belém “nothing short of an urgent call for [a] new ethic.” he proclaimed it as “a challenge to ethnobiologists to lead the way in a from ethical codes to ethics as praxis: an invitation kelly bannister 1* 1 polis project on ecological governance, centre for global studies, university of victoria, victoria, canada. * kel@uvic.ca abstract ethical guidance for research involving indigenous and traditional communities, cultural knowledge, and associated biological resources has evolved significantly over recent decades. formal guidance for ethnobiological research has been thoughtfully articulated and codified in many helpful ways, including but by no means limited to the code of ethics of the international society of ethnobiology. we have witnessed a successful and necessary era of “research ethics codification” with ethical awareness raised, fora established for debate and policy development, and new tools evolving to assist us in treating one another as we agree we ought to within the research endeavor. yet most of us still struggle with ethical dilemmas, conflicts, and differences that arise as part of the inevitable uncertainties and lived realities of our crosscultural work. is it time to ask what more (or what else) might we do, to lift the words on a page that describe how we should conduct ourselves, to connecting with the relational intention of those ethical principles and practices in concrete, meaningful ways? how might we discover ethics as relationship and practice while we necessarily aspire to follow adopted ethical codes as prescription? this paper brings together willie ermine’s concept of “ethical space” and darrell posey’s recognition of the spiritual values of biodiversity with a unique selection of insights from other fields of practice, such a s intercultural communication, conflict resolution and martial arts, to invite a new conceptualization of research ethics in ethnobiology as ethical praxis. received july 20, 2017 open access accepted february 15, 2018 doi 10.14237/ebl.9.1.2018.1060 keywords ethical space, biocultural ethics, research ethics, ethical guidelines, ethical praxis copyright © 2018 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. bannister. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(1):13–26 14 perspectives special issue on ethics in ethnobiology many fields, the language of research “subjects” has been superseded with “participants,” new standards for what constitutes “consent” have been established, due acknowledgement of knowledge holders and equitable benefit-sharing have become expectations, and intentional efforts have been made in methodology to evolve research in participatory, collaborative and indigenous-led directions. formal guidance for ethnobiological research has been thoughtfully articulated in helpful ways, including but not limited to the ise code of ethics (2006). many ethnobiologists have been involved in these necessary exercises of codifying ethical expectations, raising ethical awareness and creating new tools to assist in understanding how we ought to treat one another within the research endeavor. these are important accomplishments within ethnobiology and more broadly. yet many of us, perhaps especially those situated within a university, still struggle with ethical dilemmas, conflicts, and differences that arise as part of our “humanness”—those inevitable uncertainties and lived realities of our cross-cultural work involving people and the natural world. austin (2008:749) underscores the important role of ethical guidelines in health research to minimize risks, maximize benefits and uphold crucial principles such as free, prior and informed consent, but she expresses a vital insight: “from a relational ethics perspective, … although these guidelines are necessary, they are insufficient.” similarly, gavazzi (2012)’s work in clinical psychology recognizes that ethics are not equal to ethical codes. he promotes a “positive” rather than “remedial” approach to ethics, advocating ethics as more than just a set of rules and codes that need to be memorized.” gavazzi (2011) describes ethics as “alive every day in our professional lives.” likewise, bergum and dossetor (2005) underscore a set of ethical principles as necessary, objective, general structures that are inadequate on their own, but needed to support us in the primary goal of fully attending to ethics within specific relationships. holding in mind the duality of ‘achievement’ and ‘insufficiency’ within a relational ethics framework, i posed the following questions in a presentation at the 39th annual conference of the society of ethnobiology entitled “reimagining research ethics: a relational approach to codes of ethics for ethnobiologists” (bannister 2016):  is it time to ask what more—or what else— might we do?  how do we lift the words on a page that describe how we ought to conduct ourselves, to connect more directly with the intention of those ethical principles and practices in concrete, meaningful ways?  how do we discover ethics as relationship while we necessarily aspire to follow agreed ethical codes as prescription? in this paper, i explore the question of “what else,” motivated by a sense of convergence in the concept of “ethical space” as articulated by cree philosopher and educator willie ermine (ermine 2000, 2015) and darrell posey’s recognition of the spiritual values of biodiversity. after providing a brief history of ethical codification in ethnobiology, i explore ethical space in more depth from a relational ethics perspective (austin 2008; bergum and dossetor 2005; haslebo and haslebo 2008) and draw parallels from a unique combination of other fields of practice, such as intercultural communication, conflict resolution and martial arts. i offer initial ideas and an invitation to reimagine research ethics in ethnobiology as not just compliance with ethical practices, but as an art and practice that could lead us to articulating a new ethical praxis. ethics is commonly understood to refer to the values and principles that guide behaviors towards others. however, ethics has many meanings in society today and may be interpreted differently by each of us. in this paper, i draw upon multiple understandings. one is ethics as a formal branch of western philosophy that seeks to resolve questions of human morality and involves concepts of right and wrong, or just and unjust. in this regard, my particular focus is applied ethics, specifically research ethics policy and practice. i also call on understandings of ethics at a more fundamental level as our capacity to know what harms or enhances the wellbeing of sentient creatures, which manifests in how we choose to relate to one another and the natural world2. this understanding has been shaped through exchanges with indigenous colleagues and mentors, as well as my exposure to eastern philosophical traditions. it is through our potential to experience and hold multiple perspectives on ethics in a biocultural context that i see ethnobiologists as well-placed, even obliged, to continue to meet posey’s 30-year-old challenge to lead the way in responsible science that works with bannister. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(1):13–26 15 perspectives special issue on ethics in ethnobiology indigenous peoples for a better future. this paper is an attempt to share some emerging thoughts and ideas, and encourage further thoughtful reflection and exchanges, to assist in the goal of continuing to expand our perspectives and understandings of ethics. research ethics codification in ethnobiology research ethics commonly involves codification of agreed rules of conduct intended to guide the research endeavor through difficult moral questions. research ethics codification over the last few decades has led to the development of ethical guidelines and codes of ethics within many disciplines and professions. in some countries (e.g., canada, usa, new zealand, australia), adherence to national ethics standards for research involving humans is a formal requirement of university research (see hardison and bannister 2011 for a historical overview of research ethics as related to ethnobiology). as noted, ethics codification in ethnobiology took root in 1988 with the declaration of belém at the ise’s first congress and aspirations to create an ethics committee. a priority issue raised by posey was intellectual property rights (ipr). posey expressed his hope that the 1990 ise congress would be “the next step toward the development of a position of ethnobiologists toward ipr and the ‘just compensation’ of native peoples for their knowledge,” and that “both the society of ethnobiology and the international society of ethnobiology will take the intellectual lead-as well as appropriate actions-toward the development of a new ethic that serves as a model for other disciplines” (posey 1990:97–98). ise members agreed to develop the first ever code of ethics for ethnobiologists at the fourth congress in 1994 (lucknow, india). under posey’s direction, it was anticipated that the code of ethics would be completed within a year. significant progress was made in developing drafts at the 1996 and 1998 congresses. however, despite best efforts of the ise ethics committee, challenging circumstances delayed the process, including a need to reconcile controversies among ise members related to claims of bioprospecting and biopiracy in the late 1990s and early 2000s (for example, see shebitz and oviedo 2018, this volume). posey’s untimely death in 2001 was a setback in many ways, putting completion of the ise code of ethics on hold until the process was revived in 2004 at the 9th ise congress in canterbury, kent, uk. a special session was held to formally reaffirm the commitment of ise members (bannister, 2004). after a 10-year process of development involving hundreds of individuals from many different cultures and backgrounds, from all regions of the world, the ise code of ethics was unanimously adopted by members in 2006 (chiang rai, thailand) with minor additions made in 20083. the ise code of ethics (2006) remains in place to this day with goals “to facilitate ethical conduct and equitable relationships, and foster a commitment to meaningful collaboration and reciprocal responsibility by all parties.” it offers 17 principles and 12 practical guidelines, and emphasizes the underlying value of mindfulness, described as “an obligation to be fully aware of one’s knowing and unknowing, doing and undoing, action and inaction.” the adoption process for the ice code of ethics included an ongoing commitment to continual review and affirmation. extensive discussion about revising the ise code of ethics took place leading up to and during the 2010 congress in tofino, british columbia, canada. however, for a number of practical and principled reasons, members at the 2010 congress decided that, despite evolving language and terminology, the ise code of ethics represented a robust aspirational document and should remain intact with only non-substantive minor updates. an online ratification process is currently open to all ise members with an invitation to endorse an updated version with minor changes4. much volunteer effort to date has gone into sharing the ise code of ethics and making it accessible in eight languages. the society of ethnobiology, the society for economic botany, and the latin american society of ethnobiology (among other societies and organizations) have also dedicated attention to discussing and developing ethical guidance and resources. each of these groups adopted the ise code of ethics (in current or modified form), creating a sense of collective ethical aspiration among ethnobiologists and a shared platform for future ethics innovation. beyond codification, towards ethical space in recent years, the ise ethics program has endeavored to ground its work in the concept of “ethical space” (bannister and solomon 2009; bannister and wyndham 2014) as articulated by cree philosopher and educator, willie ermine (ermine bannister. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(1):13–26 16 perspectives special issue on ethics in ethnobiology 2000, 2007; ermine et al. 2004). ermine introduced this concept to the realm of research ethics through his master of education thesis “a critical examination of the ethics in research involving indigenous peoples” (ermine 2000). ermine borrowed the term “ethical space” from roger poole (1972) and applied it to the “intersection where the two worlds of indigenous and western peoples meet” (ermine 2000:8). ermine (2000:9) explains his original inspiration as follows: poole (1972) has remarked in his book towards deep subjectivity that there exists an ‘ethical space’ when two sorts of space interact. ethical space is created when the intentions of two entities structure space between them in two different ways, and when the sets of intentions confront each other then ‘ethical space is set up instantaneously’ (poole 1972:5). ermine (2000:27) draws a parallel with poole’s idea of ethical space and applies it to “…the confluence of the two societies and the critical juncture where the indigenous mind meets with western thought.” he suggests: “this 'ethical space' is potentially a productive and appropriate position from which to express and negotiate an ethical order in research that crosses cultural borders” (ermine 2000:9). ermine (2000:18–19) refers to ethical space, not as common ground but as a place between worldviews, an “abstract space” created when the intentions of two entities “confront each other.” these different intentions are “guided by a past that includes memory, values, interests, and the actions validated by our communities.” thus, this space affords the opportunity to be reflective about personal convictions and how these formed perceptions influence our intentions about the 'other'. this confrontation of worldviews sets up the conditions by which negotiation is necessary in order to arrive at ethical interaction. he goes on to propose that ethical space offers possibilities for new models of research and knowledge production that are co-developed through respectful negotiation in this cross-cultural interaction. the contribution of ermine to research ethics has not remained abstract in canada. an unprecedented shift was catalyzed when ethical space was formally incorporated into national research ethics policy in 2007 for health research involving indigenous peoples, referred to as the cihr guidelines (canadian institutes of health research 2007). moreover, in 2010, ethical space was included as an underlying concept within a new chapter (chapter 9) on research involving indigenous peoples in canada, as part of comprehensive national ethics guidelines for all university research, called the tri-council policy statement: research involving humans, version 2 (tcps2) (canadian institutes of health research, natural sciences and engineering research council of canada, and social sciences and humanities research council of canada 2014)5. according to the cihr guidelines, ethical space should frame the entire research endeavor through “a series of stages of dialogue beginning with the conversations prior to the design of the research, through to the dissemination of results and perhaps even afterward.” the cihr guidelines encourage a continual questioning of “is this ethical?” requiring “a dialogue about intentions, values and assumptions throughout the research process” (canadian institutes of health research 2007:17). alongside national ethics guidelines, it has become increasingly common in canada for indigenous communities and indigenous organizations to develop and articulate their own standards for ethical research based on their own principles, values and beliefs (for some canadian examples see assembly of first nations 2009 and bannister 2009). as in the ise code of ethics, both the cihr guidelines and tcps2 chapter 9 underscore the importance of understanding and following indigenous community research guidelines and protocols as an integral part of ethical practice. regarding the co-creation of ethical space by communities and researchers that is promoted in both the cihr guidelines and tcps2 chapter 9, brant castellano and reading (2010) note that challenges are inevitable when meeting across differences in worldviews, needs, and expectations. they encourage embracing this tension through “dialogue undertaken with an ethical commitment to mutual benefit and good relations” calling such a commitment “a powerful instrument to prevent violations of human dignity” (brant castellano and reading 2010:14). these descriptions of ethical space strongly resonate with bergum and dossetor’s (2005) perspective from a relational ethics approach. they bannister. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(1):13–26 17 perspectives special issue on ethics in ethnobiology describe the relational space as a nourishing dwelling place for self and other, a space that enables us to be together in our difference and diversity, with an irreducible respect for one another. they recognize a need to nurture the relational space to make ethical practice possible. they acknowledge the value and necessity of ethical principles as the means to come to know ethical practice, but view the nature and significance of relationship as fundamental to enacting ethical practice as an art, moment by moment. inspired by all of the above, i was curious to explore ethical space more fully and more tangibly, beyond inspirational academic articles and the negotiated words of policy documents. in 2015, i had the privilege to organize a national policy conference as part of the intellectual property issues in cultural heritage project6, funded by the social sciences and humanities research council of canada. the working better together conference on indigenous research ethics7 strategically brought together 80 canadian indigenous and non-indigenous academic and community researchers, educators, practitioners, policy analysts and administrators (including willie ermine, marlene brant castellano and several ethnobiologists) to explore what it really means–and what it takes–to work collaboratively in indigenous research, using ethical space as a foundational concept. the next section provides selected verbatim highlights from ermine’s keynote presentation on ethical space at the conference. such contributions of ermine and others (discussed subsequently) have deeply inspired and informed my thoughts on connecting with the relational intention of our ethical principles and practices. my choice to quote ermine rather than briefly paraphrase is intentional; his unique articulations have been key to shifting my understanding of ethical space from aspiration and reified notion to practice. my goal here is for readers to have an opportunity to experience ermine’s words for themselves. dancing particles – ethical space revisited in his keynote address entitled “dancing particles,” ermine (2015) offered a provocative elaboration of ethical space as an encounter of energetic or spiritual dimensions. a mouse loves another mouse, a grass loves a grass, a tree loves a tree, that mountain has ethics to love the other mountain. and us humans, we really have to love each other. so the ethical space is connected to these ideas … how we treat each other as human beings. this is the very basis of ethics. so when we talk about ethics, then we have to go into the moral arena where we start talking about our values, where we start talking about our spirituality. the task today is to link up this idea of ethics and turn it into a sort of energy that we [feel] …as we [encounter] each other. … the ethical space is about the encounter of strangers. … what is the response when we meet this other? what we call ‘other’ as has been written about in academia, when we see other races, other genders perhaps, other classes of people, other nationalities, other people with different bodies, and all these differences that come into play. ermine (2015) identified different levels and types of encounters-–exchanging names or following social prescriptions–as examples of superficial encounters, compared with meeting one another at a more conscious level of awareness. he pointed to an all too common “incompetence” in our intercultural encounters that creates an obstacle in our ability to relate to one another. he asked us to consider how we work through these obstacles across our differences – or if we do? how do we link the ideas of ethics and moralities when there’s these boundaries that we carry? one of the questions … [about ethical space] … is ‘what do we do with ‘it’?’ it’s not an ‘it’. what we’re trying to do is center and focus this idea of ethics, as it lies within each and every one of us—within our spirit, within our inwardness. that’s where it needs to be powerful, that’s where it becomes powerful. we cannot ‘use’ ethics, it’s not a noun. it’s in here somewhere [referring to inside oneself]. ermine (2015) continued: linking up this idea of ethics is something that each one of us has and is responsible for. we go through these ideas that ethics has to do with the human spirit—which is unseen, and the unseen is the unknown. we cannot work with something we can’t see; we can’t manipulate it, so we have a hard time working with it. nevertheless, when we look at the spiritual level, a spirit inside each and every one of you can see the spirit of another bannister. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(1):13–26 18 perspectives special issue on ethics in ethnobiology person. these are the teachings that we go through with our old people, our spiritualists. that the spirit can, in fact, see the other spirit. … if we can [relate to one another] to that level, then we have a different paradigm or a different formulation that we can work with. ermine included a novel interactive component as part of his conference presentation, inspired by a combination of cree understandings of “health” with theory from particle physics. his demonstration enabled participants to experience firsthand what he referred to as “dancing particles” or a sense of animation of one another’s spirit. so dancing particles—this is the central point when talking about ethics; we have to keep exploring this whole field. it takes a discussion of ethics as an ‘it,’ as a noun, and turning it more into an energy, like in the exercise we did this morning. and start connecting it to a spirituality that everybody has. then we’re talking about ethics. … and we know that the universe operates on those principles. …when we’re talking about the ethics, it’s at this level that things really start to happen, that the critical mass of energies, of spiritual people working together can produce profound results. spiritual values of biocultural ethics ermine’s message on the fundamental nature of ethics brings to mind posey’s writings on the cultural and spiritual values of biodiversity, which i believe partly motivated posey’s sense of need to establish a new ethic in ethnobiology. posey (1999: 4, emphasis in original) states: although conservation and management practices are highly pragmatic, indigenous and traditional peoples generally view this knowledge as emanating from a spiritual base. all creation is sacred and the sacred and secular are inseparable. spirituality is the highest form of consciousness, and spiritual consciousness is the highest form of awareness. in this sense, a dimension of traditional knowledge is not local knowledge but knowledge of the universal as expressed in the local. in indigenous and local cultures, experts exist who are peculiarly aware of natures organizing principles, sometimes described as entities, spirits or natural law. thus, knowledge of the environment depends not only on the relationship between humans and nature, but also between the visible world and the invisible spirit world. since posey’s time, within and beyond ethnobiology, i have experienced in myself and observed in others a greater awareness of and respect for spiritual dimensions of biocultural knowledge and knowledge systems. these understandings, as posey notes, are linked with a universality emanating from the ‘laws of nature,’ and worldviews based in the interconnection of the natural world and all sentient beings across spatial and temporal scales. for example, anishnabe elder and spiritual leader, dave courchene of the sagkeeng first nation (manitoba, canada) teaches that “natural law is the first rule of spirituality,” and that spirituality and ceremony are a fundamental part of the principles and values that need to underlie our biocultural activities (courchene as quoted in bannister 2017:22–23). dr. leroy little bear (2000:77–78) explains that there is no animate/ inanimate dichotomy in aboriginal languages; all things are animate and imbued with spirit in aboriginal philosophy. “if everything has spirit and knowledge, then all are like me. if all are like me, then all are my relations.” to some extent, this awareness is reflected in the ise code of ethics. for example:  the principle of traditional guardianship recognizes “the obligation and responsibility of indigenous peoples, traditional societies and local communities to preserve and maintain their role as traditional guardians of these ecosystems through the maintenance of their cultures, identities, languages, mythologies, spiritual beliefs and customary laws and practices”;  the principle of confidentiality includes “a responsibility to be aware of and comply with local systems for management of knowledge and local innovation, especially as related to sacred and secret knowledge”; and  the principle of respect “recognizes the necessity for researchers to respect the integrity, morality and spirituality of the culture, traditions and relationships of indigenous peoples, traditional societies, and local communities with their worlds.” bannister. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(1):13–26 19 perspectives special issue on ethics in ethnobiology yet compared to ermine’s (2015) view of crosscultural ethics as fundamentally an encounter at the energetic level and a relationship of spiritual dimensions, the treatment of spirituality8 within the ise code ethics is relatively passive and prescriptive, one might say ‘two-dimensional’. as i asked at the onset, is it time to ask what more, or what else? is there an opportunity within ethnobiology today to lift those two-dimensional words of the ise code of ethics off the page in a three-dimensional way so that they come alive–even animate one another’s spirits? in addition to adhering to our agreed formulas for how to be ethical, can we discover together, and intentionally practice, ethics as relationship? maybe some of us already are? if so, can we (the broader ethnobiology community) gather these ways of being with one another to articulate and share more widely a new ethical praxis for our biocultural research and education? from ethical prescription to ethical praxis my suggestion to cooperatively articulate an ethical praxis in ethnobiology is inspired by sorrells’ (2015) intriguing model of “intercultural praxis,” which is based in a critical social justice approach to intercultural communication9. sorrells (2015:48) defines intercultural praxis as “a process of critical reflective thinking and acting … that enables us to navigate the complex and challenging intercultural spaces we inhabit interpersonally, communally, and globally.” sorrells (2015:48) does not seek to just teach an understanding of intercultural communication but to also support us in practicing “a way of being, thinking, analyzing, reflecting, and acting in the world in regard to cultural differences.” she recognizes that differences are real and that they are inevitably situated within relations of power. the key intention of her model is to “understand and address the intersection of cultural differences and hierarchies of power in intercultural interactions.” sorrells’ model is designed as a circular or spiral process (rather than linear) with six interrelated ports of entry (sorrells 2015:49–58):  inquiry (curiosity; willingness to learn without judgment; openness to allow our way of viewing and being in the world to be challenged);  framing (awareness of the limiting frames of reference from which we view and exp er ien ce th e wor ld; int ent io n al development of our perspective-taking capacity);  positioning (understanding the locations from which we speak, listen, act, think, and make sense of the world relative to others; questioning whose knowledge is privileged; understanding knowledge as socially and historically constructed and produced in relation to power);  dialogue (understood as a relationship of exchange that embraces a tension inherent in reaching across difference; holds the potential to be changed by one another; requires a quality of communication and connection between parties; allows for the possibility of new meaning and understanding);  reflection (intentional introspection and observing oneself in relation to others; the capacity for these to alter our perspectives and actions);  action (joining our increased understanding with responsible action, through a range of simple or complex creative and transformational forms or tactics). these six entry ports offer direction to our ways of thinking, reflecting, and acting in relation to our intercultural experiences, allowing us to attend to the complex, relational, interconnected, and often ambiguous nature of our experiences (sorrells 2015:49). i find sorrells’s insights from intercultural communication highly relevant to ethics in ethnobiology, but i do not naively promote an outright adoption of sorrells’s model by ethnobiologists. rather, i suggest the model is one compelling and timely example to stimulate a discussion within our field of how we envision our ethical aspirations today, and what we might create through a concerted effort to articulate a biocultural ethical praxis building on ethical space and informed by relational ethics and intercultural praxis. barriers to ethical praxis i acknowledge the complexity of my suggestion situated within the academic system or other institutional hierarchies of power, since the researcher -community relationship itself is but one of the dimensions at play. moreover, i recognize that the bannister. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(1):13–26 20 perspectives special issue on ethics in ethnobiology ethical space concept may be far less familiar, let alone a referential concept within ethics policy, outside of canada. the institutionalization of research ethics may inadvertently be an impediment given ethics is largely siloed within universities. for example, human research ethics review systems are an administrative aspect of university research, with their own policies, processes, and checkbox-like requirements typically fulfilled by researchers in advance, and removed from the people and places that they are meant to protect. ethical theory and education are often communicated separately from research ethics review through courses. ethical principles may be given extensive consideration in research design, but (outside of ethics review) are often met in real time with real consequences ad hoc if they arise. research ethics offices and ethics review boards at any given institution may or may not be viewed as facilitative bodies for ethical research. if not, we might ask why not, and consider what role we might have in informing, encouraging and evolving the ethics review process within our institutions. the opportunity to serve on an institutional research ethics review board may be one such possibility. ethical challenges to a project may arise from other administrative units (e.g., research services, finance, legal counsel, technology transfer) related to contract development, financial transfers, risk management and intellectual property for a given project. while there is a wide spectrum of research ethics administration, implementation and regulation across institutions and across countries, the typical siloed approach to ethics contributes to a disconnect that impedes translating ethical theory and principles into thriving practices. by ‘thriving practices,’ i am not referring to doing everything morally right or just, according to a western philosophical framework-; i generally assume we do our humanly best to understand and behave according to appropriate ethical expectations and that most of our shortcomings are unintentional or uniformed. rather, i invoke an understanding of ethics along the perspectives shared by ermine and courchene – which i understand at a profoundly fundamental level as a way of being, and a way of being with others. another institutionalized hurdle is a tendency towards over emphasis on “remedial ethics.” a bias in western ethics is the focus on minimum standards to prevent harm, intended to protect people, as well as to limit risk and liability for associated institutions. within a ‘though shalt not orientation,’ gavazzi (2012) questions whether our fear of doing something wrong limits our opportunities to do good. an example might be focusing on dutiful design of consent forms that meet institutional criteria with hopes for an efficient research ethics review approval, rather than sufficient attention to maximizing participation and striving to enhance conditions that support trust and quality of relationships with research collaborators. this includes coming to an understanding of what is the most fitting way to provide the opportunity for, and evidence of, ongoing consent throughout the project. gavazzi (2012) points out that focusing on ethical standards alone is based on an incomplete view of ethics. in contrast (but not dismissing ethical standards), the “positive ethics” approach that he promotes moves away from “the punishing and anxiety-producing components of ethics.” it aims for the ceiling rather than the floor, and explicitly recognizes the value of our selfawareness, self-care and emotional competence as having important roles in relational ethics. thus, expression of a new ethical praxis in our biocultural research may require us to educate about, advocate for, and support creation of ethical space in the systems within which our research is embedded. identifying hurdles and creating navigational aids through them is also part of the collaborative ethics work ahead. concrete examples of facilitating ethical space at an organizational level are emerging in canada. one compelling story is that of the alberta energy regulator, a government organization that sought the leadership of dr. reg crowshoe (piikani nation), a well-known blackfoot ceremonialist and proponent of ethical space (aer 2017). elder crowshoe’s organizational approach supports linking worldviews but strives to avoid simply incorporating and integrating indigenous processes with those of mainstream institutions. systems remain parallel to retain their integrity and ways are sought to authentically link these parallel systems through “cultural translation” 
and “cultural interpretation” (aer 2017:14). the aer process had a transformative effect at individual and organizational levels–making real an understanding that in ethical space, learning how to be together precedes deciding what to do together. further insights are found in the organizational ethics approach taken by haslebo and haslebo (2012) bannister. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(1):13–26 21 perspectives special issue on ethics in ethnobiology who apply relational ethics to institutional change using a social constructionist and appreciative perspective. the organizational change frameworks and methods shared by elder crowshoe and haslebo and haslebo (2012) may serve as helpful resources to deepen a ‘how to’ understanding within our affiliated institutions. opportunities in ethical praxis–getting personal as ermine (2015) and sorrells (2015) have pointed out, and as discussed in this paper, ethics is not just ‘out there’ codified in our research and professional worlds. ethics is also personal, within each one of us– animating one another, inviting us to develop and practice more awareness and competencies in the every day. but competencies in what, specifically? what are we missing? i have been particularly struck with the realization that much ethnobiological research, by its nature, involves explicit or implicit intercultural conflict and negotiation, yet this is not something most researchers receive training in, or professional support to work through. ermine (2015) underscored a type of “incompetence” in the encounter of strangers that is exacerbated within intercultural spaces, forming a barrier in our potential to relate to one another. sorrells’s intercultural praxis model emerges from explicit recognition of this ‘barrier’ and the need for awareness and competencies in embracing it. i believe understanding and embracing this phenomenon is an integral part of ethics. the question of how is personal and may be different for each of us. my own pursuits are informed by writings, conversations and experiences with indigenous colleagues and elders over many years. they are also profoundly influenced by training in zen-based conflict resolution (e.g., hamilton 2013, 2017; lenski 2014) and the martial art of aikido10. my study of aikido is not only technical (i.e., physical techniques for self-defense), but includes exploring the underlying philosophical and spiritual principles of aikido as an art and as an embodied practice of conflict resolution. i offer some personal observations from my own exploration of ‘how’ that are part of a larger work in progress on ethics as an art and practice—what i have coined “embodied ethics” (bannister and goreas 2014). related to the interpersonal barriers and incompetencies that ermine (2015) pointed out in encounters with strangers, diane hamilton’s (2013) work in zen-based conflict resolution affirms and acknowledges that our human ego-based sense of identify strives to maintain a separation between self and other. along the lines of sorrells’s (2015) entry port of “framing,” hamilton’s methods support and encourage developing the capacity to relax our egoic boundaries of identity enough to fully accept the tensions inherent in holding multiple perspectives with more grace and ease. developing this fundamental capacity is the basis for being with the other and deepening our skills in listening and communicating. however, listening itself is an uncommon art that requires learning and practice. drawing on his mastery of aikido, richard moon’s (fifth degree black belt) work on “extraordinary listening” is premised on the principle that “listening is an act of intent” (moon 2000:23)11. moon (2000:20) challenges us and offers training to “become a student of listening,” claiming that “the world changes when we change the way we listen.” his methods are based in listening beyond words and hearing another beyond the limits of our cognitive interpretation. beyond listening, darnell (1991) underscores the misunderstood role of silence within intercultural encounters. darnell (1991:89) describes the bias of “the loud-mouthed whiteman” within conversation, and shares helpful insights or “postulates” from implicit cree communicative systems. for example, “co-presence” defines social occasions; talking is a side-effect rather than the focus, and silence is considered respectful under many conditions. everyday interaction (in the secular domain) is structured around people being co-present; co-presence may involve talk, but its presence or absence does not change the nature of what is felt to be going on (darnell 1991:91). she goes on to explain (darnell 1991:92): respect for another human person is often expressed by silence. … silence is understood to be full (not needing to be filled up by talk or even activity) and complete in itself. sorrells (2015) explicitly recognizes intercultural communication as an embodied experience, acknowledging that our misunderstanding, misconceptions and biases about others are exchanged and expressed through our physical bodies. paul linden’s (sixth degree blackbelt) aikido-based somatic methods for “embodied peacemaking” reveal the role of our limbic response to distress at the physiological level, which influences our degree of bannister. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(1):13–26 22 perspectives special issue on ethics in ethnobiology competence at the interpersonal and intercultural scales. simply put, anxiety reduces our capacity to listen and learn. linden’s (2007) work focuses on understanding and developing the ability to consciously override the innate stress response of flight/fight/freeze, using physical practices to create a body state of calm alertness. in essence, linden’s approach enables one to become aware of, and choose not to be controlled by, the normal physical and emotional distress elicited during encounters with others. daniel siegel’s (2011, 2016) pioneering work in the field of interpersonal neurobiology offers an intriguing lens to situate ourselves within intercultural encounters as “me,” “we,” and “m/we” at the level of energy and information flow through our nervous systems. he claims that an understanding of the ‘self’ as separate is a form of impaired integration because we are all differentiated as a ‘me’ but we are all linked as a ‘we’. he describes the ‘self’ as an interconnected system and the body as one node. he explores how to honor individuated differences while acknowledging our interconnectedness to everyone and everything else, suggesting our existence is better conceptualized as ‘m/we’. the parallels in siegel’s concepts and terminology with ethical space and ethics as an expression of energetic or spiritual dimensions are particularly intriguing. many other concepts and fields of inquiry and practice are also relevant but not discussed here due to space limitations: nonviolent communication (e.g., rosenberg 2012, 2015), emotional intelligence (e.g., goleman 2011; salavoy and mayer 1990), indigenous healing (e.g., ross 2014), cultural humility and safety (e.g., fnha, nd; gallardo 2013), healing justice and emotional justice (e.g., walia 2013), intercultural hospitality (esteva and prakash 1998; kuokkanen 2013). building and sharing a wider body of references and practical resources seems a helpful step in continuing to evolve our understanding of biocultural ethics and ethical praxis. an invitation to ethical praxis almost thirty years ago, after the declaration of belém, darrell posey voiced his passionate conviction that ethnobiologists were well placed to “take the intellectual lead, as well as the appropriate actions, towards the development of a new ethic that serves as a model for other disciplines” (posey 1990 as reprinted in posey 2004:6). at the time, he claimed that now more than ever, dialogue must take place between disciplines and peoples. it will take our best minds from all fields and cultures to find socially and ecologically viable options for the survival of the planet. one might ask if ethnobiology is capable of such miraculous tasks. the only response can be: if we do not try, who will? today, developing a model of ethical praxis applied to ethnobiological research has the potential to offer a concrete methodological and self-reflective tool for deepening critical reflection and navigating through our intercultural complexities and incompetencies at a deeper level that is not overtly recognized in most of our biocultural research approaches. the perspective shared in this paper can be taken as a new invitation to ethnobiologists for another round of innovation in ethics. the invitation is not to develop more ethical guidance, but to make more of the guidance already shared with us, from within and outside our discipline as well as our cultural and spiritual traditions–and to draw on the “sacred gift of humility” (iwama et al. 2009:7) in sincerely considering how to co-develop our biocultural ethics as praxis. notes 1i respectfully acknowledge the treatment and definition of biocultural ethics published by rozzi (2012, 2013) and rozzi and massardo (2011). in this article, i use the term in a way that is largely consistent, but is more generalized and flexible. 2 my use of “sentient” in this paper is intended to be consistent with indigenous authors such as ermine (2015) and others in referring to sentient beings as extending beyond just humans and other creatures that are shown to have the capacity to “feel” based on western science. while important to the topic of biocultural ethics, it is beyond the scope of this paper to discuss different notions and cultural assumptions of sentience. for an example of such a discussion, see natcher
et al. (2007). 3for a brief history of the ise code of ethics, see http://www.ethnobiology.net/what-we-do/coreprograms/ise-ethics-program/code-of-ethics/briefhistory/. 4 for information and to access the ise code of ethics ratification, see: http://www.ethnobiology.net/ code-ethics-ratification/#!form/coeratification. 5for transparency, the cihr guidelines and tcps2 http://www.ethnobiology.net/what-we-do/core-programs/ise-ethics-program/code-of-ethics/brief-history/ http://www.ethnobiology.net/what-we-do/core-programs/ise-ethics-program/code-of-ethics/brief-history/ http://www.ethnobiology.net/what-we-do/core-programs/ise-ethics-program/code-of-ethics/brief-history/ http://www.ethnobiology.net/code-ethics-ratification/#!form/coeratification http://www.ethnobiology.net/code-ethics-ratification/#!form/coeratification bannister. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(1):13–26 23 perspectives special issue on ethics in ethnobiology chapter 9 indirectly influenced, and were indirectly influenced by, the concurrent international process to develop a code of ethics in ethnobiology, led by the international society of ethnobiology (ise). the connection between these three policy initiatives is through participation of the author as a member of the respective working groups and advisory committees for each process. namely, i have been a member of the aboriginal ethics working group (aewg) from 2004–2007 which developed the cihr guidelines; a member of the panel on research ethics-technical advisory committee on aboriginal research (pre-tacar) from 2005–2008 which advised on tcps2 chapter 9 (2008); the chair of the ise ethics program from 2004–present; and the facilitator of the ise code of ethics development process. 6for information about the intellectual property issues in cultural heritage project, see http:// www.sfu.ca/ipinch/. 7for information about the working better together conference on indigenous research ethics, see indigenousresearchethics2015.wordpress.com or http://www.sfu.ca/ipinch/events/ipinch-events/ working-better-together-conference-indigenousresearch-ethics/. 8i acknowledge the terms “spiritual” and “spirituality” have diverse meanings and may be confusing or uncomfortable for some readers due to religious or other connotations. my intention is to be true to the voices of posey and ermine in their use of these terms as a way to encourage thoughtful reflection and discussion within the biocultural ethics discourse. 9sorrells’s (2015) model of intercultural praxis is accessible online via google play https:// play.google.com/store/books/details? id=eapicgaaqbaj&source=ge-web-app. 10aikido is typically described as a peace-based japanese martial art founded by morihei ueshiba with a dual practical goal of self-defense and protecting an attacker and oneself from injury. the emphasis on technique, philosophy, and spirituality varies greatly among the many different styles of aikido worldwide. see https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/aikido. 11moon describes “extraordinary listening” as an inquiry into effectively transforming communication, thinking, and the way we create our world. see www.extraordinarylistening.com. acknowledgements i am grateful to the many teachers, elders, colleagues, and practice partners who have encouraged and supported my interest in ethics as an embodied practice. most notably, i thank marlene brantcastellano and willie ermine for their years of inspiration beyond words and for comments on a draft of this paper. i also thank cynthia fowler, george nicholas, john welch, scott m. herron, james r. welch, and several anonymous reviewers for feedback that encouraged, challenged, and strengthened the final version. i acknowledge the pivotal role of the intellectual property issues in cultural heritage project (led by george nicholas, with funding from the social science and humanities research council of canada) in providing intellectual, physical, and financial space to explore ethical space through the working better together conference on indigenous research ethics. declarations permissions: none declared. sources of funding: social sciences and humanities research of canada. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited alberta energy regulator. 2017. voices of understanding – looking through the window. alberta energy regulator, calgary, canada. available at: http://www.aer.ca/documents/about -us/voiceofunderstanding_report.pdf. accessed on jan 2, 2018. assembly of first nations. 2009. ethics in first nations research. afn environmental stewardship unit, ottawa, canada. available at: http://www.afn.ca/uploads/files/rpresearch_ethics_final.pdf. accessed on jan 2, 2018. austin, w. 2006. engagement in contemporary practice: a relational ethics perspective. texto e contexto enfermagem 15:135–141. austin, w. 2008. relational ethics. in the sage encyclopedia of qualitative research methods, edited by l. given, pp. 749–750. sage publications, thousand oaks, ca. bannister, k. 2004. addressing ethical and legal issues in ethnobiology: a deliberative dialogue on the ise draft guidelines for research. unpublished session proceedings from the 9th http://www.sfu.ca/ipinch/ http://www.sfu.ca/ipinch/ https://indigenousresearchethics2015.wordpress.com/ http://www.sfu.ca/ipinch/events/ipinch-events/working-better-together-conference-indigenous-research-ethics/ http://www.sfu.ca/ipinch/events/ipinch-events/working-better-together-conference-indigenous-research-ethics/ http://www.sfu.ca/ipinch/events/ipinch-events/working-better-together-conference-indigenous-research-ethics/ https://play.google.com/store/books/details?id=eapicgaaqbaj&source=ge-web-app https://play.google.com/store/books/details?id=eapicgaaqbaj&source=ge-web-app https://play.google.com/store/books/details?id=eapicgaaqbaj&source=ge-web-app https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/aikido http://www.extraordinarylistening.com bannister. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(1):13–26 24 perspectives special issue on ethics in ethnobiology international congress of ethnobiology. canterbury, kent, united kingdom. bannister, k. 2009. non-legal instruments for protection of intangible cultural heritage: key roles for ethical codes and community protocols. in protection of first nations' cultural heritage: laws, policy and reform, edited by c. bell and v. napoleon. pp. 278–308. ubc press, vancouver, canada. bannister, k., ed. 2017. unpublished proceedings of the western regional gathering for indigenous circle of experts (ice) committee on indigenous conserved and protected areas. prepared on behalf of the polis foundation for the circle of experts. tinwis, tlao-qui-aht territory, tofino, canada. bannister, k. 2016. reimagining research ethics: a relational approach to codes of ethics for ethnobiologists. paper presented at the 39th annual meeting of the society of ethnobiology. tucson, az. available at: https:// ethnobiology.org/conference/abstracts/39. accessed on jan 2, 2018. bannister, k., and j. goreas. 2014. embodied ethics? a movement experiment applying aikido to research ethics. cfgs global talks series. centre for global studies, university of victoria, victoria, canada. bannister, k., and m. solomon. 2009. appropriation of traditional knowledge: ethics in the context of ethnobiology (part 1). in the ethics of cultural appropriation, edited by j. young and c. brunk, pp. 140–161. wiley-blackwell publishers, west sussex, united kingdom. bannister, k., and f. wyndham. 2014. cultural and philosophical approaches to creating ethical space. paper presented at the 14th international congress of ethnobiology. bumthang, bhutan. bergum, v., and j. b. dossetor. 2005. relational ethics: the full meaning of respect. university publishing group, hagerstown, md. brant castellano, m., and j. reading. 2010. policy writing as dialogue: drafting an aboriginal chapter for canada's tri-council policy statement: ethical conduct for research involving humans. the international indigenous policy journal 1:1–18. canadian institutes of health research. 2007. guidelines for research involving aboriginal people. ethics office of the canadian institutes of health research, ottawa, canada. canadian institutes of health research, natural sciences and engineering research council of canada, and social sciences and humanities research council of canada. 2014. tri-council policy statement: ethical conduct for research involving humans, version 2 (tcps2). available at: http:// www.pre.ethics.gc.ca/pdf/eng/tcps2-2014/ tcps_2_final_web.pdf. accessed on jan 2, 2018. darnell, r. 1991. thirty nine postulates of plains cree conversation, “power,” and interaction. in papers of the 22nd algonquian conference, edited by w. cowan, pp. 89–102. carlton university, ottawa, canada. ermine, w. 2000. a critical examination of the ethics in research involving indigenous peoples. unpublished master’s thesis, indian and northern education program, university of saskatchewan, saskatoon, canada. ermine, w. 2007. the ethical space of engagement. indigenous law journal 6:193–203. ermine, w. 2015. dancing particles. paper presented at the working better together conference on indigenous research ethics. vancouver, canada. available at: https:// indigenousresearchethics2015.wordpress.com/ reporting/. accessed on july 9, 2017. ermine, w., r. sinclair, and b. jeffery. 2004. the ethics of research involving indigenous peoples: report of the indigenous peoples health research centre to the interagency advisory panel on research ethics. indigenous peoples’ health research centre, saskatoon, canada. esteva, g., and m. s. prakash. 1998. grassroots postmodernism: remaking the soil of cultures. zed books, london. first nations health authority. nd. #itstartswithme. cultural safety and humility: key drivers and ideas for change. first nations health authority, west vancouver. available at: http:// www.fnha.ca/documents/fnha-cultural-safetyand-humility-key-drivers-and-ideas-forchange.pdf. accessed on january 14, 2018 gallardo, m., ed. 2013. developing cultural humility: embracing race, privilege and power. sage publications, los angeles. gavazzi, j. 2011. blogging to promote positive bannister. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(1):13–26 25 perspectives special issue on ethics in ethnobiology ethics: the pennsylvania experience. psychology today blog, guest post aug 08. available at: https://www.psychologytoday.com/blog/theethical-professor/201108/blogging-promotepositive-ethics-the-pennsylvania-experience. accessed on january 2, 2018. gavazzi, j. 2012. ethics is more than a code: ethical foundations, positive ethics and ethical decision -making. linkedin slideshare. available at: https://www.slideshare.net/psychbuilder/ethics-is -more-than-a-code. accessed on january 2, 2018. goleman, d. 2011. the brain and emotional intelligence: new insights. more than sound, florence, ma. hamilton, d. m. 2013. everything is workable: a zen approach to conflict resolution. shambhala publications, boston. hamilton, d. m. 2017. the zen of you and me: a guide to getting along with just about anyone. shambhala publications, boston. hardison, p., and k. bannister. 2011. ethics in ethnobiology: history, international law and policy, and contemporary issues. in ethnobiology, edited by e. n. anderson, d. pearsall, e. hunn, and n. turner, pp. 27–49. wiley-blackwell, hoboken, nj. haslebo, g., and m. l. haslebo. 2012. practicing relational ethics in organizations. taos institute publications, chagrin falls, oh. international society of ethnobiology. nd. founding of the ise. adapted from brent berlin’s presidential remarks to the second international congress of ethnobiology in kunming, china, 1990 [web page]. available at: http:// www.ethnobiology.net/about/ise-history/historyof-the-ise/. accessed on july 9, 2017. iwama, m., m. marshall, a. marshall, and c. bartlett. 2009. two-eyed seeing and the language of healing in community-based research. canadian journal of native education 32:3–23. kuokkanen, r. 2003. toward a new relation of hospitality in the academy. american indian quarterly 27:267–295. lenski t. 2014. the conflict pivot: turning conflict into peace of mind. myriaccord media, peterborough, nh. linden, p. 2007. embodied peacemaking: body awareness, self-regulation and conflict resolution. ccms publications, columbus, oh. little bear, l. 2000. jagged worldviews colliding. in reclaiming indigenous voice and vision, edited by m. battiste, pp. 77–85. university of british columbia, vancouver, canada. moon, r. 2000. the power of extraordinary listening: creating extraordinary wealth through extraordinary communication. zanshin press. nicasio, ca. available at: http:// www.extraordinarylistening.com/books/tpoel.pdf. accessed on january 14, 2018 natcher, d. c., o. huntington, h. huntington, f. s. chapin iii, s. f. trainor, and l’o. dewilde. 2007. notions of time and sentience: methodological considerations for arctic climate change research. arctic anthropology 44:113–126. posey, d. 1990. intellectual property rights: what is the position of ethnobiology? journal of ethnobiology 10:93–98. posey, d. a. 1999. introduction: culture and nature – the inextricable link. in cultural and spiritual values of biodiversity, edited by d. a. posey, pp. 1– 18. intermediate technology publications, london. posey, d. a. 2004. introduction to ethnobiology: its implications and applications. in indigenous knowledge and ethics: a darrell posey reader, edited by k. plenderleith, pp. 1–6. routledge taylor and francis group, new york. poole, r. 1972. towards deep subjectivity. harper and row, new york. rosenberg, m. 2012. living nonviolent communication. sounds true, boulder, co. rosenberg, m. 2015. living nonviolent communication: a language of life, 3rd edition. puddle dancer press, encinitas, ca. ross, r. 2014. indigenous healing: exploring traditional paths. penguin books, toronto. rozzi, r. 2012. biocultural ethics. environmental ethics 34:27–50. rozzi, r. 2013. chapter 2: biocultural ethics: from biocultural homogenization toward biocultural conservation. in linking ecology and ethics for a changing world: values, philosophy, and action, edited by r. rozzi, s. t. a. pickett, c. palmer, j. j. armesto, and j. b. callicott. springer, netherlands. doi:10.1007/978-94-007-7470-4_2. rozzi, r., and f. massardo 2011. the road to biocultural ethics. frontiers in ecology and the bannister. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(1):13–26 26 perspectives special issue on ethics in ethnobiology environment may:246–247. doi:10.2307/41149773. salavoy, p., and j. mayer. 1990. emotional intelligence. imagination, cognition and personality 9:185–211. shebitz, d., and a. oviedo. 2018. learning from the past: reflecting on the maya-icbg controversy in the classroom. ethnobiology letters 9:60– 67. doi:10.14237/ebl.9.1.2018.1095. siegel, d. 2011 mindsight. the new science of personal transformation. bantam books, new york. siegel, d. 2016. mind: a journey to the heart of being human (norton series on interpersonal neurobiology), 1st edition. w. w. norton and company, london. sorrells, k. 2015. intercultural communication: globalization and social justice, 2nd edition. sage publications, thousand oaks, ca. walia, h. 2013. undoing border imperialism. ak press, chico, ca. ancient pathways, ancestral knowledge: ethnobotany and ecological wisdom of indigenous peoples of northwestern north america. v.1: the history and practice of indigenous plant knowledge; v.2: the place and meaning of plants in indigenous cultures and worldviews. by nancy turner. 2014. mcgill-queen’s university press, montreal. 1056 pp. mardones. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(1):30–31. 30 reviews world, the material is presented in a genuinely approachable and engaging manner. the content is grounded in observations and examples accrued from nearly 50 years of collaboration with indigenous botanical experts of northwestern north america. the overarching theme guiding the discourse is, “how can the lessons of ethnobotanical and ethnoecological knowledge and its modes of dissemination, transmission, and adaptation be applied as components of ongoing cultural revitalization and maintenance of biocultural richness?” (p. 402, v.2). illustrating the benefits of collaborative, multidisciplinary approaches to research, turner discusses the investigation of kwäday dän ts'inchi (long ago person found), with protocols developed through collaboration between scientists, government, and first nations, leading to positive research outcomes. turner examines transmission of knowledge, technologies, and resources, drawing insightful parallels between analyses of linguistic and botanical knowledge transmission, and specifically how the linguistics of plant naming can shed light on the cultural and economic processes of transmission of both botanical knowledge and plant material. utilizing soapberry (shepherdia canadensis) as one case example, a high degree of congruence in its naming is shown to be a factor of its cultural salience, which led to a host of innovations in production and processing technology, as well as cultural developments such as stories, songs, and narratives that further added to soapberpresently retiring from her tenure as distinguished professor of ethnoecology at the university of victoria, eminent canadian ethnobotanist professor nancy turner is actively involved with the global diversity foundation and the hakai institute. in addition to numerous accolades she has earned for her life’s work, including the distinguished economic botanist of the year in 2011 and the william l. brown award for excellence in genetic resource conservation in 2008, her recent book, ancient pathways, ancestral knowledge, was the recipient of the 2014 james a. duke excellence in botanical literature award. the two volume set distills over 40 years of ethnobotanical research in western canada, and will be an indispensable resource for students and scholars of ethnobotany and ethnoecology, land management and policy makers, and herbalists and wild food enthusiasts. perhaps most importantly, the volumes stand as an invaluable treasury and record of the unique biocultural heritage of and for the people and communities who shared their traditional knowledge with her over the years. with this book, turner aims to “contribute to the advancement of knowledge and understandings both about cultural adaptations to specific places and environmental situations and about influences of people on these places and ecosystems” (p. 411, v.2). while the scope of these two volumes is vast, addressing complex scales of interactions across time between people, plants, cultures, and the natural ancient pathways, ancestral knowledge: ethnobotany and ecological wisdom of indigenous peoples of northwestern north america. v.1: the history and practice of indigenous plant knowledge; v.2: the place and meaning of plants in indigenous cultures and worldviews. by nancy turner. 2014. mcgill-queen’s university press, montreal. 1056 pp. vanessa mardones 1* 1 department of biology, memorial university of newfoundland, st. john’s, canada. * vmardones@mun.ca received december 11, 2015 open access accepted february 24, 2016 doi 10.14237/ebl.7.1.2016.551 copyright © 2016 mardones; licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attributionnoncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. mardones. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(1):30–31. 31 reviews ry’s perceived value and prevalence as a food source. by illustrating the adaptive and dynamic processes of building knowledge, turner shows the importance of conceptualizing and strengthening social and environmental interconnections in support of positive change in biocultural systems, “to reformulate our behaviors in ways that will allow us to live more sustainably in the world we have inherited and to bequeath it to the future in a fully functioning, healthy, vibrant, and diverse state” (p. 411, v.2). among the indigenous peoples she worked with, professor turner found a pervasive perspective that “humans are only strands in the immense fabric of the universe” (p. 351, v. 2). humans are seen as an interdependent part of their local environments, engaged in reciprocal relationships with natural resources, mediated by cultural traditions. these observations bear meaningful implications for land management and policy, and are made accessible to the reader through tables that detail techniques and approaches for maintaining and enhancing plant resources. a fascinating exploration of the interrelationships between the environmental and social contexts and their combined influence upon the dynamics of cultural and technological innovations, this book brilliantly portrays "a story of increasing diversification and complexity—in the species used, in the implements devised, and the social and cultural contexts of their application" (p. 411, v.1). the book includes a range of useful and informative reference tables that detail plant names, uses, and management. this is a synthesis of sophisticated complexity that is both engaging and immersive, due to the wealth of practical and theoretical insights derived from decades of collaboration with traditional knowledge holders. traditional agroforestry systems and food supply under the food sovereignty approach hernandez et al. 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):125–141 125 research communications under this view, initiatives that apply and combine agroecology with indigenous knowledge systems have emerged (altieri 2009b). these initiatives have demonstrated that it is possible to improve food security while conserving natural resources and agrobiodiversity (altieri 2009b; pretty et al. 2003). food sovereignty (fsv) is a concept developed by the international peasants’ movement at the world food summit 1996 and states that in terms of food, every community has the right to define its own agricultural policies in order to achieve sustainable development and self-sufficiency goals (vía campesina 1996). fsv is based on locally produced species grown in diversified systems to obtain safe introduction intensive production systems, both crop and livestock-oriented, have disrupted and altered many natural ecosystems and traditional agroecosystems, where biodiversity has been replaced by monocultures designed for maximum short-term production (altieri and nicholls 2013; balvanera and cotler 2009; senanayake 2003). these highly simplified ecosystems are unstable, unsustainable, and poorly resilient since they use high amounts of external inputs (altieri and nicholls 2013; senanayake 2003). approximately 80% of the 1.5 billion hectares of global arable land are devoted to monocultures (nicholls et al. 2015). in mexico, 70% of the 20.8 million hectares are dedicated to industrial agriculture (inegi 2012). traditional agroforestry systems and food supply under the food sovereignty approach mariana y. hernández 1 , pedro a. macario 1* , and jorge o. lópez-martínez 2 1 department of agriculture, society and environment, el colegio de la frontera sur (ecosur), chetumal, quintana roo, mexico. 2 conacytecosur. chetumal, quintana roo, mexico. * pmacario@ecosur.mx abstract intensive production systems have damaged many natural ecosystems and have altered their capacity to provide ecosystem services such as climate regulation, soil fertility, and vector-borne disease control. therefore, these agroecosystems are unsustainable and poorly resilient. however, traditional agroforestry systems (tas) contribute to the conservation of biodiversity and to the provision of inputs for the maintenance of local populations. the objective of this study was to evaluate the contribution of the tas in the food supply under the food sovereignty (fsv) approach in three different ethnic groups. the study was conducted in three communities of different origin in the state of campeche, one maya tseltal-chol, the other mestizo and the third yucatec mayan. the theoretical-methodological framework of this research was based on agroecology. ethnographic methods and participatory research activities were carried out to describe and analyze the factors that strengthen fsv using five fsv indicators. our results present a description and analysis of resource access, current production models, patterns of consumption and food security, commercialization and participation in decision-making of these communities. traditional agroecological management practices are still preserved and native species are still being cultivated. farmers obtain about 55% of their food from tas. the consumption of food is influenced by the culture, the purchasing power linked to economic activities and government support. tas have played a strategic role for the survival of families but to ensure their contribution to fsv, it is necessary to articulate the actions of the sectors that share the same objective and encourage the active participation of communities in agricultural policies. received march 20, 2017 open access accepted july 31, 2017 doi 10.14237/ebl.8.1.2017.941 keywords traditional agroecosystems, agroecology, food consumption, food supply, participatory research copyright © 2017 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. hernandez et al. 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):125–141 126 research communications and nutritious food (cuéllar and sevilla 2009; rosset and martínez 2004). it also considers farmers as guardians of biodiversity, managers of natural resources and custodians of traditional knowledge (rosset and martínez 2004). however, to successfully implement a fsv proposal, tools for analysis, communication and evaluation are needed (ortega-cerda and rivera-ferre 2010). these authors have categorized and structured five indicators: (i) access to resources: individual and community processes of access and control over resources in a sustainable way; (ii) production models: diversified local family production through traditional models of sustainable agricultural production; (iii) safety and food consumption: the right to the consumption of healthy, nutritious and culturally appropriate food from local producers and produced t h r o u g h a g r o e c o l o g i c a l t e c h n i q u e s ; ( i v ) transformation and commercialization: peasants right to sell their products to supply the local population; (v) agricultural policies: peasants have the right to know, participate and influence local public policies related to fsv. on the other hand, agroecology is defined as: "the application of ecological concepts and principles to the design and management of sustainable agroecosystems" (altieri 2009a:26; gliessman 2007:18). this science is directly linked to the consolidation and defense of the proposals associated with fsv (cuéllar and sevilla 2009). a g r o e c o s y s t e m s u n d e r a g r o e c o l o g i c a l management can be reservoirs of biodiversity (perfecto et al. 2009), they contribute by reducing the pressure of deforestation of new areas for agriculture (moreno-calles et al. 2013) and they represent a sustainable alternative to the adaptation and mitigation of climate change (altieri and nicholls 2013; casanova-lugo et al. 2011). in particular, agroforestry systems keep groups of trees and crop species interacting in multistrata systems (nair 1993; sánchez 1995; wojtkowski 2002). the main function is to diversify production to obtain greater environmental, social and economic benefits, following the principle of sustainability (sodhi and ehrlich 2010). agroforestry can benefit biodiversity conservation in three ways: the provision of habitat for forest species in areas that have suffered significant historical deforestation, the provision of a landscape matrix that permits the connectivity of species that benefits migration and dispersal processes, and through the provision of livelihoods for local communities which may in turn relieve pressure on remaining areas of primary forest (sodhi and ehrlich 2010). in addition, agroforestry systems contribute to climate change mitigation through carbon sequestration (casanova-lugo et al. 2011; soto -pinto et al. 2010; verchot et al. 2007). in mexico, traditional agricultural systems and practices based on empirical knowledge developed by farmers are highly important because of their potential benefits, history, and diversification (hernández 1985; moreno-calles et al. 2014). the slash-and-burn milpa system (with a long period of non-cultivated land) where maize (zea mays l.), bean (phaseolus spp.), and squash (cucurbita spp.) are cultivated with many other crops, and the various types of home gardens: solar, calmil, ekuaro and traspatio (hernández 1985; morenocalles et al. 2014) are among the most significant practices of traditional agroforestry. this research regarding traditional agroforestry systems (tas) and fsv was conducted in three communities surrounding the calakmul biosphere reserve (cbr). moreover, the reserve faces the great challenge of reaching a balance between the conservation of its biological diversity and the survival of the human communities that inhabit it (bohn et al. 2014). based on the information above, we hypothesized that tas are a specific type of ecological agriculture and represent an important source of food to meet dietary needs of local populations. the present study aims to answer: what is the role of tas in the food supply under the food sovereignty approach? to achieve that, we worked towards two specific objectives: 1) describe and analyze the access to resources, models of production, the marketing mechanism and some of the agricultural policies implemented in our study area; and 2) determine per household the percentage of food per household that comes from tas. methodology study area this research was carried out in three communities that are part of the calakmul biosphere reserve (cbr) in campeche, mexico (figure 1). unión 20 de junio (mancolona) located to 43 km to the north of xpujil, the municipality, 20 de noviembre located 15.5 km to the southwest (18° 27' 06" n and 89 ° 18' hernandez et al. 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):125–141 127 research communications 25" w) and narciso mendoza located 33 km to the south (18 ° 13' 50" n and 89 ° 27' 12" w). this region’s climate is warm sub-humid ax '(w1) with an average annual temperature of 24.9 °c. mean annual rainfall varies from june to november, averaging 1,000–1,500 mm per year. the dry season is from december to april, with over 50 mm during january, which allows agricultural production in autumn and winter (pool et al. 2000; villaloboszapata and mendoza 2010). the phreatic level is between 60 to 300 m above sea level with high gypsum content, so the water is not suitable for drinking or irrigation. it has karst landscapes with high rates of permeability, causing water to drain intermittently (municipio de calakmul and proyecto prosureste gpz-conanp 2015). calakmul is in the intertropical convergence zone (itcz), which has periodic droughts and hurricanes, to which the peasants must adapt (vallejo et al. 2011). the most representative soils in the area are rendzinas, gleysols, vertisols and lithosols (inecol 1999; pool et al. 2000). calakmul contains the most extensive forest area of the mexican tropic, whose climatic and edaphic characteristics have the peculiarity of forming a mixture of forest landscapes: mainly medium semi-evergreen forest, sub deciduous forest, low forest and savannah floodplains (martínez and galindo-leal 2002; noriega-trejo and arteaga 2010; pool et al. 2000). calakmul is characterized by a constant fluctuation in the occupation of the land. the community is composed of settlers from 23 states of the country with a strong indigenous component (ellis and porter 2007; gurri et al. 2002). migration has contributed to the high cultural diversity in the region, and it has also created a vegetation mosaic with different types of land use, intensities, and types of production (bovin et al. 2000; municipio de calakmul and proyecto prosureste (gpz-conanp) 2015). nevertheless, these communities are in a region with poor soils and highly unstable rainfall, which leads to a low agricultural production (ellis and porter 2007). a subsistence-oriented peasant economy predominates throughout the study area, but they are figure 1 study area location. hernandez et al. 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):125–141 128 research communications increasingly integrated into a market economy. the main economic activities are agriculture and livestock production. animal husbandry is carried out in homegardens (91%) and the rest in pasture areas (gurri et al. 2002; municipio de calakmul and proyecto prosureste (gpz-conanp) 2015). there are also important groups that produce honey, allspice, chewing gum, resin, and chili. the total land area used for growing maize is more than 10,000 hectares with a production dedicated to selfconsumption and with yields of 0.8 ton/ha (municipio de calakmul and proyecto prosureste (gpz-conanp) 2015). maize, chihua squash, chili, and beans are cultivated in the milpa (gurri et al. 2002). the community unión 20 de junio (mancolona) has a total population of 449 inhabitants, 87% belong to an indigenous group. on 20 de noviembre there are 218 inhabitants and 39% indigenous people. finally, narciso mendoza has a population of 364 inhabitants and only 3% speak some indigenous language (inegi 2010). sampling design this study was conducted in three communities that represent three different cultural backgrounds: tseltal -chol mayan (unión 20 de junio), yucatec mayan (20 de noviembre) and mestizo (narciso mendoza). altogether nine families, three in each village, were chosen based on the ethnic origin and were identified for certain shared characteristics, namely: migrants, pluriactive families, and certain agricultural management practices. both communities and families were chosen using local knowledge and guidance from key actors. the sampling design was stratified to observe the differences in their food consumption and production. data collection the theoretical-methodological framework of this research was based on agroecology (altieri 2009a). ethnographic methods for the identification and analysis of social problems regarding fsv of the communities were used (hernández 1985). participant observation, semi-structured interviews, a field log, a diagnostic workshop and documentary research were also employed (chablé-can et al. 2015; huntington 2000; martin et al. 2010). the study was carried out from january to october 2016 (with a total of three previous visits in the area and six visits to families who decided to participate in the project with informed consent). to obtain data, the five indicators of fsv were taken as a guide (ortega-cerda and rivera-ferre 2010). additionally, based on what bello and estrada described (2011), six production and human-nature interaction systems were defined for the calakmul peasants: milpa, home garden (dooryard garden or solar), secondary vegetation (known as acahual), ranch (plot), and the forest (known as monte). a) access to resources. the first indicator considers the access to natural resources as water, land, forests, animals, seeds, infrastructure and basic services (ortega-cerda and rivera-ferre 2010). the data was collected using a field log, semi-structured interviews of key actors and participant families, field visits to the communities, and documentary research. b) production model. this indicator takes the use of traditional agroecological and sustainable practices into consideration, as well as diversified family production (ortega-cerda and rivera-ferre 2010). the information was collected using a field log, semistructured interviews, participant observation, and field visits to the agroecosystems. c) security and food consumption. origin of food, consumption of food, culturally appropriate food, and temporality of food were considered for this indicator (ortega-cerda and rivera-ferre 2010). the percentage of food produced in traditional agroecosystems, the forest, and non-local production systems was recorded using and adapting the dietary diversity tool (hoddinot 2001) in a participatory diagnostic workshop (chablé-can et al. 2015). to carry out this activity, families were summoned two days before. once in the workshop, family members wrote down in a piece of paper each of the foods they consume throughout the year, origin (production or purchase), the frequency with which they consume those food items and the season of the year in which those foods are produced. in terms of frequency, seven categories were made and a numerical value was assigned to each category: occasional (1), seasonal (2), monthly (3), every two weeks (4), weekly (5), three times a week (6), and daily (7). for every food item, a sum of frequencies was made by families and finally by cultural-ethnic group. regarding the origin of the food, the participants indicated the place of production and/or purchase. twenty-seven people between nine to 55 years old participated in the workshops. this technique allowed the social actors hernandez et al. 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):125–141 129 research communications to play an active role in the execution of the research process. d) transformation and commercialization. this indicator includes local marketing, direct selling or with a minimum of intermediaries (ortega-cerda and rivera -ferre 2010). to collect this data, we used semistructured interviews, participant observation, and some of the information was also derived from the participatory diagnostic workshop. e) agricultural policies. the last indicator considers participation in decision-making and peasant social organization related to food production, consumption, and commercialization (ortega-cerda and rivera-ferre 2010). this information was collected through semi-structured interviews of key informants and participant families, as well as documentary research. data analysis to organize, describe, and interpret the data collected in the field, the information was classified according to the corresponding fsv indicator using the qualitative method of data analysis described by miles and huberman (1994), which consists of three phases: data display, data reduction, and conclusion drawing and verification. this method was enriched with a coding tool (miles and huberman 1994; patton, 2002). the numeric values used to obtain descriptive statistics were analyzed with r studio software. results indicators of food sovereignty a) access to resources. the people from unión 20 de junio (la mancolona) arrived to campeche in 1978 but in 1989 when the calakmul biosphere reserve (cbr) was established, the community overlapped with the cbr core area. as a consequence, the community moved again to the cbr buffer zone, where nowadays, 60 small co-owners have private lands (mendez-lopez et al. 2014). the ejido narciso mendoza was founded in 1976 with 51 ejidatarios originating from tabasco and veracruz. the ejido extension is 3,979 hectares (barbosa et al. 2010). the ejido 20 of november was founded in 1970 with yucatecan mayas originating from dzitbalché, campeche. they are 100 ejidatarios and the ejido extension is 36,800 hectares (barbosa et al. 2010). access to water is limited, especially in times of drought. agriculture in the three communities is rainfed. with respect to water consumption for domestic use (table 1), most households obtain it from rainwater harvesting systems, either in the community or through water tanks at their homes. the only community that has water wells in their homes for the extraction of the resource is 20 de noviembre. families reported that during drought season they occasionally use domestic water to water some plants grown in the home garden. families conserve and grow their own seeds— some have even brought them from their places of table 1 food sovereignty indicator. access to resources: natural resources, infrastructure, and basic services. source: own elaboration based on the information obtained from the interviews and inegi (2010). * same as above. communityindigenous group resources water land/ forest seeds infrastructure and basic services unión 20 de junio (tseltal-chol mayan) community rainwater harvesting system (waterhole) private conserve and cultivate their own seeds. receive maize seeds from a governmental program. population with access to health service 94% and with schooling 93%. homes with electricity: 91%. connected to the municipality by highway. narciso mendoza (mestizo) piped water and rainwater harvesting per home and community ejidal * population with access to health service 59% and with schooling 90%. homes with electricity: 93% connected to the municipality by highway. 20 de noviembre (yucatec mayan) water well at home ejidal * population with access to health service 58% and with schooling 94%. homes with electricity: 96% connected to the municipality by highway. hernandez et al. 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):125–141 130 research communications origin. however, through the government machining program they are given improved maize seed. according to the social, economic and demographic indicators of the national population council (conapo), the three communities have a high rate of marginalization (conapo 2010). b) production model. the production model in the three communities follows a similar pattern of management with a considerable gender distribution of work. men usually work at the milpa, the ranch, or they go to the monte (mountain) looking for wood or hunting. women oversee home garden management, since their domestic activities require more time at home. within the milpa system, people still cultivate varieties of squash (cucurbita pepo), beans (phaseolus vulgaris), chihua (cucurbita argyrosperma), and xpelon (vigna unguiculata). however, improved maize seeds (zea mays) have been incorporated into this traditional system. another way of making milpa is through agroforestry systems, since some fruit and timber species have been established in combination with annual crops. when cultivating and maintaining traditional milpa, no fossil energy source is used since the family’s labor sustains the system. regarding home gardens, which are also known as solares, it was observed that it is also the family work that supports this system. in general, women are responsible for the management of home gardens, which includes activities such as watering, collecting garbage, sowing, and harvesting. however, men perform certain activities such as pruning and sowing annual crops. management practices include pruning trees, which is not done periodically, only when a heliophilous crop such as beans or maize is cultivated. no fertilization is carried out, and in more than half of the home gardens, plant litter and residuals of some crops are collected and burned. there is no composting of the organic waste generated in the domestic unit, since they use this waste to feed their animals. weeding is done by hand with the help of hoe or a machete. no problems related to severe pest attacks were reported, because as farmers mentioned, their chickens serve as a biological control method when feeding on insects. it is noteworthy that the ranch production model is the same as home gardens but on a larger scale. while in the monte only a hunting-gathering process is carried out. c) security and food consumption. a total of 127 foods consumed were registered, on average 60 foods per family. these foods were classified per origin (plant, animal, mineral, and industrial) and use (table 2 and table 3). origin of food from the 127 foods consumed, 70 (55%) are produced. of these 70, 55% come from home garden, industrialized animal origin mineral origin oil * egg * salt * sugar * chicken * mineral condiment * instant * coffee fish * soft drink * pork * pasta * cheese * bread * honey * cookies * beef wheat flour shrimp tuna turkey milk lard ham hunted animals chocolate duck sausage zats worm (arsenura armida) mayonnaise tinned fruit tinned beans sauce table 2 list and classification of foods consumed from animal, mineral and industrial origin. * higher frequency of consumption. source: own elaboration. hernandez et al. 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):125–141 131 research communications vegetal origin common name scientific name family condiment allspice * pimenta dioica (l.) merril myrtaceae achiote * bixa orellana l. bixaceae cumin cuminum cyminum apiaceae forestry edible guano (corazón) sabal japa arecaceae palma (corazón) no identification no identification ramón brosimum alicastrum swartz moraceae fruit trees lemon * citrus latifolia (tan.) rutaceae banana * musa sp. musaceae orange * citrus sinensis (l.) rutaceae coconut * cocos nucifera arecaceae tangerine * citrus reticulata rutaceae zapote mamey * pouteria sapota (jacq.) h.e. moore & stearn sapotaceae plum spondias sp. anacardiaceae papaya carica papaya l. caricaceae pineapple ananas comosus (l.) merr. bromeliaceae avocado persea americana lauraceae guaya melicoccus bijugatus sapindaceae mango mangifera indica anacardiaceae guaya de monte talisia olivaeformis (h.b. & k.) radlk. sapindaceae caimito chrysophyllum cainito sapotaceae tamarind tamarindus indica fabaceae anona annona purpurea annonaceae chicozapote manilkara sapota (l) van royen sapotaceae guava psidium guajava myrtaceae dragon fruit hylocereus undatus cactaceae soursop annona muricata annonaceae grapefruit citrus paradisi rutaceae apple malus domestica rosaceae bitter orange citrus aurantium rutaceae wild anona annona primigenia annonaceae ciricote cordia dodecandra boraginaceae kolop talisia floresi standley sapindaceae nance byrsonima crassifolia (l.) hbk. malpighiaceae zapote de monte pouteria unilocularis (donn. smith) baehni sapotaceae pear pyrus communis rosaceae star fruit averrhoa carambola oxalidaceae chicozapote inj. unidentified sapotaceae chóoch pouteria glomerata sapotaceae cocoyol acrocomia aculeata (jacq.) lodd. ex mart. arecaceae grosella phyllanthus acidus phyllanthaceae saramuyo annona squamosa annonaceae grains corn * zea mays poaceae beans * phaseolus vulgaris fabaceae rice * oryza sativa poaceae lentil * lens culinaris fabaceae chihua squash* cucurbita argyrosperma cucurbitaceae oats avena sativa poaceae cocoa theobroma cacao malvaceae table 3 list and classification of foods consumed from vegetal origin. (continued on next page) hernandez et al. 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):125–141 132 research communications vegetal origin common name scientific name family grains ibes phaseolus lunatus var. lunatus (ibe) fabaceae peanut arachis hypogaea fabaceae green beans phaseolus sp. fabaceae xpelon bean vigna unguiculata fabaceae native soy glycine max fabaceae vegetables onion * allium cepa alliaceae tomato * solanum lycopersicum l. solanaceae habanero pepper * capsicum chinense solanaceae potato * solanum tuberosum solanaceae chaya * cnidoscolus aconitifolius euphorbiaceae chayote * sechium edule cucurbitaceae coriander * coriandrum sativum apiaceae carrot * daucus carota umbelliferae cabbage * brassica oleracea var. capitata brassicaceae yucca * manihot esculenta euphorbiaceae sweet potato * ipomoea batatas convolvulaceae chili (various) * capsicum sp. solanaceae garlic * allium sativum alliaceae radish * raphanus sativus brassicaceae native squash * cucurbita sp. cucurbitaceae zucchini * cucurbita pepo l. cucurbitaceae chives * allium schoenoprasum alliaceae milpa tomate * lycopersicon esculentum p. mill. solanaceae jalapeño pepper * capsicum annum solanaceae macal * xanthosoma sagittifolium araceae cucumber * cucumis sativus cucurbitaceae watermelon * citrullus lanatus cucurbitaceae indian mustard brassica juncea brassicaceae peas pisum sativum l. fabaceae hierbamora solanum americanum mill. solanaceae cantaloupe cucumis melo cucurbitaceae nopal opuntia sp. cactaceae sugarcane saccharum officinarum poaceae chipilín crotalaria longirostrata h.et.a fabaceae parsley petroselinum sativum apiaceae cauliflower brassica oleracea var. botrytis brassicaceae jícama pachyrhizus erosus fabaceae yam dioscorea rotundata dioscoriaceae lemon grass cymbopogon citratus poaceae peppermint mentha sp. lamiaceae jamaica hibiscus sabdariffa malvaceae beetroot beta vulgaris subsp. vulgaris convar. vulgaris chenopodiaceae lettuce lactuca sativa asteraceae momo piper auritum kunth. piperaceae spinach spinacia oleracea chenopodiaceae alcaparra no identification no identification zucchini flower cucurbita pepo l. cucurbitaceae coconut flower cocos nucifera arecaceae (continued from previous page) * higher frequency of consumption. source: own elaboration with taxonomic data of fao 2006; herbario cicy 2010; loezadeloya et al. 2016; macario and sánchez 2003; zizumbo et al. 2011. hernandez et al. 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):125–141 133 research communications ranch, and/or milpa, while 33% is exclusively produced on home gardens, 7% on ranch and 5% in milpa. the purchased foods are 39 (34%), and people get them more frequently in distribuidora conasupo s.a. de c.v. (diconsa) and local grocery stores; they also get them at supermarkets, market, and sellers from the municipality. athough six (5%) of the 127 foods are produced regularly, people buy them in times of shortage, these are: maize (zea mays), bean (phaseolus vulgaris), egg, chicken (gallus gallus domesticus), banana (musa sp.) and tomato (solanum lycopersicum). finally, 6% is harvested or hunted in the forest or acahual. on average, the community that produces the most food is narciso mendoza (36), while the one that buys more food is 20 de noviembre (29) (figure 2). consumption of food the most frequently consumed foods are: oil, salt, corn (zea mays), onion (allium cepa), tomato (solanum lycopersicum), sugar, beans (phaseolus vulgaris), egg, rice (oryza sativa), instant coffee, habanero pepper (capsicum chinense), potato (solanum tuberosum), lemon (citrus latifolia), chaya (cnidoscolus aconitifolius), allspice (pimienta dioica), chicken (gallus gallus domesticus), chayote (sechium edule), banana (musa sp.), soft drink, cilantro (coriandrum sativum), carrot (daucus carota), cabbage (brassica oleracea), yucca (manihot esculenta), sweet potato (ipomoea batatas), orange (citrus sinensis), chili (various), fish (unidentified), garlic (allium sativum), coconut (cocos nucifera), pasta, pork (unidentified), bread, lentil (lens culinaris), radish (raphanus sativus), native squash (cucurbita sp.), zucchini (cucurbita pepo), chives (allium schoenoprasum), cheese, milpa tomato (lycopersicon esculentum), chihua (cucurbita argyrosperma), and jalapeño pepper (capsicum annum) (figure 3). it’s important to emphasize that even though habanero pepper (capsicum chinense) is one of the most consumed foods, only one third of the families (yucatec mayan) cultivate it. the main sources of animal protein in the communities are egg and chicken (gallus gallus domesticus), followed by pork (unidentified). animal husbandry takes place in home gardens. people can also buy meat in the community and occasionally in the municipality. in figure 4, we can see that the most consumed foods are bought in the store (41%), such as oil, salt, onion, tomato, sugar, rice, coffee, and potato, whereas 42% of the most consumed foods such as vegetables, fruit, cereals, legumes, condiments, eggs and chicken, come from home gardens, ranch, and/or milpa. the figure 2 origin of food: differences between communities. hernandez et al. 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):125–141 134 research communications other 16% is produced in the home garden (8%) or milpa (7%). however, in times of shortage these foods are purchased at the store. by contrast, 31% of foods with lower frequency of consumption come from home gardens and/or ranch and only 13% come exclusively from home gardens, due to the temporary nature of these foods. culturally appropriate food: particularities in food consumption according to the culture there are particularities in food consumption among ethnic groups (table 4). since the three populations are migrants, various plant species have been brought from their place of origin, thus people’s consumption habits are determined by those places and the adaptation to the environment in which they now live. for example, mestizo families from veracruz and tabasco consume shrimp, cacao (theobroma cacao), sugar cane (saccharum officinarum), chipilín (crotalaria longirostrata) and now they also include ramón (brosimum allicastrum) and ciricote (cordia dodecandra) (foods they started to consume when they arrived to the region) to their diet. yucatec mayan communities particularly consume achiote (bixa orellana), ibes (phaseolus lunatus), yam (dioscorea rotundata), and more processed foods such as soda, crackers, wheat flour, and tuna. the community unión 20 de junio is peculiar since it is located furthest from the municipality (43 km). people here do not consume as much industrialized food as in the other communities, and they do not consume dairy products. temporality of food home gardens are a highly important source of food since a lot of products are obtained here. however, milpa is more important since it is in this system where figure 3 foods with higher frequencies of consumption. figure 4 origin of foods with higher frequencies of consumption. hernandez et al. 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):125–141 135 research communications the most commonly eaten foods are cultivated, such as maize, beans, squash, and chili. the results of this study indicate that as long as the drought is not excessive, there is food availability into the home gardens and ranches all year. from march to june there is increased availability of produce from fruit trees. the harvesting of food in the milpa begins at the end of august with vegetables such as native cucumber, and ends in april with tubers like sweet potato (this period coincides with the rainy season). the period of food vulnerability specified by alayóngamboa (2014a), coincides with the results of this study, as well as the timing of the preparation of the terrain and the development of the milpa (table 5). the local maize production is insufficient due to long periods of drought. in the community of narciso mendoza, we recorded that the average yield is 0.73 t/ha, while the annual consumption per family is 1.9 t. thus, families need to buy 1.17 t to satisfy their corn consumption, as they also use this crop to feed their animals. given this problem, farmers take advantage of the rainfall in january, which allows agricultural production in autumn-winter, event that is colloquially known as tornamil by farmers. some farmers have even opted to plant maize, beans, and squash within the home garden. d) transformation and commercialization. there is also, but on a smaller scale, an important acquisition of locally produced food. the following foods are bought or shared between families and neighbors, and even sold in nearby communities: egg, lemon (citrus latifolia), chayote (sechium edule), banana (musa sp.), cilantro (coriandrum sativum), yucca (manihot esculenta), sweet potato (ipomoea batatas), orange (citrus sinensis), coconut (cocos nucifera), pork (unidentified), radish (raphanus sativus), zucchini (cucurbita pepo), milpa tomato (lycopersicon esculentum), chihua (cucurbita argyrosperma), achiote (bixa orellana), macal (xanthosoma sagittifolium), mandarine (citrus reticulata), mexican plum (spondias sp.), hierbamora (solanum americanum), caimito (chrysophyllum cainito), chipilín (crotalaria longirostrata), chicken (gallus gallus domesticus), carrot (daucus carota), cabbage (brassica oleracea), chili (various) (capsicum sp.), zapote mamey (pouteria sapota), indian mustard (brassica juncea), pineapple (ananas comosus), mangoe (mangifera indica), ibes (phaseolus lunatus), lettuce (lactuca sativa), and grosella (phyllanthus acidus). some foods are commercialized through foreign intermediaries who are responsible for collecting the products in the communities. there are also producer societies like the ones who produce allspice (pimienta dioica) and honey, which are already organized to sell their products. the most important commercialized foods are: lemon (citrus latifolia), allspice (pimienta dioica), cilantro (coriandrum sativum), radish (raphanus sativus), zucchini (cucurbita pepo), mandarine (citrus community-indigenous group foods unión 20 de junio (tseltal-chol mayan) chayote, banana, indian mustard, mango, green or tender beans, anona, lemon grass, hunted animals, and momo. there was no consumption of dairy products. narciso mendoza (mestizo) orange, chili (various), yucca, native squash, jalapeño pepper, macal, shrimp, avocado, cocoa, turkey, sugarcane, chipilín, parsley, jicama, dragon fruit, cumin, grapefruit, ramón and ciricote. 20 de noviembre (yucatec mayan) lemon, soft drink, coriander, cabbage, radish, zucchini, cheese, milpa tomato, cookies, achiote, watermelon, tortillas made of wheat flour, plum, tuna, oats, peas, ibes, melón, milk and yam. table 5 food production temporality in traditional agroecosystems. t = production time; p = moderate production; empty = no food availability; and r = presence of rainfall. source: own elaboration based on the information obtained from the field search and alayón-gamboa (2014a). table 4 particularities in food consumption according to the culture. * see table 3 for scientific names. jan feb mar apr may jun jul aug sep oct nov dec milpa t t t t t t t home garden/ranch p p t t t t p p p p p p alayón-gamboa, 2014 t t t t t t t rainy season r r r r r r r hernandez et al. 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):125–141 136 research communications reticulata), honey, cucumber (cucumis sativus), and pitahaya (hylocereus undatus). e) agricultural policies. existing organizations in food production and marketing are regional, some families from narciso mendoza and unión 20 de junio (la mancolona) are part of the organization for the commercialization of pepper xanich s.p.r. of r.l. which has 47 partners from 11 communities. on the other hand, there is the union of ecological apiculture societies of calakmul (usaec), which sells bulk honey to different buyers and commercial chains. usaec groups around 250 beekeepers distributed in 25 communities, including narciso mendoza. regrding participation in decision-making, the only participation is with respect to carrying out some programs implemented by non-government organizations, but there is no influence on local public policies about food production or food security. discussion a) access to resources the greatest vulnerability from lack of access to a vital resource comes during periods of drought in calakmul the area. however, the families practicing traditional agriculture have adapted to the local environment with a flexible strategy where losses in one subsystem are replaced by others with similar functions, as described by vallejo et al. (2011). the inhabitants of calakmul, due to migrations and long periods of drought, are still in the process of learning and adapting to the conditions of the forest. our finding resonates with what neulinger et al. (2013) found because they mention that migrants try strategies of cultivation of species that are native to their place of origin in order to guarantee their food supply. their knowledge about cultivation of some plant species that grow in the area is still incipient (municipio de calakmul and proyecto prosureste (gpz-conanp) 2015) and nowadays they are still experimenting with species that they bring from their place of origin, such as cocoa and coffee. b) production model traditional agroecological management practices are still preserved, native species are still being cultivated, and people do not rely heavily on external inputs to continue their production, which is also described by chi-quej et al. (2014). however, there is an evident need to reinforce the empirical knowledge of the farmers with current agroecological techniques and specific technical advice. the change from the milpa system to mechanized cultivation of maize could lead to a greater dependence on the use of non-renewable energies, and by doing so, energy efficiency and sustainability could be reduced, making the agroecosystems more vulnerable as mentioned by alayón-gamboa (2014b). a study conducted by alayón-gamboa (2014b) showed that traditional agroecosystems in calakmul are more energy-efficient compared to agricultural systems in transition towards the technification, given the fact that traditional agroecosystems are based on the synergistic use of solar energy and family workforce (alayón-gamboa 2014b; jianbo 2006). similarly, altieri (1999a) states that traditional agroecological systems are energy efficient and they have more stable levels of production per unit area over time, compared to those of intensive farming systems. according to chi-quej et al. (2011) it is necessary to take into account and to carry out international and national policies as strategies of local development. the ecological management of the territory program of the calakmul municipality and the strategy for the conservation and sustainable use of biodiversity in the state of campeche indicate actions for the sustainable use of biodiversity, as well as the aichi biodiversity targets which are part of the strategic plan for biodiversity 2011–2020. however, it is still necessary to implement in the communities the actions outlined in these documents. c) safety and food consumption cahuich-campos (2012) found that farmers obtain about 77% of the ingredients necessary for the preparation of their food through these production systems, which differs from our results, since we found that 55% of the food that is produced comes from the home garden, the ranch and/or the milpa. this suggests that they are inherently related production systems. in this sense, food production is a network type system as it relies on several systems (rosado 2012). alayón-gamboa (2014b) points out that there is a high degree of energy exchange between these agroecosystems. according to terán (2011), milpa serves as the organizing axis for the rest of the production systems, since it is the arranging element of culture, due to each socio-cultural system (family or community) has its own dynamics, hernandez et al. 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):125–141 137 research communications establishes objectives and is organized so that its productive systems work and can be reproduced. our results are similar to the ones found by alayóngamboa (2014a), and terán and rasmussen (2009), who state that historically, and from the productive point of view, home gardens have played a strategic role for the survival of families, offering complementary food resources to milpa in good years, and essential ones in years of scarcity. thus, the multiple use strategy of natural resources contributes to improve farmers and their families in their quality of life (cahuich-campos 2012). as mentioned by chi-quej et al. (2014) and our results, not all species have the same cultural importance in the three communities, as factors such as the preference for consumption, the type of dishes they prepare and their purchasing power (linked to other economic activities or government support) are combined. at the present time, the change in eating habits threatens the permanence of home gardens (chi-quej et al. 2011). rosado (2012) mentions that when family gardens are lost, other traditional production systems, such as milpa, are lost as well, and the region diminishes its probability of achieving food sufficiency and sovereignty. it is necessary to preserve and consume traditional foods. an example of this was the publication of the calakmul regional recipes, whose objective is to spread and support the culinary culture (flores and gurri 2005). d) transformation and commercialization as our results indicate, there is a small-scale commercialization and intermediaries generally control it, although there are producers who already form part of associations that sell their products or even some of them sell them independently. existing mechanisms could be replicated and adapted for local marketing of surplus products from tas. the ecological management of the territory program of the calakmul municipality mentioned that one of the challenges is to identify commercialization channels so that the surplus products of tas could be sold (calakmul municipality and project prosureste (gpzconanp) 2015). e) agricultural policies on the other hand, fsv is threatened by government social programs that scatter the means of food production and food consumption by the inhabitants. the net impacts of these programs seems to be in the opposite direction to the objective for which they were designed and implemented (olvera et al. 2016; pérez et al. 2012). for example, studies from pérez et al. (2012) and olvera et al. (2016) reveal that the usual diet of rural communities has been affected by the introduction of modern processed foods. this is related to the increasing risks of diseases like obesity and type 2 diabetes mellitus. it has been observed that changes in diet are associated with the availability of money obtained in government social programs or by labor emigration (olvera et al. 2016). alayón-gamboa (2014a) mentions that high government support towards yucatec mayan communities by promoting artisanal activities, is discouraging the importance of agriculture as a means of diversifying income streams. the community 20 de noviembre is an example of this situation because families there buy more food than the families from the other communities, and this situation is also reflected in the plant composition of their gardens compared to the other study sites. in the three communities that are part of this study, despite having highly diverse home gardens, family consumption is focused on few plant species, as cahuich-campos (2012) and alayón-gamboa (2014a) also conclude. given this scenario, moreno et al. (2013) highlight the need to create and apply policies based on the context and the biocultural richness of the region. rosset and martinez (2004) suggest that government support should be given to farmers to stay on their land, conserve active rural economies, promote soil conservation, help maintain sustainable agricultural practices, and promote direct sales to local consumers and the adoption of a healthy diet (pérez et al. 2012). conclusions tas are a type of ecological agriculture, and represent an important source of food for the dietary needs of the local population. it is necessary to reinforce the production model in tas and to emphasize the importance of those modes of production among families to ensure their permanence. the production and consumption of food are embedded in a complex network that responds to changes in the pattern of rainfall and exogenous factors, such as government programs that are not in line with the reality of the social actors and local culture. hernandez et al. 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):125–141 138 research communications tas constitutes an important life strategy for the peasant families. however, to ensure the continued contribution of the modes to fsv, it is necessary to streamline the actions of the stakeholders that share the same objective. some of these participants are the academic sector, governmental organizations, nongovernmental organizations operating in the area, management of the biosphere reserve and peasant organizations. ensuring the livelihood provision of the local population can relieve the pressure on the remaining areas of primary forest. it would be advisable to orientate future research to highlight the ecological importance of tas and create adaptive production strategies due to changes in rainfall patterns in order to maintain and increase the productivity of tas. furthermore, it would be appropriate to encourage diversification in the consumption of plant foods, because despite the fact of having highly diverse productive spaces, families focus their consumption on few species, which leads to a dependency because they do not always have the necessary conditions to achieve its production and self-sufficiency. agricultural production must be focused on sustainable practices that allow the existence of natural ecological processes, conservation of biodiversity and at the same time provide diverse, nutritious and culturally appropriate food for the population. to this aim, the strengthening and promoting of agroecological practices play a key role. while it is necessary to meet the basic food needs of the population, it is also essential to ensure the sustainability of this provision as well as the maintenance of other ecosystem services. to achieve this, it is necessary to create a real coordination between the actions proposed in the ecological ordination program of the municipality of calakmul and the strategy for the conservation and sustainable use of biodiversity in the state of campeche with the actions implemented with the secretariat of agriculture, livestock, rural development, fisheries and food (sagarpa), the ministry of rural development of the state of campeche, and the corresponding municipal departments. it is essential to guide government policies and programs towards the promotion of local economic development with the active participation of these populations through local organizations. one way to achieve this development in rural areas is by creating local production and consumption circuits where farmers' families sell their products and buy what they need in local populations, as there is potential production that can supply demand at the community level. such a task would allow the conservation and improvement of tas. the social unit for the production and organization of work is the family. it may be significant to consider scaling organizational leadership and decision-making at the community level for commercialization, which involves the creation and support of local markets, direct sales to the consumer, or with a minimum of intermediaries. acknowledgements we thank dr. fabien sylvain jacky charbonnier for his valuable comments and contributions to this article. we also thank the participation of the families in calakmul who welcomed us in their homes and shared part of their life with us. map collaboration by gisel puc is gratefully acknowledged. finally, we would like to thank albert chan dzul for bringing us closer to the families and to mario alberto santiago ortega for his support in the field. declarations permissions: permission was requested from the families involved, ensuring their free and informed participation. sources of funding: none declared. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited american academy of pediatrics, section on breastfeeding. 2012. breastfeeding and the use of human milk. pediatrics 129:e827–e841. doi:10.1542/peds.2011-3552. alayón-gamboa, j. 2014a. contribución del huerto familiar a la seguridad alimentaria de las familias campesinas de calakmul, campeche. in el huerto familiar: un sistema socioecológico y biocultural para sustentar los modos de vida campesinos en calakmul, mexico, edited by j. alayón-gamboa and a. morón, pp. 15-–40. el colegio de la frontera sur, mexico. alayón-gamboa, j. 2014b. sustentabilidad de la agricultura tradicional y el impacto en su transformación: el caso de calakmul, campeche. in sociedad y ambiente en mexico: áreas naturales protegidas y sustentabilidad, edited by m. pinkus, pp. hernandez et al. 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):125–141 139 research communications 211–236. universidad nacional autónoma de mexico, centro peninsular en humanidades y ciencias sociales, mexico. altieri, m. 2009a. applying agroecology to enhance the productivity of peasant farming systems in latin america. environment, development and sustainability 1:197–217. altieri, m. 2009b. agroecología, pequeñas fincas y soberanía alimentaria. ecología política 38:25–35. altieri, m. a., and c. i. nicholls. 2013. agroecología y resiliencia al cambio climático: principios y consideraciones metodológicas. agroecología 8:7– 20. barbosa, s., d. molina, g. escalona, and e. bello. 2010. organización y ecoturismo en ejidos del sureste mexicano. revista de estudios agrarios 44:141–160. balvanera, p., and h. cotler. 2009. estado y tendencias de los servicios ecosistémicos. in capital natural de mexico, vol. ii: estado de conservación y tendencias de cambio, edited by conabio, pp. 185–245. comisión nacional para el conocimiento y uso de la biodiversidad, mexico. bello, e., and e. i. j. estrada. 2011. cultivar el territorio maya. conocimiento y organización social en el uso de la selva. el colegio de la frontera sur and universidad iberoamericana, mexico. bohn, j., a. stewart, w. diemont, j. gibbs, s. stehman, and j. mendoza. 2014. implications of mayan agroforestry for biodiversity conservation in the calakmul biosphere reserve, mexico. agroforestry systems 88:269–285. bovin, p., j. pat, and b. schmook. 2000. presentación de avances de investigación: aspecto socioeconómico. in tendencias de cambio en el uso de suelo por los factores socioeconómicos, naturales y técnicos en la región de calakmul, campeche, edited by j. m. pat and v. ku, pp. 24–102. el colegio de la frontera sur, mexico. cahuich-campos, d. 2012. el huerto maya y la alimentación cotidiana de las familias campesinas de x-mejía, hopelchén, campeche. in el huerto familiar del sureste de mexico, edited by r. mariaca, pp. 197–229. secretaría de recursos naturales y protección ambiental del estado de tabasco. el colegio de la frontera sur, mexico. casanova-lugo, f., j. petit-aldana, and j. soloriosánchez. 2011. los sistemas agroforestales como alternativa a la captura de carbono en el trópico mexicano. revista chapingo. serie ciencias forestales y del ambiente 17:133–143. chablé-can e., d. molina-rosales, j. mendoza, and m. kú-quej. 2015. proceso participativo: una propuesta metodológica para la elaboración de estrategias relacionadas con redd+. el colegio de la frontera sur, mexico. chi-quej, j., g. rivas, i. gutiérrez, g. detlefsen, a. alayón-gamboa, and v. ku-quej. 2011. los huertos familiares y su contribución a la seguridad alimentaria en campeche, mexico. paper presented at the 3rd congreso latinoamericano de agroecología. sociedad científica latinoamericana de agroecología. universidad autónoma chapingo, mexico. chi-quej, j., j. alayón-gamboa, g. rivas, i. gutiérrez, g. detlefsen, and v. ku-quej. 2014. contribución del huerto familiar a la economía campesina en calakmul, campeche. in el huerto familiar: un sistema socioecológico y biocultural para sustentar los modos de vida campesinos en calakmul, mexico, edited by j. alayón-gamboa and a, morón, pp. 75–90. el colegio de la frontera sur. mexico. conapo. 2010. índice de marginación por localidad 2010. consejo nacional de población, mexico. cuéllar, m., and e. sevilla. 2009. aportando a la construcción de la soberanía alimentaria desde la agroecología. ecología política 38:43–51. ellis, e. a., and b. l. porter. 2007. agroforestería en la selva maya: antiguas tradiciones y nuevos retos. in los nuevos caminos de la agricultura: procesos de conversión y perspectivas, edited by j. a., gonzález, r. s., del amo, and g. f. gurri, pp. 213–242. universidad iberoamericana, mexico. flores, v., and f. gurri. 2005. recetario regional de calakmul, campeche. el colegio de la frontera sur. consejo nacional para la cultura y las artes. instituto nacional de antropología e historia, mexico. fao. 2006. calendario de cultivos. américa latina y el caribe. food and agriculture organization, rome, italy. gliessman, s. 2007. agroecology. the ecology of sustainable food systems, 2nd edition. crc press, boca raton, fl. hernandez et al. 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):125–141 140 research communications gurri, f. d., j. a. alayón, and d. o. molina. 2002. adaptabilidad en poblaciones mayas y poblaciones migrantes de calakmul, campeche. el colegio de la frontera sur (ecosur), mexico. inecol. 1999. programa de manejo de la reserva de la biósfera calakmul. 1era edición. unidad de participación social, enlace y comunicación, instituto nacional de ecología, mexico. inegi. 2010. censo general de población y vivienda. principales resultados por localidad. instituto nacional de estadística, geografía e informática, campeche, mexico. inegi. 2012. censo agropecuario. vii censo agrícola, ganadero y forestal 2007. instituto nacional de estadística, geografía e informática, mexico. herbario del centro de investigación científica de yucatán (cicy). 2010. flora de la península de yucatán. available at: http://www.cicy.mx/sitios/ flora%20digital/. accessed on august 15, 2016. hernández, x. e. 1985. xolocotzia. obras de efraím hernández xolocotzi. tomo i. geografía agrícola, universidad autónoma chapingo, mexico. hoddinott, j. 2001. food security in practice. methods for rural development projects. international food policy research institute, washington, dc. huntington, h.p. 2000. using traditional ecological knowledge in science: methods and applications. ecological applications 10:1270–1274. jianbo, l. 2006. energy balance and economic benefits of two agroforestry systems in northern and southern china. agriculture ecosystems and environment 116:255–262. loeza-deloya, v., n. uzcanga-pérez, a. canogonzález, g. ramírez-jaramillo, j. ramírez-silva, and y. aguilar-duarte. 2016. cadenas de importancia socioeconómica para el desarrollo agrícola e industrial de la península de yucatán, mexico. agroproductividad 9:3–8. macario, p., and l. sánchez. 2003. lista florística de especies presentes en la vegetación secundaria del ejido x-hazil y anexos. ecosur, sisierra, uady and clark university, mexico. martin, j. f., e. d. roy, s. diemont, and b. g. ferguson. 2010. traditional ecological knowledge (tek): ideas, inspiration, and designs for ecological engineering. ecological engineering 36:839–849. martínez, e., and c. galindo. 2002. la vegetación de calakmul, campeche, mexico: clasificación, descripción y distribución. boletín de la sociedad botánica de mexico 71:7–32. miles, m. b., and a. m. huberman. 1994. qualitative data analysis: an expanded sourcebook, 2nd edition. sage, thousand oaks, ca. moreno-calles, a. i., v. m. toledo, and a. casas. 2013. los sistemas agroforestales tradicionales de mexico: una aproximación biocultural. botanical sciences 91:375–398. moreno-calles, a. i., v. j. galicia-luna, a. casas, v. m. toledo, m. vallejo-ramos, d. santos-fita, and a. camou-guerrero. 2014. la etnoagroforestería: el estudio de los sistemas agroforestales tradicionales de mexico. etnobiología 12:1–6. municipio de calakmul and proyecto prosureste (gpz-conanp). 2015. programa de ordenamiento ecológico del territorio del municipio de calakmul, campeche. un estudio enfocado a las funciones ecológicas del paisaje. gobierno del estado de campeche, mexico. nair, p. k. r. 1993. an introduction to agroforestry. kluwer academic publisher, dordrecht, netherlands. neulinger, k., c. vogl and j.a. alayón-gamboa. 2013. plant species and their uses in homegardens of migrant maya and mestizo smallholder farmers in calakmul, campeche, mexico. journal of ethnobiology 33:105-124. nicholls, c. i., m. a. altieri, a. henao, r. montalba, and e. talavera. 2015. agroecología y el diseño de sistemas agrícolas resilientes al cambio climático. redagres and socla, lima, perú. noriega-trejo, r., and m. arteaga. 2010. síntesis de los tipos de vegetación terrestre. in la biodiversidad en campeche: estudio de estado, edited by g. j. villalobos-zapata and j. mendoza-vega, pp. 730. comisión nacional para el conocimiento y uso de la biodiversidad (conabio), gobierno del estado de campeche, universidad autónoma de campeche, el colegio de la frontera sur, campeche, mexico. ortega-cerda, m., and m. rivera-ferre. 2010. indicadores internacionales de soberanía alimentaria. nuevas herramientas para una nueva agricultura. revista iberoamericana de economía ecológica 14:53–77. olvera, b., b. schmook, c. radel, and d. a. nazar. hernandez et al. 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):125–141 141 research communications 2016. efectos adversos de los programas de apoyo alimentario en los hogares rurales de calakmul, campeche. estudios sociales 49:13–45. patton, m.q. 2002. qualitative research and evaluation methods, 3rd edition. sage, thousand oaks, ca. perfecto, i., j. vandermeer, and a. wright. 2009. nature’s matrix. linking agriculture, conservation and food sovereignty. earthscan, london, united kingdom. pérez, o., a. nazar, b. salvatierra, s. pérez-gil, l. rodríguez, m. castillo, and r. mariaca. 2012. frecuencia del consumo
 comunidades mayas de yucatán, mexico. estudios sociales 20:156–184. pool, l., s. cortina, and p. macario. 2000. presentación de avances de investigación: aspecto físico biótico. in tendencias de cambio en el uso de suelo por los factores socioeconómicos, naturales y técnicos en la región de calakmul, campeche, edited by j-j. pat and v. ku, pp. 24–102. el colegio de la frontera sur, mexico. pretty, j., j. morrison, and r. hine. 2003. reducing food poverty by increasing agricultural sustainability in developing countries. agriculture, ecosystems and environment 95:217–234. rosado, f. 2012. los huertos familiares, un sistema indispensable para la soberanía y suficiencia alimentaria en el sureste de mexico. in el huerto familiar del sureste de mexico, edited by r. mariaca, pp. 350–360. secretaría de recursos naturales y protección ambiental del estado de tabasco and el colegio de la frontera sur, mexico. rosset, p., and m. e. martínez. 2004. soberanía alimentaria: reclamo mundial del movimiento campesino. food sovereignty: global rallying cry of farmer movements. institute for food and development policy backgrounder 9:1–4. sánchez, p. a. 1995. science in agroforestry. agroforestry systems 30:5–55. senanayake, r. 2003. forestería análoga: una alternativa a rozar y simplificar. revista de agroecología leisa 16:14–15. sodhi, n. s., and p. r. ehrlich. 2010. conservation biology for all. oxford university press, new york, ny. soto-pinto, l., m. anzueto, j. mendoza, g. jiménez, and b. de jong. 2010. carbon sequestration through agroforestry in indigenous communities of chiapas, mexico. agroforestry systems 78:39–51. terán, s. 2011. milpa, biodiversidad y diversidad cultural. in biodiversidad y desarrollo humano en yucatán, edited by r. durán and m. méndez, pp. 54–56. cicy, ppd-fmam, conabio, seduma, mexico. terán, s. and c. rasmussen. 2009. la milpa de los mayas, 2nd edition. universidad nacional autónoma de mexico, mexico. vallejo, m., f. gurri, and d. molina, 2011. agricultura comercial, tradicional y vulnerabilidad en campesinos. política y cultura 36:71–98. vía campesina. 1996. declaración sobre la soberanía alimentaria de los pueblos. cumbre mundial de la alimentación. ii conferencia internacional de la vía campesina. tlaxcala, mexico. available at: http://www.viacampesina.org. accessed on november 11, 2015. villalobos-zapata, g. j., and j. mendoza vega. 2010. la biodiversidad en campeche: estudio de estado. comisión nacional para el conocimiento y uso de la biodiversidad (conabio), gobierno del estado de campeche, universidad autónoma de campeche, el colegio de la frontera sur, mexico. verchot, l., m. van noordwijk, s. kandji, t. tomich, c. ong, a. albrecht, j. mackensen, c. bantilan, k. anupama, and c. palm. 2007. climate change: linking adaptation and mitigation through agroforestry. mitigation and adaptation strategies for global change 12:901–918. wojtkowski, p. 2002. agroecological perspectives in agronomy, forestry and agroforestry. science publishers, enfield, nh. zizumbo, d., p. colunga, f. may, j. martínez, and j. mijangos. 2011. recursos fitogenéticos para la alimentación y la agricultura. in biodiversidad y desarrollo humano en yucatán, edited by r. durán, and m. méndez, pp. 334-339. cicy, ppd-fmam, conabio, seduma, mexico. letter from the editors ethnobiology letters research communication 50 peruvian children’s folk taxonomy of marine animals josé pizarro-neyra 1 author address: 1 proyecto nuestro medio ambiente marino, perú josepizarroneyra@gmail.com received: june 18 th 2011 volume 2:50-57 published: september 9th 2011 © 2011 society of ethnobiology abstract: free listing was used to obtain names of marine animals from 234 peruvian children with families involved in fishing activities. they live in the fishing towns of vila-vila, morro sama and ilo, located in southern peru. fishes, birds and the category “other marine animal” were used for the classification of marine fauna by children. the group of 6 -8 year-olds shows a mean frequency of 19.7 names per child, while the group of 9-11 year-olds shows a mean frequency of 25.7 names per child. folk species of fish is the most frequently recorded category with a predominance of coastal species an d with a mean frequency of 7.56 and 11.51 names per child for the groups of 6-8 year-olds and 9-11 year-olds, respectively. in contrast, bird names are less frequently recorded in the lists. some bird and mollusc names have lexical under -differentiation at a generic level and apparently have lower cultural significance than fish. children’s classification in different levels of organization is evidence of a folk biology. the folk taxonomy of marine animals could be influenced by the lesser cognitive development of younger children and the ecological salience of some species. some species with coastal habitat exhibit a high dominance index of folk names. cultural transmission of knowledge about birds could be failing due to the recent occupancy of the study sites by migratory people and the sexual division of work in the children’s families. key words: folk taxonomy, ecological salience, cognitive development, marine animals, children, fishing, southern peru introduction children’s folk biology has been studied recently in latin america, however, the folk taxonomy built by children is lesser known. according to au and romo (1999), if children make a distinction between biological and non-biological species, they demonstrate a folk biology. ross et al. (2002) argue that rural children from non-western cultures who are exposed to nature make use of relationships between organisms to explain biological phenomena. this is evidence of the existence of children’s folk biology. fish are predominant in the study of the folk biology of marine animals in south america. paz and begossi (1996) studied the nomenclature, classification and ethnoecology of brazilian marine fish among small-scale fishermen, but no children were included in their work. the ethnobiological classification of life-form taxa is influenced by utilitarian or perceptual factors, but folk generic categories have mainly perceptual salience (berlin 1992). their generalization implies that there exists a predominance of perceptual factors influencing folk taxonomy of children. but, according to markman (1989), little children tend to use thematic relationships rather than taxonomic similarity for the categorization of objects. this is in concordance with the lesser cognitive development in children under six years. in this sense, johnson & carey (1988) affirm that children finish acquiring knowledge of animals around age ten. another aspect linked with folk taxonomy is the universality of the categories. brown (1979) suggested the universality of the categories “fish,” “mammals,” “reptile,” “bird” and “wug.” the acquisition of these zoological life-forms by children is complete at age eight. in this article, the folk taxonomy used by rural children on the peruvian southern coast is examined. i search organization levels of the marine animals and the reasons that would explain the peruvian children’s classification system. this information is considered important for the management and conservation of marine habitats (drews 2005). methods study zone―the fishing villages of vila-vila (18°07’ s 70°36’ w) and morro sama (18° s 70°54’ w) are located in the department of tacna and the port of ilo (17°38’ s 71° 20’ w) is located in the department of moquegua. tacna and moquegua are the southernmost departments of peru. fishing is the main activity in the localities under study. the exploitation of marine resources for the fish meal industry is a important to the national economy. in tacna and moquegua fishermen practice mainly small-scale fishing. mailto:josepizarroneyra@gmail.com ethnobiology letters research communication 51 table 1. number of genera and species of marine animals named per peruvian child. age group fish taxa bird taxa other marine animal taxa 6-8 yrs old 7.56 3.79 8.125 9-11 yrs old 11.51 3.95 10.24 the children―all children studied were students at the primary schools in vila-vila, morro sama and ilo whose families were involved in the fishing industry. the informants were 234 children between the ages of 6 and 11 divided in two groups: ages 6-8 (n=102) and ages 9-11 (n=132). the list―children were invited to recall and write the maximum quantity of names of marine animals in twenty minutes. they created their lists on forms comprised of three columns corresponding to the following categories: “marine fish,” “marine bird” and the category “other marine animal.” this last category covers all others marine animals and contains less diversity than fish and birds in the students’ natural surroundings. the form was developed with sufficient space to write approximately twenty names in each column. the listing exercise was administered to children during school hours in july and november 2006 and in june 2007. analysis―the supplementary table (end of the document) summarizes marine animals named by the peruvian children who were interviewed. the scientific names and the habitat of the folk species were obtained from chirichigno and vélez (1998) for fish, vizcarra (2006) and schulenberg et al. (2007) for birds, jefferson et al. (1993) for marine mammals and paredes et al. (1988) for marine invertebrates. in case of doubt about the correspondence between folk names and scientific species, names were clarified during classes in the schools, where students identified the organisms after observing photographs. this was needed in the cases of marine turtles, mollusks, fur seals, gulls, cormorants, and some fish such as pampano (trachinotus paitensis carangidae cuvier). the purpose of table 1 is to identify the lexical differentiation of species and their cultural importance. the marine animal identified is indicated by the folk category mentioned by children for each one. the habitat of each species obtained from the literature serves as an indicator of ecological salience when these species appears more frequently in the lists. the measurement of this frequency was calculated by a dominance index using the formula figure 1. frequency of marine animals names used per child. d=(∑l)/t. l= lists containing the name of a species. t=234 examined lists. the species with higher values of d and usually caught near the shore would indicate species with ecological salience. results & discussion children wrote 58 folk names of marine animals in all the lists. fish was the most frequently mentioned lifeform, comprising 55% of the total folk taxa. names of terrestrial animals, such as dog, cat and dove appeared in some lists, but these animals are not considered in this study. many lists show names at generic level, such as pajarito (little bird), ave marina (seabird), pescado (fish), pescado chico and pescado grande (little and big fish, respectively). these names do not appear in the analysis of folk names (supplementary table, end of document). a total of 5380 mentions of marine animals were counted in all the lists. table 1 lists only 4675 mentions of folk taxa with a dominance index > 0.05. according to the results (table 1), most marine animals live in coastal habitats, but only a few animals exhibit ecological salience, with a dominance index > 0.50. this is the case for peruvian pelicans (pelecanus thagus pelecanidae molina) (d=0.84), humboldt penguins (spheniscus humboldtii spheniscidae meyen) (d=0.78), sea gulls (mainly larus belcheri laridae vigors, l. modestus laridae tschudii and l. dominicanus laridae lichtenstein) (d= 0.79), cormorants (phalacrocorax spp. phalacrocoracidae brisson) (d= 0.56), marine fur seals (otaria byronia otariidae shaw) (d= 0.78), pejerrey (odonthesthes regia atherinopsidae hildebrand) (d= 0.54), and lapa (fissurella spp. fissurellidae) (d= 0.69). the group of 6-8 year-olds old shows a mean frequency of 19.7 names per child, while the group of 9-11 year-olds presented 25.7 names per child (table ethnobiology letters research communication 52 1). the category of fish was most often mentioned in the lists with frequencies varying between 7.5 and 11.5 names per child (figure 1). fish are mentioned mainly using the specific level when perceptual salience is present such as in the case of pintacha (cheilodactylus variegatus cheilodactylidae valenciennes), pejesapo (syciases sanguineus gobiesocidae m. et t.) and diamante (isurus oxyrhinchus lamnidae rafinesque). these folk names exhibit one-to-one correspondence with scientific species which indicates cultural significance. indeed, these are target species for local fishermen according to estrella et al. (2006). the pelagic species known as perico (coryphaena hppurus coryphaenidae l.) is easily recognized by children due to their perceptual salience and because it is a species caught and consumed in the area at low prices. however, coastal species of fish are predominant in the lists. coastal fish are considered target species of artisanal fishery in tacna and moquegua according to estrella et al. (2006). the fish mentioned by the children have cultural salience as sources of food. sethalaphruk and price (2007) observed that children’s knowledge of animals used as food resources is mediated by the consumption or sale of them. in addition, some children in vila-vila and morro sama use fish as bait for shore fishing, as in the case of michi (chromis crusma cuvier and valenciennes) (figure 2). in this case, boys that fish use other criteria besides just perceptual characteristics for the recognition of species. boster and johnson (1989) affirm that some novice fishers recognize fish species using morphological appearance because knowledge of utility and behaviour requires cultural transmission and more experience. in contrast, marine birds are the category with fewer mentions in the children’s lists with a mean frequency of 3.9 names per child. this is relevant because peru is a country that lacks diversity of bird species (schulenberg 2007). on the coast of tacna, there are only 144 reported species of birds (vizcarra, 2006). following the theory of hunn (1999), the birds mentioned are probably species with higher ecological salience. the species mentioned in the childrens’ lists are: peruvian pelican or huacacho (pelecanus thagus molina), guanay (phalacrocorax bouganvilliii phalacrocoracidae lesson), piquero (sula variegata sulidae tschudi), and the humboldt penguin or pinguino. generic names mentioned were: patillo (corresponding to cormorants such phalacrocorax bouganvillii phalacrocoracidae lesson and phalacrocorax brasiliensis phalacrocoracidae gmelin) and gaviota or perica corresponding to at least the three species of larus figure 2. peruvian child holding a michi (chromis crusma) to be used as bait. gulls listed above. following martin (1995), species that are less important culturally are usually underdifferentiated. in this sense, the lexical underdifferentiation of some marine birds in the lists indicates a lower cultural importance of marine birds. the majority of marine birds mentioned can be found near ports, searching through garbage or fishing nets for food. all bird species have coastal habitats and are commonly found in the area (table 1). perhaps the low number of names for small birds such as sandpipers and lesser terns, which are abundant in the area, is due to their size. these birds’ small size may not allow children and their parents to recognize details for species identification. the cultural transmission of local knowledge about avifauna could be lacking for at least two reasons. first, some children’s families are migratory people from the andes, with limited ecological knowledge of marine resources. migrants represent 30% of the total population of the departments of tacna and moquegua, (inei 2008). secondly, a mother’s knowledge of marine fauna could be scarce. in this ethnobiology letters research communication 53 situation, a child’s limited knowledge of birds could be due to the amount of time spent with her mother. the gender division of work in peruvian fishing villages deters women from working on boats during fishing activities. according to estrella et al. (2006), 10% of artisanal fishers in tacna are women who only participate in the harvest of mollusks or aid their husbands with net fishing along the shore. women are not allowed to work on boats. therefore, women and children would not see the many bird species that men would see during fishing activities. in berlin’s (1981) ethno-ornithological study, women show less linguistic ability in the folk taxonomy of birds than men due to two factors: 1) a limited outcome of life experience in the hunting, and 2) no opportunity to observe entire birds because males remove all plumage before women prepare them for food. children’s knowledge about marine birds in our study zone could be lower probably because none of these types of birds are cooked and eaten by the fishermen families. some folk species from the category “other marine animals” do not correspond with the linnean taxonomy. the cetaceans are classified as fish by 66% of the 6-8 year-olds and by 43% of the 9-11 year-olds. according to souza and begossi (2007), the cultural transmission from elders to younger fishermen could play a role in the identification of cetaceans as fish in other parts of south america. fish and cetaceans such as porpoises and dolphins share morphological attributes (shape, fins) and could belong to the same group of animals in the taxonomies of little children. markman (1989), explains that young children tend to acquire basic categorizing skills by maximizing the similarities between category members and minimizing the similarities between members of other categories. in addition, some students in vila-vila and morro sama said that they ate porpoise meat in reference to chancho marino (phocoena spinipinnis phocoenidae burmeister). this species is mentioned in their lists, and children that eat cetacean meat are using the utilitarian factor to group porpoises into the fish category. according to van waerebeek and reyes (1994), this species suffers incidental capture in vilavila and is used as bait in ilo. sharks and sea horses are identified as “other marine animals” by 12% of the 6-8 year olds. these folk names were not grouped within the fish category by the children, perhaps due to their dissimilarities with the previously learned fish prototype. the status of the sea horses in the folk taxonomy is unique. for example, the sea horse was not classified by any folk taxa by brazilian artisanal fishermen (paz and begossi 1996). sharks, however, are well recognized as a taxonomical group by children, perhaps due to their cultural importance. sharks are caught in southern peru during the winter with longlines known as redes animaleras (nets for the animal), and fisherman call sharks el animal (the animal). in my experience, artisanal fishermen identify sharks as a different group of fish. additionally, the humbolt penguin was classified as “other marine animals” by 8% of the 6-8 year-olds. trowbridge and mintzes (1985) suggest that the penguins are not identified by children as birds due to their similarity with marine mammals and the fact that they do not fly. very few names of invertebrates were written within the category “other marine animals” considering the abundance of these organisms in the peruvian sea. but some mollusks such as the gastropods exhibit under-differentiation of the folk species (table 1). for instance, mollusks of the generic level lapa comprise at least two species not differentiated by children. this is evidence of moderate or low cultural significance of these species, probably due to how little they are used. finally, the classification of sessile invertebrates such “other marine animals” can be a problem for young children. carey (1988) indicates that small children manage the concept “animal” as an entity with the capacity of “action.” for this reason, it is possible that sessile animals such as mollusks were not included in the lists made by children aged 6-8 years. conclusions the use of different levels of classification (life-forms, generic and specific) is evidence of the existence of folk taxonomy among children from the southern coast of peru. cetaceans were classified in the category “fish” by some children. the humboldt penguin and some fish were also classified as “other marine animals” (neither fish nor birds) in order to differentiate from the previously learned prototype of fish and bird. “marine birds” is the category less frequently mentioned, and some folk species present less cultural importance. some mollusks and birds with lexical under-differentiation would be considered to have low cultural importance. in contrast, marine fish would be considered the category with higher cultural significance for the children. cultural transmission about local ecological knowledge of marine resources is failing due to the recent migration of people from the andes and by the gender division of work that leads to a lack of experience in fishing activities among women. the lower number of marine animal names recorded ethnobiology letters research communication 54 per child in the 6-8 year-old age group is most likely explained by the lower cognitive development of younger children. acknowledgements many thanks to students in san pedro and morro sama schools in tacna and to students children at jorge basadre, daniel becerra, l. conde and avelino cáceres schools in ilo. maureen maccarthy aided with translation of this report. references cited au, t. k. and l. romo. 1999. mechanical causality in children´s folkbiology. in folkbiology, edited by d. c. medin and s. atran, pp. 355-402. mit press, cambridge. berlin, b. 1992. ethnobiological classification. principles of categorization of plants and animals in traditional societies. princeton university press, princeton. berlin, b., j. s. boster, and j. p. o’neil. 1981. the perceptual bases of ethnbiological classification: evidence from aguaruna jívaro ornithology. journal of ethnobiology 1:95-108. boster, j. s. and j. c. johnson. 1989. form of function: a comparison of expert and novice judgments of similarity among fish. american anthropologist 91:866-889. brown, c. 1979. folk-zoological life-forms: their universality and growth. american anthropologist 81:791-817. carey, s. 1988. conceptual differences between children and adults. mind and language 3:167-181. chirichigno, n. and j. vélez. 1998. clave para identificar los peces marinos del perú, segunda edición. instituto del mar del perú, callao. drew, j. a. 2005. use of traditional ecological knowledge in marine conservation. conservation biology 19:1286-1293. estrella, c., g. castillo, and j. fernández. 2006. encuesta estructural de la pesquería artesanal peruana. regiones de moquegua y tacna. imarpe-produceaeci, callao. johnson, s. and s. carey. 1998. knowledge enrichment and conceptual change in folkbiology: evidence from williams syndrome. cognitive psychology 37:156-200. hunn, e. 1999. size as limiting the recognition of biodiversity in folkbiological classifications: one of four factors governing the cultural recognition of biological taxa. in folkbiology, edited by d.c. medin and s. atran, pp. 47-69. mit press, cambridge. inei. 2008. censos nacionales 2007: xi de población y vi de vivienda. resultados definitivos. tomo i. dirección nacional de censos y encuestas del instituto nacional de estadística e informática, lima. jefferson, t. a., s. leatherwood and m. a. webber. 1993. marine mammals of the world. fao species identification guide. fao, rome. markman, e. m. 1989. categorization and naming in children: problems of induction. mit press, bradford books, cambridge. martin, g. j. 1995. ethnobotany: a methods manual. chapman and hall, london, uk. paredes, c., j. tarazona, e. canahuire, l. romero and o. cornejo.1988. invertebrados macro.bentónicos del área de pisco, perú. in recursos y dinámica del ecosistema de afloramiento peruano. volúmen extraordinario, edited by h. salzwedel and a. landa, pp. 121-132. boletín imarpe, callao. paz, v. a. and a. begossi. 1996. ethnoicthyiology of gamboa fishermen of sepetiba bay, brazil. journal of ethnobiology 16:157-168. ross, n., d. l. medin, j. d. coley and s. atran. 2003. cultural and experiential differences in the development of folkbiological induction. cognitive development 18:25-47. schulenberg, t. s., d. f. stotz, d. l. lane, j. p. o’neill and t. a. parker. 2007. birds of peru. princeton university press, princeton. setalaphruk, c. and l. l. price. 2007. children’s traditional ecological knowledge of wild food resources: a case study in a rural village in northeast thailand. journal of ethnobiology and ethnomedicine 3:33. doi:10.1186/1746-4269-3-33. souza, s. p. and a. begossi. 2007. whales, dolphins or fishes? the ethnotaxonomy of cetaceans in são sebastião, brazil. journal of ethnobiology and ethnomedicine 3:9. doi:10.1186/1746-4269-3-9. trowbridge, j. e. and j. mintzes. 1985. students’ alternative conceptions of animals and animal classification. school science and mathematics 85:304-316. van waerebeek, k. and j. c. reyes. 1994. post-ban small cetacean takes off peru: a review. report international whaling commission 15:503-519. ethnobiology letters research communication 55 vizcarra, j. 2006. aves de los humedales de ite y alrededores. biodiversidad y conservación integral (colombia) 11:41-50. biosketch jose pizarro-neyra was born in tacna, southern peru. he is a researcher with interests in ethnobiology. in 2007 jose began doing research among artisanal fishermen and their children, looking at the ethnotaxonomy of marine animals. he is a member of the nuestro medio ambiente marino project team. supplementary table. folk taxa and habitat of marine animals named by peruvian children. common & scientific names scientific taxa class/order folk taxa habitat a d=(∑l)/t d 1. “caballa” scomber japonicus houttuyn pisces (actinopterygii) fish n 0.65 2. “borracho” scartichthys gigas steindachner pisces (actinopterygii) fish s 0.20 3. “lisa” mugil cephalus linnaeus pisces (actinopterygii) fish s 0.40 4. “lisa voladora” exocoetus volitans linnaeus pisces (actinopterygii) fish n 0.34 5. “anchoveta” engraulis ringens jenyns pisces (actinopterygii) fish n 0.39 6. “lorna” sciaena deliciosa tschudi pisces (actinopterygii) fish s 0.33 7. “cojinova” seriolella violacea guichenot pisces (actinopterygii) fish s 0.30 8. “corvina” cilus gilbertii abbott pisces (actinopterygii) fish s 0.37 9. “peje sapo” sicyases sanguineus muller et troschel pisces (actinopterygii) fish s 0.24 10. “jurel” trachurus picturatus murphyi nichols pisces (actinopterygii) fish n 0.41 11. “pejerrey” odonthestes regia hildebrand pisces actinopterygii fish s 0.54 12. “cabrilla” paralabrax humeralis valenciennes pisces (actinopterygii) fish s 0.06 13. “bonito” sarda chiliensis cuvier pisces (actinopterygii) fish p 0.41 14. “michi” chromis crusma valenciennes pisces (actinopterygii) fish s 0.15 15. “pintacha” cheilodactylus variegatus valenciennes pisces (actinopterygii) fish s 0.23 16. “tramboyo” labrisomus philippii steindachner pisces (actinopterygii) fish s 0.18 17. “pampano” trachinotus paitensis cuvier pisces (actinopterygii) fish s 0.13 18. “bagre” galeichtys peruvianus litken pisces (actinopterygii) fish n 0.06 ethnobiology letters research communication 56 19. “cabinza” isacia conceptionis cuvier pisces (actinopterygii) fish n 0.63 20. “sargo” anisotremus scapularis tschudi pisces (actinopterygii) fish s 0.13 21. “lenguado” paralichtys adspersus steindachner pisces (actinopterygii) fish s 0.38 22. “tollo” mustelus whithneyi chirichigno pisces (chondricthyes) fish s 0.14 23. “raya” not identified at species level pisces (chondricthyes) fish n 0.21 24. “tiburón” not identified at species level pisces (chondricthyes) fish, oma b,c p 0.34 25. “perico” coryphaena hippurus linnaeus pisces (actinopterygii) fish p 0.73 26. “caballito de mar” hippocampus ingens girard pisces (actinopterygii) fish, oma b n 0.18 27. “diamante” isurus oxyrhinchus rafinesque pisces (chondricthyes) fish p 0.37 28. “martillo” sphyrna zygaena linnaeus pisces (chondricthyes) fish p 0.11 29. “pelicano” pelecanus thagus molina aves bird p 0.84 30. “pingüino” spheniscus humboldti molina aves bird, oma b n 0.78 31. “patillo”at least two species: phalacrocorax brasiliensis gmelin and phalacrocorax bouganvillii lesson aves bird s 0.56 32. “guanay” phalacrocorax bouganvillii lesson aves bird s 0.25 33. “piquero” sula variegata tschudi aves bird s 0.21 34. “gaviota” & “perica” at least three species: larus belcheri vigors, larus dominicanus lichtenstein and larus modestus tschudi aves bird s 0.79 35. “pulpo” octopus sp. mollusca (cephalopoda) oma s 0.52 36. “pota” dosidiscus gigas d'orbigny mollusca (cephalopoda) oma p 0.41 37. “ballena” not identified at species level mammalia (cetacea) oma, fish b p 0.60 38. “orca” orcinus orca linnaeus mammalia (cetacea) oma, fish b p 0.33 39. “delfín” tursiops truncatus montagu mammalia (cetacea) oma, fish b p 0.50 40. “chancho marino” phocoena spinpinnis burmeister mammalia (cetacea) oma, fish b n 0.25 41. “lobo marino”two species: otaria byronia shaw and arctocephalus australis zimmerman mammalia (carnivora) oma s 0.78 42. “chungungo” lontra felina molina mammalia (carnivora) oma s 0.28 43. “estrella de mar” at least two species: stichaster striatus lamarck and heliasther helianthus lamarck echinodermata (asteroidea) oma s 0.53 44. “tortuga” at least two species: caretta caretta linnaeus and chelonia agassizi bocourt reptilia (testudines) oma p 0.36 45. “poto de mar” at least two species: phymactis papillosa lesson and phymantea pluvia drayton coelenterata (anthozoa) oma s 0.12 ethnobiology letters research communication 57 46. “choro” aulacomya ater molina mollusca (bivalvia) oma s 0.33 47. “almeja” prothotaca thaca molina mollusca (bivalvia) oma s 0.16 48. “chanque” concholepas concholepas bruguiére mollusca (gastropoda) oma s 0.34 49. “muy-muy” emerita analoga stimpson crustacea (decapoda) oma s 0.32 50. “macha” mesodesma donacium lamarck mollusca (bivalvia) oma s 0.12 51. “chiton” at least two species: enoplochiton niger barnes and chiton granosus frembly mollusca (gastropoda) oma s 0.15 52. “caracol” at least two species: thais chocolate duclos and tegula atra lesson mollusca (gastropoda) oma s 0.28 53. “erizo negro” tetrapygus níger molina echinodermata (echinoidea ) oma s 0.30 54. “lapa” at least two species: fissurella crassa lamarck and fissurela cumingsi reeve mollusca (gastropoda) oma s 0.69 55. “jaiva” cancer setosus molina crustacea (decapoda) oma s 0.43 56. “araña de mar” at least two species: grapsus grapsus linnaeus and geograpsus lividus milne edwards crustacea (decapoda) oma s 0.17 57. “camarón” cryphiops caementarius molina crustacea (natantia) oma s 0.22 58. “cangrejo” ocypode gaudichaudii milne edwards and lucas crustacea (decapoda) oma s 0.16 a habitat: s= shore, n= neritic, p= pelagic b classified by some children as this folk taxa c other marine animals d d=dominance index. l= lists containing the name of a species. t= the number of lists examined. the higher the d value, the greater the ecological salience. microsoft word ponette_byrnesproof.docx ethnobiology letters                                                                                                         perspective 65 sustainable science? reducing the carbon impact of scientific   mega‐meetings  alexandra g. ponette‐gonzález 1*  and jarrett e. byrnes 2   author address:  1 department of geography, university of north texas, 1155 union circle #305279, denton, tx 76203, usa,  alexandra@unt.edu     author address:  2 national center for ecological analysis and synthesis, santa barbara, ca 93101, usa  received: september 10 th  2011                                                                                                                                           volume: 2:65‐71  published: october 29 th  2011                                                                                                                    © 2011 society of ethnobiology  abstract: scientists across the globe recognize the importance of reducing carbon emissions to combat climate change.  at the  same time, we have  increased our carbon footprint through air travel to the growing number of scientific society “mega‐ meetings” that host thousands of attendees.  although alternative solutions have been proposed to reduce the environmental  impact of annual conferences, these have yet to be evaluated against the business‐as‐usual scenario.  here, we use 9 years of  annual meeting attendance data from the ecological society of america and the association of american geographers to  assess the efficacy of two additional solutions: 1) alternate  large national meetings that require significant air travel with  smaller regional meetings that do not; and 2) incorporate geography into the meeting location selection process.  the carbon  footprint of annual mega‐meetings ranged 3‐fold, from 1196‐4062 metric tons of co2.  results indicate that an alternating  schedule of national and regional meetings can reduce conference‐related co2 emissions up to 73%, while improved spatial  planning may result in further reductions.  we discuss the benefits and tradeoffs of proposals to green scientific meetings,  with a view to spark further debate on how to increase the sustainability of scientific conferences.  key words: carbon footprint, greening the meeting, scientific conferences, planning, sustainability    introduction every year scientists showcase their research findings at large national and international conferences, some of which host thousands of participants. regrettably, these “mega-meetings” represent a significant source of co2 to the atmosphere. air travel to a single meeting can generate ~11,000 metric tons of carbon dioxide (lester 2007), while a roundtrip flight from new york city to brussels is nearly equivalent to a moroccan’s annual co2 emissions, 1.4 metric tons of co2 (iea statistics 2010). these statistics are at odds with the values of scientists who seek to slow the current rate of co2 increase in the atmosphere, and especially those concerned with climate change (bonnett 2006; young 2009; burke 2010). at the 2010 dissertations initiative for the advancement of climate change research symposium (disccrs), this question arose as a topic of conversation among a small group of interdisciplinary scholars during a break-out session. in the recent scientific literature, parallel discussions and debates on how to “green meetings” reveal not only increasing concern over climate change but also a greater selfawareness among scientists at all levels of the need for a more sustainable scientific enterprise (mills 2009; rosenthal 2010). for example, in his editorial, bonnett (2007) argues that to achieve sustainable conferences in the field of geography, a “cultural shift” is necessary within the discipline. bonnett refers to the assumption of personal responsibility by academics for the environmental impacts associated with conference travel. jarchow et al. (2011) echo this perspective for ecology and evolutionary biology, and find that raising awareness about sustainability issues at meetings is an effective means to reduce resource use among participants. however, assuming the burden of sustainability is often inconvenient (jarchow et al. 2011), and worse, may conflict with institutional norms and expectations in academia (young 2009). as pointed out by philippe (2008), for conferences to become sustainable, a paradigm shift must occur whereby the notion of scientific progress is decoupled from that of economic growth. ethnobiology letters                                                                                                         perspective 66 despite this self-reflection and awareness and a growing laundry list of proposed alternatives— reduction in meeting frequency (philippe 2008), rethinking the role of international attendance (hall 2007), use of videoand virtual conferencing (huang et al. 2008; arslan et al. 2011), and purchase of carbon offsets—the benefits and tradeoffs of diverse strategies have yet to be evaluated against the business-as-usual scenario. moreover, the efficacy of some of these measures (e.g., carbon offsets, renewable energy credits) remains highly uncertain (struck 2010). here, we propose two new solutions that seek to balance scientists’ intellectual needs with a generous reduction in our carbon footprint: 1) alternate large national meetings that require significant air travel with smaller regional meetings that do not; and 2) incorporate geography into the meeting location selection process. according to our calculations, we find that these plans for action could more than halve conference-related co2 emissions while maintaining the benefits provided by meetings, and even adding new ones. additionally, our proposal reduces the carbon footprint of scientific meetings up to three times more than other suggested alternatives, including a model carbon offset program. we present this perspective as a starting point for a deeper discussion on the sustainability of scientific conferences that is long overdue. much like the cultural groups that are often the focal point of ethnobiological studies, interactions between scientific societies and the environment are complex and varied. perceptions about the nature and progress of the scientific enterprise differ among societies and influence the degree to which this enterprise is, or is not, sustainably managed. in general, however, there are many questions that remain unaddressed or unresolved. can conference attendance to megameetings grow indefinitely? what are optimal strategies for organizing sustainable conferences and how might these strategies vary by society, discipline, or specialization? what are the roles and responsibilities of individual scientists, funding agencies, and scientific societies in enhancing sustainability? and, what types of social, cultural, and institutional changes are needed to facilitate other forms of information dissemination? we hope that our proposal will contribute to a spirited and productive conversation on how to address these questions. estimating the carbon footprint of scientific meetings to examine the carbon savings of multiple regional meetings versus a single national mega-meeting (hereafter referred to as “business-as-usual”), we developed two baseline emissions scenarios. we estimated co2 emissions incurred from air and car travel to the 2002-2009 ecological society of america (esa) annual meetings and to the 2010 association of american geographers (aag) annual meeting by 1) members in the united states (domestic travelers), and 2) all attendees (domestic plus international travelers). we then compared baseline carbon costs to co2 emissions resulting from us attendees driving to regional meetings. only differences arising from changes in air and car travel were analyzed, because these comprise the bulk of conference-related co2 emissions (lester 2007). we considered esa and aag to be good candidates for analysis and representative of other large scientific societies. these mega-meetings attract considerable numbers of scientists studying climate change, and attendance is high (esa 2009, 3599 participants; aag 2010, 7727 attendees). carbon dioxide emissions under national versus regional meeting scenarios were calculated using the conservation fund carbon calculator (http://www.conservationfund.org). for business-as-usual estimates, address location data for all participants were compiled in a geographic information system (gis) and roundtrip distances to the host city were calculated. we assumed that members located < 420 miles (~7 hours of driving) from the host city would drive and that international members would fly from the nearest major city (i.e., population ≥ 1 million). it is probable that these assumptions underestimate co2 emissions from air travel. first, we are not certain that scientists who obtain institutional funds for air travel are willing to drive to meetings even when they are located < 420 miles from the host city. second, we did not estimate emissions to the nearest major airport for international participants. to estimate the carbon footprint of multiple regional meetings, we employed several driving distance models: 1) a fixed 420 mile driving distance; 2) a uniform distribution of driving distances; 3) a poisson distribution of driving distances with a mean of 210 miles; and 4) an explicit regional geospatial model. for the geospatial model, us members were assigned to one of nine regional divisions based on the current aag structure (www.aag.org/cs/membership/regional _divisions). once assigned to a division, we assumed that all us members (with the exception of those in alaska and hawai’i) drove to a hypothetical host city randomly selected from each region. modeled regional carbon footprints were compared to both baseline scenarios. ethnobiology letters                                                                                                         perspective 67 we also examined the spatial distribution of us meeting attendees by zip code as well as spatial variability in the carbon cost of meetings to determine the influence of meeting location on carbon footprints. for the latter, business-as-usual co2 emissions were divided by the total number of attendees to calculate per capita co2 emissions for each annual conference. finally, we used these calculations and existing literature on the subject to approximate the co2 reduction potential of alternate proposals. the difference between the most carbon expensive meeting location and all other meeting locations was computed to establish the range in savings that could be generated with the inclusion of per capita co2 emissions estimates into site selection criteria. we employed the estimated contribution of international attendance to the carbon footprint of mega-meetings to evaluate the effect of decreased overseas participation on carbon dioxide emissions. the estimated annual carbon sequestration of the society for conservation biology’s wild rose conservation site was employed to assess the reduction potential of carbon offset projects. we reasoned that holding biennial conferences would reduce the carbon cost of scientific meetings by ~50%. the carbon savings potential of videoand virtual conferencing depends on the number of participants using these technologies. to estimate this, we used poll data on the willingness of scientists to participate in scientific conferences remotely. putting a carbon price tag on business-as-usual data on number of participants, distance traveled, and co2 emissions for esa and aag meetings underscore the high carbon costs associated with large annual conferences. total attendance to the 2010 aag annual meeting was two to three times greater than to the esa annual meeting during any given year. therefore, we report results for these different-sized meetings separately. for the 2002-2009 esa meetings, attendance ranged from 2729-4255 participants. total distance traveled varied up to 2-fold among meetings. averaged over all meetings, collectively, esa members traveled a mean 14.2 ± 1.4 million km to the conference host city. total business-as-usual co2 emissions ranged from 1196-2310 metric tons, with a mean carbon footprint of 1754 ± 166 metric tons. with the exception of the 2005 meeting held in canada, international attendees from as many as 44 countries comprised 9-15% of the total attending population. yet international scientists accounted for approximately one-third of the total distance traveled (4.7 ± 0.7 million km) and contributed 25-47% of the total meeting carbon footprint. in 2010, 7727 scientists from 65 countries attended the aag annual meeting in washington d.c. combined, aag members traveled ~32 million km to attend the conference, more than two times the mean distance traveled to esa meetings. as a result of the larger size of this meeting and the greater distances involved, the 2010 aag resulted in an estimated 4062 metric tons of co2 emissions to the atmosphere. compared with esa meetings, international attendance to the aag was much higher, accounting for 27% of the total population. international attendees comprised 56% of the total meeting carbon footprint. on a per capita basis, co2 emissions for the esa meetings ranged from 0.46-0.66 metric tons. the estimated per capita aag carbon footprint, 0.58 metric tons of carbon dioxide, fell within this range of values. alternating national and regional conferences depending on the model, we estimated an average 1859% reduction in carbon emissions for multiple regional compared with national meetings (from ~229 metric tons to ~730 metric tons for esa, from ~275 metric tons to ~865 metric tons for aag) when only domestic travelers were considered (figure 1a). the carbon reduction potential of an alternating schedule, however, increased to an average 49-74% when the footprint of smaller meetings was compared to the full carbon cost of meetings with international participation (figure 1b). because we were unable to geocode participant address locations (i.e., identify exact geographic coordinates) for 3-10% of the sample population, our calculations underestimate the true carbon cost of large national meetings. moreover, our regional models assumed that meeting participants do not carpool or employ public transit. therefore, the estimated carbon savings presented here are likely quite conservative. our analysis also indicates that the carbon cost of national meetings varies geographically (figure 2). for example, per capita co2 emissions for a meeting held in memphis, tennessee, are 30% lower than for a meeting held in san jose, california. careful selection of meeting location therefore represents a potentially simple and cost-effective way to reduce co2 emissions. we acknowledge that holding all conferences in one or a handful of locations may not suit every scientific society. however, there are numerous ways to optimize meeting location to reduce carbon emissions: organize more meetings in areas where the majority of e fi di tr sy th qu ho fli lo of low na w h so th re th re ca an m co co be th qu pr ef ex th en co em on ethnobio gure 1: percen ifferent driving ravel  to  large  ymbols represe he attending uency of mee old conferenc ights (lester ocation is perh f conferencewer their emiss ational-regional weighing the how do our so olutions in ter hat a rotating egional meetin han other pr eveals that inc apita co2 em n additional m mega-meetings annual rot ould more tha onference-rela enefits over th he carbon s uantified. th rojects, which ffectiveness (b xemplary carb he purchase nergy credits onference att missions per se n scientists to ology le ntage reductio g scenarios wh national  meet ent different n population r tings requirin ces in cities tha 2007). ov haps a seconda -related carbo sions profile mo meeting schedule alternatives olutions comp rms of carbon g schedule of ngs is up to oposals (tab clusion of such missions into t means to redu . tation of natio an halve carb ated travel an hose already o savings of o his stands in h are often ha but see the so bon offset pr of carbon o may serve to tendees, these e (hall 2007) n o change the etters      on in co2 emis hen the carbon tings,  and  (b)  ational meetin resides; decre g coast-to-coa at involve few verall, contro ary solution to on emissions. ost by implemen e. pare to alterna n savings? f f large nation three times m ble 1). our h geographic he site selecti uce the carbon onal with regio on dioxide em nd may provi on the table. our solution contrast to ard to measur ociety for conser roject). addit offsets and/o increase awar e projects do nor do they p eir travel beha                       sions from an  n footprint of  carbon  cost  ngs used for co ease the freast travel; and wer connecting lling meeting o the problem societies will nting a rotating ative proposed findings show nal and small more effective analysis also criteria as per ion process is n footprint of onal meetings missions from ide additional for example, ns are easily carbon offset re in terms of rvation biology’s tionally, while or renewable reness among o not reduce place the onus avior to align                         alternating sc regional meet of  domestic  p omparisons.  d g g m ll g d w l e o r s f s m l , y t f s e e g e s n with those o inves intell such as-us more oppo and atten relev local likely inter of co w on d and natio conf netw 2010 from scien resea (mcn recru for s perv meet discip case,                       chedule of nat tings is compa plus  internatio the values pr e covered her our proposal stment and of lectual benefi h, it represents sual approach eover, regio ortunities for undergraduat ndance cost, a vant issues e lly” adage. in y to be atte rested in engag oncern. we recognize different levels tenure crite onal and inter ferences prov work with dist 0, nearly onem overseas. ntists to show arch findings nutt 2008). uiting grounds some scientis verse incentive tings. for aca iplines, our ap , virtual or v                       ional and regio red to the: (a) onal  travel  to  romoted by m re and the soci l does not req ffers the adva fits of face-to s a compromis h and reduc onal meeting local collabo te student par and increased embodying th n addition, sm ended by m aging with scie e that this solu s. for individu eria typically rnational mee vide an oppor tant or interna -third of aa large meetin wcase their mo and to comm and, they s for students sts, a rotating e to attend oth ademics work pproach may video confer                 per onal meetings ) carbon cost o large  nationa many societies iety of ethnobiol quire substanti ntage of main o-face interac se between the ced meeting gs include oration, greate rticipation du d focus on lo he “think gl maller meeting members of entists on regi ution presents ual scientists, include atte etings. furth rtunity for sc ational collabo ag participan ngs are ideal ost important municate with are often em and faculty. g schedule ma her large or in king in highly not be feasib rencing, or “ rspective 68    under four  of domestic  al  meetings.   s (including logy). ial financial ntaining the ctions. as e business frequency. enhanced er graduate ue to lower ocal policylobally, act gs are more the public ional issues s challenges promotion endance to her, annual cientists to orators. in nts traveled spaces for and timely h the press mployed as therefore, ay create a nternational specialized ble. in this “workshops ethnobiology letters                                                                                                         perspective 69 without walls” (arslan et al. 2011) might make more sense as a strategy to reduce carbon footprints. our proposal also involves tradeoffs for scientific societies or groups with broad-based memberships. an alternating schedule would involve the restructuring of scientific conferences and potentially the societies themselves. for example, while some societies have their membership concentrated in relatively few geographic areas, others are more widely dispersed. each organization will need to examine the distribution of its own membership to decide on an optimal plan. while some societies have regional divisions (e.g., aag) making our option immediately feasible, others do not. implementation of regional chapters would thus require additional planning and service from society staff and members. this type of reorganization could affect society budgets and lead to decreased funds during “off years” limiting available resources for diverse non-meeting related activities. in some cases, however (e.g., the society of ethnobiology), conferences are not money-making enterprises, and our solution may be economically feasible and beneficial (steve wolverton, personal communication). as a recent poll and commentary in science suggest (mcnutt 2008; sills 2011), willingness to participate in conferences remotely or to attend fewer conferences is far from universal (table 1). under these circumstances, societies should consider incorporating per capita carbon dioxide emissions as a criterion into the meeting location selection process. there are societies including the ecological society of america and the society for conservation biology that already calculate the footprint of annual meetings; adding this component to the site selection process could be relatively straightforward. as we have done here, geospatial technologies such as gis can be employed in conjunction with attendance data to analyze and optimize the carbon footprint of scientific conferences. perhaps the greatest advantage of this approach is the flexibility involved. the best optimization strategy will depend on the goals and membership of each society. most societies have years to decades worth of meeting attendance records, data that could be utilized for a baseline analysis of the carbon cost of diverse meeting locations. in addition, the technological, software, and programming requirements are minimal, although a gis analyst would be needed to capture, manage, and analyze the data. in the end, “adaptive management” that combines a number of approaches may be the best way to provide pragmatic, sustainable changes to conference organization. table 1: benefits and drawbacks of alternative proposals to  reduce the carbon footprint of scientific society meetings.    scenario  maximum co2  reduction   drawback  business‐as‐usual    0%   co2 emissions  alternating schedule a   49‐74%  additional  infrastructure and  planning, decreased  funds during “off”  years      use of geography in  the selection process b    6‐30%  additional planning  reduced  international  participation c   25‐56%  reduced  international  collaboration    carbon offsets d   23‐44%    uncertainty  regarding  effectiveness    reduction in meeting  frequency to biennial  conferences e   ~50%  fewer face‐to‐face  interactions    virtual‐ and video‐ conferencing f   52%  fewer face‐to‐face  interactions,  additional financial  investment required  a carbon footprint of regional meetings compared with a large annual conferences with domestic and international participation. b difference between the most carbon expensive meeting per capita and all other meetings. c estimated contribution of international participants to the total meeting carbon footprint. d the annual carbon offset of 573.9 metric tons of co2 reported by the society for conservation biology for its wild rose conservation site. e holding biennial conferences would reduce the carbon cost of scientific meetings by ~50% f number of poll participants who responded “yes” to the question “would you participate in an annual meeting remotely (via video teleconferencing or other technology)?” (sills 2011) conclusion a formula of a rotating schedule of national and regional meetings coupled with the incorporation of a carbon-minimizing meeting selection process is feasible, and we believe that this approach could reduce carbon emissions significantly and immediately with benefits to scientific progress. as we move forward and societies and meetings grow in size and number, we believe that an ongoing dialogue on the sustainability of scientific conferences is vital. clearly, no single solution will be applicable to all societies. rather, a range of approaches can be used for different societies and purposes. we also call for this debate to move beyond traditional cost-benefit analyses to a broader discussion ethnobiology letters                                                                                                         perspective 70   figure 2: the carbon cost of scientific mega‐meetings.  dots show the geographic distribution of attendees for all meetings  evaluated within the continental united states.   dot size represents the number of attendees from any given geographic  location.  triangles outline the location of national meetings considered in this analysis.  price tags indicate per capita co2  emissions (metric tons) for national meetings.  about norms and expectations in academic culture, and how these shape our interactions, as scientists, with the environment. in their book environmental values in american culture, kempton et al. (1995:1) aptly note that “understanding culture is an essential part of understanding environmental problems because human cultures guide their members both when they accelerate environmental destruction and when they slow it down. for everyone––leaders, citizens, and scientists alike–– the cultural framework shapes the issues people see as important and affects the way they act on those issues.” we specifically encourage continuing conversations on the relationship between the advancement of and growth in science; the roles and responsibilities of scientists, funding agencies, and societies in enhancing the sustainability of the scientific enterprise; environmental ethics; and the development and application of other forms of information dissemination. acknowledgements this paper was developed through discussions at the disccrs v symposium. symposium travel and on-site expenses were covered by the national science foundation through collaborative grants ses-0932916 (whitman college, p. yancey p.i.) and ses-0931402 (university of oregon, r. b. mitchell p.i.) and through a pending award from the national aeronautics and space administration (whitman college, p. yancey p.i.). we are grateful to the ecological society of america and the association of american geographers for providing the data used in this analysis. special thanks go to chetan tiwari for assistance with spatial analysis. we also thank ronald mitchell, rebecca barnes, jennifer marlon, matthew fry, and four anonymous reviewers for their comments and suggestions on this manuscript. references cited arslan, b. k., e. s. boyd, w. w. dolci, k. e. dodson, m. s. boldt, and c. b. pilcher. 2011. workshops without walls: broadening access to science around the world. plos biology 9:1-5. bonnett, a. 2006. the need for sustainable conferences. area 38:229-230. ethnobiology letters                                                                                                         perspective 71 burke, i. c. 2010. travel trade-offs for scientists. science 330:1476. hall, e. 2007. alternative futures for academic conferences: a response to bonnett. area 39:125-129. huang, s. t., m. n. kamel boulos and r. p. dellavalle. 2008. scientific discourse 2.0. will your next poster session be in second life ®? embo reports 9:496499. iea (international energy agency) statistics. 2010. co2 emissions from fuel combustion highlights 2010 edition. international energy agency, paris, france jarchow, m. e., j. w. rice, r. m. ritson, and s. k. hargreaves. 2011. awareness and convenience are important in increasing conference sustainability. sustainability science 6:253-254. kempton, w., j. s. boster and j. a. hartley. 1995. environmental values in american culture. mit press, cambridge, ma. lester, b. 2007. greening the meeting. science 318:3638. mcnutt, m. 2008. scientific meetings: worth attending. science 319:281. mills, e. 2009. sustainable scientists. environmental science & technology 43:979-985. philippe, h. 2008. less is more: decreasing the number of scientific conferences to promote economic degrowth. trends in genetics 24:265-267. environment 360 rosenthal, e. 2010. toward sustainable travel: breaking the flying addiction. available at: http://e360.yale.edu/content/feature.msp?id=2280. accessed on september 10, 2011. sills, j. 2011. travel trade-offs for scientists: readers’ poll results. science 331:145. scb (society for conservation biology). the wild rose conservation site: scb’s new carbon offset project for 2010-2013. available at: http://www.conbio.org/activities/committees/ecologi calfootprint/carbonoffset/wildrose.cfm. accessed on september 10, 2011. struck, d. buying carbon offsets may ease eco-guilt but not global warming. available at: http://www.csmonitor.com/environment/2010/0420 /buying-carbon-offsets-may-ease-eco-guilt-but-notglobal-warming. accessed on september 10, 2011. young, s. 2009. rethinking scientific meetings: an imperative in an era of climate change. journal of psychiatry and neuroscience 34:341–34. biosketch alexandra ponette‐gonzález    is a biophysical geog‐ rapher  and  assistant  professor  of  geography  at  the  university of north  texas  in denton.    her research  focuses  on  understanding  the  effects  of  global  environmental change on terrestrial ecosystems.  jarrett  byrnes  is  an  ecologist  and  postdoctoral  fellow at the national center for ecological analysis  and  synthesis.   his  current  research  involves  the  effects of climate change on the network structure  of  food  webs  and  the  ensuing  ecological  con‐ sequences.    secret chambers: the insider story of cells and complex life ethnobiology letters. 2014. 5:91-93. doi: 10.14237/ebl .5.2014.237. book review robert brown, and charles darwin and the ideas that they were engaged with from a perspective that might be new to many professionals in the field. here we learn about these scientists’ observations and hypotheses leading to the discovery of cytoplasm, the nucleus, and the origin of the idea of the cell itself. we learn about charles lyell’s grand idea and revolutionary explanation of gradual geological changes and his famous principle of uniformity, as well as robert brown’s discovery of the cell nucleus. one geological theory turns into another which finally paves darwin’s road to his theory of the origin of species by means of natural selection. in the third chapter, brasier, a master storyteller with plenty of first person accounts, tells us stories about his work as the ship’s scientist aboard the hms fawn. we learn about his on-board explorations of caribbean marine ecosystems after his graduation in 1970. on sargasso sea, he and his colleagues haul algae from the sea to investigate under the microscope. he describes different algae species that he has encountered during his voyage and their traits such as their reproductive rate, ecology, and structure. using metaphors, analogies, and through interesting explanations, brasier compares the cell and its organelles with different parts of a ship and its belongings, and he signifies the function and importance of cellular membrane and wall. he asks, for example, how the chartroom is equal to the cell nucleus and how the passageways and the engine room resemble endoplasmic reticulum and mitochondrion, respectively. in the fourth chapter, brasier tells the story of his amazing and adventurous expedition encountering pedro bank, an offshore island to the southwest of jamaica, and mapping out its reefs and shorelines if martin brasier didn’t want to pick science as his occupation, certainly he should have chosen to be a novelist, instead! professor martin brasier who is a palaeobiologist at the department of earth sciences, university of oxford, in his book secret chambers: the inside story of cells and complex life, takes us on a journey “to understand the complexity of the complex modern cell, and of the quest to rescue its hidden history from deep within the fossil record” (p. vi). overall, in this book we learn about the formation and evolution of symbiosis between cells and the importance of symbiosis over the course of evolutionary history. brasier’s explanations are bottom-up: he uses metaphor, analogy, and storytelling to explain scientific notions and concepts. in the first chapter, we learn about robert hooke’s invention of the microscope and the historical situation which is that london was haunted by the plague. hooke is the first person who reports the existence of fossils and many things that humans never imagined to exist before that time and also is the first one who conducted experiments on fossilization. with the story of the invention of the microscope, the book’s journey begins. we learn that due to this invention, hooke is the person who coined some terms that we use in biology today, including cell and cell wall. also here we learn that cells are brasier’s “secret chambers.” “each and every cell is like a secret chamber because it is surrounded by a protective wall made of fatty phospholipids. but it is also a secret chamber in another sense too, because its existence was entirely unknown until the invention of the microscope” (p. 8). the second chapter tells us about charles lyell, secret chambers: the insider story of cells and complex life martin brasier. 2012. oxford university press, uk. pp. 320 with 15 black and white illustrations and 8 pages of color plates. £16.99 (hardcover). isbn 9780199644001. reviewed by farid pazhoohi reviewer address: department of animal science, college of agriculture, shiraz university, shiraz, iran pazhoohi@gmail.com received: december 8, 2013 volume 5:91-93 published: august 2, 2014 © 2014 society of ethnobiology ethnobiology letters. 2014. 5:91-93. doi: 10.14237/ebl .5.2014.237. book review beneath the sea water. we learn about symbiosis, “the living together of differently named organisms” (p. 84), between protozoans and other organisms like algae. brazier describes corals’ symbiosis with phytoplanktons, which consequently makes them able to build the colorful coral reefs. next, brasier recounts his visit to south cay island and describes the structure of foraminifera which have algae as the endosymbionts, or organisms that live within other organisms. “corals do it, sponges do it, even articulated clams do it. sometimes it seems as though all the algae in seawater have been sucked inside animal tissues or inside the cells of giant protozoans – leaving the seas themselves remarkably clear and blue” (p. 85). in the fifth chapter, brasier takes us to trinidad island, which lacks corals and symbionts. to provide an explanation for why, he explains how an ecosystem works and which factors contribute to maintenance of such ecosystems. he explains how vulnerable a marine ecosystem is, with its corals and their symbionts, to tiny changes in temperature and nutritional levels. hence, brasier clarifies the importance of stabilizing ecosystems and signifies the recent global temperature rise that has been causing the corals, protozoans, sponges, and other organisms to begin vanishing. brasier tells us how these tiny organisms can affect the lives of other organisms on the planet, including our own. brasier describes how energy flows within both living and extinct cells matter for ecosystems. the next station in brasier’s journey is barbuda island. brasier and his colleagues have interesting adventures while sampling and studying living reefs and algal mats. they find remains of extinct foraminifera that reveal the geological, climatological, and ecological changes of a billion years ago around the caribbean. brasier here again warns us about the negative consequences of human intervention in ecosystems. in the seventh chapter, brasier uses analogies and examples to explain the notion of the ‘tree of life’. interestingly, we learn that eukaryote lineage is mixed up: a kind of symbiont made up from different kinds of prokaryotes. we learn about the evolution and emergence of eukaryote cells from the symbiosis of chloroplasts and mitochondria with the prokaryote cells. in the eight chapter, brasier investigates the sphinx and the great pyramids in egypt, and shows that these ancient structures are made of nummulites, a kind of foraminifera-algal symbiosis. these nummulite fossils, that span from the atlantic coast in europe toward the persian gulf and from the himalayas to the pacific ocean near thailand, are evidence that these regions have been once oceans. exploring the mass extinction of organisms in the fossil records, we come to understand that the foraminifera-algal symbiosis has happened many times since 400 million years ago, and has faced extinction each time. brasier reviews the repeated emergence and collapse of symbiosis across millions of years. in the ninth chapter, we learn about the amazing story of the discovery of ancient (nearly 2000 million years old) bacteria in the fossils. in the tenth chapter, brasier explores australia in general and the lawn hill crater specifically in search of their fossil records. he finds the earliest forms of modern cells in these fossil records and describes the mass extinction of symbiosis near the end of the early cambrian. during his adventures in australia, he collects bacterial fossil specimens and takes them to oxford university for chemical analysis, finding no carbon isotope anomaly from two billion to one billion years ago. brasier, who has coined this interval the boring billion, concludes that during that era there had been a blue water ecosystem. throughout all of his chapters until the last (eleventh) one, the author does not give us any hint where he wants to take us and one might wonder why the reader should read accounts on the author’s journeys. one might even contemplate the aim of the book itself! from one point of view, this seeming lack of direction might be considered as the shortcoming of the book as the author does not make clear what point the book is going to make eventually. from the other point of view, this voyage into the unknown could be very joyful and mysterious—a secret itself! here he uses all the knowledge he has taught the reader over the first ten chapters to draw his conclusion in this final chapter. in this final chapter, brasier explains the main point of the book. to grasp it, one must be patient and read on to the end: mass extinctions and the complexity of organisms are positively correlated! fossil species and their ecosystems have not changed much during a long period of geological time as “mass extinctions are–in geological terms–a relatively recent phenomenon. they have been lacking from much of the early history of life” (p. 212). the ethnobiology letters. 2014. 5:91-93. doi: 10.14237/ebl .5.2014.237. book review “early history” was during this boring billion when the stable environment provided for the permanent symbiosis between cell and its organelles leading to the emergence of symbionts (e.g., chloroplasts and mitochondria) inside the cell, which eventually formed eukaryotes. the speed of emergence and extinction of species has increased after 600 million years ago. since 30 million years ago, emergence of symbiosis and their extinction have undergone huge bust-ups, leaving no time for any other organelle symbiosis to be permanent within the cells. in the rest of the eleventh chapter, using simple words, brasier explains why this symbiosis has happened and why we humans as complex organisms and our ecosystems are predisposed more than ever to mass extinction. the book’s language is in simple form and is an easy read. brasier’s storytelling makes the book readable for laymen and graduate students. even interested high school students can also understand and enjoy the reading. in addition, it is a very good book for helping general readers understand evolutionary processes and biological concepts, such as communication and energy flow. interestingly, the author connects chapters and contents of the book masterfully and describes the stories of inventions and discoveries in detail, and the book gets more interesting the further we read. i highly recommended secret chambers for students of geology, paleobiology, and biology. finally, i think brasier has achieved his goal: “my hope is that the book will reveal just how rich and diverse have been our ways of thinking about the earliest life forms, written in words that can hopefully be read with ease and enjoyment” (p. vii). letter from the editors ethnobiology letters book review 46 paradise found: nature in america at the time of discovery steve nicholls. 2009. university of chicago press, new york and london. pp. 536. isbn10: 0226583406 isbn13: 978-0226583402. reviewed by raymond pierotti1 reviewer address: 1 department of ecology and evolutionary biology, university of kansas, lawrence, ks 66045 received: july 19th 2011 volume 2:46-49 published: august 15th 2011 © 2011 society of ethnobiology paradise found is in the tradition of popular works in environmental history. similarly themed titles are farley mowat’s sea of slaughter (1984) about the north atlantic, jon coleman’s vicious: wolves and men in america (2004), and andrew isenberg’s the destruction of the bison: an environmental history, 1750-1920 (2000). each of these books presents a significant discussion of social and economic factors and how these impact the interaction between european invaders of north america and the abundant fish, wildlife, and botanical resources that were present in america at “first contact.” a somewhat similar genre of books about environmental history fall into a category that could be described as “what was the role of indigenous north americans and were they really conservationists?” these include j. donald hughes north american indian ecology (1996) for the defense; for the prosecution, shepherd krech’s the ecological indian (1999); its academic spawn, charles kay and randy simmons’ wilderness and political ecology: aboriginal influences and the original state of nature (2002); and michael harkin and david lewis’ native americans and the environment: perspectives on the ecological indian (2007). what is both impressive, and at times overwhelming, is that in paradise found, steve nicholls attempts to cover all of the ground covered by all of these books along with a number of other topics. his goal is apparently to provide a complete overview of the impact of europeans upon fish, wildlife, waterfowl, forests, grasslands and virtually any other aspect of conservation and resource management in north america, while at the same time discussing the impacts of indigenous hunters and gatherers on these same resources. given this ambitious goal, it is amazing that nicholls succeeds for the most part, providing a comprehensive discussion of european folly, while also trying to address the role of native americans as resource managers. in my view, he is much more successful in the former than the latter, largely because he relies heavily on the approaches taken by most of the authors in kay and simmons (2002) and harkin and lewis (2007), who contend that native peoples were largely ignorant of conservation practices and may have done considerable damage to plant and animal populations. one major point that nicholls emphasizes repeatedly is that upon arrival in the americas, europeans and their descendants viewed the fish, wildlife, and forests of north america as too abundant and diverse to even fathom. to many readers this might seem contradictory to the idea that native peoples had caused damage to these resources, however, the “realist” crowd has an explanation already prepared, i.e. that indigenous populations had been so devastated by introduced diseases that all of the fish and wildlife had recovered from the presumably, much lower numbers in which they had existed prior to the arrival of europeans. ironically, to the indigenous reader, this model of large indigenous populations that had major impacts, is actually preferable to the alternative, i.e. that there were so few indigenes and they lived so lightly on the land that they had no discernable impact, which creates a romantic notion of these people as “natural conservationists” (e.g., hughes 1996). there is, however, a third alternative, i.e., that indigenous peoples did in fact have major impacts, shaping landscapes through the use of fire, and taking substantial numbers of fish, birds, and mammals to support their ways of life, without causing serious damage to either populations or ecological communities. where i depart from nicholls is that he falls into what i consider the “krech trap,” i.e., he questions if populations of indigenous people were large enough to ethnobiology letters book review 47 have a significant impact. many contemporary scholars have now accepted that indigenous numbers were much larger than the roughly two million, that has long been anthropological dogma (mann 2005). this in turn leads to the conclusion that these peoples must have had major impacts, and thus, were not good ecologists (krech 1999), conservationists (most papers in harkin and lewis 2007), or resource managers (several papers in kay and simmons 2002). this pattern of thought seems to emerge from an assumption that all human beings operate from the same set of concepts, and because most of these investigators are of western european ancestry, they assume that those concepts emerge from western civilization. nicholls presents a relatively comprehensive response to this conundrum. he argues that, “the bottom line is that people, like all animals, are concerned first with their ultimate survival and then with garnering as many resources as they can to make their future as secure as possible” (p. 450). he goes on to admit that, “…the ‘discovery’ of america was in reality a clash of two very different cultures” (p 450). this would be fine if he did not then proceed to argue that, “many of the most extraordinary spectacles witnessed by explorers and settlers could have been the result of the demise of indian populations. released from hunting, animals as varied as fur seals, passenger pigeons, and bison bounced back to enormous populations” (p. 451, emphasis added). please note that “could have been” in the first sentence metamorphoses into a definite causal relationship by the second. there is virtually no evidence that tribes heavily exploited passenger pigeons. fur seals are slow breeding creatures, producing only a single offspring at a time and they also show delayed maturity. in consequence, fur seals are not capable of rapid recoveries, even under a well-designed management plan developed through international cooperation between canada, japan, russia and the united states. as far as passenger pigeons are concerned, no avian population ecologist has ever attributed their extraordinary numbers to a rebound from indigenous exploitation. the inclusion of bison seems to be reworked from isenberg (2000), which is a good and thorough evaluation of the issue. isenberg argues that bison populations appeared to be most dense in boundary areas between tribes where hunters only ventured when availability of bison was low. nicholls’ descent into the krech trap is unfortunate, because paradise found is probably the best book ever written on the history of nature in north america after the european invasion. nicholls is a trained entomologist, with a phd from a good british university, and understands that a large part of the problem arises because democracies operate on short time frames and that free markets may be great at setting prices but they are terrible at recognizing and assessing costs. in contrast, ecology and evolution operate over long time scales and costs are constantly assessed. what nicholls fails to understand at a deep level is that tribes did not function as democracies and that they specifically planned for long timescales, which is the basis of the idea of assessing the impact of your actions on seven generations (pierotti 2011). indigenous peoples knew they lived in environments that were constantly changing and that animal populations could go into precipitous declines. these declines could be exacerbated by selfish behavior on the part of hunters, therefore rituals and ceremonies were developed to minimize the chances of showing disrespect to prey and prey populations (pierotti 2010, 2011). another factor, which for political reasons often goes unmentioned, is that indigenous americans were very aware of the possibility of extinction, especially at the local level. regardless of their role in the decline of the pleistocene megafauna, it is virtually certain that the ancestors of today’s tribes witnessed the disappearance of these species. what is remarkable, is that over the last several thousand years; no further species went extinct until europeans arrived, including primary targets of indigenous hunters, such as caribou, bison, moose, white tailed deer, pronghorn, etc. (pierotti 2011). this suggests that indigenous people developed very effective means of regulating important resources and that as a rule, not only did they try to avoid “garnering as many resources as possible,” as stated by nicholls (p. 450), but also that they had specific behavioral traditions built into their cultures to minimize the chances of damaging resources and the tragedy of the commons. as mentioned above, paradise found is a remarkably comprehensive book. it starts off discussing the northwestern atlantic and the destruction of whale populations and major fisheries, including cod and atlantic salmon. this discussion is distinguished largely because it does not attribute the large populations of marine organisms to the absence of indigenous peoples. this section, which makes up the second through the fifth chapters, is very reminiscent of mowat’s sea of slaughter, which is to say that is depressing and hard to read, even though almost all of what it describes is clearly true. ethnobiology letters book review 48 subsequent chapters deal with mass slaughter of waterfowl and other birds, including the extinctions of the passenger pigeon and carolina parakeet. after this we are treated to extensive documentation of the destruction of furbearer populations, freshwater organisms, and many other species. this can all be depressing, but it is a good source of material. finally nicholls finishes with chapters on the destruction of the bison populations of the plains and on the european war against the grey wolf. the final chapter titled a new world presents a relatively hopeful outlook and a decent summation of current issues and possible solutions. i would like this book much better if nicholls had avoided taking such a eurocentric approach and showing a schizophrenic attitude towards indigenous peoples and their activities. for example, we are told on page 117 that, “a wilderness like this is no place for civilized people” (emphasis added). on page 114 nicholls speculates that bison were only able to colonize the eastern forests after the indigenous populations “demise’. on page 118 we learn that squanto supposedly learned about fertilization of crops from europeans, rather than the other way around. like sheperd krech, nicholls vacillates constantly concerning the size of indian populations and their impacts, and this weakens the book. this book does have many strong points, including its emphasis on the ecological roles of many of the forms of wildlife. nicholls understands science and knows how to describe phenomena effectively. this might explain why he is less effective at understanding the beliefs and traditions of the tribes. for example he discusses the “keepers of the game” concept (p. 175), but follows the line that these were spirits, rather than accounts of actual extraordinary individual animals (see pierotti 2010). europeans always struggle with the link between spiritual practices and scientific knowledge, largely because their own religious traditions separate humans from nature (pierotti 2011). to me one of the strongest and most insightful aspects of paradise found is a discussion of how limited and limiting the views of conservationists can be (p. 240-241). nicholls also has an insightful piece on the jesuit priest, juan de acosta, who accompanied cristobal colon, and wondered why there were “no records of jaguars, raccoons, and guanacos among the inhabitants of the ark” (p 253). it is obvious that i have mixed feelings about paradise found. at one level it is truly comprehensive text that discusses a wide range of topics considering the relationship between europeans and nature on the north american continent. unlike some other authors on this topic, nicholls addresses and engages with how these impacts are related to the impacts made by indigenous peoples. it is probably unfair to hope that nicholls would be more than simply another european scholar and had carefully thought about the relationship between indigenous people. it is good that he avoids describing indigenous peoples in the romantic clichés employed by some authors, but as a british ecologist he assumes that europeans and indigenous people are much more similar than they are and that both fall into the same economic roles. overall, i recommend this book to anyone who is interested in the history of european attitudes towards american nature, but it must be kept in mind that it only tells part of the story well. other voices that are not heard in paradise found are those of the animals themselves. one thing i always point out to my classes is that with a few exceptions, such as passenger pigeons and steller sea cows, the vast majority of species that were here when europeans arrived in the americas are still here, and they are capable of recovering their numbers and living alongside humans, if humans are willing to have them as neighbors. they learned these lessons from thousands of years of coexisting with indigenous population and if we are willing, all of these survivors may yet be seen in substantial numbers. references cited coleman, j. t. 2004. vicious: wolves and men in america. yale university press, new haven, ct. harkin, m. e. and d. r. lewis. 2007. native americans and the environment: perspectives on the ecological indian. university of nebraska press, lincoln, ne. hughes, j. d. 1996. north american indian ecology. texas western press, el paso, tx. isenberg, a. c. 2000. the destruction of the bison: an environmental history, 1750-1920. cambridge university press, new york, ny. kay, c. e. and r. t. simmons (eds.). 2002. wilderness and political ecology: aboriginal influences and the original state of nature. university of utah press, salt lake city, ut. krech, s., iii. 1999. the ecological indian: myth and history. w. w. norton, new york, ny. ethnobiology letters book review 49 mann, c. c. 2005. 1491: new revelations of america before columbus. knopf, new york, ny. mowat, f. 1984. sea of slaughter. mcclelland & stewart, toronto, canada. pierotti, r. 2010. sustainability of natural populations: lessons from indigenous knowledge. human dimensions of wildlife 15: 274-287. pierotti, r. 2011. indigenous knowledge, ecology and evolutionary biology. routledge, taylor and francis group, new york & london. some phrygian plant and insect remains from kerkenes dağ, central anatolia (turkey) 44  research communica on  nature of the architecture and the preservation of material across the site, and 2) compare this information with preliminary results of earlier remote sensing survey work (summers and summers 1996). as part of this effort, several trenches that had first been excavated in 1928 by erich schmidt were cleaned and, in some cases, extended beyond his original trench limits. schmidt’s test trench 5 (stt5), located close to the gözbaba (southwest) gate was excavated, extending schmidt’s original “site 5” into an urban block to the northwest (schmidt 1929:237–240). this trench ended close to the edge of schmidt’s original “site 4” located on the outside of the urban block wall (schmidt 1929:234– 237). site 4 was of particular interest because schmidt’s excavations had uncovered a large bakingoven and a secondary hearth. both installations were found in place during the re-excavation of this area as stt4 in 1996 (branting 2010:57). in close proximity to the oven, within the newly excavated portion of stt5, a stone paved surface covered in burnt grain and wood was exposed. the grain was likely being stored for later use in baking activities. a sediment sample measuring roughly 2 liters was collected by excavators from this surface for flotation. between 1999 and 2005, one main focus of excavation was on the eastern end of the city’s largest compound, the palatial complex, located along the introduction kerkenes dağ, located roughly 200 km east of ankara, is a large phrygian mountain-top city that lies on the northern edge of the cappadocian plain in the yozgat province of modern-day turkey (figure 1). the walled single-period settlement, spanning roughly 2.5 km2, straddles a strategic location and has been tentatively identified as the ancient city of pteria (przeworski 1929). the occupation of the city spans the end of the 7th century b.c. and the mid-6th century b.c., placing it towards the very end of the middle phrygian period (which across the region dates between the 8th century b.c. and the 540s b.c). the materials discussed here likely date to the last years prior to final destruction of the city by either croesus or cyrus in the 540s b.c. survey work at the site began in 1993 under the direction of geoffrey and françoise summers and has continued since then in collaboration with scott branting. ongoing survey, intensive remote sensing, and excavation have yielded an impressive record documenting the occupation and urban architecture of the settlement (e.g., branting 2004; summers et al. 2011 and references cited therein). archaeological context of samples during the 1996 season, test trenches were excavated at kerkenes dağ in order to: 1) better understand the some phrygian plant and insect remains from kerkenes dağ,  central anatolia (turkey)  alexia smith 1*  and sco  bran ng 2  author address:  1 university of  connec cut,  department of  anthropology,  beach  hall  room  406,  u‐1176, 354 mansfield  road, storrs, connec cut 06269‐1176 usa,  2 the oriental  ins tute, room 207, the university of chicago, 1155 east 58 th   street, chicago, illinois 60637 usa  * corresponding author: alexia.smith@uconn.edu   received: february 15, 2014  volume 5:44‐51  published: april 30, 2014  © 2014 society of ethnobiology  abstract: during the 1996 and 2000 seasons of excava on at kerkenes dağ, a large single‐period phrygian mountain‐top city  located in central turkey, a small assemblage of archaeobotanical remains and an insect were recovered from two specific  archaeological contexts dated to the 540s b.c. this report documents a well‐cleaned tri cum durum/aes vum grain cache  retrieved from a baking area, along with hand‐picked remains of cornus mas, cerasus cf. avium, and a brachycerus sp.  weevil.  key words: kerkenes dağ, turkey, phrygian, iron age, archaeobotany, archaeoentomology   45  research communica on  high southern ridge of the site. three phases of rebuilding within the palatial complex were identified: the foundation dates to the second half of the 7th century b.c. and the last phase of construction was completed just prior to the destruction of the city in the 540s b.c. (draycott et al. 2008:4–5). during the 2000 season, excavations exposed a sloping stone glacis that formed the eastern edge of the palatial complex. behind this wall, a number of structures were observed (summers et al. 2000b:11–13). structure c, a two-roomed stone building, was partially excavated revealing a small assemblage of complete pottery vessels (including a small twohandled pithos, a large conical bowl, two large flat lids, and a fine juglet) and bone inlay that may have been set into a small wooden container within destruction debris (summers et al. 2001:11; summers et al. 2000b:11–13). the function of these rooms remains unclear, but it is highly unlikely that they were used for domestic purposes. seven sediment samples were collected for flotation from undisturbed burnt destruction debris lying atop the deeply buried floors of these rooms. additionally, a single insect and a variety of clearly visible plant remains were handpicked from the surface of the floors by excavators. methods archaeobotanical remains were recovered from the seven sediment samples collected within the palatial complex during the 2000 season via bucket flotation by excavators. a 500-micron mesh was used to recover the light fractions. all light fractions were later visually scanned in the field by the lead author. owing to the nature of bucket flotation, heavy fractions were not examined. of the seven light fraction samples recovered, three yielded dense concentrations of wood charcoal and were sent to reinder neef (deutsches archäologisches institut in berlin) for a thorough anthracological study. preliminary anthracological results indicate that pinus nigra j. f. arnold (black pine) was commonly encountered and that quercus sp. l. (oak) and juniperus sp. l. (juniper) were used to construct defensive architecture (dörfler et al. 2000; summers et al. 2000a). the remaining four samples contained modern botanical contaminants intermixed with small wood charcoal fragments and very few charred seeds. since the number of seeds preserved was so low, these samples were not subjected to detailed analysis. the handpicked remains from this area are detailed below, however. archaeobotanical remains within the sample collected from the grain cache atop the stone floor in stt5 during the 1996 season were retrieved by the lead author using a modified siraf flotation tank (the basic design of which is detailed in nesbitt 1995). the figure 1. loca on of kerkenes dağ and other anatolian sites men oned in text.   46  research communica on  light fraction was collected in a 250-micron mesh and dried in the shade. the heavy fraction was collected in a 2 mm mesh, dried and then examined in the field. no plant remains were recovered from the heavy fraction. all archaeobotanical remains were identified by the lead author using the archaeobotanical comparative collection at the university of connecticut. intact grains were counted as one. large fragments were sorted into apical and embryo ends: the larger count of the two was used to estimate a whole seed count. smaller cereal fragments were counted and converted to a whole seed count by dividing by four. the insect was identified by robert anderson of the canadian museum of nature, ottawa, and rolf oberprieler of csiro entomology, australia. owing to the opportunistic sampling strategy in place during the 1996 and 2000 seasons, the list of plant specimens reported here is undoubtedly incomplete, but the remains, nevertheless, provide information on phrygian plant use at the site, a period for which agricultural production and wild resource collection is very poorly documented. archaeobotanical remains from stt5 the dense assemblage of charred remains recovered from the stone floor in stt5, weighing 29.53g, contained virtually no modern contaminants, suggesting that the sample represents a localized, intact, intentionally placed deposit. this assertion is corroborated by micromorphological analyses conducted by wendy matthews, who examined thin-section samples from the oven area in stt4 and the stone paved area in stt5, and observed much greater disturbance and bioturbation in the former (matthews 1996). the vast majority of the remains recovered from the stone floor were free-threshing triticum durum/aestivum grains (table 1, figure 2a). owing to significant morphological overlaps between t. durum and t. aestivum grains, is it not possible to distinguish between the two species based on observations of the grains alone. rachis fragments, where present, can be used to distinguish between the two species (zohary et al. 2012:32), but the grain cache had been well cleaned, and no rachis fragments were recovered. measurements of 100 grains yielded a mean length, breadth, and thickness of 4.6, 3.1, and 2.4 mm respectively. these dimensions are similar to those found for t. durum/aestivum at other sites across anatolia dating to the 1st millennium b.c. (e.g., dönmez 2003). free-threshing wheats were commonly cultivated across anatolia during the first millennium b.c., as documented by remains from gordion, çadır höyük, patnos, kaman-kalehöyök and sos höyük, (dönmez 2003; fairbairn 2002; longford et al. 2009; marston 2012; miller 2010; smith 2007). the grain cache sample from kerkenes dağ yielded very small proportions of t. dicoccum and hordeum vulgare ssp. distichum, both of which likely grew as incidentals amongst the t. durum/aestivum crop (table 1). while occurring in only small proportions here, barley continued to be grown as a major crop in anatolia during the 1st millennium b.c., as evident from frequent hordeum sp. finds within phrygian levels at gordion and fairly pure concentrations of h. vulgare ssp. distichum within the iron age fortress at ayanıs (marston 2012; miller 2010; peña-chocorro et al. 2001). overall, very few weeds were present in the t. durum/aestivum cache, indicating that the crop was well cleaned. since most of the weed seeds recovered approximated the size of a wheat grain, it would appear that the crop had been fully threshed and sieved and was awaiting further cleaning, via handpicking, before being ground into bread flour. weeds within the assemblage include individual finds of cephalaria syriaca, carex sp., bromus sp., lolium sp., and stipa sp., as well as three galium/asperula sp. seeds (table 1). c. syriaca commonly occurs in fields and waste places as well as fallow fields and roadsides, and it is particularly abundant in hand sown wheat crops (musselman 2000:541). seeds produced by c. syriaca are similar in size to wheat grains, so it is necessary to handpick the contaminants from a crop in order to enhance the quality of the resultant grain. according to hillman (1981:504), farmers often claim that “even five of the bitter seeds of ziwan [c. syriaca] are enough to ruin a loaf of bread or bowl of bulgur,” although he adds that this may be somewhat of an exaggeration. the other weeds present in the assemblage are mostly wild grasses and all are commonly reported as contaminants in cereal crops across anatolia and elsewhere in southwest asia (the archaeobotanical database of eastern mediterranean and near eastern sites, maintained by simone riehl and the university of tuebingen archaeology dataset lists species encountered at many sites across anatolia: http:// www.ademnes.de/). since the weed seeds could not be identified beyond the genus level, no further comment on their potential relevance is possible. 47  research communica on  remains from the palatial complex unfortunately, very few seeds were recovered within the flotation samples collected from the floors of structure c within the palatial complex. the handpicked charred plant remains, recovered from the surface of the floors within the northern room of structure c (ct 15n), include cornus mas endocarps and a single cerasus cf. avium endocarp (table 1; figure 2b and 2c). cornus mas l. (cornelian cherry) within turkey today, cornus mas, commonly known as cornelian cherry (kızılıcık in turkish), is commonly cultivated as an ornamental shrub or small tree and is sometimes grown for its fruit (davis 1972:541). externally, c. mas stones resemble those of olea unit/  trench  (season)  taxon  common name  number collected  (number of intact  specimens measured)  mean  length  (mm)  mean  width  (mm)  descrip on of  context  unit 06,  stt5  (1996)  tri cum durum/ aes vum  durum/bread wheat  575 (100)  4.6  3.1  carbonized  grain floor close  to baking oven.  remains recov‐ ered via flota‐ on from 2 li‐ ters of sediment  (mass of  charred remains  = 29.53g)  tri cum dicoccum  schübl.  emmer wheat  12  –  –  tri cum sp. l.  wheat  343  –  –  hordeum vulgare l.  ssp. dis chum  two‐row hulled bar‐ ley  3  –  –  cereal indet.  cereal  80  –  –  cephalaria syriaca (l.)  schrader  syrian cephalaria  1  –  –  galium sp. l.  bedstraw  3  –  –  carex sp. l.  sedge  1  –  –  bromus sp. scop.  brome  1  –  –  lolium sp. l.  rye grass  1  –  –  s pa sp. l.  needle grass  3  –  –  indeterminate seeds  –  3  –  –  wood charcoal  –  10 ml  –  –  pc,* 03/ ct 15n  (2000)  cornus mas (l.)  cornelian cherry  10 (7)  9.9  5.1  soil and rubble  cerasus cf. avium (l.)  moench  wild or sweet cher‐ ry  1  6.4  5.6  soil and rubble  pc, 03/ct  15n  (2000)  cornus mas  cornelian cherry  33 (28)  10.5  5.0  hard soil in  southwestern  corner of ct15  n, rubble rear  sherds  pc, 05/ct  15n  (2000)  cornus mas  cornelian cherry  6 (5)  10.4  4.9  burnt packed  soil  pc, 05/ct  15n  (2000)  cornus mas  cornelian cherry  5 (3)  12.1  5.3  burnt layer  pc, 05/ct  18 (2000)  brachycerus sp. olivier  garlic weevil  1  –  –  floor of room 2  table 1. plant and insect remains recovered from kerkenes dag during the 1996 and 2000 field seasons.   *pc = palace complex  48  research communica on  europaea l. (olive) although the outer endocarp or stone of c. mas tends to be much smoother than that of olive. when broken, the two species are readily distinguishable from one another since in transverse view, o. europaea stones contain a single seed cavity, whereas c. mas stones possess two (figure 2b). in total, 54 c. mas endocarps were recovered, 43 of which were intact (table 1). all intact endocarps were measured and varied in length from 7.4 mm to 13.1 mm, with a mean and standard deviation of 10.5 mm and 1.3 mm respectively. widths ranged between 3.8 mm and 6.2 mm with a mean and standard deviation of 5.0 and 0.5 mm respectively. fragments of the fleshy mesocarp were still adhering to some of the stones recovered from kerkenes dağ (figure 2b). cornus mas fruit is described by sturtevant as harsh, acidic, and barely palatable, but despite his displeasure with the fruit, it still continues to be widely enjoyed across europe and southwest asia where it is consumed raw or processed into jams, sweetmeats, and drinks (dogan et al. 2004:686; hedrick 1919:192–193). while c. mas remains are not routinely encountered on archaeological sites, its occurrence is certainly not rare and finds have been reported from a number of sites across southwest asia and europe. within turkey today, wild forms of the plant are found mostly in northern and southern turkey (davis 1972:541). if the current distribution is similar to that evident during iron age, then it is possible that long distance exchange of c. mas existed across anatolia, at least during the iron age. gordon hillman identified c. mas endocarps from phrygian megaron 3 at gordion, where he describes the fruit as an import with “the probable nearest point of origin the pontic mountain range” (devries 1990:383). recent finds of c. mas wood in trash deposits at gordion (marston 2010:251) may argue against longdistance trade there, however, since the existence of wood within a trash context (as opposed to a curated context) could suggest that the plant was readily available locally. since kerkenes dağ lies much closer to the northern range, it is likely that cornelian cherries discussed here were obtained with relative ease. cerasus cf. avium (wild or sweet cherry) a single cerasus sp. endocarp resembling cerasus cf. avium (synonymous with prunus cerasus l. var. avium) was recovered from the northern room of structure c (03/ct 15n). c. avium trees occur across central and southern europe, caucasia, and northwestern iran (davis 1972:18), but may be native to north turkey where they are referred to as “kiraz.” davis (1972:18) notes, however, that today it can be difficult to distinguish between truly wild and naturalized populations. modern-day drupes are ovoid, 6–12 × 4– 10 mm, containing a smooth stone surrounded by bitter flesh (davis 1972:19). the endocarp from kerkenes dağ measures 6.4 × 5.6 × 4.4 mm and is entirely smooth, broadly elliptic in cross section, pointed at the apex, with only a slightly protruding ventral ridge that can be seen extending in lateral view (figure 2c). cerasus species are infrequently reported from archaeological sites across southwest asia, although they tend to be reported more frequently across europe. since little archaeobotanical work has been done in north-central anatolia, it is unclear how widely this species was used across the region in figure  2.  photograph  of:  a)  tri cum  durum/aes vum  grain  in  dorsal,  ventral,  and  lateral  view  from  le   to  right; b) two different cornus mas endocarps  in  lateral  and transverse view from le  to right; c) cerasus cf. avi‐ um endocarp in lateral, ventral, and apex view from le   to right; d) brachycerus sp. weevil in dorsal, ventral, and  lateral view from le  to right.  49  research communica on  antiquity. brachycerus sp. (weevil) during recovery efforts within the southern room of structure c (room 2, unit 5, trench ct 18), a carbonized brachycerus sp. weevil (a member of the brachyceridae family, more commonly known as the garlic weevil), was recovered from an intact floor alongside a series of pottery vessels (figure 2d). the preserved portion of the beetle measures 9.9 mm long, 6.9 mm wide, and 5.6 mm deep. owing to the lack of legs and a head, it was not possible to identify the beetle to the species level, although oberprieler (personal communication 2003) states that the specimen seems to “belong to the b. junix group.” the charred beetle has every appearance of being ancient and was recovered from a secure context, but since members of the brachycerus genus are known to burrow, and post-depositional disturbance in this area is evident, there is a slight possibility that it is intrusive. over the past decade, a number of archaeoentomology studies have highlighted the presence of ancient insects on archaeological sites allowing for discussion of post-harvest infestations of stored crops as well as climate change where the insects recovered have narrow ecological tolerances (e.g., kislev et al. 2004). in this instance the weevil was found in close proximity to a series of ceramic storage vessels. oberprieler (personal communication 2003) notes that brachycerus sp. larva feed on live liliaceae bulbs (sensu lato) in the ground. unfortunately, no bulb remains were preserved or recovered within these rooms to shed further light on the contents of the vessels or the origin of the weevil. conclusions during the 1996 and 2000 seasons at kerkenes dağ, a small assemblage of archaeobotanical remains was recovered. hand-picked specimens retrieved from rooms of structure c within the palatial complex include concentrations of cornus mas endocarps, a cerasus cf. avium endocarp, and a brachycerus sp. weevil. exceptionally well-preserved triticum durum/aestivum grains were recovered from a floor in stt5 in close proximity to a large baking installation. the cached crop contained small amounts of triticum dicoccum and hordeum vulgare, both of which likely were unintentionally grown along with the crop, as well as small amounts of cephalaria syriaca, asperula/galium, and a range of wild grasses. the crop had been very well cleaned and was ready for hand-picking to remove wheat-sized contaminants before being ground into bread flour. while the assemblage discussed here is small, and was not collected via a formal archaeobotanical sampling strategy, the remains provide information on phrygian plant use in anatolia, a time period for which agriculture and plant use is poorly understood. the remains also underscore the potential for future archaeobotanical studies at kerkenes dağ. plant remains encountered on most sites across southwest asia become preserved via charring and since kerkenes was destroyed by fire, the potential for excellent preservation of plant remains across the site is enormous, which provides a rare opportunity to examine spatial differences in plant use at a large, socially hierarchical, single occupation site. continued work at the site will undoubtedly yield very exciting results. acknowledgments we thank geoffrey summers and françoise summers for providing these samples and information on the archaeology of kerkenes dağ. we are immensely grateful to bruce archibald (department of biological sciences, simon fraser university), robert anderson (canadian museum of nature, ottawa), and rolf oberprieler (csiro entomology, australia), for their assistance in identifying the weevil. rolf oberprieler generously provided a wealth of information regarding the life history of brachycerus sp. we are also grateful to geoffrey summers and john m. marston, as well as two anonymous reviewers, for providing thoughtful and very helpful comments on earlier drafts of this paper. references branting, s. 2004. iron age pedestrians at kerkenes dağ: an archaeological gis-t approach to movement and transportation. unpublished ph.d. dissertation, department of anthropology, university at buffalo, the state university of new york. branting, s. 2010. agents in motion. in agency and identity in the ancient near east: new paths forward, edited by s. r. steadman and j. c. ross, pp. 47–59. equinox, london. davis, p. h. 1972. flora of turkey and the east aegean islands. vol. 4. edinburgh university press, edinburgh. 50  research communica on  devries, k. 1990. the gordion excavation seasons of 1969–1973 and subsequent research. american journal of archaeology 94:371–406. dogan, y., s. baslar, g. ay, and h. h. mert. 2004. the use of wild edible plants in western and central anatolia (turkey). economic botany 58:684– 690. dönmez, e. o. 2003. urartian crop plant remains from patnos (ağrı), eastern turkey. anatolian studies 53:89–95. dörfler, w., r. neef, and r. pasternak. 2000. untersuchungen zur umweltgeschichte und agrarökonomie im einzugsbereich hethitischer städte. mitteilungen der deutschen orientgesellschaft 132:367–380. draycott, c. m., g. d. summers, and c. brixh. 2008. kerkenes special studies 1: sculpture and inscriptions from the monumental entrance to the palatial complex at kerkenes dag, turkey. oriental institute publications 135. the oriental institute of the university of chicago, chicago. fairbairn, a. 2002. archaeobotany at kamankalehöyök 2001. anatolian archaeological studies 11:201–212. hedrick, u. p. editor, 1919. sturtevant's notes on edible plants. report of the new york agricultural experiment station for the year 1919. ii. j. b. lyon company, albany. hillman, g. 1981. cereal remains from tell ilbol and tell qaramel. in the river qoueiq, northern syria, and its catchment studies arising from the tell rifa'at survey 1977–79. bar international series 98 (ii), edited by j. matthers, pp. 503–507. b.a.r, oxford. kislev, m. e., a. hartmann, and e. galili. 2004. archaeobotanical and archaeoentomological evidence from a well at atlit-yam indicates colder, more humid climate on the israeli coast during the ppnc period. journal of archaeological science 31:1301–1310. longford, c., a. drinnan, and a. sagona. 2009. archaeobotany of sos höyük, northeast turkey. in new directions in archaeological science, edited by a. fairbairn, s. o'connor, and b. marwick, pp. 121–136. anu-e-press, canberra. marston, j. m. 2010. evaluating risk, sustainability, and decision making in agricultural and land-use strategies at ancient gordion. unpublished ph.d. dissertation, university of california, los angeles. marston, j. m. 2012. agricultural strategies and political economy in ancient anatolia. american journal of archaeology 116:377–403. matthews, w., 1996. preliminary report on the micromorphology of depositional sequences at the first millennium bc urban settlement at kerkenes dağ, central anatolia. available at: http:// www.kerkenes.metu.edu.tr/kerk1/06excav/ micromor/96repwm/index.html. accessed on 28 february 2014. miller, n. f. 2010. botanical aspects of environment and economy at gordion, turkey. university of pennsylvania press, philadelphia. musselman, l. j. 2000. zawan and tares in the bible. economic botany 54:537–542. nesbitt, m. 1995. recovery of archaeological plant remains at kaman-kalehöyük. bulletin of the middle eastern culture center in japan 8:115–130. peña-chocorro, l., a. rigamonti, l. castelletti, and a. maspero. 2001. preliminary report on the plant remains from ayanıs. in ayanıs i. ten years excavations at rusahinili eiduru-kai 1989–1998, edited by a. çilingiroğlu and m. salvini, pp. 391–396. rome: cnr, istituto per gli studi micenei ed egeoanatolici. przeworski, s. 1929. die lage von pteria. archive orientálni 1:312–315. schmidt, e. f. 1929. test excavations in the city on kerkenes dagh. the american journal of semitic languages and literatures 45:221–274. http:// www.jstor.org/stable/529203 smith, a. 2007. plant use at çadır höyük, central anatolia. anatolica 33:169–184. summers, g., and f. summers, eds. 1996. kerkenes 1996 preliminary report. available at: http:// www.kerkenes.metu.edu.tr/kerk1/11prelim/1996/ english/index.html. accessed on 28 february 2014. summers, g., f. summers, s. branting, and d. langis -barsetti, eds. 2011. the kerkenes project. a preliminary report of the 2011 season. available at: http://kerkenes.metu.edu.tr/kerk2/17downlds/ reportpdf/11kerkrepeng.pdf. accessed on 28 http://www.kerkenes.metu.edu.tr/kerk1/06excav/micromor/96repwm/index.html� http://www.kerkenes.metu.edu.tr/kerk1/06excav/micromor/96repwm/index.html� http://www.kerkenes.metu.edu.tr/kerk1/06excav/micromor/96repwm/index.html� http://www.kerkenes.metu.edu.tr/kerk1/06excav/micromor/96repwm/index.html� http://www.kerkenes.metu.edu.tr/kerk1/06excav/micromor/96repwm/index.html� http://www.kerkenes.metu.edu.tr/kerk1/06excav/micromor/96repwm/index.html� http://www.kerkenes.metu.edu.tr/kerk1/06excav/micromor/96repwm/index.html� http://www.kerkenes.metu.edu.tr/kerk1/06excav/micromor/96repwm/index.html� http://www.kerkenes.metu.edu.tr/kerk1/06excav/micromor/96repwm/index.html� http://www.jstor.org/stable/529203� http://www.jstor.org/stable/529203� http://www.jstor.org/stable/529203� http://www.jstor.org/stable/529203� http://www.kerkenes.metu.edu.tr/kerk1/11prelim/1996/english/index.html� http://www.kerkenes.metu.edu.tr/kerk1/11prelim/1996/english/index.html� http://www.kerkenes.metu.edu.tr/kerk1/11prelim/1996/english/index.html� http://www.kerkenes.metu.edu.tr/kerk1/11prelim/1996/english/index.html� http://www.kerkenes.metu.edu.tr/kerk1/11prelim/1996/english/index.html� http://www.kerkenes.metu.edu.tr/kerk1/11prelim/1996/english/index.html� http://www.kerkenes.metu.edu.tr/kerk1/11prelim/1996/english/index.html� http://www.kerkenes.metu.edu.tr/kerk1/11prelim/1996/english/index.html� http://www.kerkenes.metu.edu.tr/kerk1/11prelim/1996/english/index.html� http://kerkenes.metu.edu.tr/kerk2/17downlds/reportpdf/11kerkrepeng.pdf� http://kerkenes.metu.edu.tr/kerk2/17downlds/reportpdf/11kerkrepeng.pdf� http://kerkenes.metu.edu.tr/kerk2/17downlds/reportpdf/11kerkrepeng.pdf� http://kerkenes.metu.edu.tr/kerk2/17downlds/reportpdf/11kerkrepeng.pdf� 51  research communica on  february 2014. summers, g., f. summers, and d. stronach. 2001. kerkenes news 4. ankara: metu press. available at: http://kerk1.metu.edu.tr/12propub/ kerknews/2001/index.html. accessed 28 february 2014. summers, g., f. summers, d. stronach, and m. özcan, eds. 2000a. kerkenes 2000 preliminary report. available at: http:// www.kerkenes.metu.edu.tr/kerk1/11prelim/2000/ english/00_contents.html. accessed on 28 february 2014. summers, g., f. summers, d. stronach, and m. özcan. 2000b. kerkenes news 3. ankara: metu press. available at: http:// kerk1.metu.edu.tr/12propub/kerknews/2000/ index.html. accessed on 28 february 2014. zohary, d., m. hopf, and e. weiss. 2012. domestication of plants in the old world. the origin and spread of domesticated plants in south-west asia, europe, and the mediterranean basin. oxford university press, new york. biosketches alexia smith is assistant professor of anthropology at  the university of connec cut.  sco  bran ng is director of the center for ancient  middle eastern landscapes, university of chicago and of  the kerkenes project.  http://kerk1.metu.edu.tr/12propub/kerknews/2001/index.html� http://kerk1.metu.edu.tr/12propub/kerknews/2001/index.html� http://kerk1.metu.edu.tr/12propub/kerknews/2001/index.html� http://kerk1.metu.edu.tr/12propub/kerknews/2001/index.html� http://www.kerkenes.metu.edu.tr/kerk1/11prelim/2000/english/00_contents.html� http://www.kerkenes.metu.edu.tr/kerk1/11prelim/2000/english/00_contents.html� http://www.kerkenes.metu.edu.tr/kerk1/11prelim/2000/english/00_contents.html� http://www.kerkenes.metu.edu.tr/kerk1/11prelim/2000/english/00_contents.html� http://www.kerkenes.metu.edu.tr/kerk1/11prelim/2000/english/00_contents.html� http://www.kerkenes.metu.edu.tr/kerk1/11prelim/2000/english/00_contents.html� http://www.kerkenes.metu.edu.tr/kerk1/11prelim/2000/english/00_contents.html� http://www.kerkenes.metu.edu.tr/kerk1/11prelim/2000/english/00_contents.html� http://www.kerkenes.metu.edu.tr/kerk1/11prelim/2000/english/00_contents.html� http://kerk1.metu.edu.tr/12propub/kerknews/2000/index.html� http://kerk1.metu.edu.tr/12propub/kerknews/2000/index.html� http://kerk1.metu.edu.tr/12propub/kerknews/2000/index.html� http://kerk1.metu.edu.tr/12propub/kerknews/2000/index.html� http://kerk1.metu.edu.tr/12propub/kerknews/2000/index.html� http://kerk1.metu.edu.tr/12propub/kerknews/2000/index.html� http://kerk1.metu.edu.tr/12propub/kerknews/2000/index.html� http://kerk1.metu.edu.tr/12propub/kerknews/2000/index.html� http://kerk1.metu.edu.tr/12propub/kerknews/2000/index.html� http://kerk1.metu.edu.tr/12propub/kerknews/2000/index.html� http://kerk1.metu.edu.tr/12propub/kerknews/2000/index.html� http://kerk1.metu.edu.tr/12propub/kerknews/2000/index.html� http://kerk1.metu.edu.tr/12propub/kerknews/2000/index.html� http://kerk1.metu.edu.tr/12propub/kerknews/2000/index.html� http://kerk1.metu.edu.tr/12propub/kerknews/2000/index.html� http://kerk1.metu.edu.tr/12propub/kerknews/2000/index.html� http://kerk1.metu.edu.tr/12propub/kerknews/2000/index.html� http://kerk1.metu.edu.tr/12propub/kerknews/2000/index.html� some phrygian plant and insect remains from kerkenes dağ, central anatolia (turkey) << /ascii85encodepages false /allowtransparency false /autopositionepsfiles true /autorotatepages /none /binding /left /calgrayprofile (dot gain 20%) /calrgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /calcmykprofile (u.s. web coated \050swop\051 v2) /srgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /cannotembedfontpolicy /error /compatibilitylevel 1.4 /compressobjects /tags /compresspages true /convertimagestoindexed true /passthroughjpegimages true /createjobticket false /defaultrenderingintent /default /detectblends true /detectcurves 0.0000 /colorconversionstrategy /cmyk /dothumbnails false /embedallfonts true /embedopentype false /parseiccprofilesincomments true /embedjoboptions true /dscreportinglevel 0 /emitdscwarnings false /endpage -1 /imagememory 1048576 /lockdistillerparams false /maxsubsetpct 100 /optimize true /opm 1 /parsedsccomments true /parsedsccommentsfordocinfo true /preservecopypage true /preservedicmykvalues true /preserveepsinfo true /preserveflatness true /preservehalftoneinfo false /preserveopicomments true /preserveoverprintsettings true /startpage 1 /subsetfonts true /transferfunctioninfo /apply /ucrandbginfo /preserve /useprologue false /colorsettingsfile () /alwaysembed [ true ] /neverembed [ true ] /antialiascolorimages false /cropcolorimages true /colorimageminresolution 300 /colorimageminresolutionpolicy /ok /downsamplecolorimages true /colorimagedownsampletype /bicubic /colorimageresolution 300 /colorimagedepth -1 /colorimagemindownsampledepth 1 /colorimagedownsamplethreshold 1.50000 /encodecolorimages true /colorimagefilter /dctencode /autofiltercolorimages true /colorimageautofilterstrategy /jpeg /coloracsimagedict << /qfactor 0.15 /hsamples [1 1 1 1] /vsamples [1 1 1 1] >> /colorimagedict << /qfactor 0.15 /hsamples [1 1 1 1] /vsamples [1 1 1 1] >> /jpeg2000coloracsimagedict << /tilewidth 256 /tileheight 256 /quality 30 >> /jpeg2000colorimagedict << /tilewidth 256 /tileheight 256 /quality 30 >> /antialiasgrayimages false /cropgrayimages true /grayimageminresolution 300 /grayimageminresolutionpolicy /ok /downsamplegrayimages true /grayimagedownsampletype /bicubic /grayimageresolution 300 /grayimagedepth -1 /grayimagemindownsampledepth 2 /grayimagedownsamplethreshold 1.50000 /encodegrayimages true /grayimagefilter /dctencode /autofiltergrayimages true /grayimageautofilterstrategy /jpeg /grayacsimagedict << /qfactor 0.15 /hsamples [1 1 1 1] /vsamples [1 1 1 1] >> /grayimagedict << /qfactor 0.15 /hsamples [1 1 1 1] /vsamples [1 1 1 1] >> /jpeg2000grayacsimagedict << /tilewidth 256 /tileheight 256 /quality 30 >> /jpeg2000grayimagedict << /tilewidth 256 /tileheight 256 /quality 30 >> /antialiasmonoimages false /cropmonoimages true /monoimageminresolution 1200 /monoimageminresolutionpolicy /ok /downsamplemonoimages true /monoimagedownsampletype /bicubic /monoimageresolution 1200 /monoimagedepth -1 /monoimagedownsamplethreshold 1.50000 /encodemonoimages true /monoimagefilter /ccittfaxencode /monoimagedict << /k -1 >> /allowpsxobjects false /checkcompliance [ /none ] /pdfx1acheck false /pdfx3check false /pdfxcompliantpdfonly false /pdfxnotrimboxerror true /pdfxtrimboxtomediaboxoffset [ 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 ] /pdfxsetbleedboxtomediabox true /pdfxbleedboxtotrimboxoffset [ 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 ] /pdfxoutputintentprofile () /pdfxoutputconditionidentifier () /pdfxoutputcondition () /pdfxregistryname () /pdfxtrapped /false /createjdffile false /description << /ara <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> /bgr <feff04180437043f043e043b043704320430043904420435002004420435043704380020043d0430044104420440043e0439043a0438002c00200437043000200434043000200441044a0437043404300432043004420435002000410064006f00620065002000500044004600200434043e043a0443043c0435043d04420438002c0020043c0430043a04410438043c0430043b043d043e0020043f044004380433043e04340435043d04380020043704300020043204380441043e043a043e043a0430044704350441044204320435043d0020043f04350447043004420020043704300020043f044004350434043f0435044704300442043d04300020043f043e04340433043e0442043e0432043a0430002e002000200421044a04370434043004340435043d043804420435002000500044004600200434043e043a0443043c0435043d044204380020043c043e0433043004420020043404300020044104350020043e0442043204300440044f0442002004410020004100630072006f00620061007400200438002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e00300020043800200441043b0435043404320430044904380020043204350440044104380438002e> /chs <feff4f7f75288fd94e9b8bbe5b9a521b5efa7684002000410064006f006200650020005000440046002065876863900275284e8e9ad88d2891cf76845370524d53705237300260a853ef4ee54f7f75280020004100630072006f0062006100740020548c002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e003000204ee553ca66f49ad87248672c676562535f00521b5efa768400200050004400460020658768633002> /cht <feff4f7f752890194e9b8a2d7f6e5efa7acb7684002000410064006f006200650020005000440046002065874ef69069752865bc9ad854c18cea76845370524d5370523786557406300260a853ef4ee54f7f75280020004100630072006f0062006100740020548c002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e003000204ee553ca66f49ad87248672c4f86958b555f5df25efa7acb76840020005000440046002065874ef63002> /cze <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> /dan <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> /deu <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> /esp <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> /eti <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> /fra <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> /gre <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> /heb <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> /hrv (za stvaranje adobe pdf dokumenata najpogodnijih za visokokvalitetni ispis prije tiskanja koristite ove postavke. stvoreni pdf dokumenti mogu se otvoriti acrobat i adobe reader 5.0 i kasnijim verzijama.) /hun <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> /ita <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> /jpn <feff9ad854c18cea306a30d730ea30d730ec30b951fa529b7528002000410064006f0062006500200050004400460020658766f8306e4f5c6210306b4f7f75283057307e305930023053306e8a2d5b9a30674f5c62103055308c305f0020005000440046002030d530a130a430eb306f3001004100630072006f0062006100740020304a30883073002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e003000204ee5964d3067958b304f30533068304c3067304d307e305930023053306e8a2d5b9a306b306f30d530a930f330c8306e57cb30818fbc307f304c5fc59808306730593002> /kor <feffc7740020c124c815c7440020c0acc6a9d558c5ec0020ace0d488c9c80020c2dcd5d80020c778c1c4c5d00020ac00c7a50020c801d569d55c002000410064006f0062006500200050004400460020bb38c11cb97c0020c791c131d569b2c8b2e4002e0020c774b807ac8c0020c791c131b41c00200050004400460020bb38c11cb2940020004100630072006f0062006100740020bc0f002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e00300020c774c0c1c5d0c11c0020c5f40020c2180020c788c2b5b2c8b2e4002e> /lth <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> /lvi <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> /nld (gebruik deze instellingen om adobe pdf-documenten te maken die zijn geoptimaliseerd voor prepress-afdrukken van hoge kwaliteit. de gemaakte pdf-documenten kunnen worden geopend met acrobat en adobe reader 5.0 en hoger.) /nor <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> /pol <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> /ptb <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> /rum <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> /rus <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> /sky <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> /slv <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> /suo <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> /sve <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> /tur <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> /ukr <feff04120438043a043e0440043804410442043e043204430439044204350020044604560020043f043004400430043c043504420440043800200434043b044f0020044104420432043e04400435043d043d044f00200434043e043a0443043c0435043d044204560432002000410064006f006200650020005000440046002c0020044f043a04560020043d04300439043a04400430044904350020043f045604340445043e0434044f0442044c00200434043b044f0020043204380441043e043a043e044f043a04560441043d043e0433043e0020043f0435044004350434043404400443043a043e0432043e0433043e0020043404400443043a0443002e00200020042104420432043e04400435043d045600200434043e043a0443043c0435043d0442043800200050004400460020043c043e0436043d04300020043204560434043a0440043804420438002004430020004100630072006f006200610074002004420430002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e0030002004300431043e0020043f04560437043d04560448043e04570020043204350440044104560457002e> /enu (use these settings to create adobe pdf documents best suited for high-quality prepress printing. created pdf documents can be opened with acrobat and adobe reader 5.0 and later.) >> /namespace [ (adobe) (common) (1.0) ] /othernamespaces [ << /asreaderspreads false /cropimagestoframes true /errorcontrol /warnandcontinue /flattenerignorespreadoverrides false /includeguidesgrids false /includenonprinting false /includeslug false /namespace [ (adobe) (indesign) (4.0) ] /omitplacedbitmaps false /omitplacedeps false /omitplacedpdf false /simulateoverprint /legacy >> << /addbleedmarks false /addcolorbars false /addcropmarks false /addpageinfo false /addregmarks false /convertcolors /converttocmyk /destinationprofilename () /destinationprofileselector /documentcmyk /downsample16bitimages true /flattenerpreset << /presetselector /mediumresolution >> /formelements false /generatestructure false /includebookmarks false /includehyperlinks false /includeinteractive false /includelayers false /includeprofiles false /multimediahandling /useobjectsettings /namespace [ (adobe) (creativesuite) (2.0) ] /pdfxoutputintentprofileselector /documentcmyk /preserveediting true /untaggedcmykhandling /leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice 63 research communication folk knowledge of an individual plant specimen: the case of the royal fern (osmunda regalis l.) in virestad parish, småland, sweden ingvar svanberg author addresses: uppsala centre for russian and eurasian studies, uppsala university, box 514, se-751 20 uppsala, sweden ingvar.svanberg@ucrs.uu.se received: february 23, 2012 volume 3: 63-67 published: november 5, 2012 © 2012 society of ethnobiology abstract: ethnobiological studies of local economic or folk religious uses of plants often rely on the assumption that plant use relates to folk knowledge about specific taxa. however, in some cases, folk knowledge is more about beliefs concerning an individual plant. when carl linnaeus traveled in 1749 through his native province of småland, sweden, he observed a striking specimen of a royal fern (osmunda regalis l.), which was being used by a local healer. the appearance and unusually large size of this individual plant specimen were possibly responsible for its use. this species has not been used elsewhere in sweden and historical data refer only to the single specimen observed by linnaeus. key words: healer’s knowledge, historical ethnobiology, intra-cultural diversity, carl linnaeus, folk knowledge. introduction today, as local ecological knowledge is rapidly disappearing and to a great extent has already been lost in most post-industrialized countries in europe, historical data in archives are of particular interest to ethnobiologists (heinrich et al. 2006; łuczaj 2008; sõukand et al. 2010; svanberg et al. 2011). however, the information the ethnobiologist acquires concerning various kinds of past local and traditional plant knowledge must be understood in its proper historical, ecological, and cultural context as much as is possible using historical records. plant knowledge is not only a question of how a plant was used, but also when, where and by whom. these are simple, but crucial questions for ethnobiologists to ask and answer in order to understand the context of plant knowledge. it is well documented that people in traditional societies all over the world had an intimate familiarity with local plants (lévi-strauss 1962). however, this knowledge varies within communities. attention to intra-community and intra-cultural diversity of knowledge has increased among researchers (pelto and pelto 1975; reyes-garcía et al. 2007; newkirk et al. 2009). clearly, knowledge about plants is not equally distributed within a particular community; certain skills are specific to men, women or children, others to certain categories such as healers, craftsmen or other specialists within a community. knowledge may also vary according to economic and social context. particular groups can comprise individuals who believe in the healing power of plants, as well as others who do not hold that belief. attitudes can also change over time within a community or during an individual’s lifetime (anderson 2000; pieroni 2003; svanberg et al. 2011). there are additional concerns that are important when considering plant knowledge surrounding the use of a specific taxon. when studying the cultural contexts between plants and people, many ethnobiologists focus on, and generalize about, a plant species or a folk taxon. although scholars have increasingly moved away from cataloguing the use of various taxa, scientific or folk-defined species continue to be the focus of scholarly interest. it is important, however, for the ethnobiologist to be able to shift scale from species to populations to individuals, as plant knowledge can vary from knowledge about a species to intimate knowledge about a single plant. materials and methods in some cases, healers or other users can develop a relationship with a specific plant. specific trees, for instance have been of great importance in traditional plant lore in scandinavia. various customs and medicinal practices have been connected with individual trees (sydow 1935). often, a strange appearance or an unusual growth is the reason why these particular trees were chosen for such purposes (sydow 1973). the use of specific tree specimens for healing purposes was quite common in scandinavian mailto:ingvar.svanberg@ucrs.uu.se 64 research communication folk medicine (sydow 1935; brøndegaard 1978), a phenomenon that is also encountered elsewhere (e.g., blackman 1925; egenter 1981). however, it is rare that individual healers develop a unique tie to a single small plant specimen. such was the case with a single royal fern used by a local healer in virestad parish in the swedish province of småland in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. it was discovered by carl linnaeus during his travels in sweden in the 1740s and recorded in his notes. this relationship is analyzed here using narrative sources and source criticism, which relies on circumstantial evidence to take advantage of indications and clues available from a limited number of sources (myrdal 2009). during his travels in various swedish provinces between 1732 and 1749, linnaeus observed and noted interesting empirical data about folk biology, which are of relevance for ethnobiologists. the information linnaeus gathered during his fieldwork was rendered in his flora lapponica (1737) and flora svecica (1755), both published in latin and therefore extensively read by an international audience. these published data about local swedish and sámi folk biology give very little contextual information, but they have become widely distributed in the scientific community. the origin of much of this information has been obscured, and the information about folk knowledge is usually stripped from botanical handbooks. however, thanks to the travelogues linnaeus published and his preserved hand-written travel diaries, some contextual information about when, where, and from whom he gathered his data about the use of certain plants exists. his travelogues, rather than the floras he published, are important sources for ethnobiological research. results: linnaeus and folk biological knowledge with linnaeus’ notes as the exception there are no available records about local knowledge of the royal fern (osmunda vulgaris l.) in sweden. when linnaeus traveled through his native province of småland on the road to the southernmost province skåne, in may 1749, he made the following annotation when he passed virestad parish: ‘safsa-buske [= royal fern bush] was a renowned plant in virestad parish, which was only to be found in one place, that is to say a small islet in fanhult’s creek. the wise woman, known as ingeborg in mjärhult, used, when she lived in mjärhult, to visit this bush during the mornings in silence, and fasting, to consult with, i know not whom. this is why the inhabitants of virestad call the bush for ingeborg i märhult’s predikstol ‘the pulpit of ingeborg of mjärhult’ (linnaeus 1751). the fern specimen was (for swedish examples of the species) an imposing example of osmunda vulgaris l. linnaeus writes that it was about 1.2 meters high and 3.6 meters in diameter (linnaeus 1751). not surprisingly it was looked on more as a shrub (‘buske’) than a fern. linnaeus had had already written about the healer mother ingeborg just after her death during his visit in 1741 (linnaeus 1745). she was famous all over the country as a seeress and as a folk-healer, and she was a well-known local healer in this part of småland. little biographical data are available, but apparently she learned to use plants in remedies from her mother, and she gathered various plants and grasses during midsummer eve for that purpose. at seventy years of age, ingeborg was put on trial in 1740 for acting as a healer. according to records made by linnaeus himself, mother ingeborg could describe her patients' illness simply by handling their clothes. she thought that every person had a double that followed them like a reversed reflection in calm water or as an antipode in a downwards position. if the double should injure an underground spirit, the person fell ill. the illness was cured by pouring milk or something similar into a northbound stream, on a tree or in a churchyard. unfortunately no further information about her use of plants or healing methods is available. the plant name safsabuske was recorded for the first time by linnaeus in virestad 1749. the etymology of the name remains obscure. although the royal fern is the largest fern species in sweden, which grew along small rivers and brooks with oligotrophic water, no other local names have been recorded. the species occurred – and still occurs – here and there in the southernmost part of sweden north to mid-småland. with its striking appearance, this impressive fern species must have attracted the interest of the peasantry. however, if such was the case, it is surprising that oral folk records in archives and published sources have nothing to say about the plant. discussion ferns have played an important role in scandinavian and european folk botany. the many folk-views about them held across large parts of eurasia have been discussed by gunda (1989). however, information about the osmunda vulgaris from småland is a very local tradition tied specifically to the specimen observed by 65 research communication linnaeus. only this particular plant specimen was used by the local healers. nothing is known about the species’ role in the folk botany of other parts of sweden or in denmark. however, john gerard in his herbal 1597 and nicholas culpepper in his herbal 1653 recommended its rhizomes for medical use (grieve 1931). it has also been mentioned in recent southern european and british folk medicine (vickery 1995; molina et al. 2009). in scotland its rhizome has been reported for use as a love charm (darwin 1996). the swedish local name safsabuske was probably also not used for the taxon as such, but for the particular specimen in virestad parish. however, linnaeus regarded it as a provincial plant name and used it as such in his flora svecica (1755). it thereby became the swedish name of the species, and, shortened to safsa in 1848, is still the one used in swedish handbooks. linnaeus’ descriptions of the fasting and silent woman in mjärhult who used the royal fern as an oracle plant gives us interesting insights into eighteenth century traditional folk knowledge and magical methods of diagnosis. much later, the swedish author and scholar in traditional folk-lore, eva wigström, recorded local traditions about the same royal fern specimen. according to her, there were stories about a witch that once lived in virestad parish who gained power over satan himself. satan gave her the fern to plant and knowledge on how to use it correctly in order to have universal knowledge (wigström 1896). the tradition of the huge royal fern specimen in virestad survived until the nineteenth century, and its magical usefulness seems to have benefited several generations of healers. ethnologist gunnar olof hyltén-cavallius in the 1860s wrote about the same plant specimen: ‘still in our own time, the so-called kloke herren (‘wise gentleman’) in fanhult likewise used branches of the royal fern bush as a potent drug against bewitching and illness’. in this case, over hundred years after linnaeus’ visit it was another healer, this time a male, who used the plant (hylténcavallius 1863–64). for him it was used for the derivation of medicine. the royal fern is a rare species that lives along rivers with oxygen-rich water. it grows in gravely places in or near water. the habitat of this particular specimen was destroyed when water levels decreased in the 1880s (schiöler 1931). although the royal fern as a species was distributed over southern sweden, the records from virestad stand out as unique in swedish folk biological tradition. its use was connected with that particular plant, not with the taxon as such. one reason for this must have been that the virestad specimen was large and outstanding in many ways. scholars have long emphasized the significance of ‘the unusual’ in popular belief and folk perceptions of other organisms (sydow 1973; kolosova 2010). the other reason is that local wise persons discovered the plant and developed a kind of mythical tradition around it. therefore, the biocultural domain that materialized in this relationship must be regarded as unique, not necessary based on folk wisdom on the species as such. conclusions ethnobiologists study the folk biology and the biocultural domains that develop in human and plant and animal interactions (svanberg et al. 2011). however, historically, the primary aim has not been to theorize and generalize about folk biological knowledge but to exploit it for other purposes. this is also true of linnaeus, who, in a more programmatic way than anyone before him, exhorted scholars to direct a searchlight on traditional folk knowledge about nature. he stressed the importance of not neglecting, but carefully investigating ‘peasant botany’, as he called it (linnaeus 1745). for linnaeus and his contemporaries, folk knowledge of plants and animals was a storehouse of information that scholars could draw upon. the purpose of this was to benefit the national economy, that is, to find biological resources that could be of advantage for the nation. linnaeus and other researchers around him, in this fashion, headed towards economic botany and applied botany, which reminds us of contemporary bioprospecting (stearn 1994). although the royal fern has been utilized as a medicinal plant elsewhere in europe, the “use” in småland did not derive from a long-lasting experience of the species’ usefulness as such. it was rather its striking appearance and unusually large size of the individual specimen at virestad that attracted and therefore gave rise to its magical reputation, which the healers perpetuated. linnaeus through his observations and notes preserved the knowledge of a very local folk tradition. even though the locals shared the view of the particular plant specimen as magical and useful, the species as such was never of interest in swedish folk botany. acknowledgements i would like to thank professor eugene n. anderson, professor andrea pieroni, professor łukasz łuczaj, steve wolverton and the anonymous referees for their helpful comments on earlier drafts of this paper. 66 research communication references cited anderson, m. 2000. sami children and traditional knowledge. in ecological knowledge in the north: studies in ethnobiology, edited by i. svanberg and h. tunón, pp. 55–66. swedish science press, uppsala. blackman, w. s. 1925. sacred trees in modern egypt. the journal of egyptian archaeology 11:56–57. brøndegaard, v. j. 1978. folk og flora: dansk etnobotanik 1. rosenkilde og bagger, copenhagen. darwin, t. 1996. the scots herbal: the plant lore of scotland. mercat press, edinburgh. egenter, n. 1981. the sacred trees around goshonai/japan. asian folklore studies 40:191–212. grieve, m. 1931. a modern herbal: the medicinal, culinary, cosmetic and economic properties, cultivation and folk-lore of herbs, grasses, fungi, shrubs & trees with all their modern scientific uses 2. harcourt, brace & company, new york. gunda, b. 1989. a virágzó páfrány. in a rostaforgató asszony, edited by b. gunda, pp. 71–84. múzsák kiadó, budapest. heinrich, m., j. kufer, m. leonti and m. pardo-desantayana. 2006. ethnobotany and ethnopharmacology: interdisciplinary links with the historical sciences. journal of ethnopharmacology 107:157– 160. doi: 10.1016/j.jep.2006.05.035. hyltén-cavallius, g. o. 1863–64. wärend och wirdarne 1. f. a. norstedt & söner, stockholm. kolosova, v. b. 2005. name–text–ritual: the role of plant characteristics in slavic folk medicine. folklorica: journal of the slavic and east european folklore association 10: 44–62. lévi-strauss, c. 1962. la pensée sauvage. plon, paris. linnaeus c. 1745. öländska och gothländska resa, på riksens högloflige ständers befallning förrättad åhr 1741. gottfried kieselwetter, stockholm. linnaeus c. 1751. skånska resa, på höga öfwerhetens befallning förrättad år 1749. lars salvius, stockholm. łuczaj, ł. 2008. archival data on wild food plants used in poland in 1948. journal of ethnobiology and ethnobotany 4:4. doi: 10.1186/1746-4269-4-4. molina m., v. reyes-garcía and m. pardo-desantayana. 2009. local knowledge and management of the royal fern (osmunda regalis l.) in northern spain: implications for biodiversity conservation. american fern journal 99: 45–55. doi: 10.1640/0002-844499.1.45. myrdal, j. 2009. source pluralism and a package of methods: medieval tending of livestock as an example. in methods and the medievalist: current approaches in medieval studies, edited by m. lamberg, j. keskiaho, e. räsänen and o. timofeeva, pp. 134–154. cambridge scholars, newcastle upon tyne. newkirk, c. n., k. s. oths, w. w. dressler, and j. e. dos santos. 2009. intracultural diversity in food knowledge in southern brazil. ecology of food and nutrition 48:285–302. doi: 10.1080/03670240903022304 pelto, p. j. and g. h. pelto. 1975. intra-cultural diversity: some theoretical issues. american ethnologist 2:1–18. doi:10.1525/ae.1975.2.1.02a00010. pieroni, a. 2003. wild food plants and arbëresh women in lucania, southern italy. in women and plants: gender relations in biodiversity management concervation, edited by p.l. howard, pp. 66–82. zed books, london. reyes-garcía, v., n. martí, t. mcdade, s. tanner and v. vadez. 2007. concepts and methods in studies measuring individual ethnobotanical knowledge. journal of ethnobiology 27: 182–203. doi: 10.2993/02780771(2007)27[182:camism]2.0.co;2. schiöler, s. 1931. safsan: en vallfart till mor ingeborg i mjärhult predikstol. sveriges natur 22: 41–50. sõukand r., r. kalle and i. svanberg. 2010. uninvited guests: traditional insect repellents in estonia used against the clothes moth tineola bisselliella, human flea pulex irritans and bedbug cimex lectularius. journal of insect science 10: 150. doi: 10.1673/031.010.14110. stearn, w. t. 1994. linnaeus as an economic botanist. botanical journal of scotland 46:702–706. svanberg, i., ł. łuczaj, m. pardo-de-santayana and a. pieroni. 2011. history and current trends of ethnobiological research in europe. in ethnobiology, edited by e. n. anderson, d. pearsall, e. hunn and n. turner, pp. 191–212. wiley-blackwell, hoboken, nj. sydow, c. w. 1935. något om träden i folkets tro och sed. in svenska kulturbilder xi–xii, pp. 227–258. skoglund, stockholm. sydow, c. w. 1973. det ovanligas betydelse i tro och sed. in folkdikt och folktro, edited by a. b. rooth, pp. 200–214. gleerups, lund. http://dx.doi.org/10.1640/0002-8444-99.1.45 http://dx.doi.org/10.1640/0002-8444-99.1.45 http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed?term=%2522newkirk%20cn%2522%255bauthor%255d http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed?term=%2522oths%20ks%2522%255bauthor%255d http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed?term=%2522dressler%20ww%2522%255bauthor%255d http://dx.doi.org/10.2993/0278-0771(2007)27%5b182:camism%5d2.0.co;2 http://dx.doi.org/10.2993/0278-0771(2007)27%5b182:camism%5d2.0.co;2 67 research communication vickery, r. 1995. a dictionary of plant lore. oxford university press, oxford. wigström, e. 1896. växtlifvet i folkets tro och diktning. ord och bild 5:12–19. biosketch ingvar svanberg is a senior lecturer in ethnobiology, living and working in sweden. his current research focuses on companion animals in various ethnographic contexts, historical aquaculture, and ethnobiological information in eighteenth century traveller reports from russia and siberia. eastern sumbanese bird classification and nomenclature: additions and revisions forth. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(1):45–52 45 data, methods & taxonomies there i made brief trips to rindi, located about 70 km southeast of waingapu, and to the interior district of lewa. on the basis of information collected during this revisit i am now able to fill gaps in the data published in 2000 and to provide corrections to provisional identifications. i also review several general findings regarding the structure and content of eastern sumbanese folk taxonomy of birds. the eastern half of sumba island reveals a high degree of linguistic uniformity and although several dialects can be identified these are mutually intelligible. the kambera dialect is the main dialect of eastern sumbanese. it is therefore used as a lingua franca in other eastern regions and was the dialect employed by both onvlee and kambera in their respective dictionaries and in translations of the new and old testaments, in the production of which both men assisted. although revealing influence from the more distinct dialect of mangili, spoken to the south of rindi, the rindi dialect itself differs only slightly from kambera. rather more distinct from both is the dialect of lewa, a region located some 60 km southwest of waingapu. nevertheless, in this case the in an article published in journal of ethnobiology (forth 2000), i examined the classification of birds found in the eastern region of the indonesian island of sumba. for this purpose, i drew on named categories of birds recorded in dictionaries by kapita (1982) and onvlee (1984), both of whom drew primarily on linguistic and taxonomic data recorded in the 1920s by the dutch zoologist k.w. dammerman. also included was information i myself recorded on sumbanese bird knowledge during ethnographic fieldwork conducted in the district of rindi in 1975–76. although the material reviewed in that article was sufficient to determine the main features of eastern sumbanese bird classification and nomenclature, as i indicated, several lacunae remained both in regards to names for several kinds of birds and international scientific taxa associated with sumbanese names. in june–july and again in august of 2015, i was able to pay further visits to sumba, where i stayed for a total of nearly three weeks, lodging in the traditional settlement of parai liu, located in the kambera district, some two kilometers east of the main port town of waingapu on sumba’s northeast coast. from eastern sumbanese bird classification and nomenclature: additions and revisions gregory forth 1* 1 department of anthropology, university of alberta, canada. * gforth@ualberta.ca abstract expanding on previously published research into folk classification of birds in the eastern part of the indonesian island of sumba, this article reports new information on bird categories and classification recorded by the author in 2015. new folk taxa are described and identified and scientific identifications for previously reported taxa are added or revised. information on local bird classification from the kambera region is compared with data recorded in the 1970s in the district of rindi, and these are shown to reveal only minor differences. employing berlin’s well-known analytical scheme, the main features of the taxonomy are summarized and totals are enumerated for monotypic and polytypic folk-generics and both named and unnamed (covert) folk-intermediates. additional information is provided concerning symbolic uses of bird categories, including bird names used as place names and local beliefs about nightjars (camprimulgus spp.) which correspond to ideas encountered on the ethnozoologically better-known neighboring island of flores. received december 24, 2015 open access accepted march 18, 2016 doi 10.14237/ebl.7.1.2016.572 keywords bird classification, folk taxonomic analysis, bird names, sumba island, eastern indonesia copyright © 2016 forth; licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attributionnoncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. forth. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(1):45–52 46 data, methods & taxonomies differences are not great and in general the naming and classification of birds found in kambera, rindi, and lewa is broadly similar. what differences exist are noted below. in each location, information on birds was derived from ethnographic conversations with individuals and small groups. more directive questions concerning particular birds and bird names were put to 14 men and one woman mostly selected opportunistically—seven from kambera; five from rindi, and three from lewa. of the total, three informants (including the woman) were 65 or older; six were between 55 and 64; three were between 45 and 50; and the remaining three were in their thirties. in kambera most information was provided by a man aged 67 years, locally regarded as especially knowledgeable about birds. all informants were fluent in local dialects of eastern sumbanese as well as in the indonesian national language (bahasa indonesia). all had received some schooling, mostly at the primary level, while most younger informants had attended secondary school. as might be expected, older informants were more knowledgeable about indigenous categories. questioning was conducted in a combination of bahasa indonesia and eastern sumbanese, in which i gained fluency during my doctoral fieldwork conducted from january 1975 to december 1976. newly recorded and revised folk-generics new named categories and identifications recorded in 2015 are listed below in alphabetical order: ahu ramuku, egret egretta spp., bubulcus ibis. kambera informants described the bird as resembling herons (nggokaria) and occurring mostly in wet rice fields, but being smaller than herons and having white plumage. the name translates as “pool, pond dog” (ahu, dog; ramuku also refers to a buffalo wallow) and is reminiscent of ahu omangu (‘forest dog’), a euphemism used for monkeys when speaking of the primates in the presence of pregnant women. there is no indication that ahu ramuku is a subordinate taxon subsumed in nggokaria, otherwise denoting larger kinds of herons. nggokaria are recognized as varying in size and color of plumage but the birds thus designated were nevertheless described as composing a single “kind” (indonesian jenis). kapita (1982) and onvlee (1984) both list ahu ramuku as a term for ‘sandpiper’ in mangili (kapita’s native district in southeastern sumba). kambera informants, however, contradicted this identification. nor had anyone heard pipi, the term both onvlee and kapita give for “sandpiper,” used as the name of a bird, and i was able to confirm that the sole term for sandpipers in kambera was kahuhu (forth 2000). while on the topic of water birds, it may also be noted that australian pelicans pelecanus conspicillatus, which are irregular visitors on sumba (coates and bishop 1997:233), are known only as pelikan, the indonesian variant of the english name. kapiru, bee-eater merops spp: blue-tailed bee-eater m. superciliosis or rainbow bee-eater m. ornatus, two similar species both common on sumba. the name was given by informants in reference to a bee-eater observed near parai liu in august 2015. kambera people described kapiru as colorful birds with a long thin bill and a “spine” in the centre of the tail; as occurring most often near bodies of water (including the nearby kambaniru river); and as digging holes in earthen banks in order to nest—all features that accurately characterize bee-eaters. as noted in forth (2000), kapita identifies kapiru as a pitta—small, round, short-tailed and relatively long-legged colorful birds of the family pittidae—presumably referring to the elegant pitta pitta elegans, the only species recorded for sumba (coates and bishop 1997). that onvlee also understood kapiru as referring to a pitta is clear from the fact th at his dutch gloss, “grondlijster” (literally “ground thrush”), is an (older) dutch term for pittas (olivier 1931). there is, however, no indication that sumbanese regularly apply the term to pittas as well as to bee-eaters. not only are the two birds morphologically and behaviorally very different, but a photograph of a pitta shown to parai liu informants was not recognized as resembling any local bird, nor did my description of the distinct form of pittas elicit any response. pittas, moreover, are shy and secretive birds that inhabit forest floors (coates and bishop 1997:390), and they are therefore likely to go unnoticed by most sumbanese. mabihi (kambera; in lewa mabihu) a small rail (rallidae), probably the white-browed crake poliolimnas (amaurornis) cinerea. although this name is listed in forth (2000), it is not identified. kambera informants described mabihi as a water bird often found in paddy fields. according to a more detailed description, the plumage is mostly gray or light brown, possibly with some darker brown; the legs are long; and the bill is quite long. sometimes but not invariably the leg color is yellow. the birds build nests in reeds forth. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(1):45–52 47 data, methods & taxonomies or grass in or near rice fields where they lay four to six eggs. sumbanese hunt the birds by catching them at night with kerosene lamps, the light of which transfixes the birds so they can easily be killed with a stick or club. the name mabihi appears to comprise ma-, the relative pronoun (that, which, that which), and bihi, denoting a sucking sound made with the lips (onvlee 1984), a descriptive label consistent with vocalizations recorded by coates and bishop (1997) for the whitebrowed crake poliolimnas cinerea and other rails. informants contrasted mabihi to two larger members of the rallidae, both frequently found in or near water: kulu kawaki (given by onvlee as the red-legged crake rallina fasciata) and yàpi (see forth 2000). kambera informants described yàpi, denoting a moorhen gallinula tenobrosa or g. chloropus, as much larger birds than mabihi and with “dark” or “black” plumage. mànja wai, nightjar (kambera and lewa; cf. rindi panyonga makaweda), probably most often referring to the savannah nightjar camprimulgus affinis. responding to my descriptions of this morphologically and behaviorally very distinctive bird, kambera informants compared the bird’s appearance to that of an owl and further described nightjars as birds encountered only at twilight or after dark, when they can be seen either in flight or sitting on the ground (including on asphalt roads). one man related how mànja wai will alight on the ground “like a bird dropping dead or injured from the sky” but when one approaches the bird, it will immediately take off, thus making the species extremely difficult to catch. similar accounts of nightjars quickly taking flight when approached were recorded in lewa and also in rindi, where a different name for the bird refers specifically to this behaviour (see below). all of the foregoing corresponds to the appearance and behaviour of nightjars. kambera informants further described the bird as typically occurring in “cool or cold places,” a description which apparently refers to the fact that sumbanese encounter nightjars at night and usually in flat, open areas including savannahs and bare ground far from vegetation and exposed to winds. the characterization may also be reflected in the name. mànja can be interpreted as a contraction of mànjaku or mànjalu, both meaning “cool,” whereas wai is “water.” although no one i asked knew what mànja wai ate or where they go in the daytime, in fact nightjars feed on flying insects, many of why occur over bodies of water. however, the birds are by no means always found near water, and it is possible that, in this context, wai has some other sense or derivation. referring to their appearance only at night and lack of evidence regarding their diet or daylight habits, one man described nightjars as strange creatures, even comparing them to spirits and speculating that, at sunrise, the birds might transform into some other creature. probably adding to their mystery is the local idea that nightjars are legless. two men spontaneously reported this feature, though immediately afterwards both qualified it by stating that the bird does have legs but that these are extremely small. this representation is of comparative interest as it is also encountered among the nage people of flores, the large island located to the north of sumba, where people similarly alternate between describing nightjars as legless and as birds possessing very small legs (forth 2004). the nightjar is also called mànja wai in the district of lewa, where people claimed that the birds are able to see thieves and that the noctural cry of a nightjar indicates that thieves are abroad. interestingly, the same symbolic significance was attached to the nightjar’s cry by sumbanese questioned in 1999 in kupang (timor) who gave the bird’s name as landu witu (forth 2000). this term, however, was unknown to everyone i questioned in 2015, so its status remains uncertain. responding to my descriptions of the bird, people in rindi identified the nightjar as panyonga makaweda, thus correcting a provisional identification of the name as referring to a kind of bat. confirming my translation of the name as “fools elderly people” (forth 2000), rindi informants explained the name as referring to the characteristic behavior of nightjars encountered in the evening: anyone seeing a specimen resting on the ground might think it is dead or injured, but when a person approaches more closely the bird immediately takes flight, thus “fooling” the observer. why it should be old people who are specified in the nightjar’s name, however, no one could say. informants confirmed that nightjars are not classified as bats (panii), even though sumbanese classify both as “birds” (mahawurungu) and recognize both as creatures that are exclusively active at night. folk-intermediates mostly from information recorded in rindi, i previously identified several folk-intermediate taxa (sensu forth. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(1):45–52 48 data, methods & taxonomies berlin 1992) each incorporating a number of bird generics (forth 2000). these can now be reviewed. diurnal raptors. like rindi people questioned in the 1970s, kambera informants described ikitu as a general category subsuming the following individually -named diurnal raptors (hawks, eagles, or falcons): 1) ikitu barangguku (“white-throated ikitu”), the brahminy kite haliastur indus (cf. rindi ikitu marakuku, forth 2000). 2) mbaku, identified as ikitu which live near the sea and catch fish. however, one informant distinguished between mbaku tehiku (“sea mbaku”) and mbaku, the first term then specifying the whitebellied sea eagle haliaetus leucogaster and the osprey pandion haliaetus—both identified from photographs. if this distinction is made consistently, mbaku alone should then apply to eagles or other large raptors which occur only inland. the same distinction was recorded in rindi in the 1970s (forth 2000:177) although there mbaku tehiku was identified only with h. leucogaster. 3) tariku, identified as a falcon that flies extremely fast and appears as it were out of nowhere to take chickens (unlike larger raptors whose attacks, informants said, can be anticipated). the further specification that tariku will sometimes just ‘cut off the head’ of domestic fowls recalls the nage (central flores) idea that the falcon they name bele teka, “sharp wing,” uses its wing like a sickle to decapitate fowls (forth 2016). 4) kapàha, a small falcon, described in parai liu as hovering, and eating small chickens and grasshoppers, a characterization that would confirm the bird’s earlier identification as the moluccan kestrel falco moluccensis (forth 2000:174). while onvlee (1984) lists kola as an otherwise unidentified small raptor, sumbanese questioned in kupang, in 1999, described the bird as a raptor almost as large as an eagle (forth 2000:188). all i learnt in kambera was that kola is not a local bird name but a term employed in the interior district of mahu for large raptors which kambera speakers call ikitu. consistent with this, i have never recorded kola (also glossed by onvlee as ‘speckled, flecked’) as a bird name in rindi. information recorded in kambera supports my earlier, provisional interpretation of kuu as denoting the black-winged kite elanus caeruleus hypoleucos (forth 2000:175) but i am unable to confirm this identification. parrots. kambera informants identified the psittaciformes labeled kaka (yellow-crested cockatoo cacatus sulphurea), kàriku (eclectus parrot eclectus roratus), katàla (great-billed parrot tanygnatltus megalorynchos) and pirihu (rainbow lorikeet trichoglossus haematodus) as all belonging to a “single group” (satu kelompok, indonesian). the way in which this was initially revealed is worth elaborating. translating kàriku with indonesian burung nuri (parrot), one man quickly qualified this by stating that there are two kinds (of kàriku): kàriku and pirihu, of which kàriku was the larger. later, he described both katàla and kaka as also forming a single group with kàriku and pirihu. (no one was familiar with a fifth category, wowangu, denoting the red-cheeked parrot geoffroyus geoffroyi; see forth 2000). as kambera informants pointed out, all these birds were trapped in former times because all could be trained to talk. a visual expression of the standard pairing of pirihu (rainbow lorikeet), and kaka (yellowcrested cockatoo) in sumbanese ritual speech is shown in figure 1. in my earlier study i stated that the five named parrot categories recorded for eastern sumbanese (here including wowangu) “do not compose a distinct intermediate grouping—or at least not one that is named” (forth 2000:173). information from kambera mostly qualifies this statement: they do compose a recognized folk-intermediate taxon albeit one which, like many folk-intermediates, is covert. larger columbiformes. in forth (2000) i described larger columbiformes as composing a single intermediate taxon named rawa, a term which also polysemously designates a member specified as rawa kamukumu, the green imperial pigeon ducula anea. composing a total of six, all names distinguishing kinds of rawa similarly comprise rawa plus a modifier, but how many taxa these distinguish remains unclear in view of the treatment of some as synonyms of others (forth 2000:178-79). this may suggest that rawa in the most inclusive sense could alternatively be interpreted as a polytpic folk generic incorporating a number of named folk-specifics. however, in view of the rindi representation of the imperial pigeon as a bird quite distinct from other rawa, and because this species and other large columbiformes (e.g. rawa tana, the emerald ground-dove) possess quite different symbolic and metaphorical profiles, it seems reasonable to treat the several rawa—or some of them at least—as distinct folk-generics (see also forth 2012 regarding dhéke [rat, mouse] as a named intermediate among the nage of central flores). forth. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(1):45–52 49 data, methods & taxonomies information on larger columbiformes recorded in kambera in 2015 is comparable to what i recorded in rindi in 2000, although two rindi names (rawa ratu and rawa kakoruku) were not recognized by kambera informants. binomials of rawa given by kambera informants included rawa nggawi, an obvious variant of rindi rawa kawi which previously seemed unique to rindi (forth 2000:178) and which may refer to the endemic sumba green pigeon treron teysmannii. all this is consistent with the status of rindi speech as a variant of kambera, in which regard it is noteworthy that, in both cases, speakers are often aware of differences in regional usage. while expressing doubt as to its veracity, one man mentioned the indigenous idea that rawa kamukumu, the green imperial pigeon ducula aenea, is unable to alight on the ground as it would die it did so. the same idea applies to the imperial pigeon in the keo region of south-central flores (where this bird is also named rawa). by contrast, among the nage, who reside immediately to the north of keo, inability to alight on the ground is attributed to the asian paradise-flycatcher terpsiphone paradisi, specifically in opposition to the brown quail coturnix ypsilophora, which is described as unable to perch in trees. confirming forth (2000:168), none of the information recorded in kambera suggested that smaller doves labeled mbàra (see below) are included in the grouping labeled rawa. thus, insofar as rawa denotes a polytypic folk-taxon—either a folk-intermediate or folk-generic—this obviously does not include all columbiformes known to the eastern sumbanese, and since all pigeons and doves are, for example, killed and eaten, there appear to be no cultural criteria which, in addition to size, could explain the classificatory separation of larger and smaller kinds (rawa and mbàra). bats. contrary to an earlier suggestion that bats may compose a “possible intermediate” (forth 2000:171), with panii designating both flying foxes (pteropus spp.) and a larger class additionally including smaller species, information from kambera tends to confirm my alternative interpretation of panii as labeling a single folk-generic subsuming all bats. responding to questions, a kambera informant described panii ru kaluu (meaning “banana leaf bat”) as simply denoting immature specimens of larger bats; the term, however, more likely refers to microchiropterans that frequent banana trunks, thereby distinguishing a folk-specific subsumed in panii interpreted as a folk-generic (see onvlee 1984; also the rindi contrast of panii bokulu and panii kudu, terms which simply mean “large bat” and “small bat,” forth 2000:180). according to the same informant, panii palinju wiki (“bat that fouls itself”), another phrase recorded by onvlee, refers simply to a general habit of bats, as they normally rest hanging upside down and so regularly urinate (palinju) on themselves. if this is correct, then rather the name of a taxon, the expression is probably a metaphor which refers to certain kinds of human behaviour. since the primary referent of pahomba, another term given in rindi for a kind of small bat (forth 2000:180), is in fact a kind of spirit, i am now inclined to understand its earlier reported application to bats as a reference to small chiropterans as animal forms these spirits can assume, rather than as a name for a distinct bat ethnotaxon. as noted above, panyonga makaweda, a term not known in kambera, actually refers in rindi not to a bat but to the nightjar. another correction concerns an earlier suggestion that the name panii (or paní in onvlee’s transcription), also the word for “to speak, talk,” designates bats by reference to the chattering vocalization of flying foxes (forth 2000:180). as a reference to bats, panii reflects pmp *paniki, “flying fox” (blust 2002:107), and as shown by distinct cognates of panii as the term for “bat” and in the sense of “to speak” in western sumbanese languages, the two senses evidently reflect figure 1 plaque in front of the offices of the regency of sumba timur (east sumba) showing cockatoos (kaka) on the left and lorikeets (pirihu) on the right. beneath the bird figures are written the complementary phrases kaka makanguhuru//pirihu pauli which in formal speech refer to large groups of people gathered together to prosecute an important undertaking (g. forth). forth. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(1):45–52 50 data, methods & taxonomies different protoforms. furthermore, in the sense of “to speak” eastern sumbanese panii is apparently constructed of a root (ni) plus the commonly fused prefix pa(cf. klamer 2009:254). polytypic generics and folk-specifics although the subject of polytypic generics (folkgenerics comprising two or more folk-specifics, sensu berlin 1992) was not addressed in forth (2000), the earlier evidence revealed three instances: mbàra, ‘small dove’, comprising two named specifics (mbàra manu and mbàra nggela), mbaku, “eagle, large hawk,” insofar as the category admits a distinction of mbaku tehiku and at least one other kind of mbaku, and rendi (‘duck’), comprising at least two specifics. as discussed above, rawa (pigeon, larger dove) can now be understood as another instance of a polytypic generic, as can panii (bat). as mentioned in forth (2000:174), people in rindi stated there were two unnamed kinds of terns (sterninae), karata, while a sumbanese informant interviewed in 1999 in kupang similarly described a “pure white” kind of tern, which is found near inland waters, and a cream-colored kind “with dark marks on the back of the head” which occurs in coastal regions. how exactly these may align with the several species of terns occurring on sumba i am unable to determinate. nevertheless, karata, can be provisionally interpreted as another polytypic generic, albeit one comprising two covert (unnamed) folkspecifics. information recorded in kambera in 2015 revealed five additional polytypic folk-generics. these include: 1) kahiku (kingfisher), subsuming two kinds: kahiku luku, “river kahiku,” typically found near rivers or other bodies of water, and other kingfishers, simply called kahiku. here, then, we have another instance of the common polysemy whereby a single term labels both a more inclusive generic and a folk-specific. as kahiku luku was described as having a red bill, the name may specifically refer to the stork-billed kingfisher halcyon capensis, whereas the usual referent of kahiku (without qualification) is most likely the collared kingfisher halcyon chloris, whose bill is mostly dark-gray. the nominal distinction is comparable to the nage (central flores) contrast of fega ae (“water, river kingfisher,” h. capensis) and fega wolo (“hill, dry land kingfisher”), the second term usually denoting the white-rumped kingfisher caridonax fulgidus, another species with a red bill (forth 2004). 2) powa (quail). kambera informants mentioned two kinds of powa, a larger sort named powa manu and a smaller called powa ndau. here, we find another use of manu, “chicken, domestic fowl” gallus gallus, to distinguish the larger or largest of two or more kinds. examples recorded in forth (2000) include rawa manu, mbàra manu, and rendi manu, labeling respectively larger kinds of pigeons, doves, and ducks. i was unable to establish a relevant sense for the contrasting modifier ndau, in powa ndau. onvlee’s gloss “(covered in) mould, fungus” (1984) suggests it could refer to plumage, but then the term would have to be construed, according to onvlee’s transcription, not as ndau but nda’u. 3) wàngi (owl). in forth (2000) wàngi is identified, following onvlee, as specifically denoting the barn owl tyto alba. according to kambera informants, however, it applies to two distinct kinds of owls, including one with striped or mottled plumage, but neither sort is distinguished by name. here, then, we apparently encounter another instance of covert folk-specifics, and since coates and bishop (1997) list only three confirmed species of owls for sumba—two belonging to the tytonidae (barn owls) and one to the strigidae (the sumba boobook ninox rudolfi, an island endemic)—the two covert taxa very likely correspond respectively to members of these two owl families. 4) kaka (yellow-crested cockatoo cacatua sulphurea citrinocristata; the endemic sumbanese subspecies is also known as the citron-crested cockatoo). kambera people speak of two sorts of cockatoos: kaka and kaka ratu (ratu denotes an indigenous religious or ritual leader). kaka ratu was described as a cockatoo which a long crest which can be either orange or pink. on the other hand, onvlee (1984), says the binomial refers to a cockatoo with red eyes. either way, as there is only one species of cockatoo on sumba, and moreover just one subspecies (coates and bishop 1997), kaka and kaka ratu cannot distinguish different ornithological taxa, and since red eyes are specific to females (at least in some subspecies of cacatua sulphurea; www.parrots.org/encyclopedia/yellow-crestedcocackatoo, site accessed 16 december 2015), the partly distinct names may, as onvlee’s description would suggest, instead reflect sexual differences, forth. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(1):45–52 51 data, methods & taxonomies thereby constituting an instance of “overdifferentiation” in folk biological taxonomy. 5) kàriku (eclectus parrot eclectus roratus cornelia). forth (2000) describes rindi people as recognizing kàriku muru and kàriku rara (‘green’ and ‘red’ kàriku) as respectively males and females of a single species. while eclectus males and females are indeed respectively green and red, kambera informants interpreted the terms as labeling two distinct taxa, each including both males and females, and thus confirming dammerman’s report (1926a:213-14) on sumbanese bird classification. in that case, the categories reveal another instance of over-differentiation, comparable to that suggested by the contrast of kaka and kaka ratu. miscellaneous addenda manginu labels a folk-intermediate comprising a large number of small passerine birds, some further distinguished by name (forth 2000). at present, the most common kind found in the kambera region, including the town of waingapu, is apparently the tree sparrow (passer montanus). these ubiquitous birds, which throughout indonesia occupy the same ecological niche as do house sparrows (passer domesticus) in europe and north america, arrived on sumba in 1949 (coates and bishop 1987:494). i do not recall seeing any during my two-year sojourn in 1975–76 (hence they are not mentioned in forth 2000) nor is their presence reflected in onvlee’s or kapita’s dictionaries. during my recent stay in parai liu (kambera) i often observed specimens of the great tit (parus major), a bird not mentioned in forth (2000). the birds are noticeably smaller and less colorful than european or japanese conspecifics. while tree sparrows can be distinguished as manginu kani (forth 2000:177), so far as i could discover great tits are known only as manginu. the name toturu laka, given by onvlee (following dammerman 1926) for the lesser coucal (centropus bengalensis), was not recognized in kambera. curiously, the only name i recorded for the coucal in 2015, offered by just one informant, was kutuku, which by all other accounts denotes another large dark cuckoo, the australian koel eudynamis everetti. as another name listed for the coucal in forth (2000) is the nearly identical tutuku, ‘kutuku’ in this context is probably a simple error. the informant, however, remarked how certain of the bird’s vocalizations were produced with the anus, an idea previously recorded for the coucal on sumba (forth 2000) as well as among the nage of flores (forth 2004), thus indicating that the reference was this bird rather than the koel. as indicated above, karata, terns (sterninae), occur not only in coastal areas of sumba but also near inland bodies of water. the settlement which now forms the administrative centre of the modern regency (kabupaten) of lewa—a region of lakes, ponds, and paddy fields located in sumba’s interior plateau—is called pameti karata, “death of the terns,” taking its name from a reputedly historical incident in which a flock of terns, flying overhead, suddenly died and fell to the earth. the well-known tale relates no more than this, and i heard no reason—mystical or otherwise—for the birds’ sudden demise. this is one of the few instances in which birds lend their names to places in eastern sumba; other examples, both designating uninhabited locations, include hibu kaka (“cockatoo’s nest[s]”) and hibu mbaku (“eagle’s nest”). among the numerous named patrilineal clans that populate the region, i have only ever come across one which takes its name from a bird. this is wàngi rara (“red owl”), a binomial which, it should be noted, does not definitely designate either of the covert owl folkspecifics mentioned above. summary and conclusions additional data recorded in 2015 do not significantly affect the outline of eastern sumbanese folk taxonomy published in forth (2000). recent field information affirms ikitu (diurnal raptors), manginu (small passerines), and rawa (larger columbiformes) as named intermediates while revealing an additional, unnamed (covert) intermediate: “parrots.” including panii (bat, now interpreted as a generic rather than an intermediate taxon) as well as three recently identified instances (kahiku, kingfisher; powa, quail; and wàngi, owl), polytypic folk-generics now number ten. of these, kaka and kàriku (each comprising two folkspecifics, kaka and kaka ratu and kàriku rara and kàriku muru) are further included in the unnamed ‘parrot’ intermediate. consistent with this taxonomic elaboration is the prominent occurrence of various parrot generics in eastern sumbanese symbolic genres, more particularly in myth and parallelistic ritual language (forth 2000:181-84; see also figure 1 above) —a point lending support to a view of folkintermediates as often reflecting ‘cultural’ associations (e.g. atran 1983). forth. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(1):45–52 52 data, methods & taxonomies a review of 56 eastern sumbanese bird names recorded in forth (2000) suggests that 50 denote folkgenerics. to these may now be added the two new generics (denoting egrets and nightjars) recorded in 2015, as well as the single bat generic, panii, thus bringing the total to 53. of these, ten, or 18.87%, are interpretable as polytypic folk-generics. the figure for the nage of central flores is nine out of 68 bird generics, or 13%. new data brings the number of sumbanese bird folk-intermediates to four, of which three are named. the comparable nage figure is six, which includes three named and three unnamed intermediates (forth 2016:167). in both respects, therefore, eastern sumbanese bird taxonomy is quite comparable to what is found among the more thoroughly researched nage. acknowledgements i am grateful for the assistance of numerous people during my 2015 visit to sumba, but especially to domu hunggurama (aka boku lewa), umbu angga, and umbu mana, his wife sarah hobgen, and their extended family, who provided accommodation and hospitality in parai liu. special thanks are also owed to drs. bernardus retang wohangara, a native of the village of lambanapu, who supported my visa application and put me in touch with several prospective informants. declarations permissions: none declared. sources of funding: social sciences and humanities research council insight grant (2013-2017). conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited atran, s. 1983. covert fragmenta and the origin of the biological family. man 18:51–71. berlin, b. 1992 ethnobiological classification: principles of categorization of plants and animals in traditional societies. princeton university press, princeton, nj. blust, r. 2002. the history of faunal terms in austronesian languages. oceanic linguistics 41:89– 139. coates, b. j., and k. d. bishop. 1997. a guide to the birds of wallacea: sulawesi, the moluccas and lesser sunda islands. dove publications, alderley, australia. dammerman, k. w. 1926. soembaneesche dieren en plantennamen. tijdschrift voor indische taal-, land en volkenkunde 66:205–239. forth, g. 2000. eastern sumbanese bird classification. journal of ethnobiology 20:161–192. forth, g. 2004. nage birds: classification and symbolism among an eastern indonesian people. routledge, new york, ny. forth, g. 2016. why the porcupine is not a bird: explorations in the folk zoology of an eastern indonesian people. university of toronto press, toronto, canada. kapita, o. h. 1982. kamus sumba/kambera-indonesia. percetakan arnoldus, ende, indonesia. klamer, m. 2009. the use of language data in comparative research: a note on blust (2008) and onvlee (1984). oceanic linguistics 48:250–263. olivier, j. 1931. inheemsche taxonomie. de tropische natuur 20:1–4. onvlee, l. 1984. kamberaas (oost-soembaas)-nederlands woordenboek. foris publications, dordrecht, holland. 68  research communica on  flight feathers useless (alves et al. 2010; fitzwater 1982). birdlime has a long history of use in many parts of the world with the earliest written records in the west dating to ancient greece (macpherson 1897). birdlime was a particularly important hunting strategy before modern firearms became widely available (macpherson 1897). although most effective against smaller avifauna, birdlime has also been employed to capture large birds such as waterfowl, cranes, raptors, and pheasants (macpherson 1897). insects (macpherson 1897) and small mammals (fitzwater 1982) can also be taken by “liming”, and burton (1918) even reported observing indigenous hunters capturing tigers (panthera tigris l. felidae) with birdlime in india. birdlime is traditionally prepared from adhesive introduction hunting is a behavior of primary importance in the physical and social evolution of humans (cartmill 1993) and information on traditional hunting and trapping methodologies is of interest to anthropologists, archaeologists, biologists, conservationists, and wildlife managers (gilchrist et al. 2005; shaffer 1996). such information not only enhances our understanding of indigenous folkways and patterns of resource exploitation among traditional societies (shaffer 1996), but on occasion can be adapted by professional biologists to meet research objectives (mcclure 1956; van vliet et al. 2009). birdlimes are a class of adhesive entangling compounds used to capture birds (macpherson 1897) by binding them to a substrate and rendering their birdlime in western myanmar: prepara on, use, and conserva on implica ons for an endemic bird steven g. pla 1 , kalyar pla 2 , thet zaw naing 1 , hong meng 3 , win ko ko 1 , naing lin 1 , robert j. tizzard 1 ,  khin myo myo 1 , me me soe 2 , thomas r. rainwater 4   author address:  1 wildlife  conserva on society,  myanmar  program,  hlaing  township, yangon, myanmar,  2 turtle  survival  alliance, hlaing township, yangon, myanmar,  3 natma taung na onal park, kampetlet, myanmar,  4 u.s. fish and wildlife  service, charleston field office, charleston, south carolina, usa.  trrainwater@gmail.com  received: september 24, 2012  volume: 3:68‐75  published: december 17, 2012  © 2012 society of ethnobiology  abstract: birdlimes are adhesive entangling compounds that passively capture birds by binding them to a substrate and  rendering flight feathers useless. we inves gated birdlime use among indigenous chin hunters during a wildlife survey of  natma taung na onal park (ntnp) in western myanmar (may‐june 2011). we found that birdlime is prepared from the sap  of various banyan trees (ficus spp.) collected during the annual dry season (december‐may). birdlime is prepared by boiling  sap to remove water, and the finished product is a readily malleable and extremely adhesive compound known locally as  nghet phan te kaw (“bird glue”). hunters employ four principal strategies when using birdlime: 1) limed s cks are placed at  waterholes and springs; 2) limed s cks are placed in frui ng trees or nocturnal roost sites; 3) limed s cks are posi oned at  prominent vantage points and hunters mimic vocaliza ons to a ract birds; 4) small insects (possibly termites) are affixed to  a limed pole and serve as bait to a ract birds. large numbers (>200) of birds can reportedly be captured during a single day  by hunters using birdlime. at least 186 (63.9%) of 291 species of birds occurring in natma taung na onal park are thought  to  be  vulnerable  to  this  non‐selec ve  hun ng  strategy.  the  endangered  white‐browed  nuthatch  (si a  victoriae  rippon  si dae), a poorly‐studied endemic species restricted to high eleva on oak‐rhododendron forest in ntnp, is vulnerable to  birdliming,  although  the  impact  of  hun ng  on  popula ons  remains  unclear.  we  recommend  that  future  inves ga ons  determine the sustainability of the chin bird harvest by rela ng hunter off‐take to recruitment and survivorship of nuthatch‐ es. if conserva on ac on is deemed prudent, management plans should be developed in close collabora on with local chin  communi es.  key words: birdlime, ficus, natma taung na onal park, tradi onal hun ng, white‐browed nuthatch  mailto:trrainwater@gmail.com� 69  research communica on  resins and gums obtained from a wide variety of plants, often mixed with vegetable oils or turpentine to improve malleability (fernandes-ferreira et al. 2012; fitzwater 1982; macpherson 1897). occasionally plant-based dyes are included to camouflage the mixture (alves et al. 2010). although numerous plant sources of birdlime have been documented (macpherson 1897), reports describing the preparation of these compounds are notably absent from the literature (fitzwater 1982). in this article, we describe various aspects of birdlime use among chin hunters of western myanmar. we identify the plants used to manufacture birdlime, outline the preparation process, describe how hunters deploy birdlime to capture birds, and discuss the conservation implications of these practices. study area and methods the use of birdlime by indigenous hunters was investigated as part of a wildlife survey of natma taung national park (ntnp) in the southern chin hills of western myanmar (platt et al. 2012). ntnp encompasses 722 km2 of mountainous terrain that includes mount victoria (elevation 3,095 m), the highest mountain in central myanmar. the chin hills are inhabited by chin, a tibeto-burman people comprising one of the largest ethnic groups in myanmar (diran 2001). the chin are swidden agriculturalists who derive much of their protein from hunting, fishing, and free-range livestock (carey and tuck 1896; diran 2001). at least 78 villages, containing 12,000 total inhabitants, are located within the boundaries of ntnp, and shifting cultivation, hunting, and other forms of resource extraction are widespread despite the protected status of the area (platt et al. 2012; thet zaw naing 2003). the topography, vegetation, and wildlife of the chin hills are described in greater detail elsewhere (carey and tuck 1896; sayer 1983; thet zaw naing 2003). we conducted fieldwork in ntnp from 24 may to 14 june 2011. during this period we visited chin villages in the park where we conducted open-ended interviews (martin 1995) of individual hunters. because most chin are proficient in a variety of hunting methodologies (e.g., flintlock muskets, crossbows, traps, snares, nets, and birdlime) that are variously used depending on the species sought, we followed mcculloch et al. (1992) and defined “hunter” as any person who harvests wildlife irrespective of the method employed (i.e., projectile weapons or passive techniques such as traps, snares, nets, and birdlime). in accordance with the format of openended interviews, we asked each individual a series of questions that included standard questions prepared in advance and others that arose during the course of conversation (martin 1995). on several occasions, where it was not possible to interview single individuals, we met with groups of hunters simultaneously. in such cases we used a semi-directive approach (gilchrist et al. 2005), in which information was recorded as questions were asked and discussed more informally. interviewees were selected with the assistance of village leaders, and interviews were conducted in burmese by native burmese speakers. interviewees who spoke only chin were interviewed by one of us (hm) who is fluent in both chin and burmese. we began each interview by explaining the objectives of the wildlife survey and the role of the interviewee(s) in our research. questions about birdlime were embedded in a larger set of questions regarding the local occurrence and population status of wildlife (with an emphasis on large mammals, primates, and turtles), hunting and collecting methods, and levels of harvest. concerning birdlime we specifically asked: 1) do you use birdlime to capture birds?; 2) what plants are used to make birdlime?; 3) what parts of these plants are used to produce birdlime?; 4) what time of year do you harvest these plant materials?; 5) could you describe the collection process?; 6) could you describe the preparation process?; 7) how is birdlime stored?; 8) how is birdlime used to capture birds?; and 9) how many birds can you catch in a single day using birdlime? initially we queried interviewees about the species of birds captured with birdlime, but this question was discontinued due to confusion surrounding the local avian folk taxonomy. transcripts and summaries of interviews are contained in the field notes of steven g. platt archived in the campbell museum, clemson university, clemson, south carolina, usa. results we interviewed 47 chin hunters, all of whom claimed familiarity with birdlime suggesting this hunting strategy is widespread in the region. birdlime is known locally as nghet phan te kaw, which translates literally as “bird glue”. interviewees stated that wild birds are considered a delicacy among the chin, and described a complex hierarchal system of reciprocal food offerings, in which a person who is offered one food (e.g., domestic chicken) reciprocates with the offer of a 70  research communica on  higher ranking food (e.g., wild birds). birds are also sold in the local bushmeat trade and harvested for their plumage, which bedecks traditional headgear. birdlime is just one strategy among many used to harvest wild birds. hunters also described taking birds with muzzle-loading flintlock muskets charged with locally manufactured gunpowder, slingshots, nets, snares, and bamboo traps. according to interviewees, birdlime is prepared from the viscous sap of banyan trees (ficus l. moraceae; figure 1). ficus benghalensis l. and f. infectoria willd. are the preferred sources, although other ficus (f. religiosa l., f. nervosa b. hayne ex roth, and f. citrifolia mill.) are tapped if the preferred species are unavailable. sap collection is a seasonal activity and while march-april is regarded as the optimal harvest period, trees can be tapped at any time during the dry season (december-may). banyan trees are tapped in much the same manner as rubber (hevea brasiliensis mull. arg. euphorbiaceae); shallow diagonal grooves are cut into the cambium, which channel the sap downward into a collection receptacle. truncated cuts (7-10 cm) are made in the cambium because banyan sap is extremely viscous and unlike rubber, will flow only a short distance before coagulating. a bamboo culm (ca. 30-40 cm long) is attached vertically to the bole to collect flowing sap. once the bamboo culm becomes filled, the sap rapidly hardens into a solid mass. the culm is later split lengthwise, and the congealed mass scraped out and boiled slowly for several hours depending on the amount of sap collected. boiling serves to remove water from the sap and increase the adhesiveness of the final product. the resulting birdlime is a black, strong-smelling, extremely adhesive, readily malleable compound. hunters handle birdlime without it adhering to the skin by first wetting their fingers with water or saliva. birdlime is stored in a variety of non-edible gourd, reportedly for periods of up to 10 years. according to interviewees, birdlime maintains its adhesive properties even when stored in unsealed containers for long periods. birdlime can also be reused multiple times, after being cleaned of dirt, leaves, and other debris. cleaning is accomplished by boiling birdlime and skimming debris from the surface before allowing it to cool. some hunters now substitute traditionally prepared birdlime with commercially available entangling compounds designed to catch rodents. commercial rat glue is widely available, relatively inexpensive, easy to use, and requires no time-consuming preparation as does birdlime. birdlime is smeared on sticks or other surfaces where birds are likely to alight and become entrapped. lengths of bamboo are often used as a liming substrate owing in part to its widespread availability. bamboo is also relatively light in comparison to wood, making it easy to transport and place high in the canopy. four principal strategies for deploying birdlime emerged from our interviews. the most common seems to be the placement of limed sticks at waterholes and springs where flocks congregate. this strategy is generally employed during the hottest months of the dry season (february-april) and, according to sayer (1983), is particularly effective at higher elevations where water sources are limited. hunters described occluding parts of a waterhole with large leaves to funnel birds into a restricted area where limed sticks offer conveniently located perches. a second widely used strategy is to place limed sticks in fruiting trees where birds congregate to feed, or in thickets where large numbers gather to roost every night. a third method described by hunters is to place limed sticks at prominent vantage points (e.g., above the canopy), and after concealing themselves, attract birds by imitating vocalizations. birds arriving to investigate the vocalizations alight on the perches and become entrapped. finally, hunters described a method in which small winged insects that emerge en masse at certain times of the year (possibly termites), are captured and impaled on sharpened slivers of wood, which in turn are affixed to a limed pole. birds attracted by the insects alight on the limed pole. figure 1. indigenous hunters in the chin hills of western  myanmar prepare birdlime from the viscous sap of ban‐ yan trees (ficus spp.). photograph by win ko ko.  71  research communica on  despite being impaled, it is important that the insects remain alive, as their wing movements are said to attract birds. large numbers (>200) of birds can reportedly be captured during a single day by an individual hunter using birdlime. often so many birds are captured that hunters tally their harvest according to the number of baskets required to transport the catch, rather than count the individual birds. based on our interviews, birdlime appears to be a relatively non-selective hunting strategy, whereby any small to medium-sized bird coming into contact with a limed surface is likely to be trapped. although we were unable to determine which species are taken by liming, descriptions provided by hunters suggest that smaller birds (e.g., babblers, bulbuls, flycatchers, barbets, warblers, and finches) comprise the bulk of the catch. larger birds such as hornbills and pheasants are generally taken by shooting or snaring, respectively. discussion the use of birdlime by indigenous hunters in chin state and adjacent nagaland has been noted elsewhere (carey and tuck 1896; saul 2005; sayer 1983; thet zaw naing 2003), although in contrast to our report, sparse detail is provided in these earlier accounts. according to carey and tuck (1896:217), “pigeons and doves are caught with bird-lime, which is nothing more than the gum of a tree and which is smeared on the boughs of the trees which birds frequent”. saul (2005:65) stated the naga use “…sticky secretions from trees or seeds to trap small birds”. sayer (1983) observed small birds being trapped for food using birdlime smeared on sticks placed at mountain springs. thet zaw naing (2003) listed “gum traps” among the methods employed by hunters in natma taung national park to harvest small birds for domestic consumption and sale in local bushmeat markets. literature sources list a number of plants used to prepare birdlime elsewhere in south and southeast asia. banyan sap is widely used throughout asia, parts of africa, and the mediterranean to manufacture birdlime (macpherson 1897). similar to our findings, burton (1918) identified f. religiosa as a source of birdlime in india. other important plant sources in the region include cordia myxa l. boraginaceae (hutchinson 1918), loranthus odoratus wall. loranthaceae (kunwar et al. 2005), viscum album l. viscaceae (kunwar et al. 2005), various unspecified dipterocarpaceae (bourke 1925), and artocarpus heterophyllus lam. moraceae (reidinger and libay 1979); the latter of which is reportedly capable of restraining birds as large as hornbills (maynahan 2009). birdlime is derived from various parts of these plants, including mucilaginous fruits (kunwar et al. 2005), crushed cambium (macpherson 1897), fresh sap (macpherson 1897; reidinger and libay 1979), and resins (bourke 1925). while ethnobotanists have identified numerous plants used to make birdlime (fitzwater 1982), our report appears to be among the few that describe the preparation process (see also hiscox 1914; kunwar et al. 2005; macpherson 1897). similar to our findings, macpherson (1897: xxxii) stated that birdlime can be preserved for an “indefinite period” when properly prepared and stored in “reed vessels”. our study and others (sayer 1983; thet zaw naing 2003) found that chin hunters use birdlime exclusively to harvest birds for food and feathers. however, liming is a versatile technique that has been employed worldwide for a variety of reasons, including recreation and sport, agricultural crop protection, destruction of urban pest species, capturing birds for culinary reasons and to obtain feathers for the millenary trade, and capturing living birds for falconry, pets, and zoological specimens (alves et al. 2010; fernandes-ferreira et al. 2012; fitzwater 1982; gibson 1881; macpherson 1897; reidinger and libay 1979). when birdlime is employed for the latter purpose, birds must be rapidly released or will otherwise quickly succumb to exhaustion (alves et al. 2010). unfortunately, there is no evidence in the literature to indicate how birds are extracted from birdlime without injury and what techniques are used to clean this adhesive compound from feet and feathers when living birds are desired. this question warrants future investigation, as birdlime, like some other indigenous hunting techniques (e.g., mcclure 1956), could prove an effective tool for research and conservation. the strategies used by chin hunters to deploy birdlime are similar to those reported wherever this methodology is employed to capture birds (fernandes -ferreira et al. 2012; fitzwater 1982; macpherson 1897). the over-riding concern is to place birdlime in a manner that ensures physical contact with some part of the bird. limed perches seem be the most common method of deploying birdlime (fernandesferreira et al. 2012; macpherson 1897; reidinger and libay 1979). birds are often attracted to limed perches 72  research communica on  by bait in the form of food or water, vocalizations made by hunters, or decoy birds, which are usually conspecifics, but sometimes predatory species such as owls or hawks (fernandes-ferreira et al. 2012; macpherson 1897). in the latter case, hunters take advantage of mobbing behavior that passerines often exhibit towards predatory birds. limed perches can also be placed at locations where flocks regularly congregate (e.g., nocturnal roosts and fruiting trees). birdlime smeared on hanging strings has been used to ensnare flying birds (macpherson 1897). waterfowl and cranes have been captured by liming the inside of a baited paper cone, which becomes stuck as it covers the head when birds attempt to reach the bait, thereby compromising their vision. disoriented and unable to fly properly, birds are quickly seized by concealed hunters waiting nearby (macpherson 1897). nectivorous birds have been captured by smearing birdlime on the inside of flowers (gibson 1881). indeed, effective strategies for deploying birdlime seem limited only by the ingenuity of hunters and their knowledge of bird habits and behavior. consistent with our results, there is general agreement in the literature that birdliming is a highly effective non-selective hunting strategy that results in the harvest of large numbers of birds. according to macpherson (1897) thousands of passerines were harvested every day with birdlime during the passage of migratory flocks through southern europe. more recently, mcculloch et al. (1992) estimated that 2 million birds were harvested annually in cyprus with a combination of birdliming and mist netting. however, aside from general qualifiers such as “thousands”, “whole flocks”, or “great numbers”, studies which more specifically quantified the harvest of birds taken with birdlime or compared this method with other hunting strategies seem not to have been undertaken. such data are a necessary prerequisite for assessing the potential impact of this hunting strategy on bird populations. conservation implications concern regarding the population-level impacts of birdlime use in ntnp appear warranted given the ubiquity of this hunting strategy among hunters, the large number of birds evidently harvested with birdlime, and the elevated levels of hunting activity within the park despite its protected status (platt et al. 2012; thet zaw naing 2003). based on body size, behavior, and ecology, we conservatively estimate that 186 (64.2%) of 291 species of birds known to occur in ntnp (thet zaw naing 2003 and unpubl. data) are potentially vulnerable to entrapment with birdlime. of particular concern is the white-browed nuthatch (sitta victoriae rippon sittidae), a poorlystudied endemic species restricted to oakrhododendron forests above 2,400 m on mount victoria and adjacent peaks (figure 2; thet zaw naing 2003). the white-browed nuthatch is classified as endangered by the international union for conservation of nature (iucn), and populations are thought to be declining for reasons not fully understood, but probably at least partly due to habitat loss (iucn 2012). nuthatch populations may also be at risk from climate change, as elevational habitat zones undergo an upwards shift in response to warming temperatures, greatly reducing or perhaps potentially even eliminating existing oak-rhododendron forest (peh 2007). we regard nuthatches as especially vulnerable to birdliming owing to their small body size and habitat requirements; these birds occur at elevations where springs are the only dry season water source, and such sites are favored locations for setting out limed sticks (sayer 1983; this study). although hunter accounts describing the taxonomic composition of harvests proved difficult to interpret, that nuthatches are taken by birdlime is unequivocal. while conducting fieldwork in the park during 1997-2001, one of us (tzn) figure 2. the white‐browed nuthatch is endemic to high  eleva on oak‐rhododendron forests on mount victoria  where popula ons are likely to be at risk from con nu‐ ing habitat  loss and climate change. hun ng with bird‐ lime, ac ng in concert with habitat loss could poten ally  exacerbate popula on declines of this endangered spe‐ cies. photograph by thet zaw naing.  73  research communica on  encountered numerous birds entangled in birdlime, including five white-browed nuthatches. additionally, forest department rangers reportedly found whitebrowed nuthatches entangled in birdlime near popular bird watching sites in the park as recently 2011-12 (naing lin, unpubl. data). given its restricted natural distribution, coupled with predicted reductions in habitat, hunting with birdlime could potentially exacerbate current population declines of the white-browed nuthatch. however, it remains unclear what, if any role hunting plays in the dynamics of nuthatch populations, and without rigorous quantitative data on densities, recruitment, annual survivorship, and rates of hunter off-take (milner-gulland et al. 2003), any conclusion regarding the sustainability of the chin bird harvest would be premature and at best, speculative. although intensive hunting of rare species can result in extinction (fernandes-ferreira et al. 2012), many populations of small birds appear resilient in the face of moderate hunting pressure; hunting mortality is often not additive to natural mortality, and density-dependent processes seem to compensate for hunting losses such that breeding populations are ultimately unaffected (mcculloch et al. 1992). we therefore recommend that future investigators address the sustainability of chin bird hunting by first quantifying the harvest and then relating hunter off-take to annual recruitment and survivorship among nuthatch populations. if conservation action is deemed prudent to insure the long-term viability of nuthatch populations, any forthcoming management plan should be developed in close collaboration with local chin communities, taking into account the social, cultural, and economic factors that drive the harvest of small birds (alves et al. 2012; fernandes-ferreira et al. 2012). without the active participation of indigenous hunters in the planning and implementation of conservation initiatives, such efforts are unlikely to prove effective (alves et al. 2012; rao et al. 2011). this is especially true in myanmar where resources for enforcement are extremely limited, and implementing effective conservation measures depends on enlisting the cooperation of local communities (rao et al. 2011). acknowledgements this project was made possible through the generous support of andy sabin, the sabin family foundation, and the turtle conservation fund. u than myint and the wildlife conservation society–myanmar program are thanked for organizing the expedition and providing logistic support. we are especially grateful for the assistance of u tin myat soe (park warden of natma taung national park) for facilitating our fieldwork and sharing his extensive knowledge of the area. further gratitude is due the myanmar forest department staff and others who accompanied us into the field. additional support was provided by colin poole, joe walston, lisa yook, and the wcs asia program. madeline thompson is thanked for locating numerous obscure references. additional references were provided by lewis medlock, elizabeth bennett, rômulo alves, and madhu rao. we are grateful to thom hiers for translating a brazilian source into english. comments by lewis medlock and two anonymous reviewers on an early draft of this manuscript were most appreciated. the findings and conclusions in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of the u.s. fish and wildlife service. declarations permissions: permission to conduct research in western myanmar and among indigenous communities in the region was granted by the nature and wildlife conservation division of the myanmar forest department. our research is also in compliance with institutional guidelines of the wildlife conservation society and turtle survival alliance. sources of funding: this research was funded by a grant from the andy sabin family foundation and turtle conservation fund. salary support for most participants was provided by the wildlife conservation society's myanmar program. conflicts of interest: none. references cited alves, r. r. n., e. e. g. nogueira, h. f. p. araujo, and a. e. brooks. 2010. bird-keeping in the caatinga, ne brazil. human ecology 38:147-156. doi:10.1007/s10745-009-9295-5 alves, r. r. n., m. b. r. gonçalves, and w. l. s. vieira. 2012. caça use e conservação de vertebrados no semiárido brasileiro. tropical conservation science 5:394-416. bourke, d. 1925. monkey trainers and bird catchers in pattani, south siam. indian forester 51:1-4. burton, r. w. 1918. notes from the oriental sporting magazine. new series 1869-1879. journal of the 74  research communica on  bombay natural history society 25:491-493. carey, b. s. and h. n. tuck. 1896. the chin hills: a history of their people, our dealings with them, their customs and manners, and a gazetteer of their country. vol. 1. government printing office, rangoon, burma. cartmill, a. 1993. a view to a death in the morning. harvard university press, cambridge. diran, r. k. 2001. the vanishing tribes of burma. sterling publishing, new york. fernandes-ferreira, h., s. v. medonça, c. albano, f.s. ferreira, and r. r. n. alves. 2012. hunting, use and conservation of birds in northeast brazil. biodiversity and conservation 21:221-244. doi:10.1007/s10531-011-0179-9 fitzwater, w. d. 1982. bird limes and rat glues – sticky situations. proceedings 10th vertebrate pest conference 10:17-20. gibson, w. h. 1881. camp life in the woods and the tricks of trapping and trap making. harper and brothers, publishing, new york. gilchrist, g., m. mallory, and f. merkel. 2005. can local ecological knowledge contribute to wildlife management? case studies of migratory birds. ecology and society 10:20-31. hiscox, g. d. 1914. henley’s twentieth century formulas, recipes, and processes. norma w. henley publishing company, new york. hutchinson, j. 1918. cordia myxa and allied species. bulletin of miscellaneous information (royal botanic gardens, kew) 7:217-222. iucn. 2012. iucn red list of threatened species. version 2012.1. available at: http:// www.iucnredlist.org accessed on june 29, 2012. kunwar, r. m., n. adhikari, and m. p. devkota. 2005. indigenous use of mistletoes in tropical and temperate regions of nepal. banko janakari 15:38-42. macpherson, h. a. 1897. a history of fowling. david douglas, edinburgh, scotland. martin, g. j. 1995. ethnobotany: a methods manual. chapmen hall, london. maynahan, b. 2009. jungle soldier: the true story of freddy spencer chapman. quercus press, london. mcculloch, m. n., g. m. tucker, and s. r. ballie. 1992. the hunting of migratory birds in europe: a ringing recovery analysis. ibis 134(supplement):5565. mcclure, h. e. 1956. methods of bird netting in japan applicable to wildlife management problems. bird-banding 27:67-73. milner-gulland, e. j., e. l. bennett, and scb 2002 annual meeting wild meat group. 2003. wild meat: the bigger picture. trends in ecology and evolution 18:351-357. doi:10.1016/s0169-5347(03) 00123-x peh, k. s. h. 2007. potential effects of climate change on elevational distribution of tropical birds in southeast asia. condor 109:437-441. platt, s. g., win ko ko, kalyar platt, khin myo myo, me me soe and t. r. rainwater. 2012. species inventory and conservation status of chelonians in natma taung, national park, myanmar. hamadryad (in press). rao, m., than zaw, saw htun, and than myint. 2011. hunting for a living: wildlife trade, rural livelihoods, and declining wildlife in hkakaborazi national park, north myanmar. environmental management 48:158:167. doi:10-1007/s00267-0119662-z. reidinger, r. f., jr., and j. l. libay. 1979. perches coated with glue reduce bird damage in rice field plots. proceedings 8th bird control seminar, bowling green state university 8:201-204. saul, j. d. 2005. the naga of burma: their festivals, customs and way of life. orchid press, bangkok, thailand. sayer, j. a. 1983. a survey of natma taung (mount victoria), southern chin hills. field report 20, fo: bur/80/006. report to food and agriculture organization of the united nations, rangoon. shaffer, b. s. 1996. prehistoric small game snare trap technology, deployment strategy, and trapper gender depicted in mimbres pottery. journal of ethnobiology 16:145-155. thet zaw naing. 2003. ecology of the white-browed nuthatch sitta victoriae in natmataung national park, myanmar, with notes on other significant species. forktail 19:57-62. http://www.iucnredlist.org� http://www.iucnredlist.org� http://www.iucnredlist.org� http://www.iucnredlist.org� 75  research communica on  van vliet, n., e. kaniowska, m. bourgarel, c. fargeot, and r. nasi. 2009. answering the call! adapting a traditional hunting practice to monitor duiker populations. african journal of ecology 47:393399. biosketch steven g. pla  is the regional herpetologist for wildlife  conserva on society in southeast asia. he received his  b.sc.  in  forestry  and  wildlife  management  from  louisiana state university (1985), m.sc. in biology from  southeastern  louisiana  university  (1990),  and  ph.d.  in  zoology  from  clemson  university  (1996).  his  current  focus  is  the  study  and  conserva on  of  turtles  and  crocodilians  in  southeast  asia,  with  an  emphasis  on  myanmar, thailand, laos, and china.  birdlime in western myanmar: preparation, use, and conservation implications for an endemic bird << /ascii85encodepages false /allowtransparency false /autopositionepsfiles true /autorotatepages /none /binding /left /calgrayprofile (dot gain 20%) /calrgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /calcmykprofile (u.s. web coated \050swop\051 v2) /srgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /cannotembedfontpolicy /error /compatibilitylevel 1.4 /compressobjects /tags /compresspages true /convertimagestoindexed true /passthroughjpegimages true /createjobticket false /defaultrenderingintent /default /detectblends true /detectcurves 0.0000 /colorconversionstrategy /cmyk /dothumbnails false /embedallfonts true /embedopentype false /parseiccprofilesincomments true /embedjoboptions true /dscreportinglevel 0 /emitdscwarnings false /endpage -1 /imagememory 1048576 /lockdistillerparams false /maxsubsetpct 100 /optimize true /opm 1 /parsedsccomments true /parsedsccommentsfordocinfo true /preservecopypage true /preservedicmykvalues true /preserveepsinfo true /preserveflatness true /preservehalftoneinfo false /preserveopicomments true /preserveoverprintsettings true /startpage 1 /subsetfonts true /transferfunctioninfo /apply /ucrandbginfo /preserve /useprologue false /colorsettingsfile () /alwaysembed [ true ] /neverembed [ true ] /antialiascolorimages false /cropcolorimages true /colorimageminresolution 300 /colorimageminresolutionpolicy /ok /downsamplecolorimages true /colorimagedownsampletype /bicubic /colorimageresolution 300 /colorimagedepth -1 /colorimagemindownsampledepth 1 /colorimagedownsamplethreshold 1.50000 /encodecolorimages true /colorimagefilter /dctencode /autofiltercolorimages true /colorimageautofilterstrategy /jpeg /coloracsimagedict << /qfactor 0.15 /hsamples [1 1 1 1] /vsamples [1 1 1 1] >> /colorimagedict << /qfactor 0.15 /hsamples [1 1 1 1] /vsamples [1 1 1 1] >> /jpeg2000coloracsimagedict << /tilewidth 256 /tileheight 256 /quality 30 >> /jpeg2000colorimagedict << /tilewidth 256 /tileheight 256 /quality 30 >> /antialiasgrayimages false /cropgrayimages true /grayimageminresolution 300 /grayimageminresolutionpolicy /ok /downsamplegrayimages true /grayimagedownsampletype /bicubic /grayimageresolution 300 /grayimagedepth -1 /grayimagemindownsampledepth 2 /grayimagedownsamplethreshold 1.50000 /encodegrayimages true /grayimagefilter /dctencode /autofiltergrayimages true /grayimageautofilterstrategy /jpeg /grayacsimagedict << /qfactor 0.15 /hsamples [1 1 1 1] /vsamples [1 1 1 1] >> /grayimagedict << /qfactor 0.15 /hsamples [1 1 1 1] /vsamples [1 1 1 1] >> /jpeg2000grayacsimagedict << /tilewidth 256 /tileheight 256 /quality 30 >> /jpeg2000grayimagedict << /tilewidth 256 /tileheight 256 /quality 30 >> /antialiasmonoimages false /cropmonoimages true /monoimageminresolution 1200 /monoimageminresolutionpolicy /ok /downsamplemonoimages true /monoimagedownsampletype /bicubic /monoimageresolution 1200 /monoimagedepth -1 /monoimagedownsamplethreshold 1.50000 /encodemonoimages true /monoimagefilter /ccittfaxencode /monoimagedict << /k -1 >> /allowpsxobjects false /checkcompliance [ /none ] /pdfx1acheck false /pdfx3check false /pdfxcompliantpdfonly false /pdfxnotrimboxerror true /pdfxtrimboxtomediaboxoffset [ 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 ] /pdfxsetbleedboxtomediabox true /pdfxbleedboxtotrimboxoffset [ 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 ] /pdfxoutputintentprofile () /pdfxoutputconditionidentifier () /pdfxoutputcondition () /pdfxregistryname () /pdfxtrapped /false /createjdffile false /description << /ara <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> /bgr <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> /chs <feff4f7f75288fd94e9b8bbe5b9a521b5efa7684002000410064006f006200650020005000440046002065876863900275284e8e9ad88d2891cf76845370524d53705237300260a853ef4ee54f7f75280020004100630072006f0062006100740020548c002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e003000204ee553ca66f49ad87248672c676562535f00521b5efa768400200050004400460020658768633002> /cht <feff4f7f752890194e9b8a2d7f6e5efa7acb7684002000410064006f006200650020005000440046002065874ef69069752865bc9ad854c18cea76845370524d5370523786557406300260a853ef4ee54f7f75280020004100630072006f0062006100740020548c002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e003000204ee553ca66f49ad87248672c4f86958b555f5df25efa7acb76840020005000440046002065874ef63002> /cze <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> /dan <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> /deu <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> /esp <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> /eti <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> /fra <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> /gre <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> /heb <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> /hrv (za stvaranje adobe pdf dokumenata najpogodnijih za visokokvalitetni ispis prije tiskanja koristite ove postavke. stvoreni pdf dokumenti mogu se otvoriti acrobat i adobe reader 5.0 i kasnijim verzijama.) /hun <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> /ita <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> /jpn <feff9ad854c18cea306a30d730ea30d730ec30b951fa529b7528002000410064006f0062006500200050004400460020658766f8306e4f5c6210306b4f7f75283057307e305930023053306e8a2d5b9a30674f5c62103055308c305f0020005000440046002030d530a130a430eb306f3001004100630072006f0062006100740020304a30883073002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e003000204ee5964d3067958b304f30533068304c3067304d307e305930023053306e8a2d5b9a306b306f30d530a930f330c8306e57cb30818fbc307f304c5fc59808306730593002> /kor <feffc7740020c124c815c7440020c0acc6a9d558c5ec0020ace0d488c9c80020c2dcd5d80020c778c1c4c5d00020ac00c7a50020c801d569d55c002000410064006f0062006500200050004400460020bb38c11cb97c0020c791c131d569b2c8b2e4002e0020c774b807ac8c0020c791c131b41c00200050004400460020bb38c11cb2940020004100630072006f0062006100740020bc0f002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e00300020c774c0c1c5d0c11c0020c5f40020c2180020c788c2b5b2c8b2e4002e> /lth <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> /lvi <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> /nld (gebruik deze instellingen om adobe pdf-documenten te maken die zijn geoptimaliseerd voor prepress-afdrukken van hoge kwaliteit. de gemaakte pdf-documenten kunnen worden geopend met acrobat en adobe reader 5.0 en hoger.) /nor <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> /pol <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> /ptb <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> /rum <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> /rus <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> /sky <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> /slv <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> /suo <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> /sve <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> /tur <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> /ukr <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> /enu (use these settings to create adobe pdf documents best suited for high-quality prepress printing. created pdf documents can be opened with acrobat and adobe reader 5.0 and later.) >> /namespace [ (adobe) (common) (1.0) ] /othernamespaces [ << /asreaderspreads false /cropimagestoframes true /errorcontrol /warnandcontinue /flattenerignorespreadoverrides false /includeguidesgrids false /includenonprinting false /includeslug false /namespace [ (adobe) (indesign) (4.0) ] /omitplacedbitmaps false /omitplacedeps false /omitplacedpdf false /simulateoverprint /legacy >> << /addbleedmarks false /addcolorbars false /addcropmarks false /addpageinfo false /addregmarks false /convertcolors /converttocmyk /destinationprofilename () /destinationprofileselector /documentcmyk /downsample16bitimages true /flattenerpreset << /presetselector /mediumresolution >> /formelements false /generatestructure false /includebookmarks false /includehyperlinks false /includeinteractive false /includelayers false /includeprofiles false /multimediahandling /useobjectsettings /namespace [ (adobe) (creativesuite) (2.0) ] /pdfxoutputintentprofileselector /documentcmyk /preserveediting true /untaggedcmykhandling /leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice ethnobiology letters research communication 72 traditional knowledge, agave inaequidens (koch) conservation, and the charro lariat artisans of san miguel cuyutlán, mexico ana g. valenzuela-zapata 1 , irma lopez-muraira 2 , and marie sarita gaytán 3 authors’ addresses: 1 signo tequila foundation, 2 instituto tecnológico de tlajomulco, tlajomulco de zuñiga, jalisco, mexico, 3 university of utah, united states ana.valenzuela@gmail.com received: april 12 th 2011 volume: 2:72-80 published: november 16 th 2011 © 2011 society of ethnobiology abstract: the mexican sport of charrería, or mexican rodeo, developed in post-conquest mexico as a way of preserving and celebrating traditional cowboy riding and livestock handling skills. today, charrería is considered the national sport of mexico and the charro (cowboy) is also a celebrated icon of mexicanness. special handcrafted ropes used in charrería, known as sogas finas, or charro lariats, are made from the fibers of the agave inaequidens. the manufacture of charro ropes is an artisinal practice that requires both cultural and botanical knowlege. in the last ten years, there has been a significant decl ine in the a. inaequidens population in the cerro viejo mountain range of the central-western mexican state of jalisco, putting the financial wellbeing of local lariat artisans at risk. drawing on fieldwork and laboratory analysis conducted from 2002 throu gh 2010, we discuss the socio-cultural significance of charro lariats, detail the harvesting of a. inaequidens in relation to lariat craftsmanship, document the physical characteristics of the a. inaequidens from this region, and describe the relationship between traditional knowledge and the local economy. the goal of this research is two-fold: 1) to stimulate feedback between producers and consumers in an attempt to leverage the existing business cluster based on traditional knowledge and 2) to initiate dialogue concerning conservation, domestication, and sustainable management of the wild a. inadequidens population. key words: agave inaequidens, hard fibers, plant conservation, charro lariat introduction in 2002, farm technicians in san miguel cuyutlán, a small town in the western state of jalisco (figure 1), reported a decrease in the wild population of a. inaequidens asparagaceae koch in the surrounding cerro viejo mountains. a. inaequidens is the primary raw material used by lariat artisans (sogueros) to make charro lariats (reatas de ixtle or sogas finas), the ropes central to the popular mexican sport of charerría (mexican rodeo).the local craftsmen depend on this population of agave because it cannot be substituted with sisal and/or henequen, which are fibers made from two different agave species, (a. sisalana agavaceae perrine, henequen a. fourcroydes asparagaceae lem) or other synthetic materials for a. inaequidens fibers. since 2006, producers, researchers, and the local government have been working on a. inaequidens seed propagation and reforestation. while some progress has been made in cultivating the species, it is unclear whether or not the fiber quality will remain the same.1 in this article, we document the traditional knowledge associated with the art of charro lariat craftsmanship and address issues pertaining to the conservation of a. inaequidens in the cerro viejo mountain range. at least 200 families in the region support themselves by harvesting, extracting, and transforming by hand the long, shiny agave fibers into charro lariats. the relative economic success of this traditional craft reduces the need for labor-induced emigration from communities in the region. however, the wild populations of the once abundant a. inaequidens have diminished at the same time that the demand for charrería apparel in mexico and the united states has increased. as a consequence, the financial wellbeing of lariat artisans is being threatened during a period when they should potentially be making greater profit. what explains the disappearance of the native a. inaequidens? as we illustrate, this pheomenon is a result of a combination of factors that include disease, deforestation, and inexperienced agave fiber harvesters. the goals of this research are two-fold: 1) to stimulate feedback between producers and consumers in an mailto:ana.valenzuela@gmail.com ethnobiology letters research communication 73 figure 1: map of mexico showing the location of san miguel cuyultán in jalisco. attempt to leverage the existing business cluster based on traditional knowledge and the local economy and 2) to initiate dialogue concerning conservation, domestication, and sustainable management of the wild a. inadequidens population. methods in 2006-2007, we held a total of four focus group meetings at lariat-making workshops with fiber harvesters (ixtleros) to explore the role of traditional knowledge in relation to cultural, economic, and sustainability matters. each focus group was comprised of six to eight men and discussions addressed themes including agave harvesting, the diminishing numbers of a. inadequidens, lariat making, and the artisans’ concerns for their families and their communities. each focusgroup meeting lasted roughly two hours and segments of each gathering were video recorded.2 we also attended ten lariat-making workshops at two charrería schools: the colomos school of charrería, in guadalajara, the state capital of jalisco and lienzo charro in tlajomulco de zuñiga, a town just southeast of guadalajara. as participant observers at numerous charreadas (charro sporting events) in jalisco, we took field notes and recorded video of the various lariat techniques used throughout each competition. in november 2007, we conducted interviews with rope artisans in coatepec harinas near mexico city, another location where a. salmiana asparagaceae otto ex salm fibers are harvested. in total, from 2002-2010, we conducted 38 semistructured interviews with individuals involved in the production and use of charro lariats (15 ixtleros and crafters, 3 farm technicians, 20 charros and lariat sellers). botanical explorations were carried out from 2002 to 2007 in sites where field harvesters collect agave in the cerro viejo lowlands mountain region of tlajomulco de zuñiga and san miguel cuyutlán. specimens were prepared with labels detailing the date, locality, plant description (with or without flowers), and leaf-length measurement. the specimens were later taken to the technological institute of tlajomulco herbarium. with the technical assistance of several ethnobiology letters research communication 74 different harvesters, we collected agave specimens of different ages, both with and without flowers. the species were identified according to the principles outlined by gentry (1982). study area san miguel cuyutlán is located at 20° 20' n by 103° 14' w in the municipio of tlajomulco in the state of jalisco in western mexico. wild a. inaequidens populations in cerro viejo (cv) are found in oak forests with quercus laurina fagaceae bonpl., q. rugosa fagaceae née, q. candicans fagaceae née, and q. obtusata fagaceae humb. and bonpl. (gonzález 1986). the agave flourishes at high elevations on open rocky slopes associated with oak, pine–oak and pine–oyamel (abies sp.) forests. it is also found in tropical deciduous forests (vázquez-garcía et al. 2008). study limitations our initial findings suggest that two forms of agave correspond to the same species, a. inaequidens. however, due to the limitations we describe below, we cannot make taxonomic categorizations with regard to subspecies or varieties of the same taxon. since species of the agave genus are monocarpic and perennial, botanical studies and studies of agave biology must be long term if they are to obtain flowering specimens and to identify the new taxon.3 this limitation is even more severe when wild populations are overexploited. with so few specimens actually in flower, we were unable to write full descriptions of all the plants’ organs in the wide and narrow-leaved a. inaequidens we found. the joint limitations of having to find specimens in flower, and the long periods between flowering, meant we had to wait a long time to find samples where all the plants' characteristics could be observed and identified as species or varieties. therefore, we call attention to the need for more research that draws on both conventional and biomolecular botanical methods. other limitations were related to our interactions with informants. in particular, we found that lariat artisans were reluctant to talk to us about their traditional techniques for fear that they might be copied and reproduced in china. additionally, there was scant and sometimes contradictory information provided regarding costs and income because the artisans were concerned about tax issues. results background: the mexican sport of charrería charrería, or mexican rodeo, is a uniquely mexican cultural tradition involving technical equestrian skills associated with cattle ranching that can be traced to the arrival of the spanish in the fifteenth century. in addition to prompting drastic changes to the religious, political, and social lives of local populations, colonization introduced many new foods, traditions, and animals to the “new world.” one such animal was the horse. initially only elite men were permitted to own horses, but as cattle ranching began to develop, lower class mestizos were allowed to work in teams of men on horseback (nájera-ramírez 1994). on the open range, charros (hombres a caballo or jinetes) refined and perfected their horsemanship skills. the growth of the hacienda system with large landed estates created a demand for workers who could “break wild horses, feed and breed cattle, control bulls and broncos, and protect the cattle and themselves from the dangers of the range” (nájera-ramírez 1994:2). training and controlling animals required tools, such as thin ropes known as mecates, which were specifically designed for the ranching conditions of the mexican range. over the years, ranch workers adapted new saddle styles, riding, and roping techniques. in the 19th century, haciendas began to host public events for charros to compete and to demonstrate their horsemanship skills. when the economic significance of the hacienda system began to decline after the mexican revolution (1910-1920), so too did the need for charros. whereas charros once played a significant material role in the mexican economy, they were slowly becoming more recognized for their athletic and artistic capabilities (lecompte 1985). in 1921, the national association of charros was established to preserve and promote the cultural traditions associated with charrería. in 1933, mexican president abelardo rodriguez formally declared charrería the national sport of mexico. today, there are more than 900 charro organizations in mexico and the united states (palomar 2004). the lariat in charrería culture the contemporary charreada, or the main event associated with charrería culture, consists of competitions and also features food, live music, and dance performances. each charreada begins with a short opening ceremony in which competing teams parade their horses around the arena. once finished, the participants take their places for the first of nine demonstrations in ten events. a major component of the events involves the charros’ demonstration of his technical and artistic handling of the lariat. the lariat is the charros’ most important tool, and, unlike other equestrian sports, is an essential piece of equipment. in fact, charrería has its own specialized vocabulary ethnobiology letters research communication 75 table 1: charro events and characteristics of lariat use event resistance to tension resistance to friction floreo variants/bonus points fore-footing on foot and on horseback important less important very important/12 fore-footing from horseback important important very important/10 roping the hind legs important very important important team bull roping important less important very important/13 source: the authors, with data from charrería scoring rules. related specifically to rope use. for example, chorrear la soga (spray the rope) means to slip down out of the saddle while roping and catching the animal. today, much of this vocabulary is formally used in the specifications of events. table 1 shows the charro events which require the use of the lariat. below are a few examples of the events that feature lariat components. 1. piales (hind foot roping) consists of stopping a mare going out the gate, galloping along the track, being roped by the hindquarters by a charro mounted on a horse. 2. ternas (team bull roping) consists of three roping charros on horseback working as a team who must rope a bull, hobble it (rope it and catch it by the feet) and bring it down. they may use lariats, or other material to rope the feet of the animal. 3. manganas (forefooting) the charro, starting at least four meters from the edge of the ring, after flourishing his lariat, ropes the forequarters of the horse, who begins to run, having been driven by three mounted charros. once it is forefooted (its forefeet tied), the charro pulls on his lariat to bring it down. 3.1. manganas a pie (horse catching on foot) the charro positions himself in the arena and an untamed horse is guided to a run by three mounted teammates. the charro artistically twirls his lariat accumulating points in a display of skilled trick roping maneuvers and timing. he then throws a loop and attempts to catch the horse’s forelegs.4 3.2 manganas a caballo (foreleg horse catching from horseback) this event follows the same sequence as manganas a pie, except that it is conducted on horseback. charros are also judged by their abilities to perform the floreo (flowering of the lariat or flourishing a fancy rope) in which they maneuver the lariat in a wave-like pattern and execute revolutions or spins. each of the various floreo movements has a name, such as “change,” “mirror,” “spring,” and so on. the rules give precise definitions for scoring, bonus points, disqualifications, time limits for each events, and infractions. the ropes of san miguel cuyutlán charro lariats evolved from conventional rope (mecate) made from agave fibers (ixtle). over time, fiber harvesters (ixtleros), rope makers (sogueros), and charros improved on the basic design to make it more suitable for roping and handling horses and cattle in charreada competitions. once implemented, the modifications were systematized, and according to the charros we talked to, the changes added significantly to the artistic and technical level of sophistication central to handling the lariat. both charros and charrería scholars described the best quality ropes as those made of ixtle. (dean and rodriguez 2003); of those made of ixtle, ropes from san miguel cuyutlán (which are known as coyotlanas in charro slang), were identified as having the best reputation. charros preferred ropes from this town because of their better flexibility, strength, and color. further, the ropes are widely considered to cut the best figures, to produce the best performances, and to yield the most points when used in competition by professional charros (dean and rodriguez 2003). from mesoamerican ropes to charro lariats writing from an anthropological perspective, saumade (2008) contends that early ropes were used for hunting and as weapons in ancient mesoamerican society. beyond solely serving a material purpose, they were also symbolically significant. in particular, ropes were closely linked to family lineage (marriage, children, and blood ties) and also reflected the duality of the sexes, whereby men were symbolized by the rope itself and ethnobiology letters research communication 76 women were reflected in the circular forms of the manipulated rope. this gendered symbolism carries on today in charrería, and ropes are closely associated with masculinity. for example, in mexico, if someone is very manly or is good at something he is described as a lariat (reata). also, “to handle a lariat” has sexual overtones in relation to catching someone in a compromising sexual position (islas escárcega 1992). another popular expression, “lariat knowledge spare me, the lariat is all i need (lazar me sobra, reata es lo que me hace falta), refers to an individual who has the knowledge or ability to complete a challenging task, but lacks the proper equipment or tools to carry it out; in charro slang, it also refers to demonstrating one’s sexual prowess. further, ropes and lariats are commonly used in expressions to describe physical attractiveness. for example, a “good rope” (una buena reata) could describe an attractive woman. charro rope appears in official charrería guidelines as a wardrobe element without any description. in viii article chapter 57 of the 2011 charro rulebook (charrería reglamento 2011), charro attire and charrería regulations are described in detail; however, there is no mention of charro ropes. charros prefer ixtle or lechuguilla ropes because they work well in performances. soguillas (leather ropes) and paraffine-coated cotton are well suited in humid and hot regions respectively. in the past, generic names as ixtle and lechuguilla have resulted in incorrect botanical identification of agave fibers. ixtle refers to fibers from agave lechuguilla torr. agavaceae hutchinson, yucca carnerosana agavaceae (trel.) mckelvey, y. filifera chabauud agavaceae hutchinson, and aechmea magdalenae bromeliaceae (andré) andré ex baker (garcia-moya and ayala-sosa 2007). the term lechuguilla is registered by colunga-garciamarin et al. (2007) to name the following agavaceae species: a. zebra gentry, a. angustiarum trel., a. angustifolia haw., a. atrovirens karw. ex salm-dyck, a. aurea brandegee, a. bovicornuta gentry, a. cantala (haw.) roxb. ex salmdyck, a. fortiflora gentry, a. funkiana k. koch & c.d. bouch, a. gigantesis gentry, a. kerchovei lem, a. lechuguilla torr., a. lophanta schiede, a. maximiliana baker, a. maximiliana var . katherinae gentry, a. palmeri engelm, a. peacockii croucher, a. scabra gentry, a. schotii engelm a. shrevei gentry, and a. sobria (trel.) i.m. johnst. a. lechuguilla is the most important hard fiber plant from central and northern arid areas in mexico (reyes-agüero, aguirre, and peña 2000) but it is not adequate for charro ropes. according to the charros we interviewed, the agave fiber ixtle (from a. inaequidens and a. salmiana) is irreplaceable because of the specific conditions and attributes developed by the formal structure of charrería as a sport. earlier versions of ropes used by professional charros were much thicker than their current counterparts, changing from 36 wires to one with a heart (central wire) to 6 wires (miranda 1993). rope thickness was one of many changes that took place as charrería evolved in the early part of the twentieth century (palomar 2004). specifically, the ropes became thinner as charros’ roles changed from exclusively working on haciendas (e.g., breaking horses) to taking on more showmanship qualities (e.g., competing in rodeos). taxonomy and agave fibers the agave genus is the most diverse genus of the agavaceae family. of some 200 species in the new world, 150 (75%) are found in mexico with 69% endemism (garcia-mendoza 2002). today there are primarily four uses for agave: as fibers, as aguamiel (sap), as pulque (fermented sap), and as mezcal or tequila (distilled from the cooked and pressed juices of agave) (valenzuela and nabhan 2004). in the last ten years, scholars have made important inroads with regard to documenting the agricultural diversity of the agave genus in mexico. specifically, there are many botanical studies on the agave species used in the distillation of tequila and mezcal (colunga-garciamarín et al. 2007), while less is known about the agaves used in pulque or for fibers. from an economic perspective, fibers made of henequen (a. fourcroydes and a. lechuguilla) are the most important, but research on these plants has diminished in the last several years. otherwise, agave species are currently attracting renewed interest for their ability to produce biomass for biofuel production in non-irrigated marginal land (nobel 2010; valenzuela 2011). today, wild and native species of the agave genus are used for fiber and handicrafts mainly by indigenous communities. in the northern state of sonora, indigenous groups utilize a. jaiboli gentry and a. angustifolia haw. (yetman and van devender 2002) and in the southern state of oaxaca they use: agave americana l. var americana, a. americana var oaxacensis gentry, a. angustiarum trel., a. angustifolia var angustifolia haw., a. angustifolia var rubescens gentry, a. convallis trel., and a. horrida lem. ex jacobi hutchinson (garcia-mendoza 2004). agave inaequidens in cerro viejo the a. inaequidens plant grows in volcanic soils on cliffs and ravines of the sierra madre occidental and the trans-mexican volcanic belt (gentry 1982) and is the ethnobiology letters research communication 77 primary raw material for mezcal (valenzuela et al. 2008) and raicilla (a type of mezcal made from a. lechuguilla) (conabio 2005). like other species of the crenatae group (gentry 1982), they have interbred, and are plants with medium to large rosettes, which rarely reproduce asexually by rhizome or axillary shoots. their main characteristic is their deeply crenate and mammillated leaf margins. this study also reports for the first time on the importance of the specificity of a. inaequidens, section crenatae use in the tradition of handcrafted charro ropes and details their unique attributes for their use in charrería competitions. herbarium materials and field observations show that a. inaequidens grows in two forms in cerro viejo: wide leaves and dense inflorescences, and narrow leaves and sparse inflorescences, the latter perhaps an effect of selection. the plants are in anthesis in winter and fruits and flowers are picked in february. handcrafting cluster in san miguel cuyutlán a. inaequidens grow wild on the rocky volcanic slopes of the cerro viejo mountains (2960 m) about an hour out of the city of guadalajara on the highway to colima. the fibers are extracted from the leaves, and the sap left after the fibers are stripped is used to prepare cancer remedies. the floral axes are roasted for food, and the flowers, which are eaten by deer, are used as bait by hunters. some agave fiber harvesters (ixtleros) stated that aguamiel (a drink prepared from the sap) used to be extracted from these plants, but during the study period, no aguamiel was seen being sold in the region. aguamiel is obtained by cutting the central cone of leaves and carving out the base to collect the sap that runs down from the leaves by the force of gravity. approximately 200 families in san miguel cuyutlán earn supplemental income by harvesting fiber and making rope. this region of jalisco is known for its wood and fiber, its kitchen tools made of volcanic rock, and its metal-working crafts. the production of ropes in cuyutlán is a localized production system in which fiber harvesting and collecting, rope production, and charrería all take place around the cerro viejo mountain region. the area has considerable emigration and the main source of income is from family members working in the united states. a rope production unit is composed of a master rope maker, who knows the entire process, and two apprentices. only men are rope makers. each unit has its own shed and area for hanging ropes, but up to five units may share a plot of land, splitting the cost of renting the lot. sales are mainly local and within mexico, but consumption of these products is beginning to increase in the united states as charrería becomes more popular. rope crafters sell to charros, small-scale merchants, and specialized stores, several of which are on the internet. they also sell their ropes at charreadas. agave harvesters and traditional knowledge the ixtlero selects, harvests, and extracts the fiber. he uses three tools: a board (tabla), a knife (raspador), and a pocket knife (cuchilla) to cut up the leaf and strip the fibers. the ixtleros have traditional, particular skills pertaining to how to select and harvest plants. specifically, they have intimate knowledge of the process of picking and stripping the leaves and removing the fibers and the post-harvest treatment. in addition, they know how to protect and evaluate wild populations and the fiber quality. harvest we measured the best leaf dimensions preferred by collectors in a sample (n=4) of the best plants chosen for harvest by ixtleros. to find one plant whose leaves are suitable for picking, an ixtlero must walk at least one hour, and in general it takes a full 8-hour working day to obtain 6 leaves, the quantity that will yield 1 kg of fiber. plants are harvested for the first time (the leaves are not cut off, but detached) when they are 5–7 years old. the agaves which are used are about 7 years old, and after one year they produce around 6 leaves, and fewer the next year. a plant may be harvested three times and it is then left to flower. we believe that it is for this reason that wild semi-domesticated populations growing in forest clearings have the most fiber. stripping after the leaves have been detached, the edges are cut to make them easier to handle and strip. the leaf is placed on a stone and beaten with a stick to soften the texture. the leaf is then placed on a plank made from avocado wood (persea gratissima lauraceae mill) and tied in place, and the fibers are stripped with a pocketknife. this task must be done very carefully to avoid cutting the fibers, which are 1 to 1.20 meters long. the fibers are a shiny whitish-green color and smell like watermelon. some ixtleros claim that working with the fibers causes kidney and lung problems. the maximum price for fiber in san miguel cuyutlán is 200 mexican pesos per kg, so the price for raw material for one rope alone is 1000 pesos. if the fiber from the state of mexico costs between 50 and 70 pesos, the cost of a lariat is 50% less. in a working day ethnobiology letters research communication 78 one ixtlero harvests and prepares 1.5 to 2 kg and approximately 1 kg is obtained from 6 leaves. a rope length 30 brazadas (about 28–30 m) needs from 4.5 to 5 kg of fiber. ixtleros and lariat makers mentioned that changes in land use, deforestation, grazing, forest fires, and overexploitation of the resource by new and young ixtleros with little knowledge affected a. inaequidens repopulation. despite their opinionated responses, each interviewee mentioned that they could not say with any certainty which of the circumstances was more responsible for the decrease in agave. further, they explained that until a community standards compliance agreement is made, negative environmental changes will likely continue in cerro viejo. they also expressed regret regarding their potential role for not engaging in sustainable practices and remained concerned about having to make their lariats with substandard agave fiber. on our visits to wild a. inaequidens populations, we recorded diseases such as core rot (due to erwinia spp. pathogens) and insect pests such as the agave weevil (scyphophorus acupunctatus gyllenhal curculionidae). although hunting was not mentioned, it could be a factor affecting populations, as the flower stalks are picked by hunters to attract deer, who like to eat them. with the decrease in a. inaequidens populations in cerro viejo, rope makers have begun to partially substitute fibers from coatepec harinas near mexico city. using information they provided, we calculated that the fibers bought in coatepec harinas represent 80% of the total fibers needed to replace those from cerro viejo. more long-term studies are needed to monitor newly germinated, young, and adult plants. rope production in san miguel cuyutlán the production and value-added chain of rope crafting in jalisco begins with the quality of the raw material obtained from a. inaequidens and continues with the work, entirely by hand, of the artisan, ending with the consumer (the charro) who gives the rope the final touch, or “tames” it. there are no records of total rope production, but we estimate that each workshop, which is comprised of anywhere from three to twelve employees, works 6 months of the year (24 weeks), making 5 ropes a week for a total of 120 ropes per year. we calculate the annual production of one workshop to be 24 ropes with a total of 600 ropes for the five workshops in the region. rope quality and reputation the flexibility, lifetime, resistance to friction, tempering (ability to retain shape), weight and color of the san miguel cuyutlán-produced ropes help charros to better execute the skills needed to earn more points during competitions. stiff, heavy ropes are less flexible and more likely to crack, making them less suitable for executing the figures of the floreo. points are deducted from the charros’ score if the rope breaks. a good lariat will withstand the friction, heating and stretching that it is subjected to in charrería events. the quality and lifetime of a rope are dependent on the material it is made of and the process of making it, maintenance, the event it is used for, and humidity and moisture levels. a rope will last a charro between four months to four years with the average being one year. charros attribute the quality of a lariat to the material (ixtle) and the process by which it is made. a rope’s propensity to dry out, and therefore to weaken and crack or break, is considered to result from the spinning technique and the length of the fibers. if resistant yarns of uniform thickness are formed in the rope-making process, the rope will be more durable. for this reason, the shorter fibers of other agaves such as sisal, henequen, and lechuguilla are not suitable. rope artisans sign their work by an industrial color; during the process the first meter of the rope is dyed in a pattern using yellow, red or black, or a combination of colors. the price of a rope depends on its quality, length, and the process used to make it varying from 125 to 250 us dollars. the demand for charro ropes was estimated conservatively from the number of ropes used per year per team in a national championship competition. in one year, there are an average of 150 charrería teams, and twenty ropes per team, hence a demand of 3000 ropes in four years and an annual demand of 750 ropes. there are no recorded data for this industry, but using our information, we assume a total annual value of 112,500 us dollars (150 usd per unit). according to the charros we interviewed, the best ropes in mexico are crafted in san miguel cuyutlán, and the second-best are those made in coatepec harinas. charro associations in jalisco appraise the ropes from different regions of mexico as follows:  ropes tend to be too dry and do not last long (oaxaca and northern mexico)  ropes are not tight enough and deform with use (central mexico).  coatepec harinas ropes are heavier and tend to lose their form. in summary, the quality of the fiber and the local expertise in san miguel cuyutlán of hand spinning and ethnobiology letters research communication 79 other traditional knowledge are what make this rope the best. discussion and conclusion although much has been written about charrería and charro culture, little is known about the handicrafts associated with these traditions. even less is known about the role of agave inaequidens as a source of charro rope raw material or the factors that explain the recent decrease of its population. this study fills in some of these gaps by documenting the local use and cultural and economic value of a. inaequidens in san miguel cuyutlán and by addressing the possible causes of the decrease in the wild population. to understand the importance of fiber from wild agaves, we examined the regional cluster of rope making in charrería and the traditional knowledge which is widely recognized as an important part of mexico’s cultural heritage. as our interviews illustrate, rope artisans value their heritage and recognize the importance of the traditional knowledge that they zealously maintain with the unwritten details of the process. one unresolved matter that concerns the craftsmen is the safety of their intellectual property, and the possibility that their skills might eventually be adopted in china, which could undermine the already tenuous sustainable circumstances of their trade. many of the artisans stated that they were interested in registering a collective trademark, but they could not afford the fees associated with such an undertaking. other concerns included the high rate of emigration to the united states, which resulted in fewer young men entering the seasonal rope crafting profession as apprentices. rope crafting not only provides added income in the dry season when the demand for farm labor is low in the region, but also helps the men maintain their roots in the region. we also found that, a. salmiana fibers from central mexico were not a good quality substitute for a. inaequidens fibers from the cerro viejo mountains. during the 2008-2009 global financial crisis, the demand for lariats decreased slightly. as a consequence, pressure on the local agave population did not increase, but concerns about the supply continued, as dependence on raw materials from outside of cerro viejo remained consistent. the lariat artisans were adamant that partial substitution for local fibers has a limit. too great a proportion of non-local fiber will decrease the overall quality of their lariats. in the long run, this could have a negative effect on their reputation and on the price of the ropes. the traditional knowledge held by agave fiber harvesters could be used to set community standards which might lead to local environmental governance as a first step towards a sustainable management plan. a similar route has been taken in the south of mexico with a. cupreata mezcal production, where the model looks toward reforestation and not commercial plantations (larson, valenzuela-zapata, and illsley 2007). we suggest that systematized work with stakeholders is needed to solve the overexploitation problem. the training and bringing together of the various social actors should integrate traditional ecological knowledge to promote sustainable extraction. in addition, development agreements with charrería associations should be fostered by local governments, and more research is needed to better understand the potential for other collaborative projects. specifically, more technical studies are needed in demographic, biological, ecological, hydrological, ethno-ecological areas of analysis, and on the potential use of intellectual property initiatives for rural artisans. finally, interdisciplinary researchers should engage in more rural, participative, communal studies to gain greater insight into what the artisans and other stakeholders see as the problems affecting their environment instead of first turning to biotechnological solution tools that tend to reduce biological diversity with in vitro plantations (personal communication, dr. juan florencio gómez 2010). acknowledgements this study was made possible by the valuable information provided by the ixtleros, rope crafters, and charros of jalisco and the state of mexico. we would like to thank cynthia fowler and gwyn fisher for their translation assistance. we are also grateful for the critical feedback from the anonymous referees and the valuable comments from dr. alejandro de avila. references cited dean, frank and rodriguez ignacio, 2003. trick and fancy roping in the charro style. wild west arts club, las vegas, nv. garcía-mendoza, a. 2002. distribution of the genus agave (agavaceae) and this endemic species in mexico. cactus and succulent journal 74:177-187. garcía-mendoza, a. 2004. agavaceas. in biodiversidad de oaxaca. instituto de biología, edited by j. garcía, abisaí, m. j. ordoñez and m. briones-salas, pp. 159– 169. unam-fundo oaxaqueño para la conservacion de la naturaleza-world wildlife fund, mexico. garcia-moya e. and c. ayala-sosa. 2007. la lechuguilla: del rescate de un recurso? in lo ethnobiology letters research communication 80 ancestral hay futuro: del tequila, los mezcales y otros agaves, edited by s. p. colunga-garcía marín, luis eguiarte, a. larqué-saavedra and d. zizumbovillarreal, pp. 355–365. cicy, mérida, yucatán, méxico. gonzález, v. l. m. 1986. contribución al conocimiento del género quercus (fagaceae) en el estado de jalisco. colección flora de jalisco, universidad de guadalajara, mexico. gentry, h. s. 1982. agaves of continental north america. university of arizona press, tucson. islas escárcega, leovilgildo. 1992. diccionario y refranero charro. edamex, méxico. larson, j., a. g. valenzuela-zapata, and c. illsley. 2007. del whisky escocés al mezcal: diferenciación y etiquetado, desarrollo y conservación. in lo ancestral hay futuro: del tequila, los mezcales y otros agaves, edited by s. p. colunga-garcía marín, luis eguiarte, a. larqué-saavedr,a and d. zizumbovillarreal, pp. 213–228. cicy, mérida, yucatán, méxico. lecompte, m.l. 1985. the hispanic influence on the history of the rodeo, 1823-1922. journal of sport history 12(1):21-38. nájera-ramírez, o. 1994. engendering nationalism: identity, discourse, and the mexican charro. anthropological quarterly 67(1):1-14. nobel, p. s. 2010. desert wisdom/agaves and cacti: co2, water, climate change. iuniverse, inc., new york. palomar verea, c. 2004. el papel de la charrería como fenómeno cultural en la construcción del occidente de méxico. revista eruopea de estudios latinomericanos y del caribe. available at http://www.cedla.uva.nl/50_publications/pdf/revista/ 76revistaeuropea/76palomar.pdf. accessed on june 21, 2011. reyes-agüero, j. a., r. j. r. aguirre, and b. peña. 2000. aprovechamiento de agave lechuguilla torrey. boletin de la sociedad botanica de mexico 67:75-88. saumade, frédéric 2008. maçatl. les transformations mexicaines des jeux taurins. presses universitaires de bordeaux, france. valenzuela, z. a g. 2011. a new agenda for blue agave landraces: food, energy and tequila. gcb bionergy 3(1):15–24. valenzuela, z. a g. and g. p. nabhan. 2004. tequila. a natural and cultural history. university of arizona press, tucson. valenzuela, z. a. g., a. regalado, m. mizoguchi. 2008. influencia asiática en la producción de mezcal en la costa de jalisco. el caso de la raicilla. méxico y la cuenca del pacífico 11(32):81–116. vázquezgarcía, j. a. et al. 2007. taxonomía del género agave en el occidente de méxico: una panorámica preliminar. in los agaves del occidente de méxico, edited by j. a. vázquez-garcía, m.j. cházaro, g. hernández, v. e. flores, and y. l. vargas-rodriguez, pp. 38–82. universidad de guadalajara cucba-cucsh, mexico. yetman, d. and t. r. van devender. 2002. mayo ethnobotany: land, history, and traditional knowledge in northwest mexico. university of california press, berkeley. biosketches ana g. valenzuela zapata is professor at university of guadalajara cucienega and signo tequila president charged in agave landraces conservation. irma lópez muraira is professor at instituto tecnológico de tlajomulco in jalisco. marie sarita gaytan is an assistant professor sociology and gender studies at the university of utah. 1 we will have more information in six years (2017) when the first plants are ready for harvest. 2 approximately 40 high quality video segments are now available for public viewing on youtube. 3 for this paper we assume it is the same species, however we cannot be sure if there are actually two subspecies without further studies and flowering samples. that is, all we can state scientifically is that there may be two subspecies or intraspecific categories; however it could merely be a symptom of the domestication of plants selected from the same species. 4 tripping of horses has been voluntarily banned by official charro organizations since 1995. if a charro pulls the rope in an attempt to trip the horse, he is expelled for one year and fined $350 dollars. the individual is also subject to state laws and regulations where the practice is illegal. traditional techniques for the management of cactaceae in the americas: the relationship between use and conservation pedrosa et al. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(2):276–282 276 short topical reviews 2016; larrea-alcázar 2008). cacti are one of the few sources of water available to human populations during periods of prolonged drought (calvacanti and resende 2007). the usefulness of cacti to human populations in these adverse environmental conditions favors the development of a close relationship between the two, which often takes the form of intentional or unintentional management (blancas et al. 2013). people select species of cactaceae for use based on characteristics that offer a means of supplying the demand of consumption, with various types of harvesting and management practices that may or may not keep cacti intact (casas et al. 2001). the intentional selection of favorable characteristics in different species is established by local people. such practices include the protection of individuals in in situ or ex situ environments, which can lead to future phenotypic changes (casas et al. 2007). conservation of biodiversity in tropical forests has allowed for a co-management system carried out by the government and local communities, recognizing that cultural perception is an important introduction traditional societies throughout the world have developed relationships with natural resources and established methods for their management, which are shaped according to local needs. these cultural practices reflect the types of interactions that occur between humans and their natural resources (blancas et al. 2013). these interactions have important impacts on the diversity and distribution of nonhuman species, particularly plants. therefore, the vast knowledge that traditional populations possess regarding different forms of exploitation and management of natural resources, especially plants, is the subject of numerous ethnobotanical studies (albuquerque and hanazaki 2010; lopes 2017). among plants commonly managed by human populations are cacti (cactaceae), which are used mainly during seasonal drought for human food, animal fodder, and medicine (casas et al. 2014; lucena et al. 2015). cacti possess adaptive characteristics that allow them to grow and survive in conditions of low humidity typical of arid and semiarid regions (godínez-álvarez 2003; ferreira et al. tradi onal techniques for the management of cactaceae in the americas: the rela onship between use and conserva on kamila marques pedrosa¹, camilla marques lucena 1 , reinaldo farias paiva de lucena 2 , and sérgio de faria lopes 3 * ¹post‐graduate in environmental development, universidade federal da paraíba, joão pessoa, brazil. 2 laboratory of ethnobiology and environmental sciences, universidade federal da paraíba, joão pessoa, brazil. 3 laboratory of ecology and conserva on of neotropical dry forests, universidade estadual da paraíba, campina grande, brazil. *defarialopes@gmail.com abstract humans have used and coexisted with cac in arid regions of north and south america for thousands of years. species of the family cactaceae possess physiological adapta ons to arid and semi‐arid climates that have allowed them to be used as a resource throughout the year by tradi onal peoples. the objec ve of this review is to present informa on on the uses and management of species of cactaceae in the various regions of the americas. this review provides informa on relevant to conserva on policies regarding this important resource for local popula ons in semi‐arid regions. to fully understand how management can influence cac conserva on, a knowledge gap regarding the tradi onal management of cac needs to be addressed. received september 21, 2017 open access accepted september 7, 2018 doi 10.14237/ebl.9.2.2018.1117 keywords cac , local ecological knowledge, ethnobotany, management, conserva on copyright © 2018 by the author(s) licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open‐access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution‐noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by‐nc/4.0), which permits non‐commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. pedrosa et al. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(2):276–282 277 short topical reviews component for directing conservation actions (diegues 2000; norton 2001). this is especially true because the management techniques and methods adopted by local populations reflect adaptive ecological strategies that concentrate efforts to conserve resources important to the local economy (tickton et al. 2002). management of cacti species by local communities contributes to their distribution and species richness, which serve to ensure the economic and sociocultural success of the communities. however, improper exploitation can negatively affect management and increase risks to cacti populations (velásquez-mila et al. 2011). the objective of the present review was to gather information on the types of uses and management of species of cactaceae in various regions of the americas. this review provides information relevant to conservation policies regarding this important resource for local populations in semi-arid regions. cactaceae: species richness and distribution in the centers of cacti diversity the family cactaceae is part of a group of perennial xerophilous plants with morphological, physiological, and functional adaptations that allow them to survive in hot climates (sbrissa et al. 2012). physiologically, species of cactaceae are characterized by crassulacean acid metabolism (cam), which is a specific type of metabolism that enables them to obtain high concentrations of co2 (carbon dioxide) at night while the stomata are open, and store the carbon for photosynthesis during the day, when the stomata are closed; this reduces the loss of water to evapotranspiration (taiz and zeiger 2010). due to adaptations to the environmental stresses caused by the edaphoclimatic conditions of the different regions where cacti are found, cacti have a competitive advantage in environments where water is a limiting factor, such as arid, semi-arid, and micro-epiphytic habitats (taiz and zeiger 2010). species of cacti possess thorns, which are modified leaves that protect against predator attack and prevent dehydration due to the loss of excessive water through high leaf surface area. in addition, the roots of cacti give them an advantage in water storage (sbrissa et al. 2012). their fruits vary in shape and size, and can be capsulate, tomentose, spiny, and scaly; white, red, yellow, or blue in color (abreu 2008); carnose or dry; and dispersed by animals or by abiotic factors such as wind and water (duarte et al. 2013). there are about 2,000 species of cactaceae across 124 genera distributed in tropical and temperate regions of the americas (north, central, and south america) (rego et al. 2012), with four main centers of diversity (taylon in oldfield 1997): the united states, mexico, the andean region, and brazil (figure 1). however, some species of cacti are found on other continents, such as rhipsalis baccifera ((j.m. muell.) stearn), which has been recorded on continental africa, madagascar, and sri lanka, where it is suspected to have been introduced by migratory birds (cavalcante et al. 2013; cerutti 1984). species of cactaceae are distributed from canada in north america south to the region of patagonia in southern south america, including some caribbean islands (hunt and taylor 1990). in central america, cactaceae is most diverse and widely distributed in mexico, where there are around 900 species; mexico is considered the second most diverse center of cacti in the world. another center of diversity is the andes of south america, mainly in peru and bolivia (taylon in oldfield 1997). brazil is considered the most diverse center of cacti in south america, with about 39 genera and 260 species, 187 of which are endemic (zappi et al. 2016), with the state of bahia being the center of diversity (castro 2008). in brazil, cacti are distributed among environments of caatinga (a type of tropical dry forest ), tropical forest, cerrado, rock outcrops, and restinga forests (cruz 2011). in central brazil, species of the family cactaceae occur on rocky outcrops in the cerrado, and in some areas of the pantanal (zappi et al. 2011). the west-central region of the country has 33 recorded cacti species, of which six are endemic; southern brazil has a diversity of epiphytic cacti and is considered the second largest center of diversity in the country, but with only eight endemic species (pan 2011). the caatinga ecoregion in the interior of northeast brazil has the greatest number of individuals and species of cacti and the best edapho-climatic conditions for their growth (bernardes 1999). sixtytwo species of 19 genera of caatinga cacti have been identified (moro et al. 2014; zappi et al. 2016). of these, pilosocereus pachycladus f. ritter, cereus jamacaru dc, and pilosocereus gounellei (fac weber) are the species most used by local populations (male and female farmers [duque 2004]). rural human populations in the semi-arid regions of brazil farm and raise livestock as their main subsistence; however, pedrosa et al. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(2):276–282 278 short topical reviews the climate does not favor economic security throughout the year, which causes people to use cacti to meet their needs (duque 2004). in the absence of pasture, species of cactaceae are used for animal fodder and have become a strong cultural component of these traditional populations (lucena et al. 2015). human uses of cacti in the americas species of cactaceae are of potential use to human populations in several regions of the world (blancas et al. 2010; casas et al. 2014; fuentes 2005; lucena et al. 2012). the continuous manipulation of species by local communities for beneficial morphological and physiological characteristics contributes to their domestication, as is the case with the columnar cactus stenocereus stellatus ((pfeiff.) riccob) in mexico (casas et al. 1999). one of the earliest records of a domesticated cactus species is from mesoamaerica (casas et al. 2003). historical records in mexico from 1200 to 1400 years ago document a diversity of interactions between people and forest resources, with an emphasis on the cultivation and management of cacti for agricultural purposes (casas et al. 2011). this relationship between local populations and their plant resources still occurs, and has been documented by several recent ethnobotanical studies (lins-neto et al. 2012; lucena et al. 2015). recent studies in mexico (blancas et al. 2010; casas et al. 2001), cuba (fuentes 2005), colombia (fernández-alonso 2006), the united states (apadoca 2001), and brazil (lucena et al. 2012, lucena et al. 2013; lucena et al. 2015) have investigated the management of cacti (casas et al. 1997, 2006; lucena et al. 2013; pérez-negron et al. 2007) by different ethnic populations (local and traditional groups) who have used the resource for a variety of purposes (lins-neto et al. 2012). the need for, and abundance of, cacti relate to how they are used in the local culture and economy (lucena et al. 2015). mexico is characterized by an ancient culture of use and commercialization of cacti, wherein traditional populations use them primarily for human consumption (casas et al. 2006). records for the tehuácan-cuicatlán valley, which is the center of origin of columnar cacti, document the use of cacti as food by local populations beginning 1400 years ago (casas 2002; macneish 1967). in addition, there are records of very early ceremonial use of cacti in mesoamerica, especially with regard to mescaline. mescaline is a naturally occurring psychedelic alkaloid known for its hallucinogenic effects comparable to those of lsd and psilocybin. it occurs naturally in the peyote cactus (lophophora williamsii), the san pedro cactus (trichocereus pachanoi), and other members of cactaceae (crosby and mclaughlin 1973). the san pedro cactus has been used for healing and religious divination in the andes mountains for over 3000 years, with strikingly realistic imagery found in early chavín culture (ca. 900 bce) (burger 1992; bussmann and sharon 2006). in the semi-arid region of brazil (northeastern brazil), traditional human populations are usually farmers who use the parts of cacti that are most useful for rural construction (such as slats for houses and hedges) and as fodder for animals, since they are one of the few plant resources available throughout the year (lucena et al. 2012; lucena et al. 2013). the fruits of cacti are used in human food and in the manufacture of sweets (lucena et al. 2015), with cladodes and rackets being used for animal fodder (figure 2). traditional management of cacti some species of cacti may be undergoing involuntary or unintentional management by traditional communities, specifically by the selection of individuals with characteristics that meet the demand of consumption, and which can be maintained with different types of exploitative cuttings (casas et al. 2001). the intentional selection of favorable characteristics, by means of protecting certain individuals over others, can lead to phenotypic changes (casas et al. 2007). in this way, local populations perform management techniques with cacti that preserve desirable (e.g., sweet, fleshy, and large fruits, large cladodes and rackets, fast growth) and/or eliminate undesirable phenotypes (e.g., cacti that do not have parts useful to the local population) depending on the particular edapho-climatic conditions of a given region (blancas et al. 2010; casas et al. 2006; 2017; lucena et al. 2015). traditional management can be done in two distinct ways, in situ or ex situ, both of which favor plant abundance or diversity, and may include strategies including deforestation, burning, or even irrigation of desirable species (casas et al. 2014). the strategies used change according to the biocultural issues present in a community, and can vary from vegetative propagation of the species to the reduction of competition from non-useful plants (blancas et al. 2009; clement et al. 2010; gonzález-insuasti et al. 2007), by means of practices that employ selection pedrosa et al. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(2):276–282 279 short topical reviews criteria aimed at eliminating undesirable phenotypes and increasing the availability of the preferentially used plants (blancas et al. 2013). in situ management is when plants are managed in their natural environments, and has three manifestations: tolerance, protection, and promotion. tolerance is when the aim is to preserve individuals of the desired species before the preparation of the land (casas et al. 1997, 2001, 2006). protection is when competitors that may harm the species of interest are eliminated (e.g., pest removal), thereby guaranteeing and/or expanding useful plants (casas et al. 1997, 2001, 2006). management by promotion facilitates an increase in the number of individuals using techniques applied in their natural habitat, such as the application of fertilizers, manure, or compost, and the preparation of the soil and pruning (casas et al. 1997, 2001, 2006). on the other hand, ex situ management occurs within the anthropogenic fields with individuals being propagated through sowing and/or transplantation (casas et al. 1997a). ex situ management evolves over time through the selection of phenotypes that offer advantages, even when there are events that decrease the number of cacti (gonzález-insusti and caballer 2007). it also involves the selection of species for different types of exploitation (casas et al. 2006). in brazil, research concerning cacti management is emerging due to their importance in local economies and cultures, and the corresponding selection of individuals with economically viable characteristics (arellano and casas 2003). this kind of management has been recorded in the northeast region by lucena et al. (2012, 2013, and 2015), who have sought to understand how traditional management techniques have contributed to the processes that determine genetic variation, as well as the possible domestication of cereus jamacaru d.c. (mandacarú); c. jamacaru is one of several species of cacti that is used intensively by local populations in the semi-arid regions of brazil. lucena et al. (2015) point out that the overexploitation of cacti species, together with a lack of reforestation projects, has led to environmental problems that could result in decreased abundance of some species, including c. jamacaru. other types of management were also found in the brazilian semi-arid region by pedrosa (2018), who recorded management in natural environments (in situ), with the application of partial use and burning of the vegetative parts of the cacti in order to provide fodder for domestic animals. on the other hand, they found that species in domestic environments (ex situ) were positively affected by techniques that protected and promoted them, which favored their development and increased population density. these activities are linked to the ornamental value that cacti species provide to the local culture, thus facilitating their propagation and conservation. understanding how local practices can improve sustainable livelihoods is essential for maintaining the natural cycle of local biodiversity within varied socio-ecological contexts. perspective for conservation regions that harbor cacti tend to be in socioeconomically developing countries. these regions lack established conservation practices, especially regarding cactaceae, for which there are species that are of conservation priority. this is the case for species of the genera discocatus, melocactus, uebelmannia, and parodia (zappi et al. 2011), which are on the official endangered list of the ministério do meio ambiente brasileiro (brazilian ministry of the environment 2013). by linking the need for conservation to local biocultural knowledge, traditional management can be used as an alternative approach to conservation. this is especially relevant for cacti because they are currently suffering pressure from destruction of habitat for agricultural purposes and the unrestrained use of cacti to meet rural needs. from this perspective, investigations into the processes and patterns of distribution, use, and management of cacti species are increasingly needed, particularly as climate change contributes to more severe droughts in arid and semi-arid regions. furthermore, cacti conservation and management needs to be investigated carefully, taking into account risks to the genetic variability of cacti species. acknowledgements sérgio de faria lopes thanks the cnpq for the productivity grant awarded. declarations permissions: none declared. sources of funding: cnpq (conselho nacional de desenvolvimento científico e tecnológico) conflicts of interest: none declared. pedrosa et al. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(2):276–282 280 short topical reviews references cited abreu, d. d. s. 2008. germinação e morfo-anatomia do desenvolvimento em melocactus ernestii vauper e m. paucispinus heimem r.j. paul (cactaceae). unpublished master’s thesis, instituto de botânica, universidade de são paulo, são paulo, brazil. albuquerque, u. p., and n. hanazaki. 2010. recent developments and case studies in ethnobotany. sociedade brasileira de etnobiologia e etnoecologia, recife, brazil. apadoca, p. 2001. cactus stones: symbolism and representation in southern california and seri indigenous folk art artifacts. journal of california and great basin anthropology 23:215–228. arellano, e., and a. casas. 2003. morphological variation of escontria chiotilla (cactaceae) under silvicultural management in the techuacán valley, central méxico. genetic resources and crop evolution 50:439–453. bernardes, n. 1999. as caatingas. estudos avançados 13:35. blancas, j., a. casas, r. lira, and j. caballero. 2009. traditional management and morphological patterns of myrtillocactus schenckii (cactaceae) in the tehuacán valley, central mexico. economic botany 63:375–387. blancas, j., a. casas, s. rangel-landa, i. torres, e. pérez-negrón, i. solis, a. delgado-lemus, f. parra, y. arellanes, j. caballero, i. cortes, r. lira, and p. dávila. 2010. plant management in the tehuacán cuicatlán valley, méxico. economic botany 64:287– 302. blancas, j., a. casas, d. salicrup-pérez, j. caballero, and e. veja. 2013. ecological and socio-cultural factors influencing plant management in náhuatl communities of the tehuacán valley, mexico. journal of ethnobiology and ethnomedicine 9:39. doi:10.1186/1746-4269-9-39. brazilian ministry of the environment (ministério do meio ambiente brasileiro). 2013. instrução normativa no. 6 [web page]. available at: http:// www.cncflora.jbrj.gov.br/portal/pt-br/ listavermelha. burger, r. l. 1992. chavin and the origins of andean civilization. thames and hudson, new york, ny. bussmann, r. w. and d. sharon. 2006. traditional medicinal plant use in northern peru: tracking two thousand years of healing culture. jounal of ethnobiology and ethnomedicine 2:47. doi:10.1186/1746-4269-2-47. casas, a., b. pickersgill, j. caballero, and a. valientebanuet. 1997. ethnobotany and domestication in xoconchtli, stenocereus stellatus (cactaceae), in the techuacán valley and la mixteca baja, méxico. economic botany 51:279–292. casas, a., j. caballero, c. mapes, and s. zarates. 1999. manejo de la vegetacíon domesticacíon de plantas y origen de la agricultura em mesoamerica. boletín de la sociedad botánica 61:17–3. casas, a., a. valiente-banuet, j.l viveros, j. caballero, l. cortés, p. dávila, r. lira, and i. rodríguez. 2001. plant resources of the tehuacáncuicatlán valley, mexico. economic botany 55:129– 166. casas, a., and g. barbera. 2002. mesoamerica domestication and diffusion. in cacti: biology and use, edited by p. nobel, pp. 143–162. university of california press, los angeles, ca. casas a., a. otero-arnaiz, e. pérez-negron, and a. valiente-banuet. 2003. manejo y domesticacíon de cactáceas em mesoamérica. zonas áridas 7:73–103. doi:10.21704/za.v7i1.719. casas a., e. pérez-negron, a. otero-arnaiz, j. d. lucio, m. e. ruíz-duron, f. parra, and j. j. blancas. 2006. manejo tradicional y conservacíon de la diversidade biológica de cactáceas columnares. in tópicos em conservação e etnobotânica de plantas alimentícias, edited by u. p. albuquerque and c. de fátima almeida, pp. 75–92. nupeea, brazil. casas a., a. arnaiz-otero, e. perrez-negro, and a. banuet-valiente. 2007. in situ management and domestication of plants in mesoamerica. annals of botany 100:1101–1115. doi:10.1093/aob/mcm126. casas, a. 2011. silvicultura y domestication de plants em mesoamerica. in plantas, cultura y sociedade. estudio sobre la relación entre seres humanos y plantas em los albores del siglo xxi , edited by b. rondom, s. rebollar, j. caballero, m. a. martínez, and m. a. pérez, pp. 123–157. universidad autónoma metropolitana, iztapalapa, méxico. casas a., a. camou, a. otero-arnaiz, s. rangellanda, j. cruse-sanders, l. solís, i. torres, a. delgado, a. i. moreno-calles, m. vallejo, s. guillén, j. blancas, f. parra, b. farfán-heredia, x. aguirredugua, y. arellanes, and e. pérez-negrón. 2014. manejo tradicional de biodiversidad y ecossistemas pedrosa et al. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(2):276–282 281 short topical reviews em mesoamérica: el valle de tehuacán. investigación ambiental 6:23–44. casas, a., f. p. x. aguirre-dugua, s. rangel-landa, j. rangel-landa, m. vallejo, a. i. moreno-calles, s. guillén, i. torres-garcía, a. delgado-lemus, e. pérez-negrón, c. j. figueredo, j. m. cruse-sanders, b. farfán-heredia, l. solís, a. otero-arnaiz, h. alvarado-sizzo, and a. camou-guerrero. 2017. uso, manejo, y domesticación de plantas em mesoamérica. una estrategia de investigación estado del conocimiento sobre los. in domesticación en el continente americano. investigación para el manejo sustentable de recursos genéticos en el nuevo mundo, edited by a. casas, j. torres-guevara, and f. parra, pp. 31–325. universidad nacional agraria la molina, lima, peru. castro, j. p. 2008. número cromossômicos em espécies de cactaceae ocorrentes no nordeste do brasil. universidade federal da paraíba, joão pessoa, brazil. calvacante, a. 2013. cactos do semiárido do brasil: guia ilustrado. instituto nacional do semiárido, brazil. cavalcanti, n. b., and g. m. resende. 2007. efeito de diferentes substratos no desenvolvimento de mandacaru (cereus jamacaru p. dc.), facheiro (pilosocereus paclrycladus ritter), xiquexique (pilosocereus goumellei (a.webwr ex k. schum)bly. ex rowl) e coroa de frade (melocactus balnensis britton & rose). revista caatinga 20:28–35. cerutti, v. 1984. essai de multiplication interior de: trichicereus pachanoi, euphobia enopla, euphorbia aeruginosa. escola superior de agronomia de purpan, lisbon. clement, c. r., m. cristo-araújo, g. c. d’eeckenbrugge, a. a. pereira, and d. picançorodrigues. 2010. origin and domestication of native amazonian crops. diversity 2:72–106. cruz, b. m. 2011. estudos de longevidade e germinação em sementes de espécies do gênero melocactus (cactaceae) em morro do chapéu, chapada diamantina, bahia. unpublished master’s thesis, universidade federal de feira de santana, feira de santana, brazil. crosby, d. m. and j. l. mc laughlin. 1973. ltoya, 36. diegues, a. c. 2000. etnoconservação: novos rumos para conservação da natureza nos trópicos. hucitec\nupaub-usp, são paulo, brazil. duque, j. g. 2004. o nordeste e as lavouras xerófilas, 4th edition. banco do nordeste do brasil, fortaleza, brazil. hunt, d., and n. tatlor. 1990. the genera of cactaceae—progress toward consensus. bradleya 8:85-107. fernández-alonso, j. l. 2006. nueva espécie colombiana de browningia (cactaceae, cactoideae, browningieae) potencialidade promissória para el país. revista de la academia colombiana de ciências 3:19–30. ferreira, p. s. m., s. f. lopes, and d. m. m. trovão. 2016. patterns of species richness and abundance among cactus communities receiving different rainfall levels in the semiarid region of brazil. acta botanica brazilica 30:569–576. doi:10.1590/0102-33062016abb0084. fuentes, v. r. 2005. etnobotânica de cactáceas em cuba. in memorias del taller conservacíon de cactos cubanos, edited by l. r. gonzález torres, a. palmadora, and a. rodriguez, pp. 15–24. jardín botánico nacional, university of havana, cuba. godinez-alvarez, h. 2003. demographic trends in the cactaceae. the botanical review 69:173–203. doi:10.1663/0006-8101(2003)069[0173:dtitc] 2.0.co;2. gonzález-insuasti, m., and j. caballer. 2007. managing plant resources: how intensive can it be? human ecology 35:303–314. doi:10.1007/ s10745-006-9063-8. larrea-alcázar, d. m. 2008. spatial associations between two globose cacti and two dominant mimosoid bushes in a tropical semiarid enclave. ecotrópicos 21:97–105. lins-neto, e. m. f., n. peroni, c. m. c. maranhão, m. i. s. maciel, and u. p. albuquerque. 2012. analysis of umbu (spondias tuberosa arruda (anacardiaceae)) in different landscape management regimes: a process of incipient domestication? environmental monitoring and assessment 184:4489–4499. doi:10.1007/510661011-2280-7. lopes, s. f. 2017. the other side of ecology: thinking about the human bias in our ecological analyses for biodiversity conservation. ethnobiology and conservation 6:1–24. doi:10.15451/ ec2017086.14124. pedrosa et al. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(2):276–282 282 short topical reviews lucena, c. m., g. m. costa, r. f. sousa, t. k. n. carvalho, n. a. marreiros, c. a. b. alves, d. d. pereira, and r. f. p. lucena. 2012. conhecimento local sobre cactáceas em comunidades rurais na mesorregião do sertão da paraíba (nordeste, brasil). biotemas 25:281–291. doi:10.5007/21757925.2012v25n3p281. lucena, c. m., r. p. f. lucena, g. m. costa, t. k. n. carvalho, g. g. s. costa, r. r. n. alves, d. d. pereira, j. e. s. ribeiro, c. a. b. alves, z. g. m. quirino, and e. m. nunes. 2013. use and knowledge of cactaceae in northeastern brazil. journal of ethnobiology and ethonomedicine 62:1–11. doi:10.5007/2175-7925.2012v25n3p28. lucena, c. m., t. k. n. carvalho, j. e. s ribeiro, z. g. m. quirino, a. casas, and r. f. p. lucena. 2015. conhecimento botânico tradicional sobre cactáceas no semiárido do brasil. gaia scientia 9:77–90. mcneish, r. s. 1967. a summary of the subsistence. in the prehistory of the tehuacán valley, edited by d. s. byers, pp. 290–231. university of texas press, austin, tx. moro, m. f., e. n. lughadha, d. l. filer, f. s. araújo, and f. r. martins. 2014. catalogue of the vascular plants of the caatinga phytogeographical domain: a synthesis of floristic and phytosociological surveys. phytotaxa 160:1–18. doi:10.11646/phytotaxa.160.1.1. norton, b. g. 2001. conservation biology and environmental values: can there be a universal earth ethic? in protecting biological diversity: roles and responsibilities, edited by c. potvin, m. kraenzel, and g. seutin, pp. 71–102. mcgill-queen's, university press, montreal. pedrosa, k. p. 2018. uso e manejo tradicional de cactaceae no semiárido da paraíba, nordeste do brasil. dissertação de mestrado (desenvolvimento do meio ambiente) universidade federal da paraíba, joão pessoa, brazil. pérez-negrón, e., and a. casas. 2007. use, extraction rates, and spatial availability of plant resources in the tehuacán-cuicatlán valley, mexico: the case of santiago quiotepec, oaxaca. journal arid environmental 70:356–379. doi:10.1016/j.jaridenv.2006.12.016. plano de ação nacional para a conservação das cactáceas (pan). 2011. instituto chico mendes de conservação da biodiversidade, brasília, brazil . rego, j. o. 2012. reproductive biology of a highly endemic species: cipocereus laniflorus. taylor, n.p. and d. zappi (cactaceae). acta botanica brasilica 26:243–250. doi:10.1590/s010233062012000100023. sbrissa, f. c., and a. g. c. melo. 2012. conservação morfológica e conservação de anthocereus odorus f. titter. revista eletrônica de engenharia florestal 20:1. taiz, l., and e. zeiger. 2010. fisiologia vegetal, 4th edition. translated by eliane romanato santarém et al. artmed, porto alegre, brazil. taylor, n. p. 1997. cactaceae. in cactus and succulent plants: status survey and conservation action plan, edited by s. oldfield, pp. 17–20, 199–202. iucn/ ssc cactus and succulent specialist group, gland, switzerland. tickton, t. g., c. lisley, c. dalle, and s. johns. 2002. participatory ethnoecological research for conservation: lessons from case studies in mesoamerica. in ethnobiology and biocultural diversity: proceedings of the seventh international congress of ethnobiology, edited by j. r. stepp, f. s. wyndham, and r. k. zarger, pp. 575–584. university of georgia press, athens, ga. velásquez-mila, d., a. casas, j. torres-guevara, and a. cruz-soriano. 2011. ecological and sociocultural factors influencing in situ conservation of crop diversity by traditional andean households in peru. journal of ethnobiology and ethnomedicine 7. doi:10.1186/1746-4269-7-40. zappi, d., n. taylor, and j. lorocca. 2011. plano de ação nacional para conservação das cactáceas. instituto chico mendes de conservação da biodiversidade, brazil. zappi, d., n. taylor, m. r. santos, and j. larocca. 2016. jardim botânico do rio de janeiro. lista de espécies da flora do brasil: cactaceae. [web page]. available at: http://floradobrasil.jbrj.gov.br/jabot/ floradobrasil/fb70. accessed on may 10, 2017. microsoft word letter from the editors[3].doc ethnobiology letters                                                                                                          introductory letter      1 letter from the editors introducing ethnobiology letters  steve wolverton 1 , cynthia fowler 2 , david cozzo 3    author addresses:  1 university of north texas, department of geography, denton, tx 76203,   2 wofford college, department of  sociology, spartanburg, south carolina 29303,  3 north carolina state university, rtcar, cherokee, nc 28710  ethnobiologyletters@gmail.com    received: july 12 th  2010                     volume 1:1‐2  published:                  © 2010 society of ethnobiology    ethnobiology letters (ebl) is a peer-reviewed journal for short papers on topics related to ‘the study of human and plant and animal interactions.’ the journal was created to address a few needs that were explicated during the society of ethnobiology annual board meeting in 2010 in victoria, bc. first, there is no outlet dedicated to publishing short papers for ethnobiologists. second, the journal of ethnobiology, from time to time, receives papers that present important data but that do not fit the mission of the journal to publish full-length, problem-oriented articles. finally, the journal of ethnobiology is published twice per year; an open-access journal will publish a stream of papers between the two issues. to address these concerns, we decided to create a new complementary journal for the purpose of partnering with the journal of ethnobiology and our new, online monograph series contributions in ethnobiology. we immediately envisioned an open-access fully online journal to fill this niche, and ebl was born. we are interested in publishing a variety of types of papers, which we discuss in the rest of this letter. research communications research communications are short case studies that include description of methods, results, and brief discussion of the implications of results. these papers will be tight, short papers that deftly handle small problem-oriented case studies. by no means are these studies to be exhaustive and comprehensive; rather, their appeal should be their brevity and clarity. we envision topical studies with small scopes in ethnoscience, ethnoinguistics, archaeology, and other branches of ethnobiology. these could also include targeted ethnographic accounts, ethnohistorical background, and indigenous perspectives that clarify or contextualize specific topics relevant to ethnobiology. perspectives perspectives present essays about informed opinions, scholarly memoirs, and instructive stories relevant to ethnobiology. these essays may be purely theoretical, important anecdotes, critiques, or short empirical studies that back a theoretical position or an opinion. papers that ‘set the tone’ on an issue, that engage in vigorous debate, or that defend scholarly positions are especially welcome as perspectives. we also welcome responses to preceding perspectives. we anticipate these kinds of papers to challenge members of the discipline through presentation of new and/or provocative ideas. data, methods & taxonomies data, methods & taxonomies portray innovative approaches and/or communicate ethnobiological data, such as plant taxa and linguistic notes. one impetus for publishing ebl is to provide a forum for short contributions that are not very problemoriented and that may be entirely descriptive. for example, many a zooarchaeologist or paleoethnobotanist boasts notebooks full of precise morphological criteria that might be used to separate closely related plant or animal taxa, the remains of which are recovered from archaeological sites. in particular, studies that assess and validate or invalidate particular methods are welcome. in addition to data and methods papers, often important taxonomic lists of plants and animals from field studies should be published so that they are available for wider scholarly use. these lists should be ethnographically contextualized to broaden the impact of their publication. we anticipate publishing such lists with short assessments as to their importance in ebl. book reviews in the past, book reviews have been published in the journal of ethnobiology. however, since the society only ethnobiology letters                                                                                                          introductory letter      2 publishes two issue of the journal per year, it is important to preserve space in the journal for longer pieces. an advantage of publishing book reviews through ebl is that these important essays are made available rapidly through a very accessible forum. we anticipate publishing a greater number of book reviews, and we encourage our readers to submit reviews of intriguing books as often as possible. book reviews are not peer-reviewed but are read and edited by ebl editors. letter from the editors periodically we will write short opinion pieces that touch on issues relevant to the ethnobiologists or that solicit perspectives related to particular problems and issues. we look forward to publishing a variety of brief papers. paper format authors may send submissions as attachment in an email to ethnobiologyletters@gmail.com. texts are limited to 5000 words, 30 cited references, two figures, and one data table. ethnobiology letters follows the style guidelines of the journal of ethnobiology. ethnobiology letters appears in one volume per year and the number of papers varies annually. papers are grouped by type and paginated in their order of appearance in each volume. welcome to ebl. plants and health: new perspectives on the health-environment-plant nexus. edited by elizabeth anne olson and john richard stepp. 2016. springer, switzerland. 175 pp. 103 reviews mcalvay. 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):103–104 cases from latin america where elements of different health systems are selectively adopted in a piecemeal fashion, while laplante (chapter 2) asserts that “javanese” medicine is actually the result of cultural layerings of animist, hindu, buddhist, islamic, and bioscientific components. stepp (chapter 7) propounds the idea of importing diversity indices from ecology to better understand the asymmetrical distribution of medicinal plant knowledge in and across communities. plants and health also provides an important update to anthropological theory in ethnobiology. while the recent works of ontological and multispecies anthropologists like kohn, tsing, and viveiros de castro depend heavily on examples of human-plant and human-environment interactions, ethnobiology as a discipline is rarely explicitly mentioned and certainly not foregrounded in their discourse. this volume takes steps to actualize the potential contributions of ethnobiology to these movements. nearly every chapter thoroughly treats ontologies surrounding the body, causality of disease, diagnosis, and treatment. laplante (chapter 2) applies the “becomings” of deleuze and guattari and ingold’s (2011) interpretation of lefebvre’s “meshwork” to emphasizes the interpermeability of the barriers differentiating women from the plant medicines they express juice from. ferenczi (chapter 6) also draws on “becomings” and “meshwork” to fruitfully explore the entanglements of bribri, afrocaribbean, tica, and western canadian ontologies of people and plants. anderson (chapter 1), laplante (chapter 2) and bridges (chapter 4) dissect nuanced plants and health is comprised of ethnographic case studies which harness recent theoretical developments in anthropology and extend the field of ethnobotany still further beyond its origins in lists of plant uses. emerging from a session at the 2014 american anthropological association meeting with a similar name, the authors use examples of planthuman interactions to explore medical pluralism, tradition, authenticity, health sovereignty, neoliberalism, ontology, and other themes. this volume stands out for three major contributions. first, it embraces the complexity arising at cultural interfaces by engaging with dynamic medical pluralism. second, it demonstrates the rich potential of ethnobiology to be informed by, and contribute to, theoretical trends in anthropology such as multispecies ethnography and the ontological turn. third, it investigates the nuanced relationships of neoliberalism, the state, and human interactions with medicinal plants with sometimes surprising outcomes. plants and health departs from oversimplified narratives on globalization, binary indigenous/ biomedical modes of healing, and monolithic constructs of “medical knowledge,” instead engaging with the complexity of interacting medical systems. olson (chapter 5) argues that terms like “cultural diffusion,” “colonization,” and “cultural borrowing,” are insufficient to characterize the processes involved in the translation of healing systems across cultures. anderson (chapter 1) invokes latour’s (2004) actornetwork theory to interpret these dynamic hybridities. anderson (chapter 1), bridges (chapter 4), olson (chapter 5), and ferenczi (chapter 6) all demonstrate plants and health: new perspectives on the health-environment-plant nexus. edited by elizabeth anne olson and john richard stepp. 2016. springer, switzerland. 175 pp. alex mcalvay 1* 1 department of botany, university of wisconsin-madison, madison, wisconsin, usa. * alexmcalvay@gmail.com received september 6 , 2017 open access accepted september 10, 2017 doi 10.14237/ebl.8.1.2017.1100 copyright © 2017 by the author(s) licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. 104 reviews mcalvay. 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):103–104 (if not untranslatable) health concepts like ik’ among the yucatec of mexico, rasa in java, as well as samay and shinzhiyachina among the runa of ecuador. these same authors argue that western biomedicine fails to acknowledge the multidimensional benefits to wellbeing arising from plant-human interactions. laplante (chapter 2) and bridges (chapter 4) highlight local concepts of strengthening and health maintenance from plants that depart from treatmentcentric ontologies, and bridges (chapter 4) demonstrates how medicinal plants strengthen social ties as well as physical bodies in napo runa communities. the volume also deftly examines the roles of neoliberalism, globalization, and the state in humanplant relationships. in the complimentary works of mcnamara (chapter 3) and bridges (chapter 4), we see examples of sometimes counterintuitive consequences of neoliberalism and market economies on empowerment and disempowerment. mcnamara argues that the bangladeshi government and certain ngos are acting in a neoliberal manner by encouraging citizens to become self-sufficient in medicinal plant production and consumption. on first sight, this appears to be empowering, but mcnamara (chapter 3) argues that this is a neoliberal reassignment of responsibility for healthcare to individuals by an inadequate state. bridges (chapter 4) demonstrates how employing ethnomedical knowledge to treat illnesses arising from wage labor is a galvanizing act of resistance in ecuadorian napo runa communities. ferenczi (chapter 6) politicizes colonial and decontextualized ethnomedical tourism in costa rica and its impacts on ontologies of nature and culture. as a whole, this volume positions ethnobiology as a rich realm for leading edge anthropological inquiry in cultural interchange, ontology, and political economy. the complimentary expertise of olson and stepp enhance the volume and the lively, diverse offerings of the chapters are stimulating both individually and taken together as a complete work. each chapter adds nuance and challenge to monolithic concepts in ethnomedicine and global health, portending a dozen future lines of inquiry for anthropological ethnobotany. references cited ingold, t. 2011. being alive: essays on movement, knowledge and description. routledge, london and new york, ny. latour, b. 2004. politics of nature: how to bring the sciences into democracy. c. porter, trans. harvard university press, cambridge, ma. preliminary starch grain evidence of ancient stone tool use at the early archaic (9,000 b.p.) site of sandy hill, mashantucket, connecticut 87  research communica on  chloroplasts of plant cells and are composed of alternating layers of amylose and amylopectin carbohydrate molecules (torrence and barton 2006). storage starch grains, also known as “reserve” starch grains, are produced in the amyloplasts of corms, rhizomes, roots, tubers, seeds and fruits, and serve as a source of energy for plants during periods of germination, hibernation, and/ or dormancy (perry 2011; piperno 2006; torrence and barton 2006). because features of a starch grain such as the shape, size, hilum, extinction cross, cracks or fissures, lamellae, and surface texture are under strong genetic control, variations in these features are used to identify storage starch grains to a genus, species, or sometimes even variety level (reichert 1913). “transitory” starches, also known as “leaf” or “assimilation” starch grains, are smaller (typically less than five μm), and produced in the chloroplasts of leaves and other green tissues, and serve as temporary forms of energy storage that are utilized by plants immediately following the completion of their photoperiod (haslam 2004). southeastern connecticut’s sandy hill site (also known as ct site 72-97) (figure 1) is located on the mashantucket pequot reservation and has been introduction starch grain analysis is fast becoming a mainstay of archaeological and palaeoethnobotanical research and is useful for understanding ancient plant use practices and reconstructing paleoenvironments where the preservation of other types of remains such as charred seeds and wood, phytoliths, and pollen is poor (torrence and barton 2006). the early archaic (9000 ‒7000 b.p.) of southern new england remains an enigma in terms of subsistence practices despite its importance in helping researchers understand how people adapt to changing landscapes following the last glacial maximum (21 ‒ 14 kya b.p) (mcweeney 1999). the extensive stone tool assemblage recovered from the early archaic site of sandy hill at the mashantucket pequot reservation in mashantucket, connecticut presents a unique opportunity to explore how the inhabitants of this semi-sedentary village adapted to changing environmental conditions. this study highlights the potential use of starch grains found on museum curated stone tools for reconstructing plant use practices at this site. starch grains are microscopic semi-crystalline structures typically produced in the amyloplasts and preliminary starch grain evidence of ancient stone tool use at the  early archaic (9,000 b.p.) site of sandy hill, mashantucket, connec cut  thomas c. hart 1*  and timothy h. ives 2  author address:  1 department of anthropology, university of connec cut, beach hall u‐1176, 354 mansfield road, storrs,  connec cut 06269 usa.  2 rhode island historical preserva on & heritage commission, the old state house, 150 benefit  street, providence, rhode island 02903, usa.  * corresponding author: thomas.hart@uconn.edu  received: may 16, 2013  volume: 4:87‐95  published: september 2, 1013  © 2013 society of ethnobiology  abstract: early archaic subsistence strategies of new england remain poorly understood despite their importance in helping  researchers understand how people adapt to changing landscapes following the end of the last glacial maximum (21,000‐ 14,000 b.p.). excava ons at the mashantucket pequot reserva on in mashantucket, connec cut during the 1990s revealed  a large, semi‐sedentary village nestled alongside a complex wetland ecosystem. in this paper, we present preliminary starch  grain analysis of several stone tools recovered and curated from these excava ons. the results of this study indicate that  both transitory and reserve starch grains are preserved on these ar facts and that at least one of the ar facts may have  been used for leaf or stem processing. the results of this study also demonstrate the poten al for future research in which  paired macrobotanical and residue analysis will allow for a be er understanding of subsistence prac ces at the site and  during the early archaic in general. key words: paleoethnobotany, starch grains, new england, early archaic, lithics  88  research communica on  repeatedly excavated by the mashantucket pequot museum and research center (hereafter mpmrc) in collaboration with the university of connecticut’s department of anthropology. the most productive was a large-scale excavation (5,358 m2) from 1996 to 1997 that mitigated portions of the sandy hill site prior to development impacts associated with the expanding foxwoods casino complex. these efforts revealed a large multicomponent site dating back to the terminal pleistocene (forrest 1999) that contained over 300,000 artifacts. the site’s most archaeologically robust component spans the 9th millennium b.p. and manifests the gulf of maine archaic tradition (hereafter gmat); an early-to-middle holocene archaeological complex (14,000 ‒ 5000 b.p.) endemic to new england distinguished by enigmatic stone tool technologies and a notably ancient adaptation to wetland environments (mcweeney 1999; robinson and peterson 1993). sandy hill lies near the rim of the great cedar swamp basin, a large area that harbored a complex wetland system during the early holocene featuring wooded, swamp, marsh, and open-water habitats (jones and forrest 2003; mcweeney 1994; thorson and webb 1991). the site’s 14c date series (9340 ± 60 b.p. – 1010 ± 40 b.p.) (table 1) indicates multiple occupations with the earliest occupation coinciding with the existence of this wetland system and ends with the advance of the hypsithermal drying trend that turned the basin floor into a brushy field (forrest 1999). carbon-rich “black sand” layers at stratified gmat sites suggest intensive occupations (robinson and peterson 1993), an interpretation that is wellsupported at sandy hill where such layers constitute the remnants of pit-house floors (forrest 1999). these floors contained abundant macrobotanical remains including carbonized fuelwood, hazelnut shells, and parenchymous tissues. analysis of parenchymous tissues revealed the utilization of species associated with disturbed wetland and field environments such as cattails (typha sp. linnaeus poales: typhaceae) and yellow nutsedge (cyperus esculentus linnaeus poales: figure  1. loca on of sandy hill at the mashantucket pequot reserva on, ledyard, connec cut (adapted from jones and  forrest 2003: 75).   89  research communica on  cyperaceae) (d. perry 1998, 1999, 2000). these findings are consistent with early holocene environmental reconstructions that place sandy hill in a complex wetland ecosystem (mcweeney 1994; thorson and webb 1991). while the macrobotanical record allows us to reasonably infer that the foragers at sandy hill followed the gmat tradition of exploiting wetland plant resources, the relationship between their stone tool technologies and mode of food production remains unknown. stone tool assemblages curated in museums, such as those housed at the mpmrc, offer the opportunity to articulate technology with subsistence practice by analyzing ancient starch grains embedded in the stone tools. this pilot project reports on the starch grains embedded in several stone tools recovered from this site. materials and methods recent advances in artifact residue analysis (barton 2007; hart 2011) have made it possible to analyze museum artifacts that were recovered before modern protocol were established to prevent contamination. it is important to be able to reconstruct handling events from the time an artifact was first discovered in the field until the time it was sampled for residue analysis. understanding these events and their sequence helps researchers to determine the level of post-depositional contamination associated with the artifact. it is assumed that the deeper the residues are found on an artifact’s surface, the more likely they are to be associated with its original use. while archaeological residues may be directly sampled from the surface of an uncontaminated artifact (barton 2007; piperno et al. 2004), if an artifact is contaminated with younger residues, it is necessary to systematically strip them away to isolate, collect, and identify older residues associated with the artifact’s original use. this study combines the utilization of museum artifacts as proposed by barton (2007) with efforts to mitigate contamination as proposed by hart (2011). various techniques for sampling artifacts for starch grain analysis exist (pearsall 2000; piperno 2006; torrence and barton 2006). the stone tools from sandy hill were systematically sampled using protocol established by chandler-ezell and pearsall (2003) and hart (2011) whereby three samples designated as sediments 1, 2, and 3 were taken from each artifact. this approach assumes that different proportions, abundances, and varieties of starch grains present in each sediment (or layer) reflect differing degrees of post-depositional contamination. the lab number  measured  13 c age  13 c/ 12 c ra o  13 c adjusted age  dated carbonized material  beta‐113499  8490±6o   ‐24.1  8510 ± 60  typha sp.  beta‐162837  8570 ± 60   ‐25.1  8570 ± 60  corylus sp.  beta‐162872  8630 ± 50   ‐23.4  8660 ± 50  corylus sp.  beta‐126812  8660 ± 60   ‐26.6  8640 ± 60  unid. plant  ssue  beta‐126816  8680 ± 60   ‐26.1  8660 ± 60  unid. plant  ssue  beta‐113498  8710 ± 60   ‐27.7  8670 ± 60  typha sp.  beta‐102564  8920 ± 100   est. ‐25.00  8920 ± 100  corylus sp.  beta‐162920  8960 ± 40   ‐24.7  8960 ± 40  unid. plant  ssue  beta‐122014  9020 ± 60   ‐25.8  9000 ± 60  corylus sp.  beta‐122013  9340 ± 60   ‐25.2  9340 ± 60  unid. wood  table 1. carbon  14  dates of early archaic occupa on from sandy hill (adapted from jones and forrest 2003: 85).   90  research communica on  outermost sediment 1 samples are most likely to contain abundant materials from surrounding (loosely adhering) soil matrix. sediment 2 samples are likely contaminated, but may contain some primary (userelated) residue freed from the artifact surface. the innermost sediment 3 samples should be free of contamination. see hart (2011) for an illustration of this assumption and how the sediment samples are removed. three stone tools (one large laminar debris specimen, one small laminar debris specimen, and one large quartzite “hoe”) were chosen for analysis from the museum collections at mpmrc. the large laminar debris and the small laminar debris were chosen because they had visible dirt adhering to their surfaces and came from occupational strata within a pit house feature. though not directly dated, these strata are presumed to be 9th millennium b.p. depositions according to the radiocarbon date series collected from the site’s greater pit-house complex (forrest 1999). the quartzite hoe was chosen because it was unwashed after being recovered in the field and was one of the two major classes of stone artifacts recovered from the site (the other being small microliths like the small and large laminar debris). the quartzite hoe is made of locally available quartzite and was one of five hoe-like forms cached in a pit-house floor stratum. a charred wood sample from this stratum yielded an uncalibrated ams date of 8610 ± 60 b.p. (beta-226145). the three stage removal process described above was deemed necessary to systematically recover starch grains associated with primary deposition and remove potential contamination from the outer surfaces of each artifact. the laminar debris specimens were sampled in their entirety because they were small and contained trace amounts of sediments, while only the front edge of the quartzite hoe was sampled because it contained visible sediments. the artifacts were removed from storage using sterile, powder-free nitrile gloves and were initially photographed to document potential areas of residue deposition. once photographed, the laminar debris specimens were placed into individual sterile ziplock bags where their residues were removed systematically. the quartzite hoe was set aside and covered with sterile paper towels until its residues were removed. all residues were processed at the paleoethnobotany laboratory at the university of missouri, columbia, via the standard mu “piggyback” method designed to simultaneously extract phytoliths and starch grains from artifact residues (chandler-ezell and pearsall 2003; pearsall et al. 2004). the phytoliths were set aside for analysis at a later date while the starch grains were analyzed for figure 2. cyperus esculentus l. cf. starch grain found on  quartzite hoe (a1, a2). transitory starch grains embed‐ ded in leaf  ssues recovered from the large laminar de‐ bris  (b1,  b2).  two  similar,  uniden fied  storage  starch  grains recovered from the small laminar debris (c1, d1)  transmi ed light photographs are designated with a “1”  and  polarized  light  photographs  are  designated  with  a  “2”. scale bar is 50 microns.   91  research communica on  this project. archaeological starch grains were mounted on microscope slides using immersion oil and cover slips sealed with finger nail polish, and examined using an olympus bx60 microscope. all starches were counted, measured, and photographed, including those that were smaller than five microns. each slide was scanned in its entirety at 200x magnification at “dusk” with the polarizer turned halfway on thereby allowing us to see starch grain features in transmitted light and extinction crosses in polarized light at the same time. when small starch grains (those smaller than 5 microns in size) formed aggregates, they were counted as a single unit. each individual starch grain was examined at 500x magnification in both full transmitted and polarized light and photographed using an olympus dp10 camera. starch grains were identified based on the starch grain comparative collection housed at the mpmrc as well as published comparative types established for the northeast united states (messner 2011). the mpmrc comparative collection contained species represented in the macrobotanical assemblage at sandy hill as well as a few additional plants that may have been present at the time of occupation (mcweeney 1999). the research for this project was conducted prior to the establishment of naming protocol by the international code for starch nomenclature (perry, 2011); therefore, starch grains were described and named according to protocol established by torrence and barton (2006). sediments 1, 2, and 3 were examined with sediments 1 and 2 being discarded due to potential contamination. results and discussion both transitory and storage starch grains (figure 2) were found on all three artifacts studied. five types of starch grains were found on the artifacts: compound transitory starch grains, small starch grains (less than 5 μm in diameter) embedded in soil, unidentified storage starch, andropogoneae and c. esculentus cf. starch grains. transitory starch grains were rarely found individually but were frequently observed in compound forms, most often as aggregates preserved in vegetative tissues. a total of one-hundred and thirty-nine transitory starch grains, 2 identified storage starch grains, 7 unidentified storage starch grains, and 10 starch grains in a soil matrix were found (table 2). the quartzite hoe yielded thirty compound transitory starch grains, 9 small starch grains embedded in the soil, 3 unidentified storage starch, 1 andropogoneae and 1 c. esculentus cf. starch grain. compound transitory starch grains comprised the bulk of the material recovered from the artifact (68.18%; table 2). both the andropogoneae and c.    raw  count         sum  propor on     type of starch  qh  sld  lld     qh  sld  lld  compound transitory starch  grains  30  9  100  139  68.18%  75.00%  98.04%  andropogoneae cf.  1  0  0  1  2.27%  0.00%  0.00%  cyperus esculentus l. cf.  1  0  0  1  2.27%  0.00%  0.00%  uniden fied storage starch  3  3  1  7  6.82%  25.00%  0.98%  small (less than 5 microns) grains  in soil  9  0  1  10  20.45%  0.00%  0.98%  sum  44  12  102              key  qh = quartzite hoe  sld = flake small laminar debris  lld = flake large laminar debris  table 2. starch grains recovered from sediment 3 samples from ar facts.   92  research communica on  esculentus l. cf. starch grains were identified based on the comparative criteria and dichotomous key outlined in the work pioneered by messner (messner 2008). the andropogoneae starch grain is a simple twelve by twelve μm starch grain with an indistinct extinction cross, dimpled surface, rounded shape, and rounded pressure facets. the c. esculentus cf. is a simple fourteen by fourteen μm starch grain with a thick, straight, distorted extinction cross at a 90° angle, smooth surface texture, and angled pressure facets (figure 2). the unidentified storage starch grains are different from each other morphologically and ranged in size from fourteen by twenty μm to twenty four by twenty four μm. remains recovered from the large laminar debris contained one hundred compound transitory starch grains representing 98.04% of the material (figure 2), a single unidentified storage grain, and one small starch grain found in the soil (table 2). the unidentified storage starch grain was a compound grain that measured fourteen by sixteen μm with a granular surface, polyhedral shape, and angled edge pressure facets. this starch grain is distinguished from compound transitory starch grains by a double wall with multiple amyloplast centers of formation associated with storage starch formation as opposed to the smaller, single-walled transitory tissues with chloroplast centers. the small laminar debris contained only nine compound transitory starch grains and three unidentified storage grains (table 2) or 75% and 25% of the assemblage respectively. one unidentified storage starch grain measured 14 by 16 μm in size, with a smooth surface, and a thin, straight extinction cross at a 90° angle. this grain could not be rolled under the microscope slide so its three-dimensional shape was impossible to determine. the two remaining storage grains were a large and small version of the same type. these grains were 22 by 24 μm and 42 by 36 μm respectively; had an open, centric hilum with a smooth surface and a lenticular shape. of particular interest was the uncommon and highly diagnostic delicate, regular fissure that appeared when the starch grain was rotated into side view. the results of this study indicate that ancient starch grains can be recovered from museum curated artifacts, and that sampling artifacts from sites like sandy hill can potentially offer insights into tool use and subsistence practices during new england’s early archaic period. preliminary stone tools residue analysis, an abundance of wetland plants in the macrobotanical record, and both large and small mammal faunal data tentatively support the hypothesis that gmat technologies are associated with an adaptation to wetland environmental exploitation. preliminary analysis of starch grains recovered from the large and small laminar debris suggests they functioned as (or as elements of) plant-processing tools. jones (2006) has suggested that sandy hill’s laminar “debris” served specifically as grater-board teeth designed for shredding wetland rhizomes and tubers, seeing a possible ethnographic parallel in the stone-studded manioc shredders of south america. however, almost all of the starch grains found on the large laminar debris were transitory starch grains enmeshed in plant tissues, suggesting that this specimen was used to process leaves or stems rather than starchy tubers. additionally, cattail and bullrush (scirpus sp. linnaeus poales: cyperaceae.) stem fragments in sandy hill’s macrobotanical record may be unrelated to food consumption, having served as construction material for bedding, matting, rope, etc. (perry 1999; torrence and barton 2006). according to the current results, we cannot presume a correlation between quartz flake production and foodprocessing. future phytolith analysis of residues from these artifacts may be particularly useful because many wetland plants, such as those from the cyperaceae family, produce diagnostic phytoliths in their leaves and stems (piperno 2006). the presence of both transitory starch grains and storage starch grains with diverse morphologies suggests that the quartzite hoe was a digging tool that was, at some point, used to harvest edible plant foods. the presence of andropogoneae and yellow nutsedge starch grains suggests that this tool may have been used to harvest plants away from the settlement because of the widespread nature of wild grasses and yellow nutsedge in disturbed, open field environments (lapham and drennan 1990). because sandy hill was located at the water’s edge of the great cedar swamp, its inhabitants would have had to travel away from the swamp to find open field environments. the recovery of yellow nutsedge in the charred macrobotanical assemblage also supports the hypothesis of offsite resource use. the unidentified storage starch grains recovered from the artifacts did not match any in the mpmrc’s comparative collection or those described by messner (2008), and may reflect the exploitation of resources 93  research communica on  in nearby, though ecologically distinct, environmental regimes. for example, the long island sound basin, located approximately 10 kilometers south of sandy hill, hosted a relatively stable and potentially rich estuarine body during the 9th millennium b.p. (lewis 1995; mcmaster and garrison 1967). though sea level rise has deeply submerged this ancient environment, future starch grain analysis at sandy hill may help confirm its exploitation. botanical analysis at the monte verde ii site in chile points to the potential value of such an approach, establishing that site inhabitants gathered plant food from far afield, such as seaweed from the pacific coast and wild potatoes from inland forests (dillehay et al. 2008). it is difficult to assess the use of animal resources at sandy hill because the excessively drained character of its glacio-deltaic sands is not conducive to bone preservation (jones and forrest 2003:81). over 23,000 bone specimens have been recovered, consisting mostly of small, calcined fragments that are poorly suited for species identification or minimum number of individuals quantifications. analysis attributes 36% of these bone specimens to mammals, and of those, 79% appear to be derived from medium and large mammals. though a few bone specimens recovered from pit house floor strata have been confidently attributed to white tailed deer (odocoileus virginianus zimmermann artiodactyla: cervidae), the importance of hunting to sandy hill’s early archaic occupants remains largely unknown. conclusions this project was originally designed as a pilot study to determine whether starch grain residues preserved on excavated and subsequently curated stone tools from the early archaic site of sandy hill. the results of this study do not allow us to substantially refine our view of early archaic subsistence practices at the site on the basis of its small sample size. however, preliminary analyses indicate that both transitory and storage starch grains survived in the pores and cracks of 8,000-year-old artifacts that were handled, washed, and curated. an abundance of transitory starch grains preserved on one of the gmat microliths suggests that at least one of the small stone tools was used to process leaf/stem tissues. the presence of andropogonae and yellow nutsedge starch grains on the quartzite hoe corroborates the macrobotanical record for offsite resource exploitation. the presence of reserve starch grains on all of the artifacts and the high concentrations of transitory starch grains on the large laminar debris demonstrates the potential for using starch grains to gain a better understanding of ancient plant use practices during the early archaic period of southern new england. there are many avenues of potential research at sandy hill that will expand our understanding of subsistence practices during the early archaic and add to the growing body of knowledge related to the role that wetlands and surrounding ecosystems have played throughout human history (for other examples see fuller et al. 2009; neff et al. 2006; nicholas 1998; roberts and rosen 2009). the first step would be to expand the existing starch grain comparative collection at the mpmrc and create a phytolith comparative collection for southern new england. future projects should incorporate phytolith analysis and a larger number of artifacts and artifact types such as mortar and pestles. finally, a new series of excavations would help shed light on this topic since approximately only 25% of the site has been excavated to date. acknowledgements there are a great number of people and organizations whose help made this research possible. thank you first and foremost to the mashantucket pequot tribal nation for their funding, continued support, and for allowing us to study their collections. thank you to the mashantucket pequot museum and research center for coordinating access to the collections and for allowing us to use their equipment. we remain indebted to dr. kevin mcbride, doug currie, roberta charpentier, sarah holmes, dr. jason mancini, kathleen boushee and the rest of the staff at the mashantucket pequot museum and research center for their support and guidance. doug was kind enough to permit the use of his microscope and camera. the collection, processing and scanning of comparative plant remains would not have been possible without the help of dr. sarah sportman, dr. robert capers, dr. heather trigg, eric hefter, and ashley oakley. this collection is housed at the mashantucket pequot museum and research center. thank you to dr. timothy messner for the advice regarding starch and ancient plant remains and to dr. brian jones and daniel forrest for the help regarding the excavations at sandy hill and the gulf of maine archaic. thank you to dr. deborah pearsall and dr. 94  research communica on  neil duncan who not only processed the residues for starch grains, but also patiently answered any number of questions regarding starch grain methodology. finally, thank you to dr. alexia smith, dr. natalie munro, gabe hrynich, and the anonymous reviewer for the helpful comments on the manuscript. declarations permissions: none declared. sources of funding: none declared. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited barton, h. 2007. starch residues on museum artefacts: implications for determining tool use. journal of archaeological science 34:11–11. chandler-ezell, k.c., pearsall, d.m. 2003. piggyback microfossil processing: joint starch and phytolith sampling from stone tools. phytolitharien 15:2–8. dillehay, t.d., ramirez, c., pino, m., collins, m.b., rossen, j., pino-navarro, j.d., 2008. monte verde: seaweed, food, medicine, and the peopling of south america. science 320:784–786. forrest, d.t. 1999. beyond presence and absence: establishing diversity in connecticut's early holocene archaeological record. bulletin of the archaeological society of connecticut 62:79–99. fuller, d.q., qin, l., zheng, y., zhao, z., chen, x., hosoya, l.a., sun, g.-p. 2009. the domestication process and domestication rate in rice: spikelet bases from the lower yangtze. science 323:1607– 1610. hart, t.c. 2011. evaluating the usefulness of phytoliths and starch grains found on survey artifacts. journal of archaeological science 38:3244– 3253. haslam, m. 2004. the decomposition of starch grains in soils: implications for archaeological residue analyses. journal of archaeological science 31:1715– 1734. jones, b.d. 2006. a 3-culture system model for early holocene new england. paper presented at the 46th annual meeting of the northeastern anthropological association, albany, ny (http:// www.neaa.org/index.html). jones, b.d., forrest, d.t. 2003. life in a postglacial landscape: settlement-subsistence change during the pleistocene-holocene transition in southern new england. in geoarchaeology of landscapes in the glaciated northeast, edited by d.l. cremeens, and j.p. hart, pp. 75–89. university of the state of new york, albany, ny. lapham, j., drennan, d.s.h., 1990. the fate of yellow nutsedge (cyperus esculentus) seed and seedlings in soil. weed science 38:125–128. lewis, r. 1995. geologic history of long island sound. in ecology, history, and recreation. edited by glenn d. dryer and william a. niering. pp.12-16. connecticut college arboretum, bulletin no.34, new london, ct. mcmaster, r. l., and l. e. garrison. 1967. a submerged holocene shoreline near block island. journal of geography 75:335-340. mcweeney, l. 1994. environmental reconstruction using plant macrofossil analysis: the mashantucket pequot's cedar swamp, report on file, mashantucket pequot museum and research center, mashantucket, ct. mcweeney, l. 1999. a review of late pleistocene and holocene climate changes in southern new england. bulletin of the archaeological society of connecticut 62:3–18. messner, t.c. 2008. woodland period period people and plant interactions: new insights from starch grain analysis. unpublished doctoral dissertation, department of anthropology, temple university, philadelphia, pa. messner, t.c. 2011. acorns and bitter roots: starch grain research in the prehistoric eastern woodlands. university of alabama press, tuscaloosa, al. neff, h., pearsall, d.m., jones, j.g., arroyo, b., collins, s.k., freidel, d.e. 2006. early maya adaptive patterns: mid-late holocene paleoenvironmental evidence from pacific guatemala. latin american antiquity 17: 287–315. nicholas, g.p. 1998. wetlands and hunter‐gatherers: a global perspective. current anthropology 39: 720– 731. pearsall, d.m. 2000. paleoethnobotany : a handbook of procedures, academic press, san diego, ca. pearsall, d.m. chandler-ezell, k.c., zeidler, j.a. 2004. maize in ancient ecuador: results of residue analysis of stone tools from the real alto site. 95  research communica on  journal of archaeological science 31:423–442. perry, d., 1998. interim report on the analysis of vegetative plant remains from sites 72-97, 72-91, and 72-66. report on file, mashantucket pequot museum and research center, mashantucket, ct. perry, d., 1999. charred vegetative plant tissues from site 72-97: preliminary results. report on file, mashantucket pequot museum and research center, mashantucket, ct. perry, d. 2000. vegetative plant remains from site 72163. report on file, mashantucket pequot museum and research center, mashantucket, ct.. perry, l.l. 2011. the international code for starch nomenclature. foundation for archaeobotanical research in microfossils. available at: http:// fossilfarm.org/icsn/code.html. accessed on february 19, 2013. piperno, d.r. 2006. phytoliths : a comprehensive guide for archaeologists and paleoecologists. altamira press, lanham, md. piperno, d.r., weiss, e., holst, i., nadel, d. 2004. processing of wild cereal grains in the upper palaeolithic revealed by starch grain analysis. nature 430:670–673. reichert, e.t. 1913. the differentiation and specificity of starches in relation to genera, species, etc., stereochemistry applied to protoplasmic processes and products and as a strictly scientific basis for the classification of plants and animals. the carnegie institute of washington, washington d. c. roberts, n., rosen, a.m. 2009. diversity and complexity in early farming communities of southwest asia: new insights into the economic and environmental basis of neolithic çatalhöyük. current anthropology 50:393–402. robinson, b.s., peterson, j.b. 1993. perceptions of marginality: the case of the early holocene in northern new england. northeast anthropology 46:61 –75. thorson, r.m., webb, r.s. 1991. postglacial history of a cedar swamp in southeastern connecticut. journal of paleolimnology 6:17–35. torrence, r., barton, h., eds. 2006. ancient starch research. left coast press, walnut creek, ca. biosketch thomas  c.  hart is pursuing his phd in anthropology at  the  university  of  connec cut.  his  research  focuses  on  subsistence and social complexity in mesopotamia.  timothy  h.  ives  is  timothy  h.  ives  is  the  principal  archaeologist  at  the  rhode  island  historical  preserva‐ on and heritage commission.  preliminary starch grain evidence of ancient stone tool use at the early archaic (9,000 b.p.) site of sandy hill, mashantucket, connecticut << /ascii85encodepages false /allowtransparency false /autopositionepsfiles true /autorotatepages /none /binding /left /calgrayprofile (dot gain 20%) /calrgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /calcmykprofile (u.s. web coated \050swop\051 v2) /srgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /cannotembedfontpolicy /error /compatibilitylevel 1.4 /compressobjects /tags /compresspages true /convertimagestoindexed true /passthroughjpegimages true /createjobticket false /defaultrenderingintent /default /detectblends true /detectcurves 0.0000 /colorconversionstrategy /cmyk /dothumbnails false /embedallfonts true /embedopentype false /parseiccprofilesincomments true /embedjoboptions true /dscreportinglevel 0 /emitdscwarnings false /endpage -1 /imagememory 1048576 /lockdistillerparams false /maxsubsetpct 100 /optimize true /opm 1 /parsedsccomments true /parsedsccommentsfordocinfo true /preservecopypage true /preservedicmykvalues true /preserveepsinfo true /preserveflatness true /preservehalftoneinfo false /preserveopicomments true /preserveoverprintsettings true /startpage 1 /subsetfonts true /transferfunctioninfo /apply /ucrandbginfo /preserve /useprologue false /colorsettingsfile () /alwaysembed [ true ] /neverembed [ true ] /antialiascolorimages false /cropcolorimages true /colorimageminresolution 300 /colorimageminresolutionpolicy /ok /downsamplecolorimages true /colorimagedownsampletype /bicubic /colorimageresolution 300 /colorimagedepth -1 /colorimagemindownsampledepth 1 /colorimagedownsamplethreshold 1.50000 /encodecolorimages true /colorimagefilter /dctencode /autofiltercolorimages true /colorimageautofilterstrategy /jpeg /coloracsimagedict << /qfactor 0.15 /hsamples [1 1 1 1] /vsamples [1 1 1 1] >> /colorimagedict << /qfactor 0.15 /hsamples [1 1 1 1] /vsamples [1 1 1 1] >> /jpeg2000coloracsimagedict << /tilewidth 256 /tileheight 256 /quality 30 >> /jpeg2000colorimagedict << /tilewidth 256 /tileheight 256 /quality 30 >> /antialiasgrayimages false /cropgrayimages true /grayimageminresolution 300 /grayimageminresolutionpolicy /ok /downsamplegrayimages true /grayimagedownsampletype /bicubic /grayimageresolution 300 /grayimagedepth -1 /grayimagemindownsampledepth 2 /grayimagedownsamplethreshold 1.50000 /encodegrayimages true /grayimagefilter /dctencode /autofiltergrayimages true /grayimageautofilterstrategy /jpeg /grayacsimagedict << /qfactor 0.15 /hsamples [1 1 1 1] /vsamples [1 1 1 1] >> /grayimagedict << /qfactor 0.15 /hsamples [1 1 1 1] /vsamples [1 1 1 1] >> /jpeg2000grayacsimagedict << /tilewidth 256 /tileheight 256 /quality 30 >> /jpeg2000grayimagedict << /tilewidth 256 /tileheight 256 /quality 30 >> /antialiasmonoimages false /cropmonoimages true /monoimageminresolution 1200 /monoimageminresolutionpolicy /ok /downsamplemonoimages true /monoimagedownsampletype /bicubic /monoimageresolution 1200 /monoimagedepth -1 /monoimagedownsamplethreshold 1.50000 /encodemonoimages true /monoimagefilter /ccittfaxencode /monoimagedict << /k -1 >> /allowpsxobjects false /checkcompliance [ /none ] /pdfx1acheck false /pdfx3check false /pdfxcompliantpdfonly false /pdfxnotrimboxerror true /pdfxtrimboxtomediaboxoffset [ 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 ] /pdfxsetbleedboxtomediabox true /pdfxbleedboxtotrimboxoffset [ 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 ] /pdfxoutputintentprofile () /pdfxoutputconditionidentifier () /pdfxoutputcondition () /pdfxregistryname () /pdfxtrapped /false /createjdffile false /description << /ara <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> /bgr <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> /chs <feff4f7f75288fd94e9b8bbe5b9a521b5efa7684002000410064006f006200650020005000440046002065876863900275284e8e9ad88d2891cf76845370524d53705237300260a853ef4ee54f7f75280020004100630072006f0062006100740020548c002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e003000204ee553ca66f49ad87248672c676562535f00521b5efa768400200050004400460020658768633002> /cht <feff4f7f752890194e9b8a2d7f6e5efa7acb7684002000410064006f006200650020005000440046002065874ef69069752865bc9ad854c18cea76845370524d5370523786557406300260a853ef4ee54f7f75280020004100630072006f0062006100740020548c002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e003000204ee553ca66f49ad87248672c4f86958b555f5df25efa7acb76840020005000440046002065874ef63002> /cze <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> /dan <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> /deu <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> /esp <feff005500740069006c0069006300650020006500730074006100200063006f006e0066006900670075007200610063006900f3006e0020007000610072006100200063007200650061007200200064006f00630075006d0065006e0074006f00730020005000440046002000640065002000410064006f0062006500200061006400650063007500610064006f00730020007000610072006100200069006d0070007200650073006900f3006e0020007000720065002d0065006400690074006f007200690061006c00200064006500200061006c00740061002000630061006c0069006400610064002e002000530065002000700075006500640065006e00200061006200720069007200200064006f00630075006d0065006e0074006f00730020005000440046002000630072006500610064006f007300200063006f006e0020004100630072006f006200610074002c002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e003000200079002000760065007200730069006f006e0065007300200070006f00730074006500720069006f007200650073002e> /eti <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> /fra <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> /gre <feff03a703c103b703c303b903bc03bf03c003bf03b903ae03c303c403b5002003b103c503c403ad03c2002003c403b903c2002003c103c503b803bc03af03c303b503b903c2002003b303b903b1002003bd03b1002003b403b703bc03b903bf03c503c103b303ae03c303b503c403b5002003ad03b303b303c103b103c603b1002000410064006f006200650020005000440046002003c003bf03c5002003b503af03bd03b103b9002003ba03b103c42019002003b503be03bf03c703ae03bd002003ba03b103c403ac03bb03bb03b703bb03b1002003b303b903b1002003c003c103bf002d03b503ba03c403c503c003c903c403b903ba03ad03c2002003b503c103b303b103c303af03b503c2002003c503c803b703bb03ae03c2002003c003bf03b903cc03c403b703c403b103c2002e0020002003a403b10020005000440046002003ad03b303b303c103b103c603b1002003c003bf03c5002003ad03c703b503c403b5002003b403b703bc03b903bf03c503c103b303ae03c303b503b9002003bc03c003bf03c103bf03cd03bd002003bd03b1002003b103bd03bf03b903c703c403bf03cd03bd002003bc03b5002003c403bf0020004100630072006f006200610074002c002003c403bf002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e0030002003ba03b103b9002003bc03b503c403b103b303b503bd03ad03c303c403b503c103b503c2002003b503ba03b403cc03c303b503b903c2002e> /heb <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> /hrv (za stvaranje adobe pdf dokumenata najpogodnijih za visokokvalitetni ispis prije tiskanja koristite ove postavke. stvoreni pdf dokumenti mogu se otvoriti acrobat i adobe reader 5.0 i kasnijim verzijama.) /hun <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> /ita <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> /jpn <feff9ad854c18cea306a30d730ea30d730ec30b951fa529b7528002000410064006f0062006500200050004400460020658766f8306e4f5c6210306b4f7f75283057307e305930023053306e8a2d5b9a30674f5c62103055308c305f0020005000440046002030d530a130a430eb306f3001004100630072006f0062006100740020304a30883073002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e003000204ee5964d3067958b304f30533068304c3067304d307e305930023053306e8a2d5b9a306b306f30d530a930f330c8306e57cb30818fbc307f304c5fc59808306730593002> /kor <feffc7740020c124c815c7440020c0acc6a9d558c5ec0020ace0d488c9c80020c2dcd5d80020c778c1c4c5d00020ac00c7a50020c801d569d55c002000410064006f0062006500200050004400460020bb38c11cb97c0020c791c131d569b2c8b2e4002e0020c774b807ac8c0020c791c131b41c00200050004400460020bb38c11cb2940020004100630072006f0062006100740020bc0f002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e00300020c774c0c1c5d0c11c0020c5f40020c2180020c788c2b5b2c8b2e4002e> /lth <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> /lvi <feff0049007a006d0061006e0074006f006a00690065007400200161006f00730020006900650073007400610074012b006a0075006d00750073002c0020006c0061006900200076006500690064006f00740075002000410064006f00620065002000500044004600200064006f006b0075006d0065006e007400750073002c0020006b006100730020006900720020012b00700061016100690020007000690065006d01130072006f00740069002000610075006700730074006100730020006b00760061006c0069007401010074006500730020007000690072006d007300690065007300700069006501610061006e006100730020006400720075006b00610069002e00200049007a0076006500690064006f006a006900650074002000500044004600200064006f006b0075006d0065006e007400750073002c0020006b006f002000760061007200200061007400760113007200740020006100720020004100630072006f00620061007400200075006e002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e0030002c0020006b0101002000610072012b00200074006f0020006a00610075006e0101006b0101006d002000760065007200730069006a0101006d002e> /nld (gebruik deze instellingen om adobe pdf-documenten te maken die zijn geoptimaliseerd voor prepress-afdrukken van hoge kwaliteit. de gemaakte pdf-documenten kunnen worden geopend met acrobat en adobe reader 5.0 en hoger.) /nor <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> /pol <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> /ptb <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> /rum <feff005500740069006c0069007a00610163006900200061006300650073007400650020007300650074010300720069002000700065006e007400720075002000610020006300720065006100200064006f00630075006d0065006e00740065002000410064006f006200650020005000440046002000610064006500630076006100740065002000700065006e0074007200750020007400690070010300720069007200650061002000700072006500700072006500730073002000640065002000630061006c006900740061007400650020007300750070006500720069006f006100720103002e002000200044006f00630075006d0065006e00740065006c00650020005000440046002000630072006500610074006500200070006f00740020006600690020006400650073006300680069007300650020006300750020004100630072006f006200610074002c002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e00300020015f00690020007600650072007300690075006e0069006c006500200075006c0074006500720069006f006100720065002e> /rus <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> /sky <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> /slv <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> /suo <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> /sve <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> /tur <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> /ukr <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> /enu (use these settings to create adobe pdf documents best suited for high-quality prepress printing. created pdf documents can be opened with acrobat and adobe reader 5.0 and later.) >> /namespace [ (adobe) (common) (1.0) ] /othernamespaces [ << /asreaderspreads false /cropimagestoframes true /errorcontrol /warnandcontinue /flattenerignorespreadoverrides false /includeguidesgrids false /includenonprinting false /includeslug false /namespace [ (adobe) (indesign) (4.0) ] /omitplacedbitmaps false /omitplacedeps false /omitplacedpdf false /simulateoverprint /legacy >> << /addbleedmarks false /addcolorbars false /addcropmarks false /addpageinfo false /addregmarks false /convertcolors /converttocmyk /destinationprofilename () /destinationprofileselector /documentcmyk /downsample16bitimages true /flattenerpreset << /presetselector /mediumresolution >> /formelements false /generatestructure false /includebookmarks false /includehyperlinks false /includeinteractive false /includelayers false /includeprofiles false /multimediahandling /useobjectsettings /namespace [ (adobe) (creativesuite) (2.0) ] /pdfxoutputintentprofileselector /documentcmyk /preserveediting true /untaggedcmykhandling /leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice maternal knowledge and use of galactagogues in andean communities of cusco, peru monteban 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):81–89 81 research communications willing breastfeeders experienced postpartum hypogalactia, reduced milk production. pharmacological therapies such as metoclopramide, oxytocin, and domperidone are sometimes used to augment breast milk production, but safety concerns have limited their use (makari et al. 2014; paul et al. 2015; rossi and giorgi 2010). to augment breast milk production, a substantial number of women turn to galactogogues, substances thought to increase the supply of milk. among western australia women who were breastfeeding, 24% reported the use of herbal galactagogues (sim et al. 2015). in a study conducted in switzerland and canada, midwives reported high use of galactagogues among their patients (93% in switzerland and 100% in canada) (winterfeld et al. 2012). in australia, tawia (2014) explored the perspectives and attitudes introduction early exclusive breastfeeding has been linked to positive health outcomes such as the prevention of chronic diseases for the mother and child, the improvement of infant’s immunity, nutrient absorption, neurodevelopment, and maternal psychological well-being (american academy of pediatrics section on breastfeeding 2012). yet the widespread adoption of breastfeeding remains challenging (mortel and mehta 2013). women may experience difficulty with breastfeeding due to numerous biological, cultural, and social factors (balogun et al. 2015). one of the most commonly reported reasons for early breastfeeding cessation is inadequate milk production (gatti 2008; scott and colin 2002; tenfelde et al. 2013). chan et al. (2000) reported that 44% of mothers in their hong kong sample of maternal knowledge and use of galactagogues in andean communities of cusco, peru madalena monteban 1* 1 department of anthropology, university of georgia, athens, georgia, usa. * madamonteban@gmail.com abstract a commonly reported reason for early breastfeeding cessation is inadequate milk production. in response, women across the globe turn to galactagogues – substances used to increase the milk supply. andean women have traditional knowledge about the medicinal and nutritional properties of plants and animals that are considered good to eat during breastfeeding. this research explores the maintenance and use of galactagogues, and specifically the use of the andean flicker bird, within the wider framework of breastfeeding and nutrition policies in peru. to elicit maternal knowledge and use of galactagogues, semi-structured and free-listing interviews were conducted with 33 mothers. data analysis calculated the frequency and percentage of women reporting each type of galactagogue. in addition, thematic codes and relevant text passages were used in an iterative analytic process to document emerging themes. identified galactagogues included five plants and six animals. several galactagogues included protein-rich foods such as lamb meat and the andean flicker bird. the use of protein-rich galactagogues as solid food is reinforced by public health messages. however, galactagogues in the research communities are usually consumed as soups or drinks, which are less rich in proteins than solid meals. the potential role of liquid galactagogues in the maintenance of appropriate hydration levels during breastfeeding in an environment where safe drinking water is scarce is a new contribution to the existing literature. the results are relevant to the design of maternal and child health policies that comply with intercultural health premises that value and respect the knowledge and practices of andean peoples. received march 15, 2017 open access accepted june 14, 2017 doi 10.14237/ebl.8.1.2017.935 keywords traditional knowledge, public health policy, breastfeeding, water intake, maternal and child health, nutrition copyright © 2017 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. monteban 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):81–89 82 research communications of breastfeeding women towards the use of herbal galactagogues. positive experiences with using these substances linked to women’s self-empowerment. perception of breastfeeding adequacy reportedly boosted participants’ confidence levels and resulted in psychological benefits. despite the scarcity of clinical data on the actual increase of breast milk production, many women continue to use natural galactagogues (forinash et al. 2012; zapantis et al. 2012). several researchers have surveyed galactagogues in different world regions, among them, brückner (1996) in europe, dandotiya et al. (2013) in india, othman et al. (2014) in malaysia, bnouham (2010) in morocco, and froemming (2006) and bussman and glen (2010) in peru. however, few efficacy studies have been conducted. a randomized clinical trial of 75 lactating women in egypt found that palm dates (phoenix dactylifera) and fenugreek (trigonella foenum-graecum) herbal tea enhanced breast milk production (sakka et al. 2014). gbadamosi and okolosi (2013) analyzed ten botanical galactagogues for their chemical constituents and antimicrobial activities finding that they had high protein, fiber, iron and calcium content, and antibacterial activity. in an animal study torabi gudarzi et al. (2008) found that cows fed with a mixture of fennel (foeniculum vulgare) and nigella (nigella sativa) increased daily milk yield compared to the control group. another study showed that extracts of banana (musa x paradisiaca) fruits increased serum prolactin levels significantly in female rats (mahmood et al. 2012). the molecular mechanisms underlying the action of herbal galactagogues remain unknown. recently, liu et al. (2015) showed in animal models that herbal galactagogues may increase milk secretion by regulating mammary glands’ expression and function of aquaporins (aqps –a family of membrane proteins facilitating water movement across cell membranes). nevertheless, the existing clinical evidence regarding the efficacy of galactagogues remains insufficient (zapantis et al. 2012). breastfeeding and maternal-child health policies in peru the duration of breastfeeding has declined by 0.6 months in rural areas of peru between 1986 and 2004, while an increase of 9.7 months occurred in urban areas. the duration increased by 6.3 months among mothers receiving prenatal care, and by 3.7 months among mothers who did not receive prenatal care (lutter et al. 2011). during the previous decade, public health policies introduced institutionalized perinatal care. in 2004, health clinics in the district of cusco adopted the peruvian ministry of health’s resolution lineamientos de nutricion materna (norms for maternal nutrition) to promote maternal and infant health (instituto nacional de salud 2004). this initiative mandates that mothers receive preand postnatal monitoring and that they participate in nutrition workshops. women receive information regarding health promotion and monthly rations of food consisting of rice (oryza sativa), oil, sardines, milk, fava beans (vicia faba) flour, quinoa (chenopodium quinoa), amaranth (amaranthaceae amaranthus), and oatmeal. these policies also promote the world health organization (who) guidelines for breastfeeding (who 1990), recommending exclusive breastfeeding until 6 months of age and complementary breastfeeding with solid food until 2 years of age. changes introduced by the peruvian ministry of health regarding maternal-child health have influenced the social relations in indigenous andean communities. until recent times, mothers decided whether to access public health services or to maintain the decisionmaking regarding infant care exclusively within the home with the assistance of family members. mothers’ breastfeeding decisions are shaped by social norms about nutrition (dettwyler 1987; piperata 2008). the period of lactation is energetically demanding for the mother and cultural practices such as food avoidance, decisions about when to start or end breastfeeding, or about supplementary feeding can mediate energy demands. the andean breastfeeding mother and child live amidst nutritional norms and practices, which includes a repertoire of knowledge about plants, animals, and minerals believed to provide additional nutrients. on the other hand, cultural practices may present aspects that counter adequate nutritional intake during this period (piperata 2008). from a public health perspective, it is of interest to develop intercultural initiatives that analyze consensus on local knowledge and practices. the use of galactagogues in the context of maternal-child health policies in latin america has not been studied. this article examines maternal knowledge and use of natural galactagogues in rural communities of cusco region, peru, within the broader context of current breastfeeding, nutrition, and public health policies. methods study location the research was conducted in cuyo grande and chawaytire, two indigenous rural communities in monteban 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):81–89 83 research communications cusco region, peru. the communities are located at 3400 and 4000 meters above sea level and have populations of 900 and 500 people, respectively. a public health clinic provides primary health care services in each community. residents are subsistence farmers who grow potatoes (solanum tuberosum), corn (zea mays), and other andean tubers and grains, and herd livestock. residents supplement livelihoods with activities relating to crafts and seasonal migration for jobs. data collection data collection proceeded from december 2011 to december 2013 and consisted of semi-structured interviews, observations, and free-listing techniques. semi-structured and free-listing interviews were conducted among 18 mothers of over 45 years of age, and identified by community members as knowledgeable about breastfeeding and child rearing. another set of semi-structured interviews was conducted among 15 younger mothers who were currently breastfeeding and represented diverse characteristics regarding educational level, number of children, household composition, household income, and religion. purposeful sampling was used to recruit participants. the interviews explored mother’s breastfeeding perceptions and experiences and the knowledge and use of galactagogues. observations were conducted in participants’ homes on four occasions, lasting 12 hours each and spanning from the child’s birth until reaching one year of age. the field notes contained information regarding the dynamics of child feeding and food consumption in the family. observations were also conducted sporadically in the two public health clinics with the aim of learning about the interplay of public health service providers with local clients. free-listing interviews were used to identify natural elements that mothers perceived as beneficial for breast milk production. the objective of freelisting is for informants to list as many items as they can in a domain of interest (bernard 2011). nonspecific prompting assisted respondents to recall additional elements. most participants had some degree of spanish language skills; however, quechua was their primary and preferred language. a native field research assistant from cuyo grande, who was bilingual in quechua and spanish, collaborated in data collection. the free-listing exercises and semi-structured interviews were audio recorded and lasted between 20 and 60 minutes. a second research assistant transcribed and translated the interviews from quechua to spanish. notes were taken during interviews and used to cross-check transcriptions to assure completeness and accuracy. in addition, a quechua language scholar from the city of cusco checked the accuracy of the translations. the institutional review board of the university of georgia provided ethical approval to conduct this study and participants provided their informed consent. in addition, elected officials from the participating communities provided permission to conduct the research. data analysis the analysis of interviews followed an inductive reasoning approach, using the narratives to build interpretations and meanings (riessman 2008). organizing concepts and categories were identified with an open codification scheme. the text coding was developed with atlas.ti (6.2). thematic codes and relevant text passages were used in an iterative analytic process to document emerging themes. each category was then analyzed in detail, cross checking coding strategies and interpretation of data between two independent analysts. content disagreements were discussed and the emerging insights provided for refining coding frames (barbour 2001). emerging themes were diverse and encompassed narratives about the transmission of knowledge regarding galactagogues, description and interpretation of the forms of use, involvement of household members, and perceptions about galactagogues’ effects. specific themes included liquids, transmission of knowledge, description of forms of use, experiences with use, perceptions regarding effects, hak’achu (andean flicker bird) procurement, and hak’achu use. the consistency of results was cross-checked with published data (froemming 2006), with andean ethnomedical concepts (graham 1997; larme 1998; mazzes 1968; frisancho pineda 2009), and through discussion with community members and research assistants (patton 2005). the household observation data were used to cross check the results of semi-structured interviews. field notes from observations in health clinics were analyzed to examine the involvement of clinics’ personnel in promoting the use of natural galactagogues. free-listing data provided the frequency and percentage of each type of galactagogue. free-list results were used to elicit from all women the type of monteban 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):81–89 84 research communications preparation used for consumption of each galactagogue. results knowledge and use of galactagogues table 1 shows the results of free-listings. mothers listed 13 galactagogues. five animals were mentioned, among them two mammals, sheep (ovis aries) and cow (bos taurus); two birds, the andean flicker (colaptes rupicola) bird or hack’achu, and chicken (gallus gallus domesticus); and one amphibian, the frog (ranidae rana). five plants were listed, quinoa, ch’uño or freeze-dried potato, an andean tuber named raqacha (arracacia xanthorriza), watercress (nasturtium officinale), and fennel. mothers also mentioned eggs and milk, and referred to the galactagogue effect of increasing the consumption of meat, soup, and food in general. the most frequently mentioned item was quinoa soup (67% of the mothers), followed by general soup consumption (60%). the free-listing results for mothers who were breastfeeding were similar to the listing of older mothers with the exception that mothers who were currently breastfeeding included oatmeal and did not mention frog, ch’uño, raqacha or watercress. galactagogues and hydration in the breastfeeding period respondents expressed awareness of the importance of breastfeeding and resorted to natural elements perceived to act as galactagogues when they thought that their breast milk supply was inadequate. in addition, observations in the local clinics showed that health personnel recommend the use of galactagogues, most often quinoa, when milk production was not sufficient. galactagogues were almost always mentioned in association with the manner in which they were consumed, for example, “hak’achu soup” or “quinoa drink.” most galactagogues were ingested as broths or drinks. a common practice consists of slaughtering a sheep and preparing a soup for the mother when a child is born. a local saying states that “without soup there is no milk.” soup is an essential component of any andean meal. however, when participants mentioned soup in general as a galactagogue they referred to its increased consumption. the lactating form main ingredient frequency of mention (%) soup quinoa 22 (66.6) soup lamb meat 11 (33.3) soup hak'achu (andean flicker bird) 10 (30.3) soup lamb sorqan (lung) 9 (27.3) soup chicken 2 (6.1) soup ch'uño (freeze dried potato) 2 (6.1) * soup lamb feet 2 (6.1) soup k’ayra (frog) 1 (3) * soup raqacha (andean root vegetable) 1 (3) * drink milk 17 (51.5) drink oatmeal 6 (18.2) ** drink fennel 6 (18.2) drink quinoa 2 (6.1) ** drink oqoruru (watercress) 1 (3) * solid quinoa 13 (39.4) solid meat 6 (18.2) solid vegetables 3 (9.1) ** solid egg 2 (6.1) table 1 galactagogues listed by mothers in cuyo grande and chawaytire, peru (n=33). * galactagogues mentioned only by older mothers ** galactagogues mentioned only by currently breastfeeding mothers monteban 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):81–89 85 research communications mother would thus consume one or more extra servings of a soup to support milk production. the andean medicinal system provides a basis for the use of liquids during the breastfeeding period. in this system, water is considered a cleansing and nourishing therapeutic element. on the other hand, dehydration and dryness are thought to impair the flow of essential body substances like milk (bastien 1985; hammer 2001). another aspect of andean medicine related to galactagogues is the use of “cold” or “hot” and “wet” or “dry” humoral elements to counter the effects of negative exposures (frisancho 2009). to prevent illness and to ensure the flow of vital substances in the body, individuals seek to maintain a diet that balances cold/hot and wet/dry humors (bastien 1987; graham 1997; hammer 2001; mazzes 1968). having soups or hot drinks with the expectation of increasing milk production could indicate that women attribute hypogalactia to exposure to dry or cold elements. thus, the galactagogues used in the andean health system are associated with the concept of like affects, i.e. milky and watery substances help in the production of milk. jelliffe and jelliffe (1978) note that many of the medical techniques, preparations and rituals used throughout the world are based on the “like affects like” principle. knowledge and use of the andean flicker bird as a galactagogue the use of the hak’achu was described by the first spanish chroniclers who stated that the inca appreciated its breast milk production properties, and its use continues to the present time (froemming 2006). we have not ascertained in this study that health clinic personnel recommend the use of the hak’achu as they did with quinoa. nonetheless, knowledge and use of the hak’achu continues among older and currently breastfeeding mothers. of the 18 older mothers interviewed, 9 heard of hak'achu but never tried it, 6 had tried it, and 3 stated that they had never heard of using hak'achu as a galactagogue. eight of the 15 currently breastfeeding mothers interviewed had heard of the hak’achu and 7 had eaten hak’achu soup to increase milk production. knowledge and use of this bird emerged as an analysis theme through the semi-structured interviews’ narratives. respondents reported that they only consume hak’achu in soup, and that they perceive a positive effect and were satisfied with the results. according to one woman (≥ 45 years old), “i ate hak’achu when i did not have milk […] it is good for having a lot of milk. i ate it when i had my first child.” a younger woman recounted: yes, i heard about the hak’achu. i even tried it twice. i ate it in soup, more the broth than the meat. it [the milk] increased a lot, like a cow. i even wanted my milk to dry up [a bit]. with my first child, [he/she] did not breastfeed for two hours and my breasts became swollen and hard, then i lost some of the milk. that is why i ate hak’achu [soup]. women reported knowing about the medicinal properties of the hak’achu through information provided by close relatives, often their mothers. other family members participated in catching the bird. according to one interviewee (≥ 45 years old): when i did not have sufficient milk, hak’achu was prepared, it is like chicken soup. my husband gathered many [birds]. with my older son, i had a lot of milk, but with my younger daughter i did not have milk…then, my mother told my husband to catch a hak’achu to increase the milk and my husband brought many to prepare the soup. using hak’achu depends on having a particular set of knowledge and skills. this knowledge persists in the study communities, and includes information about where to find the bird, about effective trapping strategies, and about the appropriate cooking techniques that finally produce a nutritious meal. short (1972) reported that the bird is found in the high altitude planes of peru, bolivia, chile, and argentina, burrowing under the earth or in rocky cliffs. froemming (2006:1) reported that “for cooking it, it is toasted, ground and prepared in the form of soup.” the narratives of our respondents provide support to these references. for example, according to one woman (≥ 45 years of age): in lloqlla [a community near the research site]…there were many [hak’achu], we used to go there at night and we trapped them near the ditches. we carried a flashlight…, they would approach us and we trapped them like hens. we trapped the fattest ones and freed the lean ones. for other households, the location of the bird’s habitat makes its use difficult. in others, knowledge monteban 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):81–89 86 research communications loss precluded its use. according to an older interviewee (≥ 45 years of age), "we were told [about hak'achu] but were not able to catch any because they live in the hills, in high places." as a younger woman reported, "my parents told me about the hak’achu, but i never tried it, i did not know how to catch it or where it lives?" other women reported familiarity with the properties of hak’achu but not using it in favor of other galactagogues. according to an older woman (≥ 45 years of age): grandpa would bring me a frog from the river. once it was cleaned we would boil it in a ceramic pot… together with lamb feet… it is good when you boil it [frog], it is like milk. i drank it because i did not have enough milk. consumption of this bird appears to be specifically linked to its galactagogue properties. mothers stated that the only use of the hak'achu was to increase milk production during breastfeeding. for example, according to one woman (≥ 45 years of age), "only those [women] that do not have milk drink hak'achu [soup], if they have [milk] what would they drink it for?" as exemplified by the above quote, participants’ narratives indicated that hak’achu is used in these communities in a sustainable manner as it is not indiscriminately consumed. similarly, froemming (2006) reports that “the bird is not hunted in large quantity.” discussion the participating mothers of cuyo grande and chawaytire highlighted the relevance and perceived efficacy of natural galactagogues. most of the galactagogues mentioned were introduced through colonization and incorporated into the local pharmacopeia. the importance attributed to breastfeeding by participants is consistent with public health policies. also in agreement with public health recommendations encouraging consumption of a protein-rich diet during lactation, most items mothers perceived to have galactagogue properties have high protein content. however, while public health policies recommend consuming proteins in the form of solid food, women in this study perceived the use of galactagogues in soup or drink preparations and increased consumption of soups and drinks in general as essential for promoting lactation. despite this divergence with public health policy, increased liquid consumption during breastfeeding may have a health promotion role in the andean communities. it is recommended that water intake increases from 2.7 to 3.8 liters per day while breastfeeding (bentley 1998; iom 2004). complying with water intake recommendations may have implications for people living in environments where safe drinking water is scarce. for example, rosinger (2015) reported that in the bolivian amazonia, tsimane women who were breastfeeding were more prone to dehydration than those who were not. in the andes, individuals are exposed to high levels of solar radiation and wind and access to safe drinking water is limited. water used in the homes comes from streams or wells. the consumption of boiled water in the form of soups or hot drinks may constitute a protective cultural adaptation, reducing the risk of dehydration and of exposure to pathogens present in untreated water supplies. the current norms for maternal nutrition (instituto nacional de salud 2004) promote the consumption of solid food with high protein content because nutrients are diluted in liquid preparations. however, this document does not presently expressly address need for increased water intake. it would be relevant to consider recommendations regarding liquid intake through safe preparations like soups or hot drinks among breastfeeding mothers. the exclusion of men in the study sample is recognized as a possible limitation. this research focused on maternal knowledge and use of galactagogues. however, mothers reported learning about the use and capture of the hak’achu from male relatives. it is possible that had men been interviewed, they may have mentioned additional galactagogues or provided further insight on the use of galactagogues in the research communities. this study provided evidence of persistence in maternal knowledge and use of natural galactagogues in andean communities. it contributes to the existing literature by analyzing knowledge and practices in the context of public health recommendations. i offer a new contribution to the literature by highlighting the potential role of galactagogues to (1) maintain appropriate maternal hydration levels during breastfeeding, which (2) yields sufficient milk for infant nutrition and hydration in a parching environment with limited clean water. the results are relevant for the formulation of maternal-child health policies that comply with intercultural health premises (paho monteban 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):81–89 87 research communications 2008) by valuing and respecting the knowledge and practices of andean peoples. previous research highlights the sometimes conflicting relationship between andean and biomedical knowledge (bastien 1987; crandon-malamud 1991; mathez-stiefel et al. 2012; miles and leatherman 2003). for example, mathez-stiefel et al. (2012) affirms that complementarities between andean and biomedical health care systems are mediated by the dominance of biomedicine as a global and state-supported system. maternalchild health policies should involve local participation and the recognition that power inequities can play a role in facilitating knowledge exchange. acknowledgements i am very grateful to the communities of cuyo grande and chawaytire and the mothers who participated in the research sharing their time and knowledge. my appreciation also goes to benedicta velásquez-yucra and valeria velásquez-yucra for their invaluable help in data collection and to the anonymous reviewers for providing exceptionally helpful comments that helped to improve this manuscript. declarations permissions: none declared. sources of funding: this research was supported in part by a u.s. department of education foreign language and area studies fellowship. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited american academy of pediatrics, section on breastfeeding. 2012. breastfeeding and the use of human milk. pediatrics 129:e827–e841. doi:10.1542/peds.2011-3552. balogun, o., a. dagvadorj, m. anigo, e. ota, and s. sasaki. 2015. factors influencing breastfeeding exclusivity during the first 6 months of life in developing countries: a quantitative and qualitative systematic review. maternal and child nutrition 11:433–451. doi:10.1111/mcn.12180. barbour, r. 2001. checklists for improving rigour in qualitative research: a case of the tail wagging the dog? british medical journal 322:1115–1117. available at: http://pubmedcentralcanada.ca/ pmcc/articles/pmc1120242. accessed on november 10, 2016. bastien, j. w. 1985. qollahuaya‐andean body concepts: a topographical‐hydraulic model of physiology. american anthropology 87:595–611. doi:10.1525/aa.1985.87.3.02a00050. bastien j. w. 1987. cross-cultural communication between doctors and peasants in bolivia. social science and medicine 24:1109–1118. doi:10.1016/0277-9536(87)90025-6. bentley, g. r. 1998. hydration as a limiting factor in lactation. american journal of human biology 10:151– 161. doi:10.1002/(sici)1520-6300(1998) 10:2<151:aidajhb2>3.0.co;2-o. bernard, h. 2011. research methods in anthropology: qualitative and quantitative approaches. altamira press, lanham, md. bnouham, m. 2010. medicinal plants with potential galactagogue activity used in the moroccan pharmacopoeia. journal of complementary and integrative medicine 7. doi:10.2202/15533840.1268. brückner, c. 1996. a survey on herbal galactagogues used in europe. in medicam. aliment. l’approche ethnopharmacol, edited by e. schroder, g. balasard, c. pierre, j. fleurentin, and g. mazars. colloque européen d’ethnopharmacologie et de la 11 conférence internationale d’ethnomédecine, heidelberg, paris, france. available at: http:// www.documentation.ird.fr/hor/fdi:010005528. accessed on november 10, 2016. bussman, r., and a. glen. 2010. medicinal plants used in northern peru for reproductive problems and female health. journal of ethnobiology and ethnomedicine 6:30. doi:10.1186/1746-4269-2-47. chan, s. m., e. a. s. nelson, s. s. f. leung, and c. y. li. 2000. breastfeeding failure in a longitudinal post‐partum maternal nutrition study in hong kong. journal of pediatrics and child health 36:466– 471. doi:10.1046/j.1440-1754.2000.00544. crandon-malamud, l. 1991. from the fat of our souls: social change, political process, and medical pluralism in bolivia. university of california press, berkeley, ca. dandotiya, h., g. singh, and s. k. kashaw. 2013. the galactagogues used by indian tribal communities to overcome poor lactation. international journal of biotechnology and bioengeneering research 4:2231–1238. available at: https:// www.ripublication.com/ijbbr_spl/ ijbbrv4n3spl_12. accessed on november 10, 2016. monteban 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):81–89 88 research communications dettwyler, k. a. 1987. breastfeeding and weaning in mali: cultural context and hard data. social science and medicine 24:633–644. doi:10.1016/0277-9536 (87)90306-6. forinash, a. b., a. m. yancey, k. n. barnes, and t. d. myles. 2012. the use of galactogogues in the breastfeeding mother. annals of pharmacotherapy 46:1392–1404. doi:10.1345/aph.1r167. frisancho pineda, d. 2009. las enfermedades: su etiología según la mentalidad indígena y popular. in medicina tradicional andina: planteamientos y aproximaciones, edited by r. sánchez garrafa and r. sánchez garrafa. centro de cuzco medicina andina, centro de estudios regionales andinos bartolomé de las casas. cusco, perú. froemming, s. 2006. traditional use of the andean flicker (colaptes rupicola) as a galactagogue in the peruvian andes. journal of ethnobiology and ethnomedicine 2:23. doi:10.1186/1746-4269-2-23. gatti, l. 2008. maternal perceptions of insufficient milk supply in breastfeeding. journal of nursing scholarship 40:355–363. doi:10.1111/j.15475069.2008.00234.x. gbadamosi, i., and o. okolosi. 2013. botanical galactogogues: nutritional values and therapeutic potentials. journal of applied bioscience 61:4460. doi:10.4314/jab.v61i0.85594. graham, m. a. 1997. food allocation in rural peruvian households: concepts and behavior regarding children. social science and medicine 44:1697–1709. doi:10.1016/s0277-9536(96) 00372-3. hammer, p. 2001. blood makers made of blood: quechua ethnophysiology of menstruation. in regulating menstruation: beliefs, practices, interpretations, edited by e. van de walle and e. p. renne, pp. 241–253. university of chicago press, chicago, mi. institute of medicine, food and nutrition board. 2004. dietary reference intakes for water, potassium, sodium, chloride, and sulfate. national academies press, washington, dc. instituto nacional de la salud. centro nacional de alimentación y nutrición. 2004. lineamientos de nutricion materno infantil del perú. centro nacional de alimentación y nutrición. ministerio de salud, instituto nacional de salud,lima, perú. available at: http://repositorio.ins.gob.pe/bitstream/ handle/ins/218/cenan-0060.pdf? sequence=1&isallowed=y. accessed on november10, 2016. jelliffe, d. b., and e. f. p. jelliffe. 1978. human milk in the modern world. oxford university press, oxford, united kingdom, and new york, ny. larme, a. c. 1998. environment, vulnerability, and gender in andean ethnomedicine. social science and medicine 47:1005–1015. doi:10.1016/s02779536(98)00162-2. liu, h., y. hua, h. luo, z. shen, x. tao, and x. zhu. 2015. an herbal galactagogue mixture increases milk production and aquaporin protein expression in the mammary glands of lactating rats. evidence-based complementary and alternative medicine 2015:1–6. doi:10.1155/2015/760585. lutter, c. k., c. m. chaparro, and l. m. grummerstrawn. 2011. increases in breastfeeding in latin america and the caribbean: an analysis of equity. health policy plan 26:257–265. doi:10.1093/heapol/czq046. mahmood, a., m. n. omar, and n. ngah. 2012. galactagogue effects of musa x paradisiac a flower extract on lactating rats. asian pacific journal tropical medicine 5:882–886. doi:10.1016/ s1995-7645(12)60164-3. makari, j., k. cameron, and m. battistella. 2014. domperidone-associated sudden cardiac death in the general population and implications for use in patients undergoing hemodialysis: a literature review. canadian journal of hospital pharmacy 67:441–446. doi:10.4212/ cjhp.v67i6.1407. mathez-stiefel. s. l., i. vandebroek, and s. rist. 2012. can andean medicine coexist with biomedical healthcare? a comparison of two rural communities in peru and bolivia. journal of ethnobiology and ethnomedicine 8:26. doi:10.1186/1746-4269-8-26. mazzes, r. b. 1968. hot-cold food beliefs among andean peasants. journal of the american dietetic association 53:109–113. available at: https:// www.cabdirect.org/cabdirect. accessed on november 10, 2016. miles, a., and t. leatherman. 2003. perspectives on medical anthropology in the andes. in medical pluralism in the andes, edited by j. d. koss-chioino, t. leatherman, and c. greenway, pp. 3–15. routledge, london, united kingdom, and new york, ny. monteban 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):81–89 89 research communications mortel, m., and s. d. mehta. 2013. systematic review of the efficacy of herbal galactogogues. journal of human lactation 29:154–162. doi:10.1177/0890334413477243. othman, n., r. a. c. lamin, and c. n. othman. 2014. exploring behavior on the herbal galactagogue usage among malay lactating mothers in malaysia. procedia social and behavioral sciences 153:199–208. doi:10.1016/j.sbspro.2014.10.054. pan american health organization (paho). 2008. una visión de salud intercultural para los pueblos indígenas de las américas. available at: http://new.paho.org/ hq/dmdocuments/2009/54visionsaludinterculturalpi.pdf. accessed on november 2016. patton, m. q. 2005. qualitative research. sage publications, thousands oaks, ca. paul, c., m. zenut, a. dorut, m. a. coudore, j. vein, j. m. cardot, and d. balayssac. 2015. use of domperidone as a galactagogue drug: a systematic review of the benefit-risk ratio. journal of human lactation 31:57–63. doi:10.1177/0890334414561265. piperata, b. a. 2008. forty days and forty nights: a biocultural perspective on postpartum practices in the amazon. social sciences and medicine 67:1094– 1103. doi:10.1016/j.socscimed.2008.05.031. riessman, c. 2008. narrative methods for the human sciences. sage, thousand oaks, ca. doi:10.1017/ s1368980014003000. rosinger, a. 2015. dehydration among lactating mothers in the amazon: a neglected problem. american journal of human biology 27:576–578. doi:10.1002/ajhb.22672. rossi, m., and g. giorgi, g. 2010. domperidone and long qt syndrome. current drug safety 5:257–262. doi:10.2174/157488610791698334. sakka, a. e. l., m. salama, and k. salama. 2014. the effect of fenugreek herbal tea and palm dates on breast milk production and infant weight. journal of pediatric sciences 6. doi:10.17334/ jps.30658. scott, j. a., and w. b. colin. 2002. breastfeeding: reasons for starting, reasons for stopping and problems along the way. breastfeeding review 10:13. available at: https://search.informit.com.au. accessed on november 10 2016. short, l. l. 1972. systematics and behavior of south american flickers (aves, colaptes). bulletin of the amnh, vol. 149. available at: http:// digitallibrary.amnh.org/handle/2246/1198. accessed on november 10, 2016. sim, t., h. hattingh, j. sheriff, and l. tee. 2015. the use, perceived effectiveness and safety of herbal galactagogues during breastfeeding: a qualitative study. international journal of environmental research and public health 12:11050–11071. doi:10.3390/ ijerph120911050. tawia, s. 2014. breastfeeding and herbal galactagogues. australian breastfeeding association enewsletter. available at: https://www.breastfeeding.asn.au/ breastfeeding-and-herbal-galactagogues. accessed on may 12, 2016. tenfelde, s., r. zielinski, and r. l. heidarisafa. 2013. why wic women stop breastfeeding?: analysis of maternal characteristics and time to cessation. ican infant, child and adolescent nutrition 5:207–214. doi:10.1177/1941406413492820. torabi gudarzi, m., l. u. f. qarah guz, a. a. f. yusefi, and h. akbari. 2008. investigation on to the effect of fennel (foeniculum vulgare) and nigella (nigella sativa) on production in milking cow. available at: http://agris.fao.org/agris-search/ search.do?recordid=ir2010000035. accessed on may 12, 2016. world health organization and unicef. 1990. on the protection, promotion and support of breastfeeding. who/unicef policy makers’ meeting “breastfeeding in the 1990s: a global initiative”, spedale degli innocenti, florence, italy. available at: http://www.unicef.org/programme/ breastfeeding/innocenti.htm. accessed on may 12, 2016. winterfeld, u., y. meyer, a. panchaud, and a. einarson. 2012. management of deficient lactation in switzerland and canada: a survey of midwives’ current practices. breastfeeding medicine 7:317–318. doi:10.1089/bfm.2011.0092. zapantis, a., j. g. steinberg, and l. schilit. 2012. use of herbals as galactagogues. journal of pharmacy practice 25:222–231. doi:10.1177/0897190011431636. echinacea: herbal medicine with a wild history. edited by kelly kindscher. 2016. springer international publishing, switzerland. 238 pp. stiegler. 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):56–57 56 reviews herbal remedies and their connections with western biomedical studies of plants and their impact on human health. native peoples kept their use and traditions alive and often taught anthropologists about herbal remedies, informing western studies of plant bioactivity. historic ecological knowledge serves as an effective platform for the stepwise rediscovery of biochemically active plant resources. over centuries, native americans developed their pharmacopeia of botanical resources through knowledge transmission, trial-and-error, and by virtue of the perceptual salience or obviousness of ambient taxa in surrounding environs. throughout this volume, the authors clearly acknowledge the survival of medicinal plant knowledge among native americans depended largely on efficacy. thus, one can conclude that notions of western science as the only mechanism revealing accurate knowledge are shortsighted. herein lies kindscher’s assertion that it is essential to preserve traditional ecological knowledge. traditional ecological knowledge transmits timetested, accurate information about the utility of specific plant resources such as echinacea, and therefore illustrates why biological and cultural conservation are essential for the survivorship and wellbeing of humankind. botanical resources such as echinacea can be bioactive or hold symbolic meaning in ritual and religious contexts. in either case, the authors make it clear that echinacea is important for the continued survival of people and their ways of life. the authors perhaps overlooked an opportunity to describe the most common system through which human knowledge is transmitted—language. in the this edited volume is biocultural in scope, as it elucidates links between cultural beliefs and values, traditional knowledge, economics, and bioactivity associated with the botanical genus echinacea. editor kelly kindscher is particularly well-qualified to write about echinacea given his career-long study of the genus, and his work in kansas and the great plains, where echinacea grows ubiquitously. this book arrives at a time when wild echinacea populations are threatened due to extensive harvesting and perceived economic values of selected species within the genus. growing supply and demand for echinacea, primarily as a medicinal resource, is associated with its excessive exploitation. this book represents a benchmark volume committed to the importance of echinacea conservation. it is an accumulation of scientific discoveries and wisdom aimed to promote understanding of echinacea conservation, bioactivity, and cultural relevance. the volume aims to distribute information and knowledge regarding these factors, and while over-arching theoretical perspectives are not apparent at first, significant conclusions regarding biocultural diversity conservation can be derived from its pages. kindscher’s first chapter conveys how echinacea maintained its role as a culturally salient botanical genus for millennia in native america. in plains societies, echinacea is widely known and revered as a panacea. in these tribes, knowledge was perpetuated by belief in echinacea’s spiritual power, and its myriad associated healing properties. contact between indigenous peoples and european settlers dramatically changed the dynamics of traditional wild plant knowledge. however, anthropologists are presently recovering and documenting ancient native echinacea: herbal medicine with a wild history. edited by kelly kindscher. 2016. springer international publishing, switzerland. 238 pp. christopher d. stiegler 1* 1 department of anthropology, university of arkansas, fayetteville, arkansas, usa. * cstiegle@uark.edu received february 15, 2017 open access accepted march 22, 2017 doi 10.14237/ebl.8.1.2017.911 copyright © 2017 by the author(s) licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. stiegler. 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):56–57 57 reviews chapter co-authored by kindscher and wittenberg, linnaean binomials of echinacea taxonomy are shown to reflect genetic phylogenies and thereby reveal species commonly used and collected for medicine. kindscher and wittenberg correctly assess how linnaean binomials distinguish which species are important for medical researchers. however, linnaean binomials reveal little (with certain exceptions) about non-western cultural use patterns and associated knowledge of botanicals. the work, while useful and significant, neglects the relevance of common native and folk names for echinacea among human cultures. linguistic data may reveal functional properties of plant domains and their associated cultural relevance. as the work points out, one of the greatest threats to wild echinacea populations is overharvesting, discussed in chapters co-authored by price, riggs, craft, and klein. when echinacea demand is high, collectors tend to prefer wild plants over cultivated ones. wild specimens have not undergone intensive domestication and therefore contain more bioactive alkaloids, rendering them economically valuable. monetary value leads to illegal harvesting, which negatively impacts the biological and ecological status of echinacea as a genus. with data like these, kindscher and other co-authors do a masterful job of illustrating the importance of echinacea conservation and go on to suggest several viable and creative conservation methods and approaches, including the advancement of ethnobotanical research. no doubt these data will be essential for extending awareness of how traditional knowledge promotes accurate conclusions about the guardianship of botanical resources essential to human livelihood and survival. chapters in the volume addressing medical effects of echinacea on human physiology hold special relevance for medical ethnobotanists and others interested in the interaction of botany and human health. the essays co-authored with cao and drisko present luminous materials regarding recent biochemical properties and medical discoveries about echinacea. they effectively inform how cultural and medical resources converge with biochemistry to explain the efficacy of this genus in healing pathways generally. through repeated success and failures, curiosity and experimentation, humans have arrived at effective conclusions that have been synthesized into ethnomedical beliefs pertaining to human health overall. certainly, this book’s relevance to ethnobiology rests in its illustration of how humans are biocultural beings with behaviors and resources under constant modification by biological factors and constraints. cultural beliefs reveal how bioactive resources must be consciously conserved if future generations of humans are to flourish. non-western ecological knowledge should never be viewed as simplistic or ineffective, but crucial for biocultural conservation. anthropologists, ecologists, and others will enjoy this book’s consideration of important knowledge embodied in native worldviews, seen here to inform health, diet, nutrition, and disease-prevention. an optimistic view reveals that most threats to echinacea are created by human behavior, which is potentially easier to reverse than ecological variables currently impacting human wellbeing more broadly. as kindscher and others reveal so persuasively here, humans can be cognizant of their impact on echinacea populations, and therefore act to preserve it. by considering echinacea’s history, cultural and economic value, as kindscher and his colleagues have done so ably in this volume, ethnobotanists may advance their efforts to understand the implications and advantages of safeguarding valuable flora for the benefit of present and future generations. 39 research communication use value of food plants in the xi’iuy indigenous community of las guapas, rayon, san luis potosi, mexico haydeé carbajal-esquivel, javier fortanelli martínez, 1 josé garcía-pérez, juan a. reyes-agüero, laura yáñez-espinosa, mark bonta. author addresses: 1 instituto de investigación de zonas desérticas, universidad autónoma de san luis potosí, san luis potosí, slp, méxico fortanel@uaslp.mx received: october 31, 2011 volume 3:39-55 published: august 21, 2012 © 2012 society of ethnobiology abstract: native communities’ erosion of ethnobotanical knowledge of food plants is a global concern. this investigation focuses on a xi’iuy community in the sierra madre oriental, san luís potosí, méxico. a total of 21 randomly-selected families participated (22% of the total population). the 56 people who were interviewed—an average of 2.7 per family-were separated into four groups (fathers, mothers, single sons, single daughters). to investigate the use value of each plant, a collection of 54 food specimens was shown to the informants. knowledge of each food species’ uses was compared between genders and age groups. the results included figures that were lower than expected, as well as less knowledge among women than men, particularly among underage daughters. the difference in use value between men and women in this community is explicable by cultural factors: i.e., women’s participation in agriculture and plant collecting is minimal. this, along with men’s seasonal migration for work (men are usually wage laborers half the year in the sugarcane harvest, and the other half they cultivate their own land), plus increasing availability of commercial food in grocery stores, contributes to the steady loss of ethnobotanical knowledge. key words: use value, food plants, quantitative ethnobotany, xi’iuy ethnic group. introduction the geographical region known as la pamería, located in the sierra madre oriental, in the states of san luis potosí and querétaro, méxico (chemin, 1984; álvarez, 1996; vázquez, 2010), has evolved through a lengthy and complex historical processes involving the xi’iuy ethnic group (known by mestizos as “pame”, thus “la pamería” means “land of the pames”). state policies over the centuries have favored the reduction of xi’iuy territory and displacement of its people, resulting in land and water resources becoming increasingly concentrated in the hands of mestizo and criollo landowners (ordóñez 2004). from the 16th to the 18th centuries, the xi’iuy people, facing long-lasting conflicts with encomienda holders, hacienda owners, and bellicose, nomadic tribes, retreated to the most isolated and rugged parts of the sierra madre, where they eked out an existence as smallholders (velázquez 1987). although xi’iuy land contains abundant resources and high productive potential, it is characterized by stark poverty. chronic malnutrition, a poverty-related condition, is rife, and can be explained by several factors: inadequate agricultural and food-gathering strategies; dietary changes resulting from the introduction of commercial food products of little nutritional value; adoption of alien cultural mores fomented by temporary, local emigration (anonymous 1999). ethnographic research carried out in two nearby indigenous towns (la manzanilla and agua puerca) highlighted a similar situation (cotonieto, 2011). during the dry season, males 15 years and above typically labor in the sugarcane harvest, in nearby intermontane valleys. during this time, they return each weekend to their homes. in the rainy season, they plant and harvest maize and beans on their own land in the mountains. this situation appears to favor continuous erosion of xi’iuy knowledge of local food resources. a concept that contributes to the understanding of this issue is use value, i.e., the capability of a given resource, good, or service to meet the needs of an individual or society (callan and thomas 1996; asafu 2005). in the case of plants, a given species will have a high use value if a relatively elevated number of consumers or users 40 research communication make use of it for a wide variety of purposes. hence, this study analyzes the use value of local food plants by gender and age groups in a xi’iuy community. materials and methods this study was conducted from january 2006 to april 2007 in the village of las guapas, municipality of rayón, san luis potosí state, mexico (99º27’40”w; 21º55’45ºn; 1080 m.a.s.l.) (anonymous 1980). las guapas comprises 96 families whose livelihoods include subsistence agriculture, small-scale commerce in fruits and vegetables, cattle-raising, fabrication and sale of handicrafts, and agricultural labor outside the community. las guapas has a warm climate and is located in a valley with reddish-brown, clayey soils derived from fine-grained sedimentary rock. it is flanked by limestone hills that reach altitudes of nearly 1400 meters above sea level. the dominant vegetation type is quercus oak forest. first, we conducted a community meeting to seek consent for the research. informed consent was granted. the sample included 21 families (21.8% of the total number of families in las guapas, ) selected at random. then, we conducted a field survey, using data from local informants along with botanical identification, in forests, lands under cultivation, and community orchards. we identified 159 species of ethnobotanical interest and nine different uses. thenceforth, following the objective of this study, we made a collection of 54 specimens with uses for food, and 12 specimens with non-food uses. only 71% of food plants collected were used in this study (the remaining 29% were unidentifiable owing to the poor state of the specimens, and were thus discarded), to avoid potential species misidentifications due to informants’ fatigue and/or boredom toward the end of the study. this method is superior to that employed in a study by lyen y nguyen (2003) in which, to avoid fatigue and loss of interest on the part of the informants, just ten photographs were used to evaluate traditional fruit and vegetable knowledge among vietnamese in vietnam and hawaii. after we gathered data on plants collected, we calculated use values following phillips and gentry (1993a, b). this method allows researchers to assess 1) the ability of interviewees to recognize plant species and 2) interviewees’ knowledge of their uses. we showed interviewees plant specimens and asked them to describe different uses. we ran tests on these data to assess the importance of a given species based on its various uses (see table 1 for equations used). we also investigate interviewees’ knowledge of the species’ common name, xi’iuy name, part of the plant used and means of preparation, and frequency of inclusion in the diet. we interviewed 21 female heads of family, 11 male heads of family (it was impossible to interview all male heads of family in the sample due to their temporary absence from the community for work purposes), and single (“underage”) sons and daughters between 12 and 22 years of age (seven sons and seven daughters). we made the assumption, based on chemin (1984) and cotonieto (2010) that persons in the 12-to-22 age group had already gained sufficient knowledge of community life and traditions to apply in the future as heads of family. to avoid confusion between interviewees, we conducted separate and isolated sessions for each interviewee. results and discussion results obtained via the equations shown in table 1 allowed us to analyze differential knowledge of plant uses among the xi’iuy people. assuming that only plants used as food were included, our minimum expectation was that the interviewee would be able to identify at least one type of food produced from each plant sample. however, some interviewees faced difficulties in identifying specimens, particularly for species belonging to the same taxonomical family, or did not know of specific alimentary uses at all. table 2 displays some of the species collected (refer to appendix 1 for the complete list) to demonstrate how use values were calculated. the example shows the outcome of interviews with 11 heads of family. it is evident that erythrina coralloides has a maximum vt of 4.0, meaning that interviewees acknowledged that this species is used both as food and for other purposes. although the table lists only a fraction of all species considered, complete results for these species are displayed. e. coralloides has the highest use value relative to all others (vsp = 2.73), as a result of the number of distinct uses associated with this species. interviewee 1 in the adult men group assigned the highest figures to the set of plants analyzed (vs = 1.17); this was likely due to his age: at 60 years old, he was the oldest of the 11 interviewees in his group. table 3 displays 25 species included in the plant collection and the respective total use value for each interviewee group. use values (vs) were compared among interviewee groups through the u-mannwhitney test. from this, only differences between adult men and underage women (vppa versus vpja), and 41 research communication between underage men and underage women (vpjo versus vspja), were statistically significant (u = 39.5, p < 0.01; u = 21, p < 0.01, respectively).this may be correlated with the custom of women’s visiting forests and parcels only when accompanying their husbands or sons. as a result, women access to knowledge is limited relative to men’s. nevertheless, when a woman becomes the head of household (because her partner has either died or emigrated to the us or to a distant mexican state), she learns to use the different plants as food and also identifies other uses. xi’iuy women’s inferior knowledge of plant uses contrasts sharply with the situation of a mestizo mapuche community in neuquen, argentina (lozada et al. 2006), where women play the leading role in preserving ethnobotanical knowledge, and no significant differences between men and women vis-àvis knowledge of plant uses are reported. in a similar context, hadza women in south africa walk some eight km to collect water as well as fruits and other food plants (youngblood 2004). more restrictive situations exist among bribri and cabecar communities in costa rica, where women are barred from utilizing certain plants in anthropic landscapes (ramos and del monte 2004). the closest resemblance to the situation of the xi’iuy people of las guapas is santa isabel chalma, amecameca, mexico, a community involved primarily in forest exploitation. there, men possess a deeper ethnobotanical knowledge than women; working in the forest is said to be an activity unsuitable for unmarried women (estrada 1996). it is only when married that a woman learns knowledge about plants from her husband. in the cuenca del caura, venezuela, souto and ticktin (2012) obtained similar results in a study that showed that men know more edible wild fruits than women, and elderly women know more plants—particularly those found close to dwellings— than younger women. within a similar context, the difference between vpjo and vspja in las guapas is due to the fact that boys begin their acquaintance with plant uses at an earlier age than girls, as they are afforded the opportunity to visit the forest with their fathers. furthermore, the difference in vp between fathers and sons should be noted: sons easily identified species and described at least their uses as food, while fathers faced various problems in identifying them. this may be due to the fact that fathers have lost regular contact with plants as a result of constant, temporary emigration for work. these findings are cause for great concern, because issues involving transmission of knowledge derived from traditional differential gender roles are exacerbated by the ongoing loss of contact with environmental resources and growing economic and cultural pressures to consume processed, commercial foods readily available in local grocery stores. in this respect, some authors have pointed out diverse tendencies in relation to increased contact with the outside. for example, hamlin and salick (2003), working in the peruvian amazon, found that yanesha communities were not negatively affected by the opening of a modern highway. although it brought more people to a previous isolated zone and augmented the presence of commercial activities, the yanesha were able to adapt by not only enriching their dooryard gardens and diets with new flavors and ingredients, but also maintaining their traditional agricultural knowledge. similarly, mcmillen (2012) found in tanga, tanzania, that medicinal plant knowledge was being improved rather that eroded with better connections to regional markets. by contrast, voeks and leony (2004) showed that the process of modernization in lençóis, eastern brazil, is incompatible with the persistance of ethnobotanical knowledge of medicinal plants, because there is a positive relationship between illiteracy and local traditional knowledge. in las guapas, forest plant species with high use values included “higuerón” (ficus cotinifolia kunth) and avocado (persea americana mill.). these species are also found in household orchards, but they were classified as forest plants because they also grow wild. cultivated plants with highest use values were “teja corn” (helianthus annuus l.) and “epazote” (chenopodium ambrosioides l.). the species with highest use value in orchards was “patol” (erythrina coralloides dc.): as already mentioned, this species is utilized in a number of different ways. another relevant plant in typical xi`iuyky orchards is “ruda” (ruta chalepensis l.), a species used both as medicine and spice. table 3 shows that plants with the highest use values (for example, cnidoscolus multilobus and conostegia xalapensis) correspond mostly to either anthropic landscapes like orchards and plots under cultivation, or to disturbed vegetation. in general, similar uses for food occur across different environments; based on the u mann-whitney test, there are no statistically significant differences between food plants from forests and from orchards in terms of: a) frequency of consumption (number of days per year that a given species is consumed by the family interviewed) (u = 42 research communication 136.5, p > 0.05), and b) the plant’s use value (u = 136, p > 0.05). conclusions use value figures for plant species consumed as food were lower than expected, with extent of knowledge below average among underage daughters and above average among underage sons. differences in use value between men and women are most likely related to a cultural context in which women participate in agriculture and plant collection in only a limited fashion. plants with the highest use values correspond to anthropic landscapes such as orchards and cultivated fields, and to areas with disturbed vegetation. in terms of frequency of consumption or use value, plants collected in the forest displayed no significant differences relative to plants grown in orchards. references cited álvarez c. h. 1996. problemática agraria en la pamería potosina: panorama actual. in: l. torre (coord.) xi’oi coloquio pame. los pames de san luis potosí y querétaro. pp. 159-170. centro de investigaciones históricas de san luis potosí and instituto de cultura de san luis potosí, san luis potosí, méxico. anonymous. 1980. tamasopo. carta topográfica. f-14-c18, escala 1:50000. dirección general de geografía del territorio nacional, méxico. anonymous. 1999. diagnóstico socioeconómico, productivo y de análisis económico financiero de proyectos tipo en la zona pame de san luis potosí. programa de desarrollo productivo sostenible en zonas rurales marginadas. sagarpa, san luis potosí, méxico. asafu-adjaye, j. 2005. environmental economics for noneconomists. techniques and policies for sustainable development. world scientific publishing, singapore, malaysia. callan, s. j. and j. m. thomas. 1996. environmental and management theory, policy and applications. irwin mcgraw-hill, chicago, illinois. bassler, h. c. 1984. los pames septentrionales de san luis potosí. instituto nacional indigenista, méxico. santilez, h. c. 2011. no tenemos las mejores tierras ni vivimos en los mejores pueblos... pero acá seguimos: ritual agrícola, organización social y cosmovisión de los pames del norte. el colegio de san luis, san luis potosí, méxico. estrada, m. e. 1996. etnobotánica forestal en santa isabel chalma, amecameca, méxico. unpublished master’s thesis, department of botany, colegio de postgraduados montecillo, texcoco, estado de méxico. hamlin, c. c. and j. salick. 2003. yanesha agriculture in the upper peruvian amazon: persistence and change fifteen years down the “road”. economic botany 57:163-180. lien, m. and t. nguyen. 2003. comparison of food plant knowledge between urban vietnamese living in vietnam and in hawai’i. economic botany 57:472-480. lozada, m., ladio a., and m. weigandt. 2006. cultural transmission of ethnobotanical knowledge in a rural community of northwestern patagonia, argentina. economic botany 60:374-385. mcmillen, h. 2012. ethnobotanical knowledge transmission and evolution: the case of medicinal markets in tanga, tanzania. economic botany 20:1-11. ordóñez, c. g. 2004. pames. programa de las naciones unidas para el desarrollo, méxico city, méxico. phillips, o. and a. h. gentry. 1993a. the useful plants of tambopata, perú: i. statistical hypotheses tests with a new quantitative technique. economic botany 47:15-32. phillips, o. and a. h. gentry. 1993b. the useful plants of tambopata, perú: ii. additional hypothesis testing in quantitative ethonobotany. economic botany 47:33-43. ramos, g. s. c. and j. p. del monte. 2004. the use of tropical forest (agroecosystems and plant harvesting) as a source of food in the bribri and cabecar cultures in the coast of costa rica. economic botany 58:58-71. souto, t. and t. ticktin. 2012. understanding interrelationships among predictors (age, gender, and origin) of local ecological knowledge. economic botany 20:1-16. vázquez e. a. 2010. xi’oi los verdaderos hombres. atlas etnográfico pames de la sierra gorda queretana. universidad autónoma de querétaro, qurétaro, méxico. velázquez, p. f. 1987. colección de documentos para la historia de san luis potosí. archivo histórico del estado de san luis potosí, san luis potosí, méxico. voeks, r. a. and a. leony. 2004. forgetting the forest: assessing medicinal plant erosion in eastern brazil. economic botany 58:s294-s306. youngblood, d. 2004. identification and quantification of edible plant foods in the upper (nama) karoo, south africa. economic botany 58:s43-s65. 43 research communication biosketch haydeé carbajal-esquivel is a biologist with a master’s degree in environmental science from the autonomous university of san luis potosi in mexico. he is also a high school director at iuem university in mexico. 44 research communication table 1. equations used to calculate use value of plant species [modified from original equations by phillips and gentry (1993a,b)]. feature index definition use value per interviewee for each species vt = number of uses of each species known to given interviewee total number of uses of each species: vt = 0, vt = 1, etc. mean use value per interviewee vs = σvt/total number of species observed per interviewee average use value per interviewee for each species observed. mean use value per species vsp =σvt/number of interviewees that observed the plant species average use value assigned to a given species by all interviewees. use value of food species per group of interviewees vpi = σvs(i)/number of interviewees (total or per subsample i) vp is the mean use value assigned by the total number of interviewees (t) or a subsample of interviewees (i): i = adult men, pa, vppa i = adult women, ma, vpma i = underage men, jo, vpjo i = underage women, ja, vpja 45 research communication table 2. use values of food plants in las guapas by heads of family. number of uses recognized per interviewee (vt ) interviewee 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 vsp species erythrina coralloides 4 3 2 2 4 4 3 1 4 2 1 2.73 ficus cotinifolia 3 4 2 2 1 4 3 2 2 2 1 2.36 persea americana. 2 4 2 2 1 1 3 1 3 1 1 1.91 chenopodium ambrosioides 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 2 1 1.18 helianthus annuus 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.18 psidium guajava 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1.18 cnidosculus multilobus 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.09 coffea arabica 1 2 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 0 1.09 amaranthus hybridus 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 bauhinia chapulhuacania 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 carica papaya 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 carya ovata var. mexicana 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 conostegia xalapensis 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 gonolobus niger 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 juglans mollis 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 lycopersicon esculentum var. cerasiforme 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 mangifera indica 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 0 1 1.00 manihot esculenta 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 musa x paradisiaca 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 nopalea cochenillifera 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 opuntia sp. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 phaseolus coccineus 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 phaseolus vulgaris 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 ruta chalepensis 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 saccharum officinarum 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 tagetes filifolia 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 vigna unguiculata 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 zingiber officinale 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 0 1.00 canna indica 1 1 2 1 1 0 1 1 1 0 1 0.91 curcuma longa 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 0.91 cymbopogon citratus 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 0.91 pachyrhizus erosus 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 0.91 phytolacca icosandra 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 0.91 sechium edule 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 0.91 tigridia pavonia 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 0.91 capsicum annuum 1 0 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 0.82 capsicum annuum var. aviculare 1 0 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 0.82 jatropha curcas 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 0.82 pisum sativum 1 0 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 0.82 syngonium podophyllum 1 0 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 0.82 arachis hypogaea 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 0 0 0.73 citrus maxima 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 0 0 0.73 morus aff. celtidifolia 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 0 0 0.73 physalis philadelphica 2 0 0 1 2 0 0 0 2 1 0 0.73 46 research communication casimiroa edulis 1 1 0 1 1 0 0 0 1 1 1 0.64 citrus aurantifolia 1 1 1 1 0 1 0 0 1 1 0 0.64 citrus reticulata 1 1 0 1 1 0 1 0 1 1 0 0.64 citrus aurantium 1 0 1 1 0 1 0 1 1 0 0 0.55 portulaca oleracea 1 0 1 1 1 0 0 1 1 0 0 0.55 rosmarinus officinalis 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 1 1 0.45 yucca treculeana 1 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 1 0 1 0.45 canavalia septentrionalis 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 0.36 eugenia capuli 1 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0.36 asparagus officinalis 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 0.18 vs 1.17 0.96 0.93 1.02 1.04 0.91 0.87 0.83 1.13 0.83 0.69 vppa 0.94 vt = number of uses mentioned for each species by a given interviewee; vs = σvt /number of species observed per interviewee; vsppa = σvt /number of adult male interviewees that observed the species; vppa = σvs/number of adult male interviewees. 47 research communication table 3. use value of food species in las guapas community, by species and interviewee group. scientific name habitat vspma vsppa vspja vspjo vsptotal erythrina coralloides h 1.48 2.73 1.06 2.00 1.66 ficus cotinifolia h,f 1.38 2.36 0.94 1.57 1.46 persea americana h,f 1.33 1.91 1.24 1.71 1.46 helianthus annuus h,cl 1.24 1.18 1.00 1.00 1.13 chenopodium ambrosioides h,cl 1.10 1.18 1.00 1.00 1.07 carya ovata var. mexicana h,f 1.14 1.00 1.00 1.00 1.05 juglans mollis. h,f 1.14 1.00 1.00 1.00 1.05 ruta chalepensis h 1.14 1.00 1.00 1.00 1.05 mangifera indica h 1.14 1.00 0.94 1.00 1.04 psidium guajava h 1.00 1.18 1.00 1.00 1.04 cnidosculus multilobus cl,ol,f 1.00 1.09 1.00 1.00 1.02 musa x paradisiaca h,cl 1.00 1.00 1.06 1.00 1.02 amaranthus hybridus h,cl,ol 1.00 1.00 1.00 1.00 1.00 carica papaya h,cl 1.00 1.00 1.00 1.00 1.00 gonolobus niger h,f 1.00 1.00 1.00 1.00 1.00 nopalea cochenillifera h,cl 1.00 1.00 1.00 1.00 1.00 opuntia sp. h,cl,ol 1.00 1.00 1.00 1.00 1.00 curcuma longa h,cl 1.00 0.91 1.00 1.00 0.98 phaseolus coccineus cl 0.95 1.00 1.00 1.00 0.98 phaseolus vulgaris cl 0.95 1.00 1.00 1.00 0.98 vigna unguiculata cl 0.95 1.00 1.00 1.00 0.98 coffea arabica h,cl,f 0.90 1.09 0.94 1.00 0.96 conostegia xalapensis h,cl,ol 0.90 1.00 1.00 1.00 0.96 saccharum officinarum h,cl 0.95 1.00 0.94 1.00 0.96 zingiber officinale h,cl 1.00 1.00 0.88 1.00 0.96 vp 0.88 0.94 0.82 0.95 vp total women 0.85 vp total men 0.95 vsppa = σvt/number of adult male interviewees that observed the species. this also applies for vspma = adult women; vspjo = underaged men; vspja = underaged women; vp = σvs/ number of interviewees in each group. only 25 of the 54 species used in this investigation are shown (refer to appendix 1). habitat: h=homegarden, cl=cultivated land, f=forest, ol= other anthropic land (roadside, wasteland, etc.) 48 research communication supplementary table 1. use value assigned to plants by interviewees in las guapas community. female head of family number of uses mentioned per interviewee (vt) scientific name 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 vspma amaranthus hybridus l. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 arachis hypogaea l. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 1 0 1 1 1 1 0 1 0 1 0 1 0.71 asparagus officinalis l. 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 0.19 bauhinia chapulhuacania wunderlin 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 0.95 canavalia septentrionalis sawer 1 1 1 1 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 1 1 1 0 1 0 1 0 1 0.57 canna indica l. 1 1 1 0 2 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 0 0 2 0 0 0.67 capsicum annuum l. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 0.95 capsicum annuum var. aviculare (dierb.) d' arcy & eshbaugh 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 0.95 carica papaya l. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 1.00 carya ovata var. mexicana (engelm. ex hemsl.) manning 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1.14 casimiroa edulis la llave & lex. 1 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 0 0 1 1 1 0 1 0 1 0 1 0.62 chenopodium ambrosioides l. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 2 1 1 1.10 citrus aurantifolia swingle 1 1 1 0 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 0 0 0 1 0 1 0.67 citrus aurantium l. 1 1 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 0.43 citrus maxima (burm.) merr. 1 1 1 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 1 0 1 0.43 citrus reticulata blanco 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 1 1 0 1 0 1 1 0 1 0 1 0.67 cnidosculus multilobus (pax) i.m. johnst 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 coffea arabica l. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 0.90 conostegia xalapensis (bonpl.)d.don 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 0 0.90 curcuma longa l. 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 0 1 1 1 1.00 cymbopogon citratus (dc.) stapf 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.05 erythrina coralloides dc. 1 1 1 1 4 1 1 2 1 1 4 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 4 1 1 1.48 eugenia capuli (cham. & schltdl.)o.berg 0 1 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 1 1 0 0.38 ficus cotinifolia kunth 1 1 1 0 1 2 0 2 2 1 4 1 1 1 1 2 0 0 4 2 2 1.38 gonolobus niger (cav.) r. br. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 helianthus annuus l. 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 2 2 1 2 1.24 jatropha curcas l. 1 1 1 0 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 1 0 1 0.76 juglans mollis engelm. 1 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1.14 lycopersicon esculentum var. cerasiforme (dunal) a. gray 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 0.90 mangifera indica l. 1 2 2 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 2 1 2 1 1 1 1 0 2 1 1 1.14 49 research communication manihot esculenta crantz 1 1 1 0 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 0 1 0.81 morus aff. celtidifolia kunth 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 1 0 1 1 0 1 0 1 0 1 0 0 0.57 musa x paradisiaca l. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 nopalea cochenillifera (l.) salm-dyck 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 opuntia 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 pachyrhizus erosus (l.) urb. 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 0.86 persea americana mill. 1 1 1 1 1 3 1 1 2 1 1 1 2 1 1 2 1 0 3 2 1 1.33 phaseolus coccineus l. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 0.95 phaseolus vulgaris l. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 0.95 physalis philadelphica lam. 0 1 1 0 2 1 0 1 0 1 0 1 1 0 1 0 0 0 1 1 1 0.62 phytolacca icosandra l. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 0 1 0 1 0.81 pisum sativum l. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 0 1 0.90 portulaca oleracea l. 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 1 0 1 1 0 1 0 1 0 1 0 1 0.62 psidium guajava l. 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 1.00 rosmarinus officinalis l. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 0.90 ruta chalepensis l. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 2 1 2 1 1 0 2 1 1 1.14 saccharum officinarum l. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 0.95 sechium edule (jacq.) sw. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 0 0.81 syngonium podophyllum schott. 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 0 1 0 1 0 1 0 1 0.71 tagetes filifolia lag 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 0.95 tigridia pavonia (l.f.) dc. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 0 1 1 1 0 1 0 1 0 1 0.76 vigna unguiculata (l.) walp. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 0.95 yucca treculeana carr. 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 1 0 0 0.48 zingiber officinale roscoe 1 2 2 1 2 2 1 1 0 1 1 0 1 1 1 0 1 0 2 0 1 1.00 vs 0.93 0.98 1 0.8 1.1 1 0.8 0.8 0.7 0.9 1 0.8 1 0.9 0.9 0.8 0.8 0.3 1.3 0.6 0.91 vpma 0.88 vt = number of uses mentioned by each interviewee for each species; vs = σvt /number of species observed per interviewee; vspma = σvt /number of “adult women” interviewees that observed the species; vpma = σvs / number of “adult women” interviewees. 50 research communication supplementary table 1. (cont.). male head of family underage sons ( ≥ 12 ≤ 22 years old) number of uses mentioned per interviewee (vt) number of uses mentioned per interviewee (vt) scientific name 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 vsppa 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 vspjo amaranthus hybridus l. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 arachis hypogaea l. 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 0 0 0.73 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 asparagus officinalis l. 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 0.18 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0.00 bauhinia chapulhuacania wunderlin 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 0.86 canavalia septentrionalis sawer 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 0.36 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 0.71 canna indica l. 1 1 2 1 1 0 1 1 1 0 1 0.91 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 0.86 capsicum annuum l. 1 0 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 0.82 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 capsicum annuum var. aviculare (dierb.) d' arcy & eshbaugh 1 0 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 0.82 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 carica papaya l. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 carya ovata var. mexicana (engelm. ex hemsl.) manning 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 casimiroa edulis la llave & lex. 1 1 0 1 1 0 0 0 1 1 1 0.64 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 0.86 chenopodium ambrosioides l. 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 2 1 1.18 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 citrus aurantifolia swingle 1 1 1 1 0 1 0 0 1 1 0 0.64 0 1 1 0 1 0 1 0.57 citrus aurantium l. 1 0 1 1 0 1 0 1 1 0 0 0.55 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 0.86 citrus maxima (burm.) merr. 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 0 0 0.73 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 0.86 citrus reticulata blanco 1 1 0 1 1 0 1 0 1 1 0 0.64 0 0 1 1 1 0 1 0.57 cnidosculus multilobus (pax) i.m. johnst 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.09 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 coffea arabica l. 1 2 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 0 1.09 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 conostegia xalapensis (bonpl.)d.don 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 curcuma longa l. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 0.91 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 cymbopogon citratus (dc.) stapf 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 0.91 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 0.71 erythrina coralloides dc. 4 3 2 2 4 4 3 1 4 2 1 2.73 1 1 2 3 2 2 3 2.00 eugenia capuli (cham. & schltdl.)o.berg 1 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0.36 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 ficus cotinifolia kunth 3 4 2 2 1 4 3 2 2 2 1 2.36 0 1 2 2 2 2 2 1.57 gonolobus niger (cav.) r. br. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 helianthus annuus l. 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.18 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 jatropha curcas l. 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 0.82 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 0.86 juglans mollis engelm. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 lycopersicon esculentum var. cerasiforme (dunal) a. gray 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 mangifera indica l. 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 0 1 1.00 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 51 research communication manihot esculenta crantz 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 morus aff. celtidifolia kunth 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 0 0 0.73 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 musa x paradisiaca l. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 nopalea cochenillifera (l.) salm-dyck 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 opuntia 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 pachyrhizus erosus (l.) urb. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 0.91 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 persea americana mill. 2 4 2 2 1 1 3 1 3 1 1 1.91 1 1 2 1 2 2 3 1.71 phaseolus coccineus l. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 phaseolus vulgaris l. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 physalis philadelphica lam. 2 0 0 1 2 0 0 0 2 1 0 0.73 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 phytolacca icosandra l. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 0.91 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 0.86 pisum sativum l. 1 0 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 0.82 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 0.71 portulaca oleracea l. 1 0 1 1 1 0 0 1 1 0 0 0.55 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 psidium guajava l. 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1.18 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 rosmarinus officinalis l. 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 1 1 0.45 0 1 0 0 1 0 1 0.43 ruta chalepensis l. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 saccharum officinarum l. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 sechium edule (jacq.) sw. 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 0.91 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 syngonium podophyllum schott. 1 0 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 0.82 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 tagetes filifolia lag 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 0.86 tigridia pavonia (l.f.) dc. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 0.91 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 0.71 vigna unguiculata (l.) walp. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 yucca treculeana carr. 1 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 1 0 1 0.45 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 0.86 zingiber officinale roscoe 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 0 1.00 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 vs 1.2 1 0.9 1 1 0.9 0.9 0.8 1.1 0.8 0.685 0.7 0.9 1 1 1 1 1.1 vppa 0.94 vpjo 0.82 vt = number of uses mentioned by each interviewee for each species; vs = σvt divided by the number of species observed per interviewee; vsppa = σvt divided by the number of “adult men” interviewees that observed the species; vspja = σvt divided by the number of “underage men” that observed the species; vppa = σvs divided by the number of “adult men” interviewees; vpjo = σvs divided by the number of “ underage men” interviewees. 52 research communication supplementary table 1. (cont.). single daughters ( ≥ 12 ≤ 22 years old) number of uses mentioned per interviewee (vt) scientific name 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 vspja vspt amaranthus hybridus l. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 1.00 arachis hypogaea l. 0 1 1 0 0 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 0.71 0.75 asparagus officinalis l. 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0.18 0.16 bauhinia chapulhuacania wunderlin 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0.94 0.95 canavalia septentrionalis sawer 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 0.18 0.43 canna indica l. 1 0 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0.65 0.73 capsicum annuum l. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 0.95 capsicum annuum var. aviculare (dierb.) d' arcy & eshbaugh 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 0.95 carica papaya l. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 1.00 carya ovata var. mexicana (engelm. ex hemsl.) manning 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 1.05 casimiroa edulis la llave & lex. 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 0.35 0.57 chenopodium ambrosioides l. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 1.07 citrus aurantifolia swingle 1 0 1 1 0 0 1 1 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 1 0.47 0.59 citrus aurantium l. 1 0 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 0 1 0 1 1 0 0 0.65 0.57 citrus maxima (burm.) merr. 1 1 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 0.59 0.59 citrus reticulata blanco 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 0.65 0.64 cnidosculus multilobus (pax) i.m. johnst 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 1.02 coffea arabica l. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 0.94 0.96 conostegia xalapensis (bonpl.)d.don 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 0.96 curcuma longa l. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 0.98 cymbopogon citratus (dc.) stapf 1 0 0 1 1 0 1 0 0 1 1 1 1 0 0 1 1 0.59 0.84 erythrina coralloides dc. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1.06 1.66 eugenia capuli (cham. & schltdl.)o.berg 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 0 0.71 0.55 ficus cotinifolia kunth 1 0 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 3 0 0.94 1.46 gonolobus niger (cav.) r. br. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 1.00 helianthus annuus l. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 1.13 jatropha curcas l. 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 0 1 1 0.59 0.73 juglans mollis engelm. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 1.05 lycopersicon esculentum var. cerasiforme (dunal) a. gray 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 0.94 0.95 mangifera indica l. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 0.94 1.04 53 research communication manihot esculenta crantz 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 0.94 0.91 morus aff. celtidifolia kunth 0 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 0 0 0.71 0.70 musa x paradisiaca l. 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.06 1.02 nopalea cochenillifera (l.) salm-dyck 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 1.00 opuntia 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 1.00 pachyrhizus erosus (l.) urb. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 0.93 persea americana mill. 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 1.24 1.46 phaseolus coccineus l. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 0.98 phaseolus vulgaris l. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 0.98 physalis philadelphica lam. 0 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 0.76 0.73 phytolacca icosandra l. 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 0 1 0 1 0 0.71 0.80 pisum sativum l. 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 0.65 0.79 portulaca oleracea l. 0 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 1 0 1 1 0 0 0.59 0.64 psidium guajava l. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 1.04 rosmarinus officinalis l. 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 0 0 0.53 0.64 ruta chalepensis l. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 1.05 saccharum officinarum l. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 0.94 0.96 sechium edule (jacq.) sw. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 0 1 1 0 1 0.82 0.86 syngonium podophyllum schott. 0 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 0 0.76 0.79 tagetes filifolia lag 0 0 1 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 0 0.65 0.86 tigridia pavonia (l.f.) dc. 1 0 0 1 1 1 1 0 0 1 0 1 1 1 0 1 0 0.59 0.73 vigna unguiculata (l.) walp. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.00 0.98 yucca treculeana carr. 1 0 1 1 0 0 1 1 1 0 1 1 0 0 1 0 0 0.53 0.54 zingiber officinale roscoe 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 0.88 0.96 vs 0.8 0.69 0.9 0.8 0.8 0.8 0.9 0.9 0.9 0.8 0.8 0.9 0.8 0.8 0.8 0.9 0.7 vpja 0.95 vpmen 0.95 vpwomen 0.85 vt = number of uses mentioned by each interviewee for each species; vs = σvt /number of species observed per interviewee; vspma = σvt /number of “underage women” interviewees that observed the species; vspt = σvt /total of interviewees that observed the species; vpma = σvs / number of “underage women” interviewees. 54 research communication supplementary table 2. list of food species referred to in the text. scientific name family spanish name xi'iuy name* amaranthus hybridus l. amaranthaceae quelite xixium arachis hypogaea l. fabaceae cacahuate ampogose/dempogose asparagus officinalis l. liliaceae espárrago bauhinia chapulhuacania wunderlin fabaceae pata de vaca vacua pagas/shankuc canavalia septentrionalis sawer fabaceae conchito cujuel/gaun canna indica l. cannaceae platanillo vin oh capsicum annuum l. solanaceae chile pico de pájaro ilju shinyua shiljai capsicum annuum var. aviculare (dierb.) d' arcy & eshbaugh solanaceae chile piquín ilju quipin carica papaya l. caricaceae papaya carya ovata var. mexicana (engelm. ex hemsl.) manning juglandaceae nogal jusé/ gatun casimiroa edulis la llave & lex. rutaceae zapote blanco zapot denua chenopodium ambrosioides l. chenopodiaceae epazote shquipis citrus aurantifolia swingle rutaceae limón dulce y limón agrío danaas vaas/ danaas vais citrus aurantium l. rutaceae naranja cucha danaas vais citrus maxima (burm.) merr. rutaceae toronja danaas vaas citrus reticulata blanco rutaceae mandarina danaas vaus cnidosculus multilobus (pax) i.m. johnst euphorbiaceae mala mujer xkete coffea arabica l. rubiaceae café kepiai conostegia xalapensis (bonpl.)d.don melastomataceae garambullo ximpion curcuma longa l. zingiberaceae azafrán miyuandajuan cymbopogon citratus (dc.) stapf poaceae zacate limón danaas insu/danaas sansu erythrina coralloides dc. fabaceae patol ndaá eugenia capuli (cham. & schltdl.)o.berg myrtaceae capulín datuen ficus cotinifolia kunth moraceae higuerón gonolobus niger (cav.) r. br. asclepiadaceae talayote gajú helianthus annuus l. asteraceae girasol, gordolobo, maíz de teja vinchin 55 research communication scientific name family spanish name xi'iuy name* jatropha curcas l. euphorbiaceae pipián góse juglans mollis engelm. juglandaceae nuez/ nogal guse lycopersicon esculentum var. cerasiforme (dunal) a. gray solanaceae tomate coyol spai/ dapai nacua mangifera indica l. anacardiaceae mango corazón de burro, mango manila y mango corriente manihot esculenta crantz euphorbiaceae yuca morus aff. celtidifolia kunth moraceae mora nkuan encush musa x paradisiaca l. musaceae plátano roatán ntaas nopalea cochenillifera (l.) salm-dyck cactaceae nopalito del huerto mbiu opuntia sp. cactaceae nopal manso mbiu pachyrhizus erosus (l.) urb. fabaceae jícama minyuan persea americana mill. lauraceae aguacatillo, aguacate de monte, pagua, aguacate nxaun phaseolus coccineus l. fabaceae frijol grande kiet chiat phaseolus vulgaris l. fabaceae frijol ojo de conejo, frijol de mata, frijol de guia chiant physalis philadelphica lam. solanaceae tomate de bolsa, tomatillo de monte indapuai lamuisemjul phytolacca icosandra l. phytolaccaceae congara, congora, conga, quelite hoja ancha, quelite punta colorada esshauel kiljus pisum sativum l. fabaceae garbanzo portulaca oleracea l. portulacaceae verdolaga de adorno sanke psidium guajava l. myrtaceae guayaba huanjua/genjua rosmarinus officinalis l. lamiaceae romero ruta chalepensis l. rutaceae ruda saccharum officinarum l. poaceae caña blanca, caña borrada y caña morada xiljua sechium edule (jacq.) sw. cucurbitaceae chayote datúa syngonium podophyllum schott. araceae huevo de burro rinchu enmep/indkui mai tagetes filifolia lag asteraceae hierbanis, anis tigridia pavonia (l.f.) dc. iridaceae flor de calabaza, /carcoma/ oreja de perro xcamoo vigna unguiculata (l.) walp. fabaceae chícharo inyun chichil yucca treculeana carr. agavaceae samandoque ximbia zingiber officinale roscoe zingiberaceae jengibre minyuan jengibre microsoft word welch reply.doc ethnobiology letters                                                                                                                    book review    51    a reply to van der voort’s response to welch’s review of “urihi a: a terra‐ floresta yanomami”  bruce albert and william milliken with gale goodwin gomez. são paulo: instituto socioambiental, 2009. 207 pp.,  illustrations, tables, bibliography, appendices, index. paperback isbn: 978‐85‐85994‐72‐3.    by james r. welch 1    reviewer address:  1  escola nacional de saúde pública, fundação oswaldo cruz, rio de janeiro, welch@ensp.fiocruz.br     received: january 26 th  2011                               volume 1:51  published: february 6 th  2011                       © 2010 society of ethnobiology    i wish to thank hein van der voort for his positive comment regarding the ethnobotanical contents of my review of “urihi a: a terra-floresta yanomami” (ethnobiology letters 2010, 1:18-19). i also would like to affirm that his recent response (ethnobiology letters 2010, 1:39) includes other relevant information about the book. in particular, i agree it is useful to mention that this portuguese language book is an extensively revised and updated edition of a book previously published in english. i appreciate his effort to make that information known. however, i take issue with his main argument that i failed to mention a third author, gale goodwin gomez. it is factually incorrect to identify gomez as co-author and unwarranted to suggest that my “oversight” should not be excused. although the allocation of authorship is a nuanced issue for authors, in this case the authors identified gomez’s contribution as collaboration and not authorship. the distinction is clearly presented on the copyright page of the book, where bruce albert and william milliken are listed as authors and gomez is listed separately as a collaborator (“colaboração” in portuguese). as is the case for translation and illustration, it is neither obligatory nor usual to include collaborators in the list of authors in the bibliographical citation of book reviews. this is true even if the collaboration was very important, as i have every reason to believe was the case in this example. archaeology and biogeography of the western pond turtle (actinemys marmorata) in the puget sound region fisher. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(2):180–188 180 research communica ons the species was a preferred resource, as suggested by the archaeological record of other regions, the abundance of local populations should be reflected by their abundance in the archaeological record. to this end, the archaeological and ethnographic literature for the region was reviewed to better understand the biogeography of the species, supplemented by a review of faunal materials recovered from the duwamish no. 1 site (45ki23) in seattle. historic distribution a. marmorata is a highly aquatic species, living in freshwater (and tolerant of brackish water) streams, ponds, lakes, and wetlands (figure 1). historically, the species had a continuous range from the columbia river south to baja california, with isolated populations in the great basin (mojave, truckee, carson, and humboldt rivers) and the puget sound (bury et al. 2008; figure 2). in the pacific northwest, individuals have been observed at elevations ranging from 0–300 m and remain active in water temperatures between 1–2°c and 38°c. the species must have colonized the puget sound after the deglaciation of the region at the end of the pleistocene (hays et al. 1999; spinks and shaffer 2005). this allopatric population may have formed when a pyroclastic event from mount rainer created a introduction the western pond turtle, actinemys marmorata (formerly clemmys marmorata; crother et al. 2003; feldman and parham 2002), is the only freshwater turtle native to western washington. with an estimated population of 250–350 individuals in washington, it is currently listed by the state as an endangered species (hays et al. 1999); limited genetic variation in modern populations combined with anthropogenic impacts seriously threatens the survival of this species (gray 1995; spinks and shaffer 2005). conservation efforts would benefit from a more thorough understanding of the historic dynamics of the species, especially at the northernmost extent of its range where a. marmorata is more likely to have been impacted by long-term climatic changes that may affect reproductive rates, duration of hibernation, and availability of food resources. the archaeofaunal record may be used to establish the prehistoric biogeography of the species by providing critical temporal and geographic data in the absence of adequate paleontological datasets. considering the role turtles and their relatives play in many foraging societies as a subsistence resource and often in ceremonial realms, it is expected that their remains should be recovered from archaeological deposits. if archaeology and biogeography of the western pond turtle (ac nemys marmorata) in the puget sound region jacob l. fisher 1* 1 department of anthropology, california state university, sacramento, ca *jlfisher@csus.edu abstract the modern distribu on of the western pond turtle (ac nemys marmorata) is discon nuous, with a historic but ex rpated popula on in the puget sound region that was isolated from popula ons south along the columbia river. to be er understand this distribu on, a review of the archaeological literature for the puget sound region was conducted to determine the prehistoric biogeography of the species in the puget sound area. western pond turtles are nearly absent from the regional archaeological record, represented at best by four tenta ve specimens. this may be explained by extremely low popula on levels throughout the holocene at the northernmost extent of its range. received january 11, 2018 open access accepted may 8, 2018 doi 10.14237/ebl.9.2.2018.1228 keywords zooarchaeology; ac nemys marmorata; conserva on biology; biogeography; washington state copyright © 2018 by the author(s) licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open‐access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution‐noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by‐nc/4.0), which permits non‐commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. fisher. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(2):180–188 181 research communica ons barrier from columbia river populations about 4,700 bp (hays et al. 1999:3). the earliest scientific specimens of western pond turtle, obtained in 1841, originate from the puget sound region (baird and girard 1852:177). there is low genetic variability in the northern populations of a. marmorata, supporting evidence of a recent holocene expansion of their range (gray 1995; janzen et al. 1997; spinks and shaffer 2005). moreover, spinks and shaffer (2005) note that the puget sound population does not conform to the general pattern of north-south genetic divergence, and it appears that this population is less closely related to the columbia river populations than it is to populations further south. the oregon, washington, and mojave river populations display a high degree of genetic similarity that reflects a lack of dispersal and gene flow and may be a consequence of habitat fragmentation (gray 1995; lovich and meyer 2002; spinks and shaffer 2005). throughout this range, pond turtle populations continue to dwindle due to a variety of factors, including habitat fragmentation, competition with non-native species, and possibly a lack of genetic variability. by the 1980s, puget sound populations were nearly extirpated with only isolated individuals observed in the 1990s. hays and colleagues (1999:ix) state that commercial exploitation of pond turtles for consumption in the late 1800s likely reduced the puget sound population to unsustainable levels by the 1930s, but they provide only a personal communication as support. they note that cooper observed that turtles were “common in freshwater ponds and rivers west of the cascades” in the 19th century (cooper 1859), and that their historic abundance was later questioned by storer (1937) based on his observations several decades later. hays et al. (1999) offer three reasons for the scarcity observed by storer in the 1930s: (1) elusiveness due to the wary nature of the species, (2) low population numbers at the northernmost limit of its range, or (3) historic reductions that occurred prior to collecting activities in the 1930s (hays et al. 1999:16). hays and colleagues implicitly favor the lattermost explanation. the possibility that western pond turtle populations were always low may be investigated using the archaeological record. there has been great success in the use of archaeofaunal data to establish the prehistoric biogeography of a variety of species (e.g., dombrosky et al. 2016; fisher 2012). turtles are commonly exploited as a subsistence resource by small-scale foragers, and their abundance and distribution in the archaeological record should be a reflection of the prehistoric population dynamics in response to environmental change at northern latitudes. if a. marmorata historic populations were large enough to be commercially exploited, as alleged by hays and colleagues (1999), they are expected to occur in archaeological deposits at relatively high rates throughout the late holocene. on the other hand, if populations were always low, archaeofaunal specimens should be rare. archaeological expectations despite their relatively small package size, turtles arguably are attractive as a prey species due to the ease of capture and the low processing costs. in the southern range of a. marmorata, native californians harvested turtles using underwater traps and nets specifically made for this purpose or captured them by hand by diving (e.g., latta 1999). a. marmorata may also be collected on land during the winter and summer months when they leave the water to hibernate or aestivate, and females (and their eggs) could have been gathered when encountered during nesting season. females nest in relatively predictable locations, favoring areas with sparse and low vegetation, hard and dry soil, and above the floodplain (holland 1994). additionally, there may be some degree of nest site philopatry, with females returning figure 1 western pond turtle from california. by yathin s. krishnappa cc by‐sa 3.0, h ps:// commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=21284381. fisher. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(2):180–188 182 research communica ons some of the earliest archaeological assemblages. the european pond turtle (emys orbicularis) appears early in the italian middle paleolithic, circa 55,000 years ago (stiner et al. 2000); this species is genetically and behaviorally similar to a. marmorata (spinks and shaffer 2005). likewise, there is a high frequency of turtle and tortoise specimens in north american clovis period sites dating to ca. 11,050 to 10,800 radiocarbon years ago (waguespack and surovell 2003). in eastern washington, the painted turtle (chrysemys picta) comprises over half of the reptile and amphibian remains (total nisp=2,746) in northern columbia plateau assemblages dating to 7000–150 bp (butler and campbell 2004). the species of interest here, a. marmorata, appears in early holocene sites along the santa barbara coast (erlandson 1994), and its use by native californians and oregonians is well to their birthplace to nest, and as a result, modern populations tend to be male-biased due to predation on nesting females (holland 1994). this predictable behavior would allow easy gathering by people who knew that this resource would be available around the month of june. it is also likely that turtles were fortuitously acquired during other subsistence activities such as fishing. once obtained, it is unlikely that people would have disposed of them unless there were significant processing costs. judging from ethnographic data from california, where turtles were often simply placed over hot coals and consumed without any further preparation (e.g., loeb 1926), the post-encounter processing costs are likely to be very low. the potentially low costs of acquiring and processing turtles would explain why turtles are frequently found throughout prehistory, including in figure 2 approximate historic range (circa 1850) of ac nemys marmorata in washington (adapted from hays et al. [1999: figure 1]) and select loca ons men oned in text. cb=cornet bay, da=daishowa america site, bs=bay street midden, jp=judd peak rockshelter, d1=duwamish no. 1 site, nl=nisqually lake. fisher. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(2):180–188 183 research communica ons established ethnographically (e.g., latta 1999; loeb 1926). in addition to serving as a subsistence item, turtles may also enter the archaeological record as artifacts used for ritual and utilitarian purposes, such as turtle-shell rattles or bowls (e.g., gillreath-brown and peres 2017). such artifacts may be curated for long periods of time and transported great distances, complicating the general assumption that archaeofaunal remains represent local turtle populations. for example, specimens of a. marmorata that exhibit polishing and drilling indicative of nonfood use have been found in western nevada, making it difficult to determine whether they represent local populations or were transported as artifacts over the sierra nevada crest from california (hattori 1982). isolated specimens found well beyond the historic range of a taxon likely represent curated artifacts. prehistoric record of actinemys marmorata in puget sound considering the antiquity of turtle use, the potential importance of turtles as a dietary resource, and the reported commercial harvesting in the historic period, one would expect a. marmorata to be relatively conspicuous in the puget sound archaeological record. published reports and gray literature (i.e., cultural resource management reports) on excavations throughout western washington were reviewed to identify archaeological occurrences of a. marmorata in an effort to establish the prehistoric distribution of the species. only four sites have possible turtle remains, two of which are identified specifically to a. marmorata (figure 2). one specimen is a single plastron fragment found at cornet bay (45is31b) on the north end of whidbey island in deposits dating from circa 2500 bp to historic contact (weasma 1991). cornet bay is approximately 80 km north of the northernmost historical occurrence of a. marmorata. hays and colleagues (1999) suggest that the individual could have been transported for food. however, the identification of the specimen as a. marmorata is questionable, as the original report states: “the plastral fragment in the [cornet bay] fauna does not conform exactly to the few specimens of [a. marmorata] at hand” (weasma 1991:10). it is possible that this specimen is instead c. picta obtained as an artifact from eastern washington. considering that both species are of the same family (emydidae), the lack of conformity with a. marmorata may be due to misidentification. unfortunately, the cornet bay specimen could not be located for evaluation in the site collection housed at the burke museum, university of washington. the second specimen identified as a. marmorata is from the bay street shell midden (45kp115), a site on the kitsap peninsula that dates between ad 1150 and 1750 (lewarch et al. 2002). although it is listed as a. marmorata, it is unknown how this assessment was made. notably, both sites contain relatively late deposits. there are two additional occurrences that were not specifically identified as a. marmorata. at the daishowa america site (45ca415), one fragment of turtle carapace was found in a stratum dating to 880 ± 60 to 590 ± 80 bp, but it is only listed as testudinidae (lewarch et al. 1992). this site is located near port angeles on the north shore of the olympic peninsula, far outside of the historic range of a. marmorata. the testudinidae family consists of tortoises, none of which occur in washington state. the order testudines includes all turtles, tortoises, and terrapins; considering that sea turtles have been observed in the region historically, this specimen may instead be from the family cheloniidae. the fourth possible archaeological occurrence of turtle in western washington is from judd peak rockshelter south (45le222), where it is recorded that specimens from “a large frog or toad and possibly turtle” were present in contexts dating between 5970 ± 100 to 310 ± 50 bp (daugherty et al. 1987). no further information is available on this material. in each of the four cases, there is a significant degree of uncertainty in the identification that may be addressed using skeletal morphology, genetics, or zooms. it may also be significant that the two cases that explicitly note the skeletal part involve carapace or plastron fragments, the portion that is often transformed into cultural artifacts that may have traveled great distances through exchange networks from eastern washington or the columbia river. the near absence of prehistoric a. marmorata specimens in the puget sound region may reflect some challenges when using the archaeological record to reconstruct prehistoric biogeography: turtle remains may not be present due to taphonomic processes, or remains that are recovered were not correctly identified as turtle due to research biases. the acidic soils of the northwest coast are not favorable for bone preservation, and most vertebrate faunal remains come from shell middens. yet, a fisher. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(2):180–188 184 research communica ons absence in ethnographic texts is found with the nisqually. hays and colleagues (1999:16–17) note that there are native accounts of gathering turtle eggs at nisqually lake, and that the nisqually name for the lake translates to “place where the turtles come from”; hays et al. (1999) provide no source for this information. smith (1941:207) states that the name of nisqually lake is “yicáxtcabc,” but provides no translation. reporting on the survey of the northern pacific railroad route in 1853 to 1855, cooper (1859) noted that a. marmorata was found in the vicinity of fort steilacoom, approximately 15 km from nisqually. further, cooper (1859:292) notes that turtles are called “el-la-chick” by the nisqually, and turtles are transcribed to “?álәšәk” in a lushootseed dictionary (bates et al. 1994:368). this appears to be a cognate of ~alashik, the term for turtle in the sahaptin language spoken on the lower mid-columbia river above the dalles (e. hunn, pers. comm.). certainly, the absence of turtles in ethnographic literature does not necessitate a real absence in the environment. for example, bettelheim (2005:27) notes that western pond turtles do not appear in thomas jefferson mayfield’s account of the yokuts in san joaquin valley of california and only cursory mention of the species is made in frank latta’s accounts of the yokuts. this is in spite of large turtle populations in the region and their common occurrence in archaeofaunal assemblages of the region. however, considering that turtles are a common element of oral tradition and stories elsewhere on the pacific coast and interior northwest (e.g., beavert 1974), it is likely meaningful that turtles are conspicuously absent from oral tradition and imagery in the puget sound region. understanding the contradiction if the observed rarity of a. marmorata is reflective of the actual population densities of this species in the region, the discrepancy between the prehistoric and historic records of abundance must be addressed. four possible explanations are offered: (a) predation pressures maintained low population densities; (b) there was a late onset of environmental conditions favorable to a. marmorata reproduction; (c) there was a historic introduction into the region; and (d) the unverified report of commercial exploitation is incorrect and historic populations were in fact low. prehistoric predation pressures could have maintained low turtle population densities, with a historic rebound occurring due to environmental significant number of such sites have been excavated in the region and these are frequently located near habitats of a. marmorata. it thus seems unlikely that the near absence of turtles in the archaeological record is due to taphonomy. alternatively, turtle specimens may be recovered but not be correctly identified in the region due to research biases. herptofaunal remains are often deemphasized in zooarchaeological training and analysis. for example, olson states in a zooarchaeology methodology section of one report: “the final category is undetermined/other. this includes all those faunal items that could not be distinguished into the above broad size categories plus reptile remains” (olson, in schalk 1980:263, emphasis added). when specimens are identified as being turtle, they are often only identified to a nonspecific level, such as “turtle” or “testudinidae” (see schneider and everson 1989 for similar critique). even when specimens are identified to the species level, it is often done on the basis of modern distributions and not diagnostic skeletal morphology. this is problematic for a variety of reasons (driver 2011), and the practice is counterproductive for biogeography studies due to the inherent circularity. to evaluate the potential influence of methodological research biases, the unidentified vertebrate and invertebrate faunal assemblage from the duwamish no. 1 site (45ki23) were searched for a. marmorata specimens. this site was selected due to its location and the presence of abundant faunal remains. this large shell midden is located on a lowlying terrace on the west bank of the duwamish river in seattle, washington, close to the historic mouth of the river (blukis onat 1987). the location and presence of wetland species in the assemblage suggests that ideal habitats for the western pond turtle would have been present. four occupations spanning at least 1000 years (ad 670–1700) are represented, providing a significant time span for understanding potential changes in western pond turtle abundances through time, if present. no turtle specimens were discovered among the unidentified remains (n≥ 10,000 specimens). ethnographic record of actinemys marmorata in puget sound a literature review of the ethnography for the puget sound region resulted in a single mention of turtles (drucker 1955, 1965; haeberlin and gunther 1930; smith 1940, 1941). the single exception to the fisher. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(2):180–188 185 research communica ons changes brought forth by catastrophic human population declines. resource depression of taxa with low recruitment rates frequently occurs as a result of increases in human population densities, sedentism, and territoriality. when human populations radically decline, the reduction in hunting pressures allows previously depressed resources to rebound. in western north america, protohistoric rebound has been identified in artiodactyl, fish, and shellfish populations in california and lower columbia valley of oregon (e.g., butler 2000; fisher 2018). an argument that invokes climate-induced environmental change is similar to protohistoric rebound, and the two explanations are not exclusive of one another. temperature has an effect on sex ratios in turtle populations due to temperature-dependent sex determination (christie and geist 2017; geist et al. 2015), and western pond turtles on the central california coast appear to mature more rapidly than species in eastern north america (and presumably more northern latitudes) due to the warmer, mediterranean climate (germano and rathbun 2008). cooler conditions during the little ice age (c. ad 1350–1850) were likely unfavorable to a. marmorata reproductive rates, and populations may have rebounded with climatic warming beginning in the mid-19th century. there are several problems with these two scenarios. first, there is no evidence for resource depression outside of the lower columbia valley despite high human population densities in the pacific northwest (butler and campbell 2004). second, it is expected that turtle specimens would be consistently found, albeit rarely, in the archaeological record and mentioned in ethnographic literature if they were locally present. in regards to climate, remains should be recovered in earlier deposits when more favorable conditions were present, such as during the preceding medieval climatic anomaly (c. ad 950–1300). third, a population rebound would require reproductive rates that are unlikely to be met by this temperate species at its northernmost limit. modern, post-little ice age conditions are not necessarily favorable to the species considering that current conservation efforts are hampered by the cool summer temperatures that slow embryo development and decrease the likelihood that hatchlings will survive to adulthood (hallock et al. 2016). bearing this in mind, it is doubtful that rebound would occur rapidly enough to account for historically recorded abundances. the discontinuous distribution of the species and rare observations in the archaeological and ethnographic record may be best explained by a historic introduction. such introductions of western pond turtles have been suggested elsewhere based on genetic and historic data, including the populations in british columbia and the carson, truckee, and humboldt rivers of nevada (bury et al. 2008; spinks and shaffer 2005). the san francisco turtle market obtained a. marmorata in the thousands from the central valley and north coast ranges of california in the late 1800s, with the earliest documented commercial exploitation in 1863 (bettelheim 2005). the introduction of a. marmorata to western great basin rivers undoubtedly occurred during the mid19th century, possibly by miners from the california goldfields (hattori 1982). certainly, a recent introduction would explain the lack of latitudinal genetic divergence. the puget sound population appears to be more closely related to northern california populations than the more geographically proximate columbia river population (spinks and shaffer 2005:table 2). furthermore, the two archaeological specimens identified as a. marmorata both come from sites with relatively late prehistoric or early historic era deposits. yet, western pond turtles were present in the puget sound region by 1841 when the species was first described; if an introduction occurred, it must have taken place prior to this date. such a possibility was previously suggested by storer, who notes: “as turtles are now quite likely to be transported from place to place by irresponsible persons the need for checking the situation in western washington at an early date is evident” (1937:67). the hudson bay company established fort nisqually in 1833 and was active in northern california about this time, and it is feasible that turtles were transported north and ultimately released into the wild. notably, it may not be a coincidence that the single ethnographic mention of turtles comes from the nisqually in the vicinity of the hudson bay company post. as with the first two scenarios, one problem with this explanation is that a presumably small introduced turtle population would have had to increase very rapidly to account for high historic abundances. this leads to the fourth explanation for the contradiction: the premise that populations were historically large enough to support commercial exploitation is incorrect. as previously noted, hays and colleagues (1999) state that commercial exploitation was the primary cause for the initial demise of western fisher. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(2):180–188 186 research communica ons washington turtle populations, noting the lucrative market in 1890s san francisco. however, no historic records are provided as support. to address this deficiency, an online search of newspaper archives from the puget sound region using key terms “turtle” and “terrapin” was conducted through washington state library (https://www.sos.wa.gov/library/ newspapers_wsl.aspx#historic) and newspapers.com. while turtle soup, turtle doves, and the expression “turning turtle” (a capsized vessel or turned automobile) were common hits, there was not a single reference to local exploitation of turtle populations. considering this, we may “turn turtle” on the premise that puget sound populations were abundant in the 19th century and conclude that the vague historic baseline of high population abundance is simply incorrect until evidence to the contrary is brought forth. instead, the bulk of the evidence indicates that the abundance of western pond turtles in the puget sound region was always low, if not an early historic introduction. conclusions the dietary use of chelonians is so well established in other regions, even in some of the earliest human economies, that it is notable that a. marmorata is nearly absent in puget sound archaeological collections and the ethnographic literature. four possible turtle specimens have been recorded in western washington, two of which are identified as actinemys marmorata. significant problems are present with their identification, including the lack of attempts to identify chelonian specimens to the lowest taxonomic level possible and the use of historic distributions to make identifications. as others have noted (e.g., driver 2011; wolverton 2013), there must be methodological rigor in species identification and reporting. in particular, the use of historic distributions is a major hurdle in our ability to employ archaeofaunal assemblages for addressing prehistoric biogeography questions. future work should reexamine the four tentative archaeological specimens to confirm the species identification combined with direct radiocarbon dating to determine whether western pond turtles were prehistorically present in western washington. even if the previously reported specimens are identified as western pond turtle that date well before the historic era, the extreme rarity of a. marmorata indicates that the population was never abundant in the puget sound region. acknowledgements burke museum graciously provided access to the cornet bay and duwamish no. 1 collections. don grayson provided early guidance on this research. eugene hunn provided assistance with translations. matthew bettelheim and ben fisher provided much appreciated insight on western pond turtle exploitation and natural history. gissel ruiz and rachel davies graciously reviewed earlier drafts of the manuscript. lastly, i thank three anonymous reviewers for their insights. declarations permissions: not applicable sources of funding: not applicable conflicts of interest: none declared references cited baird, s.f. and c. girard. 1852. descriptions of new species of reptiles, collected by the us exploring expedition under the command of capt. charles wilkes, u.s.n. proceedings of the academy of natural sciences of philadelphia 6:174–177. barnett, h.g. 1939. culture element distrbutions: ix gulf of georgia salish. university of california anthropological records volume 1. university of california press, berkeley, ca. bates, d., t. hess, and v. hilbert. 1994. lushootseed dictionary. university of washington press, seattle, wa. beavert, v. 1974. the way it was, anaku iwacha: yakima legends. franklin press, toppenish, wa. bettelheim, m. 2005. marmorata: the famed mud turtle of the san francisco market. california history 82:26–47. doi:10.2307/25161765. blukis onat, a.r., ed. 1987. duwamish no. 1 site: 1986 data recovery. report submitted to the department of archaeology and historic preservation, olympia, wa. bury, r.b., d.j. germano, a. rhodin, p. pritchard, and p. van dijk. 2008. actinemys marmorata (baird and girard 1852)—western pond turtle, pacific pond turtle. conservation biology of freshwater turtles and tortoises: a compilation project of the iucn/ssc tortoise and freshwater turtle specialist group. chelonian research monographs 5. butler, v.l. 2000. resource depression on the northwest coast of north america. antiquity 74:649–661. doi:10.1017/s0003598x00060014. fisher. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(2):180–188 187 research communica ons butler, v.l. and s.k. campbell. 2004. resource intensification and resource depression in the pacific northwest of north america: a zooarchaeological review. journal of world prehistory 18:327–405. doi:10.1007/s10963-004-5622-3. christie, n.e. and n.r. geist. 2017. temperature effects on development and phenotype in a freeliving population of western pond turtles (emys marmorata). physiological and biochemical zoology 9:47– 53. doi:10.1086/689409. cooper, j.g. 1859. report upon the reptiles collected on the survey. the natural history of washington territory, with much relating to minnesota, nebraska, kansas, oregon, and california: between the thirty-sixth and forty-ninth parallels of latitude, being those parts of the final reports on the survey of the northern pacific railroad route, containing the climate and physical geography, with full catalogues and descriptions of the plants and animals collected from 1853 to 1857. baillière brothers, new york, ny. crother, b.i., j. boundy, j.a. campbell, k. de quieroz, d. frost, d.m. green, r. highton, j.b. iverson, r.w. mcdiarmid, p.a. meylan, t.w. reeder, m.e. seidel, j.w. sites, s.g. tilley, and d.b. wake. 2003. scientific and standard english names of amphibians and reptiles of north america north of mexico: update. herpetological review 34:198–203. daugherty, r.d., j.j. flenniken, and j.m. welch. pacific northwest. 1987. a data recovery study of judd peak rockshelters (45-le-222) in lewis county, washington. studies in cultural resource management, no. 8. usda-forest service, pacific northwest region, portland, or. dombrosky, j., s. wolverton, and l. nagaoka. 2016. archaeological data suggest broader early historic distribution for blue sucker (cycleptus elongatus, actinopterygii, catostomidae) in new mexico. hydrobiologia 771:255–263. doi:10.1007/s10750015-2639-9. driver, j.c. 2011. identification, classification, and zooarchaeology. ethnobiology letters 2:19–39. doi:10.14237/ebl.2.2011.32. drucker, p. 1955. indians of the northwest coast. american museum of natural history, new york. drucker, p. 1965. cultures of the north pacific coast. chandler pub. co., san francisco, ca. feldman, c.r., and j.f. parham. 2002. molecular phylogenetics of emydine turtles: taxonomic revision and the evolution of shell kinesis. molecular phylogenetics and evolution 22:388–398. doi:10.1006/mpev.2001.1070. fisher, j.l. 2012. shifting prehistoric abundances of leporids at five finger ridge, a central utah archaeological site. western north american naturalist 72:60–68. doi:10.3398/064.072.0107. fisher, j.l. 2018. protohistoric artiodactyl rebound and resource deinstensification in northern california. journal of archaeological science: reports 19:420–429. doi:10.1016/j.jasrep.2018.03.017. geist, n.r., z. dallara, and r. gordon. 2015. the role of incubation temperature and clutch effects in development and phenotype of head-started western pond turtles (emys marmorata). herpetological conservation and biology 10:489–503. germano, d.j. and g.b. rathbun. 2008. growth, population structure, and reproduction of western pond turtles (actinemys marmorata) on the central coast of california. chelonian conservation and biology 7:188–194. doi:10.2744/ccb-0705.1. gillreath-brown, a. and t.m. peres. 2017. identifying turtle shell rattles in the archaeological record of the southeastern united states. ethnobiology letters 8:6. doi:10.14237/ebl.8.1.2017.979. gray, e.m. 1995. dna-fingerprinting reveals a lack of genetic-variation in northern populations of the western pond turtle (clemmys marmorata). conservation biology 9:1244–1254. doi:10.1046/ j.1523-1739.1995.9051234.x-i1. haeberlin, h.k. and e. gunther. 1930. the indians of puget sound. university of washington press, seattle, wa. hattori, e.m. 1982. the archaeology of falcon hill, winnemucca lake, washoe county, nevada. nevada state museum, carson city, nv. hays, d.w., k.r. mcallister, s.a. richardson, and d.w. stinson. 1999. washington state recovery plan for the western pond turtle. washington department of fish and wildlife, olympia, wa. holland, d. 1994. the western pond turtle: habitat and history. u.s. department of energy, bonneville power administration, portland, or. hallock, l.a., a. mcmillan, and g.j. wiles. 2016 periodic status review for the western pond turtle in washington (draft). washington department of fish and wildlife, olympia, wa. fisher. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(2):180–188 188 research communica ons janzen, f., s. hoover, and h. shaffer. 1997. molecular phylogeography of the western pond turtle (clemmys marmorata): preliminary results. chelonian conservation and biology 2:623–626. latta, f.f. 1999. handbook of yokuts indians, 2nd edition. brewer's historical press, exeter, ca. lewarch, d.e., l.a. forsman, s.k. kramer, l.r. murphy, l.l. larson, d.r. iverson, and a.e. dugas. 2002. data recovery excavations at the bay street shell midden (45kp115), kitsap county, washington. larson anthropological/ archaeological services, gig harbor, wa. lewarch, d.e., l.l. larson, l.s. phillips, m. daishowa, and s. larson. 1992. daishowa america port angeles mill shell midden, 45ca415, clallam county, washington. laas technical report, no. 92-7. larson anthropological/archaeological services, gig harbor, wa. loeb, edwin meyer. 1926. pomo folkways. university of california publications in american archaeology and ethnography 19:149–405. lovich, j. and k. meyer. 2002. the western pond turtle (clemmys marmorata) in the mojave river, california, usa: highly adapted survivor or tenuous relict? journal of zoology 256:537–545. doi:10.1017/s0952836902000584. schalk, r.f. 1980. cultural resource investigations for the second powerhouse project at mcnary dam, near umatilla, oregon. laboratory of archaeology and history, washington state university, pullman, wa. schneider, j.s., and g.d. everson. 1989. desert tortoise (xerobates agassizii) in the prehistory of the southwestern great basin and adjacent areas. journal of california and great basin anthropology 11:175–202. smith, m.w. 1940. the puyallup-nisqually. columbia university press, new york, ny. smith, m.w. 1941. the coast salish of puget sound. american anthropologist 43:197. doi:10.1525/ aa.1941.43.2.02a00050. spinks, p.q. and h.b. shaffer. 2005. range-wide molecular analysis of the western pond turtle (emys marmorata): cryptic variation, isolation by distance, and their conservation implications. molecular ecology 14:2047–2064. doi:10.1111/ j.1365-294x.2005.02564.x. stiner, m.c., n.d. munro, and t.a. surovell. 2000. the tortoise and the hare: small-game use, the broad-spectrum revolution, and paleolithic demography. current anthropology 41:39–73. doi:10.2307/3596428. storer, t.i. 1937. further notes on the turtles of the north pacific coast of north america. copeia 1937:66–67. doi:10.2307/1437380. waguespack, n.m. and t.a. surovell. 2003. clovis hunting strategies or how to make out on plentiful resources. american antiquity 68:333–352. doi:10.2307/3557083. weasma, t.r. 1991. field report on preliminary testing of cornet bay shell deposits, deception pass area, whidbey island, washington. unpublished report on file at washington department of fish and wildlife. wolverton, s. 2013. data quality in zooarchaeological faunal identification. journal of archaeological method and theory 20:381–396. doi:10.1007/ s10816-012-9161-4. a note on the montessori of ethnobiology, hal conklin anderson. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(2):3–5 3 interviews & reflections special issue on memoirs and memory minus two of them, hal welcomed sensations as indulgences even when they did not contribute to a task at hand, discriminating one specimen from another, for instance. one entire section of his threesection folk classification bibliography (conklin 1980) was devoted to the ephemeral, and one of the three subsections of this, to color (the other two to sensation and orientation in space and time). it is no opportunistic accident that hal submitted hanunoo color to analysis, to be shared so generously with wider publics. knowing hal’s penchant for color excused my own fieldwork experiments with plant dyeing during my initial fieldwork in norwegian lapland from 1971 to 1976. this entailed expanding the ethnobotanical inventory i had initially imagined to be the scope of my investigations—specifically lichens as a limiting resource for reindeer in winters. despite the saami themselves evincing little interest in plants (they are not motile, after all) or color (other than the imported aniline-dyed textiles of their “traditional” outfits). i persevered, despite being judged by saami friends as both silly and lazy, avoiding worthwhile tasks. eventually i had 700 samples of colored yarn. how to share, or use, this ethnographic by-product, though, could be an issue, as there was little justification for it, let alone ethnographic documentation (other than remarks like, can’t you get red, can’t you get blue?). but, aside from plants and color, hal was also an enthusiast of technologies, of how people built things of any size or shape or utility (a given, i guess), which then he could artfully reconstruct in scale models. he would enter every seminar like a confident juggler, laden with stacks of volumes, sheaves of specimens, and assemblies of scale models. so i would need to expand my ethnographic expertise in the direction of mastering more legitimately authentic saami skills. with the passing of harold c. conklin in february of 2016, many feel the loss of this foundational figure in ethnobiology while continuing to celebrate his accomplishments. i also miss him as a teacher, a person who eagerly shared his wisdom, hunches, and feelings with anyone in reach. for me, hal remains a teacher rather than a mentor. i seem to recall that hal bristled at the use of that now trendy term, an aversion that i came to share. ironically, a couple of years ago i agreed to submit a manuscript featuring hal for a volume to be entitled mentors and mentoring in the arts, humanities, and the social sciences, edited by frank a. salamone and marjorie snipes. partly given my ambivalence around the m-word, that manuscript bogged down and was not submitted until the very final deadline at the end of october 2015. i believe i sent a copy to hal, but since it was not acknowledged, i am not so sure; in fact, i believe i got cold feet imagining his critical eye, even if hopefully tempered by indulgent amusement. my title said it all: “harold c. conklin: the joy of ethnography—from eye to ear to mouth to hand, and beyond to within and without.” given that still forthcoming essay, i can be brief here. hal did not like attention drawn to himself, and quite emphatically discouraged any formal festschrift. only by working behind his back and with the help of jean conklin was i able to organize a symposium honoring him at the aaa meetings in 1991. in the seminar room at yale or out in the natural and cultural world that was his oyster, hal exuded observations about things near and far, about ideas recent or distant, and about sensations of the moment. no doubt endowed with more than the ordinary five senses, even more than seven plus-ora note on the montessori of ethnobiology, hal conklin myrdene anderson 1* 1 department of anthropology and program in linguistics, purdue university, west lafayette, in, usa. * myanders@purdue.edu received july 3, 2016 open access accepted september 14, 2016 doi 10.14237/ebl.7.2.2016.738 copyright © 2016 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. anderson. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(2):3–5 4 interviews & reflections special issue on memoirs and memory with that in mind, i apprenticed myself to one of the few individuals making a living from handicrafts—these of reindeer antler, bone, and sinew, and of burls from birch and of pewter thread. starting from scratch, even manufacturing my own tools, i fashioned a handloom otherwise for the weaving of belts and boot straps. with this, i designed a necktie for hal; it was a narrow one, with an even narrower stretch for around the neck. i selected the rarest of colors, the most precious a baby blue from bluebells, others greens, yellows, and tans. even though i had no model, the result appeared to be what i had intended, a tie, and i sent it off to hal. on this contribution to scholarship i received no editing, only thanks and a passel of queries about every aspect of the project. since then, during the 1980s right to my last visit with him in new haven in 2011 and up to his last aaa conference around 2013, whenever hal could anticipate seeing me, he would be wearing that tie! hal’s style of teaching was not a premeditated pedagogy, he just shared himself. on the one hand he emphasized the value in letting oneself be surprised by data, any and all of it. on the other hand, it was documentation-documentation-documentation, all the way down, up, back, and around. in that process, i will admit that wild data become tamer, domesticated, and locatable capta. i don't recall witnessing hal ever searching for anything; it was as though his innenwelt perfectly matched his personal and scientific umwelt. in the service of this ideal, hal would avail himself of every trick of the trade, these tools and toys always eagerly promoted with his students as well, who sometimes had to be enlisted to test products or find sources. there was a complicated time-date-serial numbering stamping implement, larger and much heavier than an egg-beater. hal thought every document, every specimen, had to be clearly marked as to time, place, and identity, this nuanced by as many informant voices as possible. and each category of data/capta, each roll of film, each tape, must be separately logged; don’t forget the time of day, or else one will have to infer that from shadows, and don’t forget to annotate with any abductions of the moment, about that ambient noise, the smudges and kludges of fieldwork. another contraption that hal imagined would eventually be appreciated by all of us students was a rolling extension ladder that could be situated to access every top shelf in a library or storeroom. hal himself researched the most perfect product, something he needed in the countless number of spaces he colonized in the several buildings of the anthropology department and then also in the nearby peabody museum. when it came to writing instruments, hal opted for permanent ink or a lead pencil. for the first bout of fieldwork for the dissertation, still in thrall of hal, and given the arctic setting, i had to sleep not only with the batteries for camera and tape-recorder, but also with my rapidograph and india ink, to keep everything thawed. when it came to paper, well, this would not be an opinion, but a fact. it happened that merriam-webster relied on hal for some of its specialized dictionary entries having to do with botany and the philippines. he would periodically receive drawers of 3 by 5-inch cards for the terms in question—but they were not cards, they were slips of paper. some were dated many decades in the past, conceivably even more than a century, but still crisp with erect corners. even though i selected yale’s department of anthropology in 1968 largely because of hal, i would not get to meet him until his return from the field in ifugao until 1969. that would be the earliest that i became aware of the importance of the correct paper. in hal’s methods course, we were all introduced to a particular paper that would be worthy of all our data collection; it was the paper he had discovered from merriam-webster's filing system, and could be ordered in many sizes from judd paper company in holyoke, massachusetts. about this time or the following year, however, judd paper company let their best customer besides merriam-webster know that they would be replacing this paper type with an equivalent one bearing a different label. merriamwebster had beaten hal conklin to the draw, securing the final warehouse-full for themselves. hal was seriously concerned; after all, nothing could be exactly the same, even with the same label, and this label had changed, perhaps from edgemont to greenwood or vice-versa, or maybe edgewood to greenmont, or vice-versa (hal would not tolerate such imprecision, but the internet has not been helpful in this detail). students already had a tradition of combining their paper orders so as to avail themselves of a price discount at 68,000 ... of the 3 by 5-inch slips (i still have some of my quota). they arrived in flat, rectangular clumps of about 2,000, wrapped in plain brown paper. the next step in hal’s course was an empirical anderson. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(2):3–5 5 interviews & reflections special issue on memoirs and memory test of the properties of this already-deemed-perfect paper, according to our anticipated field conditions. but now, we had two species of paper product to test, rather than just the one. in addition, we always had to also involve a variety of writing instruments, just to demonstrate the obvious, that some would not be indelible, and even some that were, might not outlast our own limited lifetimes. for subsets of their experimental scribbles, some students simulated the amazon rainforest with different cycles of washing machines, or for realistic wear-and-tear, kept some slips in pockets with loose change, and i recall stuffing a bunch in a snowbank for the winter. at the end of the semester, we put our evidence together and admitted that a ball-point pen would not be suitable in the field, but a 2.75 lead pencil might be, only to be trumped by a fine-pointed rapidograph pen. between the edgewood and greenmont paper, however, it was a draw. i detected that this was a disappointment for hal, that he would have been more satisfied with a difference in either direction. he did, however, hold an ace, that in personal connections. he always had personal connections: many would be his interlocutors on the phone, day and night, covering every earthly timezone. in this case, his friend was a new curator of paper, no less, at the recently opened yale museum for british art. the good curator had kilns for this very purpose. hal contributed the paper samples, blind, and in return was assured, that all the way to a simulated period of 500 years, the two paper types were equivalent, in fact, indistinguishable. this is an example of hal just not letting go—an inspiration for others that seldom can be equaled. one reason the writing of this brief note has been so intimidating, is the example hal set in everything he tackled. when floyd lounsbury, his own mentor and eventual colleague of half a century died, hal embarked on one more ethnographic project, to document his friend, from birth onwards, even visiting wisconsin. to do so for hal would also be a fitting task for scholars down the line. at this moment, it will suffice to recognize hal’s contributions to our minds and styles of inquiry. when i first read his work before coming to yale, i thought of him as an ethnobotanist, then later as an ethnobiologist, finally as an ethnoecologist. and reviewing the diversity amongst his students’ research topics then and now ongoing, one might conclude that even ethnoecology will not exhaustively represent the breadth and depth of hal's fascination with the world. references cited conklin, h. c. 1980. folk classification: a topicallyarranged bibliography of contemporary and background references through 1971. department of anthropology, yale university, new haven, ct. letter from the editors ethnobiology letters featured reprint & invited comments 19 identification, classification and zooarchaeology jonathan c. driver1 author address: 1department of archaeology, simon fraser university, burnaby, bc v5a 1s6 driver@sfu.ca received: june 18th 2011 volume 2:19-39 published: august 9th 2011 © 2011 society of ethnobiology abstract: identification of preserved biological materials is often regarded as a skill which has little to do with analysis and interpretation. this paper argues that in zooarchaeological studies―here with particular reference to vertebrate remains―identification procedures deserve more detailed consideration, because these procedures have a significant effect on the results of faunal studies. it is suggested that most identifications are made within a system of usually unspecified rules which vary from one analyst to another. improvements in comparability between faunal studies will result if these rules are considered before beginning an analysis, and if the rules are made explicit in publications. key words: zooarchaeology, methods, identification introduction most archaeological studies employ typologies as descriptive and analytical devices. the conscious use and analysis of typologies dates from the publication of krieger's (1944) paper, and a large, complex, and sometimes acrimonious literature has been devoted to typology in general and artefact typology in particular (hill and evans 1972; whallon and brown 1982). in spite of the continuing typological debate there would appear to be a general consensus that typologies are artificial devices designed to expedite research in specific areas (hill and evans 1972; hayden 1984) and that “types of types” (steward 1954) exist. typological debates continue in many sub-disciplines of archaeology, and these generally concern the appropriateness of certain typologies for solving certain archaeological problems. for example, typologies of microchipping have been called into question by vaughan (1985) on the basis of experiments which suggest that the correlation between microflake form and the material worked by the stone artefact is not as good as once thought. similarly, the utility of some typologies of lithic debitage have been questioned by sullivan and rozen (1985). editors note: jonathan driver was invited to re-publish this paper by the ebl editors. in addition, we have invited several commentaries on this important methodological paper from leading zooarchaeologists. this article originally appeared in circaea (http://www.envarch.net/ publications/circaea/index.html), the journal of the association for environmental archaeology, which is now known as environmental archaeology (http://www.maney.co.uk/index.php/journals/env/). this article is reproduced with the permission of the association for environmental archaeology. there has been relatively little debate about typology in the analysis of animal remains from archaeological sites. this is because most zooarchaeologists have assumed that the system with which they describe specimens may be imported intact from zoology. as a result most methodological developments have been in the interpretation of organic remains rather than in their classification and description. the one important exception to this is the discussion concerning the identification of cut marks and breakage patterns on bone (e.g., behrensmeyer et al. 1987; binford 1981; johnson 1985; morlan 1986; shipman 1981). typologies of these phenomena are concerned with the identification and classification of humanly produced modifications rather than the identification of the faunal element on which they are found. they therefore resemble artefact typologies, and share all the problems and advantages inherent in such methods. in this paper i will briefly consider the theory of identification, then examine the use of classificatory systems to describe and “identify” faunal specimens from archaeological sites. it will be suggested that zooarchaeologists should consider their identification systems more carefully in order to increase the degree of standardisation of data presentation and reduce the possibility of interpretive error resulting from misapplication of identification methods. examples will be drawn largely from vertebrate zooarchaeology. it is in this field that problems of identification are most likely to occur, because zooarchaeologists are generally concerned with identifying elements or parts of elements of complex endoskeletons. analysis of other mailto:driver@sfu.ca� http://www.envarch.net/%20publications/circaea/index.html� http://www.envarch.net/%20publications/circaea/index.html� http://www.maney.co.uk/index.php/journals/env/� ethnobiology letters featured reprint & invited comments 20 animal remains, such as molluscs or insects, is usually concerned with identification of relatively complete shells or exoskeletons. this is not to say that many of the problems discussed below will not occur; however, the problems are probably less acute than in the field of vertebrate zooarchaeology. i should point out at the start of this paper that i have deliberately avoided discussing “case studies” which i consider to be examples of poor identification procedures or data reporting. most zooarchaeologists, including myself, have made errors of the types discussed below. it will not serve any purpose to select a few examples from the many to illustrate the points made here. identification, classification, and typology the initial stage of any zooarchaeological analysis is to group specimens into meaningful categories. although this may appear to be similar to the creation of artefact typologies, which also group objects into meaningful groups, there are differences between the two processes. these differences stem from the distinction which must be made between classification and typology on the one hand and identification on the other. classification is the process of grouping objects or other phenomena into groups based on similarities and differences (hill and evans 1972, 233). typology is a special form of classification, in which phenomena are assigned to the same type if they share consistent patterning of attribute states (ibid.). biologists have distinguished identification from classification (sneath and sokal 1973, 3), noting that identification is the assignation of an organism to a previously established classificatory system. archaeologists who study artefacts may wish to use previously established typologies and “identify” their artefacts by reference to those systems. however, they are always free to modify such typologies or to develop new typologies if existing systems are inadequate for their research design. as a result, there may be debate about the relative merits of different typological systems to assist in the solution of the same research problem. alternatively, one may apply two completely different typologies to the same artefact assemblage if one wishes to investigate two different areas of human behaviour. for example, typologies of ceramics or lithics which are useful for constructing culture history may be inappropriate for analysing site function. archaeologists, who study animal remains, or any other largely unmodified organic material, generally organise their specimens into groups by a process of identification. no matter what the research orientation, it is commonly assumed that the initial step of a faunal analysis is to group species according to well-defined attributes preserved in chitin, shell, bone or teeth. this accounts for the widespread establishment of comparative collections and the publication of identification guides and keys. most zooarchaeologists believe that pre-existing classificatory systems can be employed in the analysis of organic remains. this view is further enforced by fairly frequent pleas for standardisation of data reporting in zooarchaeology (e.g., clason 1972; grigson 1978; driver 1983), such standardisations being impossible without a general agreement that there is a single appropriate classificatory system. this attitude is certainly reasonable, and many specimens can indeed be grouped using two biological schemes. the first of these is the standard binomial nomenclature; the second is a fairly well standardised system of anatomical description. using these systems “bison bison left femur” is likely to be well understood throughout the english speaking world and (with one translation) throughout the entire world. this stands in contrast to artefact typologies which, in some areas, have become so cumbersome as to become almost unworkable, and which contain few standardised terms acceptable in more than one language. if one accepts some of the assumptions (discussed below) inherent in the classification “bison bison left femur” then this is a reasonable way of describing faunal remains. in fact, most vertebrate remains can be described quite precisely by three variables−species, element, and part of element, the latter following a system such as brumley's (1973) butchering units or watson's (1979) diagnostic areas. some specimens may be described further, using categories such as age, sex or pathological condition, but these are usually a distinct minority of the entire assemblage. are faunal identifications a form of typology? in some ways they do resemble artefact typologies. bones are grouped by considering a variety of attributes, with multiple attribute states. the groups are exclusive, and can be defined by non-random associations of attribute states. however, there are important differences between a system of bone identification and artefact typology. the binomial system assumes phylogenetic relationships between animal groups, which is not the case with artefact typologies. the binomial system is hierarchical while many artefact typologies are not. the basic unit of zoological classification the species is essentially defined by its reproductive behaviour, while the basic unit of typology the type does not exist as a population and has no capacity for perpetuation. ethnobiology letters featured reprint & invited comments 21 finally, modern artefact typologies are designed to solve specific research problems, while zoological systems of classification are often used as descriptive referents in research which does not deal with phylogeny. methods of identification and their effects on bone groups of the three major attributes defined above (taxon, element and modification), the third will not be discussed in this paper, as it is often describing an artificially induced condition of the bone, and consequently most zooarchaeologists have to be explicit in developing non-zoological typologies to describe bone fragments or other aspects of bone modification. identification of specimens is essentially a matter of grouping specimens by taxon and element. the methods by which bone fragments are identified ought to be relatively simple. first, it is necessary to identify the element represented by the complete bone or bone fragment. unless one can identify the element represented, it is usually impossible to justify identification of taxon. it may be possible, using such criteria as bone thickness or surficial characteristics to identify some fragments to the class level without first identifying the element. for example, long bone fragments with cortical bone thicknesses over a few millimetres are unlikely to be anything except mammals (unless one is working in an area with large reptiles or large flightless birds), and many cranial bones of fish display distinctive surficial characteristics which distinguish them, as a class, from other vertebrate classes. however, i strongly suspect that in many cases the assignment of bone fragments to categories such as “unidentifiable mammal” or “unidentifiable bird” is the product of wishful thinking. this is particularly likely in the case of birds, where size ranges and cortical thickness of bone fragments frequently overlap with the smaller mammalian species. it is worth emphasising that assignation of any bone fragment to all but the most general taxonomic group cannot be undertaken without identification of the element. generally, once one considers specimens below the level of the class, there are no readily observable features of the gross morphology which permit identification of the taxon without prior or concomitant identification of the element. terms such as “small ungulate long bone fragment” are meaningless, although they are sometimes encountered in the zooarchaeological literature. if the features on the fragment are sufficient for identification as a small ungulate (as opposed to a medium-sized carnivore, for example), then they will certainly be sufficient to identify the element from which the fragment derives. the second stage of identification is to assign the identified element to a taxonomic group. such identifications may range from very general (e.g., the order or family) to the particular (species or subspecies). regardless of the specificity of the identification, it follows that the identification guarantees distinction from other taxa at the same level of specificity. thus, the identification “canidae” should guarantee that the specimen could not belong to any other mammalian family, such as felidae or cervidae. similarly “canis lupus” implies that no other members of canis, such as c. familiaris or c. latrans are represented. the use of such a classificatory system depends upon the following: 1. zooarchaeologists employ the existing binomial nomenclature used by zoologists. 2. identification to the given taxonomic level is justified by the methods employed. these principles are investigated further below. use of binomial nomenclature the international code of zoological nomenclature (iczn) provides rules for the classification of animals by order, family, species etc. and, like many artefact typologies, is a way of simplifying an incredible array of diversity (jeffrey 1977). it is organised in such a way as to suggest degrees of relationships between phenomena; for example, animals of the same genus are thought to be more closely related (i.e., they diverged more recently from a common ancestor) than other members of the family to which the genus belongs. the zoological classification is also an artificial classificatory device, as are archaeological typologies. with the possible exception of the species, all other hierarchical levels of the system are imposed by zoologists, rather than by nature. one must remember that, because the binomial system defined by the iczn is artificial, there are other ways to develop classifications of animals. for example, one could describe groups based on diet, locomotion and size, such as those used by some paleoecologists (e.g., van couvering 1980). the emphasis in zooarchaeology, palaeontology and palaeoecology on identification of taxonomic groups defined by the iczn is because of the general belief that identification of the species allows one to infer a wide range of other information, including tolerances to a variety of climatic conditions, habitat types utilised, and various behavioural traits (e.g., social behaviour; migrations ethnobiology letters featured reprint & invited comments 22 etc.). the reason for the continued use of the binomial system of nomenclature is probably because most other possible classifications of vertebrates will operate at a more general level than the species, and identification of bones using standard zoological categories allows them to be regrouped into other classificatory schemes if required. in most cases the use of the binomial system does not cause problems, but one must recognise that zooarchaeologists frequently modify the system, usually by recognising size classes which cross-cut established taxonomic divisions. the most widely used example of this would be a designation such as “large ungulate”. such an identification for late pleistocene/holocene faunas of canada might include bones of horse, bison, musk ox, camel, wapiti and moose, from two separate orders and four separate families. from the same fauna one might also recognise “small ungulates”, which could include deer, caribou, sheep, mountain goat, pronghorn antelope and possibly even saiga antelope; in this case the taxonomic category includes two families from a single order. thus, while bones with many diagnostic features might be assigned a taxon based on established zoological classifications, bones with fewer diagnostic features may be “identified” using a system which groups specimens from separate lineages into a single category based on an attribute (size) which is not relevant to the zoological system. thus, some cervids (moose, wapiti) are separated from other cervids (deer), but grouped in the same “large ungulate” category as bovids, camelids and equids. this is somewhat analogous to the provisions in the international code of botanical nomenclature which allow the category “form-genus” to describe superficially similar fragmentary plant fossils which may derive from a variety of different families (jeffrey 1977, 40). the implications of this methodology are probably not critical to zooarchaeology, although one wonders whether it is really worth making these types of identifications, as virtually no inferences or deductions are ever made from such information. however, as will be discussed below, if one begins to make assumptions about which species are really represented in these very general taxonomic categories, the potential interpretive value increases and new problems arise. identification systems as a zooarchaeologist, one is occasionally stopped in hallways or, more disconcertingly, in conference receptions and asked to identify a specimen. after a few instances of embarrassingly implausible identifications, one learns to ask some critical questions before making a pronouncement. "where does it come from?" and "how old is it?" are the two i have used most frequently. such preliminary questions reveal something rather interesting about our identification methods−we frequently rely upon the context of the specimen to aid our identifications. it would appear that our methods do not simply depend on recognising “diagnostic” characters on bone fragments, but also on other assumptions which are rarely stated. these assumptions are worth examining in some detail. assumption 1: although taxonomic groups are defined by a host of characteristics, most of which are not preserved archaeologically, single bones exhibit sufficient diagnostic characteristics to allow identification, frequently to the species level. this assumption is the basis for zooarchaeological identification. yet very few bones in the post-cranial skeleton are diagnostic of the species if one has to select one species from the entire animal kingdom. for example, the presence of a large bovid femur fragment on a 3000 year old site from the canadian plains virtually guarantees the identification bison, and in many cases analysts will identify bison bison. however, on a historic period site from the same area, many femur fragments would be indistinguishable from domestic cattle, and would be recorded as bos/bison. what zooarchaeologists really mean when they identify a bone fragment is that, given our knowledge of what animal species are likely to have been found in an area during a particular time period, one can identify a fragment based on a combination of size and morphological characteristics. in the above example, the bison femur fragment is probably not distinguishable from those of european bison or some african and asian bovids. however, given the likely geographic range of fauna, the possibility of there being an old world bovid in the assemblage is considered so unlikely as to be dismissed. another problem associated with this assumption is the concept that the zoological taxonomy is immutable, whereas in fact it is in a constant state of revision. for most vertebrate zooarchaeologists this is not a major problem, because revisions tend to be rare and minor. however, it can lead to some embarrassingly over-confident identifications. for example, until recently ornithologists identified two species of flickers in western north america, the redshafted flicker (colaptes cafer) and the yellow-shafted flicker (c.auratus). these are now considered as subspecies of a single species, the common flicker (c.cafer). if one reads zooarchaeological reports from the 1960s and 1970s one can find bones of both ethnobiology letters featured reprint & invited comments 23 original “species” identified. one suspects that, in reality, the skeletons of these two types of bird exhibit so much overlap that one cannot separate them, and certainly today few people would attempt to separate bird subspecies on osteological characters. the fact that the two types were originally divided into separate species probably produced a state of over-confidence in zooarchaeologists, who felt that osteological differences ought to be found. today no one attempts to make the distinction which was made a decade or so earlier, because the taxonomy has changed, not the birds. assumption 1 therefore requires some modification. bones are not identified solely by their morphology and size. rather, a great many possible species are excluded as candidates by virtue of their position in time and space. furthermore, species which can be separated by zoologists are not necessarily separable on the basis of osteology. assumption 2: the methods for identification are sufficiently well tested that one does not need to justify most identifications, except in relatively rare circumstances. in most zooarchaeological publications there is little discussion of identification methods. perhaps zooarchaeologists feel that their methods of identification are so easy to use that the methodology requires little discussion. perhaps they rely to so great an extent on “experience” that they cannot describe their methods. generally, discussion of identification methods is confined to relatively rare species, when it is important to demonstrate that the identification is justified. in addition to personal experience, zooarchaeologists use three methods for identifying fragments: a) comparative collections b) published guides or keys c) measurement systems the use of comparative collections is widespread, and probably forms the basis for most identifications made by zooarchaeologists. however, most comparative collections (including the one i use) are really inadequate for their intended purpose. returning to an earlier example, the identification “bison bison left femur” is usually arrived at through the following type of mental process: “clearly a large ungulate, based on morphological characteristics and size; perissodactyls can be eliminated on the basis of morphology, so it must be an artiodactyl; the only artiodactyls of this size on the canadian plains at 3000 bp are bison, moose and wapiti; specimen was compared with an old male bison which died in a zoo, a juvenile moose donated by a game farm, and a mature female wapiti culled from a national park; characteristics most resemble the bison”. while this may exaggerate the deficiencies of comparative collections, there are few which contain sufficient numbers of specimens to cover age and sex variation, individual variation, or variation resulting from life in different habitats. most identifications using comparative collections are therefore “best guess” approximations, usually based on inadequate comparative samples. the use of identification guides and keys also poses problems. a key is a formally laid out system of identification, usually organised in such a way that presence or absence of characteristics can be used to identify a species. keys usually have a branching form, so that one begins by looking for features characteristic of gross taxonomic groupings, and then proceeds to finer divisions (pankhurst 1978). such keys are rare in vertebrate zooarchaeology or paleontology, because each species possesses hundreds of bones, and bones are generally found as fragments. consequently, a formal key would be required for each part of each element of the skeleton, or at least for those areas generally considered most useful for separating taxonomic groups. while attempts to do this have been made (e.g., various keys in gilbert et al. 1985), most published aids to identification cannot be described as keys. in most cases they are usually collections of illustrations, sometimes with notes discussing diagnostic characteristics (e.g., gilbert 1980; olsen 1964, 1968; schmid 1972; smith 1979). as i have suggested (driver 1987) the existence of such guides is somewhat anomalous. for the frequently occurring species in an area, one can anticipate that most zooarchaeologists will have access to comparative collections which contain those species, and “hands on” inspection is likely to be better than illustrations for the purposes of identification of fragments. for rare species, on the other hand, it is surely better to take the specimens to a comparative collection which contains the species than to rely on an illustration to identify a rarity. the only guides which have any real value to zooarchaeologists are those which summarise the results of observations of large numbers of specimens and discuss distinctive diagnostic characteristics which consistently occur (e.g., olsen 1960; brown and gustafson 1979; lawrence 1951). such publications are relatively rare, and even those which are based on observations of many specimens rarely provide information on how many specimens of each species were consulted or the locations from which specimens were obtained. nevertheless, they are quite important as a supplement to a comparative ethnobiology letters featured reprint & invited comments 24 collection, because they point out consistent diagnostic differences between morphologically similar species. most zooarchaeological identifications are made through a combination of comparative collections and illustrated guides, generally used in a complementary fashion. good illustrated guides will be the result of examination of many specimens, and should partly solve the problem of most comparative collections−insufficient representation of intra-species variation. the comparative collection is essential for the identification of fragments, and for examining details of bone morphology. measurement systems of varying degrees of complexity have been used by zooarchaeologists. at the most simple level, all analysts use gross size to eliminate certain taxa from consideration. thus, to return to the example of the bison femur, sheep is excluded, on the criterion of size rather than morphology, because both sheep and bison share many morphological features. more complex systems of measurement involve taking multiple measurements on single specimen, and are generally only used to separate closely related species. these measurements may be compared using a bivariate plot (e.g., davis 1987, figure 1.12) or by using multivariate statistics (e.g., morey 1986). while such methods appear to be sound, as they are based upon measurements which discriminate between modern specimens of known taxonomic affiliation, they can be misleading. many modem species exhibit considerable geographic variation and, while a system of measurements may discriminate between two closely related sympatric species, it is not necessarily the case that the method can be applied in other regions or in the past. identification by measurement also requires relatively complete specimens, and can only be applied to a relatively small proportion of fragments. assumption 2 therefore requires some qualifications. we do not systematically test the quality of our identifications using “blind” tests. the only criterion for the validity of identifications is the reputation and experience of the analyst. consequently we have no idea of the accuracy of our methods. all identification methods have potential flaws, and while most zooarchaeologists would probably agree that most identifications are probably accurate, they have no empirical or theoretical basis for this claim. taxonomic diversity a further problem in identification concerns the very uneven diversity of species in separate lineages. in part this is due to differences in the importance of “lumping” and “splitting” for taxonomists studying different vertebrate classes. in part it also reflects the evolutionary history and adaptive radiation of certain vertebrate lineages. the problem for the zooarchaeologist is that some types of animals are easily identified to the species level, because nothing else anywhere in the world resembles their skeletons, while other species are virtually indistinguishable on osteological evidence. for north america we could cite the familiar beaver (castor canadensis) as an example. many of the bones of this species are so distinctive that a high frequency of specimens can be identified confidently to the species level. this situation can be contrasted with north american microtine rodents, whose post-cranial skeletons are so similar that, with the exception of the very large muskrat, individual bones can only be identified to the family or sub-family level. identification of species for microtines can only be undertaken through analysis of teeth, and even then some species are not separated easily. clearly, we can expect a higher frequency of bones of some species to be identified to the species level than others. if a major goal of zooarchaeological analysis is calculation of relative frequency of species, some species will be more abundant simply because their skeletons are more easily identified. there appears to be no solution to this problem at present. it is not possible to calculate species abundance by selecting only elements (such as crania and mandibles) which are commonly identifiable to species in most cases, because cultural factors (e.g., butchery methods or differential transportation of elements) and natural factors (e.g., many taphonomic processes) may differentially affect the presence of these elements on a site. calculation of minimum numbers of individuals (mni) is not a solution either. grayson (1979) has shown that mni is not independent of the number of indentified specimens (nisp); consequently, mni does not provide an estimate of relative abundance independent of the number of identified elements. species with large numbers of identifiable post-cranial elements will provide higher mni values than species in which only mandible and cranium can be identified to species. identification by association most of the discussion so far concerns the problems of actually identifying individual specimens. in spite of the various problems discussed, most zooarchaeologists would probably agree that an unknown but high percentage of specimens identified by reasonably competent and experienced zooarchaeologists familiar with the fauna of a particular region are correct. ethnobiology letters featured reprint & invited comments 25 table 1. element frequencies and percentages for fauna on two hypothetical sites. site u1 u2 s l xactual 100 100 100 % 33 33 33 yactual 50 50 100 100 % 17 17 33 33 xreported 100 100 100 % 33 33 33 yreported 20 20 100 100 % 8 8 42 42 however, further problems are encountered when zooarchaeologists begin to make assumptions about the specific identity of taxa identified to a more general level than that of the species. we can begin this discussion by considering the relatively rare circumstance of identifying bones from a site where a single species is encountered. although zooarchaeologists working in the north american plains are familiar with this in the case of bison kill sites, on a global scale this is a somewhat unusual occurrence. if one examines faunal reports from bison kill sites, one finds that species identifications are made of some elements which would normally be relegated to a much more general taxonomic category. in fact, in most cases, virtually every bone fragment which can be identified to element is assumed to be from a bison. in such a case one can argue that this practice is reasonable, and that if all the femora, humeri, crania, etc. are from bison bison, then less diagnostic elements such as rib shaft fragments or vertebral zygapophyses are probably from the same species. however, the identification of these fragments to the species level depends entirely upon their association with the specimens which possess characteristics which allow identification of species. if such fragments were encountered in sites in which other large ungulates were identified, they would almost certainly be relegated to the category “large ungulate”, or some such similar designation. the practice of “identification by association” is not only, as will show, potentially misleading; it is also unnecessary. with the possible exception of articulated specimens (a special instance discussed later), every bone fragment should be identified on its own merits. thus, a summary of fauna from a monospecific assemblage should include fragments identified to the species, genus and family level, as well as some fragments identified to the archaeologically created categories of the “large ungulate” type. once the identifications have been made and tabulated, the zooarchaeologist may wish to argue that, for the purposes of certain analyses (perhaps element frequency), the assumption will be made that all fragments identified to more general levels are in fact from a single species. in other words, the previously hidden assumption is made clear, the reasoning behind the assumption is made plain, and one can then proceed with the analysis. such a procedure is recommended here not simply because it places identification on a more formal footing. it has practical implications for inter-site comparisons. to illustrate this, one may imagine two single-component archaeological sites, x and y, located in the same general region but in different habitats. site x contains three species: a large ungulate (u1), a small ungulate (s), and a lagomorph (l). site y contains four species: two large ungulates (u1 and u2), and the same small ungulate and lagomorph found in site x. the analyst of the site x fauna identifies all large ungulate bones as u1, all small ungulate bones as s and all lagomorph bones as l, using the type of “identification by association” principle discussed above. the analyst of the site y fauna identifies some large ungulates as u1 and some as u2, but many fragments are not diagnostic of either species even though they are recognizable as large ungulates. these cannot, of course, be identified to species, although they could, as discussed later, be included in a general “large ungulate” category. like the analyst of site x, the site y analyst also uses “identification by association” whenever possible, and therefore identifies all small ungulate and lagomorph bones on site y as s and l respectively. we can therefore envisage two assemblages for each site. the first (the actual assemblage) represents the real numbers of fragments of each species which were in fact present at both sites. the second (the reported assemblage) is composed of specimens identified by the analysts (table 1). as the example shows, differences in identification methods may lead to different relative frequencies of different species. for example, the ratio of l to u1 changes from 2:1 in the actual site y assemblages to 5:1 in the reported assemblages. similarly the ratio of l to all ungulates (u1+u2) changes from 1:1 in site x to 5:2 in the reported assemblages from site y, even though ethnobiology letters featured reprint & invited comments 26 the actual ratio remains constant from one site to the next. cases such as this will not necessarily arise provided that zooarchaeologists are aware of such problems in the data. however, unless the analyst of site x clearly differentiates between specimens which can be identified positively as species u1 and those which can only be identified on their own merits as large ungulates, the data produced by the analysis will be of limited value in any comparative studies, because it will not be possible to sort out which bones are really identifiable to the species level and which are assumed to belong to that species. one could argue that such a problem would not arise if the analyst of site y reported values for an extra category−“large ungulate.” indeed, this is a fairly common procedure in zooarchaeology. while this would solve the problem of looking at ungulate to lagomorph ratios, it still creates problems. for example, the importance of u1 in the site y assemblage still cannot be compared with u1 values from site x because criteria used to identify the bones differed from one assemblage to the other. if, on the other hand, the site x analyst had used the “large ungulate” taxon for specimens which could not be identified positively as species u1, the assemblages would be comparable. one other possible solution would be to calculate the ratio of u1 to u2 in the site y assemblage, and then make the assumption that this same ratio applies to the “large ungulate” category. the “large ungulates” could then be assigned proportionately to species u1 and u2, and comparisons could be made with site x. again, there are serious problems with this method. for example, if butchery practices differed between the two ungulate species, then more “large ungulate” fragments would derive from the species which had undergone more frequent bone breakage and comminution. the situation could be further confused if we added more sites to the example with new species of small ungulates and lagomorphs at some of the sites. there are other problems with “identification by association.” the practice almost certainly encourages complacency in identification procedures. if one begins with the assumption that all bones found in a supposedly monospecific assemblage are indeed from one species, then the likelihood of identifying the rare bone of another species of similar size is considerably diminished. the practice of “identification by association” is of little value to zooarchaeology. apart from being dishonest, such identifications can lead to either confusion or unwarranted conclusions. the practice should be discontinued. zooarchaeologists should identify to a particular taxon only those bones which can unquestionably be assigned to it. a set of procedures for zooarchaeological identification identification of specimens by zooarchaeologists is an attempt to place them into taxonomic and anatomical categories used in zoology. in view of the general robusticity of the system of binomial nomenclature, and (with the possible exception of fishes) the system for naming individual bones, this method of classification would seem to be the most appropriate for the initial stages of any zooarchaeological analysis in which knowledge about species representation is important. even if one does not wish to use the binomial system and standard anatomical terms, most other imaginable classifications require prior knowledge of the taxon and element. consequently standard zoological descriptors will continue to be important in zooarchaeological classification. it is important for zooarchaeologists to realise that the evidence used by zoologists to establish their classificatory systems include a wide range of data which can never be observed in the archaeological record (ross 1974). there is no expectation that all, or any, bones or bone fragments will be sufficiently distinctive to identify unequivocally the species defined by consideration of whole specimens. the classification that zooarchaeologists use was developed to meet the needs of zoologists who almost always have many complete specimens of the animals they are attempting to classify. it is inevitable that many zooarchaeological specimens will be recorded as “unidentifiable”. if most zooarchaeologists accept the use of zoological terms to identify bone fragments, one might expect unanimity on standardised methods for data reporting. however, it is unrealistic to propose this. individual zooarchaeologists have different confidence levels (with a tendency for the more experienced to be less willing to differentiate between closely related species). since comparative collections differ in quality, one's ability to identify bones is partly a function of where one works. furthermore, different research goals may require different approaches towards identification. for example, if research is primarily oriented towards analysis of subsistence, it might well be a waste of time tracking down the occasional passerine bone in an assemblage dominated by large mammals. alternatively, palaeoenvironmental studies ethnobiology letters featured reprint & invited comments 27 require species identifications, and bone fragments which cannot be identified to that level can often be ignored, even though in other contexts they might provide information about element frequency or butchery. however, although we cannot expect complete standardisation of data reporting, it is nonetheless necessary to inform other archaeologists of how one has implemented the system of identification. in order to do this, one has to follow certain procedures, and these are outlined below. prior to beginning an analysis one should develop a set of rules about how identifications are to be made. i suspect that very few zooarchaeologists do this, although many assume that they have done so. in most cases, one has a fairly good idea of the type of fauna which will be recovered from a site, and can predict fairly well what sorts of decisions will be required during the course of the analysis. the first rule of virtually any analysis must be that each fragment will be identified on its own merits, so that “identification by association” does not occur. however, one may decide to make exceptions to this rule (although i personally do not). for example, a complete articulated skeleton might contain some bones which are identifiable to species, while others are only identifiable to genus if found as individual specimens. in such a case, one might decide to allow the identification to species of all bones which are clearly articulated. similar decisions must be made in the case of bone fragments which can be glued together. if one finds twenty fragments of a moose tibia which can be reconstructed, should it be identified as a single fragment of moose? should each individually identifiable fragment be counted? should each fragment be counted as a separate identifiable piece? one can make arguments for all procedures, but whichever is to be followed must be established prior to the beginning of the analysis, and should also be reported (briefly) in the faunal report. one must also make decisions about how one will make taxonomic distinctions. as noted earlier, assumptions are always made about what species are represented in the fauna. if one begins with no assumptions, then identification is virtually impossible, because every fragment will have to be checked against far more species than is realistic. for example, on canadian high arctic sites dating to the last 5000 years, the only canidae likely to occur are canis lupus, c. familiaris, alopex lagopus and vulpes vulpes. for most analysts these form the universe from which any specimens identified as canidae must derive. such north american species as canis latrans, vulpes velox or urocyon cinereoargenteus will be excluded from consideration by most analysts prior to attempting to identify canid bones. decisions not to include certain species as possible sources of fauna result in a greater proportion of specific identifications. for example, using the arctic example cited above, a canid femur which was demonstrably larger than a big fox but much smaller than a small wolf would have to be identified as a dog, canis familiaris. however, if one was to include c. latrans in the list of “possible” species for the area, then the specimen would probably be identified as “dog/coyote sized canid”. in addition to deciding what species might be present in the area, analysts must also decide what elements of the skeleton can provide specific identifications. this varies from one taxonomic group to another. for example, identification of the various species of canis must be undertaken on fairly complete mandibles or crania; distinctions between mule deer and white-tailed deer can be made only on the antlers. on the other hand, many bones of castor canadensis can be identified to species because there are no closely related species in the region being studied. if one is willing to produce a list of species which are likely to occur in the site (which i have argued above is essential), then one should be able to predict in advance which species are likely to be difficult to separate. this will allow one to decide prior to the analysis which elements exhibit so much overlap in morphology and size that distinctions between species cannot be made. once such decisions have been made, they should be adhered to, and should be reported in the published analysis. finally, it is very important that zooarchaeologists attempt whenever possible to report identifications in more detail than is usually done, so that the nature of identification methods can be understood by other archaeologists. as noted above, this should include brief notes about what taxa were considered separable, and what elements were used to separate taxa. ideally, descriptive zooarchaeological reports which provide the basic information about a site's fauna should also include tables in which numbers of elements (or parts of elements, or butchering units, etc.) are recorded for each taxa. this not only allows other analysts to manipulate data on element frequency, it also provides a very good guide to the identification procedures utilised. for example, if a zooarchaeologist practices “identification by association,” these tables will show elements such as ribs identified to fairly specific levels; on the other hand, tables produced by a zooarchaeologist who does not use the method will ethnobiology letters featured reprint & invited comments 28 show ribs and other less diagnostic elements relegated to a more general category. admittedly, such tables take up space. this problem can be solved by carefully constructed tables and a lot of fine print. it can also be solved by the somewhat controversial use of microfiche appendices or even floppy discs. the introduction of many tables of data is not generally approved by editors and publishers, but without them much of the information recorded by zooarchaeologists is lost. such data are often vital to future researchers, and zooarchaeologists should promote their use. conclusion the classification of specimens by element and taxon is a preliminary step of most zooarchaeological analyses. zooarchaeologists generally use classificatory systems borrowed from zoology. it has been shown that the assumptions made by zooarchaeologists when using these systems, especially binomial nomenclature, are partly invalid. furthermore, the procedures for actually identifying specimens are rarely made explicit, nor are most zooarchaeological identifications susceptible to testing or critical evaluation. we can place no confidence limits on identifications. while it is desirable to begin testing our abilities to provide correct identifications, using carefully constructed blind tests to assess the reliability of the methods, we can make zooarchaeological data more trustworthy by following some simple procedures. we must make explicit which species have been considered as the “universe” from which identifications have been made. we must outline the way in which identifications were made, including details of comparative collections, keys, guides, and measurement systems used. we should avoid “identification by association”. data reporting should include more than a list of taxa accompanied by nisp and mni values. publication of data should, at the very least, include lists of elements identified to various taxa, preferably organised by provenance. the arguments for these recommendations are unambiguous and easily defended. zooarchaeological analysis does not stop at the site level. any attempt to work with data compiled by other researchers requires that one assess whether data sets are comparable, and this means that details of identification procedures and results must be made explicit. if zooarchaeology has any claims to be scientifically based we must adopt procedures which make the methodology of data production clear to other researchers. only then can past research contribute to future syntheses. acknowledgements i am very grateful to jack nance who read an earlier draft of this paper and helped to clarify the distinctions between typology and identification, as well as making many other useful comments. references cited behrensmeyer, a. k., k. d. gordon, and g. t. yanagi. 1987. trampling as a cause of bone surface damage and pseudo-cutmarks. nature 19:768-71. binford, l. r. 1981. bones. ancient men and modern myths. academic press, new york. brown, c. l. and c. e. gustafson. 1979. a key to postcranial skeletal remains of cattle/bison, elk and horse. washington state university laboratory of anthropology reports of investigations 57. brumley, j. h. 1973. quantitative methods in the analysis of butchered faunal remains: a suggested approach. archaeology in montana 14(1):1-40. clason, a. t. 1972. some remarks on the use and presentation of archaeological data. helinium 12(2):139-53. davis, s. j. m. 1987. the archaeology of animals. batsford, london. driver, j. c. 1983. minimum standards for reporting of animal bones in salvage archaeology: southern alberta as a case study. in directions in archaeology: a question of goals, edited by p. d. francis and e. c. poplin, pp. 199-209. university of calgary archaeological association, calgary. driver, j. c. 1987. review of mammalian osteology (gilbert) and avian osteology (gilbert, martin and savage). zooarchaeological research news 6(1). gilbert, b. m. 1980. mammalian osteology. missouri archaeological society, columbia. gilbert, b. m., l. d. martin, and h. savage. 1985. avian osteology. missouri archaeological society, columbia. grayson, d. k. 1979. on the quantification of vertebrate archaeofaunas. in advances in archaeological method and theory 2, edited by m. b. schiffer, pp. 199237. academic press, new york. grigson, c. 1978. towards a blueprint for animal bone reports in archaeology. in research problems in zooarchaeology, edited by d. r. brothwell, k. d. thomas, and j. clutton-brock, pp. 121-128. institute of archaeology occasional papers 3. ethnobiology letters featured reprint & invited comments 29 hayden, b. 1984. are emic types relevant to archaeology? ethnohistory 31(2):79-92. hill, j. and r. evans. 1972. a model for classification and typology. in models in archaeology, edited by d. l. clarke, pp. 231-73. methuen, london. jeffrey, c. 1977. biological nomenclature. crane russak, new york. johnson, e. 1985. current developments in bone technology. in advances in archaeological method and theory 8, edited by m. b. schiffer, pp. 157-235. academic press, new york. krieger, a. d. 1944. the typological concept. american antiquity 9: 271-88. lawrence, b. 1951. post-cranial skeletal characters of deer, pronghorn and sheep-goat, with notes on bos and bison. papers of the peabody museum of archaeology and ethnology 35(3). morey, d. f. 1986. studies on amerindian dogs: taxonomic analysis of canid crania from the northern plains. journal of archaeological science 13:119145. morlan, r. e. 1986. pleistocene archaeology in old crow basin: a critical reappraisal. in new evidence for the pleistocene peopling of the americas, edited by a. l. bryan, pp. 27-48. university of maine center for the study of early man, orono. olsen, s. j. 1960. post-cranial skeletal characters of bison and bos. papers of the peabody museum of archaeology and ethnology 35(4). olsen, s. j. 1964. mammalian remains from archaeological sites, part i, southeastern and southwestern united states. papers of the peabody museum of archaeology and ethnology 56(1). olsen, s. j. 1968. fish, amphibian and reptile remains from archaeological sites, part i, southeastern and southwestern united states. papers of the peabody museum of archaeology and ethnology 56(2). pankhurst, r. j. 1978. biological identification: the principles and practice of identification methods in biology. university park press, baltimore. ross, h. h. 1974. biological systematics. addison-wesley, reading. schmid, e. 1972. atlas of animal bones. elsevier, amsterdam. shipman, p. 1981. application of scanning electron microscopy to taphonomic problems. annals of the new york academy of sciences 376:357-86. smith, g. s. 1979. mammalian zooarchaeology, alaska: a manual for identifying and analyzing mammal bones from archaeological sites in alaska. university of alaska anthropology and historic preservation cooperative park studies unit occasional paper 18. sneath, p. h. and r. r. sokal. 1973. numerical taxonomy. w. h. freeman, san francisco. steward, j. h. 1954. types of types. american anthropologist 56:54-7. sullivan, a. p. and k. c. rozen. 1985. debitage analysis and archaeological interpretation. american antiquity 50(4):755-79. van couvering, j. a. 1980. community evolution in east africa during the late cenozoic. in fossils in the making, edited by a. k. behrensmeyer and a. p. hill, pp. 272-298. university press, chicago. vaughan, p. c. 1985. use-wear analysis of flaked stone tools. university of arizona press, tucson. watson, j. p. n. 1979. the estimation of the relative frequencies of mammalian species: khirokitia 1972. journal of archaeological science 6:127-37. whallon, r. and j. a. brown (eds.). 1982. essays on archaeological typology. center for american archaeology press, evanston. biosketch jon driver is a professor in the department of archaeology at simon fraser university (canada), where he currently serves as provost and vice-president, academic. he completed a b.a. at cambridge and a ph.d. at calgary. he has undertaken zooarchaeological research in england, canada and the usa. he is currently working on faunal assemblages from colorado and new mexico. ethnobiology letters featured reprint & invited comments 30 comments on “identification, classification, & zooarchaeology” kristine bovy dept. anthropology, university of rhode island kbovy@mail.uri.edu re-reading driver’s paper was an eye opening experience. while i was pleased to find that i have internalized many of his suggestions, i was reminded of many others that i wish i had followed more closely. for the most part, his observations and recommendations are as true today as there were twenty years ago. for example, many beginning zooarchaeologists may be puzzled by driver’s remark that there is “a tendency for the more experienced [zooarchaeologist] to be less willing to differentiate between closely related species (65).” wouldn’t one get better at making more specific identifications with more practice? driver’s statement exactly captures how i feel when looking back at some of my early analyses—how could i identify that? the answer—i couldn’t! it has taken fifteen years of analysis for me to more fully realize what can and cannot be identified. unfortunately, driver’s observation about the inadequacy of many comparative collections is also still salient today. for example, juvenile birds from zooarchaeological assemblages are often left unanalyzed due to the lack of sub-adult comparative specimens. although immature birds can be difficult to identify, such analyses can reveal important biogeographic information about past breeding distributions and can have relevancy for the management of current bird species (e.g. bovy 2011). in addition, driver commented on the difficulty of distinguishing fragmented bird bones from small mammals. i have also observed cases in which immature bird bones were sorted with the mammal bones because of their spongy appearance. some juvenile bird bones may never make it to the bird bone analyst, but are relegated to “unidentified” mammal. there are at least two aspects of zooarchaeology that are different today than in 1992. first, driver notes, “for most vertebrate zooarchaeologists this [taxonomic revision] is not a major problem, because revisions tend to be rare and minor (61).” however, extensive genetic studies in biology in the past twenty years have created significant changes in bird taxonomy. in the 2010 installment of the annual supplement to the check-list of north american birds (chesser et al., 2010), the american ornithologists’ union re-arranged a number of taxa in response to recent genetic studies and created four new taxonomic orders: phaethontiformes (tropicbirds), suliformes (frigatebirds, boobies, cormorants, darters, and allies), accipitriformes (hawks, kites, eagles, and allies), and eurypygiformes (sunbittern and kagu); herons were also moved from ciconiformes (now just storks) to pelecaniformes (pelicans, herons, ibises, and allies). therefore, taxonomic identifications made just a few years ago, may now mean something quite different. for example, a specimen identified conservatively in the past as “falconiformes” (formerly “diurnal birds of prey”) could now be assigned to either “accipitriformes” or “falconiformes” (caracaras and falcons). it is now essential that bird analysts keep on top of these yearly updates, and also be explicit about what version of the checklist and updates are being used in a given report. second, it has obviously become much easier to share raw data with other analysts via the internet, and some journals allow authors to include online appendices or supplements to articles. in addition, the archaeology program of the national science foundation requires those applying for a grant to submit a “data access plan” detailing how the primary data will be disseminated. as more analysts take advantage of new digital options, it will hopefully become more common to have access to original data and tables, rather than just the short summary tables allowed in many journal articles. as i begin a new zooarchaeological analysis this fall and train students to help in the lab, i plan to review driver’s article again, and make sure the hidden assumptions of zooarchaeology are transparent to these budding zooarchaeologists as well. i may even post the following quote from driver’s article in the lab as a reminder to do good work: “zooarchaeologists should identify to a particular taxon only those bones which can unquestionably be assigned to it (65).” references cited bovy, k. m. 2011. archaeological evidence for a double-crested cormorant (phalacrocorax auritus) colony in the pacific northwest, usa. waterbirds 34(1):89-95. chesser, r. t., r. c. banks, f. k. barker, c. cicero, j. l. dunn, a. w. kratter, i. j. lovette, p. c. rasmussen, j. v. remsen, jr., j. d. rising, d. f. stotz, and k. winker 2010. fiftieth supplement to the american ornithologists’ union check-list of north american birds. the auk 127:726-744. mailto:kbovy@mail.uri.edu� ethnobiology letters featured reprint & invited comments 31 comments on “identification, classification, & zooarchaeology” virginia l. butler dept. anthropology, portland state university virginia@pdx.edu i am pleased to see the republication of jon driver’s 1992 paper. he makes many excellent points about zooarchaeological methods and reporting of faunal data, especially the need to be explicit about the basis of our taxonomic identifications, including assumptions we make about which taxa are in our geographic universe and other factors that help determine whether a species, genus, or family level assignment is appropriate. there are many reasons we should follow driver’s suggestions. being explicit about the source of our identifications allows for others to evaluate claims, prerequisite to the scientific enterprise. we can also build on others’ work, not having to re-invent the wheel in developing distinguishing criteria. another reason is associated with data synthesis. aggregating faunal data across multiple projects and analysts can be challenging, if not impossible when methods of analysis are vague or obscure. in addition, as we work to insinuate zooarchaeological research into more public domains such as wildlife and conservation policy, we will need to defend our identifications in those public domains including the courts. we want the products of our research to stand up to the closest scrutiny as we leave the “ivory tower” and the stakes increase. driver’s paper provides very useful guidance here. i have two main points to make. first, i want to explore the use of “identification by association”, which driver suggests is of little value to zooarchaeology. as driver explains, this practice begins with the taxonomic assignment of some specimens in a given site context, based on morphological or other criteria, and then “by association”, assigning a larger set of specimens to that taxon simply because of context, not based on independent criteria. for example, if one was able to identify some number of a site’s fish remains from the family catostomidae (sucker) to the species catostomus macrocheilus (largescale sucker), then by association, one could assign all the sucker remains to c. macrocheilus, not just the ones assigned based on morphology, given that this is the only species (of several others in the region) present. driver suggests that faunal analysts should avoid this practice, arguing instead that each bone be examined and taxonomically identified on its own merit. i argue that the problem with “identification by association” is not the use of context to make a claim, but rather the lack of background information in a report that would explain the analytic decision used to make the taxonomic assignment. if one is explicit about analytic decisions and protocols used to assign specimens to various taxonomic levels and describes which specimens were assigned based on morphology and association, then other researchers can evaluate the knowledge claims and decide whether to accept them. the key piece here is being explicit, shining a light on the hidden assumptions. second, i want to propose a bit of activism in the zooarchaeology community, if we all agree with driver and the underlying value of promoting rigorous approaches to faunal analysis and reporting of data. as with archaeology overall, in north america most funded faunal analysis and reporting takes place under the umbrella of heritage or cultural resources management. in the united states, state level offices (known variously as office of historic preservation, state historic preservation office, etc.) set guidelines for archaeological work and reporting. at least in oregon and washington, guidelines for zooarchaeological data reporting do not exist; i suspect many states and canadian provinces lack state-level guidelines. i suggest that we come up with some general guidelines for faunal sampling, analysis and reporting and that we work with our state/provincial historic preservation officers to get them integrated into archaeology practice guidelines. because of varying goals and research interests, we don’t want to mandate that all faunal analyses conform in lock-step to the same procedures. on the other hand we might “raise our game” more broadly, encouraging greater rigor and explicitness regarding taxonomic identification (and other important aspects of analysis and reporting), if we work to develop guidelines/ policies that management agencies could use. writing papers in peer-reviewed journals may not be sufficient to lead to the kinds of changes driver and others of us want to see. comments on “identification, classification, & zooarchaeology” karen d. lupo dept. anthropology, washington state university klupo@wsu.edu in the nearly two decades since driver’s (1992) publication appeared in circaea, identification techniques for faunal remains from archaeological sites have greatly expanded and become far more mailto:virginia@pdx.edu� mailto:klupo@wsu.edu� ethnobiology letters featured reprint & invited comments 32 sophisticated. the application of new techniques for analyzing ancient genomics (ancient dna) are becoming more widespread and allow for the precise identification of different species (e.g., barnes et al. 2000; horsburgh 2008; yang et al. 2005). in many cases, these same identifications could not have been justified solely on the basis of bone characteristics or morphometrics. other kinds of techniques applied to different archaeological data, such as lipid residue analysis of tools and the identification of isotopic signatures, are increasingly providing additional details on the prehistoric use of animals. novel identification techniques based on bone histology are expanding analysts ability to identify the largely fragmented bones recovered in zooarchaeological contexts (cuijpers 2006). even as these new techniques become more widespread, however, most analyses of zooarchaeological assemblages still rely largely on more conventional sources of information such as comparative collections, published keys, the experience of the analyst and contextual information. but even some of these conventional sources are enhanced by the large number of manuals, keys and articles on bone identification focusing on a single taxon or comparing a few closely related species that have been and continue to be published since the early 1990’s (e.g., crockford 2009; semkin and wallace 2002). on-going assessments and refinements of standard identification criteria based on skeletal elements are distinguishing useful traditional criteria from those that are ambiguous (see zeder and lapham 2010 for a recent example). the perennial problem of a lack of access to adequate comparative collections is improved by digital, 3-d images that are becoming increasing available on the internet. although most current collections of digital images are a long way from capturing the range of ontogenetic, sexual, and geographic variability displayed by most animal populations, this deficit will undoubtedly be closed in the future. thus, faunal analysts now have many more identification tools in their arsenal than they did 30 years ago, and the potential for identifying large numbers of highly fragmented prehistoric faunal specimens has never been greater. despite the advantages that new developments afford, some of the problems identified by driver persist but are now manifested in different ways. elements of driver’s two fundamental and inter-related suggestions concerning standardization and transparency in taxonomic identifications still resonate today. to a certain extent, the realization of these objectives, is uneven in the field zooarchaeology and varies, in part, as a function of the analytical technique used by the researcher. for example, transparency in methodology and protocols are compulsory in most ancient genomic analyses. replication of results and duplicate testing in different laboratories are also part of the standard protocol. with the exception of rare or potentially controversial specimens, most conventional zooarchaeological analyses based on bone morphology and standard landmarks are often less clear about methodology. replication of results is not part of the standard protocol. while transparency in identification procedures in more conventional zooarchaeological analyses is on the rise, especially in archaeological reports, driver’s vision of clear procedural outlines for taxonomic identification remains unfulfilled. the sequence he envisioned involved analysts making a series of decision rules guiding how each fragment was to be identified before and during analysis. in practice, most analysts probably have developed a series of identification decision rules, but inclusion of these rules in publications is often overlooked. this is particularly problematic in analyses where bone fragments are assigned to animal size-class. because most analyses still rely largely on conventional identification sources, the use and clear reporting of procedures is critical and should be expanded beyond the rare or unique finds. if zooarchaeology is to prevail as an integrated sub-field in archaeology, then analysts need to strive to develop and apply common standards to all forms of identification. references cited barnes, i., j.p.w. young, and k. dobney. 2000. dnabased identification of goose species from two archaeological sites in lincolnshire. journal of archaeological science 27:91-100. crockford, s. j. 2009. a practical guide to in situ dog remains for the field archaeologist. pacific identifications, inc. cuijpers, a. g. f. m. 2006. histological identification of bone fragments in archaeology: telling humans apart from horses and cattle. international journal of osteoarchaoelogy 16:465-480. horsburgh, k. a. 2008. wild or domesticated? an ancient dna approach to canid species identification in south africa’s western cape province. journal of archaeological science 35:1474-1480. semken, h. a. and s. c. wallace. 2002. key to arvicoline (“microtine” rodents ) and arvicoline-like lower first molars recovered from late wisonsinan and holocene archaeological and palaeontological ethnobiology letters featured reprint & invited comments 33 sites in eastern north america. journal of archaeological science 29:23-31. yang, d. y., j. r. woiderski, and j. driver. 2005. dna analysis of archaeological rabbit remains in the american southwest. journal of archaeological science 32:567-578. zeder, m. and h. lapham. 2010. assessing the reliability of criteria used to identify postcranial bones in sheep, ovis, and goats, capra. journal of archaeological science 37:2887-2905. comments on “identification, classification, & zooarchaeology” r. lee lyman dept. anthropology, university of missouri lymanr@missouri.edu zooarchaeologists often do not report the anatomical criteria they have used to identify individual bones or teeth or shells as representing particular species. although perhaps understandable if one is of the opinion that discussions of taxonomically diagnostic morphometric features are simply “descriptive” and thus unworthy of page space in our professional journals, such an opinion is naive. taxonomic identification of animal remains recovered from archaeological excavations is the most fundamental and significant step of virtually any analysis of ancient faunal remains, regardless of the research question being asked or the hypothesis being tested. taxonomic identification is, however, superficially simple. in one of the best descriptions of the protocol i have found, paleontologist george gaylord simpson (1942:144) noted that one first assumes “that the bones of different [taxa] have characteristic forms, more or less constant for any one [taxon]” (simpson 1942:144). under this assumption, the zooarchaeologist places two homologous bones (say, two femora) next to one another “and looks” (simpson 1942:145), concluding that if the two bones look alike they are from the same taxon, but if they look different they are from different taxa. the “characteristic forms” or features of a bone or tooth or shell of a particular taxon constitute the necessary and sufficient conditions for identifying an archaeological specimen as a member of that taxon. perhaps because it is thought to be simple, many feel they can identify bones with minimal training and perhaps a skeletal guidebook such as gilbert (1990). unfortunately, this is not at all true. for example, at a minimum, such guidebooks not only seldom include more than one view of each skeletal element, they often present that view at a non-life-size scale, taxonomically diagnostic features are not indicated, and individual (intrataxonomic) variation due to age and sex and population differences is not indicated. to these facts can be added two more. first, many archaeological specimens are incomplete anatomical units such as a distal femur or a fragment of a proximal radius, and therefore fewer of the taxonomically diagnostic features are present. second, many species have closely related congeners (other species of the same genus) that display similar skeletal features. simply put, taxonomic identification is not simple. twenty years ago, jon driver (1992) wrote his thoughtful paper on the weaknesses of what he took to be the general protocol of taxonomic identification of archaeological faunal remains. subsequent studies of taxonomic identification procedures, while few in number (e.g., bochenski 2008; gobalet 2001; lyman 2002), have reinforced much of what driver said originally. yet the identification protocol deserves further study. driver’s paper is a great place to start and it is thus very appropriate that it is reprinted in a venue that will see it and that the fundamental topic receive more attention. driver argues that each specimen (individual bone or tooth or shell or fragment thereof) should be identified “on its own merits” by which he means its intrinsic anatomical and morphometric attributes. i agree. driver also argues for standardization of identification procedures and rules. i agree to the extent that we all use comparative collections of actual skeletons rather than some use guidebooks, some use comparative skeletons, and some use seat-of-the-pants. he advocates standardization of identification procedures and rules because at present the only criterion by which to judge the validity of any particular identification is the “reputation and experience of the analyst.” this qualified authority notion has some validity (e.g., woodward and goodstein 1996), and while perhaps necessary to evaluate an identification, it is not sufficient. driver’s solution to this dilemma is to recommend that an identification be reported in sufficient detail that it can be understood by the reader why a particular specimen has been identified as representing species a rather than species b or species c. to me, this only begs the question of what “sufficient detail” means. further, it ignores a historically well-established protocol. in the early history of zooarchaeology, it was paleontologists and zoologists who identified archaeologically recovered faunal remains to taxon (e.g., mailto:lymanr@missouri.edu� ethnobiology letters featured reprint & invited comments 34 gilmore 1949; merriam 1928; white 1953). paleontology has had, virtually since it became a distinct science (roughly 200 years ago at the hands of georges cuvier [rudwick 1976]), a standard protocol for reporting identifications. in a typical paleontological study there is a section entitled “descriptive paleontology” or “systematic paleontology.” there, all identified specimens are listed under each taxon, each specimen is described, and the anatomical and morphometric criteria used to make the identification are described verbally and exemplary specimens are illustrated. the taxonomically diagnostic anatomical features used to identify specimens as representing a particular species become well known among those studying particular taxa and undergo blind tests every time a paleontological report undergoes peer review and is published. someone is sure to point out when allegedly diagnostic anatomical features are not taxonomically diagnostic. a novice zooarchaeologist (and even many experienced ones) can do little better than to read paleontology when it comes to learning the protocol of taxonomic identification (e.g., barnosky 2004; guilday et al. 1964, 1977, 1978). that protocol addresses every problem driver identifies. references cited barnosky, a. d. (ed.) 2004. biodiversity response to climate change in the middle pleistocene: the porcupine cave fauna from colorado. university of california press, berkeley. bochenski, z. m. 2008. identification of skeletal remains of closely related species: the pitfalls and solutions. journal of archaeological science 35:1247–1250. driver, j. c. 1992. identification, classification and zooarchaeology. circaea 9:35–47. gilbert, b. m. 1990. mammalian osteology. missouri archaeological society, missouri state university, springfield. gilmore, r. m. 1949. the identification and value of mammal bones from archeological excavations. journal of mammalogy 30:163–169. gobalet, k. w. 2001. a critique of faunal analysis: inconsistency among experts in blind tests. journal of archaeological science 28:377–386. guilday, j. e., p. s. martin, and a. d. mccrady. 1964. new paris no. 4: a pleistocene cave deposit in bedford county, pennsylvania. bulletin of the national speleological society 26:121–194. guilday, j. e., p. w. parmalee, and h. w. hamilton. 1977. the clark’s cave bone deposit and the late pleistocene paleoecology of the central appalachian mountains of virginia. bulletin of the carnegie museum of natural history no. 2. guilday, j. e., h. w. hamilton, e. anderson, and p. w. parmalee. 1978. the baker bluff cave deposit, tennessee, and the late pleistocene faunal gradient. bulletin of the carnegie museum of natural history no. 11. lyman, r. l. 2002. taxonomic identification of zooarchaeological remains. the review of archaeology 23(2):13–20. merriam, c. h. 1928. why not more care in identifying animal remains? american anthropologist 30:731–732. rudwick, m. j. s. 1976. the meaning of fossils: episodes in the history of palaeontology, revised edition. neale watson academic publications, new york. simpson, g. g. 1942. the beginnings of vertebrate paleontology in north america. proceedings of the american philosophical society 86:130–188. white, t. e. 1953. studying osteological material. plains archaeological conference news letter 6:58–66. woodward, j. and d. goodstein. 1996. conduct, misconduct and the structure of science. american scientist 84:479–490. comments on “identification, classification, & zooarchaeology” clara otaola museo de historia natural de san rafael–conicet claraotaola@arqueologiamendoza.org the republication of driver’s paper is important and is of interest in argentina where the earliest papers about methods in faunal analysis either emphasized taxonomic identification or quantification of bone specimens. emphasis varies according to where archaeology programs are housed. those in programs within departments housed in the natural sciences, focus on the importance of zoological taxonomy during the identification process (salemme et al. 1991; tonni 1984). on the other hand, those trained in departments housed in the social sciences, despite treating faunal identification as a fundamental aspect of zooarchaeological research, emphasize the problems of quantification, the derivation of analytical units, and the development of models of past human behaviour related to subsistence (mengoni goñalons 1981, 1988). both perspectives are important for the development mailto:claraotaola@arqueologiamendoza.org� ethnobiology letters featured reprint & invited comments 35 of zooarchaeology in argentina. howev-er, a common standard for faunal identification as described by driver has not been adopted. zooarchaeological research has increased during the last thirty years in argentina (mengoni goñalons 2004, 2010), but much remains to be accomplished concerning standardization in faunal analysis. driver’s paper is rarely cited by argentine zooarchaeologists, though there are exceptions. a lack of attention to his paper reflects that many academic journals were difficult to access for much of the 1980s, 1990s, and early 2000s. the republication of this article in an open-access format provides the opportunity for argentine zooarchaeologists to revisit the topic of standardization. i would like to highlight one of driver´s ideas that is particularly important for the argentine zooarchaeologist, the statement that zooarchaeological analysis does not stop at the site level. for decades the majority of the papers in zooarchaeology in argentina were akin to faunal reports that relied heavily on faunal lists. regional approaches comparing faunas from multiple sites analyzed by diverse research teams are becoming more common today (barberena et al. 2009; martinez and gutiérrez 2004; otaola 2010; santiago and vázquez 2011). also, there has been an increase in collections-based research focusing on new questions, using new methods, especially for doctoral dissertation research. such use of previously excavated and often previously analysed collections makes the establishment of a transparent faunal identification standard a necessity. without such a foundation it is impossible to derive more sophisticated research orientations, such as taphonomic and theory-driven approaches. grayson (1984) warned over two decades ago that the zooarchaeological literature would grow to the point that it would become overwhelming. for the student, access to foundational literature can have an important impact on career development. many papers and manuals discuss methods for analyzing faunas, but driver´s paper emphasizes the theory of identification, which is a fundamental aspect of zooarchaeology because all subsequent analyses depend on rigorous faunal identification. references cited barberena, r. a., f. zangrando, a. f. gil, g. a. martínez, g. g. politis, l. a. borrero, and g. neme. 2009. guanaco (lama guanicoe) isotopic ecology in southern south america: spatial and temporal tendencies, and archaeological implications. journal of archaeological science 36:2666-2675. grayson, d. k. 1984. quantitative zooarchaeology. academic press, orlando, fl. martínez, g. and m. gutiérrez.2004. tendencias en la explotación humana de la fauna durante el pleistoceno final y holoceno en la región pampeana (argentina) in zooarchaeology of south america, edited by g.l. mengoni goñalons, pp. 81-98. bar international series, 1928. archaeopress, oxford. mengoni goñalons, g. l. 1981. obtención de información cultural de arqueofaunas. técnicas de estudio y análisis de material arqueológico. facultad de filosofía y letras, uba, pp. 15-33, buenos aires. mengoni goñalons, g. l. 1988. análisis de materiales faunísticos de sitios arqueológicos. xama 1:71-120. mengoni goñalons, g. l. 2004. an overview of south american zooarchaeology. in zooarchaeology of south america, edited by g. l. mengoni goñalons, pp. 1-9, bar international series 1298. archaeopress, oxford. mengoni goñalons, g. l. 2010. advances in animal bone archaeology in argentina: general trends and some prospects for the future. in current advances for the latin-american archaeozoology, edited by g. l. mengoni goñalons, j. arroyo cabrales , ó. polanco and f. j. aguilar, pp. 17-26. instituto nacional de antropología e historia, méxico, d. f. otaola, c. 2010. índices de utilidad en contextos tafonómicos variados. in zooarqueología a principios del siglo xxi: aportes teóricos, metodológicos y casos de estudio, edited by m. de nigris, p. m. fernández, m. giardina, a. f. gil, m. a. gutiérrez, a. izeta, g. neme, and h. d. yacobaccio, pp. 157-166. ediciones del espinillo, buenos aires. salemme, m., e. tonni, and l. miotti. 1991. the determination of mammal bones in zooarchaeological research. in recent developments in western mediterranean prehistory: archaeological techniques, technology and theory, vol. i, edited by w. h. waldren, j. a. ensenyat, and r. c. kennard, pp. 209-222. bar international series 573. archaeopress, oxford. santiago f. and m. vázquez. 2011. dietas promediadas. explorando el registro zooarqueológico supraregional en tierra del fuego. paper presented at the ii congreso nacional de zooarqueología argentina, universidad nacional del centro de la provincia de buenos aires, facultad de ciencias sociales, olavarría. tonni, e. p. 1984. la arqueología biológica en la argentina: el estudio de los vertebrados. adeha 6:1-11. ethnobiology letters featured reprint & invited comments 36 twenty years after “identification, classification and zooarchaeology” jonathan c. driver dept. archaeology, simon fraser university driver@sfu.ca abstract: in 1992 the author published “identification, classification and zooarchaeology” in the journal circaea. although rarely cited, the article has appeared regularly on the reading lists of some courses in zooarchaeology, and has been reprinted in this issue of journal of ethnobiology, together with a number of comments. in this short paper the author provides some context for the original article, and reflects on how zooarchaeologists have approached some of the problems of specimen identification in the last twenty years. key words: zooarchaeology, methods, identification background “identification, classification and zooarchaeology” (driver 1992) was written originally as a contribution to a proposed festschrift for richard (dick) forbis, an archaeologist who specialized in the northern plains (janes 1984), and who taught the graduate method and theory class in the department of archaeology, university of calgary when i was a student. the intended volume was never completed, so i submitted the paper to circaea, the journal of the association for environmental archaeology, because i felt that it would appeal more to british zooarchaeologists than their north american counterparts. my undergraduate degree was from cambridge, and i had spent a couple of years back in england working on medieval faunas after completing my phd in calgary, so i was familiar with the british and, to a lesser extent, the european approaches to zooarchaeology. “identification, classification and zooarchaeology” (icz) reflects four influences. first, i had experience in research projects where comparison of zooarchaeological data from numerous excavations was yielding more robust information than single site reports. my phd (completed in 1978) had taken a regional approach to a valley in the northern rocky mountains (driver 1985a). in britain i got to know members of the “faunal remains unit”, a government funded laboratory associated with southampton university that took on a wide range of projects in southern england, and used regional data for interesting overviews (e.g., maltby 1981). i had also completed a regional study of sites in eastern new mexico (driver 1985b). it had become apparent that reporting zooarchaeological data for a single excavation was only valuable if future researchers understood what criteria were used to identify animal remains, so that data from numerous sites could be combined for comparative or synthetic purposes. second, i had been strongly influenced by the work of don grayson on quantification. in 1982, i replaced rick casteel as the zooarchaeologist at simon fraser university, and his students convinced me that i should pay more attention to quantification methods. a close reading of grayson’s work, especially his first comprehensive analysis of the issues (grayson 1979); showed me that failure to understand fundamental aspects of data generation would lead to unsupportable interpretations. the influential books on taphonomy that appeared in the early 1980’s (e.g., behrensmeyer and hill 1980; binford 1981; brain 1981) contained numerous case studies of the dangers of making assumptions about the underlying natural and cultural processes that created faunal assemblages. however, what particularly struck me about grayson’s work was the potential for archaeologists themselves to structure assemblages in ways that would affect the interpretation of their data. just as grayson had investigated how choice of quantification methods affected assemblage composition and interpretation, i wanted to investigate how the identification of zooarchaeological specimens could do the same. third, having employed undergraduate and graduate research assistants, i had realized that in order to ensure comparability of results within my own projects, i would have to define protocols for recording specimens. this required standardized coding (so that we all spoke the same language), but i also wanted to ensure that we would be consistent in our identifications. i therefore began to develop rules for my students about what would and would not be considered “identifiable”. finally, with the widespread availability of personal computers in the 1980’s, it became more important to ensure that zooarchaeological specimens were recorded in a way that facilitated electronic sorting and manipulation of data. this also reinforced the need for clear protocols and coding systems for entry of descriptive data. by the mid-1980’s i had given up recording basic information about specimens on paper, and this led to more careful thought before beginning an analysis about what ought to be recorded. for example, in icz i talked about the need to define a “universe” of taxa that would be considered as potentially identifiable in a particular region. that mailto:driver@sfu.ca� ethnobiology letters featured reprint & invited comments 37 concept arose from having to make decisions about what taxa would receive codes when i was developing coding systems for use on personal computers. icz focused on identification because i felt that this was fundamental to zooarchaeological analysis, and yet was rarely discussed as a methodological problem. there was a literature available on criteria for distinguishing different taxa, but very little had been written on the assumptions that underlay the actual decision to identify a particular specimen to a particular taxonomic category. i also wanted to get away from attempts that had been made by zooarchaeologists to standardize reporting methods (e.g., grigson 1978) or create standard coding systems (e.g., klein and cruzuribe 1984) because these approaches reduced zooarchaeological analysis to a method without a research problem. what else should have been included in retrospect, there are two interrelated topics and an important earlier publication that i should have included in icz. first, as pointed out to me recently by steve wolverton, i should have investigated the literature on experimental protocols in science laboratories. my failure to do this is difficult to understand, because at the time the paper was written i was having regular conversations with physicist erle nelson, who did pioneering work on stable isotope analysis (e.g., chisholm, nelson and schwarcz 1983 ) and ams radiocarbon dating (e.g., nelson et al. 1986), and was a colleague in the same department. a frequent topic of our discussions was the reliability and precision of results, particularly when ams laboratories were being developed around the world. however, i didn’t connect our discussions about reliability, accuracy and precision in science labs to my own concerns about identifying faunal specimens. second, i was already aware of the processes that vertebrate palaeontologists used to formally describe faunas, and of the fact that a group of zooarchaeologists trained at university of wyoming had long used a descriptive approach derived from paleontology for reporting identifications (e.g., walker and frison 1980). i should have discussed the formality of that approach as a contrast to the more informal approach adopted by most zooarchaeologists. i should also have been aware of barbara lawrence’s paper on methodological problems raised during inter-site analysis, especially as the book in which it appeared was in the sfu library at the time. lawrence argued that in order to undertake inter-site comparisons it was necessary to agree on the criteria to be used for identification, and to report them. although she did not explore this topic in as much detail as icz, she was clearly aware of the fundamental issue: “the comparability of analyses can only be evaluated if the foundations on which these rest are fully described” (lawrence 1973:399). subsequent developments icz seems to have had little impact on zooarchaeological practice and has been cited rarely, although it is now available online through the association for environmental archaeology web site. a few zooarchaeologists have told me that they include the paper as required reading for undergraduate or graduate classes. my experience in compiling data from dozens of sites in british columbia and from hundreds of sites in the american southwest has shown that few zooarchaeologists discuss identification procedures in publications or in the grey literature, and i continue to believe that this is a failing of our research field almost 40 years after lawrence first defined the problem. there have been a number of developments since 1992 that should be noted. one of my former graduate students, randall preston, pointed out that one would have greater confidence in reported identifications if analysts carried out “blind” re-analysis of specimens. as far as i know, randall was the first zooarchaeologist to deliberately undertake this process, and i have encouraged all of my students to follow his example and report the reliability of their own identifications, based on a protocol for re-analyzing a portion of the assemblage. a more sophisticated experiment in assessing the accuracy of identifications was undertaken by ken gobalet (2001), who submitted the same collection of fish bones to different analysts, and reported the discrepancies between them. this paper was published in a journal that is widely read by zooarchaeologists, yet the paper is rarely cited, something that i find hard to understand. zooarchaeologists claim the ability to identify complete and fragmentary specimens from the vertebrate skeleton. they provide no proof that they can do this either reliably or accurately, and when someone conducts an experiment that throws the most basic aspect of zooarchaeology into question, there is virtually no reaction. gobalet’s paper should have been a wake-up call to the discipline. at the very least it should have prompted further experiments to assess whether this problem is widespread, and whether it is more prevalent for certain kinds of fauna maybe fish are more difficult to identify than mammals? ethnobiology letters featured reprint & invited comments 38 another important development that was just on the horizon in the early 1990’s is the ability to present massive amounts of information electronically, and to provide remote access to the data. this means that zooarchaeologists can archive detailed discussions of identification methods online, and that they can store complete data sets in accessible formats. of course, this makes the reliability and accuracy of the data even more important. one encouraging sign is that more people are posting photographs of “difficult” specimens online, and asking colleagues to assist in identification. also encouraging is the willingness of many journals to electronically archive data and descriptions of experiments that support the conclusions of published papers. it is interesting to note that the society for american archaeology’s january 2011 archaeological record contains a series of short articles about the potential for storing and sharing zooarchaeological information using digital formats. however, the biggest change in identification methods since icz was published is the development of ancient dna analysis (adna). this has revolutionized understanding of late pleistocene and holocene plants and animals, their genetic and ecological relationships, and their interaction with people. however, there has been surprisingly little use of adna as a method for independent confirmation of taxonomic identification based on more traditional zooarchaeological methods. there are some interesting examples that demonstrate the potential of adna as a check on the validity of identification methods. for example, while working on a large collection of rabbits from a site in the american southwest, yang et al. (2005) used adna to check the separation between lepus and sylvilagus on the basis of size. while the adna verified the legitimacy of element size as a distinguishing criterion (a not unexpected result), it also revealed the presence of a small lepus species that was present regionally, but thought to be very unlikely to occur around the site that had been excavated. another interesting example is ann horsburgh’s analysis of iron age canids in south africa. she reports that the context and abundance of canid remains had led archaeologists to assume that domestic dogs were present, but all of the specimens she tested were blackbacked jackals, a local wild canid (horsburgh 2008). tarcan and i used adna on a small number of specimens to test our ability to separate species and genera of medium-sized artiodactyls from the historic contexts at zuni pueblo, new mexico (tarcan and driver 2010). as analysis of adna samples becomes faster and cheaper, we should expect to see some systematic testing of identification of ancient faunal specimens that had been identified through more traditional zooarchaeological methods, such as morphology or biometrics. such experiments would help delineate the kinds of specimens that we have the most difficulty in identifying accurately, and could provide zooarchaeologists with some best practices for various categories of taxa. conclusion in the late 1980’s a combination of factors, both practical and theoretical, led me to reflect on the process of making an identification during a zooarchaeological analysis. i believe that my 1992 paper in circaea presented some troubling issues with the most fundamental aspect of zooarchaeology – attaching a taxonomic designation to a fragment of a skeleton. i do not think that we have resolved most of these issues. our continued assumption that identification is an acquired skill that cannot be subjected to rigorous confirmation procedures makes zooarchaeology less credible, especially to scientists from other disciplines. acknowledgements i thank steve wolverton for providing the opportunity to reprint my 1992 paper in ethnobiology letters, and for organizing the comments about the paper. i also thank daniela balanzetegui for her editorial assistance. references cited behrensmeyer, a. k. and a. p. hill (eds.) 1980. fossils in the making, vertebrate taphonomy and paleoecology. university of chicago press, chicago binford, l. r. 1981. bones. ancient men and modern myths. academic press, new york. brain, c. k. 1981. the hunters or the hunted? university of chicago press, chicago. chisholm, b. s., d. e. nelson, and h. p. schwarcz. 1983. marine and terrestrial protein in prehistoric biets on the british columbia coast. current anthropology 24:396-398. driver, j. c. 1985a. prehistoric hunting strategies in the crowsnest pass, alberta. canadian journal of archaeology 9:109-129. driver, j. c. 1985b. zooarchaeology of six prehistoric sites in the sierra blanca region, new mexico. museum of anthropology university of michigan technical report 17. driver, j. c. 1992. identification, classification and zooarchaeology. circaea 9: 35-47. ethnobiology letters featured reprint & invited comments 39 gobalet, k. w. 2001. a critique of faunal analysis: inconsistency among experts in blind tests. journal of archaeological science 28:377-386. grayson, d. k. 1979. on the quantification of vertebrate archaeofaunas. in advances in archaeological method and theory 2, edited by m. b. schiffer, pp. 199237. academic press, new york. grigson, c. 1978. towards a blueprint for animal bone reports in archaeology. in research problems in zooarchaeology, edited by d. r. brothwell, k. d. thomas, and j. clutton-brock, pp. 121-128. institute of archaeology occasional papers 3. horsburgh, k. a. 2008. wild or domesticated? an ancient dna approach to canid species identification in south africa’s western cape province. journal of archaeological science 35:1474-1480. janes, r. r. 1984. smith-wintemberg award. canadian journal of archaeology 8:1-2. klein, r. g. and k. cruz-uribe. 1984. the analysis of animal bones from archaeological sites. university of chicago press, chicago. lawrence, b. 1973. problems in the inter-site comparison of faunal remains. in domestikationsforschung und geschichte der haustiere, edited by janos matolcsi, pp. 397-402. akademiai kiadó, budapest. maltby, m. 1981. iron age, romano-british and anglosaxon animal husbandry. a review of the faunal evidence. in the environment of man: the iron age to the anglo-saxon period, edited by m. jones and g. dimbleby, pp. 155-203. british archaeological reports, british series 87, oxford. nelson, d. e., r. e. morlan, j.s. vogel, j.r. southon and c. r. harington. 1986. new dates on northern yukon artifacts: holocene not upper pleistocene. science 232:749-751. tarcan, c. and j. c. driver. 2010. the adoption and use of domestic animals at zuni. in anthropological approaches to zooarchaeology, edited by d. campana, p. crabtree, s. d. de france, j. lev-tov and a. choyke, pp. 159-167. oxbow books, oxford. walker, d. and g. c. frison. 1980. the late pleistocene mammalian fauna from the colby mammoth kill site, wyoming. rocky mountain geology 19:69-79. yang, d., j. r. woiderski, and j. c. driver. 2005. dna analysis of archaeological rabbit remains from the american southwest. journal of archaeological science 32:567-578. microsoft word wolverton-the pursuit of ecotopia.doc ethnobiology letters                                                                                                                    book review    22    the pursuit of ecotopia: lessons from indigenous and traditional societies  for the human ecology of our modern world  eugene n. anderson.  2010. praeger publishers, santa barbara. pp. 251. $44.95 (hardcover). isbn  0313381305.    reviewed by steve wolverton 1    reviewer address:  1  environmental archaeology, department of geography, university of north texas, denton, texas 76203    received: july  9 th  2010                                            volume 1:22‐25  published: august 17 rd  2010                       © 2010 society of ethnobiology    environmentalism is rife with political correctness such that the term “human impacts” is often chastised as loaded and is replaced with softer words, such as “human-environmental interactions.” there is really no place for this soft approach in eugene anderson’s recent book the pursuit of ecotopia. yet, anderson is blunt and forceful in a respectful manner in his epic essay (or series of essays) on the state of the environmental crisis, and more precisely the place of humanity within it. the book covers political ecology, political economy, environmental injustice, morality, ethics, and traditional and local management of natural resources. it is a hefty read—honest, penetrating, unabashed, damming, inspiring, and hopeful all at once. as a result, books such as this one should put ethnobiology in the forefront of literature on the current, global environmental crisis, and it is my hope that scholars in environmental science, political ecology, environmental economics, and related disciplines will read it to see what it offers. throughout the book, anderson points out successful and unsuccessful examples of environmental management. he criticizes governments that are too big, too small, and those that claim to maintain free trade but fall short. although there are several messages throughout the book that draw on anderson’s vast experience with environmental knowledge in many cultures, worldwide, there are three that resonated deeply in my reading of it. first, anderson discards typical notions that politics can solve modern environmental problems by demonstrating that most governments are held hostage by huge natural resource and agricultural firms that are economically more powerful than many a nation. only individuals can overcome problems of environmental management, and to do so there must be unity. members of societies in developed countries have much to learn regarding solidarity from traditional and local societies (e.g., lepofsky 2009). in particular, in local settings where natural resources, food, and space are concerned, it is much easier for people to recognize face-to-face that they are in it together. often overlooked by scientists, economists, politicians, and other parties from developed countries is that environmental management in local settings has been effective for centuries. anderson conveys a belief that people must gain solidarity at the global scale to overcome current environmental abuses. it is interesting to note that throughout the book, anderson describes problems in detail, but balances his discussion with fair objectivity. why wouldn’t big business promote environmental abuse when the current cultural system promotes values of strident individualism at the cost of common good? and yet toxic pollution that kills people, anderson equates to toleration of fatal drive-by shootings (p. 191). similarly, irresponsible exploitation of a finite resource that could be managed more sustainably threatens global ecology, humanity’s “global life support system,” and should not be tolerated (p. 191). the problems are ones of scale and context; people recognize individual threats from point sources, but it is much harder to adopt a position of solidarity to confront cumulative challenges. even environmentalists are boondoggled by individualism: “too many environmentalists think that individual actions can solve the problem. no the problem is social and political, and can only be solved by a movement that would unify people in solidarity with a common cause” (p. 189). second, solidarity cannot be achieved unless individual rights are protected in all societies. an important corollary is that a livable environment is a right: “if there is one human right, this is it. if resistance to direct threat is a basic right, then we all have a right—and, in fact a collective duty—to resist ethnobiology letters                                                                                                                    book review    23    destruction of our life support system” (p. 161). undoubtedly, adoption of such a perspective requires a change in values for many people, and this requires education as to just how it is that global ecology is a “life support system.” global solidarity of individuals concerning modern environmental problems, such as pollution, clear-cutting, over-harvesting of fish stocks, et cetera, cannot be accomplished unless environmental health is regarded as a human right. anderson’s is a no-nonsense approach. for example, he may castigate monopolistic oil firms but he also does not endorse the “indigenous above all other” perspective. instead, environmental management must be done on a contextual basis, case-by-case. what is needed is support and infrastructure for parties (individuals) to bring their concerns and solutions to the table. without environmental health as a right, such cannot be accomplished. third, anderson labels hatred as hatred. he is unafraid to use and define terms, such as ‘tolerance’ for one another. what is meant by tolerance is open acceptance and encouragement of other’s (individuals in societies) perspectives. politicians and members of society (particularly recently in the us) are increasingly marginalized into extremist positions that reflect hatred towards the “other” (those with different values about life, environment, religion than oneself). environmental concerns in some areas are overlooked as politicians avoid issues through divisive hateful rhetoric. anderson uses the conservative christian right-wing perspective as an example; not coincidentally this group is largely responsible for the rampant deregulation that allows monster-firms to control the global fate of environments (acknowledging that the general public has allowed this to happen). to overcome hatred, environmental health must be seen as a right and it must be adopted at a grass-roots level; however, a new ethic based on morality must also be advocated. anderson expands leopold’s land ethic by describing a new global ecological context and by developing reasoning for adopting a more inclusive morality. several important principles underlie anderson’s ethic. first, if individuals matter, then “we are all in it together,” which necessitates solidarity. however, what is it that we face? when leopold wrote his land ethic he maintained that nature existed as a balanced system that humans perturb; nature is not separate from humanity but is a concept, environments change and are not stable, and human-influence spans the globe. anderson states that a “new land ethic must therefore be one of managing for an unstable world system, not one of keeping our hands off (or almost off) a stable one” (p. 171). in addition leopold entrusted communities to simply do the right thing, which has not translated into solidarity and political will. no one acts on the land ethic (or too few people do), and “whether the environmentalists like it or not, the world is now one big farm” (p. 170). a new morality is required, and anderson adopts emmanuel levinas’ position that ethics is an interactive process—how fitting for a world that needs solidarity—“from the fear of being alone and the warmth of the active, warm interest in each other, we construct a world” (p. 178). this morality is the seat of solidarity because it requires toleration and respect for difference and interaction with other beings (human and non-human). morality, anderson holds, is an evolutionary force that is pragmatic, forming the basis for an ethic “that privileges long-term and wide interests over short-term, narrow ones [that] must be made explicit in particular cases” (p. 176). that is, morals and an updated ethic to support solidarity require explicit choices and love of nature. anderson holds that an environmental ethic is multi-layered from general, widely held principles, the violation of which is easy to see, to problems of externalities that require “utilitarian calculus,” to difficult choices about human preferences about what we enjoy in the world around us; “the problem is that most americans… object to saving anything for mere beauty if it could be used for even the slightest amount of money. this appears to be true of liberals as of conservatives” (p. 199-200). not only must our new morality adopt tolerance; we must learn to enjoy rather than simply conform because “one of the biggest problems in trying to save the environment has been public lack of willingness to act out of sheer love and delight in nature” (p. 200). anderson deals a final blow to calvinist morality, which prevents “acting on such grounds” by attaching morality to misery. such puritanism requires sameness in a world that requires diversity to survive. to conclude, anderson makes it clear that environmental ethics in many areas of the world provide a model of what he recommends—a world in which humans enjoy the environment, which leads to solidarity and responsible community management: ecotopia. in the west, “we have not recognized how deeply humans need a beautiful environment to be human” (p. 202). undoubtedly anderson’s book will be castigated by some readers as “too liberal,” but there is no base to this conclusion. anderson knows what a true conservative is, philosophically. he equally criticizes knee-jerk liberalism; the recommendations he makes ethnobiology letters                                                                                                                    book review    24    often rely on conservative politics and (real) small government that supports the rights of individuals. the far right does not equal “conservative” and reactive liberalism is impractical. he even states that literal environmentalism is quite dangerous; “the worst thing that could possibly happen to the environment would be the world victory of such environmentalism” (p. 195). instead local co-management of resources where individuals are invested in outcomes is the solidarity that anderson envisions under the mantra “think globally and locally, act globally and locally” (p. 171). environmental philosophers may lament that they have said this all before in a variety of shapes and forms (e.g., callicott 1989; norton 1991; rolston 1988; rozzi 1999). the difference that anderson provides is an ethnobiological context that offers a model for how things might be. examples are consistently spattered throughout each chapter, reflecting anderson’s encyclopedic knowledge in the field. a series of examples are concentrated in chapter 2, such as the traditional chinese feng-shui practice of tending tree groves near settlements, which were managed for sustainable use as timber and firewood up until the communist era. anderson cites his own experience with the maya of the yucatan throughout the book for which “every aspect of cultivation and hunting is religiously—and often ritually—represented” (p. 37). one example was the “13th deer ceremony,” which was practiced by religious leaders to give thanks and to pray for more hunting success prior to allowing additional hunting (p. 37). countless other examples are offered, and his conclusion is that “we should be fully documenting local ecological knowledge, and, above all, management systems” as examples of how to live (more) sustainably in all environments (p. 44, emphasis in original). these management systems are not disjointed, superficial entities, and though not all traditional societies value “nature” and certainly do not all do so in the same ways when they do, traditional ecological knowledge often reflects what wyndham (2009) terms “subtle ecologies” often running quite deep in terms of institutions, ethics, and morals (pp. 42-48). though these subtle ecologies may result in apparently “epiphenomenal conservation” (hunn 1982); conservation, in general, whatever the source or intention is of high value to environmentalists. in the context of ethnobiology, anderson moves well beyond what ought to be done to how successful environmental management can be accomplished, indeed has been accomplished in many cultures; to learn from ‘others’ we must promote solidarity and morals and ethics that celebrate variability (differences). as an ecologist/archaeologist who regularly interacts with environmental chemists, aquatic toxicologists, stream ecologists, other environmental scientists, and environmental philosophers i welcome anderson’s frontal ethnobiological assault on the global environmental crisis. too often anthropologists (including ethnobiologists) tell other scholars what subjects should be of importance (anderson touches on this on page 203); that is, we try hard to set the agenda from our self-prescribed lofty anthropological perspective, while scholars from environmental science (as one example) cannot see what concrete perspectives we bring to the table. as a result, i have been waiting for a book such as this one that brings ethnobiology to the forefront in a manner that makes sense to all parties who are concerned about global humanity and environments. anderson’s book is inclusive and should appeal to scientists, humanists, and those in between. references cited callicott, j. b. 1989. in defense of the land ethic: essays in environmental philosophy. state university of new york press, albany. hunn, e. s. 1982. mobility as a factor limiting resource use in the columbia plateau of north america. in resource managers: north american and australian hunter-gatherers, eds. s. m. williams and e. s. hunn, pp. 17-43. american association for the advancement of science selected symposium no. 67. lepofsky, d. 2009. the past, present, and future of traditional resource and environmental management. journal of ethnobiology 29:161-166. norton, b. 1991. towards unity among environmentalists. oxford university press, new york. rolston, h. iii. 1988. environmental ethics: duties to and values in the natural world. temple university press, philadelphia. rozzi, r. 1999. the reciprocal links between evolutionary-ecological sciences and environmental ethics. bioscience 49:911-921. wyndham, f. s. 2009. spheres of relation, lines of interaction: subtle ecologies of the rarámuri ethnobiology letters                                                                                                                    book review    25    landscape in northern mexico. journal of ethnobiology 29:271-295. participatory ethnomedicinal cancer research with fante-akan herbalists in rural ghana ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1): 66‐79. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.253. 66 research communication cal approaches) (hill et al. 2003). the principal area of study is kormantse, a coastal village in the central region of ghana, west africa, located approximately 62 miles west of the capital city accra. fante akan dialect dominates in kormantse, a historically important fishing and farming community that played a prominent role in the slave trade. the primary occupation is fishing; however, mining activities also occur in the region.1 kormantse borders salt pond to the east and abandze to the west, and has a population of about 6,500 people (personal communications with nana kwame akyen ii, adontenhen of mankessim traditional area and chief of kormantse). kormantse owns a basic school where its members seek their education, and has one medical clinic that treats minor illness and provides injury first aid. the nearest hospital is saltpond municipal hospital, about a 25 minute drive by car. herbal medicines are commonly used by kormantse residents due to their affordability and familiarity as compared to pharmaceutical drugs. background herbal medicine is a primary healthcare option for people in the developing world (cunningham 1993). in africa, for instance, people often consult community herbalists in matters of disease and well-being. previous studies in rural central ghana suggest that the decision to use traditional medicine (herbalists or spiritual healers), as opposed to biomedicine (conventional or “western medicine”), is affected by several factors including access, affordability, as well as cultural views of disease, wellness, and traditional healing methods (aikins 2005; hill et al. 2003). for example, research investigating herbal malaria treatments in fante regions of central ghana (mankessim and kasoa) showed that people select herbal remedies even when pharmaceutical remedies are readily available, due to their lower cost per dose (asase and oppong-mensah 2009). furthermore, differences in traditional and biomedical terminology (particularly in the area of nosology), appear to present a barrier to integrative treatments (healthcare that encourages or uses both traditional and biomediparticipatory ethnomedicinal cancer research with fante-akan herbalists in rural ghana summer ragosta 1* , ivelyn harris 2 , ntim gyakari 3 , emmanuel otoo 4 , and alex asase 5 author addresses: 1 surfing medicine international, p.o. box 548, waialua, hawaii 96791, usa. 2 rio grande valley jamaica maroons, moore town, portland, jamaica. 3 freelance botanist and technical herbalist, p.o. box 1457, kumasi, ghana. 4 p.o. box sp116, salt pond, ghana. 5 botany department, university of ghana at legon, p.o. box lg 55, legon, ghana. *corresponding author: surfingmedicine@gmail.com received: september 23, 2014 volume: 6(1):66-79 published: july 21, 2015 © 2015 society of ethnobiology abstract: an ethnomedicinal study was initiated with herbalists in coastal central region ghana to explore how cancer is defined, diagnosed, and treated within a traditional fante-akan context. the participatory, service-oriented investigation included international collaboration with herbalists and traditional plant experts. on-site meetings informed community leaders and members of project intent and methods, guided protocol, and gauged critical support. to provide immediate educational and economic opportunities, hands-on activities with villagers transferred academic and applied skills. ethnographic interviews and voucher specimen collections were conducted with seven herbalists. plant samples were dried and housed locally in a community herbarium cabinet constructed in kormantse. ten cancer ethnopharmacopoeia plants were identified, most of which are species considered native to tropical africa. fante akan herbalists listed various types o f cancers they treat with herbal remedies, along with ethnomedicinal descriptions of disease etiology, diagnoses, and treatments. the most common cancer type mentioned was “breast cancer.” topical application was the most often cited method of administering remedies. researchers established key contacts in the kormantse, salt pond, and elmina communities, and identified local and international research collaborators for a proposed interdisciplinary project focused o n longitudinal case studies with herbalists, patients, and medical physicians. keywords: ethnomedicine, ghana, collaborative research, ethnopharmacopoeia, cancer ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1): 66‐79. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.253. 67 research communication according to laryea et al. (2014), region-specific cancer rates have not been adequately documented in ghana. the first population-based cancer registry in the country was established in 2012 in the urban city of kumasi, located in the ashanti region about 110 miles north of kormantse. the kumasi registry data showed that the most commonly diagnosed cancers were, in decreasing order, liver, prostate, lung, and stomach among men; and breast, cervix, ovary, and endometrium among women (laryea et al. 2014). country-wide data from 2012 indicated that cervical cancer is the most commonly diagnosed cancer among ghanaian women (american cancer society 2015), with over 50% of these cases attributed to the vaccine preventable2 human papillomavirus (hpv) types 16 and 18 (ebu et al. 2015). according to adanu et al. (2010), regular cervical cancer screening (associated with early detection and improved mortality rates for women diagnosed with the disease) is not common in ghana. an ethnographic study of cervical cancer awareness among fante women in elmina (a large coastal town about 22 miles west of kormantse) identified social (e.g., religious and cultural beliefs), institutional (e.g., no local screening clinics, lack of health education and cervical cancer information), and cost factors that prevented women from seeking cervical cancer screening tests (ebu et al. 2015). these barriers to conventional biomedical access are juxtaposed by relatively high numbers of traditional medicine practitioners in ghana (compared to number of physicians), leading many to choose herbal medicine in matters of disease treatment and prevention (busia 2005). ethnomedicinal comparisons since traditional herbal medicine is a critical component of rural healthcare, safety and efficacy are a concern for both herbalists and the public they serve, and many traditional practitioners in africa have expressed interest in cooperating with biomedical physicians to improve their status as respected healthcare providers (busia 2005). however, in order to make cross-cultural parallels between traditional and conventional medicine, ethnomedicinal terminology must first be relatable to biomedical taxonomy. yet, there are currently no studies known to us that adequately describe and define fante ethnomedicinal taxonomy in a conventional medicine context. social constructs of wellness and remedy efficacy vary within and across ethnicities, and some health related expressions may be wholly culturally constructed (etkin 1988; kleinman 1978). associating emic disease terms with ethnographically derived descriptions of etiology, treatment procedures, and biological symptoms and systems can improve understandings of ethnomedicinal concepts which, when correlated with biomedical classification systems, may facilitate comparative research and cross -cultural collaborations, improve health education programs, as well as increase access to and overall quality of healthcare (berlin and berlin 2005; browner et al. 2007; etkin 1988). through collaborative and participatory ethnobotanical research, our goal is to better understand traditional remedies for cancer and to facilitate crosscultural medical knowledge transfer. although no perfect protection from unintended and unforeseen misappropriation of published information is known to the authors, this ethnomedicinal documentation aims to protect intellectual property of participating fante herbalists by presenting prior art evidence pertaining to traditional knowledge of bioactivity associated with the plant species listed here,3 with the intention of discouraging its use in extra-cultural and non-collaborative ventures.4 furthermore, it is anticipated to augment positive safeguards legislated in intellectual property rights laws, acts, and instruments administered by the ghana registrar-general’s department (dutfield 2003; sackey and kasilo 2010). our publication objective is to provide fante akan herbalists in kormantse and surrounding areas access to their traditional knowledge in a written format, and to encourage grassroots-initiated collaborative ethnomedicinal projects focused on sustainable equitable economic and social development in the region. two primary questions guide this research: 1) what plant species are used in fante akan cancer ethnopharmacopoeia; and 2) how is cancer defined, diagnosed, and treated within the traditional herbalist practitioner system in coastal areas of central region ghana? methods this study initiation was conducted under ethical guidelines proposed by the 2006 international society of ethnobiology (2006) code of ethics (with 2008 additions). prior informed consent documents were drafted according to university of ghana noguchi medical research institutional review board guidelines. previous exploratory research carried out in ghana in 2005 (ragosta 2011)5 enabled professional relationships and rapport to develop among investiga ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1): 66‐79. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.253. 68 research communication tors and community participants. over a period of several months (september 2012 to july 2013), project discussions by mail, email, and telephone allowed ghanaian co-researchers and key collaborators to review methodology, ask questions, and suggest changes. the preliminary field study was conducted over a period of ten days in july and august 2013. additional follow-up meetings and plant collections with participating herbalists and local project leaders (carried out in july 2014 and april 2015) confirmed interview data and species identifications. we worked with traditional herbalists who use plants to heal and treat disease. selection of herbalist participants was purposive and accomplished with help from local key collaborators6 (bernard 2006; tongco 2007). a village meeting was initiated to gauge support, identify participants, and review research methods with community members and leaders. individual written informed consent was received prior to each interview. a fante-english translator assisted in prior informed consent discussions and interviews. research goals, including intention to publish results of the study, and data collection methodology were discussed in detail with each individual participant. potential risks associated with unintended misappropriation of published information were described to participants by means of prior informed consent documentation and discussions. herbalists were asked to not disclose information they wished to remain secret. participants were given opportunity to review the article manuscript and were asked for final permission prior to publication. data gathering methods included plant collections and formal semi-structured interviews using predetermined open-ended and direct questions (bernard 2006); for example, “what conditions do you treat?,” “please explain the effects of the remedies you use to treat cancer”, “what plants are in your remedies?,” and “can you show us the plant(s) and may we take a sample?” most of the herbalists were interviewed initially in group settings, followed by individual interviews and observations at each participant’s place of practice.7 group interviews and nightly plant pressing activities functioned as training sessions for community members leading herbarium management, participant meeting organization, and subsequent interviews and plant collections. pressed and dried plant samples (voucher specimens) were prepared to provide a concrete link between vernacular and botanical classification systems and to positively identify species discussed and shown to researchers during interviews (alexiades and sheldon 1996; etkin et al. 1999). specimens were pressed and dried in the village of kormantse (figure 1). after foreign researchers left ghana, participating community members mounted the dried vouchers and constructed a small herbarium cabinet to house the specimens. the kormantse participants also sent a set of vouchers for deposit in the national forestry commission herbarium in kumasi. a ghanaian taxonomist (gyakari) worked with researchers to assist with plant identification in the field. dichotomous keys published in the flora of tropical west africa (hutchinson and dalziel 1936, 1954, 1958, 1963, 1968, 1972) were consulted to aid species determinations. digital photographs were taken of plant specimens to create a virtual copy of the herbarium. plant taxonomy and authorship was authenticated with tropicos (missouri botanical figure 1. collecting voucher specimens for the kormantse herbarium. ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1): 66‐79. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.253. 69 research communication garden 2014) and the plant list (2013) databases. distribution status was verified via african plant database (2012) and the flora of tropical west africa (hutchinson and dalziel 1936, 1954, 1958, 1963, 1968, 1972). we focused on building long-term relationships in the community through educational service projects and participatory research (juliá and kondrat 2005; kobetz et al. 2009; vandebroek 2013). crosscultural experiential educational sessions were organized and led by experts from jamaica, ghana, and the united states.8 community participants were given opportunities to learn through hands-on activities and small-group sessions (ranging from about two to seven participants) focusing on videography, ethnography, medicinal plant taxonomy and use, african diaspora ethnohistory, voucher curation, native timber species seed germination, and handcarved craft (figure 2). these activities were filmed by both foreign project leaders and kormantse community members. to fully involve the community in all aspects of the research, from the planning and methods development stages to the research write-up and publication submission process, correspondence was maintained between foreign and local project leaders and herbalists via mail, email, phone, and text. official project meetings with participating herbalists and local leaders were held in kormantse after foreign researchers left ghana, and drafts of the preliminary research summary and results were shared with meeting attendees for review and approval. results as a result of this project, the participating herbalists residing in the kormantse and salt pond areas have established a fante herbalist consortium, which acts as a steering committee for long-term research goals and local project development. a major focus for the herbalists is to construct a centralized clinic as a place to consult with and treat patients, as well as to collaboratively research aspects of their ethnomedicinal knowledge. interviews, collections, and observations were carried out with seven fante herbalists, including five figure 2. local participants receive hands-on training in both practical and academic arts; clockwise from left to right: handcarved wooden craft, voucher preparation and taxonomy, and videography. photos by guy a. ragosta. ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1): 66‐79. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.253. 70 research communication men and two women. we identified ten cancer ethnopharmacopoeia species used by these herbalists (table 1). the herbalists talked about “different kinds of cancer” they have treated with plant based remedies: breast, leg, hand, arm, head, nose, penis, prostate, skin, stomach, thigh, abdomen tumor, and vagina. breast cancer was the most commonly cited cancer type treated (mentioned by five out of seven herbalists). one herbalist emphasized that there are various types of breast cancer. none of the herbalists reported any adverse side effects related to their herbal medicine treatments. one herbalist who claimed to have successfully treated about 100 people for cancer stated that “for every cancer there is a particular herb that is appliedfor different cancers-leg, hand, breast, etc.… and for every herb there is a manner of approaching the herb.” cancer was described by one herbalist as a “chronic sore.” another herbalist expounded on the definition, saying, “outside sores can develop into inside sores, an early stage of cancer.” to further explain, this herbalist told us, with leg and arm cancers you will see boils. an outside boil is an indication of an inside sore, and when you press on it the person will feel pain. in the breast there will be no boil, [instead] you will feel a hard painful lump inside and [the person] will feel pain around the heart. because there are a lot of veins in the breast, stones will form inside, meaning that there is an inside wound or sores. also one of the symptoms is itchiness. researchers observed pulverized plant material used in topical treatment applications. one herbalist explained that for both leg and breast cancers the same medicine is used. first, an ointment is applied; then, pulverized woody plant material (a combination of three different plants) is put into a broad leaf and applied to the patient, left for nine days, then replaced. this and other cancer treatment preparation and administration methods mentioned and observed during interviews are presented in table 2.9 of the recorded methods, topically applied remedies were the most common. often, multiple plant species are used in combination. for example, one herbalist who claimed to have cured eight people from breast cancer described one remedy as a combination of four different herbs; the fresh leaves are ground together and rubbed on the patient. or, if the plant material is dry, it will be pounded first, and then ground into a powder, which can be applied directly to the patient or made into a paste first by adding a little water. the herbalist went on to say that the same herbs can also be dried and boiled to make a tea for internal consumption. another herbalist who had been working collaboratively with other herbalists for over 40 years table 1. fante herbalist cancer ethnopharmacopoeia. family species local name species distribution apocyanceae voacanga africana stapf amadansowaa tropical africa apocynaceae asteraceae rauvolfia vomitoria afzel. aspilia africana (p. beauv. ex pers.) c.d. adams kakapempem; kakapenpen mfofo tropical africa tropical africa euphorbiaceae tragia sp. l. nsason; ensasonno n/a fabaceae dialium guineense willd. oserene tropical africa fabaceae mimosa pigra l. asisirow pan-tropical lamiaceae hoslundia opposita vahl abrewanyikanfo tropical and south africa marantaceae marantochloa conferta (benth.) a. c.ley not recorded tropical africa nyctaginaceae boerhavia diffusa l. ntradaa pan-tropical sapindaceae paullinia pinnata l. toantini; akokodwendwn pan-tropical ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1): 66‐79. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.253. 71 research communication r e m e d y g e n e ra l a p p li ca ti o n m e th o d p re p a ra ti o n m e th o d s p e ci fi c a p p li ca ti o n m e th o d p la n t p a rt (s ) u se d m u lti p le o r si n g le sp e ci e s f re sh o r d ri e d p la n t m a te ri a l r e p o rt e d u se 1 c o n su m e (d ri n k ) c u t ro o t in to p ie ce s a n d m a k e a ti n ct u re w it h l o ca l ru m d ri n k a s a " b itt e rs " r o o t s in g le * c h ro n ic s o re s (c a n ce r) 2 c o n su m e (d ri n k ) d e co cti o n * f lo w e r p a rt s, fr u it s m u lti p le ( tw o sp e ci e s) * s k in c a n ce r 3 c o n su m e (d ri n k ) d e co cti o n d ri n k t e a * m u lti p le ( fo u r sp e ci e s) d ri e d c a n ce r 4 t o p ic a l p u lv e ri ze p u t in to a b ro a d l e a f, a p p ly t o a ff e ct e d a re a b a rk m u lti p le ( th re e sp e ci e s) * b re a st o r le g ca n ce r 5 t o p ic a l p o u n d a n d p u lv e ri ze i n to a p o w d e r a p p ly d ir e ct ly le a v e s m u lti p le ( fo u r sp e ci e s) d ri e d c a n ce r 6 t o p ic a l p o u n d a n d p u lv e ri ze i n to a p o w d e r th e n m a k e a p a st e w it h a l itt le w a te r * le a v e s m u lti p le ( fo u r sp e ci e s) d ri e d c a n ce r 7 t o p ic a l u se l e a ve s a s a p o u lti ce a d d p a lm k e rn e l o il a p p ly p o u lti ce t o w o u n d le a v e s s in g le * c h ro n ic s o re s (c a n ce r) 8 t o p ic a l p o u lti ce o f fr e sh p la n t m a te ri a l p u t p o u lti ce i n c lo th a n d w ra p a ro u n d h a n d * m u lti p le ( tw o sp e ci e s) f re sh h a n d c a n ce r 9 t o p ic a l o in tm e n t w it h p u lv e ri ze d p la n t m a te ri a l a p p ly t o b re a st o r le g * * * b re a st o r le g ca n ce r 1 0 t o p ic a l b u rn c ru sh e d h e rb s a n d r o o ts a n d m ix i n to v a se li n e a p p ly o in tm e n t to b re a st * * * b re a st c a n ce r 1 1 t o p ic a l p u lv e ri ze a p p ly d ir e ct ly t o b re a st * s in g le * b re a st c a n ce r 1 2 t o p ic a l p u lv e ri ze r u b o n to a re a le a v e s m u lti p le ( fo u r sp e ci e s) f re sh c a n ce r 1 3 * * * r o o t b a rk s in g le * s to m a ch c a n ce r 1 4 * d e co cti o n * t re e st e m , ro o ts s in g le * b re a st c a n ce r t a b le 2 . a p p li ca ti o n a n d p re p a ra ti o n m e th o d s o f 1 4 e th n o m e d ic in a l ca n ce r re m e d ie s re co rd e d d u ri n g i n te rv ie w s w it h f a n te h e rb a li st s in c e n tr a l r e g io n g h a n a . * in d ic a te s u n d is cl o se d o r u n re co rd e d i n fo rm a ti o n . ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1): 66‐79. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.253. 72 research communication showed us a dried and pulverized mixture of three plant species used in breast cancer treatments. most of the herbalists stated they diagnose cancer through observation of the patient and “looking at the symptoms.” one herbalist explained, there are different kinds of cancer. each cancer has its own dosagebreast, leg, hand, vagina. i look at the symptoms then diagnose based on past experience. then i can say what type of cancer, and then prescribe a particular herb for it. and different people with the same cancer may even get a different herb. another herbalist said, “i look at the symptoms [for leg, breast, and thigh cancers]. different parts of the body indicate symptoms.” other diagnostic measures mentioned included patient and medical doctor feedback. for example, according to one herbalist, “doctors confirm diagnosis and cure.” another indicated that they look at the symptoms and ask the patient about physical symptoms. responses to questions regarding duration of cancer treatment regimens ranged from one week to several months. for example, one herbalist stated that “early stage” cancer can be treated in one to two weeks, or up to one month. another herbalist also talked about cancer “stages,” explaining that the duration of treatment depends on factors such as age of the patient, secondary illnesses the patient may have, and “the stage of sickness. initial stage is treated in one week, second stage treated in two weeks, worst stage treated in two-three months.” similarly, a different herbalist described treatments in relation to the “stage” of cancer. when asked about treatment efficacy, this herbalist said, within one hour time of applying herbs, pain vanishes. then after continued treatment the boil vanishes. then with continued treatment, the patient will still feel pain, and then the sores heal. early stage cancer can be treated in one week. worst stage cancer takes three months. other patient health determinants described by herbalists included observations, feedback, and physician confirmations. for example, one herbalist had a dwelling place for the patients so they could be monitored and observed for signs of wellness. this person recalled an instance when a man from the village came to the herbalist’s home. he could not walk, so the herbalist concluded that he had cancer. after applying herbal treatments for three months, the man improved and began to walk. another herbalist listed a three-step process to decide if a patient is healed: “(1) observation, (2) patient testimony, (3) try a two week period of no treatment to check if sickness comes back or not.” this same herbalist also explained, when patients are brought in i look at the symptoms and diagnose, take photographs of them, then start treatment-apply medicine; look at the stages [over time], up or down, then compare the first picture to the last picture and draw conclusions based on changes in observations. two other herbalists stated that patients confirm with medical doctors that their cancer has been cured. one herbalist described the physical symptoms of a cure, for every cancer there is a “sore” inside-so to know if it is cured, you touch the skin and the patient will not feel pain at all; but if they do feel pain (or burning), then there is still a sore inside. one herbalist stated that cancer can be caused by exposure to harmful substances (“chemicals”) in food, or in lotions that are absorbed through the skin. for example, the herbalist explained, some lotions cause bleaching of the skin, which will remove a layer of the skin and can cause cancer. other lotions have chemicals that will attack the breast and decompose the breast. also, women in africa store money in their bras and chemicals from the coins are hazardous to the breast. the herbalist further explained that cancer can be caused by physical injury to the affected area, stating that breast cancer may be caused by intense fondling of the breast, which allows cancer to attack and decompose the breast, causing it to smell; and penis or prostate cancer may be caused by frequent masturbation. this herbalist also said that penis cancer may be caused when gonorrhea medication is improperly ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1): 66‐79. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.253. 73 research communication administered by the patient into the penis opening, and explained that the side effects of this behavior over time can lead to cancer. upon our asking, the herbalists expressed interest in participating in long-term case studies involving cooperation with biomedical professionals to confirm diagnoses and patient prognosis over time. there was consensus among participants that a local clinic where herbalists can meet and care for patients would facilitate interdisciplinary collaborations and longitudinal ethnomedicinal research. community service & participatory aspects of research the experiential educational sessions conducted during this research served primarily as a means of cultural knowledge sharing, community capacity building, and reciprocity. for example, a master craftsman taught rural kormantse residents how to hand-carve locally sourced timber into wave-riding vehicles useful for recreation or enterprise (e.g., surf tourism). another foreign project leader shared personal experiences of traditional herbal knowledge publication and business. a ghanaian taxonomist taught kormantse residents how to harvest and germinate musanga cecropioides r. br. ex tedlie seeds, a native west african timber species. filming the community service activities served to transfer videography skills to local youth, with an overarching intention of increased outreach potential when the footage is edited for an educational documentary production. collegial relationships between foreign researchers and kormantse leaders, university of ghana professors, and local botanists facilitated community participation, enabled a locally-driven evolution of long-term goals and research methodology, and encouraged open involvement in data gathering and analyses activities. kormantse community residents were essential to carrying out this research and played vital roles including interview and informed consent interpretation, participant identification, meeting organization, plant collection, herbarium cabinet construction, data review and local dissemination, background research and writing, voucher curation, photographic journaling, follow-up report writing, interviewing, and documentation. additional village meetings with participating herbalists were organized by community members after foreign project participants left ghana. meeting activities included preliminary results review and discussion, feedback reports, additional plant species collection and documentation, voucher preparation, and community garden installation.10 discussion and conclusions most of the plants identified in this study are considered native to tropical west africa and belong to the botanical families apocynaceae and fabaceae. these two plant families are distinguished by the bioactive secondary metabolites typically produced by representative species, namely alkaloids (lin et al. 2011; michael 2005; raffauf and flagler 1960; wink 2003). the coastal ecology of the study region may explain the percentage of species with a pan-tropical distribution (approximately 33%). the long and intense history of trade in central region ghana likely contributed to transatlantic introductions of weedy11 plants such as mimosa pigra l. to tropical american regions of the african diaspora. previously published phytochemical studies on species collected in this research suggest a biological basis for their use in fante cancer treatments. for example, anti-angiogenic12 molecules were isolated from both voacanga africana stapf (voacangine) and boerhavia diffusa l. (punarnavine) (kim et al. 2011; saraswati et al. 2013). at least 22 indole alkaloids have been isolated from rauvolfia vomitoria afzel., including yohimbine, which has been shown to enhance anticancer drug cytotoxicity in multidrug resistant human cancer cell lines (beck et al. 1988; sabri and court 1978). flavonoids were found in extracts of aspilia africana (p. beauv. ex pers.) c.d. adams, hoslundia opposita vahl, mimosa pigra, and paullinia pinnata l. (jimoh et al. 2007; ngadjui et al. 1993; okwu and josiah 2006; yusuf et al. 2003). also, dialium guineense willd. leaf and seed extracts were shown to contain antioxidants (odukoya and sofidiya 2007). fante akan herbalists interviewed in this study often associated the manifestation of cancer with “sores.”13 the herbalists demonstrated and described a variety of preparation methods for their ethnobotanical cancer remedies administered orally or topically, with topical remedies cited most often. how fante cancer ethnomedicine is applied may be a cultural reflection of the disease perception and characterization. cancer diagnoses and cures were stated to be largely based on patient observations and feedback, and sometimes confirmed by physicians. herbalists expressed etiological theories and detailed cancer ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1): 66‐79. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.253. 74 research communication “stage” designations, as well as cancer types and subtypes, suggesting a sophisticated ethnomedicinal treatment of cancer, as understood within the local context. breast cancer was the most commonly cited type of cancer treated by the herbalists. this compares to global data (jemal et al. 2011), as well as the 2012 regional kumasi cancer registry data (laryea et al. 2014), which also cite breast cancer as the most common cancer type diagnosed among women, suggesting there may be a similarly high incidence rate among the rural population of kormantse. the herbalists did not mention either cervical or liver cancer types, even though cervical cancer (in women) and liver cancer (in men) are the two most commonly diagnosed cancers in ghana (american cancer society 2015). perhaps this finding is simply because the herbalists interviewed in this study did not treat these types of cancer. alternatively, there could be a discrepancy in fante herbalist and biomedical diagnostics and/or terminology, or a significant difference in kormantse cancer incidence rates compared to the country as a whole. this study was intended to initiate a broader investigation process. continued recording of local medical terminology, symptom descriptions, and ethno-etiology is significant and critical to our appreciation of how health and wellness is conceptualized, and how disease treatments are applied in a fante akan ethnomedicinal context. research questions need further exploration through additional in-depth interviews, participant observations, and plant collections with herbalists and their patients to identify themes in fante-akan traditional medicine, to improve ethnotaxonomic understandings, to better describe how fante herbal remedies are harvested, prepared, and applied, and to identify any additional species in the fante akan cancer ethnopharmacopoeia. also, more inquiry and observations are required to discern how cancer is wholly defined and identified in fante akan ethnomedicine. anticipated collaborations between herbalists and biomedical professionals (e.g., licensed physicians, registered nurses, and researchers) may help describe patient diagnoses and outcomes, gather population-based cancer incidence data, and determine whether fante cancer remedies are prescribed for malignancies, growths, abscesses, and/or other illnesses. herbalists and other project leaders demonstrated considerable attention to their goal of building a kormantse research and education center and clinic, where participating herbalists can direct their own studies,14 document fante traditional knowledge, treat and monitor patients with culturally acceptable counseling and care methods, record clinical data (e.g., diagnoses, longitudinal outcomes, etc.),15 provide educational opportunities for rural people (e.g., promote participatory research and public discussions regarding how cancers may be acquired in the community and ways to minimize risk, encourage cancer screening for early detection, etc.), and host internationally collaborative academic fora. when herbalists and biomedical physicians are able to make clinical observations16 together, symptoms and biological markers used within a fante akan ethnomedicinal context to identify and diagnose cancers can be related to and described by conventional biomedical terminology. the stated research objective of the proposed center is to facilitate community-based working relationships between herbalists, biomedical physicians, and scientists in order to bridge crosscultural gaps in medical terminology and perceptions, as well as to encourage integrative medicine approaches to disease treatment and prevention, with an overarching mission to improve kormantse residents’ access to quality affordable and culturally familiar healthcare options. acknowledgements a set of voucher specimens from this research was deposited in the national forestry commission herbarium in kumasi ghana. the authors are extremely grateful to nana kwame akyen ii, the kormantse council of elders, the community of kormantse, and all of the participants for their research assistance, confidence, and hospitality. we especially want to acknowledge the critical contributions of the participating herbalists, who provided their time, knowledge, and talents during data collection, and also reviewed final drafts of the written manuscript and data tables for accuracy and completeness. we also thank samuel otoo, who organized professional meetings and correspondence with herbalists and other project participants during manuscript review. additionally, we thank university of ghana legon professors for supporting this type of research, and assistance with the university of ghana noguchi memorial institute for medical research irb ethical clearance paperwork submissions for our proposed collaborative longitudinal research. we are also thankful to ben, our faithful guide, and cyril our host. we thank the surfing ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1): 66‐79. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.253. 75 research communication medicine international board of directors, especially president guy a. ragosta, without whom surfing medicine international would not exist; also steve bogle, elaine dupont lpn, chad durkin, michael mcmahan, jay oku, and marcello parisi. we are grateful to all surfing medicine international mentors, musicians, traditional healers, surfers, sponsors, volunteers, and consultants. also, tom pohaku stone, kahuna kalai of o’ahu, organized and led educational workshops with youth and leaders in kormantse ghana to share his expertise and skill in the craft of native hawaiian wooden surfboard carving and the healing art of surfing. this was a critical service component of the project and provided the kormantse community with practical knowledge for sustainable enterprise. finally, we would like to acknowledge the tax-deductible donations received from individuals in support of this research through surfing medicine international, 501 (c)(3), and all the musicians who graciously donated songs for surfing medicine international charity album, especially john butler, as sales from his song ‘ocean’ funded the majority of this project. declarations permissions: formal permission to conduct this research was obtained from the department of botany, university of ghana at legon, the traditional chief and council of elders governing the kormantsesalt pond cultural area, and each individual participant. sources of funding: the research was funded through grants, donations, and volunteer effort provided by surfing medicine international, 501(c) (3) and associates. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited adanu, r. m. k., j. d. seffah, r. duda, r. darko, a. hill and j. anarfi. 2010. clinical visits and cervical cancer screening in accra. ghana medical journal 44:59-63. african plant database. 2012. conservatoire et jardin botaniques & south african national biodiversity institute. available at: http://www.villege.ch/ musinfo/bd/cjb/africa/details.php? langue=an&id=224525. accessed on july 27, 2014. aikins, a. 2005. healer shopping in africa: new evidence from rural-urban qualitative study of ghanaian diabetes experiences. british medical journal 331:737. alexiades, m. n. and j. w. sheldon. 1996. selected guidelines for ethnobotanical research: a field manual. the new york botanical garden, bronx, ny. american cancer society. 2015. global cancer facts and figures, 3rd edition. american cancer society, atlanta, ga. armah, f. a. and e. k. gyeabour. 2013. health risks to children and adults residing in riverine environments where surficial sediments contain metals generated by active gold mining in ghana. toxicology research 29:69-79. asase, a. and g. oppong-mensah. 2009. traditional antimalarial phytotherapy remedies in herbal markets in southern ghana. journal of ethnopharmacology 126:492-499. beck, w. t., m. c. cirtain, c. j. glover, r. l. felsted, a. r. safa. 1988. effects of indole alkaloids on multidrug resistance and labeling of p-glycoprotein by a photoaffinity analog of vinblastine. biochemical and biophysical research communications 153:959-966. berlin, e. a. and b. berlin. 2005. some field methods in medical ethnobiology. field methods 17:235-268. bernard, h. r. 2006. research methods in anthropology: qualitative and quantitative approaches, 4th edition. altamira press, oxford, united kingdom. browner, c. h., b. r. oritz de montellano, a. r. rubel, j. benoist, e. l. cerroni-long, j. charzewska, b. n. colby, l. c. garro, n. l. gonzalez, b. good, r. l. hall, j. m. janzen, a. kleinman and a. pollak-eltz. 2007. a methodology for crosscultural ethnomedicinal research [and comments and reply]. current anthropology 29:681-702. busia, k. 2005. medical provision in africa – past and present. phytotherapy research 19:919-923. cunningham, a. b. 1993. african medicinal plants setting priorities at the interface between conservation and primary healthcare. people and plants working paper 1. united nations educational, scientific, and cultural organization, paris, france. dutfield, g. 2003. protecting traditional knowledge and folklore: a review of progress in diplomacy and policy formulation. international centre for trade and ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1): 66‐79. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.253. 76 research communication sustainable development (ictsd) international environment house, geneva, switzerland. ebu, n. i., s. c. mupepi, m. p. siakwa and c. m. sampselle. 2015. knowledge, practice, and barriers toward cervical cancer screening in elmina, southern ghana. international journal of women’s health 7:31-39. etkin, n. l., p. j. ross and i. muazzamu. 1999. the rational basis of “irrational” drug use: pharmaceuticals in the context of development. in anthropology in public health, bridging differences in culture and society, edited by r. a. hahn, pp. 165181. oxford university press, new york, ny. etkin, n. l. 1988. ethnopharmacology: biobehavioral approaches in the anthropological study of indigenous medicines. annual review of anthropology 17:23-42. hill, z., c. kendall, p. arthur, b. kirkwood and e. adjei. 2003. recognizing childhood illnesses and their traditional explanations: exploring options for care-seeking interventions in the context of the imci strategy in rural ghana. tropical medicine & international health 8:668-676. hutchinson, j. and j. m. dalziel. 1936. flora of west tropical africa, 2nd edition. vol. 2. crown agents for the colonies, london, united kingdom. hutchinson, j. and j. m. dalziel. 1954. flora of west tropical africa, 2nd edition. vol. 1. crown agents for the oversea governments and administrations, london, united kingdom. hutchinson, j. and j. m. dalziel. 1958. flora of west tropical africa, 2nd edition. vol. 1. crown agents for the oversea governments and administrations, london, united kingdom. hutchinson, j. and j. m. dalziel. 1963. flora of west tropical africa, 2nd edition. vol. 2. crown agents for the oversea governments and administrations, london, united kingdom. hutchinson, j. and j. m. dalziel. 1968. flora of west tropical africa, 2nd edition. vol. 3. crown agents for the oversea governments and administrations, london, united kingdom. hutchinson, j. and j. m. dalziel. 1972. flora of west tropical africa, 2nd edition. vol. 3. crown agents for the oversea governments and administrations, london, united kingdom. international society of ethnobiology. 2008. international society of ethnobiology code of ethics. available at: http://ethnobiology.net/code-ofethics/. accessed on june 28, 2014. jemal, a., f. bray, m. m. center, j. ferlay, e. ward and d. forman. 2011. global cancer statistics. ca: cancer journal for clinicians 61:69-90. jimoh, f. o., m. o. sofidiya and a. j. afolayan. 2007. antioxidant properties of the methanol extracts from the leaves of paullinia pinnata. journal of medicinal food 10:707-711. juliá, m. and m. e. kondrat. 2005. health care in the social development context: indigenous, participatory and empowering approaches. international social work 48:537-552. kim, y., h. j. jung and h. j. kwon. 2011. a natural small molecule voacangine inhibits angiogenesis both in vitro and in vivo. biochemical and biophysical research communications 417:300-334. kleinman, a. 1978. concepts and a model for the comparison of medical systems and cultural systems. social science and medicine 12:85-91. kobetz, e., j. menard, j. diem, b. barton, j. blanco, l. pierre, p. auguste, m. etienne and c. brewster. 2009. community-based participatory research in little haiti: challenges and lessons learned. progress in community health partnerships: research, education, and action 3:133-137. laryea, d. o., b. awuah, y. a. amoako, e. oseibonsu, j. dogbe, r. larsen-reindorf, d. ansong, k. yeboah-awudzi, j. k. oppong, t. o. konney, k. o. boadu, s. b. nguah, n. a. titiloye, n. o. frimpong, f. k. awittor and i. k. martin. 2014. cancer incidence in ghana, 2012: evidence from a population-based cancer registry. biomed central cancer 14:362. lewis, w. h. and v. ramani. 2007. ethics and practice in ethnobiology: analysis of the international cooperative biodiversity group project in peru. in biodiversity and the law: intellectual property, biotechnology and traditional knowledge, edited by c. r. mcmanis, pp. 394-410. earthscan, london, united kingdom. lin, z., c. huang, x. liu and j. jiang. 2011. in vitro anti-tumour activities of quinolizidine alkaloids ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1): 66‐79. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.253. 77 research communication derived from sophora flavescens ait. basic & clinical pharmacology & toxicology 108:304-309. mcmanis, c. r., ed. 2007. biodiversity and the law: intellectual property, biotechnology and traditional knowledge. earthscan, london, united kingdom. michael, j. p. 2005. indolizidine and quinolizidine alkaloids. natural products report 22:603-626. ndukwu, b. c. and n. b. ben-nwadibia. 2005. ethnomedicinal aspects of plants used as spices and condiments in the niger delta area of nigeria. ethnobotanical leaflets. available at http:// www.ethnoleaflets.com/leaflets/niger.htm. accessed on july 2, 2015. ngadjui, b. t., j. f. ayafor, b. l. sondengam, j. d. connolly, d. s. rycroft and f. tillequin. 1993. oppositin and 5-o-methylhoslundin, pyronesubstituted flavonoids of hoslundia opposita. phytochemistry 32:1313-1315. odukoya, o. a. and m. o. sofidiya. 2007. free radical scavenging activity of some anticancer herbs. planta medica 73:895. okwu, d. e. and c. josiah. evaluation of the chemical composition of two nigerian medicinal plants. 2006. african journal of biotechnology 5:357-361. raffauf, r. f. and m. b. flagler. 1960. alkaloids of the apocynaceae. economic botany 14(1):37-55. ragosta, s. 2011. historical influences on jamaican maroon ethnomedicine: a comparative study of west african and jamaican maroon ethnopharmacopoeia. doctoral dissertation, botany department, university of hawai’i, honolulu, hi. sabri, n. n. and w. e. court. 1978. stem alkaloids of rauwolfia vomitoria. phytochemistry 17:2023-2026. saraswati, s., a. a. alhaider and s. s. agrawal. 2013. punarnavine, an alkaloid from boerhaavia diffusa exhibits anti-angiogenic activity via downregulation of vegf in vitro and in vivo. chemicobiological interactions 206:204-213. the plant list. 2013. version 1.1. available at: http://www.theplantlist.org/. accessed on june 30, 2014. raffauf, r. f. and m. b. flagler. 1960. alkaloids of the apocynaceae. economic botany 14:37-55. sackey. e. k. a. and o. m. j. kasilo. 2010. intellectual property approaches to the protection of traditional knowledge in the african region. african health monitor 13:89-102. tongco l. 2007. purposive sampling as a tool for informant selection. ethnobotany research and applications 5:147-158. missouri botanical garden. 2014. tropicos database. available at: http://www.tropicos.org/ name/13018667. accessed on june 30, 2014. vandebroek, i. 2013. intercultural health and ethnobotany: how to improve healthcare for underserved and minority communities? journal of ethnopharmacology 148:746-754. wink, m. 2003. evolution of secondary metabolites from an ecological and molecular phylogenetic perspective. phytochemistry 64:3-19. yusuf, u. k., n. abdullah, b. bakar, k. itam, f. abdullah and m. a. sukari. 2003. flavonoid glycosides in the leaves of mimosa species. biochemical systematics and ecology 31:443-445. biosketches summer ragosta resides in california where she cares for her family, teaches, conducts ethnobotany research, and leads charity development projects. ivelyn harris resides in rio grande valley jamaica, practices traditional maroon herbal medicine, and wrote the book healing herbs of jamaica. alex asase resides in accra ghana and spends time teaching and researching traditional west african uses of plants for medicine. notes 1environmental toxicology studies in ghana indicate that mining activities are associated with increased levels of toxic pollutants, such as heavy metals, in ambient soil and water, posing an increased cancer risk to surrounding communities (armah and gyeabour 2013). 2vaccine preventable cancers such as liver cancer associated with hepatitis b and cervical cancers caused by hpv (primarily types 16 and 18), are relatively high in ghana compared to more developed areas of the world (jemal et al. 2011). 3“traditional” implies fante cultural knowledge that has been known and transferred inter-generationally over time. 4specifically, we hope this documentation prevents ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1): 66‐79. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.253. 78 research communication unethical bioprospecting developments that do not include equitable indigenous profit-sharing (mcmanis 2007). 5during the first author’s doctoral dissertation research, observations and community contacts were made during an initial visit to ghana from june 1 to 21, 2005; ragosta resided in the coastal village of biwiri, adjacent to the village of kormantse, as an invited guest of nana kwame akyen ii and nana bonku v. 6before international project leaders arrived in ghana (july 2013), the traditional leader of kormantse (nana kwame akyen ii) was contacted and asked to introduce the researchers to herbalists in his community who use plants to treat cancer. 7some herbalists were interviewed only once, either at the research meeting area, or at their place of practice. 8the foreign project team consisted of two ethnobotanists (ivelyn harris & summer ragosta), one native hawaiian master wood carver (tom pohaku stone, iii), and one watershed scientist and film producer (guy a. ragosta). the ghanaian research team consisted of one botanist from accra (alex asase), one ethnotaxonomist from kumasi (ntim gyakari), and several kormantse community members including nana kwame akyen, ii, emmanuel otoo, isaac dadzie, amos anane, timothy bentum, samuel otoo, and nana weehi. educational sessions occurred concurrently with ethnobotanical research (i.e., some team members led surfboard carving sessions and videography lessons in the community, while other team members were interviewing herbalists and collecting plants). the ethnobotanical research components (interviews, plant collections, etc.) allowed for direct participation, training, and knowledge sharing opportunities with local residents. daily research and education activities lasted typically six to seven hours daily, and were usually followed by one to three hours of evening activities carried out with project participants and other community members (e.g., plant pressings, species identification/ taxonomy lessons, seed germination, and other educational discussions). after foreign project team members left, training of the herbarium curator continued remotely via communications over email, phone, and text, as well as locally with assistance from n. gyakari, a ghanaian taxonomist and technical herbalist. locally driven data collection and documentation also continued during subsequent meetings and plant collections with participating herbalists. 9maintaining secrecy of proprietary information such as formulations and preparation/application methods associated with medicinal species protects herbalists’ business interests; therefore, plant species names are not included in table 2. 10during interviews the need or desire for a medicinal plant garden repository was expressed. garden species were selected, collected, and planted by the herbalists; also native timber species were planted and cared for by community members. 11plants described as weedy are usually hardy and have several defining characteristics, such as profuse seeds and the ability to establish readily in disturbed places. 12angiogenesis is the process of new blood vessel formation and is associated with cancerous tumor growth and spread (see http://www.cancer.gov/ can certopics/f actsh eet /therap y/angiogen esis inhibitors for more information). 13it is unclear from the west african ethnobotanical literature whether the term cancer has been previously documented as a disease associated with the presence, or defined by the presence, of sores. however, one study in the niger delta area of nigeria recorded several uses of xylopia aethiopica (dunal) a. rich, including “as a dressing for sores and rubbed onto gums for pyorrhea and in the local treatment of cancer” (ndukwu and ben-nwadibia 2005). 14it is expected that the proposed community-based herbal research and education clinic will support traditional herbal practitioners in their own research and documentation interests and goals by providing a local collaborative space. research participants will be asked to sign memorandums of understanding stating that all studies and projects conducted at the clinic will conform to international society of ethnobiology (2006) code of ethics (with 2008 additions). although drug discovery is not the intended focus of the proposed clinic, if participating herbalists initiate interest in benchtop bioassays or other phytochemical testing or development of their traditional botanical remedy that could result in a value-added product or other form of financial gain, we will encourage appropriate use of guidelines for intellectual property (ip) protection enacted in previously successful models (e.g., international cooperative biodiversity group-peru project (lewis and ramani 2007), such as confidentiality and contractual agreements ensuring equitable community benefit sharing, and enlist advice from ip attorney(s) in prior informed consent documents and discussions in order to make partici ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1): 66‐79. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.253. 79 research communication pants aware of current local and global ip and patent laws. 15the research intention of the clinic is to facilitate participatory and collaborative, non-experimental longitudinal observational monitoring of patients currently receiving botanical remedies for cancer, with assistance from bio-medical personnel and in compliance with institutional review board ethical guidelines for human subjects research. we expect the results will improve participating health care providers’ practices and public welfare by supporting health education programs and encouraging integrated health care practices that are culturally familiar, affordable, and based on clinical safety and efficacy data. 16case studies involving interviews and surveys with patients and health care providers, results, and interpretations of blood-work and physical exams may facilitate documentation of patient outcomes over time and relate fante ethnomedicinal terms to biomedical taxonomy for cross-cultural comparability. microsoft word mullerproof.doc ethnobiology letters                                                                                                                      perspective      40 letting wood rot: a case study on local perceptions of global conservation  initiatives (boumba, niger)  jocelyn müller 1 , iro dan guimbo 2    author addresses:  1  tufts university, biology department, 163 packard ave. medford, ma 02155,  2 abdou moumouni  university, niger  jocelyn.g.mueller@gmail.com     received: november 15 th  2010                       volume 1:40‐50  published: january 21 st  2011                       © 2010 society of ethnobiology    abstract:  although  there  is  a  pressing  need  for  conservation  in  africa  and  a  push  for  such  actions  to  be  directed  by  the  community, there is still much conflict both in academia and on the ground regarding the success and methods of community‐ based conservation. employing key‐informant interviews, focus group discussions and participant observation, we look at how  one community has perceived the conservation actions in their village, boumba, niger, and the neighbouring national park,  park‐w. this study examines local perceptions of the goals, priorities and methods of conservation in park‐w and the boumba  region. we demonstrate that while participants expressed positive alignment with perceived conservation goals, they did not  agree with conservation priorities and felt strongly against the methods.  reframing conservation discourse in the terms of  sustainable‐use or adaptive management may serve to help translate much of the conservation ethic to local realities. we  argue that for local conservation to be culturally sustainable, programmers of conservation must engage the community on  their own terms, and recognize the value of local perceptions.  key words: community‐based conservation, niger, parks and people, west africa    introduction in africa poaching, illegal grazing, and harvesting in national parks continues to increase even as many national governments in africa increase their efforts around the parks, (gibson 2001; hayes 2006). this has led many observers to argue that protectionist conservation policies, which exclude local communities from the decision-making process, can no longer be justified and sustained in the face of increasing african poverty (darkoh and rwomire 2003; peet and watts 2004). instead researchers and practitioners alike seek to connect community development and nature conservation through initiatives such as communitybased conservation, ecotourism, non-timber forest product commercialization, and integrated conservation and develop-ment programs (gibson and marks 1995; pretty and guijt 1992; wells and mcshane 2004). these methods, which for the purpose of this paper are collectively termed community-based conservation, have become so popular that berkes (2004) stated in a recent paper that it would be hard to find a conservation program that does not “claim” that it is community-based. however, the “successes” of such communitybased conservation programs have been limited and conflicted (berkes 2004; du toit et al. 2004; oates 1999). in a study of 93 parks or protected areas throughout the tropics, parks were shown to be better than “alternative arrangements” at protecting biodiversity (bruner et al. 2001). however, hayes (2006) refuted this study both methodologically and also through her own findings, which demonstrated no significant difference in the condition of forest areas with strong legal protections compared to those managed by local users. despite these conflicting results regarding conservation benefits, many have argued that these programs have also shown few social improvements for the target constituents (ndaskoi 2003; rutten 2002) and may in fact be a tool for legitimizing further exploitation of the poor (brett 2003; hayward et al. 2004). this has led some researchers to argue that conservation and development goals should not be linked, as neither’s aims are served well through such joint programs (oates 1999; rutten 2002). in a response article, redford and sanderson (2000) argued that such linked programs represent an important form of conservation, but should not be considered conservation in its truest sense. they posit that holding community-based conservation to the same standards as “people-free” parks turns advocates of these different programs into competitors rather than allies. while their position is well-reasoned, it does not help to fix some of the chronic problems with ‘fences and ethnobiology letters                                                                                                                      perspective      41 fines’ methods of conservation, especially in africa (adams and mcshane 1992). instead others have argued that these shortcomings are evidence for the need to critically evaluate community-based conservation efforts for their ability to live up to promises of participation, biodiversity enhancement, and social benefits (hulme and murphree 1999). following this call, research has emerged that focuses on the methods and context of participation (hickey and mohan 2005; kesby 2005; quaghebeur et al. 2004; zanetell and knuth 2002). several studies focus on the assumptions, beliefs, and attitudes of all stakeholders that limit effective joint action (kideghesho et al. 2007; sekhar 2003; weladji et al. 2003). many anthropological and political studies of participatory research in general demonstrate that weak forms of participation yield little power and few benefits to the community (hayward et al. 2004; hickey and mohan 2005). other studies indicate that problems in the definition of community (selfa and endter-wada 2008), or the design of community programs can limit engagement and inclusion of local knowledge and perspectives (berkes 2004; goldman 2003; songorwa 1999; turner 1999). many studies have focused on well-established programs, such as campfire in zimbabwe and admade in zambia, which had already been declared successes or failures. this paper follows this stream of literature seeking to examine the limitations, challenges, and assumptions underlying community-based conservation programs, but within the context of a program still in an early stage of transitioning from park-based conservation to community-based conservation. we focus this paper on boumba, niger, a west african community located on the edge of a tri-national biosphere reserve. although never forcibly displaced, the boumba community has been historically excluded from the park, but recently co-opted in new park policy which promotes community-based conservation. this paper explores attitudes and perceptions of local residents regarding the fundamental goals, priorities and methods of conservation. we aim to identify potential barriers to community-based conservation, incorporating local knowledge and needs at this early stage in order to serve as a model for other programs with continual monitoring of community-based conservation goals. this case study of the community in boumba, niger, on the edge of a national park, examines local perceptions of the priorities, goals, and methods of internationally-derived, but locally executed conservation initiatives. we explore how these perceptions can limit the success of community-based conservation initiatives. study area park “w,” named after the w-shaped form in the niger river, is a trans-frontier park including areas in niger, burkina faso, and benin. it has recently been named a biosphere reserve and recognized globally as a world heritage site (turner 1999). the park’s geography and hydrology make it an extremely valuable region to local people and wildlife. boumba is a village located right on the edge of park w, where the niger river exits the park to continue along the benin-niger border in a southeast direction. this setting has attracted a number of groups of people to the region. of the extant groups, the zarma have the longest history in the village and make up the majority of the population. additionally, the village is comprised of minorities of hausa fishermen, fulani herders, and mauri hunters. most recently, this village’s geography and historical importance have attracted the interest of several government and non-governmental organizations seeking to either protect or exploit the natural and social resources of the region. established in the early 19th century as a game reserve for the french colonialists, the park has changed its governance, purpose and borders several times since its conception. the most marked change came in 1954 as the game reserve was redefined as a national park. the 1954 change from reserve to park had several ramifications, the most dramatic perhaps being the forced relocation of all people living within the park borders. this relocation program did not displace the village boumba, which lies just outside the park, but is still marked vividly in the local memory and history of the region. residents describe village burnings and taking in of refugees. boumba became one of the sites of relocation, as people searched for new places to establish themselves and their livelihoods. for most people interviewed, 1954 marked the beginning of the park. as a game reserve, management focused on minimizing hunting and did not threaten the livelihood of the majority of zarma farmers. after the resettlement, park access became much more restricted, use of park resources more limited, and the whole discourse of conservation changed. after this event, boumba became a government forestry post, park enforcement became stricter, and management policies were enacted in response to changes in global conservation narratives. fire became a management tool in the 1930s through a french decree. this policy permitted an annual state-led, early ethnobiology letters                                                                                                                      perspective      42 burn program that resembled early community-led “bush” burnings, while maintaining the ban on all community initiated fires as a threat to national forests (laris and wardell 2006). fires continue to be banned in non-park lands but were set within the park for management purposes. then in the 1990s the global interest in community-based conservation and community run ecotourism finally made its way to boumba in the form of a european union-funded conservation organization. this led to the establishment of a community-owned camp-ground and the development of several non-timber forest product commercialization projects, the largest being a women’s shea butter project (boulet et al. 2004). although discussion of participatory approaches began in the late 90s, these efforts were first felt through the launching of the ecopas (ecosystèmes protégés en afrique sahélienne) program in 2001. this paper explores how the current conservation initiatives are understood and perceived by the local community in boumba, niger at this stage. methods participatory fieldwork conducted from july 2005 until august 2007, employed semi-structured interviews, participant observation, group discussions, and community mapping to explore how local knowledge can inform conservation. however, through engagement with the community, disconnects between local perceptions of conservation actions and stated conservation objectives became apparent. correspondingly, we did a second analysis to better understand local perceptions of conservation. over the course of our fieldwork, the first author conducted key-informant interviews with 17 men and 20 women, ranging from age 30 to 100. the second author conducted interviews with 16 men, 14 women and 9 youths. although generally key informant interviews are conducted with a single participant present, in this study the interviews were often conducted in the presence of other family members or neighbours (37 households). the analysis, however, treated the results as coming from a single respondent, because the structure of the question guide was intended for a sole respondent and other responses were channelled through the named interviewee. interviews were conducted in zarma or in hausa. if needed, a local translator was employed to go between the native language of the participant and language spoken by the researcher. we conducted eight focus group discussions, which in contrast to the key informant interviews were intended to draw out a variety of perspectives. the focus groups included two discussions with an open invite to local women, two with an open invitation to local men, two that met with local fisherman, one with local hunters, and one with conservation agents. these groups ranged from five to twenty adult participants. because the region contains a zarma majority, the group discussions were conducted in zarma. in addition, these data were supplemented by information gathered from informal discussions, community-guided forest walks, a combined total of over 1000 hours of participant observation in boumba, and previous engagement in the region by the authors. discussions that took place in the context of participatory ecological field work also entered into the analysis. as these interviews were conducted in the course of vascular plant surveys, it was not possible to tape the discussions. thus these discussions were not part of the texts used for content analysis. instead notes and observations from those surveys were relied upon to complement and interpret the results of the interviews. the first author conducted all of her formal interviews and recorded them digitally. the recordings were translated, transcribed, and imported into nvivo 7 qualitative data analysis software for coding and content analysis. the second author used his notes from his interviews to conduct his analysis on the local perceptions of conservation. we looked for phrases and comments regarding the participants’ perceptions of the goals, priorities, or methods of conservation. this study was approved by the ministry of higher education and research in niger and the institutional review board at tufts university. permission was given from local, regional, and state level authorities to work in the community. all participants in formal interviews or discussion groups gave oral consent to participate and to be taped. results & discussion goals of conservation—in the interviews and discussions with residents of boumba regarding conservation goals (figure 1) the most common concept or theme of the discussion is tree protection. trees or forest came up in each formal interview and was a consistently recurring topic in discussions. in fact, linguistically, it is difficult in zarma or hausa to talk about plant or habitat conservation at all outside of the context of trees. the zarma word for trees is often translated as ‘vegetation’ and conservation agents are called ‘forest’ guards. even in the discourse of wildlife preservation, deforestation is considered one of the greatest threats. when asked ethnobiology letters                                                                                                                      perspective      43 about the lack of elephants or wild game, one participant responded, “the trees [forests] are all old and dying, soon there will be no trees for us and for the wild animals.” some participants attributed the decline in tree populations to human causes, others to climatic changes; others did not know why the trees were dying. however everyone interviewed talked of correcting the problem of tree die-off as a clear conservation goal. this association between conservation and trees has historical relevance. early colonial interpretations of the landscape argued that the sahelian savannah represented a degraded forest, derived from human misuse of the land (fairhead and leach 1996; laris and wardell 2006; leach and fairhead 2000). although this interpretation of the landscape has been challenged, its influence is still very present in the national discourse of conservation and the environment (fairhead and leach 1994). while trees play important keystone functions in the ecosystem (dean et al. 1999), most of the large wildlife (elephants, water buffalo, gazelles, roan antelope) are grassland species. still the fire policy is implemented to promote trees, not grasses (sprugel 1991), and one of the conservation agents stated that his job is to protect the “last remnants of the forest.” this emphasis on trees and forest, rather than grasses and savannah, was then reflected in the community discussions on conservation. to foster a discussion with local residents on preserving grasses, key conservation terms such as environment, park, and protection had to be omitted. there are many perennial grasses that are traditionally protected and valued as highly as some trees, but discussions of these resources were nearly absent from the focus group and key informant discussions regarding the goals of conservation. it is important to note, that though all of the participants had animals, there were no pastoralists among the interviewees. it is possible to interpret part of this lack of discussion on grasses to reflect also the lack of participation on the part of pastoralist groups. after trees and forests the next most common theme that appeared in community discussions of the goals of conservation related to the role of foreigners. while only five participants stated that the goal of conservation is to attract and please tourists and foreigners, specifically european and euro-americans, indirect references to this concept were common in discussions or in interviews. for example, one respondent kept referring to park*w as “your [the american’s] park; the anasaras park.” anasara is a zarma term applied to western foreigners. the term, however, is not applied to foreign arabs and only haphazardly applied to east asians, two groups that play significant roles in conservation at a national level, but rarely in boumba itself. therefore, discussions of the park in the context of the term anasara, indicate local perceptions are being shaped primarily by local experience rather than by national or global conservation perspectives. furthermore, since 2003 there have been major initiatives within boumba and park w more generally to promote community-based conservation, but still the discourse is about conservation for foreigners, anasaras. the most tangible result of the new conservation programs in the community’s eyes are the new community-owned campground and women’s shea butter co-operative, both intended to provide more direct benefits from the conservation efforts to the community. however, despite outward claims of large profits (boulet et al. 2004), members of the campground board report that the campground itself has produced little revenue for the community and is not covering its costs; so there were only two references made in the interviews between tourism and profit for the community. instead, discussions focused on either the non-monetary benefits of having a campground that brings anasaras, or bitterly relating how entrance fees for the park are priced out of range for local inhabitants and that the facilities designed to attract foreign visitors bring little benefit to the community. this concept that conservation of natural resources equates to designation for viewing by foreigners leads into the third most commonly discussed goal-related theme: conservation is wasteful. this perception was such a repetitive theme in interviews and informal discussions that it seemed local residents interpreted ethnobiology letters                                                                                                                      perspective      44 the goal of conservation as the promotion of wastefulness. residents can see how valuable plants are not harvested, but are burned or simply left to rot every year in the park. the title of this paper, “letting wood rot,” comes from a statement a woman made as the research team passed a fallen branch. it speaks volumes toward the cultural divide between residents of boumba and conservation programmers. the phrase translates well into each language but the intent and value behind the statement differs. western research lists many benefits of wood left to rot in nutrient cycles, habitat structure, and ecosystem services, whereas local views voiced by this woman list primarily how this wastes local fuel and timber. it seems if community-based conservation is to continue, these background values must be made clear and both parties may have to readjust their thoughts on “letting wood rot” in order to find consensus. this perception of wastefulness was reinforced in the vascular plant surveys where discussions often revolved around the economic, nutritional, and medicinal values of the habitat that were not being tapped. the broad concept of wastefulness came up in about one third of the interviews, often with women. most of the products mentioned as being wasted were non-timber forest products: leaves, herbs, grasses, and fruits. sometimes this idea seemed to be exaggerated to a point approaching fantasy. one participant stated regarding a favorite pot herb: “i have heard in the park there are fields and fields of foy juto (ceratotheca sesamoides endl.) that are just left to wilt each year. we are hungry and the park has food—fields and fields of it.” this statement, while not false, does overestimate the true abundance of this herb in the park and seems to reflect how limited local engagement in the park distorts local perceptions. in contrast u.s. parks are primarily patronized by nearby residents. ongoing studies conducted by the university of idaho and the u.s. national park service show that a majority of visitors of most parks come from the states that contain or border national parks. to give one example, united states visitors comprised 91% of total visitors to yosemite national park, with 89% of the visitors coming from the home state california (le et al. 2008). although few western parks are set up to provide direct revenue to the region (hjerpe and kim 2007) they are considered a source of employment and benefit communities in education and recreation services (brody and tomkiewicz 2002; taylor 2006). when the discourse of western conservation talks about saving for our children or our future, boumba community members talk about conservation for the sake of someone else’s children. even in the context of community-based conservation initiatives, community members talk little about conservation goals of improving the lives, livelihoods, or health of local residents, but rather to save things for the anasaras to look at. in the words of the former camping ground guardian, “these [tsetse flies] are the profits the park gives us. your park, you come and look and we swat flies.” despite being an employee of the campground, he not only thought of the park in terms of foreigners, but also thought of it negatively. principles of conservation—although the discussions of goals and priorities are linked, it was primarily in discussions of how conservation aims are prioritized that residents talked explicitly about the divide between their own and outsiders’ perceptions and values (figure 2). in discussions of how conservation goals are prioritized discourse split into what is and what should be. there was not clear opposition to any perceived goals, even when responses seemed negative. over two-thirds of interview participants expressed some level of understanding for the reasoning behind conservation policy and implementation, and many expressed agreement or alignment. however, in discussions of priorities, not a single participant expressed complete satisfaction with the priorities of conservation, even among the conservation agents. instead participants felt frustration in the way conservation goals were prioritized and many would express strong opinions as to how things should be prioritized. ethnobiology letters                                                                                                                      perspective      45 when the discourse turned to how things should be prioritized, it was clear that not all trees and not all fish were the same. community members felt species should have high conservation priority if they had multiple uses or if they drove a high price at the market. in pairwise ranking exercises this was clearly demonstrated as the groups compared a number of valuable trees to one another. for some tree pairs there was no discussion; one plant was a clear winner over the other. in other cases, participants listed the number of uses each tree has (medicine, food, shade, craft, timber etc.) in order to decide. then, if the number of uses came out even, tie breaking depended on the gender of the participants. male participants would turn to the market price of the most commonly sold product. if both were commonly sold for wood, the higher priced wood would win out. for women, the tie-breaking question asked if anything from the tree could be eaten and, if so, how full the food from the tree would make them. in the context of what is, participants commonly referred to how conservation agents prioritize the conservation of certain trees, fish, and the park interior and more importantly prioritized enforcement of restrictions concerning development of benefit sharing. these priorities as described by local residents reflect many local realities. the most stringently regulated activities are wood harvest, fishing, and park access. these are the activities participants will seek permission for from the forestry guards—activities that generally require official permits and are the cause of conflict, penalties, and corruption. although in discussion of conservation priorities participants did not distinguish certain species of fish there were several species of trees that were mentioned as having current conservation priority. the ronier palm (borassus aethiopum mart.), shea butter tree (vitellaria paradoxa c.f.gaertn.), and gum arabic tree (faidherbia albida (delile) a.chev.) were discussed as being focal points of conservation efforts. there were several other trees that were mentioned as having stringent enforcement of wood harvest, these were not seen as having large management programs, so this discussion focuses on the top three trees, as these also highlight how the perceived priorities did not match the desired conservation priorities of community members. at first glance it does not seem like these perceptions about values would lead to differences in priorities between local residents and western conservationists, as many of the state or ngo-run programs look at those same criteria in developing linked conservation and development programs. the difference is that such program criteria are not measured at a local scale. for example, f. albida is promoted throughout niger for its soil enriching properties, agro-forestry benefits, and economic potential as a common ingredient in soft drinks and candies. in discussions with boumba residents, however, this species was ranked very low, as the soil enriching benefits did not overcome the increased grain losses due to nesting birds, and the locally high water table prohibits the tree from producing gum. nevertheless, in participatory conservation actions, farmland was donated to create gum arabic plantations, and men and women from boumba worked to tend nurseries and plant seedlings, demonstrating the overall support for the goals of conservation. however, in discussions with our research team, they expressed their frustration that so much time and effort was spent in planting this “useless” tree, when other valuable trees are hard to find and much more desired. species such as ficus sur forssk., crateva adansonii dc. subsp. adansonii, or kigelia africana (lam.) benth. were all mentioned as trees which are hard to find in the surrounding area and should be of high conservation priority because of their medicinal or nutritional importance. even trees such as the baobab (adansonia digitata l.) and the important fibre palm (hyphaene thebaica (l.) mart.) which were not seen as particularly rare, but were ranked of such high importance that many participants questioned the lack of conservation efforts directed towards these species. the way that human’s versus nature’s needs are prioritized was another commonly discussed “what is” or “what should be” juxtaposition in local understandings of conservation. over 60% of the interview participants expressed ideas that indicated that human needs should come before nature’s needs in conservation goals, but they felt currently human needs were second priority. one conservation agent argued that on the burkina side of the park they allowed culling of herds:“here [in niger] “ he said “people need meat, but they [the government at large] won’t let us hunt, even alongside a forestry agent… currently it is only my job that prevents me from hunting.” the human-nature tradeoff is a sensitive issue that may be what ultimately fuels debates, such as were expressed in the exchange between schwartzman and colleagues (2000), redford and sanderson (2000) and terborgh (2000). we do not seek to take a side in this debate, however, in the context of a program that is attempting to switch the focus from people-free parks to community-based conservation, it is important to be aware of pervasive attitudes and challenges. further, because the issue of people in parks is sensitive, it is ethnobiology letters                                                                                                                      perspective      46 important to recognize how individuals perceive human needs. in other regions this same argument has been used to open parks to commercial logging (groom et al. 2006) and to destroy natural habitat. therefore, many conservationists find a conservation program where human needs are ranked over nature’s as inherently contradictive (oates 1999; sanderson and redford 2003). in africa, however, we must also recognize the history of the people-free parks, where stated conservation goals were used to cover exploitive, racist policies or make them more palatable (hughes 2007). given this politically charged context, it is important to go beyond simply human needs versus wildlife needs to understand underlying perceptions and values. in this study, most respondents were referring to the ability to harvest specific natural resources. to quote one informant, “people are hungry here and there are bushes that could feed us, if we were allowed to go and harvest leaves.” another participant, when asked about the importance of grasses responded, “we need grasses to build our houses and feed our animals, and the government is burning them over there [in the park] every year.” so for many participants a step toward prioritizing the needs of local residents would be to allow some access to the natural resources and direct benefits of their use. in an earlier study of the park w complex, when participatory methods of conservation were still being explored in niger, turner (1999) argued that the poor infrastructure and limited revenue earning potential of the park required more direct incentives and benefit sharing through local people’s use of natural resources. methods of conservation—this brings us to the third set of themes discussed under the general category, the methods of conservation (figure 3). when participants were asked to comment on the methods of conservation three main themes emerged: corruption, restriction, and intimidation. these perceptions vividly reflect the oppressive history of conservation methods and the disparities between the local community and conservation agents. interestingly if something was considered to be off-limits or inaccessible because of restrictive conservation laws, then from the perspective of the participants the conservation priority is lowered. a clear example of how conservation actions can diminish the local conservation priority is with wildlife; due to the government ban on large game hunting most villagers have little to no use for wildlife and also little incentive to conserve or manage their populations. this opinion has changed recently in discussions with villagers since the initial study in 2005-2007. in the winter of 2007, elephants were frequently seen grazing on the banks opposite boumba village. community members did not cross the river to enter boumba fields and raid crops as they are known to do in other parts of africa (gadd 2005), although stories of that happening in the benin village across the niger river were heard of in the boumba area. but this frequent viewing became a great point of discussion in town, and many people expressed pride and agreement with conservation efforts. although this represents a change in opinion as one form of wildlife became more visible, the general view of wildlife (visible elephants aside) reinforces the idea that conservation actions that limit local engagement with resources can negatively alter attitudes of conservation even in the absence of direct conflict. going beyond these negative aspects of local perceptions of conservation methods, it seems there are key themes absent from discussions that seem to better illuminate potential challenges to communitybased conservation. there were no references to fire being a method of conservation, even though fire is the forestry agents’ major form of management within the park and village residents used fire historically to promote soil fertility and grasses. nor was there mention of community involvement in larger conservation efforts, even though for at least the past two years there have been efforts by various ethnobiology letters                                                                                                                      perspective      47 development organizations to lead community-based conservation initiatives and to promote ecotourism. participants did not mention individual forms of conservation, or what they do to promote biodiversity or to preserve important plants on their own land. the majority of participants saw conservation not as actionbased, but as preventative, such as not cutting down trees or not harvesting wildlife. further, they felt inaction was maintained through laws, restrictions that were enforced through high fines and threats to life and livelihood. this control aspect of conservation is then mitigated through the “bargaining” process of corruption. thus, from a local perspective, conservation occurs through fear and intimidation and is made bearable through corruption and undermined by ignorance. our observations within the village supported the perception of this claim, but they did not support the reality of the claim. in the course of our stay in the region, we documented many examples of local residents purposefully saving valuable trees in their fields, planting rare trees and shrubs in their home sites, and tailoring their harvesting methods to promote regrowth. even local fisherman recognized that the ideal of ‘conservation undertaken by all’ is undermined by corruption and poverty. this group traditionally had spiritual leaders who controlled fishing practices and regulated fish harvests, but their positions have been replaced by local conservation agents. however, in discussion with local residents, conservation was initially and predominately associated with the government and only when the conversation would digress from the vocabulary of conservation would people talk about traditional methods of caring for the habitat, protecting species from overuse, or preventing land degradation. for example, one participant when asked directly if there were any trees that the community protected said, “no, we cut down trees. it is the forestry agent who protects trees.” later in the interview we returned to this topic through talking about a traditional belief that powerful spirits reside in or under large trees. that same participant talked about how certain trees contained spirits and could not be cut down without spiritual retribution and plainly stated that “these trees no one cuts down, even if the forestry agent were not there.” this local belief in spirits protects many of the large seed trees in the area, yet still the “job” of protecting trees is attributed to the forestry agents. respondents discussed actions that most western ecologists would agree are beneficial to forest health, such as selective harvest of firewood, protecting seed trees, and farming around seedlings, but none of the respondents listed these activities as ways in which they help the environment. instead these actions would be discussed when voicing traditional beliefs describing farming practices or explaining collecting methods. conclusion the major themes that emerged during this study can be tied together through a reflection on the role of consumptive use in conservation. the actions of community members demonstrated that many individuals supported conservation and management of useful species, but did not understand the efforts of “fences and fines” conservation. this was perhaps highlighted best in the binary discussions of conservation priorities (box 2), and underlined by the presence of negative views toward conservation goals and methods. although in global discourse of conservation, sustainable management plays a large role in the conservation of economically valuable species, this part of the global conservation discourse was not represented in local residents’ perceptions of conservation. despite recent attempts to provide community members with direct benefits from the park and to implement management programs for valuable species such as the ronier palm and shea butter tree, the enforcement of non-consumptive conservation is still the major paradigm. this is problematic both for the functioning of the community-based aspects of the program and for conservation initiatives in the region. previous studies have shown that negative attitudes toward conservation can affect the relationship between the park and local populations and undermine conservation efforts (kideghesho et al. 2007; simelane et al. 2006). in our study community members expressed values and priorities different from those they observed in conservation actions. such conflicting value systems raise questions as to the expected success of community-based conservation actions. for community-based programs, the discourse of conservation must hold consumptive use as equal to non-consumptive use through promotion of sustainable management of locally valued species, as local uses tend to have more direct benefits to the participants. as kaimowitz and sheil (2007) describe, we have to start saving biodiversity for the poor, who form essential elements of daily life. a 2003 (bauer) study based in cameroon, demonstrated that access to natural resources, or more generally consumptive use, can promote positive attitudes toward conservation as a whole. holmes (2003) demonstrated that conservation success is partially dependent on the outreach efforts of the conservation programs. while this is true, we also have to recognize what turner (1999) warned of, an ethnobiology letters                                                                                                                      perspective      48 educative participation that leaves no room for active engagement. many of the frustrations expressed with the boumba community could be addressed in simple changes to conservation priorities without much difficulty, but the key is to start from the bottom-up in order to incorporate these local realities and priorities. finally, although this paper argues that a shift in conservation policies from non-consumptive use to consumptive use may address some of the underlying social barriers and increase cultural sustainability (such as long term success of community-based conservation), this paper does not look at the question of ecological sustainability (long term conservation of biological and earth systems). this question is outside the scope of this analysis, but researchers in socioecological resilience argue that ecological sustainability cannot be achieved in the absence of cultural sustainability (berkes et al. 1998). however, the question remains as to whether a conservation program based on consumptive use is ecologically sustainable. timko and satterfield (2008) developed a set of criteria and indicators for evaluating both social and ecological methods. future studies need to follow this lead and look directly at how true community participation affects the ecological sustainability of conservation. as park w, like many other african parks, was used as pastureland and farmland as recently as 1950, one might argue that some of the habitat we are aiming to protect is even a result of past consumptive and sustained use. acknowledgements we thank dr. pearl robinson, dr. ayron strauch and prof. astier almedom who reviewed earlier versions of this paper. we thank all the residents of boumba and lt. abdoulaye soumana. we thank mlle. haouaou noma and prof. mahamane saadou. this research was funded by the anne s. chatham fellowship (garden club of america), tufts institute of the environment, the switzer foundation, graduate women in science, and tufts graduate school. dr. müller was funded by a national science foundation graduate research fellowship. a preliminary version of this paper entitled: letting wood rot: the role of consumptive use in conservation-boumba, niger was presented at the 2007 meeting of the society for applied anthropology. references cited adams, jonathan and thomas o. mcshane. 1992. the myth of wild africa: conservation without illusion. ww norton & company, new york. bauer, hans. 200. local perceptions of waza national park, northern cameroon. environmental conservation 30:175-181. berkes, fikret. 2004. rethinking community-based conservation. conservation biology 18:621-630. berkes, fikret, carl folke, and johan colding. 1998. linking social and ecological systems: management practices and social mechanisms for building resilience. cambridge university press, new york. boulet, h., c. vermeulen, a.s. aladji-boni, i. niandou, a. el-hadj, k. konate, c. paolini, o. novelli, and d. dulieu. 2004. regional strategy for the management of hunting activities around the w park (benin, burkina faso, niger). game & wildlife science 21:663-673. brett, e.a. 2003. participation and accountability in development management. the journal of development studies 40:1-29. brody, michael, and warren tomkiewicz. 2002. park visitors' understandings, values and beliefs related to their experience at midway geyser basin, yellowstone national park, usa. international journal of science education 24:1119-1141. bruner, aaron g., raymond e. gullison, richard e. rice, and gustavo a.b. da fonseca. 2001. effectiveness of parks in protecting tropical biodiversity. science 291:125-128. darkoh, m.b. kwesi, and apollo rwomire, eds. 2003. human impact on environment and sustainable development in africa. ashgate, burlington, vt. dean, w.r., s. j. milton, and f. jeltsch. 1999. large trees, fertile islands, and birds in arid savanna. journal of arid environments 41:61-78. du toit, johan t., brian h. walker, and bruce m. campbell. 2004. conserving tropical nature: current challenges for ecologists. trends in ecology & evolution 19:12-17. ethnobiology letters                                                                                                                      perspective      49 fairhead, james and melissa leach. 1994. contested forests: modern conservation and historical land use in guinea's ziama reserve. african affairs 93:481-512. fairhead, james and melissa leach. 1996. misreading the african landscape:society and ecology in a forest-savanna mosaic. cambridge university press, cambridge. gadd, michelle e. 2005. conservation outside of parks: attitudes of local people in laikipia, kenya. environmental conservation 32:50-63. gibson, clark c. 2001. politicians and poachers. africa 71:723-724. gibson, clark c. and stuart a. marks. 1995. transforming rural hunters into conservationists: an assessment of community-based wildlife management programs in africa. world development 23:941-957. goldman, mara. 2003. partitioned nature, privileged knowledge: community-based conservation in tanzania. development and change 34:833-862. groom, martha j., c. ronald carroll, and gary k. meffe. 2006. principles of conservation biology. sinauer associates, sunderland, ma. hayes, tanya m. 2006. parks, people, and forest protection: an institutional assessment of the effectiveness of protected areas. world development 34:2064-2075. hayward, chris, lyn simpson, and leanne wood. 2004. still left out in the cold: problematising participatory research and development. sociologia ruralis 44:95-108. hickey, sam and giles mohan. 2005. relocating participation within a radical politics of development. development and change 36:237-262. hjerpe, evan e. and yeon-su kim. 2007. regional economic impacts of grand canyon river runners. journal of environmental management 85:137-149. holmes, christopher m. 2003. the influence of protected area outreach on conservation attitudes and resource use patterns: a case study from western tanzania. oryx 37:305-315. hughes, lotte. 2007. rough time in paradise: claims, blames and memory making around some protected areas in kenya. conservation and society 5:307. hulme, david and marshall murphree. 1999. communities, wildlife and the "new conservation" in africa. journal of international development 11:277-285. kaimowitz, d. and d. sheil. 2007. conserving what and for whom? why conservation should help meet basic human needs in the tropics. biotropica 39:567574. kesby, mike. 2005. retheorizing empowermentthrough-participation as a performance in space: beyond tyranny to transformation. signs 30:20372065. kideghesho, jafari r., eivin røskaft, and bjørn p. kaltenborn. 2007. factors influencing conservation attitudes of local people in western serengeti, tanzania. biodiversity and conservation 16:2213-2230. laris, paul and david andrew wardell. 2006. good, bad or 'necessary evil'? reinterpreting the colonial burning experiments in the savanna landscapes of west africa. geographical journal 172:271-290. le, yen, eleonora papadogiannaki, nancy holmes, and steven j. hollenhorst. 2008. yosemite national park visitor study. university of idaho, park studies unit, moscow. leach, melissa and james fairhead. 2000. challenging neo-malthusian deforestation analyses in west africa's dynamic forest landscapes. population and development review 26:17-43. ndaskoi, navaya ole. 2003. tanzania: the maasai predicament. new african june:44-46. oates, john f. 1999. myth and reality in the rain forest: how conservation strategies are failing in west africa: university of california press peet, richard and michael watts. 2004. liberation ecologies: environment, development, social movements. routledge, london. pretty, jules n. and irene guijt. 1992. primary environmental care: an alternative paradigm for ethnobiology letters                                                                                                                      perspective      50 development assistance. environment & urbanization 4:22-36. quaghebeur, kerlijn, jan masschelein, and hoai huong nguyen. 2004. paradox of participation: giving or taking part? journal of community & applied social psychology 14:154-165. redford, kent h. and steven e. sanderson. 2000. extracting humans from nature. conservation biology 14:1362-1364. rutten, marcel m. 2002. parks beyond parks: genuine community-based eildlife eco-tourism or just another loss of land for maasai pastoralists in kenya? international institute for environment and development, drylands programme issue paper 111:1-27. sanderson, steven e. and kent h. redford. 2003. contested relationships between biodiversity conservation and poverty alleviation. oryx 37:389-390. schwartzman, stephan, adriana moreira, and daniel nepstad. 2000. rethinking tropical forest conservation: perils in parks. conservation biology 14:1351-1357. sekhar, nagothu udaya. 2003. local people's attitudes towards conservation and wildlife tourism around sariska tiger reserve, india. journal of environmental management 69:339-347. selfa, theresa and joanna endter-wada. 2008. the politics of community-based conservation in natural resource management: a focus for international comparative analysis. environment and planning 40:948965. simelane, t., g.i.h kerley, and m.h. knight. 2006. reflections on the relationships between communities and conservation areas of south africa: the case of five south african national parks. koedoe -african protected area conservation and science 49:85-102. songorwa, alexander n. 1999. community-based wildlife management (cwm) in tanzania: are the communities interested? world development 27:20612079. sprugel, douglas g. 1991. disturbance, equilibrium, and environmental variability: what is "natural" vegetation in a changing environment? biological conservation 58:1-18. taylor, edward w. 2006. making meaning of local nonformal education: practitioner's perspective. adult education quarterly 56:291-307. terborgh, john. 2000. the fate of tropical forests: a matter of stewardship. conservation biology 14:13581361. timko, joleen and terre satterfield. 2008. criteria and indicators for evaluating social equity and ecological integrity in national parks and protected areas. natural areas journal 28:307-319. turner, m.d. 1999. no space for participation: pastoralist narratives and the etiology of park-herder conflict in southeastern niger. land degradation and development 10:345-363. weladji, robert b., stein r. moe, and pål vedeld. 2003. stakeholder attitudes towards wildlife policy and the bénoué wildlife conservation area, north cameroon. environmental conservation 30:334-343 wells, michael p. and thomas o. mcshane. 2004. integrating protected area management with local needs and aspirations. ambio 33:513-519. zanetell, brooke ann and barbara a. knuth. 2002. bribing biodiversity: corruption, participation, and community-based management in venezuela. southern rural sociology 18:130-161. biosketches jocelyn  müller  is  a  phd  scientist  in  the  biology  de‐ partment at tufts university. she has been working and  researching  in  niger  on  the  areas  of  conservation,  ethnobotany and local ecological knowledge since 2001.  iro dan guimbo  is a teaching assistant and  lecturer and  phd candidate in the agriculture and forestry department  at the university of abdou moumouni in niamey, niger. a  native  of  the  maradi  region,  mr.  dan  guimbo  has  been  working in the boumba/park w area since conducting his  master’s thesis in the area in 2006.  microsoft word van der voort.doc ethnobiology letters                                                                                                                    book review    39    a response to welch’s review of “urihi a: a terra‐floresta yanomami”  bruce albert and william milliken with gale goodwin gomez. são paulo: instituto socioambiental, 2009. 207 pp.,  illustrations, tables, bibliography, appendices, index. paperback isbn: 978‐85‐85994‐72‐3.    by hein van der voort1    reviewer address: 1 museu goeldi, belém    received: december14th 2010                                  volume 1:39  published: december 15th 2010                       © 2010 society of ethnobiology    the review by james r. welch of the book urihi a: a terra-floresta yanomami (ethnobiology letters 2010, 1:1819) is entirely justified in its positive tone. it acknowledges the excellent anthropological and biological work among the yanomami by its two main authors. unfortunately, the reviewer has overlooked the existence and contribution of a third author without whom the essential linguistic component of the work would not have been possible. the linguist is classified as a "with" author, but her name is appropriately mentioned on the cover and on the title page of the book and forms an integral part of its bibliographical description. another aspect of the book that went unnoticed is the fact that it is a revised and translated version of a kew gardens publication in english. the reviewer might be excused for the latter oversight, since this english version from 1999 is mentioned rather inconspicuously on the bibliographical page (4) of the portuguese version. on the table in front of me are two largely identical books on the ethnobiological classification of the environment of the yanomami. the relevant bibliographical references are: bruce albert and william milliken, com a colaboração de gale goodwin gomez. 2009. urihi a: a terra-floresta yanomami. instituto socioambiental, são paulo. isbn 978-85-85994-72-3. william milliken and bruce albert with gale goodwin gomez, illustrations by jane rutherford. 1999. yanomami: a forest people. the royal botanic gardens, kew. isbn 1-900347-73-3. letter from the editors ethnobiology letters book review 14 edible medicines: an ethnopharmacology of food nina etkin. 2006. university of arizona press, tucson. pp. 304. $24.95 (paper). isbn 9780816527489. reviewed by laura barbas-rhoden 1 reviewer address: 1 department of foreign languages, wofford college 29303 received: december 6 th 2009 volume 1:14-15 published: august 4 th 2010 © 2010 society of ethnobiology what are the health implications of cuisines in different cultures? how have different human communities managed the physiologic effects of foods, many of which have non-nutritive constituents? edible medicines is a wide-ranging study that investigates such questions from an anthropological and biocultural perspective. it is the third book on an ethnobiological topic by the late nina l. etkin, the renowned university of hawai’i anthropologist who died in january 2009. etkin served as past president of the international society for ethnopharmacology and was named one of two recipients of the 2009 distinguished economic botanist award by the society for economic botany (seb). her influence extends through dozens of graduate students whom she mentored, as well as a lengthy list of academic publications. the volume reviewed here is highly indicative of the interdisciplinary scope of her scholarship. one of the single most important accomplishments of edible medicines is its recovery of a history in which the lines between foods and medicines have been either blurry or nonexistent. informed by both an anthropological and historical perspective, etkin’s scholarship implicitly and explicitly raises provocative questions regarding the atomization of scholarship in the west. as the author points out, this atomization of scholarship has led to the study of food in particular categories of study like nutrition, biochemistry, agriculture, and medicine, with little attention paid, until recently, to the “pharmacologic potential of diet” (3). etkin’s book proposes an anthropological methodology by which to consider the pharmacologic potential of foods selected by cultures around the world for specific uses. using concrete cultural examples, etkin discusses the uses of foods by diverse peoples of the world, and she brings an anthropological discussion into dialogue with plant and nutritional science. the result is a study useful for scholars in ethnobiology, anthropology, food science, and nutrition, but one that also has appeal for nonspecialists and undergraduate students. etkin’s introduction covers the basic scientific principles of plant metabolism, defense, and reproduction, and relates this to subsistence strategies of humans. the introduction also sketches a brief overview of transformations in subsistence in human history, from foraging to pastoralism and horticulture and agriculture. finally, the introduction contextualizes food use in cultural context and addresses the “social organization of eating” (42). chapter two, “food in the history of biomedicine,” considers the place of food in western biomedicine from ancient times to present and offers specific examples of transformations of thought in particular cultures. though the focus is on biomedicine in the west, etkin also documents the ways in which arabic and other medical philosophies influenced thoughts about sickness and health from the eighth to the eleventh centuries in europe (51). the chapter concludes by posing the question of whether or not medicine in the west has entered a new phase in which “preventive and curative modalities . . . now approximate one another” (81). with the background information sketched clearly and succinctly, etkin follows the two opening chapters with more specific categories of study. chapters consider spices; fermented foods and beverages; social plants (foods like tea and masticatories like kola and coca); animal foods with medicinal qualities; and food in contemporary complementary and alternative medicine. these chapters are thorough without attempting to be tediously exhaustive, and they broadly contextualize food use in economic and cultural history of specific practices related to food as medicine. all chapters are well written and readable, though some tell stories that will be more compelling for some readers than others, depending on their particular background or field of interest. for example, the ethnobiology letters book review 15 chapter on fermentation gives a basic definition of the process of fermentation and identifies the biological substrates of fermentation in the old world and new world. after drawing attention to the “ubiquity and sophistical of techniques” (110) involved in food fermentation, etkin points out the nutritional and therapeutic benefits of fermented foods over their nonfermented state. she does not limit herself to only a discussion of the science of allergens, glycosides, and lectins, but rather also takes into consideration palatability and particular cultural applications in the cultures of nigeria. throughout the book, etkin draws from her own ethnographic work among the hausa of nigeria. this provides a sustained cultural example to undergird the categories of analysis she proposes. the book is a welcome addition to the scant selection of volumes on the ethnopharmacological implication of foods and will be of use to scholars and students in a variety of disciplines and settings. rice, agriculture, and the food supply in premodern japan. by charlotte von verschuer. translated and edited by wendy cobcroft. routledge, new york. 356 pp. anderson. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(2):105–106 105 reviews  perspec ves from gene anderson’s bookshelf the book has a chinese subtitle meaning “five grains in cultural transformation” or “the five grains in history”). “five grains” is a traditional chinese phrase, borrowed by japan some 1,500 years ago or more, that can mean any mix of rice, millets, wheat, barley, and soybeans. early ceremonies for the emperor and the gods used various mixes of plant foods. overly generalizing translations of texts from as early as the 13th century led to privileging rice over the other grains. in the process of reviewing rice in japanese history, von verschuer provides a dense, statisticspacked work drawing on every line of evidence from archaeology and ethnography to poetry and folksong. japanese of premodern times ate, drank, and breathed poetry, and most of it used images from nature and agriculture. almost every crop and cultivation process is mentioned somewhere, often in short poems that lament the writer’s situation in a rural setting far from his or her true love. von verschuer covers every aspect of agriculture in exhaustive detail, from the latest archaeological investigations to modern swiddening. apparently the practice of swiddening was once important and widespread, but survives now only as re-enactments of past practices for tourists. she is particularly detailed on medieval agriculture: technology, crops, yields, milling and preparation, social contexts, everything. one can learn when cotton was introduced (799 ce), how rice was taken off the ear (by pulling sheaves between chopsticks—a slow and laborious process), and which wild plants were gathered. the book is extremely dense with factual the author summarizes the aim of this book as “to situate irrigated rice cultivation in the overall context of the crops grown in premodern japan. we have put forward a number of facts regarding the coexistence of rice growing and dry cereal cultivation, the practice of swidden farming, the gathering of plant foods, the relative proportion of cultivated and wild plants in the diet, and finally the cultural portrayal of rice and the other cereals” (296). the role of rice in japan has been controversial. in general, the japanese have privileged its importance, and the importance of irrigation. they have considered rice as japan’s staple, and even as japan’s “self” (ohnuki-tierney 1993, a work not cited by von verschuer). a long-standing countercurrent has pointed out that many other foods were important over time, notably foxtail millet (setaria italica), common millet (panicum miliaceum), barnyard millet (echinochloa crus-galli), wheat, barley, buckwheat, and soybeans. a vast number of roots, tubers, leaves, seeds, nuts, fruits, and other products also contributed. animal food was always rare, except for fish along coasts. this counter-narrative has been well known for some time in the west, even in some popular works (e.g., frédéric 1973), but most people, japanese and western, likely continue to think of japan as rice-dependent. charlotte von verschuer has analyzed the evidence and found that rice has been important since the dawn of japanese civilization, but provided only about one-quarter of the total food supply depending on the period, region, and conditions. she stresses the frequency in older sources of the “five grains” (in fact rice, agriculture, and the food supply in premodern japan. by  charlo e von verschuer. translated and edited by wendy cobcro .  routledge, new york. 356 pp.  eugene n. anderson 1* 1 department of anthropology, university of california, riverside, ca, usa. * eugene.anderson@ucr.edu received february 10, 2018 open    access accepted february 10, 2018 doi 10.14237/ebl.9.2.2018.1261 copyright  © 2018 by the author(s) licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open‐access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution‐noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by‐nc/4.0), which permits non‐commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. anderson. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(2):105–106 106 reviews  perspec ves from gene anderson’s bookshelf detail. an appendix lists 144 species of plants that were important food or industrial crops. scientific names (sometimes obsolete) as well as names in japanese, english, french, and german are provided. they include some items new to me, including nothosmyrnium japonicum, a carrot-family plant that was apparently an important food in the old days. outside of the few obsolete scientific names, this book is highly accurate and up-to-date, and provides a thorough survey of the field. anyone interested in east asian food, ethnobotany, or agriculture needs to have this book on their shelf as a reference. references cited frédéric, l. 1973. daily life in japan at the time of the samurai, 1185-1603. e.m. lowe, trans. charles e. tuttle co., tokyo, japan. ohnuki-tierney, e. 1993. rice as self: japanese identities through time. princeton university press, princeton, nj. letter from the editors ethnobiology letters book review 7 grass roots: african origins of an american art dale rosengarten, theodore rosengarten, and enid schildkrout, eds. 2008. museum for african art, new york. distributed by university of washington press, seattle. pp. 269, copiously illustrated in black-and-white and color. isbn (cloth) 978-0-945802-50-1, (paper) 978-0-945802-51-8. reviewed by e. n. anderson 1 reviewer address: 1 department of anthropology, university of california, riverside, riverside, california 92521 received: november 28 th 2009 volume 1:7-8 published: august 3 rd 2010 © 2010 society of ethnobiology many readers of the journal of ethnobiology and ethnobiology letters will remember the society for economic botany meetings in charleston in 2009, and the wonderful sea island baskets and basketmakers we saw and met there. by happy coincidence, these have finally received proper attention, in the form of an exhibit based at new york’s museum of african art and currently traveling to several museums around the country (i saw it at ucla’s fowler museum of ethnic art). ordinarily an art exhibit catalogue would not be reviewed in this journal, but the present work is a major contribution to ethnobiology and deserves attention. it traces the roots of the seagrass baskets of the sea islands of south carolina to africa, primarily west africa. this is done through eleven major essays (ten chapters and an introduction) by experts in africanamerican history, arts, folklore, and ethnobotany. a great deal of original research was done for this exhibit, and it showed an even more complex and rich african heritage than what had already emerged from research over the past decades. the slaves imported from africa in the 17th, 18th and 19th centuries brought a great deal with them—some actual material culture, but much more in the way of knowledge and technique. judith carney, who has an essay in this volume, has been the major tracer of ethnobotanical connections, especially in rice (see her now classic black rice, 2001, and my review of it in the journal of ethnobiology, 2002, as well as her article in that journal, 2003). anglo-american planters wanted to grow rice, but did not know how; they imported slaves from the parts of west africa where native rice, oryza glaberrima, was domesticated and grown. the plantations grew asian rice (o. sativa), but o. glaberrima is still found in a few places in latin america, having been brought over by the slaves— sometimes concealed in their hair (carney 2004). the basket technology was used in rice processing, as well as in almost all other walks of life, from divination to carrying children. baskets were and are made of tough native saltmarsh grasses and rushes. (the one deficiency of this catalogue is a lack of full discussion of species involved; genera include muhlenbergia and juncus. pine needles, palm fronds, and other materials are sometimes pressed into service.) as is usual in today’s world, there is pressure on the resource base, more from development of all kinds than from collecting. the great african-american linguistic anthropologist lorenzo dow turner long ago showed that many african words, largely but not entirely from the wolof and mende languages, survived in the gullah dialect. (many also survive in louisiana and elsewhere.) in the sea islands he recorded a mende song (turner 2002:256), which has later crossed and recrossed the atlantic several times and been re-recorded in later versions—it is still current. teasing out the full complexity of the sources of baskets is difficult, but it appears that not only the ricegrowing areas of west africa, but all of the west african slave source areas from the gambia to angola, were involved in basket history and in the formation of the gullah (or geechee) ethnic group on the sea islands. j. lorand matory, in chapter 10 herein, points out that the gullah were not so isolated as usually claimed, and that their ethnicity was formed through interaction with black, white, and native american groups, all quite diverse. he thus feels optimistic for its future; fears that contact with the outside world would destroy it have turned out to be overdone. there is, in fact, something of a cultural renaissance and reaffirmation today, as we could see at the 2009 economic botany conference. ethnobiology letters book review 8 this book shows what can be done with ethnobotany applied to the study of arts and crafts. the survival of gullah culture in the face of centuries of slavery, racism and oppression is astonishing. mere survival would have been a major achievement of the human spirit, but african-americans have done more: they have created superb art and culture under appalling circumstances. even the slaveowners had to admit this, however grudgingly, but now it is getting its full due. references cited anderson, e. n. 2002. black rice, by judith a. carney. journal of ethnobiology 21:53-54. carney, judith a. 2001. black rice. harvard university press, cambridge. —. 2003. african traditional plant knowledge in the circum-caribbean region. journal of ethnobiology 23:167-186. —. 2004. with grains in her hair: rice in colonial brazil. slavery and abolition 25:1-27. turner, lorenzo dow. 2002 (orig. 1949). africanisms in the gullah dialect. university of south carolina press, columbia. microsoft word scarpa-birds.doc ethnobiology letters                                                                                                                    book review    35    birds in the daily life of the toba indigenous people from the west of the  province of formosa (argentina)  pastor arenas & gustavo porini. 2009. tiempo de historia, asunción. pp. 300 + xxvi. $27.00 (paperback). isbn  9789995381660    reviewed by gustav f. scarpa 1    reviewer address:  1 centro de estudios farmacológicos y botánicos (cefybo‐conicet), buenos aires, argentina    received: july  5 th  2010                         volume 1:35‐36  published: september 6 th  2010                       © 2010 society of ethnobiology    this book, whose original title is "las aves en la vida de los toba del oeste de la provincia de formosa (argentina),” is undoubtedly the foundation of argentinian ethnozoology, since there is as yet no exhaustive monograph on the subject. the authors present the results of an extensive ethno-ornithological research program aimed mainly at knowing how the toba name, perceive, conceive, use and relate to birds in their natural environment. once hunter-gatherers and fishermen, toba are currently experiencing an intensive process of assimilation into the argentinian way of life. toba are one of the most populous ethnic groups of the gran chaco, the second largest forested region in south america after the amazon basin. this subject is part of a broader ethnobiological research program that has been carried out by pastor arenas since 1983. the investigation plan was carried out by means of field work consisting of interviews, participant observation, and biological material collection, among other techniques. for the specific subject of birds, these also included bird watching and observation of skins, photographs, and pictures of the local ornithofauna. the information obtained was subsequently organized, analyzed and interpreted, identified, and the biological material was archived in the researcher’s cabinet. results are presented in two sections: 1) an outline of the diverse cultural and social spheres in which the bird’s specific roles are situated, and 2) a species directory which details all the information gathered for each species. the list of chapters is as follows: 1) preface, 2) acknowledgements, 3) introduction, 4) materials and methodology, 5) the toba and their natural environment, 6) birds in the life of the toba, 7) representation of birds, 8) usage of birds, 9) birds and subsistence, 10) material culture, 11) other roles of birds or their parts, 12) nomenclature for bird morphology, 13) vernacular names and classificatory systems, 14) bird directory, 15) the toba’s knowledge about birds, 16) bibliography, 17) index of toba and scientific names, 18) index of scientific and vernacular spanish names. a fairly complete ethnographic and ecological background is included in the first section of the book to allow the reader to interpret the results adequately. as an example of this, in the chapter the toba and their natural environment, many bird attributes referred to by the people are deeply associated with the annual climatic variability of the region, as well as with the different kinds of habitats these animals occupy. in the same way, most of the subsequent chapters could hardly be understood without taking into account some basic facts related to toba material culture, mode of subsistence, annual cycle, shamanism and witchcraft, which are outlined briefly by the authors. utilitarian aspects of birds are described in such a manner as to avoid repetitions in the second part of the book, where data is presented and arranged by bird species. the uses of birds in material culture, both as medicines and especially as announcers, are highlighted. in fact, birds are considered the main announcing agents for the toba; birds advertise goodness, including some important economic resources such as game animals and fishes, and evilness, such as harmful spirits of malicious shamans or witches. this is the case of the frightening po'tanagae (crotophaga ani, cuculidae) whose singing is a clear sign of witchcraft activities and who always announces death. people of ancient times run immediately when they heard it near the villages; nowadays, they shoot them whenever they can. the detailed analysis of bird morphology made on the basis of toba knowledge constitutes another very interesting part of the book, which reveals aspects linked to perception and representation of these ethnobiology letters                                                                                                                    book review    36    animals. these details are shown in a comprehensive manner through schematic and beautiful drawings of each kind of bird. the first section of the book ends by looking in even greater depth at the significance of birds for toba, identifying and analyzing the vernacular nomenclature. as a corollary of this analysis, a preliminary model of the vernacular classificatory system of birds is proposed here, giving a useful approximation to the toba view of the avian world in a cognitively structured manner. the last section of the book includes the description of uses and general representations of birds in toba’s daily life, for each one of the 169 native and naturalized taxons, 7 domesticated exotic species, and 20 ornithological entities that authors have been unable to identify. ma'ñik, the american ostrich (rhea americana, rheidae), is the most outstanding avian species for the toba, not only as a primary source of food but also for the multiple connotations it has in social life. in order to secure the position needed to strike ostrich with an arrow in open fields, the toba wear an amazing camouflage made with lianas and leafy shrubs interweaved all around their bodies. drawings, graphics and photographs illustrate many species. the amount of information gathered on this matter clearly shows that these animals have been and still are of great importance for these people. bird songs and behaviors, as well as their feathers, eggs, bones and meat, among other features, have ample implications and meanings for the life of the toba. microsoft word yamin-past.doc ethnobiology letters                                                                                                                    book review    26    shroom: a cultural history of the magic mushroom   andy letcher. 2007. ecco harpercollins, new york. pp. 384. $14.99 (paperback). isbn 9780060828295.    reviewed by sveta yamin‐pasternak  1    reviewer address: 1university of alaska fairbanks, fairbanks, alaska 99775    received: july 30th 2009                                         volume 1:26‐27  published: august 25th 2010                       © 2010 society of ethnobiology    “we could claim living in the mushroom age. we are the mushroom people” (p.5), is how andy letcher begins his grand historico-biographical odyssey. letcher’s “we” is a stratum of post world war ii generations, whose experience of coming of age dwells within the contours of a certain transnational culture. this culture thrives on its enchantment with the magic mushroom, drawing fulfillment and inspiration from the mushroom’s pharmacological qualities and historical roles, both real and imagined. “we” were the (re)discoverers, the pioneers, and the recipients of the psychedelic research, revolution, and substances. “we” are the ones who sought mckenna’s true hallucinations and castaneda’s journeys. collectively, we share a need to feel that our individual corporal way of being in the world transcends into alternate universes, inhabited by wisdoms of the ancients. the prominence we ascribe to the role of the magic mushroom in human prehistory is a reflection of that need, as is the eagerness with which we embrace it. the urge to connect our past to the use of the magic mushroom says more about us, here and now, than it does about anything in our past. that is the overreaching argument of the vast, enticing, and masterful treatise shroom: a cultural history of the magic mushroom. the book is organized into three main parts, each carrying a title of a mycological category: agaricus (i), amanita (ii), and psilocybe (iii). the first of the trilogy provides an overview of mushroom anatomy, ecology, and chemistry. it also explains how the compounds found in particular species interact with the human body to produce a psychoactive effect. following the mycology fundamentals, letcher unveils a compilation of fables, which ascribe the genesis and the essence of human religious thought to the use of the magic mushroom. through the efforts of a diverse cast of characters – writers, scholars, businesspeople, artists, and charismatic teachers – the hypotheses connecting “shrooming” with early enlightenment had anchored firmly in the historiography of the magic mushroom. legitimized, in part by academic research and discussion, during the rise of the mushroom age the stories that letcher calls “tripper’s tales” have attained the level of scripture. one by one, letcher deconstructs these pillars of the mushroom mythology that are likely to ring familiar to the readers of ethnobiology letters, such as the supposed shamanic origin of the santa claus figure, or the deciphered mushroom identity of the sacred soma plant in the vedic hymns. the cultural context that enabled the propagation and widespread acceptance of the mushroom age mythology is, to a great extent, what makes “the real and as yet untold history [of the magic mushroom] at once less fanciful and far more interesting” (p. 5). with the mirror facing contemporary western society, positioned at such a revealing vantage point, and interpreted in letcher’s edge-of-the-seat style of narration, this cultural critique should appeal to broad audiences. readers with a special affinity for mushrooms are bound to marvel at the multiple twists and turns of the plot, unraveling some long overlooked mysteries and presenting familiar controversies in a different light. the book is packed with biographical gems about the lives of prominent contributors to the study of human relationships with fungi, including gordon wasson, mordechai cubitt cooke, stephen hayden pollock, and many others. for practitioners of ethnobiology, shroom is an opportunity to reflect on how a scholarly exploration of a life form can boost its general popularity and shape its public perception. within the range of existing theories that letcher sets out to debunk, the idea of mycophilic and mycophobic cultures, once proposed by valentina and gordon wasson, comes under a particularly strong disparagement. inspired by the polarity of their own attitudes (russian by birth, valentina adored mushrooms while her american anglo-saxon husband, gordon, regarded them with abhorrence and fear), the ethnobiology letters                                                                                                                    book review    27    wassons carried out a broad ethnological survey, finding that a number of other world populations show a strong emotion toward mushrooms. the disposition of a culture where mushrooms are valued and widely consumed, such as the kind found throughout eastern europe, the wassons had labeled as “mycophilia.” the condition of overwhelming disdain for mushrooms, on the other hand, which at the time of their writing was true for britain, became known as that of “mycophobia.” letcher finds the dichotomy problematic. “the term ‘phobia,’” he says, “implies an overwhelming and irrational panic reaction…, whereas anxieties about mushrooms are wholly rational. in the absence of any reliable methods for distinguishing the edible from the poisonous…, blanket avoidance of all mushrooms is the most sensible and reasonable option” (p. 95). although the logic of the last argument may appear sensible to a person who did not grow up eating wild mushrooms, for a person from belarus it sounds just as unreasonable as would, in our day and age, an agitation to stay away from cars and airplanes for the fear of a possible crash. perhaps it is no accident that the author of shroom himself happens to be from the uk? the fact that his perspective aligns so flawlessly with the one ascribed to the british culture as a whole, and the type i encounter frequently in the united states, suggests that the attempted counterevidence actually speaks in support of the hypothesis it tries so hard to dispute. this leaves us with plenty of reassurance that the story of fungi and humanity is to be continued. vanilla landscapes: meaning, memory, and the cultivation of place in madagascar. by sarah r. osterhoudt. 2017. nybg press, bronx, ny. 180 pp. gagnon. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(2):228–229 228 reviews symbolic and sensory portals into the histories of peoples’ lives and of the community, spanning not only annual cycles of cultivation but also generations. this addresses her multi-layered research questions that ask how people at once cultivate crops, meaning, and memories within their agroforestry fields and also why traditional farming systems and ecological diversity have persisted in this place while they have faded in surrounding areas. this is a truly interdisciplinary work encompassing multiple methodologies and theoretical perspectives. no doubt, this is in part a reflection of osterhoudt’s training from the yale combined phd program in anthropology and forestry and environmental studies, additionally paired with a joint degree from the new york botanical garden. osterhoudt states that part of her mission is to further integrate perspectives from anthropology, such as humanistic studies of memory and power, with the technical work of research in economic botany. this is an important task, though not an easy one. at times, it feels as though the two perspectives are working in different directions in the text. the ethnographic portion appears mostly in the first half of the book while the botanical data and analysis is mostly in the second. osterhoudt comments on this decision, saying that she initially sought to integrate the two but that the result was unsatisfactory to her. thus, she separated them, conceptualizing the successive approaches as “landscape fugues,” drawing on a musical metaphor: a subject introduced in one part and taken up by another part with interweaving here sarah osterhoudt writes about memory— individual and collective, pleasant and troubled—as narrated by residents of imorona, madagascar through the elements of local landscapes, trees and plants. osterhoudt is an assistant professor of anthropology at indiana university. her relationship with smallholder farmers in madagascar began in 2005 as a peace corps volunteer. she later returned to conduct research in anthropology and economic botany, focusing on the social dimensions of agroecological landscapes, the subject of this monograph. the book opens with a vignette about an experience osterhoudt had relatively early on in her time in imorona. she was brought to an agroforestry field where the vanilla flowers had just begun to bloom and was instructed by an elder to “look!” at a single flower. vanilla is the most important cash crop of the area. upon regarding the man’s expression— one of wonder—she realized that she “was not seeing the same flower that he was seeing” (p. 3). her study in many ways is a journey leading up to the moment several years later when she again looks at a vanilla flower and is able to “see it,” not in exactly the same way her consultant, papa armand saw it, but with a transformed view. this is achieved through countless hours spent with consultants in agroforestry fields and in other locations, listening to the stories evoked by aspects of the landscape such as the life event that a particular tree marks or the legacies of colonialism and resistance recalled by the rocks on a certain beach. she comes to understand the importance of these elements, including the central vanilla flower, as being vanilla landscapes: meaning, memory, and the cultivation of place in madagascar. by sarah r. osterhoudt. 2017. nybg press, bronx, ny. 180 pp. terese gagnon 1* 1 department of anthropology, syracuse university, syracuse, usa. * tvgagnon@syr.edu received july 30, 2018 open access accepted september 16, 2018 doi 10.14237/ebl.9.2.2018.1365 copyright © 2018 by the author(s) licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. gagnon. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(2):228–229 229 reviews elements (p. 61). while i appreciate the challenge of integrating such material, i could not help feeling disappointed that in the final form the two approaches run mostly parallel rather than mingling to productively trouble the waters of the respective traditions. there is great potential for innovative insight in bringing these two modes of inquiry further into dialogue and osterhoudt is in a special position to deliver it. that said, the skill and knowledge required to approach the field as both a cultural anthropologist and an economic botanist are truly impressive. and osterhoudt does bring her perspective from one to bear on the other. she does this, for example, by identifying the importance of plants as mediators of social life and history for residents of imorona— something another anthropologist may have missed— and by addressing critiques of both methodological practices, such as what latour would call the “black box” of scientific knowledge production (latour 1988). her main thesis is that the capacity of plants to hold various meanings and evoke memories for people may be a central reason for the persistence of ecological diversity, alongside economic and historic factors. furthermore, osterhoudt engages with the ontological turn but does so differently than many others. in contrast to ontological writers who spill much ink mulling complex theories of personhood but provide relatively little grounded evidence to support them, ousterhoudt’s approach is refreshingly rooted. she and her colleagues in imorona carefully measure trees, calculate diversity indices in farmers’ agroforestry vanilla fields, and meticulously catalogue 97 tree species and 73 herbaceous species, including information on local names and uses. for these reasons her work will likely be both familiar and of interest to ethnobiologists, particularly those concerned with madagascar or agroforestry generally. because the vanilla crop she discusses is grown through agroforestry and sold as a valuable export, this study may be particularly useful to those interested in relationships between biodiversity, traditional agricultural practices, and the global market. this work provides impressively rich data and grounded insights about the diverse trees and plants grown in agroforestry fields, as well as about human social life and history in the area. if the up-close view of agro-ecology delivered in the form of charts and graphs could be further integrated with theoretical conclusions about the memories and meanings contained in plants, in the form of greater and more detailed ethnographic descriptions, then the outcome would be even more groundbreaking than it already is. i hope many will follow osterhoudt’s lead so that scholars and their audiences may increasingly come to see plants with changed eyes, as osterhoudt describes is the outcome of years of apprentice with her colleagues in imorona. that is, as radically connected to humans and their life projects. references cited latour, b. 1988. science in action: how to follow scientists and engineers through society. harvard university press, cambridge, ma. applied zooarchaeology: five case studies. by steve wolverton, lisa nagaoka, and torben c. rick. 2016. eliot werner publications, clinton corners, ny. 130 pp. dombrosky. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(1):104–105 104 reviews an honest, upfront consideration of data quality is necessary if (zoo)archaeological data are to have any impact on conservation/restoration science—a point that has received wide exposure in the broader scientific literature (see boivin et al. 2016; westaway and lyman 2016; zeder et al. 2016). the authors of applied zooarchaeology underscore this point, and explain that “one of the most important differences between environmental scientists and archaeologists is that the former have explicitly recognized policies and practices for ensuring data quality, or information that produces valid results” (p. 9). in other words, the people applied (zoo)archaeologists are writing for— restoration ecologists, wildlife managers, etc.—have legitimate concerns about the validity of archaeological data. thus, applied (zoo)archaeologists must constantly reaffirm why they know what they do at the most basic level, which means demonstrating that identifications are correct, that preservation is not an issue, and that the quantitative methods employed are appropriate. one of the other great things about this book is that it shows that while these are very real problems, they are by no means insurmountable. nowhere is this more clearly illustrated than in the second chapter. in this chapter, the authors tackle how the differential preservation of unionid— freshwater mussel—shells can be assessed to test if the species composition of a zooarchaeological assemblage is representative of a past mussel community. chapter six is my favorite chapter because it highlights professional encounters that steve wolverton had with wildlife managers and conservation i am a former student of two of the three authors of applied zooarchaeology: five case studies—steve wolverton and lisa nagaoka. they ignited and fostered my interest in applied zooarchaeology. so, i eagerly anticipated the release of this book, and jumped at the chance to review it. perhaps it would be predictable if i gave this book a positive review, but that is exactly what i am going to do anyway. the shamelessness of my positive review derives from three excellent characteristics of this book: it is concise, (zoo)archaeological data quality is a recurrent theme, and it serves as a guide for achieving interdisciplinary research. i do not only mean that this is a short book when i say that it is concise. the writing style is succinct, jargon is kept to a minimum, and each point is direct and cogent. in other words, applied zooarchaeology: five case studies is one well-written book. in no way, however, are deeper points sacrificed. for instance, a discussion about the philosophical merit of applied zooarchaeological research starts on page one. a book with such a clear writing style comes at an opportune time for archaeologists who study humanenvironmental impacts in deep time. if we are indeed living in a post-truth era (sensu keyes 2004), then questions related to how archaeologists should balance the integrity of their research while still effectively communicating its merits to the public have never been so important. in my opinion, applied zooarchaeology achieves just such a balance because limitations of the (zoo)archaeological record are clearly delineated, which puts the questions that can be addressed on firmer ground. applied zooarchaeology: five case studies. by steve wolverton, lisa nagaoka, and torben c. rick. 2016. eliot werner publications, clinton corners, ny. 130 pp. jonathan dombrosky 1* 1 department of anthropology, university of new mexico, albuquerque, nm, usa. * jdombrosky@unm.edu received november 26, 2016 open access accepted december 21, 2016 doi 10.14237/ebl.7.1.2016.832 copyright © 2016 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. dombrosky. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(1):104–105 105 reviews biologists. this chapter helps answer the question: how exactly do archaeologists take their research and make it mean something that helps solve actual conservation problems? in the subsection entitled “interactions with biologists,” three separate interactions with the professional biological community are recounted when wolverton was working to disseminate research related to differences in prehistoric and modern white-tailed deer body size in central texas. in his first interaction, he presented his research at the 2006 southwestern association of naturalists (swan) conference in colima, mexico. much to his chagrin, the crowd was not instantly won over by the novelty of zooarchaeological data or the deep time perspective; they were far more concerned about the appropriateness of archaeological data in answering the questions that they were interested in. in two subsequent interactions—one at a texas parks and wildlife department (tpwd) workshop in 2006 and a presentation to the department of biology at texas state university in 2007—wolverton continued to hone and improve his research by directly engaging in the issues of data quality that biologists were concerned about. the authors explain, “a fatal mistake would have been to dismiss questions about representative sampling” (p. 84). this chapter is great because it highlights the fact that this research is not—and should not be—just for archaeologists. we must put on our “anthropologist hats” (p. 82), listen to the legitimate concerns of the people we want to work with, and tailor our research accordingly. after reading this book, it becomes clear that a vague programmatic appeal about the utility of deep time to conservation/restoration science is simply not enough. the archaeological literature on humanenvironmental impacts and what it means for preserving or conserving biota has become somewhat redundant. it is assumed that when new archaeological research is completed, and novel humanenvironmental impacts are found, that these findings are inherently important for either managing, conserving, or restoring biodiversity in the future. for biologists—who are usually well-versed in thinking on evolutionary timescales—the dictum that “history matters” is a given; it is up to (zoo)archaeologists to show why and how it matters. this requires tackling local problems and demonstrating how (zoo) archaeological data can be integrated into conservation/restoration programs. applied zooarchaeology: five case studies shows how locally impactful, interdisciplinary historical ecological research can be achieved in a highly digestible way. as such, it is well worth the read. references cited boivin, n. l., m. a. zeder, d. q. fuller, a. crowther, g. larson, j. m. erlandson, t. denham, and m. d. petraglia. 2016. ecological consequences of human niche construction: examining longterm anthropogenic shaping of global species distributions. proceedings of the national academy of sciences 113:6388–6396. doi:10.1073/ pnas.1525200113. keyes, r. 2004. the post-truth era: dishonesty and deception in contemporary life. st. martin's press, new york. westaway, m. c., and r. l. lyman. 2016. the need to overcome risks associated with combining inadequate paleozoological records and conservation biology. proceedings of the national academy of sciences 113:e4757–e4758. doi:10.1073/ pnas.1609950113. zeder, m. a., t. denham, j. m. erlandson, n. l. boivin, a. crowther, d. q. fuller, g. larson, and m. d. petraglia. 2016. reply to westaway and lyman: emus, dingoes, and archaeology’s role in conservation biology. proceedings of the national academy of sciences 113:e4759–e4760. doi:10.1073/pnas.1610697113. nature’s pharmacopoeia: a world of medicinal plants. by dan choffnes. 2016. columbia university press, new york. 332 pp. narchi. 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):70–71 70 reviews sinensis), cacao (theobroma cacao), and tobacco (nicotiana tabacum). other chapters cover a) concepts of ethnomedicine, b) the regulation of drugs, c) the action of medicinal plants, d) the action of medicinal plants on the nervous system, e) a chapter on popular herbs, and finally, f) a chapter on the future of medicinal plants where the author makes the case for a promising future for ethnopharmacology as a source of drugs, drug precursors, and as an option for fair benefit sharing among local and global actors. in my opinion, the most valuable part of the book is found in chapter 1: concepts of ethnomedicine. unlike many other books including herbal manuals, phamacopoeias, and species-specific volumes, nature’s pharmacopoeia manages to offer a general description of the ecologies of traditional medicine as understood by peoples from east and south asia, the americas, and africa. after this general description, the author highlights some generic features shared by a majority of the medicinal systems described in the previous section of the chapter. one of the things that i find problematic in this section is the broad generalization that results from lumping together two or three medicinal systems by region while announcing them as continental medicinal systems within a section title. i completely understand the general, yet comprehensive nature of the book and applaud the effort in compiling and producing such an extensive piece. nonetheless, if we think of this book as a piece written for an audience with little background on the topic, then, the labeling of this section could misguide these naïve readers into thinking these medicinal systems are ubiquitous and homogenous throughout large areas, even continents. there are many reasons people undergo anthropological training. i am the type of anthropologist who was drawn to the discipline because of a nearly innate interest in natural medicines. therefore, when i first entered my office to find that dan choffnes’ book had finally arrived for me to review, i was very excited. i unwrapped the book and started looking through the index… but then my excitement started to morph into apathy as i thought i was looking at yet another book on phytochemicals whose main focus was psychotropics; one of many remakes of schultes and hoffman’s (1982) plants of the gods. this feeling of apathy followed me as i read the preface. i then ventured to read the introduction and my prejudice started to give way. perhaps it was the author’s intimate narratives of the life histories of plants, their physiology and capabilities to produce secondary metabolites in the midst of an ever-going chemical war. humans, the author claims, were able from the onset of our species to somehow detect the metabolites that plants used to wage war. humans were able to use these chemicals to procure healthcare and provide identities to their societies. in the long run, humans would ultimately develop a rich biocultural heritage for each human society. these affirmations convinced me to give the volume a deeper read. the book is comprised of 15 chapters, most of which are dedicated to exploring the sexy and mundane histories of legal and controlled psychotropic plants. the list includes: poppy (papaver somniferum), coca (erithroxylum coca), peyote (lophophora williamsii), wormwood (artemisa absinthium), hemp (cannabis sativa), coffee (coffea spp.), tea (camellia nature’s pharmacopoeia: a world of medicinal plants. by dan choffnes. 2016. columbia university press, new york. 332 pp. nemer e. narchi 1* 1 centro de estudios en geografía humana, el colegio de michoacán, la piedad, michoacán, méxico. * narchi@colmich.edu.mx received march 29, 2017 open access accepted april 14, 2017 doi 10.14237/ebl.8.1.2017.952 copyright © 2017 by the author(s) licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. narchi. 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):70–71 71 reviews it is true that some medicinal systems (e.g., umami, ayurveda or hippocratic-galenic views of health) expand through vast regions of the world and serve millions of peoples to this day. however, groups possessing unique and pragmatic medicinal systems that have little or no relationship with the spirit world (e.g., seri [comcaac] from sonora, mexico) are poorly represented throughout the section. i think it is these different, irreplaceable, and endangered medicinal systems, kept by small groups of people, that should be prioritized in future descriptions, essays, and research on medicinal systems because of their uniqueness and vulnerability. one theme that is present among the chapters dealing with psychotropic plants, and a thing that i deeply appreciate, is the critical treatment given to the demonization of these sorts of plants and substances. for instance, chapter 9 clearly sketches that the criminalization of marijuana has, since the late nineteenth century, served as a discursive arena in which right-wing actors have constantly attempted to link crime and ethnicity in rather deterministic ways. similar discussions can be found in the chapter dedicated to wormwood, a plant that, when used as a main ingredient in absinthe, allegedly contributed to the creation of many societal ills. in the end, wormwood-based absinthe was restricted and driven to near extinction. as i have already mentioned, chapters 5–13 were developed around single plants, most of which offer extensive literature reviews, something dan choffnes does admirably as he ventures into explaining the very general and widely known facts of these plants, but also those peculiar and minute details that make each of the individual histories of each organism interesting and flavorful. it is this meticulous style that i consider the most important contribution in the book and its spirit can be best seen in the 36 pages comprising chapter 14. in chapter 14, the author elaborates around 16 nutraceuticals and dietary supplements, including popularly used plants such as cranberries (vaccinium macrocarpon), garlic (allium sativum), ginseng (panax spp.), and valeriana (valeriana officinalis) along with other not-so-commercial plants such as horehound (marrubium vulgare) and kava (piper methysticum). i deeply value that besides the chemistry and natural histories involved, the author took the time to discuss the alleged—and sometimes controversial— therapeutic effects of each plant to contrast these with a research-grounded view of their physiological, pharmacological, and health related effects. in sum, nature’s pharmacopoeia is not the most authoritative piece on medicinal plants and it should not be, as this is far from the intention of this book, whose goals are to present an introductory piece for non-experts. the book excels at fulfilling these aspirations, as it provides the reader with wonderful illustrations that frame vivid and passionate narratives that manage to portray peoples and cultures as fundamental actors in the life history of each plant. references cited schultes, r. e., and a. hoffman 1982. plantas de los dioses: orígenes del uso de alucinógenos. fondo de cultura económica, mexico. traditional uses of plants in the tolfa–cerite–manziate area (central italy) ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):119-161. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.288. 119 research communication by romans (third century bc) (vander poppen 2008). it belonged to the papal states from the eighth century to the nineteenth century. the area has always had a rural character despite its proximity to the city of rome and its suburbs (salvati and sabbi 2011). today, this rural area is famous for cattle breeds (e.g., the maremmana) but local farmers also raise horses, sheep, and other animals. over time, people in the study area have developed a complex corpus of ethnobiological knowledge and traditions. this knowledge has only been explored in the ethnobiological literature once by p. m. guarrera and m. chiavoni over a period spanning from 1980 to 1990 (guarrera 1994). despite the fact that only a part of the territory was surveyed (tolfa mountains and canale monterano) and documented uses were limited to medicinal and food plants, the study by guarrera (1994) suggested the presence of a rich body of ethnobiological knowledge. the current study is nested within a broader research project aimed at exploring ethnobotanical knowledge in italy (e.g., caneva et al. 2013; guarrera 2006) and has two aims: introduction local, traditional, or indigenous knowledge of plant uses is rapidly disappearing in many areas of the world (cox 2000). this is especially evident in several european countries, where such knowledge evolved over centuries of human use of the environment (pardo-de-santayana et al. 2010). despite this recent cultural erosion, ethnobotanical research in europe is still limited in comparison with other regions, especially for studies exploring plant uses other than medicine and food. many ethnobotanical studies have been carried out in italy over the last few decades (guarrera 2006). the majority of these studies focused on medicinal plant uses. despite the fact that researchers have hypothesized contamination of local ethnobotanical knowledge either with ancient medicinal treatises or neoteric knowledge (leonti et al. 2009; pardo-desantayana et al. 2010), many studies continue to highlight interesting and novel plant uses. in this ethnobiological study, we focus our attention on the tolfa-cerite-manziate area. the territory has been inhabited over time by protoetruscans, etruscans (seventh century bc) and then traditional uses of plants in the tolfa–cerite–manziate area (central italy) paolo maria guarrera 1 , valentina savo 2, 3* , and giulia caneva 3 author addresses: 1 istituto centrale per la demoetnoantropologia, ministero dei beni e delle attività culturali e del turismo, piazza marconi 8-10, 00144 rome, italy. 2 hakai institute, simon fraser university, 8888 university drive, burnaby, bc v5a 1s6, canada. 3 department of science, university roma tre, viale marconi 446, 00146 rome, italy. * corresponding author: vsavo@sfu.ca received: october 17, 2014 volume: 6(1):119-161 published: september 2, 2015 © 2015 society of ethnobiology abstract: traditional knowledge of local plant uses is rapidly fading away, especially in rural mediterranean areas. we carried out ethnobotanical research in 2010-2011 in order to investigate the local knowledge of wild plants in the tolfa– cerite–manziate area of italy (latium, district of rome). we carried out a total of 45 semi-structured interviews with farmers, herders, and fishers. here, a simple diachronic comparison is made between the current study and a previous one conducted in some of the villages of the study area to highlight potential losses of traditional knowledge of local plants. w e documented a total of 102 plant species, belonging to 48 families, along with their uses (excluding food uses). we also reported some non-plant based remedies that were primarily used in veterinary medicine. some plant uses, especially for making handicrafts, have not been reported previously (e.g., those of celtis australis l. cannabaceae, betula pendula roth betulaceae). many plant uses are no longer remembered in the area, which indicates a loss of local ethnobotanical knowledge. keywords: ethnobiology, folk remedies, cultural erosion, latium ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):119-161. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.288. 120 research communication to document information on current ethnobotanical knowledge of people in the tolfa–cerite– manziate area (including plant uses that are often neglected such as those related to handicraft making, domestic and agro-pastoral uses as well as ritual use). to compare the data collected in this study with those reported in guarrera (1994), which dates back to the 1990s and to other studies in the latium region in order to identify loss of knowledge and novelty in plant uses. extensive data on food plants are reported in a separate article. study area the investigated area covers the northern part of the nuts-3 prefecture of rome (latium, central italy) with a total surface of 556 km2 (figure 1). the area is located between longitude 11° 44’-12° 11’ and latitude 41°55’-42°14’. as part of an ancient volcanic system, the area is bounded by mountains (monti cimini and monti sabatini) and by the tyrrhenian sea. the landscape is featured by a mosaic of plains, hills and low mountains (the highest elevation of the tolfa mountains is the monte delle grazie, 616 m a.s.l.). mountains are partially of volcanic origin and formed by older sedimentary deposits of flyschoids (angelelli and faramondi 1995; devoto and lombardi 1977). the alluvial plain of the tiber river constitutes part of the lowlands of the area (salvati and sabbi, 2011). the climate is mediterranean with some areas at the edge of the temperate belt (savo et al. 2012). the average long-term (1951-2007) annual rainfall totals 805 mm, while the average annual medium temperature is 15.5 °c [climate data were obtained from the cra-cma (2012)]. however, decreases in precipitation coupled with an increase of temperature have been recorded in recent years (savo et al. 2012). the vegetation landscape is characterized by a mosaic of pastures, cultivated land, and woodland. a figure 1. geographical position of the study area with names of the municipalities. ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):119-161. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.288. 121 research communication majority of the landscape persists as natural or seminatural habitats (fanelli et al. 2007), despite the occurrence of fires (especially during the summer) and the relatively high human presence (urban sprawl from the city of rome). the typical mediterranean landscape has been preserved in some stands, including meadows with wild cynara cardunculus l. asteraceae and grasslands with sulphurous springs. most of the woodlands are composed of broad-leaf species (e.g., fagus sylvatica l. fagaceae, quercus robur l. fagaceae, castanea sativa mill. fagaceae), especially on hillsides (anzalone 1961; di pietro 2010; spada 1977). the area includes many sites of the natura 2000 network and sites of community importance (sci) (habitats directive1). a large part of the study area is covered by scattered towns and villages. some industrial areas are located in the southern lowlands close to the city of rome, while rural areas are more abundant in the western part of the study area (salvati and sabbi, 2011). methods ethnobotanical survey and analysis of data the tolfa–cerite–manziate area includes 9 municipalities: allumiere, anguillara sabazia, bracciano, canale monterano, cerveteri, manziana, santa marinella, tolfa, and trevignano romano (figure 1). these municipalities span from the coast to an inland hilly area bordering bracciano lake (of volcanic origin). we collected data on plant uses between 2010 and 2011 through semi-structured interviews without time limits (bernard 1988). we used a purposive sampling technique (bernard 1988) by selecting informants among people with a close relationship with the local environment. when approaching a village, we approached elders sitting on benches, people at senior centers, or people working on their land. in some cases information on potential informants was also solicited from local bartenders. informants were selected among farmers, shepherds (butteri), fishers and housewives (who generally cultivate at least a home garden). during our field surveys, we performed 45 interviews. each informant was first presented information about the aims of the study and prior informed consent (rosenthal 2006) was requested verbally before starting the interview. consent was also requested to conduct interviews using an audio recorder and to photograph plants and eventually handicrafts or herbal preparations. interviews were conducted following the ise code of ethics (ise 2006). interviews were structured in two parts. the first part of the interview was aimed at collecting personal data on the informants (age, job, place of residence). the second part of the interview was focused on the relationship of the informants with plants and concerning how informants were using plants. specifically, we recorded data on the vernacular name of the species, the description of uses, and the parts used. we also recorded if informants used fresh or dried plants and if they used plant species in combination with others. in addition, we recorded how mixtures are prepared and doses related to plant uses (especially of medicinal plants). in this paper, we report all plant uses with the exception of food uses (table 1, table 2): medicinal, veterinary, handicraft, domestic, ritual uses, games, agro-pastoral, and antiparasitic uses. plant uses were categorized following the classification suggested in signorini et al. (2013), with the addition of the category for anti-parasitic uses, which was not considered in that work. we also reported non-plant based uses, which are mostly remedies used in human and veterinary folk medicine (table 3). we gathered the plants used and noted by the informants. all the plants that were mentioned were taken into account even if noted by a sole informant. plant species were identified following the “flora d’italia” (pignatti 1982) with use of updated scientific nomenclature (theplantlist.org 2014). the reported plant uses were then qualitatively compared to those reported in a previous study (guarrera 1994) conducted in a region partially overlapping with the study area. similar comparisons done in other regions are reported in di tizio et al. (2012) and pieroni et al. (2013). methods used in this study were similar to those used in the guarrera (1994) even though that study was mainly focused on medicinal and food plants and was conducted at a different time and in a smaller area. the small set of data did not allow for quantitative analyses so, for this reason, we only performed a qualitative comparison of lists of plant species and plant uses. as an example, the use of s. nigra to make blowguns was documented in guarrera (1994) but it was also reported by informants in the current study. other plant uses were generally similar, such as the use of olive oil for tending burns in our study and for treating insect bites ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):119-161. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.288. 122 research communication t a b le 1 . li st o f fo lk u se s o f p la n ts ( m e d ic in a l, v e te ri n a ry , a n ti -p a ra si ti c, h a n d ic ra ft s, d o m e sti c, a g ro -p a st o ra l, r it u a l u se s, g a m e s) . s ci e n ti fi c n a m e v e rn a cu la r n a m e p la n t p a rt p la n t u se c a te g o ry a n d d e sc ri p ti o n 1 , 2 n o . o f in fo rm a n ts 3 v il la g e 4 t e v e ri n a 5 c io ci a ri a 5 a cq u a p e n d e n te 5 f a m il y a d o xa ce a e s a m b u cu s n ig ra l . s a m b u co s te m g a m * : t o m a k e b lo w g u n s b a l, t r y le a v e s a g r -p a : le a v e s a s fo d d e r a a n f ru it s d o m + : ju ic e t o d y e cl o th e s a a l f ru it s d o m * : ju ic e t o m a k e i n k a a l, a n y f a m il y a m a ry ll id a ce a e a ll iu m c e p a l . c ip o ll a b u lb m e d : p e o p le u se d to e a t la rg e a m o u n ts o f a . ce p a a n d a . sa ti vu m t o cu re t h e s p a g n o la fl u ( te rr ib le in fe cti o u s d is e a se sp re a d d u ri n g t h e f ir st w o rl d w a r) a a n a ll iu m s a ti vu m l . a io b u lb m e d : s e e a . ce p a a a n b u lb a g r -p a : m in ce d g a rl ic a s b ir d se e d fo r ch ic k s a c r b u lb m e d : g a rl ic n e ck la ce s w e re m a d e f o r k id s to w e a r a s a n th e lm in ti c a a n x x y b u lb v e t * : g a rl ic a s b ir d se e d t o c u re d is e a se s o f p o u lt ry a m a x f a m il y a n a ca rd ia ce a e p is ta ci a l e n ti sc u s l. le n ti sc h io b ra n ch e s, re si n m e d * : in t h e p a st , b o il e d a n d u se d t o h e a l to o th a ch e (m o u th w a sh e s) a a l (c o n ti n u e d o n n e xt p a g e ) ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):119-161. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.288. 123 research communication (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re vi o u s p a g e ) s ci e n ti fi c n a m e v e rn a cu la r n a m e p la n t p a rt p la n t u se c a te g o ry a n d d e sc ri p ti o n 1 , 2 n o . o f in fo rm a n ts 3 v il la g e 4 t e v e ri n a 5 c io ci a ri a 5 a cq u a p e n d e n te 5 b ra n ch e s d o m : b ra n ch e s to b in d b u n d le s o f fi re w o o d a c r f a m il y a q u if o li a ce a e il e x a q u if o li u m l . t re n ta ve cc h ie w h o le p la n t r it * : in t h e p a st , th e w h o le p la n ts w e re u se d a s c h ri st m a s tr e e s a c m , m a y f a m il y a p ia ce a e a p iu m g ra ve o le n s l. s e d a n o s te m m e d + : t h e s te m w a s b o il e d a n d e a te n a s d iu re ti c a t o s te m m e d : t h e s te m w a s b o il e d a n d e a te n a s la xa ti ve a b r f o e n ic u lu m v u lg a re m il l. f in o cc h ie ll a w h o le p la n t m e d : d e co cti o n w a s d ru n k f o r it s re fr e sh in g p ro p e rti e s a s m x f a m il y a ra ce a e a ru m i ta li cu m m il l. g ià ve ro le a v e s a g r -p a * : b o il e d le a v e s a s fo d d e r fo r p ig s a c m x f a m il y a ra li a ce a e h e d e ra h e li x l. e d e ra le a v e s a g r -p a : f o d d e r fo r co w s a a n le a v e s m e d : b o il e d l e a v e s w e re m ix e d w it h b re a d c ru m b le s a n d p u t o n w o u n d s a a n f a m il y a st e ra ce a e c a le n d u la a rv e n si s m . b ie b . a e ri a l p a rt s a g r -p a : a s a g a la ct a g o g u e f o r co w s a c m (c o n ti n u e d o n n e xt p a g e ) ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):119-161. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.288. 124 research communication (c o n ti n u e d o n n e xt p a g e ) (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re vi o u s p a g e ) s ci e n ti fi c n a m e v e rn a cu la r n a m e p la n t p a rt p la n t u se c a te g o ry a n d d e sc ri p ti o n 1 , 2 n o . o f in fo rm a n ts 3 v il la g e 4 t e v e ri n a 5 c io ci a ri a 5 a cq u a p e n d e n te 5 c o ta ti n ct o ri a ( l. ) j. g a y s. l. c a p e zz ò n e , ca p o zz ò n e f lo w e rh e a d s r it : in l o ca l fl o ra l ca rp e t co m p o si ti o n s (i n fi o ra te ) b a l m a tr ic a ri a c h a m o m il la l . c a m o m il la f lo w e rh e a d s m e d * : m o u th w a sh e s w it h in fu si o n t o c u re so re t h ro a t (s ti ll i n u se ) a c m x f lo w e rh e a d s m e d * : d e co cti o n a g a in st i n te sti n a l p a in a a n , c r x x p ic ri s sp . s tr a m a a e ri a l p a rt s a g r -p a : f o d d e r fo r h o rs e s a b r s il yb u m m a ri a n u m ( l. ) g a e rt n . s e e d s, d ry p la n t a g r -p a + : s e e d s w e re u se d f o r fe e d in g a n im a ls a a n x t a n a ce tu m b a ls a m it a l . s a n ta m a ri a f lo w e rh e a d s r it : in t h e r it u a l w a te r fo r th e s a in t jo h n f e a st a lo n g w it h l . a n g u sti fo li a , a . ti n ct o ri a a n d le a v e s o f j. r e g ia ; o r w it h t . p a rt h e n iu m , le a ve s o f j. r e g ia a n d fl o w e rs o f h . p e rf o ra tu m b a l x x y ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):119-161. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.288. 125 research communication (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re vi o u s p a g e ) s ci e n ti fi c n a m e v e rn a cu la r n a m e p la n t p a rt p la n t u se c a te g o ry a n d d e sc ri p ti o n 1 , 2 n o . o f in fo rm a n ts 3 v il la g e 4 t e v e ri n a 5 c io ci a ri a 5 a cq u a p e n d e n te 5 m a tr ic a ri a f lo w e rs r it * : in t h e r it u a l w a te r fo r th e s a in t jo h n f e a st a lo n g w it h l e a v e s o f j. re g ia , fl o w e rs o f h . p e rf o ra tu m a n d a ro m a ti c h e rb s (e .g ., t . b a ls a m it a ). t h e w a te r is v e ry fr a g ra n t b a l x y f a m il y a sp a ra g a ce a e r u sc u s a cu le a tu s l. p u n g it o p o b ra n ch e s d o m : t o m a k e b ro o m s a a n , t r f ru it s m e d : o n ce u se d t o cu re t h e s p a g n o la fl u a a n f a m il y b e tu la ce a e b e tu la p e n d u la r o th w o o d d o m : t o m a k e m o rt a rs ( u se d f o r p o u n d in g s a lt ) a c m c a rp in u s b e tu lu s l. c a rp in e w o o d d o m : t o m a k e ch a rc o a l, s e e a . u n e d o a b r o st ry a c a rp in if o li a s co p . c a rp in e w o o d d o m : t o m a k e ch a rc o a l, s e e a . u n e d o a b r f a m il y b ra ss ic a ce a e b ra ss ic a o le ra ce a l . v e rz a le a v e s m e d * : le a ve s w e re p u t o n t h e w o u n d s a s b a n d a g e a a l x b ra ss ic a r a p a l . s. l. le a v e s, tu rn ip s a g r -p a : f o d d e r fo r co w s a c m r a p h a n u s ra p h a n is tr u m l . r a m o ra cc io p la n t a g r -p a : f o d d e r fo r ra b b it s a a n (c o n ti n u e d o n n e xt p a g e ) ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):119-161. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.288. 126 research communication (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re vi o u s p a g e ) s ci e n ti fi c n a m e v e rn a cu la r n a m e p la n t p a rt p la n t u se c a te g o ry a n d d e sc ri p ti o n 1 , 2 n o . o f in fo rm a n ts 3 v il la g e 4 t e v e ri n a 5 c io ci a ri a 5 a cq u a p e n d e n te 5 f a m il y c a n n a b a ce a e c a n n a b is s a ti va l . c a n a p a f ib e rs d o m : u se d t o re p a ir c ra ck s in b a rr e ls . o n ce t h e p la n t w a s cu lti va te d i n c a n a le m o n te ra n o b c m f ib e rs f is h -h : t o r e p a ir cr a ck s in b o a t p la n k in g a a n f ib e rs a g r -p a + : t o m a k e h a lt e rs f o r p a ck a n im a ls a b r f ib e rs d o m + : t o m a k e b e d s h e e ts a a n f ib e rs f is h -h + : o n ce cu lti va te d t o m a k e ro p e s, i t w a s so a k e d i n w a te r fo r a w e e k b e fo re u se b a n , b r y f ib e rs f is h -h + : t h e n e ts o f th e fi sh e rm e n o n ce w e re m a d e w it h h e m p a a n f ib e rs g a m : t o m a k e sm a ll p e ll e ts f o r b lo w g u n s b a l, t r c e lti s a u st ra li s l. w o o d h a n : t h e w o o d b e n d s e a si ly . r in g sh a p e d o b je ct s (r o cc e tt e ) w e re m a d e w it h t h e v e ry fl e xi b le w o o d f o r m u le s a d d le s a n d o th e r p ie ce s o f th e sa d d le c a l, a n , c m , p o zz a rà g o (a l, c m ), p o n za rà g o (b r ), b u zz a ra co (c m ,c r , m a ), p u zz a rà g o (t r ) c r , t r (c o n ti n u e d o n n e xt p a g e ) ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):119-161. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.288. 127 research communication (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re vi o u s p a g e ) s ci e n ti fi c n a m e v e rn a cu la r n a m e p la n t p a rt p la n t u se c a te g o ry a n d d e sc ri p ti o n 1 , 2 n o . o f in fo rm a n ts 3 v il la g e 4 t e v e ri n a 5 c io ci a ri a 5 a cq u a p e n d e n te 5 w o o d h a n : t o m a k e co n n e cti n g r o d s a n d p ie ce s o f m o w e rs , si n ce t h e p la n t h a s a v e ry h a rd a n d e la sti c w o o d a t r w o o d h a n : t o m a k e sh e p h e rd c a n e s. d u ri n g t h e p ro ce ss th e w o o d i s st re n g th e n e d u si n g fi re a a n f a m il y c a ry o p h il la ce a e s il e n e v u lg a ri s (m o e n ch ) g a rc k e c iu fo lé tti (b r ), c iu fo lé tt o (c m ) f ru it s g a m + : t h e e m p ti e d f ru it s a re u se d a s w h is tl e s b a n , b r , c m y p la n t a g r -p a : f o d d e r fo r p ig s a b r f a m il y c o n vo lv u la ce a e c o n vo lv u lu s a rv e n si s l. c u rr io la , g ri o la a e ri a l p a rt s a g r -p a : f o d d e r fo r ra b b it s a n d b o re s. in t h e p a st a ls o f o r h e n s a c r x f a m il y c o rn a ce a e c o rn u s m a s l. c rò g n o lo , c rò g n e lo , c ro g n à le w o o d h a n * : t h e w o o d i s u se d t o m a k e d iff e re n t h a n d icr a ft s (s ti ck s, h a n d le s, h o o k s a n d sh e p h e rd c a n e s) . t h e p ro ce ss o f m a k in g c a n e s is si m il a r to t h e o n e d e sc ri b e d f o r c . a u st ra li s b c m y (c o n ti n u e d o n n e xt p a g e ) ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):119-161. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.288. 128 research communication (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re vi o u s p a g e ) (c o n ti n u e d o n n e xt p a g e ) s ci e n ti fi c n a m e v e rn a cu la r n a m e p la n t p a rt p la n t u se c a te g o ry a n d d e sc ri p ti o n 1 , 2 n o . o f in fo rm a n ts 3 v il la g e 4 t e v e ri n a 5 c io ci a ri a 5 a cq u a p e n d e n te 5 f a m il y c u cu rb it a ce a e e cb a ll iu m e la te ri u m ( l. ) a . r ic h . s ch iz za ve le n i f ru it s g a m : k id s sq u e e ze d t h e f ru it to m a k e i t e xp lo d e a a l f a m il y c y p e ra ce a e s ci rp o id e s h o lo sc h o e n u s (l .) s o ja k g iò n co s te m d o m : t o m a k e sm a ll b a sk e ts (f u sc e ll e ) fo r ri co tt a a c m f a m il y d io sc o re a ce a e d io sc o re a c o m m u n is ( l. ) c a d d ic k & w il k in r a fa n o , a b b ò ie le f ru it s m e d * : f ru it s w e re ru b b e d o n to t h e sk in t o c u re b a ck a ch e a a l x x y f a m il y e ri ca ce a e a rb u tu s u n e d o l . c e ra sa m a ri n a w o o d d o m : f ir e w o o d a a l e ri ca a rb o re a l . b ru g o ( a l) , s co p a m a ri n a ( c m , c r ) w o o d d o m : u se d a s fi re w o o d a n d t o m a k e c h a rc o a l (t h e w o o d w a s p u t in a h o le o n t h e g ro u n d , le a vi n g sm a ll a p e rt u re s fo r a e ra ti o n a n d t h e n th e w o o d w a s le ft b u rn in g v e ry sl o w ly ) b a l, b r w o o d d o m : w o o d w a s ca rv e d t o m a k e fi g u ri n e s a c m ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):119-161. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.288. 129 research communication (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re vi o u s p a g e ) (c o n ti n u e d o n n e xt p a g e ) s ci e n ti fi c n a m e v e rn a cu la r n a m e p la n t p a rt p la n t u se c a te g o ry a n d d e sc ri p ti o n 1 , 2 n o . o f in fo rm a n ts 3 v il la g e 4 t e v e ri n a 5 c io ci a ri a 5 a cq u a p e n d e n te 5 r o o t h a n : t h e r o o ts w e re c a rv e d t o m a k e s m o k in g p ip e s. t h e r o o t is h a rv e st e d d u ri n g w in te r, c le a n e d a n d p ro ce ss e d (s o m e ti m e s p ip e s w e re a ls o co m m e rc ia li ze d , e .g ., i n a l) b a l, c m , c r a e ri a l p a rt s r it : d u ri n g w in te r, b u n d le s o f e ri ca w e re u se d t o m a k e b o n fi re s fo r th e fe a st o f o u r la d y o f lo re to a a l b ra n ch e s r it : a s m a ll b ro o m o f e ri ca w a s p u t b e h in d d o o rs t o k e e p t h e “ e v il e y e ” a w a y a a l f a m il y e u p h o rb ia ce a e e u p h o rb ia c h a ra ci a s l. e rb a m o ra , t u tu m a g li u a e ri a l p a rt s f is h -h * : t h e p la n t w a s u se d f o r il le g a l fi sh in g i n f re sh w a te r b a si n s (m a rs h e s, d ic h e s) b c r , s m a e ri a l p a rt s m e d * : u se d f o r co m p re ss e s in c a se o f to o th a ch e a b r f a m il y f a b a ce a e c e ra to n ia s il iq u a l . s e e d s a g r -p a : f o d d e r fo r li ve st o ck a s m ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):119-161. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.288. 130 research communication (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re vi o u s p a g e ) (c o n ti n u e d o n n e xt p a g e ) s ci e n ti fi c n a m e v e rn a cu la r n a m e p la n t p a rt p la n t u se c a te g o ry a n d d e sc ri p ti o n 1 , 2 n o . o f in fo rm a n ts 3 v il la g e 4 t e v e ri n a 5 c io ci a ri a 5 a cq u a p e n d e n te 5 c yti su s sc o p a ri u s (l .) l in k s co p a , s co p ij a ( a n , c m ), s co p ò n e (a l, t r ) s te m s a g r -p a * : s te m s w e re u se d t o m a k e h u ts ( p a ra cé n to li ) in t h e p a st c a l, a n , c m , t r y f lo w e rs r it : t o m a k e fl o ra l ca rp e ts ( in fi o ra te ) (s e e s . ju n ce u m ) a c m m e d ic a g o s a ti va l . e rb a m e d ic a p la n ts i n fl o w e r a g r -p a + : g a la ct a g o g u e f o r co w s a a n x o n o b ry ch is v ic ii fo li a s co p . s u ll a a e ri a l p a rt s a g r -p a : f o d d e r fo r li ve st o ck a s m r o b in ia p se u d o a ca ci a l . m a rr ù ca (a l, b r , c m ), a g à ce (a l) w o o d h a n : t o m a k e h a n d le s, r a il ro a d ti e s a n d t o m a k e sh a ft s o f sm a ll h a n d ca rt s a c m w o o d h a n : t o m a k e h a n d le s o f h o e s a b r w o o d d o m : t o m a k e ca rv in g f o rk s to s ti r th e a cq u a co tt a ( a lo ca l ty p ic a l so u p ) a a l le a v e s a g r -p a : le a v e s a s fo d d e r fo r ra b b it s a a n s p a rti u m j u n ce u m l . g in e st ra , m a g g io (c m ) s te m v e t : o n ce , b u ll s w e re c a st ra te d u si n g t h e s te m a b r s te m a g r -p a * : o n ce , st e m s w e re u se d t o ti e v in e s a n d to m a to e s (i t is p u t in w a te r b e fo re t h e u se i n a l) c a l, a n , b r , c m , t r y ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):119-161. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.288. 131 research communication (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re vi o u s p a g e ) (c o n ti n u e d o n n e xt p a g e ) s ci e n ti fi c n a m e v e rn a cu la r n a m e p la n t p a rt p la n t u se c a te g o ry a n d d e sc ri p ti o n 1 , 2 n o . o f in fo rm a n ts 3 v il la g e 4 t e v e ri n a 5 c io ci a ri a 5 a cq u a p e n d e n te 5 s te m d o m * : o n ce , to m a k e t h e f u sc e ll e (c o n ta in e rs f o r ch e e se o r ri co tt a ) a c m s te m d o m + : t o b in d b u n d le s o f fi re w o o d a a l f lo w e rs r it * : o n ce , fl o w e rs w e re u se d t o m a k e fl o ra l ca rp e ts (i n fi o ra te ) o n t h e c o rp u s c h ri sti d a y (a ls o o n t h e a sc e n si o n d a y i n c m ). f lo w e rs o f c . sc o p a ri u s a n d p e ta ls o f r o sa s p . p l. w e re a ls o u se d to c re a te s h a p e s a n d d ra w in g s o n th e s tr e e ts c a l, b r , c m , t r y t ri fo li u m i n ca rn a tu m l . c a p o ro ss o a e ri a l p a rt s a g r -p a : g a la ct a g o g u e f o r li ve st o ck a a n t ri fo li u m p ra te n se l . t ri fo g li o a e ri a l p a rt s a g r -p a : g a la ct a g o g u e f o r li ve st o ck a a n ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):119-161. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.288. 132 research communication (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re vi o u s p a g e ) s ci e n ti fi c n a m e v e rn a cu la r n a m e p la n t p a rt p la n t u se c a te g o ry a n d d e sc ri p ti o n 1 , 2 n o . o f in fo rm a n ts 3 v il la g e 4 t e v e ri n a 5 c io ci a ri a 5 a cq u a p e n d e n te 5 f a m il y f a g a ce a e c a st a n e a s a ti va m il l. w o o d d o m * : t o m a k e th e c u ri à to ( fl a il ), u se d t o p o u n d ce re a ls o r to m a k e th e v a t (p is ta rò la o r p e st a rò la ) fo r p re p a ri n g w in e a c m w o o d h a n * : t o b u il d b a rr e ls b b r , c m , t r y w o o d h a n + : t o m a k e t h e w h e e l to s h a rp e n k n if e s a n d s ic k le s; to b u il d h a n d le s a n d c e il in g s a c m y w o o d d o m * : t o m a k e fu rn it u re c a l, a n , c m , t r y w o o d d o m + : t o m a k e b e a m s a n d t a b le s a a n , c m lo g s a g r -p a * : p o le s fo r vi n e s a c m w o o d d o m + : w o o d i s u se d f o r b u il d in g fe n ce s, s h u tt e rs , w in d o w f ra m e s a b r le a v e s d o m : le a ve s a re u se d t o c le a n a n d p e rf u m e b a rr e ls o f ch e st n u t w o o d . le a v e s a re b o il e d w it h l e a v e s o f p . p e rs ic a a n d o f j. re g ia a b r , m a (c o n ti n u e d o n n e xt p a g e ) ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):119-161. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.288. 133 research communication (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re vi o u s p a g e ) s ci e n ti fi c n a m e v e rn a cu la r n a m e p la n t p a rt p la n t u se c a te g o ry a n d d e sc ri p ti o n 1 , 2 n o . o f in fo rm a n ts 3 v il la g e 4 t e v e ri n a 5 c io ci a ri a 5 a cq u a p e n d e n te 5 b a rk g a m * : p ie ce s o f b a rk c a n d e ta ch fr o m t h e t ru n k d u ri n g s p ri n g . t h is b a rk w a s u se d t o m a k e t h e p e ta ( a sm a ll t ru m p e t) a a l le a v e s d o m * : le a v e s a re w e a ve d t o m a k e a h a t to s ta y f re sh d u ri n g t h e s u m m e r a a l le a v e s g a m : le a v e s w e re ro ll e d t o m a k e ci g a re tt e s a a l s h o o ts d o m : t o b in d b u n d le s o f w o o d a a l w o o d f is h -h : t o m a k e o a rs a a n , t r f a g u s sy lv a ti ca l . f a g g io w o o d d o m : t o m a k e ch e e se f o rm s a c m lo g s a g r -p a : t o m a k e p lo u g h s a c m w o o d d o m : t o m a k e a si e ve ( cr iv e ll o ) fo r ce re a ls ; th e w o o d is e a si ly b e n d a c m x w o o d h a n : t o m a k e t h e cà vo le ( ta p s fo r b a rr e ls ) a n d t h e p la n k o f th e sh o e m a k e r a c m w o o d h a n + : t o b u il d se ve ra l h a n d ic ra ft o b je ct s a b r s h o o ts d o m * : t o b in d b u n d le s o f fi re w o o d a a l (c o n ti n u e d o n n e xt p a g e ) ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):119-161. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.288. 134 research communication (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re vi o u s p a g e ) (c o n ti n u e d o n n e xt p a g e ) s ci e n ti fi c n a m e v e rn a cu la r n a m e p la n t p a rt p la n t u se c a te g o ry a n d d e sc ri p ti o n 1 , 2 n o . o f in fo rm a n ts 3 v il la g e 4 t e v e ri n a 5 c io ci a ri a 5 a cq u a p e n d e n te 5 w o o d d o m * : t o m a k e fu rn it u re a a l, c r q u e rc u s ce rr is l . c e rr o g a ll s m e d + : t o p re p a re a n o in tm e n t to a p p ly o n w o u n d s b a l, c m w o o d h a n : t o m a k e ra il ro a d ti e s (v e ry h a rd w o o d ) a c m w o o d f is h -h : t o b u il d b o a ts a t r w o o d d o m : t o b u il d fu rn it u re a a n w o o d d o m + : f ir e w o o d (f u e l fo r m a k in g b re a d ); a m o n g t h e b e st w o o d s fo r th is p u rp o se ( a l) b a l, b r w o o d a g r -p a : t o m a k e b e a m s a n d p o le s (r e si st a n t) a a n q u e rc u s il e x l. e lc e ( a n , b r ), e rc e (a l, t r ) w o o d d o m * : f ir e w o o d (f u e l fo r m a k in g b re a d ); t h e b e st w o o d f o r th is p u rp o se ( a l) b a l, b r w o o d h a n : t o m a k e ra il ro a d ti e s (v e ry re si st a n t) a t r q u e rc u s p u b e sc e n s w il ld . c e rq u a ( a l, a n , b r , c m ) g a ll s m e d + : t o p re p a re a n o in tm e n t to a p p ly o n w o u n d s b a l, c m x w o o d d o m + : f ir e w o o d (f o r m a k in g b re a d ) c a l, b r , c m y w o o d h a n + : t o m a k e ca n e s a c m w o o d d o m + : t o m a k e ch e st s a c m ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):119-161. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.288. 135 research communication (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re vi o u s p a g e ) (c o n ti n u e d o n n e xt p a g e ) s ci e n ti fi c n a m e v e rn a cu la r n a m e p la n t p a rt p la n t u se c a te g o ry a n d d e sc ri p ti o n 1 , 2 n o . o f in fo rm a n ts 3 v il la g e 4 t e v e ri n a 5 c io ci a ri a 5 a cq u a p e n d e n te 5 a co rn s a g r -p a * : f o d d e r fo r sh e e p a n d h o rs e s, b u t a ls o f o r b o re s a b r x y w o o d a g r -p a : t o m a k e p lo u g h s a c m y b ra n ch e s f is h -h : f o r w a vi n g fi sh t ra p s a a n w o o d h a n * : t o m a k e ra il ro a d ti e s a c m w o o d f is h -h * : t o b u il d b o a ts a a n , c m q u e rc u s su b e r l. b a rk h a n : t o m a k e t h e cu p e ll e ( sm a ll b a rr e ls ) a n d p ie ce s o f a p ia ri e s a a l b a rk f is h -h : t o m a k e fl o a ts s m b a rk d o m : t o m a k e sh o e s a a l f a m il y h y p e ri ca ce a e h yp e ri cu m p e rf o ra tu m l . s a n g io va n n i f lo w e rs r it : in t h e r it u a l w a te r fo r th e s a in t jo h n f e a st ( se e t . p a rt h e n iu m ) a a l f a m il y j u g la n d a ce a e ju g la n s re g ia l . w o o d d o m : t o m a k e fu rn it u re . it i s co n si d e re d a va lu a b le w o o d a c m , t r y ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):119-161. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.288. 136 research communication (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re vi o u s p a g e ) (c o n ti n u e d o n n e xt p a g e ) s ci e n ti fi c n a m e v e rn a cu la r n a m e p la n t p a rt p la n t u se c a te g o ry a n d d e sc ri p ti o n 1 , 2 n o . o f in fo rm a n ts 3 v il la g e 4 t e v e ri n a 5 c io ci a ri a 5 a cq u a p e n d e n te 5 le a v e s d o m : le a ve s a re u se d t o c le a n w o o d e n b a rr e ls . le a v e s a re b o il e d w it h l e a v e s o f p . p e rs ic a a n d o f c . sa ti va . t h e d e co cti o n i s a ls o u se d t o e li m in a te b la ck c o lo u ri n g a g e n ts a b r , m a le a v e s r it : in t h e r it u a l w a te r fo r th e s a in t jo h n f e a st a lo n g w it h t . p a rt h e n iu m , t . b a ls a m it a , l. a n g u sti fo li a a n d o th e r a ro m a ti c h e rb s b a l x y f a m il y l a m ia ce a e b a ll o ta n ig ra l . su b sp . fo e ti d a ( v is .) h a ye k c im ic e w h o le p la n t a g r -p a : f o d d e r fo r g o a ts a c m ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):119-161. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.288. 137 research communication (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re vi o u s p a g e ) (c o n ti n u e d o n n e xt p a g e ) s ci e n ti fi c n a m e v e rn a cu la r n a m e p la n t p a rt p la n t u se c a te g o ry a n d d e sc ri p ti o n 1 , 2 n o . o f in fo rm a n ts 3 v il la g e 4 t e v e ri n a 5 c io ci a ri a 5 a cq u a p e n d e n te 5 c li n o p o d iu m n e p e ta ( l. ) k u n tz e m e n tu cc ia se lv a ti ca a e ri a l p a rt s a -p a r * : b u n ch e s o f c . n e p e ta a re h u n g in o rd e r to k e e p m o sq u it o e s a w a y (t h e e ff e ct i s te m p o ra ry ). t h e p la n t is r u b b e d o n th e n e ck o f h o rs e s w it h v in e g a r to k e e p h o rs e fl ie s a w a y ( b u t th e re p e ll e n t e ff e ct i s a ls o t e m p o ra ry , si n ce i t co u ld l a st u p t o a n h o u r a n d a h a lf ). h u n te rs a ls o u se d t h is p la n t d u ri n g h u n ti n g tr ip s to k e e p in se ct s a w a y . h u n te rs u se d t o b ri n g a b o tt le o f vi n e g a r w it h b ra n ch e s o f c . n e p e ta i n i t) a b r x la va n d u la a n g u sti fo li a m il l. s p ig h e tt a in fl o re sc e n ce s a -p a r * : in t h e o ld e n ti m e s, p e o p le k e e p b u n ch e s o f th is p la n t a m o n g l in e n (f o r b o th t h e s ce n t a n d t h e a n ti p a ra si ti c p ro p e rti e s) . s o m e ti m e s b u n ch e s w e re ca n d ysh a p e d a a l, c r x ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):119-161. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.288. 138 research communication (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re vi o u s p a g e ) (c o n ti n u e d o n n e xt p a g e ) s ci e n ti fi c n a m e v e rn a cu la r n a m e p la n t p a rt p la n t u se c a te g o ry a n d d e sc ri p ti o n 1 , 2 n o . o f in fo rm a n ts 3 v il la g e 4 t e v e ri n a 5 c io ci a ri a 5 a cq u a p e n d e n te 5 in fl o re sc e n ce s r it * : in t h e r it u a l w a te r fo r th e s a in t jo h n f e a st ( se e j . re g ia ) a a l x s a lv ia o ffi ci n a li s l. s a lv ia le a v e s m e d : le a v e s a re ru b b e d o n t e e th t o cl e a n t h e m a b r x x y f a m il y l a u ra ce a e la u ru s n o b il is l . a ll o ro le a v e s m e d * : d e co cti o n a s d ig e sti ve a a l x x x le a v e s m e d : d e co cti o n f o r so re t h ro a t a c r f a m il y l in a ce a e li n u m u si ta ti ss im u m l . li n o s e e d s m e d * : h o t co m p re ss e s to c u re b o il s a c r x s e e d s m e d : h o t co m p re ss e s fo r w o u n d s a a n s e e d s v e t : s e e d s w e re p re se rv e d o ve r th e w in te r. s e e d s w e re so a k e d i n w a te r a n d t h e n f e d t o sh e e p a n d c o w s a s d ig e sti v e a a n s e e d s v e t : b o il e d s e e d s a s p u rg a ti v e a m a x f ib e rs o f th e s te m d o m + : t o m a k e ro p e s a n d s h e e ts ( it w a s o n ce cu lti va te d i n c m a n d a n ) a a n f a m il y m a lv a ce a e m a lv a s yl ve st ri s l. m a lv a , m a rm o la le a v e s m e d * : d e co cti o n a s la xa ti v e a b r x y ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):119-161. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.288. 139 research communication (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re vi o u s p a g e ) (c o n ti n u e d o n n e xt p a g e ) s ci e n ti fi c n a m e v e rn a cu la r n a m e p la n t p a rt p la n t u se c a te g o ry a n d d e sc ri p ti o n 1 , 2 n o . o f in fo rm a n ts 3 v il la g e 4 t e v e ri n a 5 c io ci a ri a 5 a cq u a p e n d e n te 5 a e ri a l p a rt s m e d * : d e co cti o n d ru n k f o r it s re fr e sh in g p ro p e rti e s in c a se o f st o m a ch a ch e c a l, b r , c m , c r , m a , s m x x y a e ri a l p a rt s, le a v e s m e d * : m o u th w a sh e s w it h th e d e co cti o n a g a in st t o o th a ch e b b r , c r , m a x x y le a v e s m e d : d e co cti o n (r e fr e sh in g ) fo r re d u ci n g t h e sw e ll in g ( fa ti g u e ) o f le g s a t r a e ri a l p a rt s, le a v e s a n d y o u n g b u d s m e d * : c o m p re ss e s w it h t h e d e co cti o n (a n ti -i n fl a m m a to ry ) a g a in st d e n ta l a b sc e ss e s. f re sh o r co o k e d l e a v e s w e re a ls o c h e w e d f o r th e s a m e p u rp o se c a l, b r , c m , t o x x y a e ri a l p a rt s m e d * : c o m p re ss e s o f th e b o il e d p la n t o n p im p le s a s re so lv e n t b a n , t o x x a e ri a l p a rt s m e d + : c o o k e d a n d p u t o n w o u n d s a a l le a v e s m e d : c ru sh e d a n d m ix e d w it h b re a d cr u m b s o n w o u n d s a a n a e ri a l p a rt s v e t * : d e co cti o n o f a e ri a l p a rt s a n d c . d a ct yl o n t o c u re li ve st o ck a b r y ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):119-161. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.288. 140 research communication (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re vi o u s p a g e ) (c o n ti n u e d o n n e xt p a g e ) s ci e n ti fi c n a m e v e rn a cu la r n a m e p la n t p a rt p la n t u se c a te g o ry a n d d e sc ri p ti o n 1 , 2 n o . o f in fo rm a n ts 3 v il la g e 4 t e v e ri n a 5 c io ci a ri a 5 a cq u a p e n d e n te 5 t il ia s p . p l. f lo w e rs m e d * : in fu si o n o f c . le m o n a n d t il ia sp . p l. a s se d a ti v e , fo r co ld a n d c o u g h a c m x x f a m il y m o ra ce a e f ic u s ca ri ca l . f ic o ( b r , t o ), f ic ò g n a (c m ) s y co n ia m e d * : d u ri n g t h e su m m e r, s y co n ia w e re s u n d ri e d . d u ri n g t h e w in te r th e y w e re b o il e d a lo n g w it h a p p le s to c u re c o ld a n d co u g h b b r , t o x x y b u d s v e t * : o n ce , b u d s w e re p u t in t h e m o u th o f co w s in ca se o f ty m p a n is m b e ca u se t h e b itt e r ta st e o f th e l a te x co u ld h e lp w it h d ig e sti o n a c m x b ra n ch e s (s a p ) d o m * : u se d t o cu rd le c h e e se a b r f a m il y o le a ce a e f ra xi n u s o rn u s l. o rn e ll o b a rk m e d : d e co cti o n a g a in st i n te sti n a l p a in a c r w o o d d o m * : t o m a k e ch a rc o a l (s e e a . u n e d o ) o r a s fi re w o o d [ n o t re a ll y v a lu a b le a cc o rd in g t o s o m e in fo rm a n ts ( b r )] a a n , b r b a rk d o m : t o b in d b u n d le s o f fi re w o o d a c r ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):119-161. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.288. 141 research communication (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re vi o u s p a g e ) (c o n ti n u e d o n n e xt p a g e ) s ci e n ti fi c n a m e v e rn a cu la r n a m e p la n t p a rt p la n t u se c a te g o ry a n d d e sc ri p ti o n 1 , 2 n o . o f in fo rm a n ts 3 v il la g e 4 t e v e ri n a 5 c io ci a ri a 5 a cq u a p e n d e n te 5 le a v e s a g r -p a * : f o d d e r fo r co w s a a l w o o d a g r -p a : t o m a k e p o le s fo r vi n e s a t r o le a e u ro p a e a l . o li vo le a v e s m e d * : s e v e ra l le a v e s in d e co cti o n to c u re h y p e rt e n si o n b b r , t o x o il v e t : m ix e d w it h sa lt a n d v in e g a r, i t w a s g iv e n t o c o w s in c a se o f ty m p a n is m a m a o il m e d + : o il w a s m ix e d w it h b re a d cr u m b s a n d p u t o n b u rn s a a n le a v e s a g r -p a * : f o r th e in ve rn ìl e ( w in te r fo d d e r fo r li ve st o ck ) a b r y w o o d d o m * : f ir e w o o d (b u t n o t u se d f o r co o k in g ) a c m , t r w o o d d o m : t h e b e st w o o d t o m a k e ta b le s, b u t a ls o u se d f o r o th e r p ie ce s o f fu rn it u re a t r b ra n ch e s d o m * : t o m a k e b a sk e ts ( w it h f re sh b ra n ch e s) a c m ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):119-161. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.288. 142 research communication (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re vi o u s p a g e ) (c o n ti n u e d o n n e xt p a g e ) s ci e n ti fi c n a m e v e rn a cu la r n a m e p la n t p a rt p la n t u se c a te g o ry a n d d e sc ri p ti o n 1 , 2 n o . o f in fo rm a n ts 3 v il la g e 4 t e v e ri n a 5 c io ci a ri a 5 a cq u a p e n d e n te 5 o il r it * : f is h e rm e n h a ve t h e ir t h ro a t a n o in te d w it h b le ss e d o il o n t h e d a y o f s a in t b ia g io (t h e s a in t p ro te ct o r o f a n g u il la ra ) a a n o il r it + : t o r e m o ve th e e vi l e y e a a n , c m o il d o m * : t h e s o a p w a s m a d e w it h re si d u a ls o f th e o il m a k in g , a lo n g w it h ca u sti c so d a a n d b o n e s a t r f a m il y p a p a ve ra ce a e p a p a ve r rh o e a s l. p a p a n à ra p e ta ls m e d * : d e co cti o n a s se d a ti v e a a l x x y a e ri a l p a rt s v e t : t h e p la n t w a s cr u sh e d f o r p re p a ri n g co m p re ss e s fo r a n im a ls w it h sw e ll in g , th e p la n t w a s m ix e d w it h p o rk f a t b e ca u se i t so ft e n e d t h e s k in , th e n i t w a s ru b b e d o n to t h e s k in o r a p p li e d a s a b a n d a g e a b r f ru it s g a m : k id s u se d t h e fr u it s to i n k ( o r m a rk ) th e s k in ( to p ro d u ce a s m a ll st a r) a c m y ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):119-161. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.288. 143 research communication (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re vi o u s p a g e ) (c o n ti n u e d o n n e xt p a g e ) s ci e n ti fi c n a m e v e rn a cu la r n a m e p la n t p a rt p la n t u se c a te g o ry a n d d e sc ri p ti o n 1 , 2 n o . o f in fo rm a n ts 3 v il la g e 4 t e v e ri n a 5 c io ci a ri a 5 a cq u a p e n d e n te 5 f a m il y p in a ce a e p in u s p in e a l . p in o b a rk f is h -h : t h e b a rk w a s u se d t o p re p a re a d e co cti o n w h ic h w a s th e n u se d t o d y e n e ts i n a b ro w n co lo r (o n ce n e ts w e re m a d e w it h n a tu ra l fi b e rs ) b a n , s m , t r f a m il y p la n ta g in a ce a e p la n ta g o l a n ce o la ta l . o re cc h ia d i p e co ra ( b r , t r ), m a zz a n co ll i (a n ) s te m a g r -p a : d ri e d st e m s w e re o n ce u se d t o ti e to m a to e s a a n , b r a e ri a l p a rt s a g r -p a : f o d d e r fo r li ve st o ck a t r y p la n ta g o s p . p l. ( p . la n ce o la ta l ., p . m a jo r l. ) p ia n ta g g in i le a v e s m e d * : le a ve s w e re ru b o n to t h e s k in i n ca se o f in fl a m m a ti o n ca u se d b y b it e s o f b e e s o r m o sq u it o s a a l x x y f a m il y p lu m b a g in a ce a e p lu m b a g o e u ro p a e a l . c a p ri n e ll a a e ri a l p a rt s v e t : d ri e d a e ri a l p a rt s w e re so ft e n e d i n w a rm w a te r a n d u se d t o m a k e c o m p re ss e s to r e d u ce t h e sw e ll in g o f d o m e sti c a n im a ls a b r ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):119-161. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.288. 144 research communication (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re vi o u s p a g e ) (c o n ti n u e d o n n e xt p a g e ) s ci e n ti fi c n a m e v e rn a cu la r n a m e p la n t p a rt p la n t u se c a te g o ry a n d d e sc ri p ti o n 1 , 2 n o . o f in fo rm a n ts 3 v il la g e 4 t e v e ri n a 5 c io ci a ri a 5 a cq u a p e n d e n te 5 a e ri a l p a rt s v e t : t h e c ru sh e d a e ri a l p a rt s w e re a p p li e d o n w o u n d s a n d c ru st s ca u se d b y t h e y o k e a m a f a m il y p o a ce a e a ru n d o d o n a x l. c a n n a c u lm v e t : c o w s co u ld d ie q u ic k ly a ft e r in g e sti n g f re sh p la n ts o f m . sa ti va . f a rm e rs u se d a k n if e t o m a k e a sm a ll i n ci si o n i n t h e g u t o f th e a n im a l a n d t h e n t h e c a ve cu lm o f th is p la n t w a s in se rt e d i n t h e in ci si o n f o r a ll o w in g t h e g a se s p ro d u ce d b y t h e fe rm e n ta ti o n t o fl o w s lo w ly a s m c u lm v e t : t h e c u lm w a s u se d a s a s u p p o rt fo r b a n d a g e ( a lo n g w it h c o w d u n g ) fo r sh e e p a b r c u lm d o m * : t o m a k e b a sk e ts (c a n n is tr à ri ); a ls o w it h s . a lb a ( c m ) o r u . m in o r (a n ) c a n , b r , c m , s m y c u lm f is h -h : a b ig t o o l (r a tt o ), m a d e w it h w e a ve d c u lm s, w a s u se d f o r fi sh in g a c m ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):119-161. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.288. 145 research communication (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re vi o u s p a g e ) (c o n ti n u e d o n n e xt p a g e ) s ci e n ti fi c n a m e v e rn a cu la r n a m e p la n t p a rt p la n t u se c a te g o ry a n d d e sc ri p ti o n 1 , 2 n o . o f in fo rm a n ts 3 v il la g e 4 t e v e ri n a 5 c io ci a ri a 5 a cq u a p e n d e n te 5 a ve n a s a ti va l . b ia d a f ru it s a g r -p a : f o d d e r fo r p o u lt ry a c m f ru it s a g r -p a : f o d d e r fo r d o n k e y s a a l c yn o d o n d a ct yl o n ( l. ) p e rs . r a m ìc ci a , g ra m ìc ci a , g ra m ig n a r o o t m e d * : t h e d e co cti o n w a s d ru n k t o c u re se ve ra l g a st ro in te sti n a l p ro b le m s, l iv e r d is e a se s a n d in fl a m m a ti o n s (a ls o re fr e sh in g ) c a l, b r , c m , t o x x x y r o o t m e d * : d e co cti o n a s d iu re ti c fo r re n a l p ro b le m s a n d cy sti ti s b a l, a n , b r x x x y r o o t v e t : d e co cti o n w it h l e a v e s o f m . sy lv e st ri s to c u re li ve st o ck a b r h o rd e u m v u lg a re l . f ru it s a g r -p a * : f o d d e r fo r p o u lt ry a c m s o rg h u m b ic o lo r (l .) m o e n ch s a g g in a a e ri a l p a rt s d o m * : t o m a k e b ro o m s (i t w a s cu lti va te d i n m a rg in a l a re a s, th e n , w h e n t h e p la n t w a s d ry , th e fr u it s w e re e li m in a te d ) a b , c m t ri ti cu m a e sti vu m l . f ru it s a g r -p a : f o d d e r fo r h e n s a a l x c u lm d o m : in t h e o ld e n ti m e s, b e d s w e re co ve re d w it h s tr a w a a l ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):119-161. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.288. 146 research communication (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re vi o u s p a g e ) (c o n ti n u e d o n n e xt p a g e ) s ci e n ti fi c n a m e v e rn a cu la r n a m e p la n t p a rt p la n t u se c a te g o ry a n d d e sc ri p ti o n 1 , 2 n o . o f in fo rm a n ts 3 v il la g e 4 t e v e ri n a 5 c io ci a ri a 5 a cq u a p e n d e n te 5 c u lm a g r -p a : it w a s u se d t o b u il d h u ts (p a ra cé n to li ) a a l g e rm in a te d s e e d s r it * : d u ri n g e a st e r, se e d s o f ce re a ls w e re p la n te d a n d g ro w n i n t h e d a rk , so t h e y w o u ld re m a in w h it e . t h e y w e re t h e n u se d a s o ff e rs t o t h e c h u rc h a t o z e a m a ys l . g ra n o tu rc o s e e d s a g r -p a : a s b ir d se e d s fo r p o u lt ry a m a x f a m il y p o ly g o n a ce a e p o ly g o n u m a vi cu la re l . c o rr e g g io la a g r -p a : f o d d e r fo r ra b b it s a c m r u m e x cr is p u s l. r ù m ic e le a v e s m e d * : t h e y w e re ro ll e d u p ( a s a ro u la d e ) a n d p u t u n d e r e m b e rs . t h e e xt e rn a l p a rt w o u ld b u rn , b u t th e i n n e r p a rt w a s u se d t o p re p a re a p o u lti ce , w h ic h , m ix e d w it h p o rk f a t, w a s p u t o n c y st s a s m x le a v e s m e d * : le a ve s w e re p u t o n p im p le s a t r x f a m il y r a n u n cu la ce a e c le m a ti s vi ta lb a l . v it a b b ia s te m a g r -p a * : t o ti e p la n ts a b r v it à b b ie s te m g a m * : t o m a k e ci g a re tt e s a a l, c m ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):119-161. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.288. 147 research communication (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re vi o u s p a g e ) (c o n ti n u e d o n n e xt p a g e ) s ci e n ti fi c n a m e v e rn a cu la r n a m e p la n t p a rt p la n t u se c a te g o ry a n d d e sc ri p ti o n 1 , 2 n o . o f in fo rm a n ts 3 v il la g e 4 t e v e ri n a 5 c io ci a ri a 5 a cq u a p e n d e n te 5 f a m il y r h a m n a ce a e p a li u ru s sp in a -c h ri sti m il l. a cà ci o ( a n ), m a rr u ca (c m ) le a v e s a g r -p a : o n ce , fo d d e r fo r ra b b it s a a n w o o d h a n : t o m a k e ra il ro a d ti e s a c m f a m il y r o sa ce a e a g ri m o n ia e u p a to ri a l . w h o le p la n t m e d : d e co cti o n t o cu re d ia rr h o e a a c m c ra ta e g u s la e vi g a ta ( p o ir .) d c . / c . m o n o g y n a j a cq . f lo w e rs m e d * : in fu si o n a s se d a ti ve a c m m e d : in fu si o n a s d ig e sti v e a a l x m a lu s d o m e sti ca b o rk h . m e lo f ru it s m e d * : t h e d e co cti o n o f d ri e d sl ic e s o f th e f ru it t o cu re s o re t h ro a t a n d c o u g h . s e ve ra l d iff e re n t fr u it s w e re d ri e d a n d m ix e d t o p re p a re th is d e co cti o n ( p . a rm e n ia ca , p . p e rs ic a ) c a l, c m , t o x x y p ru n u s a rm e n ia ca l . a lb ic o cc a f ru it s m e d : d ri e d f ru it s to p re p a re a d e co cti o n f o r so re th ro a t a n d c o u g h (s e e m . d o m e sti ca ) a c m ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):119-161. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.288. 148 research communication (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re vi o u s p a g e ) (c o n ti n u e d o n n e xt p a g e ) s ci e n ti fi c n a m e v e rn a cu la r n a m e p la n t p a rt p la n t u se c a te g o ry a n d d e sc ri p ti o n 1 , 2 n o . o f in fo rm a n ts 3 v il la g e 4 t e v e ri n a 5 c io ci a ri a 5 a cq u a p e n d e n te 5 p ru n u s a vi u m ( l. ) l. c e ra se w o o d d o m * : t o m a k e w ri ti n g d e sk s, ta b le s, f u rn it u re , cu p b o a rd s (s o m e w o o d p a rt s a re u se d a ls o t o re st o re o ld fu rn it u re ). t h e w il d ch e rr y w a s a ls o u se d f o r th e s a m e p u rp o se s a b r , c m y p ru n u s p e rs ic a ( l. ) b a ts ch p e sc h e f ru it s m e d : d ri e d f ru it s to p re p a re a d e co cti o n f o r so re th ro a t a n d c o u g h (s e e m . d o m e sti ca ) a c m le a v e s d o m : le a ve s u se d to c le a n w o o d e n b a rr e ls . le a ve s a re b o il e d w it h l e a v e s o f j. r e g ia a n d o f c a st a n e a s a ti va b b r , m a , t r y p yr u s co m m u n is l . p e ro w o o d d o m : t o m a k e fu rn it u re a c r r o sa c a n in a l . f lo w e rs r it * : t o p re p a re a ri tu a l w a te r fo r th e s a in t jo h n f e a st a c m x y f lo w e rs r it * : in l o ca l fl o ra l ca rp e t co m p o si ti o n s (i n fi o ra te ) a lo n g w it h fl o w e rs o f s . ju n ce u m a n d o f a . ti n ct o ri a a a l ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):119-161. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.288. 149 research communication (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re vi o u s p a g e ) (c o n ti n u e d o n n e xt p a g e ) s ci e n ti fi c n a m e v e rn a cu la r n a m e p la n t p a rt p la n t u se c a te g o ry a n d d e sc ri p ti o n 1 , 2 n o . o f in fo rm a n ts 3 v il la g e 4 t e v e ri n a 5 c io ci a ri a 5 a cq u a p e n d e n te 5 r u b u s u lm if o li u s s ch o tt r o vo , r o g o , le r ò g h e le a v e s m e d * : le a ve s, so m e ti m e s w it h th e a d d iti o n o f ch e w e d b re a d o r p o rk f a t (o r o li ve o il ), a p p li e d o n p im p le s c a l, a n , b r , c m , c r , t r x x le a v e s m e d * : o n w o u n d s to s ta n ch b lo o d , a ls o w it h g ra te d p o ta to e s b a l, m a x x y le a v e s m e d : le a v e s, a lo n g w it h p o rk f a t, w e re a p p li e d o n to t h e sk in t o r e m o ve th o rn s a a l, c m x x le a v e s, b ra n ch e s a g r -p a : f o d d e r fo r d o n k e y s a a l f ru it s m e d * : a m e d ic in a l ja m w a s p re p a re d to c u re c o u g h ( fo r ch il d re n ) a t r x s a n g u is o rb a m in o r s co p . su b sp . b a le a ri ca ( b o u rg . e x n y m a n ) m u ñ o z g a rm . & c . n a va rr o a e ri a l p a rt s a g r -p a + : f o d d e r fo r h e n s a a n s o rb u s d o m e sti ca l . s o rv e f ru it s m e d * : e a te n a g a in st d ia rr h o e a a t r f a m il y r u b ia ce a e r u b ia p e re g ri n a l . r ù b b ia ( a l) , t a cc a là cc i (t r ) a e ri a l p a rt s v e t * : a ft e r la b o r, co w s w e re f e d w it h th e a e ri a l p a rt s o f th is p la n t to fa ci li ta te t h e e xp u ls io n o f th e se co n d a ( p la ce n ta ) b a l ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):119-161. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.288. 150 research communication (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re vi o u s p a g e ) (c o n ti n u e d o n n e xt p a g e ) s ci e n ti fi c n a m e v e rn a cu la r n a m e p la n t p a rt p la n t u se c a te g o ry a n d d e sc ri p ti o n 1 , 2 n o . o f in fo rm a n ts 3 v il la g e 4 t e v e ri n a 5 c io ci a ri a 5 a cq u a p e n d e n te 5 a e ri a l p a rt s a g r -p a : u se d a s fo d d e r a c m f a m il y r u ta ce a e c it ru s li m o n ( l. ) o sb e ck f ru it s m e d : m o u th w a sh e s w it h th e j u ic e t o c u re so re t h ro a t (s ti ll to d a y ) a c m x y r u ta s p . r u ta p la n t m e d : it w a s g iv e n to k id s to s m e ll a s a n th e lm in ti c a a n x x x f a m il y s a li ca ce a e p o p u lu s n ig ra l . p io p p o (c m ), a lb u cc io (a l) w o o d d o m : t o m a k e fu rn it u re a c m w o o d f is h -h : t o b u il d b o a ts a t r s a li x a lb a l . s a li ce ( c m , s m ), s à lc e (a l) b ra n ch e s m e d : in t h e o ld e n ti m e s, p e o p le u se to c h e w a s m a ll p ie ce o f w il lo w (b itt e r) t o r e d u ce st o m a ch a ci d it y a t r b ra n ch e s v e t * : p ie ce o f w il lo w ( b itt e r) w e re p u t in t h e m o u th o f li ve st o ck i n c a se o f ty m p a n is m a m a , t r x b ra n ch e s d o m * : t o m a k e b a sk e ts a n d h a m p e rs . s o m e ti m e s in te rw o ve n w it h a . d o n a x a n d u . m in o r c a l, a n , c m , c r , s m y ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):119-161. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.288. 151 research communication (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re vi o u s p a g e ) (c o n ti n u e d o n n e xt p a g e ) s ci e n ti fi c n a m e v e rn a cu la r n a m e p la n t p a rt p la n t u se c a te g o ry a n d d e sc ri p ti o n 1 , 2 n o . o f in fo rm a n ts 3 v il la g e 4 t e v e ri n a 5 c io ci a ri a 5 a cq u a p e n d e n te 5 b ra n ch e s a g r -p a + : t o b in d b u n d le s o f fi re w o o d ; to ti e to m a to e s to s ta k e s b a l, b r y f a m il y s a p in d a ce a e a ce r ca m p e st re l . s tu cc h io w o o d h a n : t o m a k e p ie ce s o f th e sa d d le a m a a ce r o p a lu s m il l. s u b sp . o b tu sa tu m ( w a ld st . & k it . e x w il ld .) g a m s a ce ro b ia n co y o u n g sh o o ts h a n : t o m a k e p a rt o f sm o k in g p ip e s a c m (1 -2 y e a rs o ld ) w o o d d o m + : t o m a k e ta b le s a c m f a m il y s cr o p h u la ri a ce a e v e rb a sc u m s p . b a rb a ra sc h io , b a rb a ra ss io a e ri a l p a rt s f is h -h * : c ru sh e d a n d t h ro w n i n t h e w a te r in o rd e r to st u n fi sh e s (l e ss st ro n g e ff e ct o f e . ch a ra ci a s) . t h e p o w d e r o f th e d ri e d p la n t w a s m ix e d s lo w ly i n to th e w a te r b c r , m a , c m ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):119-161. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.288. 152 research communication (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re vi o u s p a g e ) (c o n ti n u e d o n n e xt p a g e ) s ci e n ti fi c n a m e v e rn a cu la r n a m e p la n t p a rt p la n t u se c a te g o ry a n d d e sc ri p ti o n 1 , 2 n o . o f in fo rm a n ts 3 v il la g e 4 t e v e ri n a 5 c io ci a ri a 5 a cq u a p e n d e n te 5 f a m il y s o la n a ce a e h yo sc ya m u s a lb u s l. s e e d s m e d : s e e d s w e re ro a st e d a n d t h e n th e f u m e s w e re in h a le d a g a in st to o th a ch e . it i s a p o is o n o u s h e rb , th e re fo re t h e sm o k e i s ca p tu re d w it h a s p o o n a n d m a in ta in e d f o r a sh o rt ti m e i n t h e m o u th b a l s o la n u m t u b e ro su m l . p a ta ta t u b e rs m e d * : p o ta to sl ic e s w e re p u t o n in fl a m e d ( re d ) e y e s a c r x t u b e rs m e d * : g ra te d tu b e rs o n b u rn s a c r y f a m il y u lm a ce a e u lm u s m in o r m il le r o lm o b a rk m e d * : d u ri n g re a p in g , w h e n o n e cu t h im se lf o r h e rs e lf , th e b a rk w a s ti e d a ro u n d th e w o u n d . “o n ce i cu t m y se lf , i p u t a b a n d a g e o f e lm tr e e : th e l y m p h a n d t h e b a rk st a n ch e d d ir e ct ly th e b lo o d a n d m a d e t h e s k in d ry ” c a l, b r , c m , t o x x x y ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):119-161. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.288. 153 research communication (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re vi o u s p a g e ) (c o n ti n u e d o n n e xt p a g e ) s ci e n ti fi c n a m e v e rn a cu la r n a m e p la n t p a rt p la n t u se c a te g o ry a n d d e sc ri p ti o n 1 , 2 n o . o f in fo rm a n ts 3 v il la g e 4 t e v e ri n a 5 c io ci a ri a 5 a cq u a p e n d e n te 5 g a ll s m e d * : g a ll s g ro w in g o n e lm tr e e c o n ta in a li q u id c a ll e d o il o f s a in t je a n ( o li o d i s a n g io va n n i) i n a l, w h ic h i s a p p li e d o n w o u n d s c a l, c m , c r x x y b a rk v e t + : t o c u re w o u n d s o f d o m e sti c a n im a ls a a l b a rk v e t + : f o r fr a ct u re s o f a n im a ls t h a t w e re n o t to o se ri o u s. t h e i n ju re d p a rt w a s co v e re d w it h p o rk f a t, b a n d a g e d , a n d ca st e d u si n g t h e b a rk o f e lm -t re e a a l w o o d a g r -p a + : it i s u se d to m a k e p lo u g h s a n d y o k e s o f co w s a c m y y o u n g b ra n ch e s f is h -h * : t o m a k e b a sk e ts (c a n n is tr à ri ) o r fi sh tr a p s, a ls o w it h a . d o n a x o r s . a lb a c a n , b r , c m , c r y w o o d h a n : t o m a k e g a te s; w h e n t h e w o o d h a s b e e n se a so n e d i t g e ts h a rd a b r ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):119-161. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.288. 154 research communication (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re vi o u s p a g e ) (c o n ti n u e d o n n e xt p a g e ) s ci e n ti fi c n a m e v e rn a cu la r n a m e p la n t p a rt p la n t u se c a te g o ry a n d d e sc ri p ti o n 1 , 2 n o . o f in fo rm a n ts 3 v il la g e 4 t e v e ri n a 5 c io ci a ri a 5 a cq u a p e n d e n te 5 b ra n ch e s f is h -h : u se d t o m a k e a p a rt o f th e cu cù ll i (a fi sh in g to o l, s o rt o f fi sh in g n e t st ru ct u re ) a a n b a rk d o m : t o b in d b u n d le s o f fi re w o o d a c r f a m il y u rti ca ce a e p a ri e ta ri a j u d a ic a l . p a n a ta ra (c m , m a , s m ), p a ll a tà n a (a n , c m , c l) , p a n ic a ri a , p a n a tà ri a (a l) a e ri a l p a rt s v e t : d e co cti o n a p p li e d o n w o u n d s w it h a c lo th a m a le a v e s m e d * : le a ve s w e re p la ce d o n p im p le s a s re so lv e n t a s m x a e ri a l p a rt s a g r -p a * : f o d d e r fo r h e n s th a t a re e a g e r o f th is p la n t b a n , c m , c r x a e ri a l p a rt s d o m :* l e a v e s (w h ic h a re r o u g h ) w e re m in ce d a n d p u t in si d e b o tt le s a n d d e m ij o h n s. b o tt le s w e re sh a k e n , w a sh e d a n d r in se d . s o m e ti m e s, l e a v e s w e re u se d a lo n g w it h e g g sh e ll s b a l, c m y u rti ca d io ic a l . o rti ca a e ri a l p a rt s a g r -p a * : m in ce d a e ri a l p a rt s, m ix e d w it h b re a d a n d so m e h o t w a te r, a s b ir d se e d s fo r tu rk e y s (a s a h e a lt h y f o o d a n d fo r th ro a t d is e a se s) b b r , c r , m a x y ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):119-161. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.288. 155 research communication (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re vi o u s p a g e ) 1 f o r m e d ic in a l p la n ts , th e h e a lt h p ro b le m f o r w h ic h t h e p la n t is u se d i s a ls o p ro vi d e d . 2 p la n t u se c a te g o ri e s: m e d = m e d ic in a l u se ; v e t = v e te ri n a ry u se ; a -p a r = a n ti -p a ra si ti c u se ; f is h -h = u se o f th e p la n t fo r fi sh in g o r h u n ti n g ; h a n = h a n d icr a ft u se ; d o m = d o m e sti c u se ; a g r -p a = a g ro -p a st o ra l u se ; g a m = g a m e s; r it = r it u a l u se . 3 n u m b e r o f in fo rm a n ts : a = 1 -2 i n fo rm a n ts ; b = 3 -5 i n fo rm a n ts ; c = m o re t h a n 5 i n fo rm a n ts . 4 v il la g e s: a l = a ll u m ie re ; a n = a n g u il la ra ; b r = b ra cc ia n o ; c m = c a n a le m o n te ra n o ; c r = c e rv e te ri ; m a = m a n zi a n a ; s m = s a n ta m a ri n e ll a ; t o = t o lf a ; t r = t re vi g n a n o r o m a n o . 5 r e fe re n ce s: t e ve ri n a : a m ic i 1 9 9 2 ( x ); c io ci a ri a : c ic co d ic o la 1 9 9 5 ( x ); a cq u a p e n d e n te : g u a rr e ra e t a l. 2 0 0 4 ( y ) a n d g u a rr e ra e t a l. 2 0 0 5 ( x ). * s a m e o r v e ry s im il a r p la n t u se s to t h o se d e sc ri b e d i n g u a rr e ra ( 1 9 9 4 ). + d iv e rs e p la n t u se , b u t in t h e s a m e c a te g o ry o f u se a s d e sc ri b e d i n g u a rr e ra ( 1 9 9 4 ). u se s w it h o u t sy m b o ls a re n o v e lti e s in c o m p a ri so n w it h g u a rr e ra ( 1 9 9 4 ). s ci e n ti fi c n a m e v e rn a cu la r n a m e p la n t p a rt p la n t u se c a te g o ry a n d d e sc ri p ti o n 1 , 2 n o . o f in fo rm a n ts 3 v il la g e 4 t e v e ri n a 5 c io ci a ri a 5 a cq u a p e n d e n te 5 a e ri a l p a rt s a g r -p a + : b o il e d le a v e s w e re f e d t o h e n s to m a k e t h e m p ro d u ce a l a rg e r a m o u n t o f e g g s a c r f a m il y v io la ce a e v io la s p . p l. v io le tt e d i p a sq u a a e ri a l p a rt s (i n fl o w e r) r it : v io le ts o f e a st e r w e re p u t o n a p la te , n e a r th e e a st e r e g g s a a n f a m il y v it a ce a e v iti s vi n if e ra l . v in e g a r (w it h s a lt ) v e t : v in e g a r w a s g iv e n t o d ri n k t o li ve st o ck , in to xi ca te d b y e a ti n g s o m e ri ve ri n e p la n ts (c a n n u cc ia d i fo ss o ) a s m ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):119-161. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.288. 156 research communication and skin lesions in guarrera (1994). plant uses recorded in this study were also compared to those reported in other case studies conducted in the latium region (guarrera 2006 and references therein) in order to identify points of convergence and to evaluate differences in the local ethnobotanical knowledge. these comparisons were not quantitative considering that previous studies were conducted with different research methods (including distinctive foci of specific plant uses), study times, and geographic research areas (mustafa et al. 2012). results according to our survey, the ethnobotanical knowledge of the tolfa–cerite–manziate area comprises the use of 102 plant species (table 1). in table 1, the names of the species are reported along with their vernacular names, plant parts, category of use, number of citations and the locality where the plant is used. moreover, we report the detailed explanation of the most recent plant uses along with a comparison with plant uses reported in other studies of the latium region, including that by guarrera (1994). species belong to 48 families, the majority of families (28) include only one species, while rosaceae (12 species) and poaceae (eight species) are prominently represented families. many plants have more than one use within and across categories. several plants have similar uses in other areas of the latium region, while some plants and their uses have not been previously reported in those areas. the locality that shares the highest number (74) of plant uses is that of acquapendente (guarrera et al. 2004, 2005). in our survey, we recorded a total of 239 different plant uses, among which many (125) have not reported before for the area, some (86) are similar to the same use as reported in literature, several (28) are different but in the same usage category (table 2). the ten non-plant based remedies are reported in table 3. a total of six remedies are used in veterinary medicine and six in human medicine. many previously-recorded plant uses are no longer practiced or are no longer common in the memories of individuals in the local communities. plants and remedies that are no longer used include: barbarea vulgaris r. br. brassicaceae for cough, dittrichia viscosa (l.) greuter asteraceae for haemorrhoids, or phillyrea latifolia l. oleaceae for toothache (guarrera 1994). today, the plants mentioned for toothache are p. lentiscus (a similar use is known for vallecorsa, southern latium), e. characias, m. sylvestris and h. albus (the last three uses were also reported by guarrera 1994). in some cases, a specific medicinal use is no longer practiced because the disease is no longer present. for example, malaria has been locally eradicated and the antimalarial decoction of 100 cloves of garlic (a. sativum) in a liter of vinegar (v. vinifera) is no longer remembered or used. in other cases, plants are used less frequently because of reduced availability on the landscape. informants mention that, in the past, m. chamomilla was abundant in local meadows and fields but now it is difficult to find this officinal herb due to the use of herbicides. agro-pastoralism is important in the tolfa–cerite –manziate area, and, not surprisingly, veterinary uses category of plant use number of species number of plant uses new plant uses 1 similar plant uses 2 alternative plant uses 3 human medicine 33 60 23 33 4 veterinary medicine 16 19 12 5 2 anti-parasitic 2 2 0 2 0 agro-pastoral 42 46 30 10 6 handicrafts 14 20 14 3 3 domestic 34 52 25 18 9 fishery or hunting 11 15 9 4 2 games 8 8 4 3 1 rituals 14 17 8 8 1 table 2. uses of plants in each category, with details on their novelty or similarity to other studies. 1 new plant uses that have not been reported before for the area. 2 similar or same plant uses as reported in literature. 3 alternative plant uses that are different but in the same use category. ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):119-161. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.288. 157 research communication of plants are vivid in the memories of local community members. some veterinary remedies seem to be unique to the area when compared with bibliographic data from guarrera (2006). examples include the ancient use of s. junceum for castrating bulls and the use of p. europaea (caprinella) to cure the swelling in domestic animals. although the practice of feeding cows with r. peregrina for expelling the seconda (placenta) has been previously mentioned in guarrera (1994), it is known only in the tolfa – allumiere area (guarrera 2006). some plants are used to feed livestock to improve their health as a sort of veterinary nutraceutical. c. arvensis along with several herbs of the fabaceae family are used to feed cows for their galactagogue properties. local farmers of the area believe that feeding poultry with s. minor subsp. balearica, but also u. dioica, could increase egg production. additionally, if hens were making soft eggshell, some rubble (canale monterano) or eggshell (allumiere) were mixed with fodder. anti-parasitic uses are very few. only two plants, c. nepeta and l. angustifolia, are mentioned by the informants. these two plants, like other lamiaceae, are aromatic and thus have repellent properties (guarrera 1999). on the other hand, the use of artemisia absinthium l. asteraceae as a repellent for cows, horses and other animals (guarrera 1994) is no longer remembered. local inhabitants were used to diversify their diets with some fish caught in marshes, ditches, or the bracciano lake. some fishing practices now illegal entailed the use of plants for narcotizing fish in small water basins (e. characias and verbascum species). several species of the genus euphorbia and verbascum are used for the same purpose in many other italian areas (guarrera 2006). local people also used lime (canale monterano) for catching fish. table 3. non-plant based uses (mostly remedies in human and veterinary medicine). name plant use category, description and ailment cured 1 no. of informants 2 village 3 water form hot springs med: applied on wounds a al egg white med: the egg white was put on a tissue and then placed on the swollen part a cr soapy water vet: used to heal wounds caused by pack-saddle a al milk med: once, it was used to wash the face to make it shine a an hot cinder med: to cure throat ache it was placed on the chest in the evening while lying in bed, the following morning throat ache was healed a cm pyrite vet: in the area there are rocks that contain sulphur. they were used to reduce the inflammations of cow feet a al clays of solfataras med/vet: to cure wounds of humans and animals, and mange (raspo) (skin infections of dogs) a al, ma cuttlebone (osso di seppia) vet: to cure an eye diseases of animals (periodic ophthalmia) called occhio bianco or bianchella or male della luna. it was grated and sprinkled into the eye a sm thermal water (in bagnarello) med/vet: this water (at a temperature of 40° c) was used to heal wounds of horses and humans (within two days) a to pork fat (sugna) vet: for wounds and bruises caused by pack-saddle a ma, sm lime fish-h: used for illegal fishing in fresh water (where the flow is not too strong) a cm 1 plant use category: med = medicinal use; vet = veterinary use; fish-h = use of the plant for fishing or hunting 2 number of informants: a = 1-2 informants 3 villages: al = allumiere; an= anguillara; cm = canale monterano; cr = cerveteri; ma = manziana; sm = santa marinella; to = tolfa ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):119-161. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.288. 158 research communication many plants were used while working in the fields or at home. some plant uses are already known for other italian regions (e.g., the use of s. alba or s. junceum for tying vines [the name spartium comes from the greek σπαρτον = rope]). e. arborea, used to make smoking pipes and other objects, is locally named brugo, which is the vernacular name of another plant of the ericaceae family [calluna vulgaris (l.) hull ericaceae] that does not grow locally. however, e. arborea is also called scopa marina (marine broom), because it is used to make brooms. another way to connect a plant to a use in the area was the creation of proverbs like: “l’ornello fa il fuoco bello” (anguillara) which means “the manna-ash tree (f. ornus) makes a beautiful fire” because the plant is used as firewood. many species are widely used either because they are common or have special technical properties. the invasive species r. pseudacacia, the common castanea sativa or quercus sp. pl. are among the species with the highest number of domestic uses as well as the rare f. sylvatica. these species are mainly used for their wood. some plant uses that have never been reported in the ethnobiological literature are potentially unique to the area, such as those of c. australis or of b. pendula. c. australis is widely used and appreciated in the area for its strength and flexibility, but it is rarely used in other italian regions even though it has a large distribution. this plant also has many different names in the area, some of which are new according to the ethno-linguistic work by penzig (1924). in contrast, b. pendula is a rare species that has a limited distribution in italy. in some cases it was possible to highlight, in a direct way, a potential loss of information. saponaria officinalis l. caryophyllaceae was widely used all over italy to do laundry (guarrera 2006). this plant grows everywhere in the area but was never mentioned by informants even if it was present during the interviews. this could indicate a loss of knowledge or eventually an absence of use, since some informants reported the practice of making soap from cinder and pork fat. another potential loss of a use is that of p. aviculare (correggiola): the name comes from the correggioli, which are the leather strips or laces to bind the shoes, but this use was not mentioned during our interviews. the report of plants used for games is very rare for the area but also for italy (guarrera 2006). castanea sativa was used to make a small trumpet called peta (one of these trumpets is displayed at the museo nazionale delle arti e tradizioni popolari in rome). the same use of castanea sativa is also reported for this species in northern italy (guarrera 2006). in the tolfa–cerite–manziate area, people preserve various ritual uses of plants (in their memories or in their current daily life). several aromatic plants (e.g., t. balsamita, h. perforatum, j. regia) were put in water overnight (between the 23rd and 24th of june), and this ritual water was used to wash the face on the morning of the saint john feast (24 june) as a substitute for the very ancient rituals of the summer solstice. many plants are still used to make floral carpets (infiorate) during the corpus christi feast but also for easter rituals. evil eye, bad luck and witches were kept away in different ways (e.g., with rituals using olive oil or putting a small broom of e. arborea behind the main door) together with the erba croce (probably verbena officinalis l. verbenaceae, as reported for acquapendente [guarrera et al. 2005]). discussion our investigation on the ethnobotanical knowledge of the tolfa–cerite–manziate area highlighted some new interesting uses of plants but also a potential loss of this knowledge. for example, the plant uses of c. australis or of b. pendula have not been previously reported in literature. our comparison with a previous study in the area (which had different foci of research and areas of investigation) suggested a loss of knowledge. while it is not possible to quantify this loss, our results support a decrease of knowledge about medicinal uses of plants. considering that the study area of guarrera (1994) was more limited than ours, the number of medicinal plants that are no longer recalled is considerable. we believe that it is still important to document ethnobotanical knowledge so it can be realized how much of this knowledge is disappearing especially in places where technology and modern lifestyles are replacing traditional practices. local knowledge (ethnobotanical or ecological) is part of the social memory (sensu folke et al. 2005) of a socio-ecological system such as that of the tolfa– cerite–manziate area. the preservation of this local knowledge (and social memory) is important for sustainable management of the environment and for dealing with future socio-ecological changes (adger et al. 2005; johnson and hunn 2010). in a general context of rural depopulation and local knowledge erosion, it is fundamental to define strategies to counteract these trends. practical solutions to sustain ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):119-161. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.288. 159 research communication rural livelihoods and foster the resilience of local knowledge in the tolfa–cerite–manziate area could entail the re-evaluation of traditional practices, food preparations, and handicraft making for tourism. this could generate some revenue for local population and reduce the loss of the rich local knowledge of the area. acknowledgments voucher specimens are preserved at the istituto centrale per la demoetnoantropologia (rome). we are very grateful to the people of the tolfa–cerite– manziate area who shared their ethnobotanical knowledge with us. thanks are due to yarissa matossoto (university of central florida) for helping in some field surveys. we are grateful to francois salomone (university of roma tre) for providing figure 1. thanks are due to kamen mackay for checking the english language. many thanks are due to the provincia di roma and to the university roma tre for granting this research within the project “le specie vegetali tipiche del comprensorio tolfetano-ceritemanziate di uso tradizionale e valutazione delle loro potenzialità economiche”. declarations permissions: prior informed consent to carry out interviews was requested verbally to each informant. sources of funding: the provincia di roma and the university roma tre supported this study through the project “le specie vegetali tipiche del comprensorio tolfetano-cerite-manziate di uso tradizionale e valutazione delle loro potenzialità economiche.” conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited adger, w. n., t. p. hughes, c. folke, s. r. carpenter and j. rockström. 2005. social-ecological resilience to coastal disasters. science 309:1036-1039. amici, l. 1992. medicina popolare della teverina. regione lazio assessorato alla cultura, associazione intercomunale della teverina per la cultura. union printing, viterbo, italy. angelelli, f. and s. faramondi. 1995. lineamenti geologici della regione tolfetana. geo archeologia 1:11-50. anzalone, b. 1961. osservazioni fitosociologiche su alcune faggete depresse del lazio. annali di botanica 27:120-133. bernard, h. r. 1988. research methods in cultural anthropology. sage, newbury park, ca. caneva, g., a. pieroni and p. m. guarrera, eds. 2013. etnobotanica. conservazione di un patrimonio culturale come risorsa per uno sviluppo sostenibile. università roma tre (croma) e centro universitario europeo per i beni culturali, ravello. edipuglia, bari, italy. ciccodicola, f. 1995. pratiche di guarigione nella memoria collettiva risultati di una ricerca sul campo. in quaderni di storia, antropologia e scienze del linguaggio. le piante magiche. una ricerca storicoantropologica edited by giusti s., pp. 241-313. domograf, rome, italy. cox, p. a. 2000. will tribal knowledge survive the millennium? science 287:44-45. doi: 10.1126/ science.287.5450.44. cra-cma. 2012. banca dati agrometeorologica nazionale. available at: http://cma.entecra.it/ banca_dati_agrometeo/index3.htm. accessed on july 20, 2012. devoto, g. and g. lombardi. 1977. le formazioni sedimentarie ed eruttive del settore tolfetano – cerite – manziate (lazio nordoccidentale). quaderni accademia nazionale dei lincei 227:5-31. di tizio, a., ł. j. łuczaj, c. l. quave, s. redžić and a. pieroni. 2012. traditional food and herbal uses of wild plants in the ancient south-slavic diaspora of mundimitar/montemitro (southern italy). journal of ethnobiology and ethnomedicine 8:21. doi: 10.1186/1746-4269-8-21. di pietro, r., m. m. azzella and l. facioni. 2010. the forest vegetation of the tolfa – ceriti mountains (northern latium – central italy). hacquetia 9:91– 150. doi: 10.2478/v10028-010-0002-2. fanelli, g., m. bertarelli, p. m. bianco, v. caroselli, p. cazzagon, d. d’angeli, s. de corso, m. de sanctis, a. gioia, a. guerra, a. serafini sauli, a. testi and s. pignatti. 2007. carta della vegetazione della provincia di roma. provincia di roma, rome, italy. folke, c., t. hahn, p. olsson and j. norberg. 2005. adaptive governance of social-ecological systems. annual review of environment and resources 30:441-473. doi: 10.1146/annurev.energy.30.050504.144511 guarrera, p. m. 1994. il patrimonio etnobotanico del lazio. assessorato alla cultura regione lazio and ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):119-161. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.288. 160 research communication dipartimento biologia vegetale università “la sapienza”. tipar, rome, italy. guarrera, p. m. 1999. traditional antihelmintic, antiparasitic and repellent uses of plants in central italy. journal of ethnopharmacology 68:183-192. doi:10.1016/s0378-8741(99)00089-6. guarrera, p. m. 2006. usi e tradizioni della flora italiana. medicina popolare ed etnobotanica. aracne, rome, italy. guarrera, p. m., g. forti and s. marignoli. 2005. ethnobotanical and ethnomedicinal uses of plants in the district of acquapendente (latium, central italy). journal of ethnopharmacology 96:429444. doi: 10.1016/j.jep.2004.09.014. guarrera, p. m., g. forti, s. marignoli and g. gelsomini. 2004. piante e tradizione popolare ad acquapendente. quaderni del museo del fiore n.2. comune di acquapendente, regione lazio, acquapendente, italy. ise. 2006. international society of ethnobiology code of ethics (with 2008 additions). available at: www.ethnobiology.net/ethics.php. accessed on september 10, 2014. johnson, l. m. and e. s. hunn, eds. 2010. landscape ethnoecology: concepts of biotic and physical space. berghahn books, new york, usa. leonti, m., l. casu, f. sanna and l. bonsignore. 2009. a comparison of medicinal plant use in sardinia and sicily—de materia medica revisited? journal of ethnopharmacology 121:255-267. doi: 10.1016/j.jep.2008.10.027. mustafa, b., a. hajdari, f. krasniqi, e. hoxha, h. ademi, c. l. quave and a. pieroni. 2012. medical ethnobotany of the albanian alps in kosovo. journal of ethnobiology and ethnomedicine 8:6. doi: 10.1186/1746-4269-8-6. pardo-de-santayana, m., a. pieroni and r. puri. 2010. the ethnobotany of europe, past and present. in ethnobotany in the new europe: people, health and wild plant resources, edited by pardo-de-santayana, m., a. pieroni and r. puri, pp. 1-15. berghahn books, new york, usa. penzig, o. 1924. flora popolare italiana, vol. 1-2. tipolitografia regio istituto sordomuti, genova, italy. pieroni, a., b. rexhepi, a. nedelcheva, a hajdari, b. mustafa, v. kolosova, k. cianfaglione and c. l. quave. 2013. one century later: the folk botanical knowledge of the last remaining albanians of the upper reka valley, mount korab, western macedonia. journal of ethnobiology and ethnomedicine 9:22. doi: 10.1186/1746-4269-9-22. pignatti, s. 1982. flora d’italia, vol.1-3. edagricole, bologna, italy. rosenthal, j. p. 2006. politics, culture, and governance in the development of prior informed consent in indigenous communities. current anthropology 47:119–142. doi: 10.1086/497670. salvati, l. and a. sabbi. 2011. exploring long-term land cover changes in an urban region of southern europe. international journal of sustainable development & world ecology 18:273-282. doi: 10.1080/13504509.2011.560453. savo, v., e. de zuliani, l. salvati, l. perini and g. caneva. 2012. long-term changes in precipitation and temperature patterns and their possible impacts on vegetation (tolfa – cerite area, central italy). applied ecology and environmental research 10:243-266. available at: http://www.ecology.unicorvinus.hu/pdf/1003_243266.pdf. accessed on: september 10, 2014. signorini, m. a., p. bruschi, f. camangi, p. m. guarrera, a. pieroni and v. savo. 2013. metodi della ricerca etnobotanica. in etnobotanica, conservazione di un patrimonio culturale immateriale come risorsa per uno sviluppo sostenibile, edited by caneva, g, a. pieroni and p. m. guarrera, pp. 43-68. edipuglia, bari. spada, f. 1977. primi lineamenti della vegetazione del comprensorio tolfetano – cerite. – quaderni accademia nazionale dei lincei 227:33-50. theplantlist. 2014. a working list of all plant species. available at: www.theplantlist.org. accessed on september 10, 2014. vander poppen, r. e. 2008. rural change and continuity in etruria: a study of village communities from the 7th century bc to the 1st century ad. proquest, ann arbor, mi. ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):119-161. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.288. 161 research communication biosketches paolo maria guarrera is a biologist at the istituto centrale per la demoetnoantropologia. his research interests include ethnobotany and ethnomedicine. valentina savo is a postdoctoral researcher at simon fraser university. her research focuses on human– environment relationships (ethnobotany, tek, environmental changes). giulia caneva is a full professor at university roma tre. her research interests include ethnobotany, mediterranean vegetation, and cultural heritage protection. notes 1http://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/en/txt/ p d f / ? u r i = c e l e x : 0 1 9 9 2 l 0 0 4 3 20070101&from=en the relative native: essays on indigenous conceptual worlds. by eduardo viveiros de castro. 2015. hau press, chicago. 366 pp. anderson. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(1):42–44 42 reviews perspectiv es from gene anderson’s bookshelf beliefs about the priority of the social order occur worldwide among many peoples. this is a system of ideas found among the araweté, the people viveiros de castro studied in eastern brazil over many years, and mutatis mutandis among many other groups in greater amazonia. it is one form of the much wider native american conceptual system in which animals, plants, and natural objects are persons—either other-than-human or, as among the araweté, human in their own space and nonhuman only to our perspective. study of such “conceptual worlds” has been recognized as ontology since irving hallowell began to explore it seriously in the 1930s (hallowell 1955, 1960). viveiros de castro is explicitly in the hallowell tradition, and is one of the major figures in the “ontological turn” that has developed from it in recent years. he is also a lévi-straussian, noting that lévi-strauss’ thought is oversimplified and made too rigid in modern textbooks. other notably oft-cited authors are marilyn strathern and roy wagner, philosophic anthropologists who have developed highly sophisticated systems of ethnographic and ethnological theory. at a more remote level, viveiros de castro is a thoroughgoing kantian, in spite of his “growing dissatisfaction with the uncompromisingly kantian inspiration of our discipline” (p. 54). dissatisfied he may be, but only in that he sees a need to open up kantianism to accommodate amazonian and other indigenous philosophical views. the kantian framework of anthropology (kant 1978)—perception, representation, interaction, relationship, communication—is viveiros de castro’s framework. eduardo viveiros de castro has emerged as a leading thinker on human-nonhuman relationships, and, through that, human-human ones. he is most famous for explaining the idea of perspectivism, an indigenous amazonian view which he concisely defines on pp. 229–230: “the conception according to which the universe is inhabited by different sorts of persons, human and nonhuman, which apprehend reality from distinct points of view. this conception was shown to be associated to some others, namely: 1) the original common condition of both humans and animals is not animality, but rather humanity; 2) many animals species [sic], as well as other types of ‘nonhuman’ beings, have a spiritual component which qualifies them as ‘people’; furthermore, these beings see themselves as humans in appearance and in culture, while seeing humans as animals or as spirits; 3) the visible body of animals is an appearance that hides this anthropomorphic invisible ‘essence,’ and that can be put on and taken off as a dress or garment; 4) interspecific metamorphosis is a fact of ‘nature.’ 5) lastly, the notion of animality as a unified domain, globally opposed to that of humanity, seems to be absent from amerindian cosmologies.” in addition, the amazonians have a view that society and its divisions and marks existed before nature did. according to one group, the early spiritbeings made jaguars and tapirs out of wood, covered them with skins, and then painted tribal marks on them—the spots and stripes we now observe. similar the relative native: essays on indigenous conceptual worlds. by eduardo viveiros de castro. 2015. hau press, chicago. 366 pp. eugene n. anderson1* 1department of anthropology, university of c alifornia, riverside, usa. *eugene.anderson@ucr.edu received mar ch 9, 2016 open access accepted march 22, 2016 doi 10.14237/ebl.7.1.2016.651 copyright © 2016 anderson; licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attributionnoncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. anderson. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(1):42–44 43 reviews perspectiv es from gene anderson’s bookshelf this book brings together lectures and papers he has produced over the last couple of decades. the first group deals largely with the classic problem of ethnography: fully and seriously joining with a really alien world of thought, and making it not only understandable but respectable: a serious challenge to western philosophy rather than a quaint butterfly for one’s “indigenous ideas” collection. fortunate are those ethnographers like knud rasmussen, richard atleo (2004, 2011), and gilberto balam (1992) who were raised in both native american and euroamerican worlds, and can move easily from one to the other without much need for adjustment. the rest of us need to think seriously about these questions. viveiros de castro is merciless to those who contrast “our knowledge” with “their belief,” and other unconsciously disparaging and dismissive language, and to the whole view of traditional thought that lies behind it. he has little use for unbounded relativism either; he does not think that tapirs are really humans or that their wallows are, in the tapirs’ view, beautiful, finely-adorned ceremonial halls (as the araweté maintain). he gives short shrift to anthropological praise of all the others over the west, saying, sarcastically, “somewhere along the line…the west got everything wrong, positing substances, individuals, separations, and oppositions wherever all other societies/cultures rightly see relations, totalities, connections, and embeddednesses” (p. 210). he sees the west as just another conceptual world, to be understood and evaluated, not singled out for put-downs. but he does recognize that the standard european view of “culture” as separate from “nature,” with animals being mere machines, is just as far from reality. we need to consider “native” views seriously, because they challenge our own concepts, and make us think about them more searchingly. maybe europeans are right about physics and bacteriology, but what about concepts like “religion,” “society,” and “kinship,” that are notoriously difficult and ill-defined? decentering our view requires finding out what the “natives” think about relationships, religion, cognition, kinship, the nonhuman world, and so on. so far, so good; all anthropologically-trained ethnobiologists do that. what is rarer is working out whole philosophic systems from the limited information we usually collect. again, native american ethnologists like atleo and balam can do this with ease and panache, but the rest of us have to worry, especially if we are not well-trained in western philosophy. viveiros de castro is quite aware of the difficulty of going from what is often unexamined practice by the “natives” to closely-examined interpretation by an outsider. one domain the amazonians make us think about is relationship. the book title alerts us to viveiros de castro’s abiding interest. he replaces “belief” with relationships between ideas and concepts. he focuses on kinship as the complex interplay of types of relationships and relating. he sees complex relationships between people and nonpeople— especially game animals—as the basis of the elaborate and sophisticated amazonian ideas about animal and plant personhood. most of the book consists of detailed studies on the kinship, hunting beliefs, and environmental knowledge of the eastern amazonian indigenous people, with comparisons drawn from elsewhere in the americas, and, less often, from around the world. new guinea is a particularly fertile source, but more because strathern and wagner worked there than because it is especially close to amazonia. space prevents going into detail, but this is the real meat of the book. a book made up of talks and short articles is bound to have two problems: repetition, and failure to go into real depth on any one thing. these problems do indeed surface in the work at hand. some of the essays that started as talks are more verbally impressive than deep. however, the essays on kinship, on perspectivism in general, and on concepts of “nature” in amazonia are extremely impressive displays of the best current thinking in cultural anthropology. in general, i agree with viveiros de castro’s positions, and am inspired to look even more searchingly at nonwestern cultures and their conceptual worlds. some of the lectures are humorous, making d eligh tf ul read ing . th us , on relatio nsh ip : “anthropological concepts are relative because they are relational—and they are relational because they are relators” (p. 48). this playful phrasing covers a deep comment on the book’s central theme. in short, this book will challenge all your preconceptions, whatever those are, and also teach you a great deal about eastern amazonian concepts of the world. ethnobiologists uninterested in philosophy can spare themselves—it is not essential reading for a working ethnobiologist—but if you want to see how far contemporary anthropological theory can go into speculative and critical realms, this is your book. anderson. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(1):42–44 44 reviews perspectiv es from gene anderson’s bookshelf references cited atleo, e. r. 2004. tsawalk: a nuu-chah-nulth worldview. university of british columbia press, vancouver, canada. atleo, e. r. 2011. principles of tsawalk: an indigenous approach to global crisis. university of british columbia press, vancouver, canada. balam pereira, g. 1992. cosmogonía y uso actual de las plantas medicinales de yucatán. universidad autónoma de yucatán, mérida, mexico. hallowell, a. i. 1955. culture and experience. university of pennsylvania press, philadelphia, pa. hallowell, a. i. 1960. ojibwa ontology, behavior, and world-view. in culture in history: essays in honor of paul radin, edited by stanley diamond, pp. 19–52. columbia university press, new york, ny. kant, i. 1978. anthropology from a pragmatic point of view. southern illinois university press, carbondale, il. microsoft word anderson-burnett.doc ethnobiology letters                                                                                                                    book review    4    book review trying leviathan: the nineteenth‐century new york court case that put the  whale and challenged the order of nature   d. graham burnett. 2007. princeton university press. pp. 304 color plates, halftones, bibliography, index.  $29.95  (cloth). isbn 9780691129501.       reviewed by e. n. anderson1    reviewer address: 1department of anthropology, university of california, riverside, riverside, california 92521    received: january 2009                                  volume 1:4‐6  published: august 3rd 2010                       © 2010 society of ethnobiology    my fishermen friends in old hong kong regarded whales and porpoises as anomalous. these creatures were outwardly fish, but inwardly and behaviorally like mammals. thus they were sacred and taboo, like other anomalous fish. no one would hunt them, and if they were killed accidentally they had to be offered to the fishers’ protective goddess. it seems that whales were equally anomalous— burnett even uses the word—in old new york. having written one of the very few books on folk taxonomy of fishes (anderson 1973), i could not resist this history. starting with the title—recall that “trying” refers to both court action and boiling oil out of a whale—the book is witty, well-written, concise, and delightful. historians, unlike anthropologists, are still supposed to write well, and we are herein spared such words as “neoliberalism” and “globalization”—vapid terms whose sole function is to show off multisyllabic jargon. it relates the story of a trial in new york city in 1818. one samuel judd, dealer in whale oil, tried to get around a new law for inspecting fish oil, and thus avoid paying a hefty fee, by claiming that whales are not fish. the inspector (for the state of new york) promptly took him to court. the defense called the great ichthyologist and naturalist samuel mitchill (well known to any modern ichthyologist for his classic descriptions of fish species). mitchill testified according to the latest science, from linnaeus and cuvier: whales are mammals, not fish. the fiery and charismatic lawyer william sampson argued for the plaintiff, and brought in countless people to testify that almost everyone knew a whale was a fish. the only whaler the defense could bring was a captain with the incredible cognomen of preserved fish, “whose name, predictably, attracted the mirth of several commentators” (p. 95; preserved, pronounced preserv-ed, was a fairly common name among new england puritans). judd’s case was not helped by the fact that he was obviously trying to cheat the state rather than teach zoology. yet, “original intent” was as messy then as now. the law was new, so the people who framed it could actually be brought in to testify. gideon lee, who first advocated it, made it clear that he had meant it to include all fish, whales included. lee was a tanner; tanners used much fish oil (not usually whale oil) in working hides. so the direct court battle was really between whale oil sellers and fish oil buyers. peter sharpe, the legislator who actually got it passed, had understood differently—he wanted a law that covered fish oil in the narrow sense, not whale oil. sampson argued a populist line, setting the ordinary people against the ivory-tower scholar, and new yorkers (who generally used “fish” for any sea creature) against new englanders (who tended to separate “whales,” so important a quarry there). this proved successful, and the jury took only 15 minutes to find that, for purposes of the law, a whale was a fish. sharpe subsequently rewrote the law to make it clearer and thus to exempt whale oil. the matter stayed so poorly resolved that there was another trial, involving meat, not oil, but otherwise the same story, in 1919! today, especially after the shenanigans of the bush administration, this may sound like yet another american triumph of obscurantism and antiintellectualism over science. yet, in mitchill’s day, the idea that whales were mammals and not fish was new, and it was far from obvious. darwin’s revelation of what made real natural relationships was far in the future. there was no obvious reason to look at milk, live birth, lungs, and a horizontal tail (mitchill’s main ethnobiology letters                                                                                                                    book review    5    points of emphasis) rather than aquatic habitat, streamlined body shape, fins instead of legs, hairless skins, and active swimming and diving (see esp. pp. 8182). thank goodness the court was not aware of obligatory air-breathing lungfish. they knew of the “duck-billed beaver” (platypus) but were mercifully unaware that it lays eggs. they did know that linnaeus had classed “men” with monkeys (in the primates), and were properly scandalized, using the same language later used to attack darwin. this did not help mitchill’s case. sampson made much of the contrast between mere academic anatomy and actual functional similarities. folk usage was based on the latter. it, and therefore the obvious intent of the law as far as its original sponsors was concerned, was perfectly clear. even today, the english language maintains “shellfish,” “cuttlefish,” and so on, talks of the “whale fishery,” and even continues to refer to several small whales (notably globicephala spp.) as “blackfish”! burnett is aware, also, that darwinian thinking is not too kind to the category “whale.” the english word is paraphyletic. it includes the giant baleen whales, but also the sperm whale, killer whale, and other toothed whales that are actually overgrown dolphins. the english word “fish” is also paraphyletic, and really messy. a whale is actually closer to a trout than the latter is to a hagfish or even a shark. we may also remember, going back to the platypus, that the category “mammal” is still up for grabs too. the platypus is classed as a mammal, but is actually more like a surviving mammal-like reptile. burnett sees the case as “an occasion to investigate cetaceans as ‘problems of knowledge…’; a window onto the contested terrain of zoological classification…; and…an opportunity to assess the broader place of natural history…in new york and in the united states…in the early nineteenth century” (p. 190). actually, he does more. he deals with the whole question of folk classification, and the similarities and differences between it and scientific taxonomy. among the similarities are the obvious influences of “common sense,” economics, and utility. burnett has not read much anthropology, and is thus apparently unaware that “fish” is a universal form-class in human languages, and almost everywhere includes whales. but he unpacks the many “common sense” uses of the term in american english of the time, and makes some very astute remarks about classification. among them is a long essay on the special advantages of folk classification, based as it is on intimate working knowledge of living creatures. quoting one susan scott parrish, he refers to working people’s “local, experimentally derived, and multiracial epistemologies” (p. 103). “multiracial” is offensive here, implying that knowledge and intelligence are genetically coded and racially different, but evidently “multicultural” is meant. thus, knowledge is created through work. some kinds of knowledge are created by the work of whaling; others by the work of cutting up specimens in a comparative anatomy lab. some kinds are created by merchants selling and buying oil, others by lawyers marshalling and deploying shaky information in a courtroom. we see here the government responding (rather lamely) to folk and scientific usages, the people trying to sort it all out, and the final triumph of folk sense over learned controversy. knowledge is negotiated, and largely in terms of how it can be used in actual everyday real-world undertakings. this strongly supports the “utilitarian” tradition in ethnobiology, but gives some comfort to the “platonic” trend and the “social constructionist” trend also. people clearly form abstract ideas—schemas—from what they learn by interactive work. they then often use said schemas in governing, status-jockeying, social gaming, and other wider (and often shadier) pursuits. it seems to me that the utilitarian, or rather interactivepragmatic, trend is the basic one, at least in this case. thanks to all these concerns, the book is a wonderful one for showing how important the whole issue is. if anyone is still deluded by the claim that folk classification is “trivial,” this book emphatically proves otherwise. debates about “fish” continued for decades. herman melville opted for “fish” in moby dick (allowing burnett to bring torrid romantic emotionality into the book, by going into melville in detail). the great william whewell, who coined the word “scientist,” knew of the judd trial, and was moved to consider the taxonomic issues it raised. whewell saw types in a platonic way: induced as ideas. john stewart mill then crossed swords with whewell, seeing taxa as defined by people according to use, rather than being inherent (god-given?) in nature (burnett, pp. 215ff). this fundamental debate is still with us. i am thus glad to learn of the judd trial and its role in starting it. finally, burnett follows an important trend in history by seeing much importance in what we forget. the very real questions of when a whale is a fish, and of how social is science, are not salient to most people, however much they are to us ethnobiologists. we try ethnobiology letters                                                                                                                    book review    6    to situate and contextualize the knowledge we record, showing how it fits with wider social and cultural practices. others have not been so aware, and thus tend to erase stories that reveal the case for whales as fish or the role of legal pettifogging in scientific definitions. i can do no better than echo his final words (p. 220): “is a whale a fish? is science social? is philosophy historical? the precedent question is always this: what stories must be forgotten to answer these questions?” archaeobotanical approaches in the study of food production in remote oceania levin. 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):105–108 105 short topical reviews more, there has been a florescence of research in the field over the past 25 years since hather’s (1992) review of the topic. this short review introduces some recent research and explores issues specific to conducting archaeobotanical research in remote oceania. geographical setting at a basic level, remote oceania is the region of the pacific islands that was settled by austronesianspeaking peoples, beginning some three to four millennia ago, and their descendants. initial settlement of the region is associated primarily with lapita pottery producers (denham et al. 2012; sheppard 2011), although western micronesia (e.g., the mariana islands and palau) was settled separately by other austronesian speakers (carson and switzerland 2013; clark et al. 2006). the initial settlers of remote oceania all relied, to some extent, on imported domesticated plants of the malayo-oceanic tropics, which played a major role in the success of colonization (kirch 2000). in this sense, the archaeobotany of the region is foundational to understanding both human migrations and human-environment dynamics. analytical techniques while in much of the world, agricultural systems rely on domesticated cereals, remote oceania is a major introduction food production is a major topic of archaeological and anthropological research in the region known as the remote pacific (eastern melanesia, micronesia, and polynesia). this region encompasses a diversity of agricultural systems adapted to volcanic (high) islands and coral atolls. most food production here relies heavily on crops and animals that people transported with them when they originally settled these islands (kirch 2000). these imported products are largely drawn from an agricultural system that people living in the malayo-oceanic tropics had independently developed by 6950 cal bp (denham et al. 2003). although the amount of archaeobotanical publication in remote oceania and even the pacific in general is less than in locations such as southwest asia, china, or mesoamerica, interest in the relationship between people and plants in the region’s past has been of interest to researchers for decades. especially notable is botanist douglas yen’s work in the mid and late 20th century. in remote oceania, his extensive work includes the study of the early use of sweet potato (ipomoea batatas) in the pacific (e.g., rosendahl and yen 1971; yen 1974, 1990) and human-environment relationships on the polynesian outlier of tikopia (kirch and yen 1982). furtherarchaeobotanical approaches in the study of food production in remote oceania maureece j. levin 1* 1 archaeology center, stanford university, stanford, california, usa. * mjlevin@stanford.edu abstract this short topical review discusses recent archaeobotanical approaches to understanding food production in remote oceania (eastern melanesia, micronesia, and polynesia). the region presents some preservation and interpretative challenges, both due to the lack of cereal crops and the hot and humid climate that prevails through much of the area. nevertheless, archaeobotanical analyses provide insight into topics such the transport of crops between islands and anthropogenic environmental change. received january 27, 2017 open access accepted july 11, 2017 doi 10.14237/ebl.8.1.2017.882 keywords archaeobotany, archaeology, pacific islands, agriculture, food production, remote oceania copyright © 2017 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. levin. 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):105–108 106 short topical reviews region where cereals were not a staple in dietary prehistory. instead, most of the domesticated staples are roots, tubers, or tree fruits. charred plant macroremains can be recovered successfully through flotation, although charred remains other than wood charcoal are less common in remote oceania than in most temperate regions. additionally, root and tuber macroremains (and, in most cases, tree fruits and nuts), cannot be quantified in the same way as cereals. however, they are present at some sites and can be useful in the study of subsistence. this is true of both tree crops (e.g., kahn and ragone 2013) and roots and tubers (e.g., ladefoged et al. 2005; ussher 2015). compounding this is the generally poor preservation of organic materials in the environments of the tropical remote pacific, which are largely (though not exclusively) warm and humid, often with acidic volcanic or alkaline coral sediments. for this reason, anthracological (wood charcoal) research has been a focus in remote oceania. for example, in new caledonia, dotte-sarout (2017; dotte-sarout et al. 2013) has demonstrated the presence of highly domesticated forests in the second millennium cal a.d.. in the marquesas islands, huebert has documented activities such as rapid changes in forest composition due to human habitation (huebert and allen 2016) and fuel use in earth ovens (huebert et al. 2010). murakami has long worked in anthracology throughout remote oceania, studying activities such as the development of agroforestry on kosrae, micronesia (athens et al. 1996), and the introduction of breadfruit (artocarpus altilis) to hawai’i in the 13th century a.d. (mccoy et al. 2010). in the temperate zone of remote oceania (new zealand and environs), maxwell has recently studied moriori managed forests on the chatham islands (e.g., maxwell et al. 2016). additionally, archaeobotanical work in remote oceania increasingly emphasizes plant microremain analysis. since the latter half of the 20th century, archaeologists working in this region have regularly used pollen from cores as complementary paleoenvironmental data. however, because wind-blown pollen grains are the most numerous and they provide a regional rather than strictly local signature, pollen is generally less useful than macroremains in direct dietary interpretation (but see also horrocks et al. 2003 for an example of the use of pollen from coprolites for dietary studies). phytoliths (silica bodies present in the structural part of many plants) and starch grains provide a more localized signature appropriate for questions about interand intra-site variability, crop processing, and specific agricultural practices. using multiple types of plant microremains, horrocks has published on plant introductions and use throughout the pacific region, including fiji (horrocks 2007), hawai’i (horrocks and rechtman 2009), and the mariana islands (horrocks et al. 2015), among other places. allen and ussher (2013), working on the marquesas islands, used starch to document the exploitation of several introduced plant species and to better understand tool use. research from tromp and dudgeon (2015) on dental calculus from rapa nui (easter island) also shows the importance of sweet potato to human diet in east polynesia prior to european contact. moreover, it highlights how taphonomic pathways are a crucial consideration in microremain analysis. as the inclusion of microbotanical analyses in remote oceanic food production research continues to become more standard, we can expect to see modifications of and improvements in our understanding of human movement and subsistence strategies within the region. multi-proxy investigation the use of multi-proxy methods to answer larger questions about food production in remote oceania is essential, especially because of the poor preservation in the humid tropics and the largely arboricultural economy. many archaeobotanical studies in the region use multiple types of plant remains to study past food production (e.g., horrocks et al. 2003, 2015; horrocks and rechtman 2009; levin 2016; tromp and dudgeon 2015; ussher 2015). as every class of archaeobotanical remains has its own limitations, a multi-proxy approach provides a more complete picture of food production in the past. larger projects, such as the hawai’i biocomplexity project (kirch et al. 2004; vitousek et al. 2004) have developed broad, interdisciplinary agendas, incorporating archaeobotanical data with other lines of evidence such as soil chemistry and landscape archaeology. the hawai’i biocomplexity project specifically investigated the prehistory of landscape use and sociopolitical systems on the hawaiian islands, much of which involved the study of terraced fields. these types of data are key to understanding the origins and spread of pacific subsistence strategies that enabled the settlement of remote oceania. while multi-proxy strategies are certainly not new or levin. 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):105–108 107 short topical reviews uncommon in many regions, a similar approach applied more broadly may yield new insights into the exploitation of roots, tubers, and trees, as well as human landscape management, even where other archaeobotanical data (such as charred seeds) are abundant. conclusion in conclusion, archaeobotany, while previously underutilized in remote oceania, has been growing at a rapid pace since the late 20th century. preservation can sometimes be an issue, due to the largely humid, tropical environment and coastal sites submerged by fluctuating sea levels. nevertheless, archaeobotanical data are yielding new information about the food production systems that pacific islanders introduced to new environments and the ways that human-plant relationships have enabled settlement and survival. ultimately, the field is moving towards a more integrated, multi-proxy approach, which will continue to remain important to answering the most pressing archaeobotanical questions in the region. acknowledgments this paper was greatly improved by comments from jaime kennedy, chantel saban, and katherine seikel, as well the editor, john m. marston, and two anonymous reviewers. any shortcomings or errors are my own. declarations permissions: none declared. sources of funding: none declared. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited allen, m.s., and e. ussher. 2013. starch analysis reveals prehistoric plant translocations and shell tool use, marquesas islands, polynesia. journal of archaeological science 40:2799–2812. doi:10.1016/ j.jas.2013.02.011. athens. j.s., j.v. ward, and g.m. murakami. 1996 . development of an agroforest on a micronesian high island: prehistoric kosraean agriculture. antiquity 70:834–846. doi:10.1017/ s0003598x00084106. carson, m. and c. switzerland. 2013. first settlement of remote oceania: earliest sites in the mariana islands. springer, new york. clark, g., a. anderson, and d. wright. 2006. human colonization of the palau islands, western micronesia. journal of island and coastal archaeology 1:215–232. doi:10.1080/15564890600831705. denham, t.p., c. bronk ramsey and j. specht. 2012. dating the appearance of lapita pottery in the bismarck archipelago and its dispersal to remote oceania. archaeology in oceania 47:39–46. doi:10.1002/j.1834-4453.2012.tb00113.x. denham, t.p., s.g. haberle, c. lentfer, r. fullagar, j. field, m. therin, n. porch, and b. winsborough. 2003. origins of agriculture at kuk swamp in the highlands of new guinea. science 301:189–193. doi:10.1126/science.1085255. dotte-sarout, e. 2017. evidence of forest management and arboriculture from wood charcoal data: an anthracological case study from two new caledonia kanak pre-colonial sites. vegetation history and archaeobotany 26:195–211. doi:10.1007/s00334-16-0580-0. dotte-sarout, e., j. ouetcho, j. bolé, d. barret, and c. sand. 2013. of charcoals and forests: results and perspectives from an archaeobotanical investigation of precolonial kanak settlement sites in new caledonia. in pacific archaeology: documenting the past 50,000 years, edited by g.r. summerhayes and h. buckley, pp. 120–137. department of anthropology & archaeology, university of otago, new zealand. hather, j.g. 1992. the archaeobotany of subsistence in the pacific. world archaeology 24:70–81. doi:10.1080/00438243.1992/9980194. horrocks, m. 2007. evidence for introduced taro (colocasia esculenta) and lesser yam (dioscorea esculenta) in lapita era (c. 3050-2500 cal. bp) deposits from bourewa, southwest vitu levu island, fiji. journal of archaeological science 34:739– 748. doi:10.1016/j.jas.2006.07.011. horrocks, m., g.j. irwin, m.s. mcglone, s.l. nichol, and l.j. williams. 2003. pollen, phytoliths and diatoms in prehistoric coprolites from kohika, bay of plenty, new zealand. journal of archaeological science 30:13–30. doi:10.1006/jasc.2001.0714. horrocks, m., j. peterson, and m.t. carson. 2015. pollen, starch, and biosilicate analysis of archaeological deposits on guam and saipan, mariana islands, northwest pacific: evidence for chamor levin. 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):105–108 108 short topical reviews ro subsistence crops and marine resources. the journal of island and coastal archaeology 10:97–110. doi:10.1080/15564894.2014.921960. horrocks, m. and r.b. rechtman. 2009. sweet potato (ipomoea batatas) and banana (musa sp.) microfossils in deposits from the kona field system, islands of hawaii. journal of archaeological science. 36:1115–1126. doi:10.1016/j.jas.2008.12.014. huebert, j.m. and m.s. allen. 2016. six centuries of anthropogenic forest change on a polynesian high island: archaeological charcoal records from the marquesas islands. quaternary science reviews 137:79–96. doi:10.1016/ j.quascirev.2016.01.017. huebert, j.m., m.s. allen, and r.t. wallace. 2010. polynesian earth ovens and their fuels: wood charcoal remains from anaho valley, nuku hia, marquesas islands. the journal of the polynesian society 119:61–97. doi:10.2307/20707516. kahn, j.g., and d. ragone. 2013. identification of carbonized breadfruit (artocarpus altilis) skin: refining site function and site specialization in the society islands, east polynesia. journal of ethnobiology 33:237–258. doi:10.2993/0278-077133.2.237. kirch, p.v. 2000. on the road of the winds: an archaeological history of the pacific islands before european contact. university of california press, berkeley, ca. kirch, p.v., a.s hartshorn, o.a. chadwick, p.m. vitousek, d.r. sherrod, j. coil, l. holm, and w.d. sharp. 2004. environment, agriculture, and settlement patterns in a marginal polynesian landscape. proceedings of the national academy of sciences 101:9936–9941. doi:10.1073/ pnas.0403470101. kirch, p.v. and d.e. yen. 1982. tikopia: the prehistory and ecology of a polynesian outlier. bishop museum press, honolulu, hi. ladefoged, t.n., m.w. graves, and j.h. coil. 2005. the introduction of sweet potato in polynesia: early remains in hawai’i. the journal of the polynesian society 114:359–373. levin, m.j. 2016. roasting breadfruit in the pacific: a combined plant macroremain and phytolith analysis from pohnpei, federated states of micronesia. archaeology in oceania 51:70–76. doi:10.1002/arco.5081. maxwell, j.j., j.d. howarth, m.j. vandergoes, g.e. jacobsen, and i.g. barber. 2016. the timing and importance of arboriculture and agroforestry in a temperate east polynesia society, the moriori, rekohu (chatham island). quaternary science reviews 149:306–325. doi:10.1016/ j.quascirev.2016.08.006. mccoy, m.d., m.w. graves, and g. murakami. 2010. introduction of breadfruit (artocarpus altilis) to the hawaiian islands. economic botany 64:374–381. doi: 10.1007/s12231-010-9140-1. rosendahl, p., and d.e. yen. 1971. fossil sweet potato remains from hawaii. the journal of the polynesian society 80:378–385. sheppard, p.j. 2011. lapita colonization across the near/remote oceania boundary. current anthropology 52:799–840. doi:10.1086/662201. tromp, m., and j.v. dudgeon. 2015. differentiating dietary and non-dietary microfossils extracted from human dental calculus: the importance of sweet potato to ancient diet on rapa nui. journal of archaeological science 54:54–63. doi:10.1016/ j.jas.2014.11.024. ussher, e. 2015. agriculture in tongan prehistory: an archaeobotanical perspective. unpublished doctoral dissertation, department of archaeology and natural history, college of asia pacific, the australian national university, canberra, australia. vitousek, p.m., t.n. ladefoged, p.v. kirch, a.s. hartshorn, m.w. graves, s.c. hotchkiss, s. tuljapurkar, and o.a. chadwick. 2004. soils, agriculture, and society in precontact hawai’i. science 304:1665–1669. doi:10.1126/ science.1099619. yen, d.e. 1974. the sweet potato and oceania: an essay in ethnobotany. bishop museum press, honolulu, hi. yen, d.e. 1990. the sweet potato in the pacific: the propagation of the plant in relation to its distribution. the journal of the polynesian society 69:368– 375. gender bias affects forests worldwide elias et al. 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):31–34 31 short topical reviews explored from the communal to the individual scale: gendered governance, tree tenure, spatiality of forest use, division of labor, and ecological knowledge. each reflects inequities in women’s and men’s ability to make decisions and benefit from forests and their products. these themes emerge across geographic regions in both the southern and northern hemispheres, carrying implications for researching and achieving the sustainable and equitable management of forests. the varying citation dates demonstrate the longevity of these concerns. gendered governance globally, forests are mainly government-owned (86%), with a smaller proportion being privately (10%) or communally (4%) held (agrawal et al. 2008). in reality, the lines among these forms of ownership are blurred. formal and customary tenure regimes overlap and governance of ‘public’ forests is increasintroduction human gender relations shape natural resource use, management, and prospects for economic development that sustains people and the planet. this is firmly recognized in international agreements, such as the convention on biological diversity (1992), the declaration on the rights of indigenous peoples (2010), and the sustainable development goals (2015). yet, gender biases persist. these are reflected in forest science and result in inequitable, ineffective, and less efficient forest policies, programs, and interventions. we recently documented such biases and the relevance of gender relations to the field of forestry in two volumes (colfer et al. 2016). the first is a collection of current analyses on gender in forests whereas the second is comprised of classic articles in the field. building on these two volumes, we outline five persistent themes related to gender and forests, gender bias affects forests worldwide marlène elias 1* , susan stevens hummel 2 , bimbika sijapati basnett 3 , and carol j. piece colfer 3,4 1 bioversity international, rome, italy. 2 usda forest service, pacific northwest research station, portland, oregon, usa. 3 center for international forestry research, bogor, indonesia. 4 southeast asia program, cornell university, ithaca, new york, usa. * marlene.elias@cgiar.org abstract gender biases persist in forestry research and practice. these biases result in reduced scientific rigor and inequitable, ineffective, and less efficient policies, programs, and interventions. drawing from a two-volume collection of current and classic analyses on gender in forests, we outline five persistent and inter-related themes: gendered governance, tree tenure, forest spaces, division of labor, and ecological knowledge. each emerges across geographic regions in the northern and southern hemisphere and reflects inequities in women’s and men’s ability to make decisions about and benefit from trees, forests, and their products. women’s ability to participate in community-based forest governance is typically less than men’s, causing concern for social equity and forest stewardship. women’s access to trees and their products is commonly more limited than men’s, and mediated by their relationship with their male counterparts. spatial patterns of forest use reflect gender norms and taboos, and men’s greater access to transportation. the division of labor results in gender specialization in the collection of forest products, with variations in gender roles across regions. all th ese gender differences result in ecological knowledge that is distinct but also complementary and shifting across the genders. the ways gender plays out in relation to each theme may vary across cultures and contexts, but the influence of gender, which intersects with other factors of social differentiation in shaping forest landscapes, is global. received november 30, 2016 open access accepted january 17, 2017 doi 10.14237/ebl.8.1.2017.834 keywords gender bias, governance, tenure, gendered spaces, division of labor, ecological knowledge copyright © 2017 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. elias et al. 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):31–34 32 short topical reviews ingly being decentralized and managed as common property by local communities, organizations, or private timber concessions (agrawal et al. 2008). power relations among the state, private sector, communities, and social relations within communities shape forest governance arrangements and institutions mediating how forest resources are to be used, sustained, and shared. gender and other factors of social differentiation, such as ethnicity, socioeconomic status, and age, play a critical role in determining who can participate in making decisions and reaping associated benefits. at the community level, poor men’s ability to actively participate in forest-user groups tends to exceed poor women’s (agarwal 2002; sunderland et al. 2014). reasons for women’s exclusion from these decision-making instances range from heavy competing demands for their time, to their limited access to information on forest management, and low levels of formal education in many rural contexts. women’s exclusion also results from their lack of a recognized role in public forums, and norms of silence leave them feeling out of place in this domain (agarwal 2002). similar exclusions may apply to marginalized groups, such as migrants and indigenous peoples, although the intersection between gender and social identity/ethnicity may pose additional challenges. such exclusions have implications for sustainable forest management, as the specific interests and expertise of excluded groups are ignored, and inequitable access to decision-making and benefits, forest stewardship is discouraged. more fundamentally, exclusion infringes on social justice and human rights to acquire information and participate in decision-making. gendered tree tenure tenure regimes govern who can access, use, control, and benefit from natural resources such as land or trees. rights to trees are complex, particularly in the global south where customary regimes—rooted in spiritual or social morals—prevail and can differ from rights to land (howard and nabanoga 2007). access to tree products is negotiated with the formal resource ‘owner’ and can be shared by many individuals (rocheleau and ross 1995). gender intersects with other social factors, such as marital and indigenous or migrant status, to determine who can plant, harvest or fell trees. women’s rights to land and trees are typically mediated by their relationship with men (mwangi et al. 2011): a husband, if married, or father in patrilineal systems, often an uncle in matrilineal systems. when land belongs to men, women are frequently prohibited from planting trees for themselves as this can be considered a land claim. due to their limited access to land, rural women are often highly dependent on common property resources such as forests (agarwal 2002; sunderland et al. 2014). gender differences are thus manifest with respect to planted versus spontaneously growing (or ‘wild’) trees and to the physical spaces where trees are located. they also shape access and use of native versus exotic species, different taxa, functional/use groups, and tree products used for subsistence or trade (fortmann and bruce 1988; howard and nabanoga 2007). different parts of the same tree can be harvested by different individuals in patterns typically following gender lines. for instance, men are generally responsible for climbing trees to collect honey and other forest products located at higher altitudes. they may harvest a tree’s bole whereas women will harvest the same species’ leaves for fodder, food, or medicine (pfeiffer and butz 2005). tree use, control, and benefits cannot be fully understood without adopting a gender lens because competing claims, exclusions, and negotiations in relation to tree products are embedded in gender and other social relations. gendered forest spaces gender relations play a key role in shaping the forest spaces men and women frequent and the ways they access these. for instance, in certain rainforest societies, men collect tree products in primary forests, whereas women gather in secondary forests and around the homestead (elias 2016). differentiated spatial patterns of forest use partly result from genderspecific access to transportation. men are typically able to access larger forest areas when they have access to bicycles, motorcycles, carts, or trucks. gender norms and taboos limit women’s access to certain forest areas, as do concerns for women’s safety, and socially determined household duties that require women’s presence near home (howard and nabanoga 2007). age, socio-economic status, and culture are among other factors that interact with gender to shape women’s and men’s movements and imprints on the forest. gender division of labor the gender division of labor relegates specific forestrelated activities to women and men, which is elias et al. 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):31–34 33 short topical reviews consistent with their responsibilities for maintaining and providing for their households. a global comparative study finds marked gender specialization in the collection and processing of most forest product categories (sunderland et al. 2014) with variability in gender roles observed across regions. for instance, women dominate the collection of firewood in asia and africa, but not in latin america. this division of labor influences women’s and men’s familiarity with, valuation of, and priorities for forest products (sunderland et al. 2014). the fact that many tree products require little to no labor to grow is important for women, who are typically time-limited (colfer et al. 1999). moreover, forest-related activities can often be interwoven with other livelihood activities. for instance, women multitask by gathering forest products while on their way to their fields. forest product processing may be carried out at home and in non-peak labor hours, which sits well with women’s competing work demands. although these features offer prospects for women in forest product value chains, they also contribute to maintaining the invisibility of women’s work, and their temporary or low wage employment in the forest sector. relatively low barriers to entry into forest product markets and women’s association with certain non-timber forest products that are gaining market value provide an entry point for value chain initiatives focused gender equity and women’s livelihoods (ingram et al. 2016). yet, they also carry risks of a male takeover as products traditionally reserved for women gain value (ingram et al. 2016). gender-differentiated knowledge gender norms that shape women’s and men’s ability to participate in forest governance, their tree tenure, spatial forest use, and division of labor result in gender-differentiated sets of knowledge about the forest. gender-specific use and knowledge of the forest may be linked to life form (annuals, short-lived perennials, long-lived perennials), taxa, parts of trees used, methods of forest-product processing, ecological processes, and more (pfeiffer and butz 2005). although gendered spheres of knowledge are distinct, they are also shared, complementary, adaptive and shifting amid current climate and socio-economic changes (elias 2016). for instance, male outmigration from many rural areas is causing responsibilities that were previously considered ‘male’ to fall to women (djoudi and brockhaus 2016). despite the extent of their knowledge repertoires (díaz-reviriego et al. 2016), “in many cultural and economic contexts […] women are […] seen as ‘minor’ actors, secondary to men who are presumed to be the knowledge holders, managers and preservers of most plant resources that are thought to be ‘valuable’, particularly to outsiders” (howard 2003:3). the invisibility and low value attributed to women’s knowledge results in research biases. it also perpetuates women’s exclusion and the omission of their knowledge from natural resource management policy and practice. conclusion in sum, gender relations directly affect forest use and management and local women and men derive benefits from these. this is evidenced in five interrelated (and non-exhaustive) thematic areas, where gendered patterns are observed in forests worldwide. the relationship between gender and each theme varies across cultures and contexts, and intersects with other factors of social differentiation to shape forested landscapes. careful attention to study design is desirable to promote science that is not genderbiased, but equitable and sustainable in forest management. acknowledgements the authors gratefully acknowledge earthscan/ routledge’s help in publishing an expanded version of these ideas in the introduction to colfer et al. (2017). declarations permissions: none declared. sources of funding: this research is funded by the cgiar research program on forests, trees and agroforestry, the cgiar fund donors (who-we-are/ cgiar-fund/fund-donors-2), and the united states forest service (usfs). conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited agarwal, b. 2002. the hidden side of group behaviour: a gender analysis of community forestry in south asia. in group behaviour and development: is the market destroying cooperation?, edited by j. heyer, f. stewart, and r. thorp, pp. 185–208. oxford university press, oxford, united kingdom. agrawal, a., a. chhatre, and r. hardin. 2008. changing governance of the world’s forests. elias et al. 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):31–34 34 short topical reviews science, new series 320:1460–1462. doi:10.1126/ science.1155369. colfer, c. j. p., r. l. wadley, and p. venkateswarlu. 1999. understanding local people's use of time: a precondition for good co-management. environmental conservation 26:41–52. doi:10.1017/ s0376892999000077 . colfer, c. p., b. s. basnett, and m. elias, eds. 2016. gender and forests: climate change, tenure, value chains, and emerging issues. earthscan/cifor, london, united kingdom. doi:10.4324/978131566624. colfer, c. p., m. elias, b. s. basnett, and s. s. hummel, eds. 2017. the earthscan reader on gender and forests. manuscript submitted to routledge, london, united kingdom. díaz-reviriego, i., l. gonzález-segura, á. fernándezllamazares, p. l. howard, j. molina, and v. reyes -garcía. 2016. social organization influences the exchange and species richness of medicinal plants in amazonian homegardens. ecology and society 21:1. doi:10.5751/es-07944-210101. djoudi, h., and m. brockhaus. 2016. unveiling the complexity of gender and adaptation: the ‘feminization’ of forests as response to droughtinduced men’s migration in mali. in gender and forests: climate change, tenure, value chains, and emerging issues, edited by c. p. colfer, b. s. basnett, and m. elias, pp. 150–168. earthscan/ cifor, london, united kingdom. elias, m. 2016. distinct, shared and complementary: gendered agroecological knowledge in review. cab reviews 11:1–16. doi:10.1079/ pavsnnr201611040. fortmann, l., and j. w. bruce. 1988. whose trees? proprietary dimensions of forestry. westview press, boulder, co. howard, p. 2003. the major importance of ‘minor’ resources: women and plant biodiversity. gatekeeper series 112. international institute for environment and development (iied), london, united kingdom. available at: http://lib.icimod.org/ record/11343/files/5202.pdf. accessed on september 15, 2016. howard, p., and g. nabanoga. 2007. are there customary rights to plants? an inquiry among the baganda (uganda), with special attention to gender. world development 35:1542–1563. doi:10.1016/j.worlddev.2006.05.021. ingram, v., m. haverhals, s. petersen, m. elias, b. s. basnett, and s. phosiso. 2016. gender and forest, tree and agroforestry value chains: evidence from the literature. in gender and forests: climate change, tenure, value chains, and emerging issues, edited by c. p. colfer, b. s. basnett, and m. elias, pp. 221–242. earthscan/cifor, london, united kingdom. doi:10.17528/cifor/006279. mwangi, e., r. meinzen-dick, and y. sun. 2011. gender and sustainable forest management in east africa and latin america. ecology and society 16:17. available at: http:// www.ecologyandsociety.org/vol16/iss1/art17/. accessed on september 15, 2016. pfeiffer, j. m., and r. j. butz. 2005. assessing cultural and ecological variation in ethnobiological research: the importance of gender. journal of ethnobiology 25:240–278. doi:10.2993/0278-0771 (2005)25[240:acaevi]2.0.co;2. rocheleau, d., and l. ross. 1995. trees as tools, trees as text: struggles over resources in zambrana-chacuey, dominican republic. antipode 27:407–426. doi:10.1111/j.14678330.1995.tb00287.x. sunderland, t., r. achdiawan, a. angelsen, r. babigumira, a. ickowitz, f. paumgarten. v. reyesgarcia, and g. shively. 2014. challenging perceptions about men, women, and forest product use: a global comparative study. world development 64:56–66. doi:10.1016/j.worlddev.2014.03.003. microsoft word welch.doc ethnobiology letters                                                                                                                    book review    18    urihi a: a terra‐floresta yanomami  bruce albert and william milliken with gale goodwin gomez. são paulo: instituto socioambiental, 2009. 207 pp.,  illustrations, tables, bibliography, appendices, index. paperback isbn: 978‐85‐85994‐72‐3.    reviewed by james r. welch1    reviewer address: 1 escola nacional de saúde pública, fundação oswaldo cruz, rio de janeiro    received: march 30th 2010                            volume 1:18‐19  published: august 15th 2010                       © 2010 society of ethnobiology    scientific and public interest in tropical ethnobiology appears to increase in step with international focus on the urgency of conservation efforts in countries where rainforest deforestation is an issue. yet, local political contexts often restrain ethnobiological research, especially when conducted by foreigners, for the apropos goals of protecting indigenous intellectual property and national patrimony. in brazil, several versions of legislation controlling research involving biological samples and traditional biodiversity knowledge have been considered since 2001. undertaking ethnobotanical research in brazil, where it is the subject of intense public and legal scrutiny, is not for foreigners faint of heart. urihi a: a terra-floresta yanomami (urihi a: the yanomami earth-forest) is a welcome example of ethnobotanical research conducted in brazil with a high ethical standard. at the request of the pro-yanomami commission, a brazilianbased ngo, albert and milliken applied their exceptional anthropological and ethnobotanical experience to the project of documenting yanomami plant knowledge for the future benefit of the yanomami people. in this text, they present their results in a manner that simultaneously emphasizes scientific rigor and ethical responsibility. the book begins with an introduction, followed by a brief presentation of the research methods and an overview of yanomami ethnobotany, including wild plant knowledge, classification systems and nomenclature, and agricultural practices. the main body of the text is organized into nine chapters, each focused on a specific category of plant use: edible plants, plants used in hunting and fishing, plants used in construction, plants used for fire, plants of diverse technical uses, plants used for body ornamentation, plants used as psychotropics and stimulants, medicinal plants, and plants in cosmology. the final chapter discusses yanomami ethnobotany in the context of other publications on ethnobotany in amazonia. ethnobotanical knowledge among contemporary indigenous groups in amazonia is rarely as tidy as it would appear to be when presented in lists and tables. albert and milliken make no mistake of that fact, opting to present their methods with integrity and honesty in light of the complex realities of yanomami plant knowledge. for example, they address in a straight-forward manner the tendencies, typical of amazonian ethnobiological systems, for high degrees of temporal and spatial variation, individual or idiosyncratic knowledge, as well as the operational difficulties of uncertainty and recall error. they deal with these challenges creatively but systematically. for example, they favored the deliberation of responses by yanomami collaborators through group interviews and only recorded responses supported by consensus. additionally, the authors made plant collections with proper ethnobotanical procedures. botanical identifications were made by specialists at national and foreign herbariums, including the royal botanic gardens, kew, the new york botanical gardens, the national institute of amazon research (inpa), and the integrated museum of roraima. given these methods, their data appear to have a high degree of reliability and their limits are clearly delineated. the text also benefits from a strong diachronic emphasis even though the study was not explicitly intended to be historical ecological. the yanomami population is large and diverse with an accordingly complex early history. recent yanomami history includes non-indigenous encroachment accompanied by dramatic sociocultural, demographic, and ecological transformations. the authors insightfully discuss western yanomami ethnobotany in light of this historical setting, elucidating its temporal dimensions in a manner that transmits the dynamic realities by which ethnobiology letters                                                                                                                    book review    19    traditional environmental knowledge transforms through time. in this respect, the book benefits from data collected at different moments in time and in communities located in different environmental settings. it also benefits from special attention to the difference between contemporary usages and those from prior decades that were recalled by elders. the authors communicate these complexities with clarity, always attending to the humanness of the yanomami in specific historical, sociocultural, and ecological settings. written in a conversational style, albert and milliken emphasize expository writing rather than plant inventories (although the authors provide abundant tables), this book is both a pleasure to read and an informative resource. it successfully manages to present botanical data in systematic fashion while affording ample space for more anthropological topics, such as architecture, female healing practices, and cosmology. in these instances, as well as others, the authors provide rich ethnobotanical detail for cultural domains that do not always receive such thorough attention. for example, the prevalent and apparently traditional yanomami roof construction employing leaves from the palm geonoma baculifera bound to splints made from socratea exorrhiza is shown to be a historical borrowing from non-yanomami indigenous workers at a federal indian protection service (spi) post operating in the region during the 1940s. previously, the more common roofing material was leaves of a different palm, geonoma deversa, bound with a vine in the genus heteropsis. organizing the book by use categories rather than by botanical taxa was also instrumental in the authors’ effort to be informative without usurping yanomami control over their intellectual property. in this effort the authors should be congratulated. make no mistake, attending to the ethical and legal imperative that science should not violate the rights of a study population or host country is tricky business. in this case, it appears that the study was conducted with necessary permissions from the national indian foundation (funai) and the brazilian research council (cnpq). furthermore, the authors adopted the measure of excluding uniquely yanomami ethnomedicinal data, opting instead to publish only yanomami plants and their uses that are similar to those already documented for other indigenous amazonian groups. this measure is ethically appropriate because it allows the yanomami to retain control over their unique ethnomedicinal knowledge. despite that limitation, the book remains highly informative by emphasizing cultural and historical dimensions of plant knowledge in addition to botanical identifications. this is especially apparent in the domains of cosmology and mythology, where the authors aptly demonstrate the interconnectedness of the physical, metaphysical, and historical dimensions of ethnobotanical knowledge. as one of the precious few rigorous and relevant ethnobotanical publications to come from brazil in recent years, urihi a: a terra-floresta yanomami is an important resource for scholars and nonspecialists. it is also recommended for students interested in an example of responsible ethnobiological research in brazil. the invention of science: a new history of the scientific revolution. by david wootton. 2015. harper collins, new york. 784 pp. anderson. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(1):55–58 55 reviews perspectives from gene anderson’s bookshelf our languages; it was an obscure portuguese term (descubrimento) that went viral after columbus. one might add (and i think wootton should have added) that europeans were also traveling to africa and asia more, and getting acquainted with a vast range of new plants and animals. of course aristotle, galen, and the other ancients had known nothing of these. meanwhile, great strides in anatomy, medicine, chemistry, physics, and other areas were being made. among new words that came later was “fact,” originally a term of medieval law, appropriated in the 17th century for one type of thing science is supposed to find. but science is also supposed to find “natural laws,” another new term. experiment, theory, hypothesis, and, later, probability also added to the language (p. 565 sums up hundreds of pages of history of these concepts). wootton has been characterized in some once-over-lightly reviews of taking a linguistic stance, but he is really interested in the scientific processes that led to the concepts that then had to have a name. his history is one of progressive “discovery” and “experiment.” these required new terms, and that is an important observation, but does not make his book a linguistic study. finally, wootton embarks on a devastating critique of the more extreme forms of relativism and social constructionism. clearly, science does find out stuff. it lets us do all kinds of things the ancients couldn’t do. america is real. chemistry works and alchemy doesn’t. (they were not distinguished until quite late; newton was still trying alchemy in the 17th century, though wootton emphasizes that he had to for those who are less than convinced by postmodernist claims that the scientific revolution never happened, and not convinced at all by the claims that science is a mere word game, this book is a river—not just an oasis—in the desert. david wootton robustly defends the old idea that the revolution begun by tycho brahe and galileo and led to victory by isaac newton was real and important. his opening sentence (p. 1) reads: “modern science was invented between 1572, when tycho brahe saw a nova, or new star, and 1704, when newton published his opticks, which demonstrated that white light is made up of light of all colors….” his final paragraph restates those dates, and adds the specific information: “science—the research programme, the experimental method, the interlocking of pure science and new technology, the language of defeasible knowledge—was invented between 1572 and 1704” (p. 571). i thought i knew english, but “defeasible” stopped me; the oed informs that it means “capable of being undone, ‘defeated’….” it is here a nod to karl popper’s famous argument that scientific statements must be capable of accepted disproof, but—perhaps more importantly—it flags the extreme importance of realizing that the ancients, even the near-divine aristotle, were often wrong, and the moderns had to check their knowledge. what was new, as francis bacon pointed out at the time, was that the authority of the ancients gave way to experimentation, exploration, testing, and research. wootton points out the enormous importance of columbus’ “discovery”—from a southern european point of view—of the americas, and the realization that they were a whole new vast realm. this, in fact, made the word “discovery” enter the invention of science: a new history of the scientific revolution. by david wootton. 2015. harper collins, new york. 784 pp. eugene n. anderson 1* 1 department of anthropology, university of california, riverside, usa. * eugene.anderson@ucr.edu received may 1, 2016 open access accepted june 8, 2016 doi 10.14237/ebl.7.1.2016.716 copyright © 2016 by the author(s) licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. anderson. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(1):55–58 56 reviews perspectives from gene anderson’s bookshelf be a bit secretive about it, since it was losing ground). verification and disproof really do happen. however, wootton sometimes gets a bit carried away. he ascribes more extreme positions to modern “science studies” scholars than they really hold. latour, for instance, is less of a relativist that wootton says (p. 540). thomas kuhn was less dogmatic about his model (kuhn 1962) than wootton seems to think. but this is minor and debatable. more serious is wootton’s missing some “facts” of his own. minor, but revealing, is his claim that “mt. everest was…just as tall before it was named in 1865 as it was after it was named, but finding and sharing facts about everest required a naming process…there were no facts about everest before 1865” (p. 260). of course everest was named (jolmolungma, to be exact) and perfectly well known, mapped, and (up to a fairly substantial altitude) explored, and had been so for millennia. it was well known to tibetan and chinese science. again, arguing for “killer facts” (killing theories, that is), he says: “if i wanted to persuade you of continental drift, for example, i would point you to the classic papers on paleomagnetism and we could then go and make our measurements in the field” (p. 280). well, there were plenty of killer facts proving continental drift beyond reasonable doubt as early as the 1930s, and the paleomagnetic work was done in the 1960s, but most geologists were not convinced until around 1970 or later. very slow acceptance was driven by heavy investment in outmoded theories. nothing could more firmly prove kuhn’s points about “normal science” and occasional “revolutions,” or more thoroughly refute the more naïve claims of killer facts. indeed, to build a bit on kuhn, one can say that science requires error to advance. people have to propose wild theories, push the envelope, approximate, and outright guess, just to generate the new ideas that may someday develop into great science. this is why i am less hard than the organization “scientists” are on traditional peoples who explain earthquakes as the shaking of a giant animal underground, and explain sickness as the result of bad air currents. they are as correct as western science was on these issues 200 years ago. the problem comes, as wootton makes clear, when people refuse to test, refine, and build on these ideas. this makes us wonder whether wootton is too quick to dismiss the constructionist and relativist positions. showing that science does really advance useful knowledge does not prove it is immune to sociocultural pressures. wootton describes himself as a qualified constructionist, aware that science and scientific knowledge are indeed socially constructed; they are, however, constructed through interaction with external reality (whatever that is—best defined by some anonymous sage as “the stuff that refuses to go away when i stop believing in it”). this is true enough, but does not explain the specific errors, standpoints, biases, and other baggage that are inseparable from the dispassionate pursuit of truth. society and culture are unavoidably involved with this. wootton and his constructionist targets agree on one thing that i find impossible to believe: the idea that truth and social construction are mutually exclusive. no, truth almost has to be socially constructed. it takes a village to raise a child and establish a fact. it follows that scientific truths have a long social history, often one in which they developed from flagrant error, as chemistry did (in part) from alchemy and as theories of contagion by germs built on theories of contagion by bad air (“mal-aria”). this is, of course, quite different from pseudoscience— nonsense that was against all evidence from the start and that is propagated by public-relations gimmicks rather than experiment or evidence. true science is a social construction just as error is, and wootton seems to me to be quite wrong in denouncing those who see a need to explain both in social and cultural terms. in fact, wootton’s whole book is dedicated to explaining how people got to the truth, and it was a social process. still, wootton is obviously correct about the extreme importance of the scientific revolution and its invention of science as an institution, a calling, and a process. the key difference between the search for truth and a fall into error is exactly what made the scientific revolution a real revolution: a dedication to test all knowledge against experience, experiment, and evidence. one need only point to a fascinating close comparison case: china. china’s pre-1600 scientific knowledge developed at about the same rate as the west’s. it was equally stuck with its own ancients; the chinese classics were as rigidly followed there as aristotle and galen were in medieval europe. chinese scholars were equally loath to experiment or test—but equally prone to do so anyway, because of insatiable curiosity. china learned a great deal from the west, as the west did from china. all seemed one big happy anderson. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(1):55–58 57 reviews perspectives from gene anderson’s bookshelf system. famously, all the three inventions that francis bacon thought were basic to the rising science of his time—the compass, gunpowder, and printing—were chinese inventions, learned late in the west. then, in the late 1500s, the west suddenly exploded. in 1572, china was about equal to the west in botany, astronomy (they had recorded a nova in 1054), physics, technology, medicine, everything. by the early 1600s, china was already hopelessly behind in some fields, and by the middle 1600s china was in the dust. one reason was the fall of the ming dynasty, which reduced china to bloody chaos and ended peaceful investigations for a long time. then the following qing dynasty was fiercely repressive, sending scholars back to the classics. meanwhile, the west suddenly leaped, while china kept cranking along at the same old rate. (see the many volumes of science and civilisation in china; also elman 2005, 2006.) similarly, the muslim world had a brilliant scientific tradition that anticipated much of europe’s later revolution (see beckwith 2013; starr 2013), but it collapsed in the turkic and mongol wars of the 1200s. wootton does not discuss these cases, but he gives us the best explanation to date of why and how the west developed as it did, rapidly surpassing these others. evidently, the enemy of truth is not error, but blind devotion to untested or untestable theories, as everyone from bacon to popper and wootton point out. this should sober those anthropologists that take seriously the wilder flights of french postmodernism. but was the west inventing science in the sense of systematic pursuit of useful knowledge about the external world? obviously not—china was indeed equal to the west in 1572, in most areas, and well ahead in some (notably nutrition). even the ancient greeks (oft derided by wootton, who finds aristotle especially wanting) did very well. wootton does not mention botany; in that area the greeks, notably theophrastus and dioscorides, did brilliant work that remains foundational to the field. medieval science in europe and elsewhere made significant strides in medicine and in such fields as falconry; frederick ii hohenstaufen (1943, latin original ca. 1250) wrote a book on that subject that is still used as an authoritative text, and he explains in detail the fully scientific methods he used, anticipating much of what wootton says was new 400 years later. indeed, as we ethnobiologists know, every culture and society on earth has science, in that all of them learn a great deal from interacting with the environment, accumulate this as best they can in developing knowledge, and systematize it through all those wondrous taxonomies, rules, cultural models, and other things we study. some even have terms more or less equivalent to post-1650 “science.” admittedly, it is easier to accumulate and share knowledge if you have writing, and much easier if you have printing (as wootton emphasizes—following bacon), but the chinese and central asians had printing and it did not enable them to leap forward. yet many indigenous nonliterate societies have very extensive knowledge bases learned through experience and non-written teachings. in fact, europe in the 1500s was not really taking as much advantage of printing as one might think. in science, for the most part, print books merely recorded oral knowledge. so i prefer to think of science as a human universal, and to use for post-1500 western science my friend randall collins’ useful term “rapid discovery science” (1998). using the term “science” for ancient greek geometry, astronomy, and so on is long established, and if that seems fair—which it does—then every culture has science. what the west did after 1500 was create a self-conscious science that was dedicated to finding out as much as possible, as fast as possible. wootton shows that the standard explanations for the rise of rapid discovery science are inadequate, and does not propose a new one. i can only add that science developed along with trade, commerce, and exploration, and also by religious diversity and controversy. it was set back by autocratic regimes whenever and wherever they arose. this cost of autocracy is the usual, and certainly at least partly true, explanation for china’s failure. italy was a leader in science when divided into city-states, and lost the lead when it was centralized. later, of course, science flourished in some large and centralized societies (like the united states), but not in really authoritarian ones. this is only a partial explanation, though, and we are left wondering. references cited beckwith, c. 2013. warriors of the cloisters: the central asian origins of science in the medieval world. princeton university press, princeton, nj. collins, r. 1998. the sociology of philosophies. harvard university press, cambridge, ma. anderson. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(1):55–58 58 reviews perspectives from gene anderson’s bookshelf elman, b. 2005. on their own terms: science in china, 1550-1900. harvard university press, cambridge, ma. elman, b. 2006. a cultural history of modern science in china. harvard university press, cambridge, ma. hohenstaufen, f. ii. 1943. the art of falconry. translated and edited by c. a. wood and f. m. fyfe. stanford university press, stanford, ca. kuhn, t. 1962. the structure of scientific revolutions. university of chicago press, chicago, il. starr, s. f. 2013. lost enlightenment: central asia’s golden age from the arab conquest to tamerlane. princeton university press, princeton, nj. to know them is to love them ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 146‐150. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.297. 146 perspec ve  might better communicate to a broader audience the relevance of ethnobiology to the ecological and political crises that threaten us all today. i have no easy answers but a few reflections. cognitive ethnobiology was defined by theoretical issues of central concern in the 1960s, notably, how best to define “culture” as the proper subject of anthropological understanding. we hoped to devise a “theory of culture,” “culture” understood as a society’s “knowledge of the world.” cognitive ethnobiology traces an intellectual pedigree to an emerging “science of mind,” which had parallel contemporary elaborations in psychology and linguistics (gardner 1986). the recent “white house brain initiative: brain research through advancing innovative neurotechnologies,” initiated to explore the “new frontier” of the human mind, indicates that our interest in understanding the cognitive foundations of culture through ethnobiological classification was not misplaced. however, anthropology’s theoretical efforts since have been redirected, leaving the cognitive terrain to neurotechnology. the ecological issues that have dominated “to know, know, know him is to love, love, love him; just to see him smile makes my life worthwhile….” ‒phil spector this pop song by the teddy bears climbed to #1 on the billboard’s top 100 in september 1958, the lyric inspired by a tombstone epitaph (http:// en.wikipedia.org/wiki/to_know_him_is_to_love_him). i recalled the tune as i contemplated my assigned topic for this brief perspective piece: “cognitive ethnobiology and bio[cultural] diversity conservation.” how so? and what has love got to do with it? how are we to connect cognitive ethnobiology – what i have characterized in a previous essay as “ethnobiology ii” (hunn 2007), noted for its sometimes obsessive concern with nomenclature and classification – with an emergent ethnobiology v (wyndham et al. 2011; wolverton 2013), which would build on what we have learned through the previous four phases of ethnobiology in order to promote a more loving relationship between humanity and biodiversity? this question is relevant to the larger issue of how we to know them is to love them  eugene hunn   author address: department of anthropology, university of washington, sea le, wa, u.s.a.  email: enhunn323@comcast.net  received: december 10, 2014  volume: 5:146‐150  published: december 30, 2014  © 2014 society of ethnobiology  abstract: i connect the theore cal emphasis that mo vated the cogni ve ethnobiology of the 1960s and early 1970s with the contemporary emphasis on promo ng ethnobiology as contribu ng to biodiversity conserva on. i use the words of a popular song to highlight the necessary, if problema c, links between knowing nature – the focus of cogni ve ethnobiology, loving nature, and ac ng to conserve nature. i argue that a highly elaborated knowledge of the living things in one’s local environment is characteris c of indigenous and other deeply rooted communi es, which are dependent on sustainable harvests of local natural resources. furthermore, this extensive knowledge goes hand in hand with a deep emo onal engagement with those species (“love”), which is in turn powerful mo va on to treat those species with respect, absent dominance of profit mo ves. i suggest in conclusion that ethnobiology may best contribute to biodiversity conserva on by documen ng the detailed knowledge of and cultural apprecia on for biodiversity evident in such rooted communi es – an effort that has defined the ethnobiological project for over the past half century. the wider community of ac vists dedicated to biodiversity conserva on may thus be er know and thus appreciate – respect, if not “love” – those who live with and depend for their livelihood on this biodiversity. keywords:  ethnobiology, conserva on biology, classifica on and nomenclature, knowledge and emo on, applied  ethnobiology   ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 146‐150. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.297. 147 perspec ve  subsequent phases of ethnobiological investigation were below the theoretical horizon during my grad school days. while we turned our attention inward to the “mind,” we were not unaware of the essential fact that knowledge of the world derives from an engagement with the world outside the mind. we reasoned that words named ideas, that ideas were the grist for thought, and that thought was the foundation for action (d’andrade 1995). thus, to understand how people related to their natural environment it would first be essential to understand how people conceptualized that environment, to appreciate their traditional or local environmental knowledge (tek or lek, traditional/local environmental/ecological knowledge), made manifest in language. in this we affirmed the conclusion of eminent biologists, who argued likewise that the systematic naming and classification of the world’s biological species was prerequisite to any proper investigation of the evolutionary and ecological relationships among those species (simpson 1961). knowledge, however, is no simple reflection of the surfaces of the world but rather involves an implicit and likely innate “theory of nature.” language, notably encapsulated in vocabulary, provides strong evidence for the mental transformations that give rise to the conceptual worlds we all inhabit. it is now apparent, in light of this early ethnobiological research, that the living world that surrounds us, the plants, animals, and fungi, is the subject of impressive lexical elaboration in all the world’s languages, not least of all, those lacking written traditions. a careful study of any such language will yield an inventory of at least 1000 lexemes naming “folk species” known locally (berlin 1992). these basic vocabulary entries constitute perhaps 5% of the total working vocabulary of a language. such linguistic resources allow people to describe, remember, understand, and imagine their ambient biodiversity. during the heyday of cognitive ethnobiology we were not entirely unconcerned with how this elaborate knowledge of ambient biodiversity might be of use in the everyday lives of the people with whom we worked. claude levi-strauss famously discounted utilitarian motives for the elaboration of cultural knowledge, and of environmental knowledge in particular (1966), attributing the primary motivation to “disinterested” curiosity, to biophilia one might say (wilson 1984). he rejected malinowski’s utilitarian argument that, “the road from the wilderness to the savage’s [sic.] belly and consequently to his mind is very short” (1974:44). however, there is no fundamental conflict between seeing human knowledge as intellectually satisfying and at the same time useful. in fact, evolutionary theory requires that this intensive human investment in the cognitive ordering of the living world must have or have had survival value. which brings us back to the topic of this paper: how might cognitive ethnobiology inform biodiversity conservation, in light of the fact that conservation biologists have been slow to recognize the complex intimacy of the human relationship to nature (rozzi 1999; saslis-lagoudakis and clarke 2013; wolverton et al. 2014)? my title hints at an answer. do we humans treasure what we know best? perhaps, yet it is clearly inadequate as an explanation of why humans sometimes husband living resources and at other times mercilessly exploit or destroy them. we may well grant the inverse, to wit, that to be ignorant of the plants, animals, and fungi in our midst is to guarantee that we will lack the motivation to conserve them. even if our ignorance were only partial, say to the extent that we recognized trees, but not oaks, maples, cedars, ceibas, or baobabs; birds, but not ravens, eagles, chickadees, or hummingbirds; and mushrooms, but not morels, chanterelles, puff balls, or fly agaric, we would have next to no basis for valuing the diversity of trees, birds, and fungi. the stunning ignorance of local biodiversity demonstrated by contemporary college students (medin et al. 2006) may be symptomatic of a modern malady, dubbed by loev, “nature deficit disorder” (2005), which in turn may account for a lack of passion in defense of the local natural environment by the earth’s predominantly urban populations. that simply knowing biodiversity – recognizing and naming hundreds of ethnospecies – ensures that we therefore will love biodiversity, is far from selfevident. there is more to the equation of knowing with loving. our hit song suggests a somewhat more complex set of connections. first, “to know him is to love him” implies that knowing → loving, then “just to see him smile, makes my life worthwhile” implies further that loving → a life worth living. what might ethnobiology suggest with regard to these lyrical connections? 1) our efforts at documenting the depth and breadth of traditional environmental/ ecological knowledge constitute, in my ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 146‐150. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.297. 148 perspec ve  opinion, ethnobiology’s deepest and most lasting contribution to environmental science. our research efforts have shown that our citizen colleagues, those who are indigenous and/or otherwise deeply engaged with local ecologies, pay close attention to the living world around them. they devise systematic inventories of local species of plants, animals, and fungi, as well as elaborating complex ethnoanatomical, ethnomedical, and ethnogeographic vocabularies. these cultural inventories of biodiversity are more than bland lists of names. rather, each name points to a web of knowledge of where, when, how, and why a plant or animal or fungus exists, a “subtle ecology” (wyndham 2009) of “ecological understanding” (turner and berkes 2006). the zapotec children who taught me about the natural environment of their mexican town would readily rattle off several hundred zapotec plant names but also were eager to share many salient details about the lives of each plant and its value as food, medicine, material, or “as ornament” (hunn 2008). 2) given that humans are eminently capable of and inclined to carefully observe ambient biodiversity, developing thereby an encyclopedic cultural inventory of the local biota, what is the evidence that humans consequently harbor strong emotional attachments to their natural worlds? eugene anderson’s theme throughout his ecologies of the heart (1996) is that to conserve nature we must first love nature, that is, feel strong emotional attachments to plants, animals, even fungi. kay milton likewise argues that loving nature is key to saving the natural world (2002). it must be recognized that beside biophilia runs a countercurrent of biophobia. our contemporary urban aversion to mosquitoes, ticks, spiders, snakes, bats, and rats (nolan and robbins 2001; nolan et al. 2006) is shared to some degree in indigenous communities, as shown by traditional classifications of “wugs” and “noxious invertebrates,” as i found in my tzeltal mayan ethnotaxonomies (hunn 1977). tzeltal maya from tenejapa, chiapas, mexico, elaborate their classification of insects to the greatest degree in dealing with social hymenoptera, ants, bees, and wasps, not so much in recognition of their beauty or positive utility but rather because of the competitive and often painful interactions with these creatures in their daily lives. brightman characterizes the cree attitude towards animals as a mix of respect for a worthy adversary and fear, rather than “love,” with its sentimental connotations (1973). hunters hunt their prey, kill and eat them. but, with due respect (nelson 1983). a world apart from the “love” of the animal rights activist. yet, time and again we learn that indigenous people recognize the essential part each animal and plant must play in the local ecological drama. so “love” may not be the most appropriate term for this term of the equation. rather, call this an intensely respectful emotional engagement with nature. what many urbanites have lost – insulated as many of us are from direct personal experience of nature – is this intense emotional engagement, which is replaced by ignorance, indifference, annoyance, romantic delusion, or abstract analysis. 3) finally, can we show that this “love,” this intense emotional engagement grounded in extensive, experiential knowledge will “make our lives worthwhile”? that is, will this emotion motivate action with respect to sustainable use and management of local biodiversity? we should not expect people to conserve biodiversity for its own sake. such is far too abstract a target for “love.” rather, our most intense emotional engagements will be with particular animals or plants, places and landscapes. and such engagements are as particular as the multitude of animals, plants, and places for which we have names. spotted owls are easier to love (and to hate, if you were an unemployed logger) than an old growth forest ecosystem. might it be the case that our inclination to conserve biodiversity is a function of the number and intensity of our emotional attachments with the world around us, grounded in direct personal experience with the stunning diversity of natural forms? we have no controlled double-blind experimental studies that might prove that for an individual to know more about his or her ambient biodiversity guarantees or even encourages more careful steward ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 146‐150. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.297. 149 perspec ve  ship of that biodiversity (but cf. atran et al. 2004; dombrosky and wolverton 2014). yet anecdotally, in our contemporary urban milieu those most supportive of biodiversity conservation are those who have invested in learning to appreciate that biodiversity in concrete detail. i include here hunters and fisher folk as well as birders and native plant people. we may question this as a general rule in light of the fact that commercial fishers and foresters, however knowledgeable, have contributed to the depletion of global fish stocks and old growth forests. two competing forces are at work here, appreciation versus accumulation. the fact that most indigenous communities still practicing a traditional “subsistence economy” on their ancestral lands exhibit highly elaborated tek may be due to the near absence of profit motives from their conceptual worlds, motives that drive boundless accumulation. in which case, conservation biologists should clearly recognize as their opponent not the subsistence farmer or fisher but rather the profit-making enterprises of high capitalism, a cautionary fact for proponents of the “new conservation” (wolverton et al. 2014; http://www.snap.is/ magazine/new-conservation-friend-or-foe/). this highlights a critical problem: the world is rapidly urbanizing. capitalist “rationality” rules politics. yet, somehow we must reclaim that essential basis for biodiversity conservation, the “love” of nature shared by those who live within its intimate embrace. finally, our equation here of knowledge → love → action may be interpreted from a different perspective. that is, it applies not only to the indigenous and other locally rooted communities we have been inclined to study, but to ourselves (nabhan 2013). that is, as ethnobiologists we have come to know well people who live in close proximity to and in deep dependence upon their local natural environments (lepofsky and feeney 2013). participant observation over an extended period of collegial research in such communities forges an intense emotional engagement (turner and berkes 2006), which in turn urges our efforts on their behalf, to deflect those social, economic, and political forces that would undermine the foundations of their lives and livelihoods. my cognitive ethnobiological research masked a hidden motive. as an avid birder i took pleasure in sharing my enthusiasm for the fascinating diversity of birds with indigenous colleagues, though they often seemed more interested in bugs and plants than birds. thus my knowledge and love of birds led me to share an intense emotional engagement with my indigenous interlocutors and ultimately to share this with students and colleagues. as ethnobiologists we return from the intense experience of participating with a local community, sharing in their daily encounters with nature, loving the people as they love the land. we then do our best to communicate, by writing and teaching, both our knowledge and our love of “our people.” i believe this has been and will be the most effective way for ethnobiologists to promote biocultural diversity, through the medium and message of our close encounters with the citizen scientists whose lives we briefly share, at their homes in the communities we study. references cited anderson, e. n. 1996. ecologies of the heart: emotion, belief, and the environment. oxford university press, new york and oxford. atran, s., d. medin, and n. ross. 2004. evolution and devolution of knowledge: a tale of two biologies. journal of the royal anthropological institute 10: 395 -420. berlin, b. 1992. ethnobiological classification: principles of categorization of plants and animals in traditional societies. princeton university press, princeton, new jersey. brightman, r. a. 1973. grateful prey: rock creek human-animal relationships. university of california press, berkeley and los angeles. d'andrade, r. g. 1995. the development of cognitive anthropology. cambridge university press, cambridge, uk: dombrosky, j., and s. wolverton. 2014. tnr and conservation on a university campus: a political ecological perspective. peerj 2: e312 http:// dx.doi.org/10.7717/peerj.312 gardner, h. 1985. the mind’s new science: a history of the cognitive revolution. basic books, new york. hunn, e. s. 1977. tzeltal ethnozoology: the classification of discontinuities in nature. academic press, new york and london. hunn, e. s. 2007. ethnobiology in four phases. journal of ethnobiology 27: 1-10. hunn, e. s. 2008. a zapotec natural history: trees, herbs, and flowers; birds, beasts, and bugs in the life of san juan gbëë. university of arizona press, tucson. ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 146‐150. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.297. 150 perspec ve  lepofsky, d., and k. feeney. 2013. ten principles of ethnobiology: an interview with amadeo rea. in explorations in ethnobiology: the legacy of amadeo rea, m. quinlan, and d. lepofsky, editors, pp. 34-46. society of ethnobiology, denton, tx. levi-strauss, c. 1966. the savage mind. weidenfeld and nicholson, london. loev, r. 2005. last child in the woods. algonquin books, chapel hill, north carolina. malinowski, b. 1974 (1925). magic, science, and religion. souvenir press, london. medin, d., n. ross, and d. cox. 2006. culture and resource conflict: why meanings matter. russell sage foundation publications, new york. milton, k. 2002. loving natures: towards an ecology of emotion. routledge, london and new york. nabhan, g. p. 2013. ethnobiology for a diverse world: autobiology? the traditional ecological, agricultural and culinary knowledge of us!. journal of ethnobiology 33: 2-6. nelson, r. k. 1983. make prayers to the raven: a koyukon view of the northern forest. university of chicago press. nolan, j. m., and m. robbins. 2001. emotional meaning and the cognitive organization of ethnozoological domains. journal of linguistic anthropology 11: 240-249. nolan, j. m., k. e. jones, k. w. mcdougal, m. j. mcfarlin, and m. k. ward. 2006. the lovable, the loathsome, and the liminal: .emotionality in ethnozoological cognition. journal of ethnobiology 26: 126-138. rozzi, r. 1999. the reciprocal links between evolutionary-ecological sciences and environmental ethics. bioscience 49: 911-921. saslis-lagoudakis, c. h., and a. c. clarke. 2013. ethnobiology: the missing link between ecology and evolution. trends in ecology and evolution 28: 67-68. simpson, g. g. 1961. principles of animal taxonomy. columbia university press, new york. turner, n. j., and f. berkes. 2006. coming to understanding: developing conservation through incremental learning in the pacific northwest. human ecology 34: 495-513. wilson, e. o. 1986. biophilia. reprint edition. harvard university press, cambridge, massachusetts. wolverton, s. 2013. ethnobiology 5: interdisciplinarity in an era of rapid environmental change. ethnobiology letters 4: 21-25. wolverton, s., j. m. nolan, and w. ahmed. 2014. ethnobiology, political ecology, and conservation. journal of ethnobiology 34: 125-152. wyndham, f. s. 2009. spheres of relation, lines of interaction: subtle ecologies of the rarámuri landscape in northern mexico. journal of ethnobiology 29: 271-295. wyndham, f. s., d. lepofsky, and s. tiffany. 2011. taking stock in ethnobiology: where do we come from? what are we? where are we going? journal of ethnobiology 31: 110-127. biosketch eugene  hunn  is professor emeritus of anthropology at  the  university  of  washington.  he  has  served  as  presi‐ dent  of  the  society  of  ethnobiology  and  editor  of  the  journal  of  ethnobiology.  he  was  honored  as  a  dis n‐ guished ethnobiologist by the society of ethnobiology in  2014.  review of african ethnobotany in the americas 107  book review  american agricultural systems received prominent inputs from africa in terms of botanical species and human agency, as carney points out. twenty-six crops native to or introduced from africa (millet, sorghum, rice, yams, plantains, black-eyed peas, watermelon, etc.) influence people’s lives globally. the impact of rice is unquestionable, as alpern demonstrates in a meticulous analysis of africans’ roles in the 18th century south carolina rice boom. the disputable asian origin of rice is carefully discussed. alpern substantiates how some rice species – prominently oryza glaberrima steud. poaceae – was independently domesticated in western africa and, along with o. sativa l. poaceae, entered the americas with slaves. elaborate knowledge about growing, processing, cooking, and re-producing rice by africans is reported in detail. bedigian offers a thorough study of sesame (sesamum indicum l. pedaliaceae) in the americas. in the book’s longest chapter, she stresses biocultural (ecological, economic, geographical, historical) aspects of sesame as a crop that was first introduced to africa and then to the americas. bedigian provides lengthy yet meticulously detailed accounts of sesame in different historical periods and geographical contexts (eurasia and the americas) from 1350 b.c.e. to the present, along with the diversity of use patterns (medicine, food, supernatural, punishment, etc.), names (vanglo, bowangala, etc.), and management domains (recipes, gardens, commercial). the involvement of wild plants in the dynamics of slavery and freedom from past to present is nicely depicted by four authors. dale rosengarten renders a well-documented historical narrative of coiled basketry, which he represents as an eclectic, unique craft that changed because of the encounter between different african traditions in the carolinas and the fourteen chapters written by 19 scholars constitute african ethnobotany in the americas, a book that unlocks the radical consequences of politically and economically coerced movements of people and plants worldwide in diachronic perspective. this guiding purpose articulates distinctly with other books that do not specifically address plants, such as mobility and migration in indigenous amazonia (alexiades 2009) and women and plants (howard 2003). the first book emphasizes the agency of amerindian peoples in the configuration of the natural and cultural landscape of the amazon. the authors of the second book declare the fallacy of a gender neutral ethnobotany. in the same spirit, the authors of african ethnobotany in the americas recognize african people’s central place in the history of the americas. the book’s authors represent african peoples and their descendants as meaningful agents in the management of botanical resources. by merging qualitative and quantitative approaches with rigorous data and first hand fieldwork, they demonstrate the explanatory power of research about people-plant interactions. this compendium of studies makes an explosive statement against decontextualized, ahistorical research that disregards african plants and people in the overall current configuration of the americas. the authors of this book use historical perspectives to effectively understand and explain multiple spheres of relationships between plants and peoples. the book is divided into sections about crops, handicrafts, medicine, permanence, and change in contemporary caribbean (cuba, barbados), south american (brazil, ecuador, suriname), and north american (united states) countries. judith carney, stanley alpern, and dorothea bedigian discuss the importance of african crops in commerce, nutrition, social relations, and knowledge. african ethnobotany in the americas  edited by robert voeks and john rashford. 2013. springer. pp. 429, 105 illustra ons, 69 color illustra ons.  $49.95 (paperback). isbn 978‐1461408352.  reviewed by egleé l. zent   reviewer address: lab ecología humana, ivic, altos de pipe, venezuela  received:  september 9, 2013  volume: 4:107‐109   published: october 13, 2013  © 2013 society of ethnobiology  108  book review  expansion of the craft to other southern states (georgia, florida, alabama, mississippi) and overseas (bermuda, caicos islands). african-descent slaves were responsible for creating the creole basket tradition and since baskets were utilized as receptacles for storing harvested rice grains, those slaves who had the skills to make these baskets were more valuable than others. the author identifies about two dozen plants found in the carolina lowcountry that were used for this purpose [spartina alterniflora loisel. poaceae, s. patens (aiton) muhl. poaceae, juncus roemerianus scheele juncaceae, juniperus virginiana small cupressaceae), quercus virginiana mill. fagaceae, sabal palmetto walter arecaceae, etc.]. notably, baskets were agents of slaves’ freedom and escape as reported by several factual cases. basket making survived as an economic activity after slaves became freed. even today, lowcountry south carolinians make baskets, according to patrick hurley, brian grabbatin, cari goetcheus, and angela halfacre. basket makers today gather, buy, and grow four local species [muhlenbergia sericeae (michx.) p.m. peterson poaceae, pinus palustris p. mill pinaceae, juncus roemerianus g. scheele jucaceae and s. palmetto], to weave and sell baskets. the settings where the actual collections occur, however, are undergoing urbanization that disturbs traditional patterns of political-ecological and social dynamics associated with this craft. land development patterns, private property, and habitat disturbance alter not just the social networks by which raw resource are accessed but also mark the potential termination of a non-timber forest product tradition (ntfpt) that has survived 400 years. this study warns planners and policy makers about the precarious survivability of sense of place and identity in a changing landscape. maria fadiman proficiently discusses the economic, cultural, and conservation aspects of piquigua (heteropsis ecuadorensis kunth araceae) in the ecological reserve mache-chindul on ecuador’s pacific ecuadorian coast. the minor economic importance of piquigua contrasts with its great cultural value for african-ecuadorians, which in turn duplicate its potential significance in conservation as a ntfpt. fadiman describes the historical arrival of black people to esmeraldas in the 16th century as escaped slaves who mixed with local indigenous populations, and later became a free creole community. considering piquigua as a cultural keystone species, she details the different steps associated with collecting, preparing, managing, weaving, marketing, and bartering piquigua by current descendants of african people. a rich diachronic interpretation by james sera and robert voeks acutely exposes the botanical and cultural foundation, construction, establishment, commercialization, and development of the berimbau de barriga, a one-stringed musical bow of west african origin in brazil. except for a metal wire ring, the berimbau is completely fabricated with wild and cultivated local plants (lagenaria siceraria standl. cucurbitaceae, heliconia sp. heliconiaceae, eschweilera ovata miers lecythidaceae, coix lacryma-jobi l. poaceae, etc.). the berimbau accompanies capoeira where it condenses the dynamics of resistance and resilience that endured the colonial, republican and current periods for afro-brazilians. a creative result of the vast trading network of information, service, and goods among west africa, portugal, and brazil, the berimbau materializes hegemony and symbolizes continuity and adjustment. three papers assert the impact of african spiritual and medicinal ethnofloras in american territories. erica moret establishes a comparison between botanical-use knowledge of migrants from two continents in cuba organized around different agricultural systems: one based on tobacco usually attended by hispanic descendants, and the other based on sugarcane whose workforce was mainly african peoples. remarkably, nicotiana tabacum l. solanaceae is an american domesticate whereas saccharum offinarum l. poaceae is a crop introduced from eurasia. following a careful methodology, moret studied 64 plants (46 originating from african centers and 27 from mediterranean ones, while 9 are shared between the two regions) and uses her analysis of them to ponder power, identity, and resource access. her data indicate a stronger botanical knowledge of west african plants in the sugar cultivation area whereas the mediterranean-derived lore appears more widespread in both areas and is slightly higher in the tobacco zone. one-thousand one hundred botanical recipes using 411 sacred plant species (114 families) in the afro-surinamese winti rituals are meticulously reported by tinde van andel, sofie ruysschaert, koebeke van de putte, and sara groenendijk after interviewing 20 priests, along with several traditional healers, vendors and plant collectors. the authors are interested in ascertaining how and why those particular plants attain the role of magical icons after africans arrived on american 109  book review  shores. winti, a religion prohibited until the 1980s, conceals syncretic and identity dimensions bound to a wealth of ecological, botanical, historical, linguistic, and cultural wisdom that make specific plants sacred. the authors provided data associated with emic categories of 13 magical uses, management, and growth form of wild and domesticated species, vegetation type, flora attributes associated with rituals (color, scent, etc.), signatures’ doctrine, and the ways in which plants aided african descendants in their struggle for self-determination. in barbados, 93 medicinal species (31 used as cooling teas) were reported by 440 interviewees to sonia peter, a meaningful number given that less than 300,000 people live on the island. peter studied 8 parishes and found women to be the major repositories of botanical knowledge. in her chapters, she presents phytochemical data on bioactive components of plants used as medicine by barbados’ people, whose country is rated as second in centenarians per capita. the last section of the book comprises three chapters dedicated to current dynamics of continuity and change. john rashford presents his detailed research on five species of ficus spp. moraceae that serve in candomblé as cosmic trees, opposing the general assumption that one single species function for that purpose in brazil. a detailed description of the importance of ficus in candomblé is reported for 17 of the 19 terreiros (religious centers) where native and exotic ficus are found. a more extensive exploration would probably yield more species, according to rashford. bruce hoffman provides a fascinating comparative ethnobotanical study between native indigenous people and afro descendant communities in suriname, the trio, and the saramacca. he uses comprehensive phyto-ecological and quantitative ethnobotanical methods to record botanical and ecological data along with knowledge, categorization, use, and resource selection of three tropical forest vegetation zones by 4 male specialists in each group (one trio male left the community before the study ended). hoffman presents different sections and results on biophysical characters, ecological features, and biodiversity use categories (examples of resource use patterns for 4 botanical families) by the surinamese. one conclusion as predicted by the literature is that longer-term residents such as indigenous peoples have more extensive botanical knowledge than shorterterm residents although the latter are able to build a solid use-knowledge of local plants. whereas the trio show considerable knowledge in all vegetation zones, the saramacca seem to have, quantitatively and qualitatively, a special interaction with fallow forest. the saramacca also maintain a complex religious system that proscribes the use of old growth forest, thus proposing alternatives for culturally appropriated in situ conservation. hoffman’s chapter is from my view the most accomplished in the book. robert voeks closes the book by describing the reassembling of african beliefs in brazilian’s candomblé around a cornucopia of medicinal and edible plants related to particular orixás, or deities. voeks confirms how the enslaved africans innovatively used the landscapes that had become floristically similar to african ones because of the previous establishment of old world esculent and medicinal plants. accidental or voluntary introduction of plants by european migrants created anthropogenic settings in tropical america that appeared similar to the enslaved africans’ homelands that ended up in a process of botanical homogenization facilitating ethnobotanical continuity as well as resistance to the forced newcomers. this fascinating book, written by inquisitive authors, should be required reading for ethnoecological scholars. it documents the essential importance of african peoples and plants in the americas through fruitful methodological syntheses of ethnobotanical and ethnoecological approaches, both diachronic and synchronic. the sophisticated, quantitative methods of some chapters (hoffman, van andel et al., hurley et al, peter, fadiman) are balanced by the meticulous, qualitative, detail-driven historical and ethnohistorical accounts in the chapters written by voeks, carney, alpern, bedigian, rosengarten, rasford, sera & voeks, and moret, and then integrated through theoretical and eco-botanical perspectives. references cited alexiades, miguel ed. 2009 mobility and migration in indigenous amazonia: contemporary ethnoecological perspectives. studies in environmental anthropology and ethnobiology vol. 11. berghahn books, oxford, u.k. howard, patricia ed. 2003 women and plants: gender relations in biodiversity management and conservation. zed books, london and new york. << /ascii85encodepages false /allowtransparency false /autopositionepsfiles true /autorotatepages /none /binding /left /calgrayprofile (dot gain 20%) /calrgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /calcmykprofile (u.s. web coated \050swop\051 v2) /srgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /cannotembedfontpolicy /error /compatibilitylevel 1.4 /compressobjects /tags /compresspages true /convertimagestoindexed true /passthroughjpegimages true /createjobticket false /defaultrenderingintent /default /detectblends true /detectcurves 0.0000 /colorconversionstrategy /cmyk /dothumbnails false /embedallfonts true /embedopentype false /parseiccprofilesincomments true /embedjoboptions true /dscreportinglevel 0 /emitdscwarnings false /endpage -1 /imagememory 1048576 /lockdistillerparams false /maxsubsetpct 100 /optimize true /opm 1 /parsedsccomments true /parsedsccommentsfordocinfo true /preservecopypage true /preservedicmykvalues true /preserveepsinfo true /preserveflatness true /preservehalftoneinfo false /preserveopicomments true /preserveoverprintsettings true /startpage 1 /subsetfonts true /transferfunctioninfo /apply /ucrandbginfo /preserve /useprologue false /colorsettingsfile () /alwaysembed [ true ] /neverembed [ true ] /antialiascolorimages false /cropcolorimages true /colorimageminresolution 300 /colorimageminresolutionpolicy /ok /downsamplecolorimages true /colorimagedownsampletype /bicubic /colorimageresolution 300 /colorimagedepth -1 /colorimagemindownsampledepth 1 /colorimagedownsamplethreshold 1.50000 /encodecolorimages true /colorimagefilter /dctencode /autofiltercolorimages true /colorimageautofilterstrategy /jpeg /coloracsimagedict << /qfactor 0.15 /hsamples [1 1 1 1] /vsamples [1 1 1 1] >> /colorimagedict << /qfactor 0.15 /hsamples [1 1 1 1] /vsamples [1 1 1 1] >> /jpeg2000coloracsimagedict << /tilewidth 256 /tileheight 256 /quality 30 >> /jpeg2000colorimagedict << /tilewidth 256 /tileheight 256 /quality 30 >> /antialiasgrayimages false /cropgrayimages true /grayimageminresolution 300 /grayimageminresolutionpolicy /ok /downsamplegrayimages true /grayimagedownsampletype /bicubic /grayimageresolution 300 /grayimagedepth -1 /grayimagemindownsampledepth 2 /grayimagedownsamplethreshold 1.50000 /encodegrayimages true /grayimagefilter /dctencode /autofiltergrayimages true /grayimageautofilterstrategy /jpeg /grayacsimagedict << /qfactor 0.15 /hsamples [1 1 1 1] /vsamples [1 1 1 1] >> /grayimagedict << /qfactor 0.15 /hsamples [1 1 1 1] /vsamples [1 1 1 1] >> /jpeg2000grayacsimagedict << /tilewidth 256 /tileheight 256 /quality 30 >> /jpeg2000grayimagedict << /tilewidth 256 /tileheight 256 /quality 30 >> /antialiasmonoimages false /cropmonoimages true /monoimageminresolution 1200 /monoimageminresolutionpolicy /ok /downsamplemonoimages true /monoimagedownsampletype /bicubic /monoimageresolution 1200 /monoimagedepth -1 /monoimagedownsamplethreshold 1.50000 /encodemonoimages true /monoimagefilter /ccittfaxencode /monoimagedict << /k -1 >> /allowpsxobjects false /checkcompliance [ /none ] /pdfx1acheck false /pdfx3check false /pdfxcompliantpdfonly false /pdfxnotrimboxerror true /pdfxtrimboxtomediaboxoffset [ 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 ] /pdfxsetbleedboxtomediabox true /pdfxbleedboxtotrimboxoffset [ 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 ] /pdfxoutputintentprofile () /pdfxoutputconditionidentifier () /pdfxoutputcondition () /pdfxregistryname () /pdfxtrapped /false /createjdffile false /description << /ara <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> /bgr <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> /chs <feff4f7f75288fd94e9b8bbe5b9a521b5efa7684002000410064006f006200650020005000440046002065876863900275284e8e9ad88d2891cf76845370524d53705237300260a853ef4ee54f7f75280020004100630072006f0062006100740020548c002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e003000204ee553ca66f49ad87248672c676562535f00521b5efa768400200050004400460020658768633002> /cht <feff4f7f752890194e9b8a2d7f6e5efa7acb7684002000410064006f006200650020005000440046002065874ef69069752865bc9ad854c18cea76845370524d5370523786557406300260a853ef4ee54f7f75280020004100630072006f0062006100740020548c002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e003000204ee553ca66f49ad87248672c4f86958b555f5df25efa7acb76840020005000440046002065874ef63002> /cze <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> /dan <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> /deu <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> /esp <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> /eti <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> /fra <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> /gre <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> /heb <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> /hrv (za stvaranje adobe pdf dokumenata najpogodnijih za visokokvalitetni ispis prije tiskanja koristite ove postavke. stvoreni pdf dokumenti mogu se otvoriti acrobat i adobe reader 5.0 i kasnijim verzijama.) /hun <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> /ita <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> /jpn <feff9ad854c18cea306a30d730ea30d730ec30b951fa529b7528002000410064006f0062006500200050004400460020658766f8306e4f5c6210306b4f7f75283057307e305930023053306e8a2d5b9a30674f5c62103055308c305f0020005000440046002030d530a130a430eb306f3001004100630072006f0062006100740020304a30883073002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e003000204ee5964d3067958b304f30533068304c3067304d307e305930023053306e8a2d5b9a306b306f30d530a930f330c8306e57cb30818fbc307f304c5fc59808306730593002> /kor <feffc7740020c124c815c7440020c0acc6a9d558c5ec0020ace0d488c9c80020c2dcd5d80020c778c1c4c5d00020ac00c7a50020c801d569d55c002000410064006f0062006500200050004400460020bb38c11cb97c0020c791c131d569b2c8b2e4002e0020c774b807ac8c0020c791c131b41c00200050004400460020bb38c11cb2940020004100630072006f0062006100740020bc0f002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e00300020c774c0c1c5d0c11c0020c5f40020c2180020c788c2b5b2c8b2e4002e> /lth <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> /lvi <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> /nld (gebruik deze instellingen om adobe pdf-documenten te maken die zijn geoptimaliseerd voor prepress-afdrukken van hoge kwaliteit. de gemaakte pdf-documenten kunnen worden geopend met acrobat en adobe reader 5.0 en hoger.) /nor <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> /pol <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> /ptb <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> /rum <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> /rus <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> /sky <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> /slv <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> /suo <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> /sve <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> /tur <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> /ukr <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> /enu (use these settings to create adobe pdf documents best suited for high-quality prepress printing. created pdf documents can be opened with acrobat and adobe reader 5.0 and later.) >> /namespace [ (adobe) (common) (1.0) ] /othernamespaces [ << /asreaderspreads false /cropimagestoframes true /errorcontrol /warnandcontinue /flattenerignorespreadoverrides false /includeguidesgrids false /includenonprinting false /includeslug false /namespace [ (adobe) (indesign) (4.0) ] /omitplacedbitmaps false /omitplacedeps false /omitplacedpdf false /simulateoverprint /legacy >> << /addbleedmarks false /addcolorbars false /addcropmarks false /addpageinfo false /addregmarks false /convertcolors /converttocmyk /destinationprofilename () /destinationprofileselector /documentcmyk /downsample16bitimages true /flattenerpreset << /presetselector /mediumresolution >> /formelements false /generatestructure false /includebookmarks false /includehyperlinks false /includeinteractive false /includelayers false /includeprofiles false /multimediahandling /useobjectsettings /namespace [ (adobe) (creativesuite) (2.0) ] /pdfxoutputintentprofileselector /documentcmyk /preserveediting true /untaggedcmykhandling /leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice does cognition still matter in ethnobiology? ludwig. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(2):269–275 269 perspectives of use practically has been treated [...] almost as an embarrassment”. the institutional dynamics in ethnobiology have changed rather dramatically since the early 1980s. while ethnobiology has become less engaged with general debates about cognitive universality and cultural relativity, new research priorities have emerged around issues such as agroecology, climate change, conservation management, food security, knowledge rights, and political self-determination (nabhan et al. 2011). following hunn’s (2007) periodization of four phases in ethnobiology, wyndham et al. (2011:124) therefore envision the development of an “ethnobiology 5” in which “the field plays a heightened role in addressing the needs of a world coping with rapid ecological change and shifting political economies”. furthermore, wolverton (2013:22) specifies this idea of an emerging fifth phase that creates an “expansive future for ethnobiology [...] beyond its traditional disciplinary homes in anthropology and biology, moving toward human geography, environmental philosophy, political ecology, conservation biology, and related fields with more explicit ideological missions.” introduction ethnobiology is commonly defined as a transdisciplinary field that integrates heterogenous methods from biological taxonomy and cognitive science to political ecology and indigenous studies. despite this transdisciplinary identity (e.g., anderson 2012; wolverton 2013), the current state of ethnobiology is far from unified as researchers tend to prioritize methodological perspectives along their heterogenous disciplinary backgrounds. in the united states, much of the institutionalization of ethnobiology coincided with the emergence of the cognitive sciences and was entangled with more general ambitions of cognitive anthropology and ethnoscience (hunn 2007). just as the “cognitive revolution” motivated the search for linguistic and psychological universals, much of american ethnobiology in the 1960s and 1970’s aimed for universals in human reasoning about the biological world (ludwig 2018). in fact, the influence of these cognitivist concerns became so dominant that hunn (1982:831) argued for a reconsideration of the “utilitarian factor” and suggested that “the fact that cultural knowledge of the natural world might also be does cognition still matter in ethnobiology? david ludwig 1* 1 knowledge, technology, and innovation group, wageningen university and research, wageningen, netherlands. *david.ludwig@wur.nl abstract ethnobiology has become increasingly concerned with applied and normative questions about biocultural diversity and the livelihoods of local communities. while this development has created new opportunities for connecting ethnobiological research with ecological and social sciences, it also raises questions about the role of cognitive perspectives in current ethnobiology. in fact, there are clear signs of institutional separation as research on folkbiological cognition h as increasingly found its home in the cognitive science community, weakening its ties to institutionalized ethnobiology. rather than accepting this separation as inevitable disciplinary specialization, this short perspective article argues for a systemic perspective that addresses mutual influences and causal entanglement of cognitive and non-cognitive factors in socioecological dynamics. such an integrative perspective requires a new conversation about cognition in ethnobiology beyond traditional polarization around issues of cognitive universals and cultural relativity. received june 22, 2018 open access accepted august 31, 2018 doi 10.14237/ebl.9.2.2018.1350 keywords cognitive ethnobiology, cognitive science, ethnobiology 5, applied ethnobiology, ethnobiological theory, interdisciplinarity copyright © 2018 by the author(s) licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. ludwig. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(2):269–275 270 perspectives the absence of any cognitive and psychological research in wolverton’s list of disciplines is not surprising but reflects a shift in emphasis toward applied and normative concerns in ethnobiology. furthermore, the decisively local character of many of these concerns tends to motivate questions about the particularities of specific socio-ecological systems rather than questions about cross-cultural invariance and underlying cognitive structures. for example, concerns about food security of a particular indigenous community will often connect more straightforwardly to the economics of agricultural intensification, the dynamics of soil degradation, and the politics of indigenous self-determination rather than questions about the universality of the categorization of plants or cross-cultural invariance of inductive reasoning about causality. one consequence of this development is a striking absence of cognitive perspectives in many characterizations of the state and future of ethnobiology. this does not mean that cognitivist research on folkbiology has vanished. although questions about folkbiological cognition appear increasingly relegated to the periphery of “ethnobiology 5”, they have found a new institutional home in the cognitive sciences and have been connected to heterogenous issues from foundational debates about cognitive modularity (atran and medin 2008) and essentialism (gelman 2003; sousa et al. 2002) to their implications for issues such as childhood anthropocentrism (waxman and medin 2007), learning about environments (zarger 2011), or folk categories of race (machery and faucher 2005). for example, consider atran and medin’s influential research program that integrates ethnobiological concerns with debates about the modular structure of human cognition and the specific hypothesis of an innate module of folkbiological cognition. while their synthesizing the native mind (2008) has been widely discussed in the cognitive sciences (e.g., bender and beller 2011; glushko 2008; keil 2010; waxman et al. 2014), there is a striking absence of substantial engagement in journals and conferences of institutionalized ethnobiology. four decades after hunn warned about a neglect of the “utilitarian factor” through the dominance of cognitivist perspectives, it has therefore become time to invert his warning by reconsidering the role of the “cognitive factor” in an ethnobiological community that has shifted its focus increasingly towards applied and normative concerns. while some of these developments are unique to the ethnobiology community, they also need to be situated in more general dynamics of institutional separation that reflect conflicting ideas about the role of cognition in the human sciences. for example, shifting attitudes toward cognitive factors in ethnobiology are closely entangled with the changing relationship between anthropology and the cognitive sciences. while the emergence of cognitive ethnobiology in the united states was part of a larger trend towards cognitive anthropology during the “cognitive revolution” of the 1960s (hunn 2007), the position of anthropology in the cognitive sciences has become increasingly precarious. for example, beller et al. (2013) ask whether anthropology should be still considered part of cognitive science and emphasize that the dominance of cognitive psychology has marginalized field work-based methods and ethnographic description beyond the lab. as a result, beller et al. diagnose that “anthropology is deserting, and is being deserted by, the other cognitive sciences just at the point where the role of culture is increasingly recognized as of prime relevance for the science of human cognition” (2013:343). while there is a story about the marginalization of anthropology in cognitive science, there is also an inverted story about the marginalization of cognitive perspectives in anthropology. simultaneously to the institutionalization of the cognitive sciences, anthropology increasingly developed an identity as a discipline that addresses culture “not [as] an experimental science in search of law but [as] an interpretive one in search of meaning” (geertz 1973:5). geertz’s influential account of “thick description” explicitly positioned itself in contrast to both ethnoscience and cognitive anthropology. as hunn (2018:427) argues, “the cognitive foundations of culture—the heart of the cognitive anthropology of the 1960s and 1970s—was dismissed as ‘psychology,’ and thus not properly ‘cultural’ (geertz 1973:11). the subsequent postmodern turn abandoned formal comparative empirical research—the hallmark of cognitive anthropology—in favor of hermeneutics.” of course, there has never been a complete isolation of anthropology from cognitive perspectives with researchers from bateson (1972) and ingold (2000) to ellen (2006) and bloch (2012) developing ludwig. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(2):269–275 271 perspectives various integrative programs. however, there still remains a clear case for mutual marginalization in the mainstream of both disciplines that can provide instructive lessons for the current state of ethnobiology. first, ethnobiology may be on an analogous path of institutional separation that leaves cognitive and non-cognitive research increasingly isolated from each other. furthermore, one may embrace this separation as a tense but ultimately necessary process of disciplinary specialization. ethnobiologists share a focus on the relations between local communities, biota, and environments, but researchers from different fields have very different questions about these relations that demand equally different methods. a botanist may wonder whether ethnotaxa can guide the identification of new species with dna barcoding methods. a political ecologist may wonder how agricultural intensification interacts with labor conditions of an indigenous community. a cognitive psychologist may wonder whether cross-cultural comparisons of ecological reasoning can shed light on human adaptation to complexity and uncertainty. these questions can all guide legitimate research projects even if they ultimately have relatively little to contribute to each other. there are some important lessons in this case for disciplinary specialization and a more resolute pluralism about disciplinary concerns can avoid unproductive priority disputes between ethnobiologists with different disciplinary backgrounds. however, an entirely fragmented vision of ethnobiology also obscures why ethnobiology matters in the first place. one does not need to embrace a fully unified vision of ethnobiology to think that the field should aim for more than only the sum of insights from its disciplinary parts. indeed, a core motivation for ethnobiological research is the recognition that many relevant issues can only be addressed through the entanglement of biological, cognitive, and sociocultural factors that remain isolated in more narrow disciplinary research. dynamics of “biocultural” (wyndham et al. 2011) or “socio-ecological” (hidayati et al. 2015) systems can only be understood if the causal interaction of highly heterogeneous factors such as soil chemistry, spiritual beliefs, economic pressures, plant categories, deforestation, agricultural practices, ecological reasoning, and migration patterns are taken into account. if such a systemic perspective on the interaction between biological, cognitive, and sociocultural factors is a core task of ethnobiology, an isolation of cognitive perspectives from the applied and normative concerns of “ethnobiology 5” runs the risk of undermining the raison d'être of ethnobiology through disciplinary fragmentation. and indeed, there is an alternative way of thinking about the role of cognition in ethnobiology that recognizes the value of disciplinary specialization but also the relevance of investigating the entanglement of cognitive factors and wider dynamics in socio-ecological systems. a systemic perspective on causal interactions between biological, cognitive, and sociocultural factors provides opportunities for more integrative research but also comes with challenges for researchers with different disciplinary perspectives. first, there is the challenge of overcoming stereotypes of cognitive science as antagonistic to applied and normative concerns about local socio-ecological dynamics. a sufficiently rich understanding of such dynamics requires attention to the causal roles of cognitive factors through categorization, reasoning, and perception that often remain neglected because of disinterest or even hostility towards cognitive perspectives in discourses of cultural anthropology and social sciences. at the same time, such an integration also requires that cognitive scientists take the systemic character of multi-directional causal interactions seriously rather than focusing on the priority of cognitive factors as the foundation upon which sociocultural diversity is built. of course, there are plenty of cases in which cognitive factors ground sociocultural phenomena just as there are cases in which sociocultural factors shape cognitive phenomena. however, there are clear limitations of cognitivist programs that think of themselves primarily as providing the universal foundations upon which cultural diversity is built. first, negotiations of priority encourage ideological (e.g., “cognitivist” vs. “culturalist”) confrontations about the relation between disciplines and methodologies. if the interaction between biological, cognitive, and sociocultural factors is approached through questions of priority, there is little hope that the heterogeneous community of ethnobiologists can find a common starting point. second, priority questions often obscure the reciprocal character of causal interactions in socio ludwig. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(2):269–275 272 perspectives ecological systems that can be empirically explored without settling general disputes about cognitivist and culturalist programs. while it is true that many prominent cognitivist approaches develop ambitious foundational programs from berlin et al.’s (1973) general principles of classification to atran and medin’s (2008) biological module of the mind, many of their insights can be appreciated without commitment to their entire theoretical frameworks and without getting stuck in general controversies about the merits of universalism and relativism. for example, substantial parts of atran and medin’s work (e.g., on devolution of biological knowledge, about inductive reasoning, or about folkecology) provide important lessons for ethnobiologists no matter where they stand in ongoing controversies about the “modularity of mind” (barrett 2105). rival (2018:428) is therefore entirely right to emphasize that “atran’s and medin’s highly original programme” deserves more attention in ethnobiology because it is concerned “with the pragmatics of reasoning in the fire of social action.” to illustrate this point, consider atran and medin’s (2008) folkecological research on cognitive strategies in agroforestry regimes in the guatemalan lowlands of el petén. addressing cognitive and sociocultural factors in agroforestry practices of three communities (native itza’ maya, spanish-speaking immigrant ladinos, and immigrant q’eqchi’ maya), atran and medin develop a complex picture of the relation between biological, cognitive, and sociocultural factors. given rapid deforestation in el petén, one of their core findings is that native itza’ maya practiced sustainable agroforestry while immigrant q’eqchi’ maya practices were largely insensitive to the long-term survival of the lowland forest. cognitive factors come into play as a partial explanans for these differences as itza’ and q’eqchi’ employed different mental models with equally different assumptions about the relation between animals, plants, and humans. for example, there were not only substantial quantitative but also qualitative differences in itza’ and q’eqchi’ reasoning about ecological relations between animals and plants. while q’eqchi’ understood these relations as unidirectional with plants providing food for animals, itza’ emphasized their reciprocal character with animals affecting plants in multiple ways such as seed dispersal and fertilization. while cognitive factors contribute to the explanation of itza’ and q’eqchi’ agroforestry, they can themselves be partly explained in terms of different sociocultural practices. atran and medin found that itza’ culture emphasizes and strongly values expertise about the forest in a way that “information about the forest appears integrally bound to intimate patterns of social life as well as to an experiential history traceable over many generations” (2008:212). in the context of q’eqchi’ communities, atran and medin did not find similar sociocultural patterns and they argue that “continued corporate and ceremonial ties to the sacred mountain valleys of the q’eqchi’ highlands do not imply a corresponding respect for lowland ecology” (2008:212). in other words, their comparative study does not only address the role of cognitive factors in affecting ecological phenomena but also accounts for the role of sociocultural factors in affecting cognitive phenomena. furthermore, these sociocultural factors are themselves not brute facts but can be related back to factors such as the adaptation of itza’ and q’eqchi’ cultures to their native lowland and highland environments. several lessons can be drawn from this short example. first, cognitive factors matter for applied and normative concerns about local environments and livelihoods that drive “ethnobiology 5”. differences in mental models and ecological reasoning guided itza’ and q’eqchi’ interactions with the forest and a neglect of these factors obscures important causal factors for understanding agroforestry practices. indeed, this point is not restricted to atran and medin’s work in guatemala but has emerged from many other studies on folkbiological categories. for example, medin et al.’s (2006) study of the folkbiology of freshwater fish starts with traditional concerns in cognitive ethnobiology about category formation but explores how differences in categorization of fish interact with ecological expertise. furthermore, one can find similar lessons in other areas of research including berkes’ (2018) classical articulation of “traditional ecological knowledge” that is highly sensitive to how local categories—including the infamous “eskimo word for snow”—can function as repositories of ecological knowledge. finally, consider anderson’s (1996) discussion of feng-shui as an “ecology of the heart” that relies on the interaction between cognitive ludwig. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(2):269–275 273 perspectives and emotional factors in co-producing chinese practices of landscape planning through aesthetic perception and care. all of these studies share the basic insight that investigation into cognitive factors such as categorization, perception, and reasoning is often of crucial relevance for understanding applied issues such as sustainable hunting, farming, and fishing practices. a general neglect of cognitive factors would therefore not advance but rather obstruct the applied and normative agendas of “ethnobiology 5”. a second lesson from atran and medin’s case study is the importance of a systemic perspective on mutual influences and causal feedback loops rather than linear priority ordering. in the case of itza’ and q’eqchi’ agroforestry, for example, cognitive and ecological factors can both be cause and effect for each other. on the one hand, atran and medin’s analysis of mental models addresses how cognitive factors guide local interventions in ecosystems. on the other hand, differences in mental models are not only causes but also effects of ecological phenomena as itza’ and q’eqchi’ reasoning has been shaped by their native lowland and highland environments. similar cases for mutual influence can be made with regard to sociocultural factors such as itza’ accounts of forest spirits that shape agroforestry practices but can also be described as being shaped by cognitive and ecological factors such as the pressure to adapt a sustainable use of forest resources (see also albuquerque et al. 2015). understanding of itza’ and q’eqchi’ agroforestry therefore requires modeling of a complex system of interacting causal factors rather than linear ordering of causal factors through cognitive foundations of sociocultural phenomena (or vice versa). third, many of these dynamics can be empirically investigated without requiring prior agreement about foundational controversies about issues such as cognitive universals and cultural relativism. for example, much of atran and medin’s analysis of itza’ and q’eqchi’ reasoning can be appreciated without agreement on their general nativist framework of modularity of mind. the applied and normative concerns of ethnobiology 5 often require close attention to cognitive factors but much of the relevant evidence about local categorization, reasoning, and perception can be integrated in different theoretical frameworks. of course, this does not mean that these theoretical frameworks are without practical relevance and foundational assumptions about cognitive universals and cultural relativity will clearly affect modeling of causal pathways between interacting factors. however, it is simply a mistake to assume that no progress can be made until everyone agrees on these issues. this short perspective article has argued that we need a new conversation about cognition in ethnobiology that challenges the increasing institutional separation between cognitive perspectives on folkbiology and normative concerns of “ethnobiology 5”. by proposing a systemic perspective that focuses on multi-directional causal interactions, the article sketched an alternative to priority disputes about the relation between biological, cognitive, and sociocultural factors. such an integrative perspective can lead not only to more adequate models of socio-ecological dynamics but also provide opportunities for better connecting ethnobiology with the state of both cognitive sciences and anthropology. current developments in the cognitive sciences can provide ethnobiologists with fruitful theoretical resources as illustrated by the increased prominence of research on cognitive diversity across cultures (bender and beller 2016; henrich et al. 2010) and extensive debates about embodied, embedded, and situated cognition (shapiro 2014). this literature demonstrates that the current state of the cognitive sciences has much more to offer to current ethnobiology than a continuation of tired controversies about universalism vs. relativism. instead, a vast body of empirical research has come to focus on cognitive processes within local contexts and provides currently underexplored resources for addressing cognitive factors in socio-ecological dynamics as well as their implications for issues such as agricultural and conservation practices in ethnobiology. further impulses for a novel conversation about cognition can be found in anthropological theory. for example, ingold (2000:167) has emphasized the practical significance of cognitive factors and argued for the need to “re-embed perception and cognition within the practical contexts of people’s ongoing engagement with their environments in the ordinary course of life.” while such a practice-oriented perspective on cognition is rarely explored in ethnobiology (interesting exceptions include rival 2014; villagómez-reséndiz 2017), it provides ludwig. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(2):269–275 274 perspectives resources for bridging overly abstract cognitivist approaches and theoretically underdeveloped discussions in applied ethnobiology. furthermore, following ingold’s practice-oriented focus on cognition also provides a novel angle for connecting ethnobiological research to current controversies about the “ontological turn” (see also daly et al. 2016; ludwig 2016) that engage with issues such as the boundaries of cognition in animist perspectives (descola 2013, kohn 2013, viveiros de castro 2012). to sum up, a reconsideration of cognitive factors does not undermine the applied and normative concerns of “ethnobiology 5”. on the contrary, a novel conversation about cognition can provide ethnobiologists with crucial resources for understanding socio-ecological dynamics and for integrating their research with wider debates from “situated cognition” to the “ontological turn”. declarations permissions: none declared. sources of funding: none declared. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited albuquerque, u. p., p. m. medeiros, and a. casas. 2015. evolutionary ethnobiology. springer international publishing, switzerland. anderson, e. n. 2011. ethnobiology: overview of a growing field. in ethnobiology, edited by e. n. anderson, d. pearsall, e. hunn, and n. turner, pp.1–14. wiley-blackwell, new york, ny. anderson, e. n. 1996. ecologies of the heart: emotion, belief, and the environment. oxford university press, oxford, uk. atran, s., and d. l. medin. 2008. the native mind and the cultural construction of nature. mit press, cambridge, ma. barrett, h. c. 2015. modularity. in: evolutionary perspectives on social psychology, pp. 39–49. springer, dordrecht, netherlands. doi:10.1007/978-3-31912697-5. bateson, g. 2000. steps to an ecology of mind. university of chicago press, chicago, il. beller, s., a. bender, and d. l. medin. 2012. should anthropology be part of cognitive science? topics in cognitive science 4:342–353. doi:10.1111/j.17568765.2012.01196.x. bender, a., and s. beller. 2011. the cultural constitution of cognition. frontiers in psychology 2:67. doi:10.3389/fpsyg.2011.00067. bender, a., and s. beller. 2016. current perspectives on cognitive diversity. frontiers in psychology 7:509. doi:10.3389/fpsyg.2011.00067. berkes, f. 2018. sacred ecology. routledge, new york, ny. berlin, b., d. breedlove, and p. raven. 1973. general principles of classification and nomenclature in folk biology. american anthropologist 75:214–242. doi:10.1525/aa.1973.75.1.02a00140. bloch, m. 2012. anthropology and the cognitive challenge. cambridge university press, cambridge, uk. daly, l., k. french, t. l. miller, and l. nic eoin. 2016. integrating ontology into ethnobotanical research. journal of ethnobiology 36:1–9. doi:10.2993/0278-0771-36.1.1. descola, p. 2013. beyond nature and culture. university of chicago press, chicago, il. ellen, r. 2006. the categorical impulse. berghahn books, oxford, uk. geertz, c. 1973. the interpretation of cultures. basic books, new york, ny. gelman, s. a. 2003. the essential child: origins of essentialism in everyday thought. oxford university press, oxford, uk. glushko, r. j., p. p. maglio, t. matlock, and l. w. barsalou. 2008. categorization in the wild. trends in cognitive sciences 12:129–135. doi:10.1016/ j.tics.2008.01.007. henrich, j., s. j heine, and a. norenzayan. 2010. the weirdest people in the world? behavioral and brain sciences 33:61–83. doi:10.1017/ s0140525x0999152x. hidayati, s., f. m. franco, and r. w. bussmann. 2015. ready for phase 5—current status of ethnobiology in southeast asia. journal of ethnobiology and ethnomedicine 11:17. doi:10.1186/ s13002-015-0005-7. hunn, e. 1982. the utilitarian factor in folk biological classification. american anthropologist 84:830–847. hunn, e. 2007. ethnobiology in four phases. journal of ethnobiology 27:1–10. doi:10.2993/0278-0771 (2007)27[1:eifp]2.0.co;2. ludwig. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(2):269–275 275 perspectives hunn, e. 2018. comment on ludwig “revamping the metaphysics of ethnobiological classification”. current anthropology 59:415–438. doi:10.1086/698958. ingold, t. 2000. the perception of the environment. routledge, new york, ny. keil, f. c. 2013. the roots of folk biology. proceedings of the national academy of sciences 110:15857–15858. doi:10.1073/pnas.1315113110. kohn, e. 2013. how forests think. university of california press, berkeley, ca. ludwig, d. 2016. overlapping ontologies and indigenous knowledge. from integration to ontological self-determination. studies in history and philosophy of science part a, 59:36–45. doi:10.1016/j.shpsa.2016.06.002. ludwig, d. 2018. revamping the metaphysics of ethnobiological classification. current anthropology 59:415–438. doi:10.1086/698958. machery, e., and l. faucher. 2005. social construction and the concept of race. philosophy of science 72:1208–1219. doi:10.1086/508966. medin, d. l., n. o. ross, s. atran, d. cox, j. coley, j. b. proffittand, and s. blok. 2006. folkbiology of freshwater fish. cognition 99:237–273. doi:10.1016/j.cognition.2003.12.005. nabhan, g. p., f. wyndham, and d. lepofsky. 2011. ethnobiology for a diverse world ethnobiology emerging from a time of crisis. journal of ethnobiology 31:172–175. doi:10.2993/0278-077131.2.172. rival, l. 2014. encountering nature through fieldwork: expert knowledge, modes of reasoning, and local creativity. journal of the royal anthropological institute 20:218–236. doi:10.1111/1467-9655.12101. rival, l. 2018. comment on ludwig “revamping the metaphysics of ethnobiological classification”. current anthropology 59:415–438. doi:10.1086/698958. ross, n., and c. revilla-minaya. 2011. cognitive studies in ethnobiology: what can we learn about the mind as well as human environmental interaction? in ethnobiology, edited by e. n. anderson, d. pearsall, e. hunn, and n. turner, pp. 335–349. wiley-blackwell, new york, ny. shapiro, l., ed. 2014. the routledge handbook of embodied cognition. routledge, new york, ny. sousa, p., s. atran, and d. medin. 2002. essentialism and folkbiology: evidence from brazil. journal of cognition and culture 2:195–223. doi:10.1163/15685370260225099. villagómez-reséndiz, r. 2017. hacia una etnobiología cognitiva: tecnología hidráulica mesoamericana y cognición en los altos de morelos. etnobiología 15:89–98. viveiros de castro, e. 2012. cosmological perspectivism in amazonia and elsewhere. hau masterclass series, manchester, uk. waxman, s., and d. medin. 2007. experience and cultural models matter: placing firm limits on childhood anthropocentrism. human development 50:23–30. doi:10.1159/000097681. waxman, s. r., p. herrmann, j. woodring, and d. medin. 2014. humans (really) are animals: frontiers in psychology 5:172. doi:10.3389/fpsyg.2014.00172. wolverton, s. 2013. ethnobiology 5: interdisciplinarity in an era of rapid environmental change. ethnobiology letters 4:21–25. doi:10.14237/ ebl.4.2013.11. wyndham, f. s., d. lepofsky, and s. tiffany. 2011. taking stock in ethnobiology: where do we come from? what are we? where are we going? journal of ethnobiology 31:110–127. doi:10.2993/0278-0771-31.1.110. zarger, r. k. 2011. learning ethnobiology: creating knowledge and skills about the living world. in ethnobiology, edited by e. n. anderson, d. pearsall, e. hunn, and n. turner, pp. 371–386. wileyblackwell, new york, ny. we probably thought that would be true: perceiving complex emotional states in nonhumans 15 book review that allow them a sophisticated understanding of the natural world (pierotti 2011). the reason that such issues are of concern to ethnobiology is that much of our scholarship operates within the zone circumscribed by these competing views of nature (anderson 2013). we are scientists who operate mostly in the western tradition, yet the questions we choose to investigate allow us understanding of, and sometimes identification with, the knowledge traditions of non-western cultures that informs the work of many of our top scholars, as exemplified in works like gene anderson’s ecologies of the heart (1996). another factor that predisposes ethnobiologists to a more open and flexible perspective with regard to nonhumans is that we represent a deliberate attempt to merge two fields, anthropology and biology, although the biology practiced by ethnobiologists deals more with ecosystems and populations than the practices of laboratory oriented scholars who deal primarily or exclusively with cells and molecules. one thing that is obvious in reading these books together is that anthropologists sometimes rush in where biologists oft fear to tread. braithwaite, a professor of fisheries at penn state, gives her (2010) book the relatively limp title, do fish feel pain? in contrast, king, an anthropologist at william and mary, leaps right into the breach with the title, how animals grieve, avoiding both the dreaded question mark, and establishing that from her perspective, in 1983 the cherokee poet jimmy durham wrote a poem titled “teachings of my grandmother” which begins: in a magazine too expensive to buy, i read about how, with scientific devices of great complexity us scientists have discovered that if a rat is placed in a cage in which it has previously been given an electrical shock, it starts crying. i told my grandmother about that and she said, “we probably knew that would be true” (durham 1983) while reading the two books listed above, our thoughts turned frequently to the knowledge of durham’s grandmother and of grandmothers everywhere. why do we find it necessary to ask questions like this when the answers seem obvious? that is, why do people of european ancestry, including scientists, insist on arguing that our nonhuman relatives are incapable of achieving complex behavioral states when it should be obvious that they can, just from our interactions with animals in our everyday lives? this tendency is likely a result of differences in cultural traditions, although it is also clearly linked to the concept of what is considered to be “science” or scientific. it seems likely that the attitudes of scientists in cases like this may be a major reason why many indigenous people argue that they don’t have “science,” even though they have well worked out systems of close observation of natural phenomena we probably thought that would be true: perceiving complex emotional states in nonhumans victoria braithwaite. 2010. do fish feel pain? oxford university press, new york. pp. 256. $35.00 (hardcover). isbn 9780199551200. barbara j. king. 2013. how animals grieve. university of chicago press, chicago. pp. 208, 7 halftones. $25.00 (cloth). isbn 9780226436944. reviewed by raymond pierotti 1* and cynthia annett 2 reviewer address: 1 ecology and evolutionary biology, university of kansas, lawrence, ks 66045-2106, 2 department of biological sciences, university of alaska anchorage, anchorage, ak 99507 * corresponding author: pierotti@ku.edu received: july 5, 2013 volume: 5:15-21 published: january 13, 2014 © 2014 society of ethnobiology 16 book review there is no question that nonhuman animals are, in fact, capable of experiencing grief. one oddity is that, although both of these books are published by major academic presses, neither is a truly scholarly work with complete citations of sources (even of important examples), or presentations of the actual data; in fact, neither volume includes a single illustration. both books depend upon closely argued examples in the darwinian tradition, and as with darwin’s original work, appear to be targeted at that audience consisting of educated laypeople, scholars from other disciplines, university administrators, and those responsible for ethical decisions at the political level. to begin with braithwaite’s do fish feel pain? (henceforth dffp), one of us raymond pierotti (rp) was first exposed to this issue as a graduate student in the late 1970s, when a fellow grad student in ichthyology said at a social gathering, “we don’t even know if fish feel pain.” i confess that my initial reaction was similar to that described for jimmy durham’s grandmother, but i was made to realize that this was a serious issue to many biologists. about a decade later i watched a dear friend and close colleague take a live and active fish from a tank, lay it on a table and remove one of its eyes, with no apparent consideration of anesthesia. observing this made me realize that i was very naïve concerning the attitudes of lab biologists. i then determined to devote myself more to this issue. in consequence, i am now the longest tenured member of my university’s institutional animal care and use committee (iacuc) at seventeen years. the issue of suffering in fish still arises at irregular intervals during iacuc discussions. one of the more compelling issues is, “exactly how does one decapitate a fish?” considering that they have no obvious division between head and trunk. for us the issue of sentience and complex behavior in fish was settled when we spent a couple of seasons watching biparental care in cichlids (tilapia mariae boulenger cichlidae) in the channelized rivers surrounding the florida everglades. this species showed clearly differentiated parental roles, with females performing nearly all tending of eggs and most tending of free embryos. after young became free-swimming and left the nest, however, males took over primary tending of the free swimming young while the smaller females patrolled the perimeter of the school and performed nearly all chases directed at predators. males and females traded off vigilance and feeding, and showed a high degree of intrapair coordination (annett et al. 1999). under dense nesting conditions in this species, we observed adoption of broods, group rearing of free-swimming young and the presence of non-breeder ‘satellites’ sharing and defending a territory with breeders. the level of complexity we observed in these fish was comparable to the behavior we had observed in monogamous birds (pierotti and annett 1994, 1995; pierotti et al. 1996). it seems obvious that fish were capable of complex social behavior. equally obvious was our conclusion that the issue over complexity of fish behavior might be settled if scientists dealing with this question actually spent any time watching their study organisms in their natural environments. in dffp braithwaite describes her work on the presence of nociceptors (cells located in the epidermis that perceive painful stimuli) in fishes. since nociceptors exist in birds, mammals, and amphibians, and even in invertebrates, it should be expected that they would be found in fishes as well. the null hypothesis should be: “this feature exists in a wide range of organisms, hence we assume that it exists in fishes as well,” which would be the darwinian perspective. but there seems to be an odd logic amongst scientists that historically gave us the opposite: “we assume that if a given structure has not been proven to exist in a particular organism, the null hypothesis is that it does not exist, despite its proven existence in closely related forms.” fish, by this reasoning, were assumed not to have nociceptors despite their established presence in every other lineage of vertebrates. this line of thinking invariably works to the benefit of economic (sometimes referred to as “pragmatic”) interests, especially food industries, including the aquaculture, commercial, and sport fishing industries in the case of fishes. when scientific reasoning is influenced by the economic system predominant in our society, there may well be a greater tendency to take a non-darwinian approach such as arguing that relatedness does not predict whether an organism has particular traits, and therefore allow us to assume that an economically important animal lacks the ability to feel pain until proven otherwise. taking this a step further, in the u.s., which probably represents the most economically driven philosophical system in history, this attitude goes hand in hand with a tendency on the part of much of the public to oppose the teaching of darwin 17 book review ian thinking in schools. darwinian thought assumes relatedness and the existence of shared traits among related species, and actually shares many concepts with indigenous knowledge (see chapter 6 in pierotti 2011). what goes unrecognized and unacknowledged by most western scientists is that the “objectivity” or “pragmatism” expected of their scientists, ends up being used to deny identity between obviously homologous traits in humans and other species, which is, in essence, creationist thought. a similar approach can be found in attempts by the american veterinary association and the humane society of the united states to argue that rabies vaccines approved for use in domestic dogs, should not also be used in their ancestral congeners, gray wolves (canis lupus linnaeus canidae), even though the same vaccine is approved for use in cats (felis sylvestris linnaeus felidae), cattle (bos taurus linnaeus bovidae), and horses (equus caballus linnaeus equidae) (see pages 93-94 in pierotti 2011). what is striking is how mute many scientists become when faced with such obvious sophistry. according to braithwaite, simply demonstrating the presence of nociceptors was not considered sufficient to demonstrate that fish feel pain, it was also necessary to demonstrate that fish show behavioral responses to painful stimuli that are the same as those observed in birds and mammals, i.e., showing obvious changes in behavior in response to “painful stimuli.” one reason for requiring such evidence is apparently based upon the argument that because hooked fish pull and try to swim away, the hook does not really cause them pain. braithwaite, however, correctly points out that the situation is more complicated than this. a nociceptive response to a painful stimulus may indeed involve an escape or flight response. when any vertebrate, including humans, are trapped or caught, their bodies experience a range of responses, often not involving conscious thought, typical of nociceptive responses. for example, people who lose limbs in accidents often try to run, or may even pick up the severed limb, without feeling apparent pain (for several cinematic but fact-based examples, watch the opening section of steven spielberg’s saving private ryan). as braithwaite states, “the motivation to escape is so strong that the (individual) works to overcome any pain to try and get away” (p. 165). this last point suggests an issue that is rarely, if ever, raised: “how do we know that humans feel pain?” raymond pierotti asked his fellow graduate student this exact question in 1978 in response to his statement concerning our lack of knowledge concerning pain in fish. the answer seems to be that we can talk to humans. there is, however, no quantifiable basis for pain, even in humans. we ask humans to assess their own levels of pain and there is no way of verifying that one person’s level 10 is different than another’s level 7. as braihwaite indicates, we have trouble identifying subjective pain in fishes; however, “we would probably struggle to do this for any human if we could not understand their language” (p. 106, emphasis added). this entire debate is basically a legacy of the cartesian machine metaphor, which argues that nonhumans are “machines, who cannot suffer, but only malfunction.” it needs to be kept in mind that despite his contributions to the history of science, descartes was very much a creationist by today’s standards, and his “philosophy” is rooted in the christian tradition, e.g., the discussion of souls, whose existence has never been demonstrated by “objective” science. this logic was even applied to non-european homo sapiens, and there have been numerous episodes where individuals of european ancestry have questioned the humanity, the emotional responsiveness, and the existence of “souls” in people whose skin color did not match theirs, especially those who did not speak their language (pierotti 2011). despite the fact that scientists are said to be objective and to “see their work in isolation—that is unconstrained by their own context…despite their careful definitions and their forced assertions, scholars are inevitably influenced at least as much by the common usage of the terms that they deploy, as they are by their more rarefied and specialized senses” (ritvo 2010:4). in any case, it appears that fish are fully capable of experiencing painful stimuli, and they respond to these stimuli in ways similar to responses shown by birds and mammals; i.e., avoiding areas where pain is experienced, rubbing the affected areas. if analgesics are applied, fish show a marked reduction in such behavior. braithwaite brings up the issue of objective emotion, in which the organism is in an emotional state that is obvious from its posture and appearance. almost all animals, including invertebrates and possibly even plants, show this type of response. it is another issue, however, whether fish are capable of subjective emotion, which is “feeling what it is to feel 18 book review something.” this is a state in which an animal interprets and is aware of its state of discomfort, sort of the difference between stubbing your toe and cursing and jumping around (the objective response), and thinking, “my toe really hurts and i wish it would stop feeling this way” (the subjective response). there seem to be variation among species of fishes in this ability to display apparent consciousness or sentience. braithwaite provides a rather elegant example of whether or not fish are capable of considering possible alternative scenarios and modifying decisions based upon contingencies, in her description of interactions between moray eels and groupers. when prey pursued by groupers flee into crevices on coral reefs where the grouper cannot pursue, some groupers go and signal to morays, vigorously shaking their heads in rapid vertical motion. the moray can choose to ignore this, and some do, but other eels leave their crevices and follow the grouper, who leads them to the part of the reef where the smaller prey have taken refuge, at which point the grouper can actually point to particular holes using its head. the eel then enters the hole and about half the time it flushes the prey where it is caught by the grouper. it is assumed that many of the times when the prey does not flush, it is taken by the eel. at the same time we were studying parental care in cichlids, we also studied group hunting behavior in florida largemouth bass, which showed behavior that was somewhat analogous to the situation observed between groupers and moray eels. we observed largemouth bass in groups of 4-5 individuals surround a clump of aquatic vegetation, and then one individual would lunge into the vegetation, while its companions picked off small fish and invertebrates dislodged or startled by the rush (annett 1998). we could not determine if individuals took different roles, but it seemed likely that the bass were trading off lunging and surrounding. one situation quite similar to the cooperative interaction between the grouper and the moray is the observation derived from indigenous knowledge traditions that badger and coyote were "friends" and hunted together (see pages 58-59 in pierotti 2011). film footage of this relationship can be seen in yellowstone: realm of the coyote (national geographic 1995). empirical study has revealed that these two species truly are cooperative. coyotes and badgers spend a lot of time wandering around together, but when they see ground squirrels, coyotes give chase. if the squirrel goes into a burrow, badgers will dig up the burrow, or both will dig together. if the squirrel stays in the burrow, badgers will often get it. if the squirrel attempts to escape by using another burrow exit, coyote often gets it and has a meal. both coyote and badger catch more squirrels when they hunt together than when they hunt alone (minta et al. 1992). even though it seems clear that fish can feel pain and seem capable of a wide range of complex social behaviors and emotional states, no one seems to raise the question of whether fish feel grief. we can’t help but wonder what might be found if scientists looked more closely at monogamous species with strong pairbonds. clearly when one partner was removed in our study of t. mariae, the remaining partner experienced considerable stress (annett et al. 1999). if they had not had to work so hard to make up for their partner’s absence, they might have shown behavior comparable to responses shown by monogamous birds who have lost a partner. grief is an unusual phenomenon; at one level it seems an obvious response to the loss of an individual with whom one has a social bond, but if this response becomes too consuming it can have serious negative implications for survival. the major question concerning the presence of grief in human versus nonhuman animals might be whether humans are the only species that can afford to indulge in extreme displays of grief. the issue of whether grief can be found in nonhuman animals is well addressed by barbara king, in her book, how animals grieve. king does a generally good job of presenting her arguments concerning the evidence for grief in nonhumans, although she has to rely a good deal on examples from domestic animals. most of these examples take a similar form; i.e., two individuals, sometimes from different species or breeds, spend many years together. if one perishes, the other acts depressed, often refusing to eat, and its health may decline. however if another animal is introduced often the spirits of the survivor will pick up and they seem to return to “normal” after a while. as an anthropologist, king is most familiar with the primate literature, and draws numerous examples from this source as well. after all, the “likeliest targets of unconscious identification and projection [are] animals who were most like people, either because they looked like people, or because they were members of the same society. animals outside these overlapping circles of familiarity were much less likely 19 book review potential surrogates” (ritvo 2010:8-9). king does include other examples, but these are often from the usual set of suspects; e.g. elephants and dolphins, which seem to be among the few species that most humans are willing to accept into the pantheon of fellow grievers, and are allowed to have a theory of mind. one thing we found both interesting and perplexing is that in a discussion of the reaction of elephants to bones of their own kind, king discusses whether they recognize individual skulls. an experiment was carried out which suggested that although elephants can clearly distinguish between skulls of conspecifics and those of other species, they recognized skulls of elephants in general, but not of individuals. why is this surprising? we doubt that most humans could recognize the skulls of departed family members in a group of skulls without resort to looking at teeth, which are the only part of the skull we see with any regularity while the individual is alive. after all, even hamlet had to have the gravedigger identify yorick’s skull so he could soliloquize about it. with regard to recognition of dentition, it is clear that elephants recognize tusks from familiar individuals. we also suspect that spatial context is important to elephants. they know where members of their social groups have died, therefore encountering their skulls in a new location, as happened in the experiment, may only confuse them. king describes extreme displays that can be shown over dead conspecifics in chimpanzees, including violence directed at the dead individual. she contends that this type of behavior is not observed in humans, which suggests she has not carefully surveyed the human literature. we are again provided the example of flo and her son flint, who apparently died of grief shortly after his mother passed. this example is compelling, but it generally leaves out the fact that flint was the last male offspring of this prolific female, and her other older offspring did not die of apparent grief, however badly they may have felt concerning her passing. missing from king’s book are some very strong examples from monogamous birds, even though she does discuss examples from geese and chickens. safina (2002) describes very dramatic behavior in a pair of laysan albatross (phoebastria immutabilis rothschild diomedeidae), involving grieving by a female who lost her first chick. this pair was closely observed by a couple upon whose land they were nesting. what was extraordinary in this case was the behavior by the male partner, who continued to help incubate the dead chick for several weeks to help the obviously grieving female cope, until she seemed to adjust to loss of her first offspring. this is crucial, because this species typically has lifetime pair-bonds that can last for several decades, and one of the major factors leading to pair-bond breakage is the loss of offspring early in the relationship. from our own work, along with other scholars, we have observed what we considered to be "funerals” in magpies (genus pica linnaeus corvidae) and described the most dramatic example of this phenomenon that we observed in the yellow-billed magpie: one day when rp was watching magpies feeding in an oak-savannah habitat (in central california) an incredible ruckus broke out. a cooper’s hawk (accipiter cooperi bonaparte accipitridae), had attacked and killed a female magpie. magpies from all over the area gathered in the trees around the kill site and chattered constantly while the hawk ate the magpie. this was not that surprising, animals often gather and observe a predator after it has taken a member of their group, however i did not expect what happened next. after the hawk left, the magpies flew down and walked over to the remains of the dead female. they no longer chattered, instead they muttered in low voices, like they were talking to each other. to my surprise, some magpies picked up feathers from the dead bird, took them into the trees, and stuck them there. after 15-20 minutes all the magpies except one flew away silently. the only remaining bird was the mate of the dead bird. he picked up one of her primary wing feathers and carried it around with him for several days. when he stopped to eat he would put the feather down carefully and eat, then he would pick the feather up again and fly off with it. i realized that i was witnessing something akin to a funeral, or at least a celebration of a death, in a nonhuman. other observers had described this behavior (miller and brigham 1988; trost 1999), but they had not seen the feather carrying aspect (see pages 132-133 in pierotti (2011). comparing our experience to accounts in king’s book, this behavior seemed to have elements of a ceremony, which is why we described this as a 20 book review "funeral." a “ceremony” conducted by nonhumans related to sudden death seems to fit clearly within the category of behavioral responses that reveal grieving in nonhumans. king discusses the carrying of stillborn infants by monkeys, apes, and dolphins. such behavior occurs in a wide range of species. we have observed the carrying of stillborn offspring by female steller sea lions (eumetopias jubatus schreber otariidae), and have photographic evidence of this behavior. females carried their offspring with them for 2-3 days, picking them up in their mouths and carrying them by the scruff of the neck. for the record, carrying offspring in this fashion is not typical behavior in this species: despite being arctoid carnivores, sea lions do not carry their offspring in their mouths when the young are alive. after stillbirths were the only times we observed this behavior. king’s accounts of grieving in primates might be strengthened by an example observed by steve green of the university of miami. when he was working on japanese macaques (macaca fuscata blythe cercopithecidae), green observed a young female who had just lost her first infant. this female was alone at the time, and when she picked up her infant's body she began to wail in a way he not seen before (green 1975). within a few minutes there was a crashing in nearby bushes and another adult monkey came running up and threw her arms around the young female and held her while she wailed (s. green, personal communication). not surprisingly, this new female adult was the mother of the young female who had lost her infant, which suggests strongly that not only grief, but empathy and comfort to the grieving, might be components of nonhuman activity. after reading these books, it seems obvious that yes, fish do indeed feel pain and are even capable of much more complex behavior. similarly, a wide range of nonhuman species seem capable of complex emotions such as grief and even empathy. the real problem with identifying these complex behaviors seems to be a fear of “anthropomorphism,” combined with a desire to please, or at least placate, economic and religious interests in western european traditions. by this reasoning, the only reason there is any debate over pain in fish is because of the way they are “harvested,” a term implying that they are like agricultural plants rather than other vertebrates. braithwaite points out that the equivalent of commercial fishing, especially with bottom trawls, would never be tolerated if it were applied to birds or mammals on land. this can also be seen in the fact that it is illegal to hunt in national parks, but fishing is allowed. even “catch and release” fishing, which is touted as a means of conservation, has serious problems in that many animals are seriously injured and left to die slow deaths (pierotti and wildcat 1999). the irony is that this way of thinking owes much more to descartes than to darwin. charles darwin (1871) argued that humans and nonhumans shared emotional states and that the differences were of degree, not of kind. despite constant repetition that humans are animals, and also that they are primates, “such assertions often seem defensive or even strident,” because of the, “persistent reluctance to locate ourselves and our closest extinct relatives in the family pongidae…rather than in the more exclusive family hominidae, reserved for australopithecines and humans” (ritvo 2010:3). rarely has a 1% difference between the total genomes of closely related species been used for such taxonomic grandeur (see also diamond 1992). as a result, many scientists who allege that they are darwinians seem to actually show strong creationist inclinations when it comes to discussing the similarities between our own emotional states and those of our nonhuman relatives. it is time that we carefully evaluate the science and come to accept the fact that human emotions are not the result of special creation, but instead arise from a long evolutionary history and from shared traits. we should welcome the ability to situate ourselves in the larger world with our animal relatives. we hope that this will come to be regarded as something we already knew. references cited anderson, e. n. 1996. ecologies of the heart: emotion, belief, and the environment. oxford university press, ny, ny. anderson, e. n. 2013. what shapes cognition? traditional sciences and modern international science. in explorations of ethnobiology: the legacy of amadeo rea. contributions in ethnobiology, edited by marsha quinlan and dana lepofsky, pp 47-77. society of ethnobiology, denton, texas. annett, c.a. 1998. hunting behavior of florida largemouth bass (micropterus salmoides floridanus) in a channelized river. environmental biology of fishes 53:75-87. 21 book review annett, c. a., r. pierotti, and j. r. baylis.1999. male and female parental roles in a biparental cichlid, tilapia mariae. environmental biology of fishes 54:283293. darwin, c. 1871.the expression of emotions in man and animals. reprint 1998. harper collins, london. diamond, j. 1992. the third chimpanzee: the evolution and future of the human animal. harpercollins publishers, ny, ny. durham, jimmy. 1983. columbus day. west end press, minneapolis, mn. green, s. 1975. variation of vocal pattern with social situation in the japanese monkey (macaca fuscata): a field study. in primate behavior: developments in field and laboratory research, vol. 4, edited by l.a. rosenblum, pp. 1-102. academic press, ny, ny. miller, w. r., and r. m. brigham. 1988. "ceremonial" gathering of black-billed magpies, pica pica, after the sudden death of a conspecific. murrelet 69:7879. minta, s. c., k. a. minta, and d. f. lott. 1992. hunting associations between badgers and coyotes. journal of mammalogy 73:814-820. goldberg, rob and john rubin. 1995. yellowstone: realm of the coyote. national geographic video. pierotti, r. 2011. indigenous knowledge, ecology and evolutionary biology. routledge, taylor and francis group, new york. pierotti, r. and c. a. annett. 1994. patterns of aggression in gulls: asymmetries and tactics in different roles. condor 96:590‑599. pierotti, r. and c. a. annett. 1995. western gull (larus occidentalis). no. 174. the birds of north america, edited by a. poole and f. gill. the academy of natural sciences, philadelphia and american ornithologists’ union, washington d.c. pierotti, r., c. a. annett, and j. l. hand. 1996. male and female perceptions of pair-bond dynamics: monogamy in the western gull. in feminism and evolutionary biology, edited by p.a. gowaty, pp. 261275. chapman and hall press. pierotti, r. and d. wildcat. 1999. connectedness of predators and prey: native americans and fisheries management. fisheries 24(4):22-23. ritvo, h. 2010. nobel cows and hybrid zebras: essays on animals and history. university of virginia press, charlottsville, va. safina, c. 2002. the eye of the albatross. henry holt and co., ny, ny. trost, c. h. 1999. black-billed magpie. no. 389. the birds of north america, edited by a. poole and f. gill. the academy of natural sciences, philadelphia and the american ornithologists’ union, washington, d.c. the protection of indigenous peoples’ seed rights during ethnobotanical research mccune. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(1):67–75 67 perspec ves  special issue on ethics in ethnobiology the farmers, gardeners, and cultivators from whom they were collected. this scenario contrasts with patent rights enjoyed by commercial seed companies and plant breeders, which specify who can buy, sell, distribute, and use seeds and genetic resources. these mechanisms permit patent holders to limit use of seeds and plants used in developing their products if they are sufficiently similar. it is likely commercial seed companies and breeders would be concerned with measures protecting local and indigenous peoples’ seed rights if they were to result in reduced access to genetic resources for developing new varieties. such considerations continue to increase the chances of exploitation (posey 2005) as genetic resources and traditional agricultural knowledge are transferred to developed nations and biotechnology centers (brush 2005). traditional and indigenous farmers have seed rights concerns (for example, la via campasina 2012) that include the ongoing ability to grow out their seeds each year as well as the right to enter into access and benefit sharing agreements even if their seeds or introduction in the debate over patenting of seeds and availability of the world’s seed germplasm for research and community gardening, insufficient attention is given to intellectual property rights of local and indigenous communities that develop plant varieties over generations. this situation is gradually improving with recognition of these rights in international agreements and transfer agreements between the worlds’ large seed banks. ethnobiologists can play an essential role in promoting these efforts through rigorous documentation during all phases of research. nevertheless, the question remains, can these peoples’ rights be protected through the multiple stages of distribution and use in the name of promoting biodiversity? advocates of biodiversity and climate change preparation seek seeds as genetic resources representing the world’s biodiversity. as in the past, they are often housed in national and international seed banks without specifying what will be done with them via access and benefit sharing agreements with the protec on of indigenous peoples’ seed rights during  ethnobotanical research  le a m. mccune 1* 1 botanydoc llc, tucson, az, usa. * le amccune@gmail.com abstract recogni on of the importance of biodiversity for global food security and the community food sustainability movement has helped increase awareness of seed rights. interna onal trea es created to ensure the world’s access to seed biodiversity address access to seed banks for breeding purposes. ethnobotanists are o en required to deposit research plant specimens with government seed banks or herbariums. if indigenous peoples’ plants are then used developing patented varie es, are their rights recognized? these rights depend upon recogni on of indigenous peoples as plant breeders, prior informed consent (pic) protocols, access and benefit sharing (abs) agreements via material transfer agreements, and benefits returned to indigenous and local communi es per the nagoya protocol. to ensure such rights to gene c material and associated intellectual property rights, documenta on of these agreements and links to the people and communi es from which they originated needs to occur at first collec on and throughout subsequent research, conserva on, and breeding programs. received august 6, 2017 open    access accepted april 11, 2018 doi 10.14237/ebl.9.1.2018.1076 keywords farmers rights, intellectual property rights, seeds, sovereignty, patents, indigenous peoples copyright  © 2018 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open‐access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution‐noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by‐nc/4.0), which permits non‐commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. mccune. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(1):67–75 68 perspec ves  special issue on ethics in ethnobiology other genetic resources are used by commercial entities to patent new varieties. for these purposes, local and indigenous farmers should be considered plant breeders on equal standing to commercial seed companies, since they have developed their plants over generations for resilience under particular environment conditions, including climatic fluctuations such as drought, as well as specific local diseases and insect pests. these are the kinds of characteristics plant scientists are interested in accessing and incorporating into their own (limited access) seeds through breeding or biotechnology programs. laws in many countries allowing plant breeders and seed companies to decide who can distribute and use their seeds, largely stem from the international union for the protection of new varieties of plants, plant variety protections, and subsequently the u.s. patent system (see elvin-lewis 2006; gepts 2004). interest in seed biodiversity among grassroots organizations and home gardeners has led to seed swaps and libraries running up against seed laws designed to protect plant breeders. who protects traditional farmers’ and breeders’ rights? if their seeds are freely distributed at these venues and thereby obtained by commercial seed breeders, their rights to enter into access and benefit sharing agreements could be lost. what can be done in these instances to protect local peoples’ intellectual property rights while also promoting biodiversity? this paper focuses on this issue, especially with regard to commercial seeds developed without innovation and new varieties developed from traditional ones. international agreements two of the key international agreements addressing seed rights are the international treaty on plant genetic resources for food and agriculture (also known as the seed treaty) and the nagoya protocol. the seed treaty was developed by the united nations food and agricultural organization (fao 2001). this accord put 64 major food and feed crops into the public domain under government control, usually in national seed banks. in this context, public domain availability signifies access from the holding country conditioned upon certain standard agreements. if a plant breeder or seed company from one country desires access to the wheat or rice varieties, for example, of another seed treaty signatory country, they must contact that country’s seed bank and fill out their standard material transfer agreement. this is a legal document that includes a multilateral system of compensation (mls). in the mls, if one develops a commercial product from the country’s seeds (for example, a patent or certificate), a percentage of the profit (usually 0.5%) must be returned to the mls international pool, which distributes these monies to selected conservation and agricultural programs that do not necessarily benefit the seeds’ originators. the nagoya protocol is an offshoot of the convention on biological diversity agreement (convention on biological diversity 2010), elaborated in 2010 and taking effect in 2014–2015. this agreement specifically focuses on indigenous and local communities (termed ilcs) and the importance of prior informed consent (pic) and access and benefit sharing agreements (abs), especially as they relate to genetic resources, including those from plants. these agreements and the use of the associated genetic resources in all forms of research going forward are monitored by national and international abs clearing houses along with any patents that result from these agreements. the large international farmers’ rights organization la via campesina is comprised of 182 farmer organizations, representing over 200 million farmers in 81 countries. this organization has formally spoken out against the seed treaty and its multilateral system of compensation for lacking benefits for its members (la via campesina 2011). la via campesina has characterized this system as promoting theft of their seeds, considering it grants them no rights to determine how their seeds are used and no access to their materials held in the seed banks. this large organization defends the benefits of its members’ peasant seed systems over those they see as controlled by seed corporations. more recent statements from la via campesina have suggested it is more hopeful about the nagoya protocol, although skeptical that the abs clearing houses will have adequate power to monitor and enforce agreements (la via campesina 2016). as the nagoya protocol makes headway in signatory countries, additional challenges arise in reconciling jurisdictions and regulations to ensure and monitor compliance without undue burden or complication. in some countries, the multilateral system of compensation remains in effect, utilizing narrow protection categories based in the dominant cultures’ notions of resources, mccune. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(1):67–75 69 perspec ves  special issue on ethics in ethnobiology knowledge, and justice (halewood et al. 2013; oguamanam 2011). the patent system whereas many countries in the international community are signing and ratifying the nagoya protocol and its focus on abs systems, the united states is not a party to the convention. in the us, seed rights are derived through the patent system. while a true patent is now reserved for cases of unique production (often using biotechnology), two other forms of protections are afforded to plant breeders. these include united states department of agriculture (usda) plant variety certificates and utility patents, which limit the use of seeds by allowing plant breeders and seed companies to determine who can sell, buy, distribute, and use their genetic resources (elvin-lewis 2006; gepts 2004). unfortunately, small local farmers and breeders rarely employ these protections because their cost can be prohibitive. they also require protected plants to produce uniform and stable lines while local community farmers often have biodiverse landraces whose genetic variability impart resilience to environmental changes. unfortunately, the united states system recognizes and protects monocultures rather than biodiverse crop lines. inherent to the patent system are some protections, including the usda examiners’ database and the application form “disclosure of the origin of genetic resources” (elvin-lewis 2006). the database is a compilation of notes and publications that describe prior art, which in patent law is any information or knowledge of items similar to that being patented, especially that which is publicly available before the patent request. these include descriptions of seeds previously created and used by peoples of the world, which theoretically precludes their being patented by someone else. patent application forms also solicit disclosure of the origin of genetic resources, including how a new variety was created. answers to the questions in this section could permit the examiner to determine if new or novel seeds are substantially different from those that were used to create them. in addition, they could help the examiner determine if plants used in seed development have access and benefit agreements associated with them that might restrict their use or require return of benefits. unfortunately, this section does not appear to be mandatory. the classic example of the enola bean plant variety certificate illustrates the importance of these patent application disclosures (dutfield 2003; garcia 2007). this certificate was obtained by a bean breeder from colorado after buying a bag of beans (phaseolus vulgaris) from a vendor in mexico and conducting minor crosses to stabilize the yellow color of one of the beans from the bag. he then applied for certification of the yellow bean, which he called “enola.” however, the yellow beans in the bag he purchased are a staple food in mexico. as a result of the certificate, mexican farmers suddenly faced royalty fee charges when they tried to export their yellow beans to the united states, as they had been doing for many years. in addition, established united states growers and distributers of the yellow beans faced lawsuits. despite abundant evidence that the patent/ certificate application should have been revoked, doing so took almost 10 years. in the meantime, mexican farmers lost revenue. as compared to agricultural seeds, indigenous peoples’ medicinal plants have faced an even longer history of misuse, eventual recognition of rights, and creation of mechanisms to protect those rights. some classic examples of biopiracy of medicinal plants include patenting of traditional indigenous uses of neem (azadirachta indica) and turmeric (curcuma longa) from india (dutfield 1999; garcia 2007). subsequently, india began documenting and registering national traditional plant uses and varieties in order to have evidence of prior art to fight such patents. as the world increasingly recognizes the benefits of indigenous peoples’ and local farmers’ plants for their potential drought, disease, and pest resistance, these genetic resources are at greater risk of biopiracy. the agreements used for potential pharmaceutical products derived from indigenous peoples’ medicinal plants and associated intellectual property deserve to be similarly used for the genetic resources potentially used for developing new patentable varieties of agricultural plants. upon collection through my experience researching the native seeds/ search seed bank collection for potential future accessions, subsequent work on their board focusing on intellectual property and farmers’ rights issues, and as ethics chair for the society for economic botany, it became apparent to me that the issues discussed here—recognition of the rights to seeds and associated traditional knowledge—can be mccune. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(1):67–75 70 perspec ves  special issue on ethics in ethnobiology strengthened through rigorous documentation at the time seeds and/or plants are first collected. community protocols can be addressed by any number of methods (bannister 2008) and research agreements (cuerrier et al. 2012; fediuk and kuhnlein 2003; scott and receveur 1995). records of agreements regarding ongoing rights to collected plant material should be documented and must accompany seed and plant specimen transfers, along with other formal research agreements with local communities and countries. ideally, the individual(s) providing seed or plant specimens should be identified and it should be documented if these materials were grown on tribal lands and if local community leaders were aware of the acquisition. agreements should be attached to the collection sheet along with documentation of any restrictions to associated traditional knowledge. in addition, it is important that documentation be placed in seed banks, herbariums, or other publicly accessible repositories regarding understandings of the provider’s plans for the specimens, including how they will be stored, transferred, or distributed. some of the objectives detailed above may be accomplished by adding supplementary information on the back side of a typical collection sheet describing the seed/plant, the collection location, and how it was grown. this additional information could include the identity of the individual or community that provided the material and indicate whether any agreements are in place regarding uses, restrictions, or intended distribution. figure 1 presents an example of how some of this information could be recorded and accompany more formal agreements (native seeds/ search 2015a; cetaf 2015). the donor or provider could list restrictions on this form, such as sacred properties and requirements that the indigenous or local name must be retained or that seeds may only be grown on tribal soil. it is also possible that donor’s or provider’s cultural representatives may stipulate no restrictions other than free access to seeds, which also must be well documented to avoid future misunderstandings. the provider and collector should sign the collection sheet with copies of this sheet retained by both collector and provider. upon deposit in a seed bank or herbarium, copies of collection notes should be held in a permanent archive to preserve access to all agreements, restrictions, and links to the tribal entity. when a collection is included in catalogues, permanent links to the originators of the plants or seeds and any associated agreements must be provided. these methods insure researchers and the usda examiner’s office have easy access to all of the information necessary to avoid improper patenting or certification by third parties of plants and seeds as though they were new varieties that can be restricted in this manner. when plant specimens are placed in an herbarium, methods are needed to continually link them back to the donor or provider and original breeders. even after the collection sheet is deposited, annotation labels can be placed on the specimen sheet with links to other notes, documents, or agreements (hodgson 2002). ethnobotanical information can also be included on the herbarium sheet (bye 1986). these steps are of increasing importance considering the nagoya protocol’s requirement of ongoing documentation of all uses of genetic resources after acquisition and the possibility of extracting dna from herbarium specimens using contemporary technologies. seed bank protections what can seed banks do to protect farmers’ and cultivators’ seed rights? my familiarity with this topic derives from training in plant science and working at a biotechnology company that was subsequently acquired by monsanto. this question is particularly relevant when seeds housed in a seed bank are transferred to other institutions from which they might be removed and used. most large national and international seed banks use the standard material transfer agreement (smta) mandated for use by parties in signatory countries of the seed treaty. this is a legally binding agreement that stipulates how transferred seeds are to be used and often includes the mls of compensation of benefits. other ways of restricting access to seeds in a seed bank include so-called “black boxes.” theoretically, only the donor or provider of a “black box” deposit held in a seed bank can access the seeds within such a box. however, as illustrated by the svalbard’s doomsday vault/global seed bank and usda seed bank, the contracting parties may be required to sign an agreement stipulating that these same seeds are freely available for research. not all seed banks require this exemption to black box restrictions. for example, the missouri botanical garden’s material transfer agreement (mta) states (missouri botanical garden 2010: paragraph 1): mccune. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(1):67–75 71 perspec ves  special issue on ethics in ethnobiology figure 1 an example of informa on that could be included on the back side of collec on sheets. mccune. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(1):67–75 72 perspec ves  special issue on ethics in ethnobiology samples will not be made available for bioprospecting endeavors, screening for genes of interest in agricultural or applied research, or any other potential commercial application. in addition, many seed banks do not distribute seeds to individuals. this restriction became an issue for la via campasina, which wanted their represented farmers to have ongoing access to their deposited seeds (la via campesina 2012). nevertheless, this blanket restriction may serve as a protection against individual representatives of seed companies gaining access to seeds that otherwise would require formal written agreements with a breeding company. the usda also has a so-called “restricted use materials” list that presumably influences what type of mta is used (if any). even small seed banks can continue to promote the protection of seed rights by rigorously documenting where seeds are sent (including such inhouse programs as native seeds/search’s free seed program for native americans). the creation of permanent transfer and distribution records databases could decrease potential confusion arising when, for example, hopi seeds from the southwestern united states are found growing on seminole lands in florida. such records provide traceable links that may be availed if seeds fall in the hands of breeders seeking plant variety certificates as well as to assist researchers studying the origins of particular agricultural varieties. small seed banks should also have policies in place for handling requests from plant breeders and corporate seed companies. these policies could include such resources as a standard rejection letter and an mta specifying how seeds are to be used. many seed banks utilize the smta, but mtas may also vary substantially. a non-standard approach is exemplified by native seeds/search’s innovative printing of a mini-mta on their seed packets and mailings, including the following statement (native seeds/search 2015: paragraph 4): acceptance of these seeds is an agreement that these seeds will not be used for commercial breeding with a patent outcome unless there are written agreements with the originators of the seeds in ns/s’s collection. this approach is similar to the open source seed initiative’s subsequent placement of a pledge on their seed packets. this statement restricts patents and promotes acknowledgement of source material (kloppenburg 2014: paragraph 4): …by opening this packet, you pledge that you will not restrict others’ use of these seeds and their derivatives by patents, licenses, or any other means. you pledge that if you transfer these seeds or their derivatives you will acknowledge the source of these seeds and accompany your transfer with this pledge. the language “breeding with a patent outcome” and “or their derivatives” is instrumental for recognizing that plants’ many genetic forms may be used for restrictive purposes. open source seeds, a german nonprofit organization, has used similar language in a legal license to use its seeds (kotschi and rapf 2016). the license requires that any future use or modification of their seeds, whether for profit or not, must remain open access. this organization intends for its line of open access seeds to be an alternative to privatized seeds, such as those restricted by patents and plant variety protection certificates. while open source statements and licenses help mitigate against the privatization of seeds and promote farmers’ rights to use them, they do not address benefit sharing. plant breeders may easily obtain seeds for the purposes of creating and commercializing products, but additional measures are required to ensure that their originators share in the derived benefits. for example, if hybrids are developed from seeds with drought, disease, pest resistance, the families or communities that originally developed them over generations should be recognized and formally included in agreements. statements on seed packets, use licenses, and mta should be included with seed packets traded at seed swaps and distributed through seed libraries, especially if there exists any chance the seeds originated from indigenous peoples or other communities that may have, or desire to have, abs agreements. seeds are valuable seeds and plants developed over generations by indigenous peoples and local communities around the world have unique properties acquired through stewardship and traditional breeding strategies and associated with the lands and cultures where they originated. these properties may include genetic resources to resist drought, water logging, salt, and pests. they may also have desirable flavor, nutritional, and medicinal properties. as the heritage food revival mccune. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(1):67–75 73 perspec ves  special issue on ethics in ethnobiology increases the diversity of food supplies in some regions and countries, awareness is increased regarding food and seed sovereignty, as well as the dangers of improper patenting of indigenous peoples’ heritage foods and crops (nabhan 2016). ethnobotanists can help protect farmers’ and indigenous communities’ rights to their own unique plant varieties. in fact, it has been argued that the survival of ethnobiology and anthropology depends on recognizing and compensating this type of traditional knowledge (posey 1990). ethnobiologists’ role in conservation includes thorough documentation and archiving of biodiversity and associated traditional knowledge, along with honoring the rights of indigenous peoples, as set forth in the united nations declaration on the rights of indigenous peoples (wilder et al. 2016). it is precisely this type of documentation that can assure appropriate repatriation of seeds to communities who need or desire access to their traditional plant resources (nazarea 2013). although seed saving activities and seed libraries continue to multiply in the united states and help promote awareness of locally adapted seeds (campbell and veteto 2015), greater recognition is also needed of seeds’ origins and their potential exploitation by commercial interests. the seed packet statements and licenses mentioned in this article illustrate the kinds of methods that can be used to increase awareness and help prevent exploitation of indigenous peoples’ agricultural knowledge and resources. considering that seed banks often lack documentation and characterization of their collections derived from traditional peoples (brush 2005), important steps to reinforce these peoples’ rights include documenting understandings and agreements made when specimens were first collected and including them with deposits to seed banks and herbariums. when ethnobiologists publish, they should include documentation of seed and plant collection histories and links to associated agreements, thereby increasing the chances they are included in the usda plant variety protection office database. these are the kinds of information needed to prevent patenting of indigenous and local farmer’s seeds and facilitate overturning of inappropriate restrictive plant certificates. additionally, ethnobotanists may be called upon to identify plants or seeds and serve as expert witnesses when potential misuse occurs. irrespective of whether seed collectors, ethnobotanists, and originators and donors of seeds agree with the kinds of patents discussed in this article, or whether or not the individuals providing specimens prefer to remain anonymous (swiderska et al. 2009), documentation should be in place that establishes links to any ilcs or use agreements, even those that allow unrestricted biotechnology access. lack of accessible documentation may lead to uncertainty about whether agreements were honored or biopiracy intentionally was committed by the collector that resulted in a loss of seed rights. seed sovereignty rights are improving, and so shall control of these traditional resources through local seed banks and legal mechanisms, as exemplified by international recognition of the nagoya protocol. through their ability to reinforce these rights via improved documentation, as described above, ethnobiologists can effectively advocate for indigenous peoples and their seed rights1. notes 1for more information on seed rights, the author suggests reading works by g. dutfield, d. a. posey, s. a. laird, c. fowler, p. r. mooney, and g. p. nabhan, among others. regarding other methods of intellectual property protection for indigenous peoples, see drahos and frankel (2012) and swiderska et al. (2009). declarations permissions: none declared. sources of funding: none declared. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited bannister, k. 2008. non-legal instruments for the protection of intangible cultural heritage: key roles for ethical codes and community protocols. in protection of first nations cultural heritage: laws, policy, and reform, edited by c. bell and r. k. paterson, pp. 278–308. ubc press, vancouver, canada. brush, s. b. 2005. protecting traditional agricultural knowledge. washington university journal of law and policy 17:59–109. bye, r. 1986. voucher specimens in ethnobiological studies and publications. journal of ethnobiology 6:1– 8. mccune. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(1):67–75 74 perspec ves  special issue on ethics in ethnobiology campbell, b. c., and j. r. veteto. 2015. free seeds and food sovereignty: anthropology and grassroots agrobiodiversity conservation strategies in the us south. journal of political ecology 22:357–465. cetaf. 2015. standard material transfer agreement (mta1) for provision of material with no change in ownership. available at: nagoyaprotocol.myspecies.info/node/3. accessed on july 2, 2018. convention on biological diversity. 2010. the nagoya protocol on access to genetic resources and the fair and equitable sharing of benefits arising from their utilization (abs) to the convention on biological diversity [web page]. available at: https://www.cbd.int/abs/about/ default.shtml/. accessed on may 31, 2017. cuerrier, a., a. downing, e. patterson, and p. s. haddad. 2012. aboriginal antidiabetic plant project with the james bay cree of québec: an insightful collaboration. journal of enterprising communities: people and places in the global economy 6:251–270. drahos p., and s. frankel. 2012. indigenous people’s innovation: intellectual property pathways to development. the australian national university press, canberra, australia. dutfield, g. 1999. intellectual property rights, trade and biodiversity: the case of seeds and plant varieties. iucn project on the convention on biological diversity and the international trade regime. iucn, gland, switzerland. available at: http://www.sristi.org/material/mdpipr2003/ mdpipr2003cd/m5%20intellectual% 20property%20rights.pdf. accessed on may 31, 2017. dutfield, g. 2003. protecting traditional knowledge and folklore: a review of progress in diplomacy and policy formulation. intellectual property law: articles on cultural expressions and indigenous knowledge. intellectual property rights 4. available at: http://www.iprsonline.org/resources/docs/ dutfield%20-%20protecting%20tk%20and% 20folklore%20-%20blue%201.pdf. accessed on january 9, 2018. elvin-lewis, m. 2006. evolving concepts related to achieving benefit sharing for custodians of traditional knowledge. ethnobotany research and applications 4:75–96. doi:10.17348/era.4.0.75-96. fao. 2001. international treaty on plant genetic resources for food and agriculture [web page]. available at: http://www.fao.org/plant-treaty/overview/en/. accessed on may 31, 2017. fediuk, k., and h. v. kuhnlein. 2003. indigenous peoples and participatory health research [web page]. world health organization, geneva, switzerland. available at: http://www.who.int/ethics/ indigenous_peoples/en/index14.html. accessed on may 31, 2017. garcia, j. 2007. fighting biopiracy: the legislative protection of traditional knowledge. berkeley la raza law journal 18. doi:10.15779/z38m378. gepts, p. 2004. who owns biodiversity, and how should the owners be compensated? plant physiology 134:1295–1307. doi:10.1104/ pp.103.038885. halewood, m., e. andrieux, l. crisson, and j. r. gapusi, j. wasswa mulumba, e. kouablan koffi, t. yangzome dorji, m. raj bhatta, and d. balma. 2013. implementing ‘mutually supportive’ access and benefit sharing mechanisms under the plant treaty, convention on biological diversity, and nagoya protocol. law, environment and development journal 9:68–96. hodgson, w. c. 2002. voucher specimens and their importance to ethnobotanical studies. unpublished manuscript, desert botanical garden herbarium, phoenix, az. kloppenburg, j. 2014. the unexpected outcome of the open source seed initiative's licensing debate [web page]. available at: https:// opensource.com/law/14/5/legal-issues-opensource-seed-initiative. accessed on may 31, 2017. kotschi, j., and k. rapf. 2016. liberating seeds with an open source seed (oss) license. working paper. agrecol. guggenhausen [web page]. available at: http://www.opensourceseeds.org/ en/licence. accessed on may 31, 2017. la via campesina. 2012. the bali seed declaration. views, experiences and best practices on the implementation of farmers’ rights submitted by contracting parties and relevant organizations. the international treaty on plant genetic resources for food and agriculture, fao, rome. available at: http://www.fao.org/3/a-bb912e.pdf. accessed on may 31, 2017. la via campesina. 2016. industry benefits but does not pay its dues. patents are an assault on mccune. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(1):67–75 75 perspec ves  special issue on ethics in ethnobiology genetic resources [web page]. available at: https://viacampesina.org/en/industry-benefitsbut-does-not-pay-its-dues-patents-are-an-assaulton-genetic-resources/. accessed on june 12, 2018. missouri botanical garden. 2010. missouri botanical garden dna bank material transfer agreement. available at: http:// www.missouribotanicalgarden.org/plant-science/ plant-science/william-l-brown-center/wlbcresources/wlbc-databases/dna-bank.aspx. accessed on may 31, 2017. nazarea, v. d., r. e. rhoades, and j. andrewsswann. 2013. seeds of resistance, seeds of hope: place and agency in the conservation of biodiversity. university of arizona press, tucson, az. nabhan, g. p. 2016. conservation you can taste: heirloom seed and heritage breed recovery in north america. in ethnobiology for the future: linking cultural and ecological diversity, edited by g. p. nabhan, pp. 184–196. university of arizona press, tucson, az. native seeds/search. 2015. safe seeds, organic practices, gmos [web page]. available at: https:// shop.nativeseeds.org/pages/safe-seeds-organicpractices-gmos. accessed on may 31, 2017. native seeds/search. 2015a. accession sheet/ accession intake form. native seeds/search, tucson, az. oguamanam, c. 2011. genetic resources & access and benefit sharing: politics, prospects and opportunities for canada after nagoya. journal of environmental law and practice 22:87–124. posey, d. a. 1990. intellectual property rights: what is the position of ethnobiology? journal of ethnobiology 10:93–98. scott, k., and o. receveur.1995. ethics for working with communities of indigenous peoples. canadian journal of physiology and pharmacology 73:751 –753. doi:10.1139/y95-099. swiderska k., a. argumedo, y. song, j. li, r. pant, h. herrera, d. mutta, p. munyi, and s. vedavathy. 2009. protecting community rights over traditional knowledge: implications of customary laws and practices [web page]. key findings and recommendations 2005-2009. report number 1459iied. international institute for environment and development, london. available at: http://pubs.iied.org/14591iied/. accessed on june 12, 2018. wilder, b. t., c. o’meara, l. monti, and g. p. nabhan. 2016. ethnoscience, the “oldest science”. in ethnobiology for the future: linking cultural and ecological diversity, edited by g. p. nabhan, pp. 184–196. university of arizona press, tucson, az. beings of a feather: learning about the lives of birds with amazonian peoples jernigan. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(2):41–47 41 research communications special issue on memoirs and memory people also recognize trees by noting which animal species use them for food and shelter. i first became aware of such interspecies relationships in a rather unfortunate way, when i brushed against the gallery forest tree tagkana (triplaris surinamensis) and was stung by the pseudomyrmex triplarinus ants that live symbiotically in the trunk. my appreciation for the extensive knowledge that aguaruna people have about bird-tree interactions came in a less dramatic way, but ultimately made an even deeper impression. my thesis fieldwork in 2004 alternated between walks in the forest with community members to observe and learn about trees firsthand and sitting on rainy days under thatched roofs with elders who named and described the trees they knew from memory. i was humbled when the most knowledgeable of them, brothers shugki and ashambai, gave over 200 names and then apologized for not being able to remember the rest. and indeed, they could describe these species in minute detail, from the from ethnobotany to ethnoornithology i first became interested in the field of ethnoornithology by an indirect route. i am not much of a birder, but i do find birds to be beautiful and fascinating animals. and, even though i take some pride in having observed species such as the royal sunangel (heliangelus regalis) and the andean cock-of-the-rock (rupicola peruvianus) in their natural habitat, i do not keep a life list or brag about such things in polite company. plants are my first love and it is through them that i became interested in how amazonian peoples understand avian behavior and the complex relationships birds have with other organisms. my dissertation work studied how the aguaruna of the peruvian department of amazonas recognize and identify local tree species. i found that they use a wide variety of morphological clues for distinguishing trees, including bark odor, sap color, leaf shape, and many others (jernigan 2006b). but there are important ecological clues as well. for example, local beings of a feather: learning about the lives of birds with amazonian peoples kevin jernigan 1* 1 ethnobotany program, university of alaska, fairbanks, ak, usa. * kjernigan@alaska.edu abstract this article is a memoir of the author's fieldwork experiences studying traditional knowledge of bird species in the peruvian amazon. it describes his growth as a researcher, in light of the practical and methodological challenges of carrying out this kind of work. it also relates how the author's thinking has evolved on questions of current theoretical interest in ethnobiology. the first section outlines how the author came to be interested in this topic while pursuing an ethnobotanical dissertation project. next, the discussion follows his work with the indigenous aguaruna and iquito peoples, learning about and documenting their understandings of the nesting, foraging and reproductive behavior of local avian species. on one hand, he found that local people provided details of these behaviors that match, in many ways, the counts of academic ornithologists. however, local interpretations of why these behaviors take place are often framed by some very different assumptions. the author uses victor toledo's tripartite framework of kosmos (overarching belief systems), corpus (cognitive categories), and praxis (set of practices) to discuss similarities and differences in aguaruna, iquito, and academic ornithology. he also discusses his progression of views on the topic of perspectivism and eventual preference for a theoretical framework favoring a polyontological approach to understanding amazonian ethnoecology. received june 15, 2016 open access accepted november 8, 2016 doi 10.14237/ebl.7.2.2016.726 keywords ethnoecology, perspectivism, peruvian amazon, aguaruna, iquito copyright © 2016 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. jernigan. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(2):41–47 42 research communications special issue on memoirs and memory appearance of the flowers and fruit to the odor and texture of the bark. for certain local trees, they listed dozens of bird species that feed on the fruits. for example, many kinds of toucans, cracids, and doves favor the aromatic fruits of tinchi, a general term for the lauraceae, while smaller birds such as manakins and tanagers feed off the berries of tseek (miconia ternatifolia in the melastomataceae). i wondered whether this knowledge was based more on direct observation or on generalization of behavior across categories. how do they weigh, for example, the size of the bird, its habitat, and its foraging level in the canopy when deciding what it is likely to eat? when i returned home, i forgot about these questions, as i faced the trials and tribulations of transcribing notes, analyzing data, and writing and defending the dreaded dissertation. i completed my ph.d. in anthropology from the university of georgia in 2006, and, suddenly, there were more things in life to think about than how people identify trees. i remembered my curiosity about aguaruna knowledge of bird diet and developed a research proposal to document this and other aspects of aguaruna ethnoornithology. happily, the national science foundation provided funding to carry out this new project. i was eager to go back and speak with my friends and mentors in communities where i worked. i thought fondly, for example, of an elder named kintambai. during my dissertation work, when i came to his village for the second time, after being away for several months, he wondered aloud whether i had failed my studies the first time and had to start over. perhaps, i thought to myself, his worries about my academic achievement would be magnified when i arrived yet again. learning about birds with the aguaruna and iquito i assembled a team of local collaborators in peru, and we planned to begin work with aguaruna villages in june, 2009. the day after i arrived in lima, however, i heard some news that would change my plans, at least for a time. a state of emergency had been declared and a conflict was escalating between the government of peru's president alan garcía, and the country's indigenous peoples over a new law that would grant international companies easier access to petroleum, minerals, and logging on land adjacent to native communities. the aguaruna people were particularly vocal in their opposition to the new law. there was a violent confrontation with governmental security forces and dozens from each side died. i called my friends in the region to see how they were doing and, luckily, none were hurt. not surprisingly, they recommended that i wait before coming to do work. i traveled to the rainforest city of iquitos to meet with some collaborators and discuss our plans. there, i learned of a documentation project that linguists christine beier and lev michael, then, at the university of texas, austin, were carrying out with some of the last speakers of the critically endangered iquito language (see beier and michael 2002). the 20 or so speakers, all over 50 years old, live mainly in the village of san antonio de pintoyacu, in the upper nanay region, some 60 km from the city of iquitos. i asked christine and lev if they could use an ethnobotanist in their project, and they welcomed me to join them. in addition to our ethnobotanical work, we also recorded knowledge of diet and other ecological information for a few dozen of the most common local bird species. one particularly fascinating bit of traditional ecological knowledge (tek) that iquito participants generously shared with us involves the species cusacuuni ácuta (oryctanthus alveolatus in the loranthaceae)—pigeon's ayahuasca. elder ema llona explained that the ruddy pigeon (patagioenas subvinacea) consumes the berries of this parasitic species and then becomes intoxicated, just as people do when they take the divinatory preparation ayahuasca. she even imitated how the birds sing for me to record. this explanation of animal behavior by analogy to human customs underscores a very important concept in amazonian ethnology and beyond. perspectivism (viveiros de castro 1998) posits that animals and people share the same cultural and social reality, while differing in their physical bodies. the idea has gained much popularity and has been very influential in research in the amazon and beyond (holbraad and willerslev 2007, kohn 2007, shepard 2014) and, indeed, my own work with amazonian peoples would show me many more instances that fit this ontological framework. several months later, when the situation in amazonas had calmed down, our team went to begin work in aguaruna communities. we arrived first in the villages of wichim and wawas, where people already knew and trusted me from my dissertation fieldwork. they welcomed us there, but we heard that the situation was still touchy in some places. they said jernigan. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(2):41–47 43 research communications special issue on memoirs and memory there were villages where residents did not even let in veterinarians to vaccinate their animals due to fear that the government might be sending agents to root out people involved in the previous conflicts. the first task of the research, before we could ask detailed questions about birds' behavior, was simply to determine which species local people recognize and how they consider them to be related. so, we began the work with elders by doing the simple and useful task of freelisting. the aguaruna word píshak is the closest equivalent to the general category of 'bird' in english. we sat down with elders and asked them to name as many píshak as they could remember. this allowed us to have a list of local bird names to use as a springboard for many other questions, for example, about foraging and reproductive behavior. next, we asked elders to tell us which birds are kumpají — companions, a concept that groups together species considered to be related. we found that local people recognize such natural groupings as parrots, toucans, tinamous, and woodpeckers, based on commonalities of appearance and behavior (jernigan and dauphine 2008). we also observed avian species in extensive field excursions with study participants around the villages. this, along with the work of brent berlin (1992) and colleagues (boster et al. 1986), helped us understand how local bird names map onto scientific species. the issue is non-trivial, as there is not always a one-to-one correspondence between linnaean and local categories. for example, all of the five local woodcreeper species in genus xiphorynchus are subsumed under the single aguaruna name kuíntam. although people recognize that there are different kinds, this diversity is not visually striking (berlin 1992) or culturally significant (hunn 1982) enough to recognize with individual aguaruna names. another important part of understanding aguaruna ornithology was observing how they use and interact with birds on a daily basis. their favorite game are the tinamous and cracids, including currasows, guans, and chachalacas. however, even very small birds such as manakins and tanagers can be hunted and eaten. this fact was driven home for me in a powerful way, when an aguaruna friend and field assistant, stopped to eat the entire eggs from a hummingbird nest on one of our excursions. bird species with brightly-colored feathers, such as toucans and oropendolas, are especially valued for decorating the tawas, a traditional crown worn by men. at times, whole birds are put on these for decoration. others, such as the chuwag—turkey vulture (cathartes aura)—can be killed to make a hunting charm. some birds' vocalizations are considered to have divinatory power. the nocturnal calls of some owl species, for example, can be omens of death of a close relative. other species are kept as pets, particularly parrots (figure 1), toucans, woodpeckers, tanagers, cracids, and oropendolas. this is only a small sampling meant to give some idea of the breadth of aguaruna uses. after finishing work in wichim and wawas, we were able, with the help of local indigenous organizations, to visit a few communities where none of us had worked before. these included the villages of yangunga and tunants, on the upper marañón. the first thing that happened when we arrived in these new places—and, indeed, in any aguaruna village—is that people called a public meeting to discuss the proposed work. such meetings are an essential part of aguaruna society and allow people to voice their questions and concerns about issues that come up. i learned in my earlier dissertation research (jernigan 2006a) the importance of participation and transparfigure 1 pet blue-and-yellow macaw, village of santa maria de nieva, 2003. photo by kevin jernigan. jernigan. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(2):41–47 44 research communications special issue on memoirs and memory ency, when i made a mistake that almost cost me the trust of another village. the elected leader—apu—of that village had approached me asking for some money that he said would be used to everyone's benefit. i later found out that he pocketed the funds. luckily, a local friend and collaborator convinced community members that i was not to blame and had learned my lesson. so, i kept this in mind at the meetings in yangunga and tunants. happily, both communities accepted our work, and we learned many interesting and valuable things there. amazonian and academic ornithology one of the first things i noticed, working with the aguaruna and iquito, is the many areas in which their knowledge of bird behavior and ecology agrees with the observations of academic ornithologists. this agreement should not be too surprising, considering that both the aguaruna and academic researchers gain much understanding and insight from extensive observation of birds in their natural habitats. of course, the manner of, and reasons for, making observations are not always the same. aguaruna elders' accounts of nesting and reproductive behavior would be quite familiar to an academic ornithologist. for example, wilson sakamaju tupika in the upper marañón community of yangunga described brood parasitism of species such as tsantsentse—giant cowbird (molothrus orizyvorus)—saying that, instead of making its own nest to care for its young, it simply lays its eggs in the nests of oropendolas (schulenberg et al. 2007). local amazonian people were able to describe, in detail, the particular fruits, invertebrates and other organisms that form the diets of bird species in their area. and, indeed, the author has already discussed elsewhere (jernigan and dauphine 2008) how their knowledge on this subject closely matches that of academic ornithologists. but this tek goes beyond merely naming the preferred diet of individual species. it touches on more complex ecological relationships. for example, aguaruna elders knew that toucans and aracaris play an important role in seed dispersal, but that many parrot species, such as tuwísh (pionus menstruus), are seed predators. similarly, iquito elders described how the siámuri (black caracara) eats ticks off the skin of ungulates such as tapirs. there are, however, some notable differences in academic and amazonian understandings of bird behavior. for instance, aguaruna cosmology recognizes the existence of beings that the scientific worldview does not. these could be understood as spirits, visions or legends, although, to the aguaruna, they are simply another part of the natural world. one example involves the puwi, an omnivorous parrot that is said to live in a remote location, four days journey on foot from one of our study sites. nestor reategui, an aguaruna friend and collaborator, described how he had traveled to the site and saw trees completely denuded of leaves. people living nearby told him that the birds feed at night and are quite capable of eating animals and humans as well. when i mentioned the puwi to academic ornithologists who work in peru, they were very skeptical. i must admit that i tend to feel the same way. however, if a specimen ever does turn up, it would not be the first time that academics learned a new bird species already well-known to the aguaruna. in one such case, an ornithologist recognized a new tanager species when a missionary gave him an aguaruna tawas—decorated crown. it contained a whole inchituch, and was given the latinized name wetmorethraupis sterrhopteron (lowery and o’neill 1964). so how can we best conceptualize the relationship between aguaruna and academic ornithology? victor toledo (2002) has called for organizing tek into three distinct but interrelated domains. these are: the corpus, knowledge and classificatory systems; praxis, the set of practices of a given culture, and kosmos, the overarching worldview including spiritual and moral ideas. the corpus of aguaruna and academic ornithology line up fairly well. aside from spiritual beings, the two systems often agree on the what of bird taxonomy and behavior. the question of why birds behave as they do is another story. that is where aguaruna and academic science really diverge. the aguaruna tend to view the reasons for avian behavior through a perspectivist lens. in other words, they interpret complex ecological relationships in terms of their own social and cultural reality. for example, some birds in their area such as kunchau— the white-plumed antbird (pithys albifrons) follow swarms of army ants to prey on insects and other small animals flushed out by the advancing column. according to academic ornithologists, those birds are simply taking advantage of the situation to forage. however, the aguaruna say they are actually directing the ants, that the ants are like their dogs. jernigan. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(2):41–47 45 research communications special issue on memoirs and memory one broad similarity is that history plays an important role in both academic and aguaruna understandings of bird behavior. however, in the former case, it is evolutionary history, while in the latter it is augmatbau—traditional stories. one important augmatbau tells how birds once had human form. after winning a protracted struggle against a giant crab monster named unkaju, they held a celebration and transformed themselves into their current shapes. each reveler assumed a form corresponding to his appearance at the time. one man named achayap, for example, wearing a bright yellow tawas—crown—changed into the golden-headed manakin (pipra erythrocephala). another example to illustrate these different views of history involves lekking behavior. aguaruna collaborators told us how some local birds, for example, tashijim—white-bearded manakin (manacus manacus)—and ugkum—amazonian umbrellabird (cephalopterus ornatus)—engage in dances. they even gave detailed descriptions of the stereotypical movements of the species in question, matching those that academic ornithologists have published (schulenberg et al. 2007; sick 1993). however, rather than viewing this behavior as a competition between males for female mate selection, the aguaruna say that the birds were once people who enjoyed dancing and celebrating. once transformed into birds, they continued throwing parties just like they used to. this goes a long way toward explaining aguaruna perspectivism. birds act like people because they essentially are people. a few final thoughts when i returned home from peru, i was left to review my notes and to try to reconcile some fundamentally different ways of interpreting amazonian views of bird ecology. on one hand, many observations of the details of avian behavior fit well into a naturalistic view that would seem familiar to an academic ornithologist. on the other hand, one finds, digging deeper, that amazonian explanations for why birds act as they do relies on a much different view where birds and other animals share a social reality with humans (viveiros de castro 1998). indeed, the situation would only become more complicated in the following years as i became familiar with yet a third possible framework for understanding amazonian ornithology. i submitted an abstract based on my amazonian work to the 2013 meeting of the american anthropological association meeting in chicago. when i received my notice of acceptance, i found that my paper was placed within the theme of multispecies ethnography. this new way of looking at human-animal relationships draws heavily on social theory (kirksey and helmreich 2010, latour 2009). like perspectivisn, multispecies ethnography recognizes the agency of non-human animals, but it places more emphasis on the complex relationships, or entanglements, between various types of persons (kohn 2007, shepard 2014). learning about this new trend in anthropology brought to my mind a discussion i had with my aguaruna field assistant gregorio reategui. he explained how local people interpret a characteristic vocalization of the species bakantau—buckley's forest -falcon (micrastur buckleyi). aguaruna hear the words “ikagmak tae, ikagmak tae,” a warning that someone in the village will commit adultery. when i asked gregorio why the bird would wish to do this, he explained that it was possessed by a malevolent spirit called an iwanch who wants to sow discord. so, this in not a story about animals who share the same social reality as humans. rather, it is about complex and unequal relationships between intelligent beings with not only differing bodies, but also differing motivations. as i pondered the many things i learned during my work, i realized there were more examples that did not fit neatly into a perspectivist framework. one genre of aguaruna anen—magical songs—enlists the help of particular bird species to help in human romantic relationships. for instance, a woman can entreat the antpitta puampua (grallaria sp.) to find her far away husband and sing him a sad song that will make him homesick. a man who is sleeping with another man's wife can use another anen to invoke the power of the ukukui the ornate hawk-eagle (spizaetus ornatus) to scratch his rival if he should notice the infidelity. so rather than living in a parallel society, birds’ lives are often closely intertwined with human lives. i have not had the opportunity to return to peru since the project on bird ecology ended in 2010. in the meantime, i took a job at the university of alaska and my attention has since been focused greatly on the ethnobotany of the u.s. and russian sides of the bering strait. however, i do intend to return someday soon to the peruvian amazon to continue researching people's complex understandings of the natural world. when i do, i will go with an appreciation for the jernigan. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(2):41–47 46 research communications special issue on memoirs and memory difficulty in fitting their knowledge into a single epistemological framework. rather, i will draw happily from naturalistic, perspectivist, and multispecies approaches when each is appropriate. perhaps the most important thing i have learned from my research experiences is the realization that one approach cannot explain everything. acknowledgments i would like to thank glenn shepard and brent berlin for many helpful comments and much encouragement in the work. thanks also to four anonymous reviewers for their many helpful suggestions. most of all, i thank the people of the communities wichim, wawas, tunants, cachiaco, kayamas, yangunga, and nuevo belice, where this research took place. tercero lirio gregorio reategui and nestor reategui were very helpful in their assistance with coordinating this research. declarations permissions: permissions to conduct this research were obtained from the university of alaska institutional review board, the ministry of agriculture in peru and from the native communities of wichim, wawas, tunants, cachiaco, kayamas, yangunga, and nuevo belice in peru. following the wishes of local communities and individuals who participated in this study, this paper does not use pseudonyms for local people. this is in keeping with the ethical principal of giving credit where it is due to the elders who have made the work described here possible. sources of funding: this study was funded by a national science foundation grant (0314289). conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited beier, c. and l. michael. 2002. la condición actual del idioma indígena iquito y las claves factores afectando al proyecto de su recuperación. available at: http://www.cabeceras.org/ iquito_informe_2002.pdf. accessed on 6/14/2016. berlin, b. 1992. ethnobiological classification: principles of categorization of animals and plants in traditional societies. princeton university press, princeton, nj. berlin b., j. s. boster, j. p. o'neill. 1981. the perceptual bases of ethnobiological classification: evidence from aguaruna jivaro ornithology. journal of ethnobiology 1:95–108. davies, c. w. n., r. barnes, s. h. m. butchard, m. fernandez and n. seddon. 1997. the conservation status of the cordillera de colán. bird conservation international 7:181–195. doi:10.1017/ s0959270900001490 holbraad, m., and r. willerslev. 2007. transcendental perspectivism: anonymous viewpoints from inner asia. inner asia 9:329–345. doi: 10.1163/146481707793646511. hunn, e. 1982. the utilitarian factor in folk biological classification. american anthropologist 84:830-847. doi: 10.1525/aa.1982.84.4.02a00070. jernigan, k. 2006. an ethnobiological exploration of sensory and ecological aspects of tree identification among the aguaruna jívaro. unpublished ph.d. dissertation, department of anthropology, university of georgia, athens. available at: https:// getd.libs.uga.edu/pdfs/ jernigan_kevin_a_200605_phd.pdf. accessed on 11/3/2016. jernigan, k. 2006. an ethnobotanical investigation of tree identification by the aguaruna jívaro of the peruvian amazon. journal of ethnobiology 26:107–125. doi:10.2993/0278-0771(2006)26[107:aeioti] 2.0.co;2. jernigan, k. and n. dauphine. 2008. aguaruna knowledge of bird foraging ecology: a comparison with scientific data. ethnobotany research and applications. 6:93–106. doi:10.17348/era.6.0.93106. kirksey, s. and s. helmreich. 2010. the emergence of multispecies ethnography. cultural anthropology 25:545–576. doi: 10.1111/j.15481360.2010.01069.x. kohn, e. o. 2005. runa realism: upper amazonian attitudes to nature knowing. ethnos 70:171–196. doi: 10.1080/00141840500141162. latour, b. 2009. perspectivism:‘type’or ‘bomb’?”. anthropology today 25:1–2. doi: 10.1111/j.14678322.2009.00652.x. lowery, g. h. and j. p. o’neill. 1964. a new genus and species of tanager from peru. the auk 81:125– 131. doi:10.2307/4082763. schulenberg, t. s., d. f. stolz, d. r. lang, j. p. o'neill, and t. a. parker. 2007. birds of peru princeton university press, princeton, nj. jernigan. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(2):41–47 47 research communications special issue on memoirs and memory shepard, glenn. 2014. “old and in the way: jaguar transformation in matisgenka.” in ix sesquiannual conference of the society for the anthropology of lowland south america (salsa) gothenburg, sweden, june, 26– 29. available at: https:// www.academia.edu/15538299/ old_and_in_the_way_jaguar_transformation_in_m atsigenka. accessed on 11/3/2016. sick, h. 1993. birds in brazil: a natural history. princeton university press, princeton, nj. toledo, v. m. 2002. ethnoecology: a conceptual framework for the study of indigenous knowledge of nature. in ethnobiology and biocultural diversity, edited by j. r. stepp, f. s. wyndham, and r. k. zarger, pp. 511–522. university of georgia press, athens, ga. viveiros de castro, e. 1998. cosmological deixis and amerindian perspectivism. journal of the royal anthropological institute 4:469–488. doi: 10.2307/3034157. microsoft word fernandez.doc ethnobiology letters                                                                                               research communication      52 paleozoogeography of the wine mouse (akodon oenos) & late holocene  paleoenvironments in south‐central mendoza, argentina  fernando julián fernández    author address: conicet. cátedra de anatomía comparada, facultad de ciencias naturales y museo, universidad nacional  de la plata, calle 64 s/n (entre diag. 113 y calle 120), la plata, argentina  fernandezf77@yahoo.com.ar     received: november 24th 2010                       volume 1:52‐57  published: february 14th 2011                       © 2010 society of ethnobiology    abstract: cranial remains of the wine mouse (akodon oenos) are documented from an archaeological site  in south‐central  mendoza, argentina (agua de la mula, 35º22' s, 68º15' w), which dates to the end of the late holocene (1610 ± 60; 1260 ±  60; 1000 ± 50 c14 yr b.p.). the taxonomic status of this small rodent is currently being assessed, but these remains represent  the  first  fossil  record  for  the  morphotaxon  a.  oenos.  the  species’  present  distribution  is  restricted  to  a  few  records  from  mendoza province. analysis of the remains supports paleoenvironmental reconstruction using the small mammal assemblage  recovered from this site. from the late holocene into modernity temperature decreased and winter precipitation increased,  resulting in advance of patagonian steppe grading with altitude into monte desert. holocene climatic conditions may explain  the relatively late human occupation of ecologically marginal environments in this region, which probably favored effective  human occupation of the payunia region at sites such as agua de la mula between 1600 and 1000 years b.p.  key words: akodon oenos, paleoenvironmental analysis, agua de la mula, mendoza, argentina    introduction the wine mouse, akodon oenos (braun et al. 2000), is a poorly known small rodent of the family cricetidae (subfamily sigmodontinae, tribe akondotini) for which no fossil remains have been reported. knowledge about the biogeography of the species is restricted to a few records from mendoza, argentina. these records range from north-central arid environments of the monte desert and puna in localities that are modified by modern human activities (mainly wineyards and olive groves) to the southwest (see figure 1a) in wetland habitat in the foothills of the volcanic payunia region, which is in the semi-arid patagonian steppe (braun et al. 2000; contreras and rosi 1980; pardiñas et al. 2011). akodon oenos lives in sympatry with a. molinae, the only akodontines reported within mendoza (braun et al. 2000; pardiñas et al. 2011). in general, knowledge of small mammal paleobiogeography and of holocene paleoenvironmental conditions from the volcanic payunia region of mendoza is limited. in this paper the first fossil record of the a. oenos from the agua de la mula archaeological site in southcentral mendoza, argentina is presented. in addition, the species’ taxonomic status and geographic distribution are discussed. the paleobiogeography of a. oenos is integrated into reconstruction of environmental conditions during the late holocene in the region via analysis of the small mammal assemblages from agua de la mula. this paleogeographic and paleoenvironmental study expands ongoing discussion of humanenvironment interactions during the very late holocene in southern, central mendoza. study area the agua de la mula site is located near the northern boundary of the volcanic payunia region (figure 1a). this area is within the monte phytogeographic province (cabrera 1976), which is included in the climatic region known as the south american arid diagonal covering a large part of the subcontinent from northern peru along the andes to the south of neuquén continuing across patagonia to the chubut river (bruniard 1982). the east band of the payunia region is exposed to the action of the atlantic anticyclone. however, the great distance traveled by the humid atlantic winds results in low summer precipitation (~200 mm). the vegetation is characterized by xerophytic shrubs, such as prosopis torcuata, p. alpataco, cercidium praecox, chuquiraga erinacea, cassia aphylla, larrea, bulnesia, and plectrocarpa, and isolated stands of geophroea decorticans that grow in low organic matter sandy or rocky soils (abrahan et al. 2009; cabrera 1976). ethnobiology letters                                                                                               research communication      53   figure 1. a: map of mendoza province (argentina), recording localities for a. oenos: triangles (archaeological) 1. agua de la  mula (35º22' s, 68º15' w, 967 m above sea level). circles (modern) 2. 2 km s of villavicencio ruta 32 (32º31' s, 68º59' w); 3.  la pega (32º48' s, 68º40' w, type locality); 4. puesto de lima (32º54' s, 69º01' w) and 5. llancanelo natural reserve (35º38'  s, 69º11' w). phytogeography follows cabrera (1976). b: map of nw argentina, recording localities for a. spegazzinii: star  (type locality); circles (modern); triangles (fossil samples). methods the agua de la mula site is a basaltic cave. excavations directed by dr. humberto lagiglia were done by the staff of museo de historia natural de san rafael in 1987 in 10 levels of 10 cm each. 1026 small mammal bones and bone fragments were recovered from levels 4, 5, 6, 7, 9, and 10, as were other organic materials such as remains of domestic plants (zea mays and cucurbita sp.) (lp-563, charcoal sample, level 10, 1610 ± 60; lp-620, charcoal sample, level 10, 1260 ± 60; lp-973, charcoal sample, level 5, 1000 ± 50 c14 yr b.p.). two cranial specimens of a. oenos (a juvenile and an adult individual) were identified from levels 5 and 6.1 morphological description and craniodental measurements of a. oenos (taken with a digital caliper to the nearest 0.01 mm) were made following criteria reported by myers (1989). these data were compared with those provided by braun et al. (2000) and with those from a sample of ten specimens of a. iniscatus mucus from the neuquén province.2 un-fortunately, measurements from the juvenile specimen of a. oenos from the site could not be taken due to its fragmentary condition. paleoenvironmental analysis using small mammal remains is based on modern ecological requirements and biogeographic distributions for various taxa represented in the agua de la mula fauna. for comparative purposes an additional study was done on the area's modern small mammals. a sample of 22 pellets of black-chested buzzard-eagle (geranoaetus melanoleucus, accipitridae) and trapping data were analyzed, identifying 28 individual micromammals. the modern small mammal assemblage the modern fauna is made up primarily of sigmodontine rodents, with graomys griseoflavus (mni% 17.9), and eligmodontia sp. (mni% 10.7) well represented, followed by low frequencies of phyllotis xanthopygus (mni% 7.1), calomys musculinus (mni% ethnobiology letters                                                                                               research communication      54   figure 2. dorsal, ventral and lateral views of cranium  of akodon oenos (mhnsr 15.002). scale: 5 mm. 7.1), and akodon molinae (mni% 3.6). a single hystricognath rodent galea leucoblephara (mni% 28.6) was recorded, and one chiropteran tadarida brasiliensis (mni% 3.6), and one marsupial marmosine thylamys pallidior (mni% 3.6). the modern small mammal assemblage also contained one exotic lagomorph (mni% 7.1). small mammals at agua de la mula a sample of 1026 cranial remains was analyzed, and represents an mni of 491. in this assemblage, hystricognath rodents dominate, ctenomys sp. (mni% 41.9), microcavia australis (mni% 7.7), and g. leucoblephara (mni% 5.3), followed by remains of sigmodontine rodents, p. xanthopygus (mni% 16.1), g. griseoflavus (mni% 14.1), eligmodontia sp. (mni% 3.1), a. molinae (mni% 2.2), reithrodon auritus (mni% 1), c. musculinus (mni% 0.4), and a. oenos (mni% 0.4). a single chiropteran t. brasiliensis (mni% 0.4) was recorded, as were two marsupial marmosines t. pallidior (mni% 6.3), and lestodelphys halli (mni% 1). the adult specimen of a. oenos is represented by a fragmented cranium that is missing the braincase (figure 2). it is medium in size compared to other individuals in the genus with a relatively short and wide rostrum. the interorbital region is narrow and hourglass shaped with frontals that are rounded in the dorsolateral margins. the frontoparietal suture is crescent-shaped. the zygomatic notches are moderately wide and deep. the zygomatic plate is relatively broad, and its anterior margin is straight. the zygomatic arches are slender, the palatal bridge is short and narrow, and the incisive foramina extend posteriorly to the protocone of m1. the posterior palatal foramina are sligthly enlarged and are located at level of the m2; there is also a second pair of small posteropalatal pits situated at the level of m3. the mesopterygoid fossa is narrow, with an anterior border tending towards a lyre shape. upper incisors are orthodont, and toothrows are parallel. molars are relatively hipsodont and robust, with the major cups about equal in size. this description agrees with that provided by braun et al. (2000) for a. oenos and differs from other species in akodon that inhabit the region, such as a. molinae and a. iniscatus. akodon molinae is distinguished by its comparatively wide interorbital region, square frontals, and parallel dorsolateral margins. the zygomatic plate of a. molinae is wide with slightly convex edges that are oriented obliquely backwards and down; the palatal bridge is long and wide. akodon iniscatus is characterized by a long and wide palatal bridge, a narrow zygomatic plate, extension of the incisive foramina posteriorly to the hipocone of m1, a moderately narrow mesopterygoid fossa, a slightly mshaped anterior border, opistodont upper incisors, and slender molars. in terms of biometry, the specimen from agua de la mula falls within the range of a. oenos described by braun et al. (2000) (table 1). discussion the taxonomic status of a. oenos is currently being assessed. the species was described by braun et al. (2000) based on individuals labeled by contreras and rosi as “akodon minoprioi,” and as that original study was not formally published a. minoprioi, it became a nomen nudum (galliari et al. 1996). recent research conducted by pardiñas et al. (2011) based on extensive morphologic and molecular data suggests that a. oenos is a junior synonym of a. spegazzinii and that it belongs to the a. boliviensis species group of akodon. the geographic distribution of a. spegazzinii extends to la rioja, catamarca, tucumán, and salta provinces, with the type locality in lower cachi, central salta (25º07'11.93''s, 66º09'47''w, 2341 m above sea level, ethnobiology letters                                                                                               research communication      55 table 1. descriptive statistics of craniodental measurements (in mm) of the agua de la mula adult specimen of  akodon oenos, the a. oenos holotype, and individuals of a. molinae and a. iniscatus nucus.     mhnsr  a. oenos holotype  a. oenos  a. molinae  a. iniscatus nucus    15.002  iadiza‐cm611*  mean*  mean*  mean  diastema length  6.4  6.9  6.7 ± 0.35  6.9 ± 0.47  6.5 ± 0.29  palatal bridge  3.2  3.6  3.3 ± 0.20  4.0 ± 0.31  2.6 ± 0.21  maxillary toothrow length  5.0  4.9  4.8 ± 0.19  4.8 ± 0.04  4.6 ± 0.24  incisive foramina length  5.9  5.3  5.8 ± 0.37  5.7 ± 0.15  6.3 ± 0.21  zygomatic plate breadth  2.6  2.5  2.8 ± 0.20  3.1 ± 0.19  2.9 ± 0.16  mid rostral width  4.1  3.9  4.0 ± 0.15  4.2 ± 0.23  4.2 ± 0.20  interorbital constriction  4.6  4.6  4.6 ± 0.15  4.7 ± 0.16  4.5 ± 0.15  * data from braun et al. (2000: 219).  figure 1b). if this taxonomic designation is correct, a. spegazzinii extends its geographic distribution and ecological domain from salta province to southern mendoza, ranging from 400 to about 3500 m above sea level, inhabiting arid environments of the patagonian steppe, the monte desert, the puna, and the high andes, as well as the yungas forests, and the semi-arid forests at the ecotone of yungas-chaco (see jayat 2009; jayat et al. 2010). in addition, many fossil remains identified as a. spegazzinii have been recovered from two paleontological sites in northwestern argentina, located in deposits dating to the middle-upper pleistocene (26º56' s, 65°42' w, la angostura, tucumán province [ortiz and pardiñas 2001]) and to the pleistocene-holocene boundary (26º51' s, 65º43' w, tafi del valle, tucumán province [ortiz and jayat 2007]). the presence of pellets preserved in stratigraphy and light digestive corrosion on some teeth and postcraneal bones recovered from agua de la mula site, indicate that the main accumulator agent was probably an owl (fernández et al. 2008). small mammals collected by owl are considered good indicators of environmental conditions (andrews 1995). the modern association of small mammals from agua de la mula shows a clear predominance of species characteristic of the monte desert and the south american arid diagonal (g. leucoblephara, g. griseoflavus, c. musculinus, a. molinae, and t. pallidior), with the addition of two general andean patagonian taxa (p. xanthopygus and eligmodontia sp.). also, the occurrence of p. xanthopygus suggests a landscape dominated by open rocky areas. remains of a. oenos from agua de la mula were recovered together with those of small mammal species that inhabit the area today (a. molinae, g. griseoflavus, p. xanthopygus, c. musculinus, g. leucoblephara and t. pallidior). it is interesting to note the presence at this site of l. halli, an endemic marsupial of the patagonian steppe that is rare in the monte desert of mendoza today (chacras de coria, 32º45' s, 69º00' w; huayquerías del oeste, 33º38' s, 68º26' w; 50 km n san rafael, 34º15' s, 68º40' w). modern populations of l. halli are considered relicts of those that were more widely distributed earlier in the holocene. in addition, the occurrence of r. auritus suggests the development of open, herbaceous steppe environments associated with bodies of water. the presence of both species at agua de la mula indicates wetter and colder conditions in the past, which may have been the result of westerlies generated by the pacific anticyclonic center (causing winter rainfall) during the late holocene. palynological studies on materials from an archaeological site in the western plains of mendoza (gruta del indio, 34º45' s, 68º22' w), 70 km north of agua de la mula, reveal that the establishment of modern climatic conditions occured at roughly 3000 yr b.p. (d’antoni 1983). however, d’antoni (1983: 97) observed a significant change in the pollen sequence between 1600 and 1200 yr b.p. when the patagonian steppe vegetation increased (e.g., poaceae, cyperaceae, and adesmia) and monte vegetation decreased (e.g., larrea). d’antoni suggested that change may have resulted from selective wood exploitation by humans that inhabited this area. however, no evidence of wood exploitation in agua de la mula was found, and based on the small mammals analysis presented here, i propose that near agua de la mula between 1600 and 1000 years b.p. temperature decreased and winter precipitation increased, which produced an advance of patagonian steppe and its associated fauna, developing ethnobiology letters                                                                                               research communication      56 into a transitional mosaic of patagonian steppe and monte desert. available zooarchaeological and modern data indicate that a. oenos are absent from mendoza’s high andean environments.3 however, the fossil akodontine remains from agua de la mula represent an extralimital record in the palaeoenvironmental mosaic of the patagonian-monte during the late holocene (figure 1a). this species may currently be present in such environments and may be common in the unexplored volcanic payunia region, which may be of interest to conservation scientists. more comprehensive understanding of climatic change during the late holocene in the region is important for the study of the late human occupation of ecologically marginal environments, such as the payunia. less dry and cooler environmental conditions observed at agua de la mula between 1600 and 1000 years b.p. probably favored human ocupation in all environments of payunia (i.e., effective human occupation, sensu borrero 1994-1995). humanenvironment interactions have been discussed in archaeological literature from mendoza (e.g., gil 2006; neme 2007). available evidence suggests that economic intensification and effective occupation of andean environments took place at 2000 yr b.p. (neme 2007). this intensification process has been interpreted as the consequence of an imbalance between environmental carrying capacity and human population growth. over-exploitation of the environment reduced the availability of highly-ranked resources (e.g., lama guanicoe, rhea americana, pterocnemia pennata), and drove subsistence towards the inclusion of foods with lower caloric returns and higher processing costs such as some plants and small mammals (gil 2006; neme 2007). however, increased human occupation and economic intensification in the volcanic payunia region occurred subsequently (about 1000 yr b.p) and may relate to climate amelioration indicated by evidence presented here. in summary, small mammals remains from the agua de la mula site in southern mendoza strengthen understanding of the biogeography and ecology of a. oenos. the presence of this species in deposits that date to the late holocene just prior to human the occupation of the payunia during a period in which climate amelioration occurred provides insights into the conditions that promoted human occupation of the region and into the conservation biology of the species today. acknowledgements i thank ulyses pardiñas, cesar garcía-esponda, gustavo neme, pablo teta, and steve wolverton for editorial comments and discussion. gustavo neme and adolfo gil provided access to the agua de la mula collection through the museo de historia natural de san rafael. cesar garcía esponda, gonzalo martinez and fernando ballejo assisted with preparation of the images. germán moreira, fernando ballejo, and luciano de santis provided assistance in the field and lab. three anonymous reviewers provided constructive comments. references cited abraham, e., h. del valle, f. roig, l. torres, j. ares, f. coronato, and r. godagnone. 2009. overview of geography of the monte desert biome (argentina). journal of arid environments 73:144-153. andrews, p. 1995. mammals as palaeoecological indicators. acta zoológica cracovensia 38:59-72. borrero, l. a. 1994-1995. arqueología de la patagonia. palimpsesto 4:9-56. braun, j. k., m. a. mares and r. a. ojeda. 2000. a new species of grass mouse, genus akodon (muridae: sigmodontinae), from mendoza province, argentina. zeitschrift für säugetierkunde 65:216-225. bruniard, e. 1982. la diagonal árida argentina: un límite climático real. revista geográfica 95:5–20. cabrera, a. l. 1976. regiones fitogeográficas argentinas. enciclopedia argentina de agricultura y jardinería 1:1-85. contreras, j. f. and m. i. rosi. 1980. comportamiento territorial y fidelidad al hábitat en una población de roedores del centro de la provincia de mendoza. ecología argentina 5:17-29. d´antoni, h. 1983. pollen analysis of gruta del indio. quaternary of south america and antartic peninsula 1:83104. fernández, f. j., g. j. moreira, and l. j. m. de santis. 2008. análisis preliminar del ensamble de micromamíferos del sitio arqueológico “agua de la mula” (mendoza, argentina). paper presented at the first congreso nacional de zooarqueología argentina, malargüe, mendoza. galliari, c. a., u. f. j. pardiñas, and f. j. goin. 1996. lista comentada de los mamíferos argentinos. mastozoología neotropical 3:39-61. ethnobiology letters                                                                                               research communication      57 gil, a. f. 2006. arqueología de la payunia (mendoza, argentina). el poblamiento humano en los márgenes de la agricultura. bar internacional series 1591, oxford. jayat, j. p. 2009. roedores sigmodontinos de los pastizales de neblina de las yungas de argentina. ph.d. dissertation (paleontology). universidad nacional de tucumán, tucumán. jayat, j. p., p. e. ortiz, j. salazar-bravo, u. f. j. pardiñas, and g. d’elía. 2010. the akodon boliviensis species group (rodentia: cricetidae: sigmodontinae) in argentina: species limits and distribution, with the description of a new entity. zootaxa 2409:1-61. myers, p. 1989. a preliminary revision of the varius group of akodon (a. dayi, dolores, molinae, neocenus, simulator, toba and varius). in advances in neotropical mammalogy, eds. k. h. redford and j. f. eisenberg, pp. 5-54. sandhill crane press, florida. neme, g. 2007. cazadores recolectores de altura en los andes meridionales. bar series 1591, oxford. ortiz, p. e. and u. f. j. pardiñas. 2001. sigmodontinos (mammalia, rodentia) del pleistoceno tardío del valle de tafí (tucumán, argentina): taxonomía, tafonomía y reconstrucción paleoambiental. ameghiniana 38:3-26. ortiz, p. e. and p. jayat. 2007. sigmodontinos (rodentia: cricetidae) del límite pleistoceno-holoceno en el valle del tafí (tucumán, argentina): taxonomía, tafonomía y significación paleoambiental. ameghiniana 44:641-660. pardiñas, u. f. j., p. teta, g. d’elía, and g. b. diaz. 2011. taxonomic status of akodon oenos (rodentia, sigmodontinae), an obscure species from west central argentina. zootaxa 2749:47-61. biosketch fernando fernández is a professor of zooarchaeology on  the facultad de ciencias naturales y museo (unlp) in la  plata,  argentina.  he  is  an  advanced  doctoral  student  funded  by  conicet  at  the  same  university  and  has  produced  more  than  30  publications  and  conference  presentations  on  taphonomy,  zooarchaeology,  and  zoogeography of microvertebrates.                                                                 1  the remains were accessioned to the archaeological collection of museo de historia natural de san rafael                                                                                                    as mhnsr 15.002 (adult specimen) and mhnsr 15.003 (juvenile specimen).  2  the modern specimens of akodon iniscatus nucus are housed in the colección de egagrópilas y afines “elio massoia” of the centro nacional patagónico (puerto madryn, chubut, argentina) under the number cnp-e 88 (owl pellet sample).  3 fernández, f. j. microvertebrados del holoceno de sitios arqueológicos en el sur de mendoza (república argentina): aspectos tafonómicos y sus implicancias en la subsistencia humana. ph.d. dissertation (in preparation). facultad de ciencias naturales y museo, universidad nacional de la plata, la plata.  microsoft word barkerproof.doc ethnobiology letters                                                                                                                      perspective      58 archaeological protein residues: new data for conservation science  andrew barker     author address:   university of north texas, department of biological sciences, denton, tx 76203  andrewbarker@my.unt.edu     received: august 15 th  2010                       volume 1:58‐65  published: february 17 th  2011                       © 2010 society of ethnobiology    abstract:  the  utility  of  zooarchaeological  data  for  addressing  wildlife  management  and  conservation  research  has  been  increasingly  recognized  over the past  two decades. as  the  field  of  ‘applied  zooarchaeology’  continues  to grow, newfound  opportunities for discovery have arisen via collaborative interdisciplinary approaches. the burgeoning field of proteomics, in  particular, has provided numerous opportunities for enhancing the degree to which meaningful information can be recovered  from the archaeological record. archaeological protein residues can inform conservation biologists about paleobiogeography  and ecological/evolutionary history and thereby provide insight into wildlife management strategies. in addition to pointing  out several cases where archaeological protein residues may be of benefit, i justify the use of protein residues in particular and  discuss areas for improvement.     key words: applied zooarchaeology, archaeological residue analysis, proteins, conservation biology    introduction zooarchaeological research has the potential to provide valuable data that are relevant to modern wildlife management, particularly in regards to species reintroduction or exotic species extirpation efforts (lyman 1996). by studying the biogeographic distributions of species and their interactions with humans during prehistoric times via zooarchaeology, a deep temporal perspective is revealed. this is important because evolutionary and ecological change occur on time scales that are longer than the human lifetime and than most written histories (callicott 2002), meaning that attempts to return an ecosystem to a ‘natural’ state require careful consideration of its history beyond the past few hundred years. following lyman (1996), many studies (e.g., cannon and cannon 2004; wolverton et al. 2007) have demonstrated the value of zooarchaeological data for addressing important conservation questions. however, the fragmentary nature of the zooarchaeological record, both in terms of the skeletal remains that are preserved over time in addition to the limited geographic areas over which zooarchaeological analyses have been conducted, can be a challenge. although continued development of methods for the identification of bone fragments and a growing appreciation for the importance of preserving and analyzing the zooarchaeological record go a long way toward addressing these challenges, new developments in the chemical analysis of organic archaeological residues, particularly those of proteins, show promise for providing an alternative line of evidence that can provide similarly valuable data. as revealed by the steady increase in archaeological publications dealing with residue analysis over the past twenty years (eerkens and barnard 2007), archaeologists are increasingly turning to the study of organic residues as a source of information about past cultures. artifact function, the origins of domestication, the extent of prehistoric trade networks and prehistoric diet, in general, have been revealed through studies examining a range of organic compounds including dna, lipids, proteins, and alkaloids. many of these compounds, particularly the more complex and fragile ones, such as dna and proteins, were originally assumed to preserve poorly over long periods of time. in some instances, this assumption has been verified by studies observing a poor degree of preservation in both experimental and archaeological samples (e.g., evershed and tuross 1996). however, other studies have successfully challenged this notion by demonstrating that under certain circumstances (e.g., cold, dry environments, rapid burial, sheltered contexts), these compounds can survive for periods much longer than anticipated. in one of the most surprising recent examples, collagen, a structural protein found in bones, was recovered and identified from a fossilized hadrosaur (brachylophosaurus canadensis) bone dated to approximately 80,000,000 years ago (schweitzer et al. 2009). this study and others that demonstrate the preservation of biomolecules in ancient and/or experimental samples suggest that the potential for ethnobiology letters                                                                                                                      perspective      59 figure 1.  binding  tendencies  of  different protein  types  reported  by  stevens  et  al. (2010). four  different  proteins  (bovine  serum albumin, bovine casein, bovine collagen and horse myoglobin), were cooked with ceramic at different ratios. amounts  listed to the right represent quantities of protein cooked with 40 g of ground ceramic. a mixture of all four proteins, ‘mix’  and  an  unspiked  reference  sample,  ‘blank’  were  also  included.  the  spiked  ceramic  was  washed  repeatedly  to  remove  unbound protein and remaining bound protein content was estimated via total organic carbon (toc) analysis. the results  clearly demonstrate that proteins bind to clay matrices despite attempts at removal. recovery of meaningful ancient biomolecules is much greater than initially expected. insofar as conservation science is concerned, this revelation is important because it suggests the feasibility of using organic residues to gain insight into environmental history across broad spatial and temporal scales. as stated by loy (1983:1270), one of the pioneers of archaeological blood protein residue analysis, “ancient blood proteins from dated contexts will assist in paleozoological and protein-evolutionary studies. the results of this research make possible a better understanding of past animal distributions and [hu]man's use of those animal resources.” thus, the study of archaeological and/or paleontological organic residues may enable us to improve wildlife management strategies by providing information related to targets for conservation or restoration. in this paper, i discuss the relevance of archaeological protein residue analysis to wildlife management issues. beginning with a brief explanation of why protein is a suitable target molecule for studies of this type, i continue with examples of modern wildlife management issues that could be addressed via residue analysis and conclude with suggestions for research needed to further develop the potential of protein-based studies. protein residues there is room for debate about which type of residue is best for revealing meaningful information about past environments given the variety of residues that preserve in archaeological and paleontological samples. on one extreme, compounds such as dna or rna provide relatively clear species-level identifications of the residue-contributing organism(s). although seemingly ideal in this respect, the fragile nature of these compounds combined with their relatively low abundance may impede their survival over long periods of time (but see pääbo 1985; shanks et al. 2004). in addition, the successful examination of ancient dna requires that researchers implement stringent and potentially costly protocols in order to prevent the contamination of ancient samples with modern dna (kolman and tuross 2000). at the other extreme, compounds such as fatty acids, and lipids in general, are known to resist degradation due to their hydrophobic nature, which impedes microbial attack. further, their molecular abundance in organism tissues provides a greater ethnobiology letters                                                                                                                      perspective      60 statistical likelihood for their survival. however, the interpretive power provided by analysis of these compounds is limited by their non-specificity; in most cases lipids can only be sourced to very broad classes of organism such as ‘fish,’ ‘mammal’ or ‘seeds’ (malainey et al. 1999, but see mirabaud et al. 2007). although useful for addressing many relevant questions, these compounds have less to offer when fine-scale taxonomic discrimination across a wide variety of potential residue-contributing organisms is desired. between the extremes of dna and lipids are proteins. as important structural and functional components, proteins, like lipids, are abundant in organism tissues. more importantly, as a direct product of an underlying genetic code, the sequence of amino acids within individual proteins is highly specific and therefore capable of providing greater taxonomic resolution than lipids. additionally, many proteins are specific to particular tissues, meaning that it may be possible to determine not only which taxon, but which specific portions of a taxon, are present in an artifact. despite the assumption that proteins are poor candidates for preservation over time due to characteristics such as their hydrophilic nature (with the exception of proteins such as collagen, which are hydrophobic), susceptibility to degradation by microorganisms, and/or tendency to be modified when cooked, research, particularly by craig and collins (2000, 2002), suggests that a particular but common set of circumstances may counteract these sources of loss. specifically, it has been demonstrated that proteins bind to mineral, e.g., ceramic, matrices via the interplay of inter and intra-molecular non-covalent forces including ion exchange, water bridges, van der waal bonding, and hydrophobic interactions (figure 1). subsequently, these residues are difficult to remove and detect without the use of corrosive acids, strong detergents, and/or highly sensitive analytical equipment (craig and collins 2002; stevens et al. 2010). in addition to binding proteins, such matrices may also facilitate preservation by trapping organics within small pore spaces that restrict the access of microorganisms (brady and weil 2002:514) and/or within complex organic conglomerates (kleber et al. 2007). the result of these interactions, despite not being completely understood, is that proteins have been recovered from a variety of contexts in which they are closely bound to a mineral surface. schweitzer et al. (2009), heaton et al. (2009) and yohe et al. (1991), to give a few examples, verify that proteins survive in fossilized bone, ancient ceramic artifacts, and groundstone implements. although additional work is needed to fully evaluate the nature of protein-mineral interactions, these examples demonstrate that proteins bind to mineral matrices and that they can survive and be recovered after hundreds or even thousands of years. in sum, this potential, when combined with the identification specificity that proteins provide, suggests that ancient proteins are well-suited to provide meaningful information about past environments and humanenvironment interactions. case studies currently, there are no studies of zooarchaeological protein residues that can be called upon to illustrate the value of these residues for conservation biology and restoration ecology. therefore i am limited to describing several instances in which residue analysis could provide data that are unavailable via standard traditional zooarchaeological analysis, data that are critical to resolution of a modern conundrum in conservation biology. mountain goats in washington state—lyman (1996, 1998) discusses the status of mountain goats in olympic national park in northwestern washington state. although ‘introduced’ to the area in 1928, it is unclear whether this species should be considered as native or exotic. as lyman notes, this is due to two underlying issues. first, the national park service definitions of ‘native’ and ‘exotic’ are poorly constructed, leaving room for contradictory interpretations. second, however, is the fact that the paleozoological record from this region is poor, leaving park managers with little prehistoric data. this problem is compounded by the ambiguous, pre-1920’s historic record and conflicting public opinion today regarding whether or not extant goats should be eradicated. clearly, more information is needed to resolve this debate. at the 2009 society for american archaeology annual conference in atlanta, georgia, archaeological protein chemist caroline solazzo presented a summary of results from an ongoing project involving salish blankets. specifically, solazzo et al. (2009) used a proteomics-based method to identify the hair of contributing species found in late nineteenth to early twentieth century blankets from washington. testing for dogs, sheep and goats in particular, solazzo et al. convincingly demonstrated that the blanket fibers under study contained peptides derived from both sheep and goats. it is unclear whether solazzo et al. are aware of the debate regarding mountain goats in washington. however, considering that salish-speaking tribes are native to the olympic peninsula, it is relevant to ethnobiology letters                                                                                                                      perspective      61 suggest that the results presented by solazzo et al. may shed light on the issue of goats in the olympic goat controversy. simply put, if pre-1920’s salish blankets from the olympic peninsula can be shown to contain mountain goat hair, then a more convincing argument for the native status of this species in the area can be made. certainly, there are other factors that must be weighed if such evidence is to be used, such as the ability to distinguish mountain goat hair proteins from similar native or non-native species (e.g., ovis, capra sp.), or the likelihood that blankets were traded over long distances. nevertheless, the point here is not to suggest that solazzo et al. (2009) have provided a definitive answer to this particular issue, but rather to illustrate that useful biogeographic evidence can be obtained through archaeological protein residue analysis. missouri elk—in a similar vein, harpole (2004) reports on the difficulty of ascertaining the prehistoric status of the north american elk (cervus canadensis) in a proposed reintroduction area consisting of ten counties in southeastern missouri. although elk were certainly native to missouri in general, as suggested by paleozoological and historic records alike, debate exists regarding their native status within the reintroduction area. decision-making is hindered by a lack of evidence, with proponents seeming to favor reintroduction of elk for economic (e.g., hunting, tourism) rather than for ecological reasons. of the archaeological sites within the region that harpole considered, only one, the undated, mixeddeposit, open-air lepold site, was found to have elk remains. as harpole points out, this site is hardly representative considering that it lies east of the ozark escarpment in the mississippi river floodplain, an area that is considerably different from the proposed reintroduction sites. for the remaining sites, an important question must be addressed: are elk absent from the record because they were never there, or are they absent because the soil and weather conditions of the ozark plateau and surrounding areas are generally not conducive to the preservation of faunal remains? as previously discussed, the preservation of protein appears to be favored by sequestration in mineral matrices, particularly clays. ceramic artifacts, then, are ideally suited for protein residue analysis. in missouri, pottery is commonly recovered from archaeological sites, including sites on the ozark plateau (lynott et al. 2000). to date, no research has been conducted to ascertain the likelihood of protein survival in these artifacts, but the successful recovery of protein residues in this case would go a long way toward resolving the debate over the appropriateness of elk reintroduction efforts. pacific otters—as discussed by valentine et al. (2008), extensive hunting during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries led to drastic reductions in sea otter (enhydra lutris) populations in the eastern pacific ocean, particularly in oregon, where they were extirpated. attempted reintroductions of sea otters to this region have been largely unsuccessful despite more fruitful results in areas to the north, and recent research has provided several important clues as to why the oregon reintroduction failed. studies of morphological (wilson et al. 1991) and genetic (valentine et al. 2008) variation suggest that there are several distinct genotypes associated with three different subspecies of sea otter: the common sea otter (e. l. lutris), the southern sea otter (e. l. nereis), and the northern sea otter (e. l. kenyoni). in the case of oregon reintroduction efforts, a population of northern sea otters was transplanted from alaska. however, examination of the zooarchaeological record via morphometric (lyman 1988) and dna (valentine et al. 2008) studies demonstrated that this particular subspecies has never been common in oregon and that it is likely not well-suited to the unique environmental conditions of the oregon coast. instead, the extirpated populations more closely resemble southern sea otters currently living in california. although time will tell, the zooarchaeological evidence indicates that the latter taxon would provide better (that is, more likely to survive and reproduce) candidates for transplantation. i suggest that archaeological proteins may provide a supporting or alternative line of evidence in this, or similar cases. it is well-documented, for example, that particular proteins can vary in structure not only across but within species (zeidler 2000). such proteins perform the same essential function(s) and have similar structures. however, they feature subtle variations in amino acid composition as a result of genetic mutations, allowing them to be distinguished through relatively simple procedures such as gel electrophoresis. several studies (e.g., mateu-andrés 2004) have used these differences as a means of measuring overall genetic diversity in extant populations of threatened species. although archaeological samples would likely provide unique challenges, as discussed below, a similar approach could be used as a method for distinguishing different subspecies in the archaeological record. the real benefit is that samples could be obtained not just from skeletal remains or tissues, but from many other ethnobiology letters                                                                                                                      perspective      62   figure 2. representative mass spectrum (top) and recovered peptide sequences (bottom) from a ~750 year old jackrabbit  tibia from the goodman point pueblo (5mt604). because jackrabbit is not included in typical protein databases, a match to  the european rabbit, oryctolagus cuniculus, was assumed to reflect a correct identification.   contexts (e.g., mineral matrices) where proteins have been demonstrated to preserve. further, using this method as an alternative to dna testing may reduce the associated cost and/or the amount of time and training required for sample processing (buckley et al. 2010; zeidler 2000, but also see cautionary comments). in sum, this strategy may represent an opportunity to gain meaningful evidence at a lower cost in the absence of well-preserved skeletal remains. other recent examples—several recent archaeological studies, despite not being tailored to address conservation questions in particular, suggest the plausibility of using protein-based approaches for revealing relevant information. for example, lc-ms analysis of a ~750 year old jackrabbit (lepus sp.) tibia from the goodman point pueblo (5mt604) site in southwestern colorado reveals the presence of intact collagen peptides (figure 2). although additional research is needed in order to establish appropriate reference databases, this result is important in that traditional zooarchaeological analyses have not always been able to distinguish between the various leporid species that are present in this region (see yang et al. 2005 for a successful dna approach). in another example, buckely et al. (2010), using mass spectrometry, recently developed a method for distinguishing between neolithic-era sheep (ovis sp.) and goat (capra sp.) remains on the basis of a single collagen peptide. the value of this technique, aside from its expense relative to dna-based methods, is that it provides a new means to distinguish between morphologically ambiguous (e.g., immature, highly fragmented) specimens from closely related species. insofar as the value of protein analysis to conservation science is concerned, this is clearly relevant. to summarize, the preceding examples have demonstrated the potential of protein residue analysis for addressing questions of wildlife management. however, the realization of this potential requires further method development and increased communication between archaeologists, analytical chemists, and conservation scientists. in the next section, i discuss several key issues that need to be addressed before protein-based studies can be applied to conservation science over broad temporal and/or spatial scales. future research despite some successes in the recovery and identification of archaeological protein residues, several limitations have hindered the widespread application of protein-based studies, most of which are rooted in the shortage of published methodological research (but see barnard et al. 2007; buckley et al. 2010; brandt et al. 2002; craig and collins 2000, 2002; solazzo et al. 2008; ethnobiology letters                                                                                                                      perspective      63 stevens et al. 2010). too often, it seems that the focus of residue research has been on providing archaeologically meaningful results rather than on addressing fundamental assumptions regarding the behavior of organic chemicals over long periods of time and the suitability of the analytical techniques that have been applied for recovering and identifying archaeological proteins. immunological assay, for example, has been employed in a number of cases with apparent success. despite these results, there is legitimate reason to question the utility of immunoassay given that ancient proteins are likely to be contaminated with a variety of proteins from other sources (e.g., soil bacteria) that can ultimately yield false positives (brandt et al. 2002), particularly if ample consideration is not given to testing the antibodies used. further, the denaturation, degradation, and/or modification of proteins due to cooking processes, bacterial activity or other sources of weathering may sufficiently alter proteins so that they no longer react with antibodies in an immunological assay (barnard et al. 2007). although not insurmountable, these challenges have not been adequately addressed via comprehensive analyses that detail the effects of these factors in terms of the success or failure of immunological techniques. multiple, independent analyses, as recommended by brandt et al. (2002), may remedy this problem to some degree, but further experimental research into the chemical behavior of degraded proteins will be essential to achieve acceptance by the scientific community at large. another limitation that has not been adequately considered is the influence of context on both the quality and quantity of preserved protein residue. to what degree, for example, do clay types differ in terms of their ability to sorb and preserve proteins? it is wellestablished that the plasticity, shrink/swell capability, and ion-exchange capacity of clays can differ greatly depending on the ratio of kaolinite to montmorillinite present (shepard 1956). however, most relevant archaeological publications dealing with the analysis of proteins in ancient and/or experimental samples typically do not include a detailed analysis of ceramic composition. this is understandable considering the workload involved in both protein and ceramic analyses. such cases represent a missed opportunity for collaboration between residue analysts and geologists/geoarchaeologists that would likely result in improved methodology. similarly, the effects of environmental conditions such as temperature, humidity and ph have not been considered in detail. most successful archaeological protein studies have been conducted on samples acquired from relatively cold, dry and/or anoxic environments, which makes sense considering that these conditions are known to favor the preservation of organic compounds. however, the limits of these variables have not been fully ascertained in experimental protein studies, particularly in regards to ph, a factor that could greatly influence both the type and quantity of ceramic-bound protein by altering the net charge of proteins and/or inhibiting/promoting their decay. without additional knowledge to this effect, sampling strategies are reduced to guesswork and key opportunities may be missed due to a potentially misguided assumption that proteins are not likely to preserve under certain conditions. lastly, much current research is limited by the failure to report quantitative data (but see craig and collins 2000, 2002; shanks et al. 2004; solazzo et al. 2008; stevens et al. 2010). without knowing quantitative information, such as the amount of protein that sorbs to ceramic matrices, the percentage of total protein recovered using different extraction strategies, the quantity of protein residues recovered from archaeological samples, or a probability estimate of a particular protein match, it is difficult to gauge the validity of results. these data are relatively easy to obtain via the use of total organic carbon analysis, spectrometric assays, statistical analyses, and other methods. it is therefore surprising that archaeologists have not taken full advantage of these strategies considering that they lend much-needed credibility to protein residue analysis. for future projects, it will be essential that such data are included in published reports so that comparisons can be made across studies. conclusion through discussion of these examples i have argued that protein residue analysis is a valuable form of paleobiological inquiry in conservation science. such research would enable better wildlife management by revealing a more accurate picture of prehistoric biogeography and of the interaction of prehistoric humans with past environments. although other residue types, including dna, lipids, and alkaloids, may provide similarly useful information, the unique characteristics of proteins, particularly in terms of their widespread occurrence and apparent potential for preservation within mineral matrices, make them ideal candidates for applied archaeological research. ethnobiology letters                                                                                                                      perspective      64 in order for this method of analysis to reach its fullest potential, however, scientists must turn their attention to developing a reliable and valid methodology. to accomplish this task, we need to challenge long-held assumptions, fill in the aforementioned gaps in knowledge, and promote multidisciplinary approaches. my critique is not an attempt to challenge or downplay important discoveries to date. rather, i seek to demonstrate the value of the work done while simultaneously pointing out areas for improvement. as these challenges are met, protein residue analysis will hopefully come to be seen not just as a method of studying the past, but as one of several valuable archaeological tools that can be used in the development of management practices that result in sustainable ecosystems. acknowledgements this work was sponsored in part by the national science foundation archaeometry technical development grant number 0822196. i thank steve wolverton, charles randklev, r. lee lyman and two anonymous reviewers for comments. jackrabbit specimens were provided by crow canyon archaeological center. barney venables and stan stevens assisted in protein extraction and lc-ms analysis. references cited barnard, h., l. shoemaker, o. e. craig, m. rider, r. e. parr, m. q. sutton, and r. m. yohe ii. 2007. introduction to the analysis of protein residues in archaeological ceramics. in theory and practice of residue analysis, edited by h. barnard and j. eerkens, pp. 216231. bar international series 1650. archaeopress, oxford, uk. brady, n. c., and r. r. weil. 2002. the nature and property of soils. prentice hall, nj. brandt, e., i. wiechmann, and g. grupe. 2002. how reliable are immunological tools for the detection of ancient proteins in fossil bones. international journal of osteoarchaeology 12:307-316. buckley, mike, sarah whitcher kansa, sarah howard, stuart campbell, jane thomas-oates and matthew collins. 2010. distinguishing between archaeological sheep and goat bones using a single collagen peptide. journal of archaeological science 37:13-20. callicott, j. b. 2002. choosing appropriate temporal and spatial scales for ecological restoration. journal of biosciences 27:409-420. cannon, k. p., and m. b. cannon. 2004. zooarchaeology and wildlife management in the greater yellowstone ecosystem. in zooarchaeology and conservation biology,edited by r. l. lyman and k. p. cannon, pp. 45-60. university of utah press, salt lake city, ut. craig, o. e., and m. j. collins. 2000. an improved method for the immunological detection of mineral bound protein using hydrofluoric acid and direct capture. journal of immunological methods 236:89-97. craig, o. e., and m. j. collins. 2002. the removal of protein residues from mineral surfaces: implications for residue analysis of archaeological materials. journal of archaeological science 29:1077-1082. eerkens, j. w., and hans barnard. 2007. introduction. in theory and practice of archaeological residue analysis, edited by h. barnard and j. w. eerkens, pp. 1-7. bar international series 1650. archaeopress, oxford, uk. evershed, r. p., and n. tuross. 1996. proteinaceous material from potsherds and associated soils. journal of archaeological science 23:429-436. harpole, j. l. 2004. zooarchaeological implications for missouri's elk (cervus elaphus) reintroduction effort. in zooarchaeology and conservation biology, edited by r. l. lyman and k. p. cannon, pp. 103-115. university of utah press, salt lake city, ut. heaton, k., c. solazzo, m. j. collins, j. thomas-oates, and e. t. bergström. 2009. towards the application of desorption electrospray ionisation mass spectrometry (desi-ms) to the analysis of ancient proteins from artefacts. journal of archaeological science 36:2145-2154. kleber, m., p. sollins and r. sutton. 2007. a conceptual model of organo-mineral interactions in soils: self-assembly of organic molecular fragments into zonal structures on mineral surfaces. biogeochemistry 85:9-24. kolman, connie j. and noreen tuross. 2000. ancient dna analysis and human populations. american journal of physical anthropology 111:5-23. loy, t. h. 1983. prehistoric blood residues. detection on tool surfaces and identification to species of origin. science 220:1269-1271. lyman, r. l. 1988. zoogeography of oregon coast marine mammals: the last 3000 years. marine mammal science 4:247–264. ethnobiology letters                                                                                                                      perspective      65 lyman, r. l. 1996. applied zooarchaeology: the relevance of faunal analysis to wildlife management. world archaeology 28:110-125. lyman, r. l. 1998. white goats, white lies: the abuse of science in olympia national park. university of utah press, salt lake city, ut. lynott, m. j., h. neff, j. e. price, j. w. cogswell, and m. d. glascock. 2000. inferences about prehistoric ceramics and people in southeast missouri: results of ceramic compositional analysis. american antiquity 65:103-126. malainey, m. e., p. pryzybylski, and b. l. sherriff. 1999. the fatty acid composition of native food plants and animals of western canada. journal of archaeological science 26:83-94. mateu-andrés, i. 2004. low levels of allozyme variability in the threatened species antirrhinium subbaeticum and a. pertegasii (scrophulariaceae): implications for conservation of the species. annals of botany 94:797-804. mirabaud, sigrid, christian rolando and martine regert. 2007. molecular criteria for discriminating adipose fat and milk from different species by nanoesi ms and ms/ms of their triacylglycerols: application to archaeological remains. analytical chemistry 79:6182-6192. pääbo, s. 1985. molecular cloning of ancient egyptian mummy dna. nature 314:644-645. schweitzer, m. h., w. zheng, c. l. organ, r. avci, z. suo, l. m. freimark, v. s. lebleu, m. b. duncan, m. g. vander heiden, j. m. neveu, w. s. lane, j. s. cottrell, j. r. horner, l. c. cantley, r. kalluri, and j. m. asara. 2009. biomolecular characterization and protein sequences of the campanian hadrosaur b. canadensis. science 324:626-631. shanks, o. c., m. kornfield, and w. ream. 2004. dna and protein recovery from washed experimental stone tools. archaeometry 46:663-672. shepard, a. o. 1956. ceramics for the archaeologist. carnegie institution of washington, washington, d.c. solazzo, c., w. w. fitzhugh, c. rolando, and c. tokarski. 2008. identification of protein remains in archaeological potsherds by proteomics. analytical chemistry 80:4590-4597. solazzo, c., s. heald, m. ballard, e. cappelini, and m. collins. 2009. fiber identification in salish blankets by proteomics. presented at the 74th annual meeting of the society for american archaeology, atlanta, ga. stevens, s. m., jr. s. wolverton, b. venables, a. barker, k. seeley, and p. adhikari. 2010. evaluation of microwave-assisted enzymatic digestion and tandem mass spectrometry for the identification of protein residues from an inorganic solid matrix: implications in archaeological research. analytical and bioanalytical chemistry 396:1491-1499. valentine, k., d. a. duffield, l. e. patrick, d. r. hatch, v. l. butler, r. l. hall, and n. lehman. 2008. ancient dna reveals genotypic relationships among oregon populations of the sea otter (enhydra lutris). conservation genetics 9:933-938. wilson, don e., michael a. bogan, robert l. brownell, jr., a. m. burdin and m. k. maminov. 1991. geographic variation in sea otters, enhydra lutris. journal of mammology 72:22-36. wolverton, s., j. h. kennedy, and j. d. cornelius. 2007. a paleozoological perspective on white-tailed deer (odocoileus virginianus texana) population density and body size in central texas. environmental management 39:545-552. yang, dongya, joshua r. woiderski and jonathan c. driver. 2005. dna analysis of archaeological rabbit remains from the american southwest. journal of archaeological science 32:567-578. yohe ii, r. m., m. e. newman, and j. s. schnieder. 1991. immunological identification of small-mammal proteins on aboriginal milling equipment. american antiquity 56:659-666. zeidler, m. 2000. electrophoretic analysis of plant isozymes. biology 38:7-16. biosketch andrew  barker  has  a  master’s  of  science  in  applied  geography  emphasizing  environmental  archaeology,  and  he  is  a  phd  student  in  the  department  of  biological  sciences  at  the  university  of  north  texas.    his  research  focuses on proteomics  in archaeological residue analysis  and metabolomics in toxicology.    << /ascii85encodepages false /allowtransparency false /autopositionepsfiles true /autorotatepages /none /binding /left /calgrayprofile (dot gain 20%) /calrgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /calcmykprofile (u.s. web coated \050swop\051 v2) /srgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /cannotembedfontpolicy /error /compatibilitylevel 1.4 /compressobjects /tags /compresspages true /convertimagestoindexed true /passthroughjpegimages true /createjobticket false /defaultrenderingintent /default /detectblends true /detectcurves 0.0000 /colorconversionstrategy /cmyk /dothumbnails false /embedallfonts true /embedopentype false /parseiccprofilesincomments true /embedjoboptions true /dscreportinglevel 0 /emitdscwarnings false /endpage -1 /imagememory 1048576 /lockdistillerparams false /maxsubsetpct 100 /optimize true /opm 1 /parsedsccomments true /parsedsccommentsfordocinfo true /preservecopypage true /preservedicmykvalues true /preserveepsinfo true /preserveflatness true /preservehalftoneinfo false /preserveopicomments true /preserveoverprintsettings true /startpage 1 /subsetfonts true /transferfunctioninfo /apply /ucrandbginfo /preserve /useprologue false /colorsettingsfile () /alwaysembed [ true ] /neverembed [ true ] /antialiascolorimages false /cropcolorimages true /colorimageminresolution 300 /colorimageminresolutionpolicy /ok /downsamplecolorimages true /colorimagedownsampletype /bicubic /colorimageresolution 300 /colorimagedepth -1 /colorimagemindownsampledepth 1 /colorimagedownsamplethreshold 1.50000 /encodecolorimages true /colorimagefilter /dctencode /autofiltercolorimages true /colorimageautofilterstrategy /jpeg /coloracsimagedict << /qfactor 0.15 /hsamples [1 1 1 1] /vsamples [1 1 1 1] >> /colorimagedict << /qfactor 0.15 /hsamples [1 1 1 1] /vsamples [1 1 1 1] >> /jpeg2000coloracsimagedict << /tilewidth 256 /tileheight 256 /quality 30 >> /jpeg2000colorimagedict << /tilewidth 256 /tileheight 256 /quality 30 >> /antialiasgrayimages false /cropgrayimages true /grayimageminresolution 300 /grayimageminresolutionpolicy /ok /downsamplegrayimages true /grayimagedownsampletype /bicubic /grayimageresolution 300 /grayimagedepth -1 /grayimagemindownsampledepth 2 /grayimagedownsamplethreshold 1.50000 /encodegrayimages true /grayimagefilter /dctencode /autofiltergrayimages true /grayimageautofilterstrategy /jpeg /grayacsimagedict << /qfactor 0.15 /hsamples [1 1 1 1] /vsamples [1 1 1 1] >> /grayimagedict << /qfactor 0.15 /hsamples [1 1 1 1] /vsamples [1 1 1 1] >> /jpeg2000grayacsimagedict << /tilewidth 256 /tileheight 256 /quality 30 >> /jpeg2000grayimagedict << /tilewidth 256 /tileheight 256 /quality 30 >> /antialiasmonoimages false /cropmonoimages true /monoimageminresolution 1200 /monoimageminresolutionpolicy /ok /downsamplemonoimages true /monoimagedownsampletype /bicubic /monoimageresolution 1200 /monoimagedepth -1 /monoimagedownsamplethreshold 1.50000 /encodemonoimages true /monoimagefilter /ccittfaxencode /monoimagedict << /k -1 >> /allowpsxobjects false /checkcompliance [ /none ] /pdfx1acheck false /pdfx3check false /pdfxcompliantpdfonly false /pdfxnotrimboxerror true /pdfxtrimboxtomediaboxoffset [ 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 ] /pdfxsetbleedboxtomediabox true /pdfxbleedboxtotrimboxoffset [ 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 ] /pdfxoutputintentprofile () /pdfxoutputconditionidentifier () /pdfxoutputcondition () /pdfxregistryname () /pdfxtrapped /false /createjdffile false /description << /ara <feff06270633062a062e062f0645002006470630064700200627064406250639062f0627062f0627062a002006440625064606340627062100200648062b062706260642002000410064006f00620065002000500044004600200645062a064806270641064206290020064406440637062806270639062900200641064a00200627064406450637062706280639002006300627062a0020062f0631062c0627062a002006270644062c0648062f0629002006270644063906270644064a0629061b0020064a06450643064600200641062a062d00200648062b0627062606420020005000440046002006270644064506460634062306290020062806270633062a062e062f062706450020004100630072006f0062006100740020064800410064006f006200650020005200650061006400650072002006250635062f0627063100200035002e0030002006480627064406250635062f062706310627062a0020062706440623062d062f062b002e0635062f0627063100200035002e0030002006480627064406250635062f062706310627062a0020062706440623062d062f062b002e> /bgr <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> /chs <feff4f7f75288fd94e9b8bbe5b9a521b5efa7684002000410064006f006200650020005000440046002065876863900275284e8e9ad88d2891cf76845370524d53705237300260a853ef4ee54f7f75280020004100630072006f0062006100740020548c002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e003000204ee553ca66f49ad87248672c676562535f00521b5efa768400200050004400460020658768633002> /cht <feff4f7f752890194e9b8a2d7f6e5efa7acb7684002000410064006f006200650020005000440046002065874ef69069752865bc9ad854c18cea76845370524d5370523786557406300260a853ef4ee54f7f75280020004100630072006f0062006100740020548c002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e003000204ee553ca66f49ad87248672c4f86958b555f5df25efa7acb76840020005000440046002065874ef63002> /cze <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> /dan <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> /deu <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> /esp <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> /eti <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> /fra <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> /gre <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> /heb <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> /hrv (za stvaranje adobe pdf dokumenata najpogodnijih za visokokvalitetni ispis prije tiskanja koristite ove postavke. stvoreni pdf dokumenti mogu se otvoriti acrobat i adobe reader 5.0 i kasnijim verzijama.) /hun <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> /ita <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> /jpn <feff9ad854c18cea306a30d730ea30d730ec30b951fa529b7528002000410064006f0062006500200050004400460020658766f8306e4f5c6210306b4f7f75283057307e305930023053306e8a2d5b9a30674f5c62103055308c305f0020005000440046002030d530a130a430eb306f3001004100630072006f0062006100740020304a30883073002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e003000204ee5964d3067958b304f30533068304c3067304d307e305930023053306e8a2d5b9a306b306f30d530a930f330c8306e57cb30818fbc307f304c5fc59808306730593002> /kor <feffc7740020c124c815c7440020c0acc6a9d558c5ec0020ace0d488c9c80020c2dcd5d80020c778c1c4c5d00020ac00c7a50020c801d569d55c002000410064006f0062006500200050004400460020bb38c11cb97c0020c791c131d569b2c8b2e4002e0020c774b807ac8c0020c791c131b41c00200050004400460020bb38c11cb2940020004100630072006f0062006100740020bc0f002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e00300020c774c0c1c5d0c11c0020c5f40020c2180020c788c2b5b2c8b2e4002e> /lth <feff004e006100750064006f006b0069007400650020016100690075006f007300200070006100720061006d006500740072007500730020006e006f0072011700640061006d00690020006b0075007200740069002000410064006f00620065002000500044004600200064006f006b0075006d0065006e007400750073002c0020006b00750072006900650020006c0061006200690061007500730069006100690020007000720069007400610069006b007900740069002000610075006b01610074006f00730020006b006f006b007900620117007300200070006100720065006e006700740069006e00690061006d00200073007000610075007300640069006e0069006d00750069002e0020002000530075006b0075007200740069002000500044004600200064006f006b0075006d0065006e007400610069002000670061006c006900200062016b007400690020006100740069006400610072006f006d00690020004100630072006f006200610074002000690072002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e0030002000610072002000760117006c00650073006e0117006d00690073002000760065007200730069006a006f006d00690073002e> /lvi <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> /nld (gebruik deze instellingen om adobe pdf-documenten te maken die zijn geoptimaliseerd voor prepress-afdrukken van hoge kwaliteit. de gemaakte pdf-documenten kunnen worden geopend met acrobat en adobe reader 5.0 en hoger.) /nor <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> /pol <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> /ptb <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> /rum <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> /rus <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> /sky <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> /slv <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> /suo <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> /sve <feff0041006e007600e4006e00640020006400650020006800e4007200200069006e0073007400e4006c006c006e0069006e006700610072006e00610020006f006d002000640075002000760069006c006c00200073006b006100700061002000410064006f006200650020005000440046002d0064006f006b0075006d0065006e007400200073006f006d002000e400720020006c00e4006d0070006c0069006700610020006600f60072002000700072006500700072006500730073002d007500740073006b00720069006600740020006d006500640020006800f600670020006b00760061006c0069007400650074002e002000200053006b006100700061006400650020005000440046002d0064006f006b0075006d0065006e00740020006b0061006e002000f600700070006e00610073002000690020004100630072006f0062006100740020006f00630068002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e00300020006f00630068002000730065006e006100720065002e> /tur <feff005900fc006b00730065006b0020006b0061006c006900740065006c0069002000f6006e002000790061007a006401310072006d00610020006200610073006b013100730131006e006100200065006e0020006900790069002000750079006100620069006c006500630065006b002000410064006f006200650020005000440046002000620065006c00670065006c0065007200690020006f006c0075015f007400750072006d0061006b0020006900e70069006e00200062007500200061007900610072006c0061007201310020006b0075006c006c0061006e0131006e002e00200020004f006c0075015f0074007500720075006c0061006e0020005000440046002000620065006c00670065006c0065007200690020004100630072006f006200610074002000760065002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e003000200076006500200073006f006e0072006100730131006e00640061006b00690020007300fc007200fc006d006c00650072006c00650020006100e70131006c006100620069006c00690072002e> /ukr <feff04120438043a043e0440043804410442043e043204430439044204350020044604560020043f043004400430043c043504420440043800200434043b044f0020044104420432043e04400435043d043d044f00200434043e043a0443043c0435043d044204560432002000410064006f006200650020005000440046002c0020044f043a04560020043d04300439043a04400430044904350020043f045604340445043e0434044f0442044c00200434043b044f0020043204380441043e043a043e044f043a04560441043d043e0433043e0020043f0435044004350434043404400443043a043e0432043e0433043e0020043404400443043a0443002e00200020042104420432043e04400435043d045600200434043e043a0443043c0435043d0442043800200050004400460020043c043e0436043d04300020043204560434043a0440043804420438002004430020004100630072006f006200610074002004420430002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e0030002004300431043e0020043f04560437043d04560448043e04570020043204350440044104560457002e> /enu (use these settings to create adobe pdf documents best suited for high-quality prepress printing. created pdf documents can be opened with acrobat and adobe reader 5.0 and later.) >> /namespace [ (adobe) (common) (1.0) ] /othernamespaces [ << /asreaderspreads false /cropimagestoframes true /errorcontrol /warnandcontinue /flattenerignorespreadoverrides false /includeguidesgrids false /includenonprinting false /includeslug false /namespace [ (adobe) (indesign) (4.0) ] /omitplacedbitmaps false /omitplacedeps false /omitplacedpdf false /simulateoverprint /legacy >> << /addbleedmarks false /addcolorbars false /addcropmarks false /addpageinfo false /addregmarks false /convertcolors /converttocmyk /destinationprofilename () /destinationprofileselector /documentcmyk /downsample16bitimages true /flattenerpreset << /presetselector /mediumresolution >> /formelements false /generatestructure false /includebookmarks false /includehyperlinks false /includeinteractive false /includelayers false /includeprofiles false /multimediahandling /useobjectsettings /namespace [ (adobe) (creativesuite) (2.0) ] /pdfxoutputintentprofileselector /documentcmyk /preserveediting true /untaggedcmykhandling /leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice archaeology, heritage, and moral terrains: two cases from the mesa verde region wolverton et al. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(2):23–31 23 research communications special issue on memoirs and memory villages not be excavated; thus, archaeologists and those who claim pueblo heritage commonly adopt different positions about what ought and ought not to be done in terms of archaeological research. contrasting identities and narratives about ancestral pueblo culture leads to questions about whether or not it is ethical to pursue archaeological research without deeper involvement by members of pueblo society during research design (figueroa 2015). in this paper, we provide a conceptual space for engaging archaeological ethics developed from environmental philosophy. we introduce five concepts—moral terrains, restorative justice, collective continuance, ethical transformation, and lived ethic—illustrating how these have been useful in our interdisciplinary scholarship that spans environmental ethics, archaeological science, and pueblo heritage. as part of this edited volume on fieldwork memoirs, we narrate two short case studies told from the point of view of an archaeological scientist to illustrate how introduction archaeologists have established narratives about ancestral pueblo culture and mesa verde prehistory based on over a century of fieldwork, laboratory research, and synthesis (see recent syntheses by glowacki 2015; kohler et al. 2008; kohler and varien 2012; ortman 2012; varien 1999 among many examples). important research questions include: what led to the depopulation of the mesa verde region at approximately ad 1300? where did the ancestral pueblo people migrate to, and what were the drivers of migration (cameron 1995, 2006; glowacki 2015; ortman 2012)? in contrast, pueblo scholars sustain narratives about the ancestral pueblo past that center on their cultural identity (naranjo 1995, 2006; suina 2002; swentzell 2015). movement and migration are part of pueblo identity, and villages in the mesa verde region were not abandoned and are still occupied by ancestors. clearly, members of contemporary pueblo societies prefer that ancient archaeology, heritage, and moral terrains: two cases from the mesa verde region steve wolverton 1* , robert melchior figueroa 2 , and porter swentzell 3 1 department of geography and the environment, university of north texas, denton, tx, usa. 2 school of history, philosophy, and religion, oregon state university, corvallis, or, usa. 3 indigenous liberal studies, institute for american indian arts, santa fe, nm, usa. * wolverton@unt.edu abstract multiple cultural identities converge in mesa verde archaeology. archaeologists have engaged research questions for the last half century, leading to cultural reconstructive summaries about how pueblo people lived prior to migrating out of the mesa verde region. the importance of this narrative centers on the identity of the researcher as an archaeologist. an increasingly recognized narrative among archaeologists is that of pueblo identity, in which contemporary pueblo people claim mesa verde villages and landscapes as part of their heritage. generally speaking, pueblo people and archaeologists navigate separate moral terrains, which pose multiple obstacles for both archaeologists and pueblo people pertaining to the past, present, and future of the mesa verde region. a conceptual framework from environmental philosophy opens a platform for reconciliation by providing a relational narrative that empowers pueblo identity and recalibrates archaeology. this environmental justice lens is applied to two archaeological research narratives, one centering on chemical analysis of biomolecular artifact residues and the other on paleohydrology and pueblo farming. received april 29, 2016 open access accepted september 14, 2016 doi 10.14237/ebl.7.2.2016.695 keywords archaeological ethics, moral terrains, environmental justice, heritage, mesa verde, lived ethic copyright © 2016 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. wolverton et al. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(2):23–31 24 research communications special issue on memoirs and memory our interdisciplinary fieldwork prompted and encouraged an ethical transformation. our position is that ethical codes in archaeology are more than sufficient for guiding scholarship; however, the personal experiences of archaeologists are diverse, which is why detailing personal narratives is important. this diversity may include archaeologists who are unaware of ethical codes or, in contrast, those who interpret such codes in a variety of ways from a pure focus on the merits of archaeological science, to community archaeology, to activism in heritage ethics. the experience of the archaeologist varies according to cultural identity, training, region, and experience. in writing this memoir we do not present the model of how to engage issues of heritage ethics, though our work has normative implications that can be considered as researchers find these insights relevant to their own investigations. thus, it is our model for engaging heritage ethics that we hope will be useful for others. there is a long history of scholarship in archaeological ethics1, which we do not review in this short paper. instead, we explore one example of an ethical code that we consider to be representative, detail the aforementioned concepts from environmental philosophy, share two case-study narratives, and discuss the implications of our fieldwork related to the philosophical framework we provide. however, first it is important to introduce our interdisciplinary project, its history, goals, and previous scholarly products. sushi in cortez this paper developed out of a project summarized in our book sushi in cortez: interdisciplinary essays on mesa verde (taylor and wolverton 2015), which concerned multiple visits to archaeological sites in the mesa verde region during 2011 with a documentary filmmaker, a landscape photographer, an environmental philosopher (figueroa), a poet, an american indian scholar (swentzell), and an archaeologist (wolverton). the project was inductive, asking: “when we do fieldwork together, what topics arise and how does this influence the way we do research?” we began by providing introductions to our scholarly approaches through shared presentations during the months preceding fieldwork. thus, it was clear that the filmmaker engaged ethical frameworks concerning what stories she should and should not tell. similarly, from philosophy an environmental justice focus quickly became embedded in group conversations, and we learned that photographers really do reflect upon the ethics of photos “taken” from a place. additionally, the inclusion of a pueblo scholar required that we engage questions of heritage. the sushi project provided fertile ground for discussion of archaeological ethics. this memoir communicates how our process of engaging archaeological subject matter (in this case site visits) led to a shift in the role of ethics in research for the archaeologist on the team. our site visits are discussed throughout the book, so we have omitted them here for the sake of brevity; the two case studies we discuss embody moral problems that surfaced for the archaeologist and became parts of the conversation during the sushi project. indeed, the sushi group was inductive and interdisciplinary to the extent that it shined an ethical spotlight on multiple dimensions of archaeological research. most significantly, few archaeologists (perhaps none) go into the field (more precisely, their field of scholarship) with both a native person and a trained ethicist. the results were transformative. codified ethics how an archaeologist interprets a code of ethics is an individual decision. there are multiple codes for archaeologists concerning how to engage in research that protects archaeological resources and how to interface with local peoples who may or may not be affected by research. the register of professional archaeologists (rpa 2016), the society for american archaeology (saa 2016), the world archaeological congress (wac 2016), and the archaeological institute of america (aia 2016a), for example, have codes that relate to their missions and membership demographics. these represent “codified ethics” that can serve as guideposts for the choices that researchers make. three types of ethical codes in archaeology address claims about indigenous heritage: consent, respect, and mutual accommodation. as an illustrative example, the aia code of professional standards part ii sections 2, 3, & 4 convey how local heritage claims should be addressed (aia 2016b): 2) plans for fieldwork should consider the environmental impact of the project and its overall effects on local communities. 3) for field projects, archaeologists should consult with appropriate representatives of the local community during the planning stage, invite local participation in the project, and regularly inform wolverton et al. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(2):23–31 25 research communications special issue on memoirs and memory community members about the results of research. 4) archaeologists should respect the cultural norms and dignity of local inhabitants in areas where archaeological research is carried out. the legitimate concerns of people who claim descent from, or another connection with, cultures of the past must be balanced with disciplinary objectives and means. such considerations should be taken into account in designing the project’s strategy. archaeologists who are aware of these types of standards, however, may simply be considering their research from a disciplinary point of view—what we describe later in the paper as an “archaeological moral terrain.” for example, on our team, wolverton intimated “of course the archaeological questions i have and data i seek are of fascination and thus of merit?” “do i think that local people have any reason to be concerned about my interests?” “i am not intending to do harm, and i certainly am not studying any burials, am rarely involved in excavation, i do lab work, collections-based research, and applied research that benefits the world.” from a disciplinary perspective such research goals, in many ways, align with codified ethical standards. for example, an archaeologist who works with materials from collections in museums would arrange permissions and research plans with museum administrators and collection managers. that those collections already exist, are housed in museums, and tend to be under-researched may have fueled the archaeologist’s interests; therefore, potential heritage claims of local people were not at the forefront of research design. application of codified ethics in archaeology are thus diverse because whether or not to address heritage claims represents a choice made by the archaeologist during research design. indeed, there is no standard requiring that archaeologists solicit informed consent prior to approaching a research problem as there is in ethnography (gilmore and eshbaugh 2011; hardison and bannister 2011). this may simply relate to the fact that ethnographers directly communicate with living people and archaeologists address research on cultural materials, making obligations to living peoples seem indirect. the interests of local peoples are easier to envision when proposing research that requires excavation, particularly given the implications of the native american graves protection and repatriation act in the united states (e.g., fine-dare 2002; tsosie 2012; watkins 2014). this became increasingly clear during the sushi project because the team’s archaeologist has multiple ongoing research projects in the mesa verde region; in particular, there were philosophical concepts from environmental justice that we discussed, in the field and after, which can serve as guideposts for implementing codified ethics. moral terrains our ethicist has also collaborated with australian geographer gordon waitt to build what they call “the uluru project,” which has introduced the concept of moral terrains in their research on the importance of uluru-kata tjuta national park (formerly known as ayer’s rock; figueroa and waitt 2008, 2010; waitt and figueroa, et al. 2007). moral terrains are webs of values that exist in reference to particular places for members of cultures and establish a sense of belonging through heritage (proctor 1995; proctor and smith 1999; see douglas [2014] for a discussion of cultures within science). thus, the settler australian may view uluru as a place of national pride and desire to visit and climb the rock, a national pastime. the aboriginal heritage concerning uluru occupies a separate moral terrain in which history, law, and a moral ecology are embedded in the rock. thus, anangu indigenous law is clear: “we don’t climb,” which conflicts with the national pastime that has become a pilgrimage for settler australians. moreover, climbing the rock remains a colonial incursion under the guise of a tourist attraction. the anangu have established multiple guided walks that discuss their heritage, and figueroa and waitt (2008, 2010) discuss how this enables a transformation in environmental identity for many people from various backgrounds, such that people who sought to climb may change their mind. in that decision tourists provide a narrative account that assists in determining the extent to which the park’s pedagogical arm of reconciliation (between the anangu and settler australians) is effective. our use of moral terrains in this paper is heuristic; however, moral terrains are complex, embodied, and often undisclosed or taken for granted. they present conflicts of environmental justice for different communities, as evidenced when colonial practices are taken for granted explicitly because the colonial moral terrain embeds a lived ethic of power, denial, backgrounding, and radical exclusion (plumwood 2002). environmental justice is called upon to reconcile the conflict that colonialism presents for heritage and identity. uluru is a valuable case because the power wolverton et al. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(2):23–31 26 research communications special issue on memoirs and memory dimensions of moral terrains are obviated if tourists disrespect the clear requests of the anangu to avoid climbing. however, as a site of national and aboriginal reconciliation, today the park invokes a moral terrain upon which restorative justice can be accomplished, for instance by phasing out the climb while imparting alternatives, such as viewing platforms and rerouted access to include the anangu cultural center and base trail, or by relocating the main parking lot away from the foot of the climb. here, we outline an “archaeological moral terrain” in contrast to “a moral terrain from pueblo heritage.” in reality, one lives many moral terrains across many spaces, just as one is socially located across many identities. such multiplicity may promote gateways to combine moral terrains for transformative benefits of environmental justice, but can also create prominent formations of overlapping domination. disclosing the contours of power around a moral terrain may require an ethical transformation (which was certainly the case for wolverton). the concept of moral terrains has become exceptionally important in our mesa verde research, to which we return to in the next section. restorative justice the opportunity for settler australians to transform environmental identity associated with uluru through joint management of the park is important for establishing environmental justice; such a practice establishes a respectful relationship and clearer understanding of injustices that occurred through the lived experiences of a colonial history related to the park. the result is that uluru is still a national park, but one that has more than a recognized aboriginal claim and that also offers the opportunity for transformation and sharing of heritage. this recognition and reconciliation process is known as restorative justice. there are nuanced components to this type of environmental justice that should be noted. first it acknowledges anangu heritage concerning uluru as part of their “collective continuance” (figueroa 2001; whyte 2013) through explicit recognition that their well-being is connected to that place through their heritage, which has an impact on present and future identity and heritage for all who interact with uluru. second, those who are visiting uluru who are not anangu have the opportunity for an ethical transformation concerning how they conceive of the place in terms of heritage and identity. because this transformation is based on sharing heritage, it is not a codified ethic but a lived ethic (camenisch 1983; leahy 1986). a lived ethic can be informed by a code, such as “we don’t climb,” but it represents the impacts of choices that are actually made related to values (webb 2015). the anangu refuse strong-arm enforcement tactics to restrict the climb, because reconciliation requires the capacity to transform the relations from one’s own lived ethics and moral capacity. such experiences may reinforce a codified ethic or prompt it to be changed to more accurately map onto relevant moral terrains. in our work in the mesa verde region during the sushi project, it became increasingly clear that we were inhabiting more than one moral terrain and were encountering the collective continuance of pueblo heritage in the same places where nationalized and global heritages are claimed—for example at mesa verde national park, which is a world heritage site. although hopi and other pueblo people are important in shaping the park’s narrative for tourism like the anangu at uluru, it became clear that the archaeological ethic of the team’s archaeologist had never been shaped in reference to pueblo collective continuance, causing wolverton’s lived ethic to shift. at this point in the paper we transition to a personal narrative in the first person by wolverton in order to describe two case studies of his research. we use those examples to describe how his lived ethic transformed. protein residues from archaeological cooking pottery the first example stems from nsf funded research in which a collaborative group of biologists, chemists, and archaeologists developed methods for extracting molecular protein food residues from cooking pottery. much of this work has been done experimentally, and the audience is referred to barker et al. (2012, 2015) and stevens et al. (2010) for details. for the purposes of this paper, suffice it to say that we used experimental cooking pottery to develop our approaches. then, once optimized, we applied the approach to archaeological pottery from many areas of the world, including to corrugated cooking pottery from ancient pueblo sites in the mesa verde region. our original approach can be described as a non-targeted (or full mass) scan for any and all types of protein, which can be quite specific to taxon or even to tissue. our approach produced a substantial series of negative results, detecting no meaningful proteins, with one exception—a match for a human intestinal cell protein. it would turn out that this was a false wolverton et al. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(2):23–31 27 research communications special issue on memoirs and memory positive, but two moral terrains came together during the weeks following the identification. we had been working from the moral terrain of archaeological science, and it had not entered the realm of possibility that we might encounter human remains within pottery. operating from a scientific framework, we had been conceiving of the project as concerned with subsistence. the work had been worth doing because it represented substantial method development, and the archaeological potential would add a new approach with which to study past diet and environments. in terms of codified ethics, we had not considered whether or not we would encounter human remains, because we did not conceive of biomolecular remains as human. this became an oversight when we encountered those claiming pueblo heritage who embody a distinctive moral terrain, into which we had clumsily wandered. the pottery we studied had been entrusted to us by crow canyon archaeological center, who had excavated the materials. they have a native american remains policy that required us to report our unanticipated (and frankly unwanted) finding. i recall lamenting, “why could not our first protein hit have been from beans or turkey?!” per policy, we reported our finding to the native american advisory group at crow canyon. in the process, we stopped our work and awaited their reaction, discussion, and recommendation. the members of the advisory group noted that disturbance of human remains of any kind is problematic as part of their collective continuance requires that their ancestors not be disturbed. wandering into this moral terrain through the “excavation of pottery fragments” (however inadvertent it was to us) demonstrated that the type of study we were doing is not a subsistence study to pueblo people but is more akin to study of human burials. it was distressfully conveyed to us that pueblo people do not have a tradition to handle repatriation: archaeological recovery of human remains presents them with a problem for which they have no reaction option. our group, in collaboration with crow canyon, has revised their human remains policy to incorporate biomolecular research, stating that much like with skeletal burials, human remains will not be targeted for study. however, it was becoming increasingly clear that codified ethics about envisioning and communicating the potential impacts of research on local communities may require not just determining from a distance whether or not there appears to be a potential problem, but rather during project design communicating about most or all research to see if there could be concerns, thus transforming a codified ethic such as that of the aia into a lived ethic. concepts from environmental justice and ethics, such as moral terrains, help articulate the need for and practice of such a lived ethic. this would become even clearer related to a second project, also nsf funded, also in the mesa verde region, also in collaboration with crow canyon. remote sensing of garden landscapes the village ecodynamics project (vep) through washington state university has modeled human population growth, subsistence resource abundance, soil parameters, site location, and climate change in the mesa verde region during the last decade (kohler et al. 2008). the vep approach is coarse in scale geographically, and colleagues and i developed a proposal to zoom in its resolution to individual villages, to examine the farming landscape at the scale at which farmers would have encountered it. we have been particularly interested in factors, such as soil moisture, type, depth, climate, and local hydrological regimes, related to the potential for maize crop failure in periods leading up to the depopulation of mesa verde at roughly ad 1300. part of our research relies on ground-truthing soil moisture data to be used to estimate the wilting point of plants under different scenarios. this validation is accomplished by studying experimental farm plots at crow canyon where hopi and zuni farmers have planted and tended crops for several years—enter moral terrains. we were operating within the scientific, archaeological terrain of seeking to understand the past because the matter of what led to depopulation of the mesa verde region continues to be an intriguing question of high significance. through modeling and remote sensing, we envisioned ourselves as far removed from contemporary pueblo people and that our study would not have an impact on them. this was despite my earlier experience with protein residues, but we simply saw no overlap. during one research trip to crow canyon in may of 2015, a graduate student and i expanded and renovated one of the farm plots and installed digital soil moisture and temperature sensors with data loggers. we did this the same week that hopi farmers arrived to plant corn in the crow canyon gardens. crow canyon does weekly educational programs, and wolverton et al. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(2):23–31 28 research communications special issue on memoirs and memory we were asked to talk about our nsf project as were the farmers about planting out at the gardens. i described our project much like i have here, and the hopi farmers briefly discussed their means of planting and how they pray for the corn to grow and to become successful by harvest in the fall. later i would hear that the hopi farmers were taken aback by our description of our project, with sentiments that “one should not talk about crop failure when one is planting corn.” this, i would later find out is a sign of disrespect to the corn. many pueblo groups assign personhood to corn, and terms used to describe growth in corn are the same as those used to describe growth of children. inadvertently, i had intruded upon an unknown (to me) moral terrain. other statements were made as well, such as “corn is for eating not for measuring,” which later i would find out relates to the fact that to finish its life cycle and for hopi to finish their obligations in terms of harvest it must be prepared and eaten in certain ways, and honored. in a second trip that summer, i would share time with one zuni man who tends the maize in the crow canyon plots each day. he visits each corn plant, touches it, encourages it, and honors it as he tends the garden. this moral terrain is one of intimacy and respect. i found myself thinking of my own neglected garden at home, which for me is a luxury. it would have thrived if i had paid but a fraction of the attention and care into it that this person had at crow canyon. as a result of these and other experiences, i came to recognize what a colleague terms a “goldilocks dilemma” in this and other facets of my mesa verde archaeological research. i find myself settling into one research problem or another from the moral terrain of archaeological science, the one that is comfortable, the one that fits in terms of ethics and interests, only to find later that i am also occupying the moral terrain of someone else’s heritage. this has led to a substantial transformation in my lived ethic. discussion if collective continuance of heritage embodied in the cultural and environmental identities of pueblo people is to be considered, we cannot pretend that science has no impact. however, if we envision that mesa verde archaeological science occupies a moral terrain with codes, values, and currencies for success and that its rules may not uniformly match those of the moral terrain held by contemporary pueblo people, we have a starting point for a fair and honest conversation about what types of archaeological research should and should not be pursued. to do this, however, means that archaeologists must be willing to share ownership of the places and materials of the field, such as parks, sites, and artifacts, as well as the research process (marshall 2002; tullie 2007), which is something that our codified ethical standards prompt us to consider. what would restorative justice look like in the mesa verde region? much like with the anangu, it must be collaborative but also allow for selfdetermination of the roles that pueblo heritage will play in archaeological research design. in the american southwest, the native american advisory group at crow canyon is novel as it represents a council of indigenous community members who can deliberate research agendas and outcomes at the center. however, the group is established hierarchically within the center, and not as an independent, selfdirected pueblo heritage council. additionally, the advisory group focuses primarily on crow canyon’s research, which might or might not include collaboration with archaeologists from other research institutions. thus, the products of the advisory group, though beneficial and transformative in terms of archaeological ethics for those in the crow canyon community, do not emulate a professional standard analogous to establishing informed consent as an ethnographer. a contrast is clear in this regard, as ethnographers embrace codified standards that require informed consent for use of information from research that impacts people in communities they interact with: see, for example the codes of ethics for the international society of ethnobiology (ise 2016) and the society for applied anthropology (sfaa 2016). archaeologists have determined their own codes, which encourage informed consideration with members of local communities prior to research. practice, however, is left to the archaeologist, who may be working from the disciplinary moral terrain of archaeology. thus neither the professional standard nor the cultural infrastructure (beyond that of crow canyon) exist in this area of the american southwest for a sustainable conversation about indigenous heritage that challenges the lived ethic of the archaeologist. rather, whether or not the archaeologist’s lived ethic is engaged to the level implied in ethical codes depends upon the experiences of each archaeologist. a self-determined pueblo heritage council would be wolverton et al. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(2):23–31 29 research communications special issue on memoirs and memory one that is not initiated and designed through an archaeological research institute or a scholarly society, but instead would represent the collective continuance of pueblo culture. such a council would formally challenge archaeologists to engage codified ethics at a deeper level. indeed, these types of councils and organizations have been important for empowering indigenous groups in other parts of the united states and the world (marshall 2002). for the archaeologist, operating mainly from the moral terrain of science, holding dialogues related to environmental heritage with local peoples represents a serious challenge, which we do not wish to trivialize. our perspective is not that archaeological research design should be in the hands of non-archaeologists; rather, we hold that there is an ethical imperative to establish dialogues with local peoples when multiple heritage claims exist. in our experience, establishing dialogues with pueblo people has not constrained opportunities for practicing archaeological research, but has had an important outcome of clarifying the potential harmful impacts of how research might be communicated and contextualized. a goal should be to achieve balance among empowering archaeological research, welcoming conversations with local people, and reducing the potential for unintended harm. the approach we adopted in the sushi project highlights the importance of viewing archaeological ethics from multiple viewpoints. poets, filmmakers, and photographers, for example, do not value the rendition of mesa verde prehistory told from the perspective of archaeology above that of the contemporary pueblo person with expertise in traditional knowledge about their own heritage (references in taylor and wolverton 2015). as a result, for an archaeologist visiting these places with an ethicist, a pueblo person, and other scholars, the collective continuance of pueblo heritage could not be ignored. the two examples presented here are indicative of how this experience enabled recognition of distinctive moral terrains and when, like goldilocks, archaeologists might naively find themselves in someone else’s house. correspondingly, the experience in terms of archaeological ethics has been much more than “something that is learnt as a list of rules in the classroom” (giblin et al. 2014:132). rather, the result is that a lived ethic can more fully embody a codified ethic, prompting one to ask before entering. in addition, this sets the stage to ask what is it about other peoples’ heritage that is so intensely fascinating to archaeological scientists, particularly when those questions tend to be asked only from the moral terrain of archaeology. notes 1for examples of classic studies in archaeological ethics see green (1984), lynott and wylie (1995), swidler et al. (1997), and zimmerman et al. (2003). contemporary treatment of heritage ethics can be found in atalay et al. (2014) and meskell (2015). colwell and joy (2015) provide particularly salient treatment of ethics related to archaeology and pueblo heritage. acknowledgments thank you to shawn collins, margie connolly, donna glowacki, sarah payne, gustavo neme, and dana lepofsky for thoughtful conversations about this paper in addition to researchers at crow canyon archaeological center. three anonymous reviewers provided critiques of this paper that helped us improve it. declarations permissions: none declared. sources of funding: site visits for sushi in cortez were partially funded by the center for the study of interdiscipinarity and the department of geography and the environment at the university of north texas. the protein residue research was funded by the national science foundation archaeometry technical development grants 08221896, 0905020, and 1112615. the soil moisture case study is funded by national science foundation archaeology grant 1460122. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited archaeological institute of america (aia). 2016a. policies and documents [web page]. available at: https://www.archaeological.org/about/policies. accessed on 10/4/2016. archaeological institute of america (aia). 2016b. code of professional standards [document]. available at: https://www.archaeological.org/ about/policies. accessed on 10/4/2016. atalay, s., l. r. clauss, r. h. mcguire, j. r. welch, eds. 2014. transforming archaeology: activist practices and prospects. left coast press, walnut creek, ca. barker, a., j. dombrosky, d. chaput, b. venables, s. wolverton et al. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(2):23–31 30 research communications special issue on memoirs and memory wolverton, and s. m. stevens. 2015. validation of a non-targeted lc-ms approach for identifying ancient proteins: method development on bone to improve artifact residue analysis. ethnobiology letters 6:162–174. doi:10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.294. barker, a., b. venables, s. m. stevens jr, k. w. seeley, p. wang, and s. wolverton. 2012. an optimized approach for protein residue extraction and identification from ceramics after cooking. journal of archaeological method and theory 19:407–439. doi: 10.1007/s10816-011-9120-5. camenisch, p. 1983. grounding professional ethics in a pluralistic society. haven publishing corporation, new york. cameron, c. m. 1995. migration and the movement of southwestern peoples. journal of anthropological archaeology 14:104–124. doi:10.1006/ jaar.1995.1006. cameron, c. m. 2006. leaving mesa verde. inthe mesa verde world, edited by d. g. noble, pp. 139147. school of american research press, santa fe, nm. colwell, c., and c. joy. 2015. communities and ethics in the heritage debates. in global heritage: a reader, edited by l. meskell, pp. 112–130. wiley blackwell, malden, ma. douglas, h. 2014. the moral terrain of science. erkenntnis 79:961–979. doi:10.1007/s10670-0139538-0. figueroa, r. m. 2001. other faces: latinos and environmental justice. in faces of environmental racism: confronting issues of global justice, edited by b. e. lawson, and l. westra, pp. 167–186. rowman and littlefield publishers, boston. figueroa, r. m. 2015. fire in the rain: exploring the moral terrains of mesa verde. in sushi in cortez: interdisciplinary essays on mesa verde, edited by j. d. taylor and s. wolverton, pp. 119–147. university of utah press, salt lake city. figueroa, r. m., and g. waitt. 2008. cracks in the mirror: (un)covering the moral terrains of environmental justice at uluru-kata tjuta national park. ethics, place & environment, 11:327–349. 10.1080/13668790802559726. figueroa, r. m., and g. waitt. 2010. climb. environmental philosophy 7:135–163. doi:10.5840/ envirophil20107219. fine-dare, k. s. 2002. grave injustice: the american indian repatriation movement and nagpra. university of nebraska press, lincoln. giblin, j., r. king, and b. smith. 2014. introduction: de-centring ethical assumptions by re-centring ethical debate in african archaeology. azania: archaeological research in africa 49:131–135. doi:10.1080/0067270x.2014.904979. gilmore, m. p., and w. h. eshbaugh. 2011. from researcher to partner: ethical challenges and issues facing the ethnobiological researcher. in ethnobiology, edited by e. n. anderson, d. m. pearsall, e. s. hunn, and n. j. turner, pp. 51–63. wiley blackwell, hoboken, nj. glowacki, d. m. 2015. living and leaving: a social history of regional depopulation in thirteenth-century mesa verde. university of arizona press, tucson. green, e. l. 1984. ethics and values in archaeology. free press, new york. hardison, p., and k. bannister. ethics in ethnobiology: history, international law and policy, and contemporary issues. in ethnobiology, edited by e. n. anderson, d. m. pearsall, e. s. hunn, and n. j. turner, pp. 27–49. wiley blackwell, hoboken, nj. international society of ethnobiology (ise). 2016. ise code of ethics online (english) [web page]. available at: http://www.ethnobiology.net/what-we -do/core-programs/ise-ethics-program/code-ofethics/code-in-english/. accessed on 10/4/2016. kohler, t. a., and m. d. varien, eds. 2012. emergence and collapse of early villages: models of central mesa verde archaeology. university of california press, berkeley. kohler, t. a., m. d. varien, a. wright, and k. a. kuckelman. 2008. mesa verde migrations: new archaeological research and computer simulation suggest why ancestral puebloans deserted the northern southwest united states. american scientist 96:146–153. leahy, j. t. 1986. embodied ethics: some common concerns of religion and business. journal of business ethics 5:465–472. doi:10.1007/bf00380753. lynott, m. j., and a. wylie. 1995. ethics in american archaeology: challenges for the 1990s. society for american archaeology, washington, dc. marshall, y. 2002. what is community archaeology? world archaeology 34:211–219. doi:10.1080/0043824022000007062. wolverton et al. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(2):23–31 31 research communications special issue on memoirs and memory meskell, l., ed. 2015. global heritage: a reader. wiley blackwell, malden, ma. naranjo, t. 1995. thoughts on migration by santa clara pueblo. journal of anthropological archaeology 14:247–250. doi:10.1006/jaar.1995.1013. naranjo, t. 2006. we came from the south, we came from the north: some tewa origin stories. in the mesa verde world, edited by d. g. noble, pp. 49–57. school of american research press, santa fe, nm. ortman, s. g. 2012. winds from the north: tewa origins and historical anthropology. university of utah press, salt lake city. plumwood, v. 2002. environmental culture: the ecological crisis of reason. routledge, new york city. proctor, j. d. 1995. whose nature? the contested moral terrain of ancient forests. in uncommon ground: toward reinventing nature, edited by w. cronon, pp. 269–297. w. w. norton, new york. proctor, j. d., and d. m. smith. 1999. geography and ethics: journeys in a moral terrain. routledge, london. register of professional archaeologists (rpa). 2016. code and standards [web page]. available at: http://rpanet.org/?page=codesandstandards. accessed on 10/4/2016. society for american archaeology (saa). 2016. principles of archaeological ethics [web page]. available at: http://www.saa.org/aboutthesociety/ principlesofarchaeologicalethics/tabid/203/ default.aspx. accessed on 10/4/2016. society for applied anthropology (sfaa). 2016. statement of ethics and professional responsibilities [web page]. available at: https://www.sfaa.net/ about/ethics/. accessed on 10/4/2016. stevens jr., s. m., s. wolverton, b. venables, a. barker, k. w. seeley, and p. adhikari. 2010. evaluation of microwave-assisted enzymatic digestion and tandem mass spectrometry for the identification of protein residues from an inorganic solid matrix: implications in archaeological research. analytical and bioanalytical chemistry 396:1491–1499. doi:10.1007/s00216-009-3341-4. suina, j. h. 2002. the persistence of the corn mothers. archaeologies of the pueblo revolt: identity, meaning, and renewal in the pueblo world. in archaeologies of the pueblo revolt: identity, meaning, and renewal in the pueblo world, edited by r. w. preucel, pp. 212–216. university of new mexico press, albuquerque. swentzell, p. 2015. irrigating astrofalfa. in sushi in cortez: interdisciplinary essays on mesa verde, edited by j. d. taylor, and s. wolverton, pp. 73–89. university of utah press, salt lake city. swidler, n., k. dongoske, r. anyon, and a. downer, eds. 1997. native americans and archaeologists: stepping stones to common ground. altamira, lanham, md. taylor, j. d. and s. wolverton, eds. 2015. sushi in cortez: interdisciplinary essays on mesa verde. university of utah press, salt lake city. tsosie, r. 2012. nagpra and the problem of culturally unidentifiable remains: the argument for a human rights framework. arizona state legal journal 44:809–905. tully, g. 2007. community archaeology: general methods and standards of practice. public archaeology 6:155-187. doi:10.1179/175355307x243645. varien, m. 1999. sedentism and mobility in a social landscape: mesa verde & beyond. university of arizona press, tucson. waitt, g., r. figueroa, and l. mcgee. 2007. fissures in the rock: rethinking pride and shame in the moral terrains of uluru. transactions of the institute of british geographers 32:248–263. doi:10.1111/j.14755661.2007.00240.x. watkins, j. 2014. repatriation of cultural property in the united states: a case study in nagpra (usa). in encyclopedia of global archaeology, pp. 6324– 6327. springer, new york. webb, s. a. 2015. social workers as ‘strong evaluators’: rethinking moral sources and professional identity. international journal of social science studies 3:143–151. doi:10.11114/ijsss.v3i6.1144. whyte, k. p. 2013. justice forward: tribes, climate adaptation and responsibility. climatic change 120:517–530. doi:10.1007/s10584-013-0743-2. world archaeological congress (wac). 2016. code of ethics [web page]. available at: http:// worldarch.org/code-of-ethics/. accessed on 10/24/2016. zimmerman, l. j., k. d. vitelli, and j. j. hollowellzimmer, eds. 2003. ethical issues in archaeology. rowman altamira, lanham, md. using ethnotaxonomy to assess traditional knowledge and language vitality: a case study with the vaie people of sarawak, malaysia hidayati et al. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(2):33–47 33 research communications populations adapt to their new ecosystems (van andel et al. 2014), indicate linguistic stratigraphy (bostoen 2007), solve important questions related to distribution of iconic trees (rangan et al. 2015), and unravel mysteries of domestication of food plants (donohue and denham 2009). drawing from a collaborative study conducted with the vaie people of sarawak in malaysia, this article demonstrates an additional dimension of folk taxonomy: the possibility of using folk names to assess a community’s tk and language vitality simultaneously (franco et al. 2015). the vaie people and language the vaie people, popularly known as ba’ie or bintulu, speak a language known by various names such as bintulu, ba’ie, or vaie (asmah 1983; ibrahim 1971). the community prefers to refer to themselves and introduction one of the major contributions of ethnobiology was the conceptualization in the 1960s of a theoretical framework for folk taxonomy (hunn 2007). three decades later, the concept of biocultural diversity was born, coinciding with a renewed academic interest in the synergy between indigenous languages, traditional knowledge (tk), and biological diversity. this concept paved the way for a new wave of research that focused significantly on the use of vernacular/folk names, analyzing them both from a linguistic and tk perspective (evans 1997; kakudidi 2004; turpin 2013; unasho 2013; zariquiey 2014). researchers have demonstrated that folk names are not mere lexemes, but condensed forms of knowledge with multiple applications. analyses of folk names have helped us understand how migrant using ethnotaxonomy to assess traditional knowledge and language vitality: a case study with the vaie people of sarawak, malaysia syafitri hidayati 1 , bibi aminah abdul ghani 2 , beena giridharan 3 , mohd zafri hassan 4 , and f. merlin franco 5, 6* 1 faculty of engineering and science, curtin university malaysia, miri. 2 the faculty of language and communication, universiti malaysia sarawak (unimas), kuching. 3 office of the pro vice chancellor, curtin university malaysia, miri. 4 faculty of agriculture and food sciences universiti putra malaysia bintulu campus, bintulu. 5 curtin university malaysia, miri. 6 institute of asian studies, universiti brunei darussalam *tropicalforezt@gmail.com abstract this article demonstrates the potential of using ethnotaxonomy and nomenclature to assess the vitality status of indigenous languages and traditional knowledge at the ecosystem level. we collaborated with the vaie people of sarawak, malaysia, applying a mixed methodology approach that relies on free-listing to a large extent. we applied the traditional knowledge and language vitality (tralavi) index to assess traditional knowledge and language vitality against five major parameters, specifically: language priority, retrieval of information, knowledge erosion, lexical recognition, and social support for exchange of traditional knowledge. the results show that with a tralavi score of 0.84, the vaie language can be considered “safe”. individuals practicing the traditional occupation of fishing fared better (mean=0.90) than those of the non-fishermen group (mean=0.77). however, when the language vitality was assessed using the language vitality and endangerment assessment tool of unesco, the results indicate that the vaie language could potentially be in the “unsafe” zone, highlighting the differences between the ecosystem based approach of tralavi and the macro-approach of unesco. however, these approaches can be applied in a complementary manner to generate a more accurate portrayal of the language vitality scenario. received july 7, 2016 open access accepted september 11, 2017 doi 10.14237/ebl.9.2.2018.740 keywords folk names, vernacular names, language vitality and endangerment, linguistic ethnobiology copyright © 2018 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. hidayati et al. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(2):33–47 34 research communications their language as “vaie”. consequently, in this article the term “vaie” is used to refer to both the community and their language. traditionally, they practice a fishing system called panau where fishes such as parastromateus niger, atule mate, carangoides praeustus, carangoides armatus, and carangoides coeruleopinnatus are trapped using a lure made from nipah leaves (nypa fruticans wurmb). some researchers consider vaie to be a variant of the melanau language (asmah 1983), though blust (1974) and zaini (1989) consider it to bear little similarities to other melanau languages in the region. ethnologue too lists the language as a distinct one under the name “bintulu” (simons and fennig 2017), in concurrence with the emic consideration. most of the vaie people in bintulu maintain a diglossic situation in which malay and vaie languages are used for different purposes. besides native speakers, the vaie language is also spoken by a small section of other indigenous communities in bintulu. today, the vaie language is spoken in the kampung (villages) close to bintulu town, namely: kampung masjid, kampung sinong, kampung datuk, kampung sibiew, kampung baru, kampung jepak, kampung sebuan, kampung batu sepuluh, and kidurung. according to the department of statistics, malaysia, the total population of bintulu in the year 2010 was 183,892, with ibans comprising 42%, chinese 21%, melanau 12%, malays 10%, and bidayuh, indian, non-malaysians and other indigenous groups 14%. it is highly possible that vaie people were included under the melanau group, bringing the population to an estimated 23,000. our interviews with the vaie people indicate that the population may in fact number only around 18,000, qualifying it as a “small” community as defined by krauss (1991). the alliance for linguistic diversity (2015) considers vaie to be a “vulnerable” language (also see: ghani 2006). methodology we assessed language priority (criterion a), adeptness in retrieving information in both the autochthonous language and allochthonous language (criterion b), knowledge erosion (criterion c), lexical recognition (criterion d), and social support for exchange of tk (criterion e) by applying the tralavi index developed by franco et al. (2015). the study closely follows the methodology suggested by franco et al. (2015), except that plants have been replaced by fishes in the present study. as the community is traditionally a fishing community, we assumed that knowledge related to fishes would be common to all members of the community, and community members who have drifted away from the traditional occupation of fishing could show decline in tk related to fishes. the fieldwork for the research was undertaken in december 2014–february 2015 in collaboration with the vaie people of kampung kuala tatau, kampung segan, kampung sebuan, kampung jepak, kampung batu 10, kampung sebiew, kampung baru, kampung dato, kampung sinong, and kampung masjid, kidurong, and kampung asyakirin in the bintulu region. ethical clearance for the study was obtained from the curtin ethics committee (approval no. csea 041214, dated 4 december 2014), and a research permit was attained from the sarawak state planning unit prior to the commencement of the study. informed consent was obtained from each individual before the interview; the entire study conforms to the code of ethics of the international society of ethnobiology (2006). in addition, informal conversations were carried out with prominent individuals of the community to ensure that the methodology and outcome were culturally relevant, and reflected the community’s needs and concerns. fourteen knowledgeable individuals aged 59 and above (male n=8, female n=6), selected on the basis of their reputation as traditional knowledge holders, were invited to participate in open-ended interviews to elicit baseline information on the vaie culture, language, and tk. vaie tk on fishes, including folk names and their meanings, culinary recipes, totems, taboos, ecology, and folklore were documented through in-depth interviews. we used the international phonetic alphabet (ipa) to transcribe vaie fish names following ghani (1992), and the data were analyzed to develop an outline of vaie ethnotaxonomy and its nomenclatural system. in the second phase, 16 elders (male n=8, female n=8) above the age of sixty who did not participate in the previous phase were randomly selected and invited to free-list 25 fish names. this participant group was limited to only vaie people with vaie parents and vaie grandparents, to conform to the cultural definition of “vaie” prevailing within the community. from the interviews, 25 final candidate fishes were shortlisted on the basis of salience (table 1). open-ended conversations were carried out after the focused interviews to elicit tk on all fishes known to the vaie community. the shortlisted fishes were identified scientifically using field guides and identification hidayati et al. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(2):33–47 35 research communications sheets (khiok and ali 2014; khiok and gambang 2009). the primary author then accompanied community members to various fish landing sites and local markets to collect specimens and to photograph the identified fishes; these photographs were later used as visual stimuli for criterion d. the third phase involved interviewing members of the younger generation identified through snowball sampling (luborsky and rubinstein 1995). since the community practiced fishing traditionally, fishing was considered a key indicator of their culture and the participants in this phase were divided into two clusters: cluster 1 was comprised of participants who were involved in the traditional profession of fishing (n=30, 20–50 years); cluster 2 (n=30, 20–50 years) was comprised of participants who were not involved in fishing as a profession. cluster 1 was comprised of 15 males who practiced fishing and 15 female participants whose husbands were fishermen. culturally, vaie women are not involved in fishing, yet they play an important supportive role in helping their husbands to grade fish according to their quality, and in converting them into value-added products. cluster 2 included five individuals who practiced fishing as a hobby, as well as their wives, in addition to people who did not practice fishing. participants were requested to answer a simple questionnaire for assessing language proficiency. the questions were: (1) what is your first language (l1)? (2) how many languages do you speak? (3) what is your second language (l2)? (4) my proficiency in vaie language is*… (5) my proficiency in (l2) is*… *note that questions 4 and 5 used a five point likert scale: very poor (1), poor (2), moderate (3), good (4), and very good (5). subsequently, semi-structured interviews were also conducted to elicit information required to calculate the traditional knowledge and language vitality index (tralavi), and results were tabulated following franco et al. (2015) for analysis. during the interviews, participants free-listed fish names both in l1 and l2; the time taken for free-listing was noted following franco et al. (2015). in addition, the results of the language proficiency questionnaire used by the participants were correlated with criteria a of the tralavi table to understand if the participants’ selfassessment reflected the actual extent of priority accorded to l1. criterion c of the tralavi assesses participants’ ability to interpret vernacular names, which becomes problematic in the case of fishes denoted by unanalyzable lexemes; participants with sound language and tk would not be able to provide the meaning for such names. to overcome this, a full rating was given for such lexemes provided that participants clearly identify the lexeme as “unanalyzable”. while the values for the tralavi table indicate the overall vitality status of the community’s language and tk, sub-analyses of the clusters and the genders provide insights into the intra -communal dynamics of the language and tk. to provide a comparative outlook of the linguistic vitality scenario, the tralavi values were then compared against that of the language vitality and endangerment (lve index) developed by the unesco ad hoc group on endangered languages, in 2003. further, an open-ended interview consisting of leads meant to elicit information required for the nine factors listed by the lve was carried out with the 60 respondents who had participated in the tralavi interviews. these results were also compared with that of tralavi. results and discussion as a fishing community, the vaie people regard fish as being culturally significant. all 25 fishes salient in the community are either fried, steamed, made into curry, or smoked/ salted for preserving. notable mentions were njen tengiriq (scomberomorus commerson and scomberomorus guttatus) consumed as a tonic/vitalizer by new mothers, njen tavai (wallago leerii) that is featured prominently in folklore connected to the origin of the vaie people, and njen gilau (clarias nieuhofii) and njen seqael (plotosus canius), which are considered toxic, thus requiring detoxification before consumption. a noteworthy feature of the shortlisted fish names is that the majority (20/25) of the lexemes used to denote the fishes were unanalyzable. the results of the study are presented in tables 1–3. on the basis of the average value obtained, the tralavi scale categorizes language and tk into dead (0), moribund (0.1–0.25), endangered (0.25–0.5), vulnerable (0.5– 0.75), and safe (0.75–1). with an average value of 0.84, the vaie language can be deemed in the “safe” category on the tralavi scale (table 2). this indicates that the vaie people have been adept in balancing their proficiency in l1 and l2 while at the same time maintaining their tk. in general, individuals from the fishermen group c1 did better (mean=0.90) than hidayati et al. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(2):33–47 36 research communications no. vernacular name scientific name uses meaning of vernacular 1 njen ruay parastromateus niger (bloch, 1795) sold fresh, unaffordable fish around 20-35 myr/ kg. it is given three names according to its life stages and size. used to prepare umai raway. the stomach is used to prepare tagik (preserved in glass bottle). unanalyzable 2 njen tengiriq scomberomorus commerson (lacepède, 1800) sold fresh, smoked, or salted. commonly fried, cooked with turmeric, or as curry. preparation of pipos that is consumed by new mothers. unanalyzable scomberomorus guttatus (bloch & schneider, 1801) 3 njen jamah atule mate (cuvier, 1833) sold fresh. caught using the panau traditional fishing technique. preparation of umai. one of the favorite fishes of vaie. refers to the carangidae group 4 njen puqoq otolithoides biauritus (cantor, 1849) sold fresh, dried or salted. favorite fish; dried or salted, fried or cooked as curry. unanalyzable 5 njen buleng nemapteryx macronotacantha (bleeker1846) sold fresh and smoked. has a corrupted name njen proton saga. unanalyzable 6 njen piras setipinna breviceps (cantor, 1849) sold fresh. preparation of umai. the most favorite fish for making umai. sometimes also fried. unanalyzable 7 njen pay neotrygon kuhlii (müller & henle, 1841) sold fresh or salted. heart of the fish is highly priced. commonly cooked as curry, roasted, or as masak sambal. unanalyzable 8 qeret carcharhinus amblyrhynchos (whiteley, 1934) sold fresh. preparation of umai, commonly cooked as curry and soups. sometimes roasted without oil since the fish is oily. unanalyzable 9 njen seqael plotosus canius (hamilton, 1822) sold fresh. it is toxic and requires treatment before cooking. commonly cooked with coconut milk, curry, or masak sambal. unanalyzable 10 njen lata’ lobotes surinamensis (bloch, 1790) sold fresh. head is the favorite part, commonly cooked as curry or spicy-sour curry. some people also like to roast the fish. unanalyzable 11 njen gagog arius sp. sold fresh and smoked. has a corrupted name njen proton saga. unanalyzable table 1 twenty-five culturally salient fishes of the vail people. (continued on next page) hidayati et al. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(2):33–47 37 research communications no. vernacular name scientific name uses meaning of vernacular 12 njen reman rastrliger kanagurta sold fresh or salted. commonly fried. abundant and always available in markets. unanalyzable rastrelliger brachysoma (bleeker, 1851) 13 njen taoq osteogeneiosus militaris (linnaeus, 1758) sold fresh or smoked. unanalyzable 14 njen tavai wallago leerii (bleeker, 1851) sold fresh. commonly cooked inside bamboo (pansuh). appears in the folklore connected unanalyzable 15 njen bageng arius maculatus (thunberg, 1792) sold fresh and smoked, has a corrupted name njen proton saga. unanalyzable 16 njen bibeq pampus argenteus (euphrasen, 1788) sold fresh. commonly fried for consumption. unanalyzable 17 njen da’ie kryptopterus kryptopterus (bleeker, 1851) sold fresh. commonly cooked without gut due to the high fecal content. considered as a favorite fish of chinese. da’ie= ta’ie = feces; the fish feeds on feces 18 njen kelapa lactarius lactarius (bloch & schneider, 1801) sold fresh or dried. abundant and always available in market. commonly fried or cooked with turmeric. kelapa= coconut; fish is as white as coconut meat. 19 njen selusong lates calcarifer (bloch, 1790) sold fresh. unaffordable fish around 35 myr/ kg. usually steamed, head preferred and unanalyzable 20 njen terupbuk tenualosa toli (valenciennes, 1847) sold fresh or salted following kuching culture. usually fried. unanalyzable 21 njen bengetot ilisha pristigastroides (bleeker 1852) sold fresh or dried and salted. usually made into the pickle “masak sambal” and roasted. makes a sound “tod” when caught. “tot”= sound tot; the fish produces a “tot” sound when caught. 22 njen gilau clarias nieuhofii (valenciennes, 1840) sold fresh and usually fried, cooked with coconut milk, and masak sambal. it is mildly toxic and has to be detoxified before consumption unanalyzable table 1 twenty-five culturally salient fishes of the vail people. (continued on next page) (continued from previous page) hidayati et al. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(2):33–47 38 research communications no. vernacular name scientific name uses meaning of vernacular 23 njen qapaw epinephelus sexfasciatus (valenciennes, 1828) sold fresh. fish with one of the highest price tags; in huge demand for seafood restaurants. commonly prepared as masak sambal, curry, or fried. unanalyzable cepalopholis boenak (bloch, 1790) epinephelus areolatus (forsskål, 1775) 24 njen tuqol thunnus tonggol (bleeker, 1851) sold fresh or smoked. usually fried, cooked with turmeric, cooked as curry or with coconut milk. abundant and always available in marunanalyzable 25 njen alu-alu sphyraena barracuda (edwards, 1771) sold fresh, usually cooked as curry or with coconut milk. alu-alu = rice pestle; the fish is cylindrical and long as the pestle used to pound rice. table 1 twenty-five culturally salient fishes of the vail people. (continued from previous page) hidayati et al. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(2):33–47 39 research communications p a cluster sex proficiency time (s) criteria tralavi score l1 b l2 c l1 l2 a b c d e 1 1 m 5 5 219 269 25 24 24 23 23 0.952 2 1 m 5 5 217 452 25 24 23 23 23 0.944 3 1 m 5 5 196 537 25 25 25 23 23 0.968 4 1 m 5 3 261 303 25 24 24 24 24 0.968 5 1 m 5 3 189 377 25 24 24 23 23 0.952 6 1 m 5 3 276 562 25 25 25 24 24 0.984 7 1 m 5 5 604 602 25 21 21 23 23 0.904 8 1 m 5 5 249 427 25 25 25 24 24 0.984 9 1 m 5 4 225 871 25 24 24 23 23 0.952 10 1 m 5 5 240 256 25 22 22 20 20 0.872 11 1 m 5 5 233 335 25 23 23 17 17 0.840 12 1 m 5 3 329 1050 25 21 21 19 19 0.840 13 1 m 5 5 114 233 25 22 22 17 17 0.824 14 1 m 5 4 128 267 25 25 25 21 21 0.936 15 1 m 5 4 147 150 25 24 24 25 25 0.984 16 1 f 5 5 267 332 25 25 25 22 22 0.952 17 1 f 5 5 161 338 25 24 24 21 21 0.920 18 1 f 5 5 178 234 25 24 24 20 20 0.904 19 1 f 5 5 905 745 25 23 23 19 19 0.872 20 1 f 5 5 360 891 25 25 25 20 20 0.920 21 1 f 5 5 334 863 25 25 25 18 18 0.888 22 1 f 5 5 303 189 25 24 24 21 21 0.920 23 1 f 5 5 224 180 25 24 24 18 18 0.872 24 1 f 5 5 283 319 25 24 24 17 17 0.856 25 1 f 5 5 385 413 25 22 22 16 16 0.808 26 1 f 5 5 233 315 25 24 24 18 18 0.872 27 1 f 5 4 365 716 25 23 23 16 16 0.824 28 1 f 5 5 114 120 25 22 22 13 13 0.760 29 1 f 5 3 211 gave up 25 24 24 20 20 0.904 30 1 f 5 3 236 gave up 25 22 22 15 15 0.792 (continued on next page) table 2 traditional knowledge and language vitality of vaie people. a participant, b vaie language, c malay language,*part-time fishermen. hidayati et al. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(2):33–47 40 research communications p a cluster sex proficiency time (s) criteria tralavi score l1 b l2 c l1 l2 a b c d e 31 2* m 5 3 447 861 25 23 23 21 21 0.904 32 2* m 5 5 199 462 25 24 24 23 23 0.952 33 2* m 5 5 220 308 25 24 24 22 22 0.936 34 2* m 5 5 447 867 25 23 23 22 22 0.920 35 2* m 5 5 207 209 25 25 25 23 23 0.968 36 2 m 5 5 259 242 15 23 23 20 20 0.808 37 2 m 5 5 200 252 25 21 21 6 6 0.632 38 2 m 5 5 233 180 15 23 23 15 15 0.728 39 2 m 5 5 772 347 0 20 20 13 12 0.520 40 2 m 5 5 368 316 15 23 23 13 12 0.688 41 2 m 5 5 247 293 25 25 25 19 19 0.904 42 2 m 5 3 364 335 15 25 25 15 0 0.640 43 2 m 5 5 364 335 15 25 25 15 15 0.760 44 2 m 5 5 262 618 25 24 24 20 20 0.904 45 2 m 5 4 309 154 0 22 22 20 20 0.672 46 2 f 5 5 181 334 25 24 24 24 24 0.968 47 2 f 5 5 675 304 0 24 24 17 17 0.656 48 2* f 5 5 287 349 25 23 23 22 22 0.920 49 2 f 5 2 468 1006 25 22 22 10 2 0.648 50 2 f 5 4 511 482 15 23 23 12 2 0.600 51 2 f 5 4 649 229 0 21 21 12 5 0.472 52 2 f 5 5 231 229 15 24 24 11 11 0.680 53 2 f 5 5 227 212 15 21 21 14 13 0.672 54 2 f 5 3 265 258 15 23 23 13 10 0.672 55 2 f 5 2 668 gave up 25 24 24 11 11 0.760 56 2 f 5 2 224 411 25 25 25 14 14 0.824 57 2* f 5 5 280 204 15 25 25 21 21 0.856 58 2* f 5 4 236 456 25 23 23 19 19 0.872 59 2* f 5 3 236 456 25 23 23 17 17 0.840 60 2* f 5 5 419 562 25 23 23 15 15 0.808 table 2. traditional knowledge and language vitality of vaie people. (continued from previous page) a participant, b vaie language, c malay language,*part-time fishermen. hidayati et al. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(2):33–47 41 research communications those who belonged to the non-fishermen group, c2 (mean=0.77). however, with a mean score of 0.77, the language and tk vitality of the non-fishermen group is only slightly above the score of 0.75 that would indicate a “vulnerable” status as per the tralavi scale. the results of the study can be further compartmentalized as below. language priority and retrieval of information (criteria a, b) the vaie people are generally proficient in more than one language. in addition to vaie, they may also be adept in melanau, iban, kedayan, or malay, with the malay being either standard malay, brunei malay, or both (edris and ghani 1992; ghani 2014). all 60 participants declared themselves as proficient in vaie in the language proficiency questionnaire. thirty-nine (65%) participants declared that they were “very good” in malay, while eight (13%) participants stated that they were “good” in malay (four from c1 and 4 from c2); ten participants (17%) regarded their proficiency in malay to be “moderate” (six from c1 and four from c2), and three participants (5%) rated their language skills in malay to be “poor” (all from c2). all participants who declared themselves not fully proficient in malay were above 40 years old, indicating greater acquisition of malay in the age group < 40. three respondents (one from c1 and two from c2) were unable to complete the list of 25 fishes in malay and withdrew from the survey after ten minutes. a weak correlation (r=-0.235) was found between self-assessed language proficiency and the time taken for free-listing in l1 and l2 (criteria a). this indicates that vaie people are unaware of the loss of proficiency in l1, with their l2 gradually replacing l1. this is ascertained from the fact that people who self-assessed their l1 proficiency as “very good” had difficulty in free-listing fish names in l1, but had little difficulty in l2. although the mean score for criteria a that assessed adeptness in bilingualism is 21.7, the non-fishermen group (c2) had a noticeably lower score of 18.3 than the group (c1, 25.0) who practice fishing. perhaps this is the beginning of a language shift in the case of vaie members who have moved away from their traditional occupation of fishing. however, both clusters returned similar scores for criterion b indicating that participants exhibited a healthy trend in retrieving information in l1. this could also mean that any shift towards l2 happening on the ground can be reversed with appropriate fishermen (c2) group, 53% of participants stated that interventions or measures. knowledge erosion (criterion c) as understood from the average values, participants from both the clusters did well in this criterion (c1=23.6; c2=23.3) indicating that knowledge erosion is not a concern at this stage. however, it should be noted that the majority of the fishes in the culturally salient list (20/25) were identified by unanalyzable lexemes by the community (table 1). this is a major drawback of the methodology noted during the course of study. although unanalyzable lexemes are a vital component of ethnotaxonomic systems, this criterion may not be reliable in situations where a large number of unanalyzable lexemes turn out to be salient. lexical recognition (criterion d) all participants reported that they were able to relate positively to the visual stimuli comprising of 25 fish images. participants from cluster 1 had a higher mean score of 20.1, while those in cluster 2 had a lower mean score of 16.6, indicating that individuals who followed the traditional occupation of fishing were more skilled in recognizing the species due to their constant interaction with the marine ecosystem and the diversity of fishes they came across. our study also found noticeable differences between the mean scores of males (c1=21.9, c2=17.8) and females (c1=18.3, c2=15.1). this phenomenon could be attributed to the fact that vaie women culturally play a supportive role in fishing, though it is predominantly the men who carry out the fishing activities. the inability to recognize visuals may not always correspond to lack of knowledge, as lack of familiarity with the medium (case et al. 2006), or lack of ability to feel the specimens (wester and yongvanit 2006), could also influence the ability to recognize specimens. our interviews also showed that vaie tk is gender sensitive with men specializing in areas such as the ecology and morphology of fishes while women are the custodians of knowledge related to the processing and grading of fish, recipes, and folklore. social support for exchange of tk (criterion e) of the total sample pool (c1 and c2), 65% reported that their parents were the primary source from which they had acquired tk. however, a cluster-wise analysis shows that all participants of the fishermen group (c1) had acquired their knowledge on fish (primarily) from parents and grandparents. in the non hidayati et al. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(2):33–47 42 research communications they had acquired knowledge from the local markets where they procure fish, 31% from parents and grandparents, 3% from media, 2% from books and schools, and 11% from friends. this shows that for the community members who had experienced occupational shift, the market had become the main source of knowledge of fishes, though parents and family members continued to impart tk. the surveys undertaken at the three main markets of bintulu (pasar utama bintulu, pasar kampung baru, and pasar abf) show that malay, melanau, vaie, chinese, iban, and bahasa indonesia are the most frequently used trade languages depending on the ethnicity of the traders and consumers. it is known that people who migrate from various places, with different sets of tk and skills, adapt to new ecosystems while influencing each other (van andel et al. 2014). this feature was also observable at the markets studied, where vendors traded fish along with the knowledge and lexemes connected to them. two phenomena directly influencing tk and language noted in this study are: 1) the grouping of fishes and 2) the modification of fish names based on the market language. the grouping of fish is the clustering of fishes in the market for trade purposes. at these local markets, the terms satu tompok (one bundle), ikan campur (mixed fish) and ikan satu malaysia (one malaysia fish) are used to group multiple fishes. thus, satu tompok is a simple cluster of otherwise unrelated fishes put together in a plate, bucket, or simply heaped and sold together, while ikan satu malaysia is another group of unrelated fishes named after the popular “one malaysia” campaign of malaysia’s prime minister that emphasizes ethnic harmony, national unity, and efficient governance. consumers who buy these groups of fishes gradually develop a cognitive notion that these categories of fishes are related to each other. an example of a modified name is “ikan proton saga” meaning “proton saga fish”, used to group four different species such as osteogeneiosus militaris, nemapteryx macronotacantha, arius sp., and arius maculatus. proton saga is a popular car brand, produced by proton malaysia ltd., and fishes generally grouped under this name tend to have a larger head profile with a black-silver color, reminding people of the car brand. the vaie names for these fishes are njen buleng, njen taoq, njen gagog and njen bageng respectively. these two phenomena show how markets influence tk and language in the nonfishermen group (c2). an analysis of how markets contribute to the distortion of traditional knowledge related to fish names showed that markets were the source of 58% of inaccurate knowledge (modification/substitution of local folk names with non-local ones), and 53% of the correct knowledge related to fish names and identification. additionally, markets have also replaced 31% of fish names with names from languages other than vaie. of the total participants of both clusters, 97% (58 people) were married adults who reported active transmitting of fish knowledge to their children. participants from c2 reported their inability to acquire tk from the formal schooling they had undergone, and 20 participants of this cluster were of the view that the tralavi assessment helped them realize the limitations they had in terms of depth of vaie tk. interestingly, only 10% of the 60 respondents reported acquiring knowledge from folklore and taboos (c1 n=5 individuals, c2 n=1 individual). our baseline study documented very little information on folklore and taboos, indicating that a significant portion of this segment of tk and language may irrevocably be lost. the results for this criterion show that social interaction had been taking place, albeit at different levels, that are specific to the clusters. in the fishermen group, the traditional route of tk acquisition and transmission largely prevailed, while in the non-fishermen group, the market provided the main platform for knowledge acquisition. although rural markets are referred to as important sites for social interaction and exchange of knowledge (tumbuan et al. 2006; watson and studdert 2006), they open up greater possibilities of external knowledge infusion into the community, in the absence of community-driven conservation efforts. assessing vaie language vitality using unesco’s lve framework table 3 provides the summarized results of the language vitality assessment using unesco’s language vitality and endangerment index (lve). the results show that the language vitality scenario of the vaie language can be considered as largely “unsafe” despite the high language pride exhibited by the community. the results of lve indicates that intergenerational transmission, number of speakers, trends in language usage, response to new domains and education, policy support, and documentation are not on the side of the language and urgent intervention measures are required. hidayati et al. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(2):33–47 43 research communications factor degree statement 1. intergenerational language transmission 4 (unsafe) all sixty participants declared that they speak vaie and are also involved in transmitting it to the younger generation. vaie children and families speak vaie as l1. however, our interviews show that the language usage is confined exclusively to the domains’ family and peer group (vaie to vaie), and transmitted incompletely between generations. thus, the vaie language falls into the unsafe (rating: 4) category, as suggested by the lve. 2. absolute number of speakers 18,000 (unsafe) spoken by around 18,000 individuals, vaie can be categorized as a small language community. 3. proportion of speakers within the total population 4 (unsafe) three participants reported that 60% of the community speak vaie, another three people reported 70%, 21 reported 75%, 11 reported 80%, 10 reported (85%), four reported 90%, and seven reported 95%. the maximum percentage of 100% was declared by just one participant. the mean value of 80% could be considered as the proportion of vaie speakers to the total vaie population, and can thus be categorized as “unsafe”. 4. trends in existing language domain 4 (multilingual parity) 1. malay becomes the primary language for official purposes 2. vaie is used in social domains 3.vaie people are bilinguals 4. the vaie believe that malay is the language of social and economic opportunity 5. response to new domain and media 1 (minimal) the vaie language is used only in a few new domains. of the 60 participants, 43 were of the view that vaie is used only in a few new domains and 17 stated that there were no new domains where vaie is applied. although we see the beginning of a progressive upward trend here, as we came across a few websites, blogs, social media pages using vaie, we provide a rating of “1” indicating a long way ahead. 6. material for language education and literacy 1 (little material) vaie orthography is known to the community and some material is being written. we could document only two books and a dictionary in vaie. participants were of the view that little educational materials are available in vaie despite the earnest efforts of a few community members. thus, we assign a score of “1”, indicating that little materials are available to the community in l1. table 3 results of the language vitality and endangerment index (unesco 2003). (continued on next page) hidayati et al. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(2):33–47 44 research communications factor degree statement 7. governmental and institutional language attitudes and policies, including official status use 4 (differentiated support) malay is the national language government recognizes the vaie language the vaie language is mostly confined to domestic and social domains 8. community members’ attitudes toward their own language 5 (high language pride) immense language pride; all participants were of the view that the vaie language has to be promoted in all domains. participants link the vaie language with their identity, heritage and ecosystem. 9. amount and quality of documentation 1 (inadequate) only a few grammatical and short word lists exist; there are no known audio-visual recordings of vaie. people widely hold the belief that vaie is an orally transmitted language. (continued from previous page) table 3 results of the language vitality and endangerment index (unesco 2003). hidayati et al. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(2):33–47 45 research communications conclusion the study concludes that the vaie language could be regarded as “safe” for the moment. however, closer scrutiny indicates that community members practicing traditional fishing demonstrate greater language and tk vitality than non-fishermen. although the results for the non-fishermen group indicate a “safe” status, the results hover close to the “vulnerable” status, indicating the need for intervention. an important outcome of the tralavi approach is the insight into knowledge transmission patterns within the community, as understood from criterion e. this provides opportunities for planning precise intervention measures for sustaining the vaie language and tk. as expected, tralavi provides an ecosystem level evaluation of the status of language and tk vitality. nevertheless, it addresses only one part of the question and ignores the external factors influencing language and tk vitality. in this study, the external factors influencing language vitality have been established only by the application of the unesco index that deals exclusively with language vitality. other limitations noted during the course of study are: 1) tracing the origin of fish names. our respondents often struggled to identify the loan words. in-depth interviews delving into the cultural background of the lexemes were helpful; a superficial application of the index would have been either insufficient or resulted in erroneous data. 2) elaborate fieldwork is required at least during the initial stage to document information on fishes. the lead researcher was living with the community for the entire course of the study which helped in expediting data collection. 3) as noted in franco et al. (2015), the tralavi approach may not be suitable for languages that are not ecosystem specific. in the vaie context, both the language and the tk are ecosystem specific. with due consideration to the abovementioned limitations, the study shows that tralavi can be successfully applied on the field to assess language and tk vitality, so as to complement existing indices such as the lve developed by unesco. declaration of conflicting interests we declare no conflict of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article. acknowledgements we express our sincere gratitude to the ministry of education, malaysia and the firebird foundation for anthropological research for the generous funding and support. special thanks to prof. george n. appell of the foundation for his constant support and encouragement. we also thank the state planning unit, sarawak for permitting us to carry out this research. the fieldwork wouldn’t have been possible without timely help from prof. ian kerr, former pvc of curtin university, sarawak malaysia, prof. alvin w. yeo of isiti, universiti malaysia sarawak, prof. yudi samyudia, and mr. alex hiang boon chung of curtin university sarawak. we thank the bintulu district fisheries office and the persatuan nelayan kawasan bintulu for sharing valuable data and literature. special thanks to encik bolhassan bin ismail, encik mat bin suai, encik kapeh bin hosen, encik ibrahim bin saad, puan sahanian binti sulong, and all participants from the vaie community for accepting our invitation for collaboration and for participating in this study. this paper has also benefitted from the discussions the first author held with ms. savitri kurnia, formerly at culture and language studies, curtin university malaysia, and the suggestions received from dr. kathrina bte dp haji mohd daud of universiti brunei darussalam. funding this research received funding from the ministry of education, malaysia through its frgs scheme, and a fellowship awarded to merlin franco by the firebird foundation for anthropological research, usa. references cited alliance for linguistic diversity. bintulu [web page]. url: http://www.endangeredlanguages.com/lang/ bny. accessed on october 5, 2015. asmah, h.o. 1983. the malay peoples of malaysia and their languages. dewan bahasa dan pustaka, kementerian pelajaran, kuala lumpur, malaysia. blust, r. a. 1974. the proto-north sarawak vowel deletion hypothesis. the university of hawaii press, honolulu, hi. bostoen, k. 2007. bantu plant names as indicators of linguistic stratigraphy in the western province of zambia. in selected proceedings of the 37th annual conference on african linguistics, edited by d. payne, pp. 16–29. cascadilla press, somerville, ma. case, r.j., s. g. franzblau, y. wang, s. h. chob, d.d. soejarto, and g.f. pauli. 2006. ethnopharmacological evaluation of the informant hidayati et al. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(2):33–47 46 research communications consensus model on anti-tuberculosis claims among the manus. journal of ethno-pharmacology 106:82–89. doi:10.1016/j.jep.2005.12.005. department of statistics, malaysia. 2010. population and housing census of malaysia. department of statistics, putrajaya, malaysia. donohue, m., and t. denham. 2009. banana (musa spp.) domestication in the asia-pacific region: linguistic and archaeobotanical perspectives. ethnobotany research & applications 7:293–332. doi:10.17348/era.7.0.293-332. edris, a., and b. a. a. ghani. 1992. the influences of the sociocultural environment and other languages on the bintulu dialect: an overview. sarawak museum journal 153:343–355. evans, n. 1997. sign metonymies and the problem of flora-fauna polysemy in australian linguistics. in boundary rider: essays in honour of geoffrey o’ grady, edited by d. tryon and m. walsh, pp.c–136:133– 153. pacific linguistics, canberra, australia. fabunmi, f.a., and a.s. salawu. 2005. is yorùbá an endangered language? nordic journal of african studies 14:391–408. fishman, j.a. 1991. reversing language shift. multilingual matters ltd, clevedon, uk. franco, f.m., s. hidayati, b. a. a ghani, and b. r. malancon. 2015. ethnotaxonomic systems can reflect the vitality status of indigenous languages and traditional knowledge. indian journal of traditional knowledge 14:175–182. ghani, b. a. a. 1992. the bintulu dialect—an introduction. sarawak museum journal 153: 321–341. ghani, b. a. a. 2006. the concept of language shift and maintenance. in essays in honour of professor james t. collins: reflection in borneo rivers, edited by s. chong, k. harun, y. alas and j. t. collins, pp. 111 –123. stain pontianak press, indonesia. ghani, b. a. a. 2014. bahasa dan masyarakat vaie. in daftar kata bahasa vaie-bahasa melayu, edited by a. hjh asmiah, w. mohd riduwan and a. santrol, pp. xix–xxix. dewan bahasa & pustaka, sarawak, malaysia. hunn, e. 2007. ethnobiology in four phases. journal of ethnobiology 27:1–10. doi:10.2993/0278-0771 (2007)27[1:eifp]2.0.co;2. ibrahim, s. 1971. kisah bintulu. borneo literature bureau, kicking, malaysia. international society of ethnobiology. 2006. the ise code of ethics [webpage]. url: http:// ethnobiology.net/code-of-ethics/. accessed on 9 may 2017. kakudidi, e.k. 2004. folk plant classification by communities around kibale national park, western uganda. african journal of ecology 42:57–63. doi:10.1111/j.1365-2028.2004.00462.x khiok, a. l. p., and a. c. gambang. 2009. field guide to marine & estuarine fishes of sarawak. fisheries research institute bintawa, kuching, malaysia. khiok, a. l. p., and a. ali. 2014. marine fishes identification sheet. department of fisheries malaysia, ministry of agriculture and agro-based industry, malaysia. krauss, m. 1992. the world’s language in crisis. language 68:4–10. doi:10.1353/lan.1992.0075. luborsky, m.r., and r. l. rubinstein.1995. sampling in qualitative research. research on aging 17:89–113. doi:10.1177/0164027595171005. rangan, h., k. l. bell, d. a. baum, r. fowler, p. mcconvell, t. saunders, s. spronck, c. a. kull, and d. j. murphy. 2015. new genetic and linguistic analyses show ancient human influence on baobab evolution and distribution in australia. plos one 10: e0127582. doi:10.1371/ journal.pone.0127582. simons, g.f., and c. d. fennig, eds. 2017. ethnologue: languages of the world, 20th edition. sil international, dallas, texas [website] url: http:// www.ethnologue.com. accessed on may 09, 2017. tumbuan, a., l. kawet, and y. shiratake. 2006. significance of traditional market and supermarket functions for local farmers and consumers: a case study on marketing of vegetables in manado, north sulawesi, indonesia. bulletin of the faculty of agriculture saga 92:79–94. turpin m. 2013. semantic extension in kaytetye flora and fauna terms. australian journal of linguistics 33:488-518. doi:10.1080/07268602.2013.857571 unasho, a. 2013. language as genes of culture and biodiversity conservation: the case of “zaysite” language in southern region of ethiopia. international journal of modern anthropology 6:13–36. doi:10.4314/ijma.v1i6.1. unesco ad hoc expert group on endangered languages. 2003. language vitality and hidayati et al. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(2):33–47 47 research communications endangerment. international expert meeting on unesco programme safeguarding of endangered languages paris, 10–12 march 2003. van andel, t.r., c. i. e. a. van ‘t kloosterc, d. quiroz, a. m. towns, s. ruysschaert, and m. van den berg. 2014. local plant names reveal that enslaved africans recognized substantial parts of the new world flora. proceedings of the national academy of sciences of the united states of america 111:e5346–e5353. doi:10.1073/pnas.1418836111 watson, s., and d. studdert. 2006. markets as sites for social interaction spaces of diversity. the policy press, great britain. wester, l., and s. yongvanit. 2006. naming consistency for forest plants in some rural communities of northeast thailand. ethnobotany research and applications 4:203–212. zaini, o. 1989. bahasa melanau: satu tanggapan awal. the sarawak museum journal 61: 231–250. zariquiey, r. 2014. name types, polysemy, and contrast sets in kakataibo ethnobiological nomenclature (pano, peru). journal of ethnobiology 34:251–272. doi:10.2993/0278-0771-34.2.251. rooted in the mangrove landscape: children and their ethnoichthyological knowledge as sentinels for biodiversity loss in northern guinea-bissau keleman et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):10–21 10 research communications special issue on diverse conservations in guinea-bissau coastal villages, fish species' availability and people’s cultural differences determine the characteristics of the artisanal fishing practices that complement mangrove swamp rice agriculture livelihoods (temudo and cabral 2017). early research on the offshore bijagos islands yielded important diversity records (lafrance 1994), but shoreline estuaries remain underrepresented. consulting fishers’ long-lasting expertise in species and natural resource management can help to overcome this gap (aswani et al. 2018). local ecological knowledge (lek) includes locals' fluctuating perceptions and experiences of the immediate environment, resulting from cultural transmission (bender et al. 2014). lek introduction guinea-bissau is a small west african republic that holds 2.5% of global mangroves, ranking second in africa (giri et al. 2011). converging ocean currents and regional upwelling events define the xcountry's important marine biodiversity (campredon and cuq 2001); its dynamic coastal line represents a network of estuaries hosting mangroves that provide suitable habitats for a flux of both marine and freshwater fish. the intertidal forests thus represent vital shelter and spawning grounds for migrating fish, while their rich aquatic diversity feeds coastal societies and is embedded in local culture (leeney and poncelet 2015). rooted in the mangrove landscape: children and their ethnoichthyological knowledge as sentinels for biodiversity loss in northern guinea-bissau pieter-jan keleman 1 *, rui m. sá 2 , and marina p. temudo 1 1 forest research center and associate laboratory terra, school of agriculture, university of lisbon, lisbon, portugal. 2 center for public administration & public policies, school of social and political sciences, university of lisbon, lisbon, portugal. * pieterjankeleman@gmail.com abstract biomonitoring fish species losses in data-deficient estuaries of west africa can be facilitated by consulting smallscale fishermen as on-the-spot sentinels. children are often prominent fishing actors in rural societies, but scientific studies looking at their ethnoichthyological knowledge are lacking. this study examines childhood fish knowledge inside a diola village in northern guinea-bissau, discussing how gendered division of labor affects the distribution of such knowledge. by using a photo-based identification methodology supplemented with participant observation and key informant interviews, we compare differences in children’s knowledge, perceptions of their mangrove environment, and associated fish diversity. the results show: a) a high level of ethnoichthyological knowledge among the children; b) girls identified fewer fish species than boys; c) both boys and girls show difficulties in correctly naming the fish less visible in the local mangrove ecosystem. we highlight the importance of children’s participation in landscape use and maintenance for their cognitive development. additionally, we conclude that the assessment of children’s endogenous knowledge is important for biological conservation, securing fish diversity, and sustainable exploitation efforts in mangrove socio-ecosystems while respecting local bio-cultural identity. received june 17, 2022 open access accepted january 10, 2023 doi 10.14237/ebl.14.2.2023.1826 published may 31, 2023 keywords human-nature relationships, artisanal fishing communities, participatory monitoring, child taxonomy, knowledge erosion, west africa copyright © 2023 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. keleman et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):10–21 11 research communications special issue on diverse conservations can improve effective biomonitoring and determine socio-environmental conflicts by understanding and integrating local attitudes and species valuations (mclean et al. 2022). local people can also act as sentinels tracking biodiversity changes in a data-poor country (jessen et al. 2022), such as guinea-bissau, where governments lack the financial or human resources to conduct comprehensive inventories. the bio-cultural diversity of natural landscapes determines different lek distribution patterns among life stages, genders (pfeiffer and butz 2005), and regions. scientists often exclude children when characterizing folk taxonomies within fishing communities toward conservation ends (e.g., castillo et al. 2018; djidohokpin et al. 2020). nonetheless, children’s relationships with nature exist (ross et al. 2002), and ethnobiologists acknowledge their importance within rural societies (gallois and reyesgarcía 2018). children can be integrated into conservation actions from a young age, cultivating future leadership skills while fostering place attachment and environmental stewardship. this is important as continuous species fluctuations (both introductions and losses) due to socio-ecological changes can influence perceptions and memories of children’s immediate surroundings (turvey et al. 2010). a shifting baseline syndrome of fisheries (pauly 1995) can thus occur locally with the progressive adaptation to intensified resource depletion (turvey et al. 2010). a gradual insensitivity to biodiversity changes and an increased tolerance for coastal degradation in children might hinder future conservation efforts. ethnographic fieldwork laid the foundation for exploring children’s ethnoichthyological knowledge in one diola (ethnolinguistic group also known as djola, jola, or jóola in casamance, senegal) village located in the mangrove natural park of cacheu (henceforth pntc) of northern guinea-bissau (figure 1). this community lives in approximately twenty villages that can roughly be described according to two agroecological and livelihood characteristics: a) coastal villages, where inhabitants produce mangrove swamp rice for consumption, men fish, and women collect oysters for consumption and selling; and b) inland villages, where upland rice, peanuts, root crops, and cashew nuts are produced, men tap palm wine, and women fish for home consumption. for the coastal village-islands, rice is thus the main staple food, and fish represents their only daily source of protein and cash income. our main research objective was to explore children’s knowledge of fish species linked to mangroves to better understand and anticipate their perceptions of, and potential participation in, sustainable use efforts inside the pntc. the weakening of traditional belief systems and associated figure 1 geographic location of guinea-bissau within the african continent (left). elalab village is located on the outskirts of the parque natural dos tarafes de cacheu (pntc) in the cacheu region, northern guinea-bissau (right). however, the village’s surrounding fishing river defines the pntc’s westernmost boundary, locally considered sacred and adopted in state management (ibap 2008). keleman et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):10–21 12 research communications special issue on diverse conservations sustainable fishing practices mentioned in the pntc management plan (ibap 2008) determined our selection of the diola ethno-linguistic group as a case study. additionally, the diola are known for their labor ethos and balanced gender division of work; both boys and girls start to learn domestic, agricultural, and fishing tasks from an early age (linares 1992). elalab (one of the coastal villages) was chosen following the observation that: a) boys are important fishing actors and start angling before the age of 10, thus gaining specialized knowledge during early childhood; b) women have progressively abandoned fishing activities since the nineties. this created the conditions for studying gender differences in ethnoichthyological knowledge and exploring a child-inclusive model of biological conservation. methods study location elalab currently consists of approximately 335 permanent inhabitants spread over 70 households (fogon in creole); many urban migrants return to help plow and plant rice during the rainy season, and the population increases to 482. the village is situated at the margins of the pntc (figure 1), and its surrounding river is considered sacred in state management (ibap 2008). the park area hosts the most continuous mangrove forests of west africa (temudo and cabral 2017) with (emblematic) aquatic species such as the african manatee (trichechus senegalensis) and the common hippopotamus (hippopotamus amphibius). the park protects aquatic resources through a set of spatiotemporal fishing restrictions and bans on damaging practices. several men have fishing ponds and craft traps, while others have canoes and nets. women possess or often borrow a canoe to collect oysters in faraway places. fathers provide their sons hooks and lines, but boys generally learn fishing from their peers. the landscape of elalab is dominated by mangrove and baobab trees adjacent to houses and spirits' shrines in which sea snail (cymbium sp.) shells are placed. mangroves surround the river, rice fields, and the permanent fishing ponds that villagers keep on abandoned paddies. this mosaic of habitats provides local populations with plentiful fish resources, and two distinct seasons result in mobile estuarine communities (ibap 2008). during the rainy season, starting in june and ending in october, strictly freshwater species occupy the river. in the dry season, which occurs from november until may, high salinity levels allow the presence of marine species at juvenile or adult stages. data collection prior to this study, the third author researched socioenvironmental and livelihood changes in nine diola villages (elalab included) using mixed methods, guiding our case study selection and contextualization. direct and participant observation were conducted for seven months: february until march 2021, october and december 2021, and february until march 2022. this recurrent and long-term fieldwork allowed the first author to integrate into the fishing community, learn the local language (kriol and some diola dialect), and demonstrate commitment toward the people through financial contributions in terms of school supplies (back bags, pencils, notebooks) and fees and fishing equipment, i.e. fishing hooks and lines. he established friendship bonds during fishing trips with children, especially with the boys most actively involved in mangrove fishing with a line and a hook. all given vernacular names were triangulated by consulting five older fishermen as key informants (ki). we asked them to confirm the correct fish names, spell them, and provide background information on the presence and abundance of each species. diola is a non-standardized, spoken-only language with many dialects, so diola names provided in this paper follow local interpretations of correct spelling. a total of 25 fish pictures were presented on separate cards (table 1). the selected species were initially encountered on local fish landings or found in secondary literature (ibap 2008; lafrance 1994). moreover, we included aquatic species that are absent in the region or less frequently fished by the community. photographs of these fish were taken by the first author or obtained from the fishbase (https://www.fishbase.org) and bold (https:// www.boldsystems.org) databases. each card contained a number followed by the scientific name to facilitate the researcher’s species recognition and a fish picture. after pre-testing, the first author chose to limit the number of cards to prevent children’s attention from waning. photo elicitation tasks were introduced in the form of a game, and interviews were individually performed. all participants were asked to identify the fish using vernacular names in their local diola dialect. we chose to use this methodological approach because pictures stimulate curiosity, provide sensory https://www.fishbase.org https://www.boldsystems.org https://www.boldsystems.org keleman et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):10–21 13 research communications special issue on diverse conservations fish scientific english common diola dialect carlarius parkii (günther, 1864) guinean sea catfish edjetenkai 1 carlarius heudelotii (valenciennes, 1840) smoothmouth sea catfish edjetenkai 1 behau 1 caranx crysos (mitchill, 1815) blue runner kakisisenaku 1 kakisisenadju 2 trachinotus teraia (cuvier, 1832) shortfin pompano kahentaku 1,4 esenegalai 1,5 djisenegaladju 2,5 coptodon guineensis (günther, 1862) guinean tilapia ewankai 1 djiwankadju 2 sarotherodon melanotheron (rüppell, 1852) blackchin tilapia eokai 1 djihokadju 2 pseudotolithus senegallus (cuvier, 1830) law croaker kaleliaku 1 djileliadju 2 parachelon grandisquamis (valenciennes, 1836) largescalled mullet essukai 1 djisokadju 2 neochelon falcipinnis (valenciennes, 1836) sicklefin mullet elepai 1 djilepadju 2 musukamu 2,3 pseudotolithus elongatus (bowdich, 1825) bobo croaker etowai 1 djitowadju 2 ephippion guttifer (bennett, 1831) prickly puffer hurungunborahu 1 sphyraena afra (peters, 1844) guinean barracuda juntukasomai 1 djintukasumadju 2 entekasumai 1,3 drepane africana (osório, 1892) african sicklefish kameronaku 1 djimeronadju 2 pomadasys sp. (lacepède, 1802) grunt species kakokaku 1 djikokadju 2 continued on following page table 1 presented fish species (n=25) during identification tasks with their scientific, english common, and diola names. fish pictures were taken by the first author or by the center for applied fisheries research (cipa) in guinea-bissau, except for ilisha africana (credits: p. beelen, available at https://www.soortenjagers.nl). keleman et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):10–21 14 research communications special issue on diverse conservations stimuli, and maintain children’s interest (see sullivan et al. 2018). relevant parents sometimes acted as translators from diola to kriol. one boy appointed himself field assistant and translated his peers’ testimonies, creating a comforting interview setting for the children. following graham et al.’s (2015) ethical guidelines, prior parental consent was obtained after an initial briefing and the interviews could be terminated at any given time. for the purpose of this paper, we defined fishing children as youngsters aged between 7 and 17 years old, following local explanation (graham et al. 2015). one hundred children within this age range permanently live in elalab, based on name listings provided by local schools. we employed a genderbalanced sampling of 45 children (24 boys and 21 girls with an average age of 12 years old) interviewed in november 2021 and february–march 2022. analyses interviews were recorded by mobile phone and, together with field notes, transcribed during analysis. fish scientific english common diola dialect pseudotolithus typus (bleeker, 1863) longneck croaker elutai 1 galeoides decadactylus (bloch, 1795) lesser african threadfin horokokahu 1,4 ampaholal 1,5 hemichromis fasciatus (peters, 1857) banded jewelfish hutjulau 1 plectorhinchus macrolepis (boulenger, 1899) biglip grunt ehokulai 1 djihokuladju 2 mugil bananensis (pellegrin, 1927) banana mullet essukai1 djisokadju2 elepai1 djilepadju2 lagocephalus laevigatus (linnaeus, 1766) smooth puffer hurungunborahu1 ilisha africana (bloch, 1795) west african ilisha solma1 ethmalosa fimbriata (bowdich, 1825) bonga shad kakubaku1 djikobadju2 hukobau1,3 sardinella maderensis (lowe, 1838) madeiran sardinella kajabojaku1 sardinella aurita valenciennes, 1847 round sardinella kajabojaku1 fontitrygon margaritella (compagno & roberts, 1984) pearl stingray ebagalurai1 continued from previous page 1 name of an individual with a bigger size; 2 name of an individual with a smaller size; 3 more than one individual, plural 4 original, older name; 5 newer, more recent name keleman et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):10–21 15 research communications special issue on diverse conservations to investigate gender differences, we differentiated identification and non-identification per species by creating 2x2 contingency tables. the frequencies were calculated by summing up the correct answers (identified) and the incorrect and skipped answers (non-identified). afterwards, we explored gender differences statistically by applying the fisher exact test for each fish species, using sisa (http:// www.quantitativeskills.com/sisa/). fisher’s exact testing was preferred to chi-square testing due to the small, expected values (<5), and the p-value <0.05 was set as significant (campbell 2007). results identification tasks a total of 20 different fish species were correctly identified by most children (>50%). all respondents properly named sarotherodon melanotheron, ephippion guttifer, and fontitrygon margaritella. for two species (carlarius parkii and carlarius heudelotii), we accepted the general diola name edjetenkai, catfish. interestingly, two girls specified the name for the latter, behau, meaning red catfish in local dialect. generally, it had a moderate recognition level because its name was frequently mistaken for esquilão (local name in creole, chrysichthys nigrodigitatus), a more prevalent and similar-looking bagrid catfish. few respondents identified pseudotolithus typus, ethmalosa fimbriata, and caranx crysos, which were commonly mistaken for ethmalosa fimbriata or ilisha africana. interviewees regularly confused pseudotolithus senegallus with the two other sciaenid species, as well as with pomadasys sp. and galeoides decadactylus. one boy identified sardinella maderensis, and four boys recognized sardinella aurita. both sardine species were usually confounded with ethmalosa fimbriata. a general overview of the children’s responses along the identification categories is shown in figure 2. gender differences we found significant gender differences for six out of the 25 fish species (figure 3): caranx crysos figure 2 general identification of the different fish by all children (n=45). response categories per species (n=25) are marked in different colors: correct (white), incorrect (light blue), and skipped (dark blue) answers according to child response numbers. http://www.quantitativeskills.com/sisa/ http://www.quantitativeskills.com/sisa/ keleman et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):10–21 16 research communications special issue on diverse conservations (p=0.00031), pseudotolithus senegallus (p=5.00e-05), sphyraena afra (p=0.00338), pomadasys sp. (p=7.0e-5), galeoides decadactylus (p=0.00094), and ilisha africana (p=0.00073). caranx crysos was generally confused with ilisha africana and ethmalosa fimbriata, or unknown by boys, while half of the girls couldn’t identify this species. the diola names for the different croakers were commonly interchanged by the girls. however, a large portion of the girls simply did not know the correct name for pseudotolithus senegallus. also, they mainly gave no answer for pomadasys sp. or answered incorrectly. galeoides decadactylus was identified by all boys, while for girls it was mostly unknown. a similar pattern was observed for the two remaining species: most of the boys correctly identified sphyraena afra and ilisha africana, while few girls could do so. discussion children’s development roots in mangroves our results show that overall children’s ethnoichthyological knowledge in elalab is striking, as 20 fish species were correctly identified by more than half of the participants. the three species identified by all respondents are abundant, commonly fished, and eaten in elalab (table 2). formal schooling does not include environmental topics on mangrove environments or fish diversity; thus, children’s ethnoichthyological knowledge is fully acquired through participation in their coastal forest landscape. during the rainy season, boys fish separately from older males for smaller fish such as mullets and tilapias in the permanent fishing ponds or rice field canals, either for home consumption or to supply their mothers’ sales. they walk with ease on the muddy, slippery dikes that connect their houses to schools in neighboring villages while spontaneously identifying proper fishing spots. during the dry season, they engage with peers in angling trips in the river using rowing canoes; they target the more profitable species like croakers, grunts, and rays and obtain money for personal use. only girls over 15 years old collect oysters in the intertidal zone together figure 3 significant gender differences for six fish species after fisher’s exact testing. the frequencies of identification results are shown for boys (n = 24) and girls (n = 21) separately. pictures were either taken by the first author or by the center for applied fisheries research (cipa), except for ilisha africana (credits: p. beelen, available at https:// www.soortenjagers.nl). keleman et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):10–21 17 research communications special issue on diverse conservations scientific name abundance1 fished by boys1 iucn2 carlarius parkii (günther, 1864) lc carlarius heudelotii (valenciennes, 1840) lc caranx crysos (mitchill, 1815) lc trachinotus teraia (cuvier, 1832) lc coptodon guineensis (günther, 1862) lc sarotherodon melanotheron (rüppell, 1852) lc pseudotolithus senegallus (cuvier, 1830) vu parachelon grandisquamis (valenciennes, 1836) dd neochelon falcipinnis (valenciennes, 1836) dd pseudotolithus elongatus (bowdich, 1825) lc ephippion guttifer (bennett, 1831) lc sphyraena afra (peters, 1844) lc drepane africana (osório, 1892) lc pomadasys sp. (lacepède, 1802) lc pseudotolithus typus (bleeker, 1863) lc galeoides decadactylus (bloch, 1795) nt hemichromis fasciatus (peters, 1857) lc plectorhinchus macrolepis (boulenger, 1899) lc mugil bananensis (pellegrin, 1927) lc lagocephalus laevigatus (linnaeus, 1766) lc ilisha africana (bloch, 1795) lc table 2 presented fish species with their abundance and whether they are fished by boys, as responded to by the key informants. the conservation status for each species on the iucn red species list is also given. continued on following page keleman et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):10–21 18 research communications special issue on diverse conservations with their mothers from february until may, and they are responsible for fish selling on weekly markets all year round. elalab children share ethnoichthyological knowledge through mangrove work-and-play that complements their fishing activities. as they swim, cultivate rice, hunt (only boys), and collect wild edible plants, children ponder the perceived sensory cues during in-situ personal experiences, triggering a joint cognitive process (ingold 2000; nabhan 2002). elalab boys become fishing experts as they grow older, learning, e.g., where to find certain species or proper fishing spots along the rice fields’ canals and mangrove river, or how to handle fishing equipment requiring some craftsmanship and skills, for instance wooden traps, hooks, and cast nets. as illustrated in other rural communities (zarger 2011), this continuous learning-by-doing promotes boys’ confidence, independence, respect for nature, and gradual social status in society. within diola’s relationships with nature, mangroves represent a natural learning ground that forms individual and community identity, expressed through traditional beliefs and practices of natural resource management. these strong ties with nature foster a sense of shared environmental stewardship and consequently environmental protection, defining local responsibilities and understanding of the mangroves. however, we have observed that the conversion to christianity (catholicism and evangelism) and the integration into a cash economy have weakened young people’s respect for the elders’ traditional values and rules of sustainable natural resource management. for instance, smaller captured fish are no longer immediately thrown back into the water by all fishers. additionally, climate change and industrial fishing constitute a driver of aquatic resource change and an accumulative threat to coastal livelihoods, local diets, and coping mechanisms. formal, modern education and migration are seen as a last resort to provide both the youth with a better future and the ones that stay behind with remittances to face their daily needs in times of diminishing rice harvests and fishing resources. species inconstancy socio-ecological changes are altering fish diversity and the fundamental functioning of mangrove ecosystems (belhabib et al. 2015), and species fluctuations over a long period can influence people’s collective memory of their natural surroundings (turvey et al. 2010). the elalab dialect of diola can be used as a conservation tool for exploring (invasive) introductions and losses of fish. one example is provided by the recent observation of lagocephalus laevigatus in local waters. key informants attest that it has not received a unique diola name and, hence, shares the vernacular name with ephippion guttifer. children use the simplified diola name ampaholal for galeoides decadactylus; this could reflect its worsening conservation status and locally decreased significance. vernacular names can thus reveal hidden biological information useful for conservationists. elalab children did not know the names of sardinella species because they are not present in the local mangroves (table 2) and appear only in neighboring senegal. the diola dialect illustrates this fact, with locals using the name kajabojaku, a diola adaptation of the senegalese wolof name yaboy. sardines were confused with the similar-looking ethmalosa fimbriata that is also locally absent (table 2). recently, people are encountering sardines at local scientific name abundance1 fished by boys1 iucn2 ethmalosa fimbriata (bowdich, 1825) lc sardinella maderensis (lowe, 1838) vu sardinella aurita valenciennes, 1847 lc fontitrygon margaritella (compagno & roberts, 1984) nt continued from previous page 1 ×: rare; ××: normal; ×××: a lot; -: not present. “×” represents the fish symbol used in the table. 2 dd: data deficient; lc: least concern; nt: near threatened; vu: vulnerable. keleman et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):10–21 19 research communications special issue on diverse conservations markets in the neighboring village of susana through senegalese merchants. interestingly, a total of three boys and one girl mentioned this novel diola name for sardinella aurita and only one boy for sardinella maderensis. this means that some children distinguish both species despite their local absence. gendered erosion of ethnoichthyological knowledge the current work division related to fishing activities could lead to gendered erosion of ethnoichthyological knowledge in elalab. lack of fishing experience among girls is illustrated by their inability to correctly distinguish the threatened sciaenid species that look morphologically similar. following the drastic fish declines inside the rice field canals and men’s increased engagement in net fishing as a source of income, female mangrove fishing has been reduced to oyster harvesting during the nineties. this limits girls’ knowledge of fish to those they consume at home or encounter at local markets, where they sell the smaller mullets and tilapias caught by men and children together with their mothers. few kids specified the name for carlarius heudelotii, except for two girls. this may be because it is being sold smoked on neighboring markets in senegal and bissau. resource richness once allowed larger fish to form an integral part of the household diet, but nowadays locals prefer to sell them instead. locally called first-class (kriol: purmeira; but no diola term) fish according to national and global markets’ classifications, including pseudotolithus senegallus and sphyraena afra, are sold to merchants, retailers, or middle women by men. caranx crysos, pomadasys sp., and galeoides decadactylus are considered second-class (kriol: segunda; no diola term) because they make less money. rather than being household staples, these highly valued species are quickly covered and stored at the village port, to be transported and sold in são domingos city. however, girls can still encounter them on the market or through contact with boys. this explains their persistent knowledge of fish names, albeit limited compared to boys. conclusions: children as sentinels for biodiversity loss the article illustrates that children are important stakeholders within rural societies whose knowledge could be useful for participatory biomonitoring. as sentinels that grow up, their knowledge could secure the continuous assessment of local species and help inform management when biodiversity loss occurs. furthermore, if children stop encountering species, the community’s intrinsic connection to the species’ relevance and original status in the mangroves could also erode. papworth et al. (2009) distinguish between knowledge generational amnesia, which occurs when people do not know the past conditions linked to age and experience (often children), and personal amnesia if individuals forget their own experiences throughout their lifetime. a shifting baseline syndrome of fisheries (pauly 1995) among the children can thus locally occur with the progressive adaptation to resource depletion (turvey et al. 2010). as children represent future leaders in society, an erosion of collective memory might even lead to what jaríc et al. (2022) called the “societal extinction of species.” as demonstrated by the elabab girls, children’s species identification can reveal knowledge erosion linked to a gap in knowledge transmission triggered by changing conditions and practices. an important line of future research could emerge from studying early children’s knowledge and its acquisition in parallel with comparative intergenerational baseline assessments. this would allow scientists and conservationists to monitor the status of ethnoichthyological knowledge among generations and genders and to assess current naturesociety relationships. moreover, children can act as sentinels for biodiversity losses and become integrated into public policies, reflecting their societal importance as rural actors. by strengthening children’s relationships with fish, the (future) willingness to protect local species will contribute to the sustainable use of wild species in data-poor mangroves areas. acknowledgments the authors would like to thank the community of elalab, especially the children, who showed great interest and willingness to participate in this research. we are grateful for the permission of the local authorities to conduct fieldwork inside the cacheu river mangroves natural park (pntc). a special thanks goes to j. sandoval, b. vandesonneville, the invited editors, and the ebl reviewers for providing useful input and critical insights, to m. merkohasanaj and m. coomans for their major contributions to the presented figures, and to the technicians of the center for applied fisheries research (cipa) for their excellent photography skills. declarations permissions: the nagoya protocol was signed on keleman et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):10–21 20 research communications special issue on diverse conservations october 21, 2021, on behalf of the school of agriculture (isa) of the university of lisbon and by the ministry of the environment and biodiversity of the republic of guinea-bissau. all the children participants’ parents provided informed consent and were aware that the interview data would be used for publication and scientific purposes. sources of funding: this article was written within the framework of the eu-funded project mangroves, mangrove rice, and mangrove people: sustainably improving rice production, ecosystems, and livelihoods (grant contract food/2019/412-700). the study received backing from the forest research center funded by fct-portugal (uidb/00239/2020), the laboratory for sustainable land use and ecosystem services (la/p/0092/2020), and the public administration and public policies (capp) research unit funded by fct under project uid/00713/2020. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited aswani, s., a. lemahieu, and w. h. h. sauer. 2018. global trends of local ecological knowledge and future implications. plos one 13:e0195440. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0195440. belhabib, d., u. r. sumaila, and d. pauly. 2015. feeding the poor: contribution of west african fisheries to employment and food security. ocean & coastal management 111:72–81. doi:10.1016/ j.ocecoaman.2015.04.010. bender, m. g., g. r. machado, p. j. de azevedo silva, s. r. floeter, c. monteiro-netto, o. j. luiz, and c. e. l. ferreira. 2014. local ecological knowledge and scientific data reveal overexploitation by multigear artisanal fisheries in the southwestern atlantic. plos one 9:e110332. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0110332. campbell, i. 2007. chi-squared and fisher–irwin tests of two-by-two tables with small sample recommendations. statistics in medicine 26:3661– 3675. doi:10.1002/sim.2832. campredon, p., and f. cuq. 2001. artisanal fishing and coastal conservation in west africa. journal of coastal conservation 7:91–100. doi:10.1007/ bf02742471. castillo, t. i., f. brancolini, m. saigo, j. r. correa, and c. r. m. baigún. 2018. ethnoichthyology of artisanal fisheries from the lower la plata river basin (argentina). journal of ethnobiology 38:406–423. doi:10.2993/0278-0771-38.3.406. djidohokpin, g., e. sossoukpè, r. adandé, j. v. voudounnou, e. d. fiogbé, and a. haour. 2020. ethnoichthyology of fishing communities in the lower valley of ouémé in benin, west africa. ethnobiology letters 11:137–151. doi:10.14237/ ebl.11.1.2020.1686. gallois, s., and v. reyes-garcía. 2018. children and ethnobiology. journal of ethnobiology 38:155–169. doi:10.2993/0278-0771-38.2.155. graham, a., m. a. powell, and n. taylor. 2014. ethical research involving children: encouraging reflexive engagement in research with children and young people. children & society 29:331–343. doi:10.1111/chso.12089. ingold, t. 2000. the perception of the environment: essays on livelihood, dwelling and skill. routledge, london. instituto da biodiversidade e das área protegidas (ibap). 2008. plano de gestão parque natural dos tarrafes do rio cacheu – pntc, guiné-bissau 2008– 2018. institute of biodiversity and protected areas, bissau. jaríc, i., u. roll, m. bonaiuto, b. w. brook, f. courchamp, j. a. firth, k. j. gaston, t. heger, j. m. jeschke, r. j. ladle, y. meinard, d. l. roberts, k. sherren, m. soga, a. soriano-redondo, d. veríssimo, and r. a. correia. 2022. societaleextinction of species. trends in ecology & evolution 37:411–419. doi:10.1016/ j.tree.2021.12.011. jessen, t. d., c. n. service, k. g. poole, a. c. burton, a. w. bateman, p. c. paquet, and c. t. darimont. 2022. indigenous peoples as sentinels of change in human‐wildlife relationships: conservation status of mountain goats in kitasoo xai'xais territory and beyond. conservation science and practice 4:e12662. doi:10.1111/csp2.1266216. lafrance, s. 1994. archipel des bijagos: ichtyofaune et éléments d’écologie marine. center for applied fisheries research (cipa), bissau. leeney, r. h., and p. poncelet. 2015. using fishers’ ecological knowledge to assess the status and cultural importance of sawfish in guinea‐bissau. aquatic conservation: marine and freshwater ecosystems 25:411–430. doi:10.1002/aqc.2419. keleman et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):10–21 21 research communications special issue on diverse conservations linares, o. f. 1992. power, prayer and production: the jola of casamance, senegal. cambridge university press, cambridge. mclean, e. l., g. e. forrester, and c. g. garcíaquijano. 2022. the disconnect between knowledge and perceptions: a study of fishermen’s local ecological knowledge and their perception of the state of fisheries and how these are managed in the dominican republic. human ecology 50:227–240. doi:10.1007/s10745-02200308-6. nabhan, g. p., p. pynes, and t. joe. 2003. safeguarding species, languages, and cultures in the time of diversity loss: from the colorado plateau to global hotspots. annals of the missouri botanical garden 89:164–175. doi:10.2307/3298561. papworth, s. k., j. rist, l. coad, and e. j. milnergulland. 2009. evidence for shifting baseline syndrome in conservation. conservation letters 2:93– 100. doi:10.1111/j.1755-263x.2009.00049.x. pauly, d. 1995. anecdotes and the shifting baseline syndrome of fisheries. trends in ecology and evolution 10:430. doi:10.1016/s0169-5347(00)89171-5. pfeiffer, j. m., and r. j. butz. 2005. assessing cultural and ecological variation in ethnobiological research: the importance of gender. journal of ethnobiology 25:240–278. doi:10.2993/0278-0771 (2005)25[240:acaevi]2.0.co;2. ross, n., d. medin, j. d. coley, and s. atran. 2002. cultural and experiential differences in the development of folkbiological induction. cognitive development 18:25–47. doi:10.1016/s0885-2014(02) 00142-9. sullivan, a., a. brewis, and a. wutich. 2018. studying children’s cultural knowledge and behaviors related to environment, health, and food: methods for ethnoecological research with children. journal of ethnobiology 38:276–293. doi:10.2993/0278-0771-38.2.276. temudo, m. p., and a. i. cabral. 2017. the social dynamics of mangrove forests in guinea-bissau, west africa. human ecology 45:307–320. doi:10.1007/s10745-017-9907-4. turvey, s. t., l. a. barrett, h. yujiang, z. lei, z. xinqiao, w. xianyan, h. yadong, z. kaiya, t. hart, and w. ding. 2010. rapidly shifting baselines in yangtze fishing communities and local memory of extinct species. conservation biology 24:778–787. doi:10.1111/j.1523-1739.2009.01395.x. zarger, r.k. 2011. learning ethnobiology: creating knowledge and skills about the living world. in ethnobiology, edited by e. n. anderson, d. m. pearsall, e. s. hunn and n. j. turner, pp. 383–399. wiley-blackwell, hoboken, ny. let it grow (back): a call for the conservation of secondary forests as medicinal plant habitat shebitz et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):37–46 37 perspectives special issue on diverse conservations making (einhorn 2022). in the years leading up to this agreement, there was vigorous discussion of the importance of recognizing iplc rights to territories and local community lands. iplcs are the stewards of at least half the world’s land, and their territories have some of the planet’s richest biodiversity. in tropical forests, rates of deforestation and degradation are lower in areas traditionally owned, managed, used, or occupied by indigenous peoples compared to other areas (sze et al. 2022). the nature conservatory, therefore, argued that “the 30x30 target is only achievable if the rights and territories of iplcs are fully integrated” (dudley and stolton 2022:27). introduction the impacts of deforestation coupled with the escalating impacts of climate change comprise a global emergency with serious implications for forest ecosystems and the indigenous peoples and local communities (iplc) who inhabit them. when the united nation’s biodiversity conference concluded on december 19, 2022, over 190 nations finalized a landmark agreement to preserve 30% of the planet’s land and oceans as a means to protect the world’s biodiversity by the year 2030. importantly, this 30x30 agreement recognizes the traditional knowledge held by iplc as integral parts of conservation decision let it grow (back): a call for the conservation of secondary forests as medicinal plant habitat daniela j. shebitz 1* , lindsey page agnew 2 , steven kerns 3,4 , angela oviedo 1 and juyoung ha 1 1 school of environmental and sustainability sciences, kean university, union, nj, 2 middle school science teacher and independent researcher, california public schools, 3 deputy attorney general, california department of justice, 4 department of environmental science and policy, california state university long beach, long beach, ca * dshebitz@kean.edu abstract costa rica is widely regarded as a global leader in conservation practices. in the maquenque national wildlife refuge (mnwlr), within costa rica’s northern zone, a strong commitment to conservation has led to protecting highly biodiverse mature forests. however, a significant opportunity to strengthen conservation in this region is being overlooked at a great cost to the local community and environment: the protection of regenerating secondary forests. secondary forests account for over 50% of global tropical forests and serve vital ecological and cultural functions. within the mnwlr, many species in the secondary forests provide medicinal value to the rural communities where western medical care is difficult to access. recent research, however, has shown that secondary forests in costa rica are re-cleared within 20 years, before they have accumulated the previously lost biomass and biodiversity. in this paper, we call for conservation and management strategies to incorporate community held knowledge about culturally significant species, and for there to be economic incentives for keeping secondary forests intact and for determining which forests are designated as protected areas. we discuss previous research with two trees that are common in secondary forests in the mnwlr (vismia macrophylla and pentaclethra macroloba), recognizing that these are some of the many species that have great potential to both the ecological and social communities. while our focus area is in the northern zone of costa rica, the integration of community use and local knowledge into conservation should be a global priority. received june 27, 2022 open access accepted january 31, 2023 doi 10.14237/ebl.14.2.2023.1831 published may 31, 2023 keywords payments for ecosystem services (pes), protected areas (pa), community conservation, vismia macrophylla, pentaclethra macroloba copyright © 2023 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. shebitz et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):37–46 38 perspectives special issue on diverse conservations unfortunately, the finalized agreement does not explicitly recognize iplc lands and territories as a separate category of conservation areas. therefore, organizations such as amnesty international fear that they will not be protected from “…the predations they often experience in areas such as state-run national parks” (amnesty international 2022). conservation efforts often fail to recognize the connections between local communities, biodiversity, ecological services, and economics. furthermore, these efforts in tropical ecosystems have historically focused on primary, or old-growth forests. there is a commonly held belief that these ecosystems are “pristine” and characterized by greater levels of biodiversity than secondary forests that are recovering from disturbance, yet these previously damaged systems are essential habitat for biodiversity and provide vital ecosystem services (chazdon 2014). with secondary forests now constituting more than half of the remaining tropical forests (reid et al. 2019; taylor et al. 2017), these ecosystems have risen recently as a global conservation priority. in fact, over the past two decades, there has been a significant increase in the research and interest in the role that tropical secondary forests play in local economies, species conservation and climate change mitigation (chazdon 2014; sheil et al. 2016; taylor et al. 2017). through this perspectives paper, we call for community-based conservation efforts in costa rica that integrate local ecological knowledge into the management of secondary forests. we believe that knowledge of cultural uses of plants, such as for medicines, should be incorporated into land management decision making, specifically regarding forests that are designated as protected areas (pas). our perspective is based on our work in the northern zone of costa rica, where great strides have been taken by the government to conserve primary, or oldgrowth forests, but less of an emphasis has been on the conservation of secondary forests which house a great diversity of culturally significant plants. secondary forests have often become the predominant forest type in many tropical areas due to the destruction of old-growth primary forests. this shift in ecosystems, and the general proximity of these recovering forests to human population centers, has led local communities to rely heavily on secondary growth for resources. indeed, ethnobotanical studies of the neotropics have found that iplcs recognize secondary forests’ wealth of medicinal species; and use these forests far more than adjacent old-growth forests (chazdon et al. 2009, 2021; chazdon and coe 1999; shebitz et al. 2020). this is particularly true in the northern zone of costa rica, where chazdon and coe (1999) found that secondary forests had a significantly higher density and relative abundance of medicinal trees compared to old-growth and selectively logged forest stands. the protection of these regenerating secondary forests therefore offers a significant opportunity to strengthen conservation efforts and have substantial benefits to local communities and environments. costa rica’s forest conservation program costa rica is widely regarded as a global leader in sustainability and land conservation. over the past three decades, the country has taken strong actions to protect primary forests and limit agricultural expansion. these efforts were a response to over a half century of heavy land use and exploitation, with deforestation reaching 70,000 ha/yr in the 1970s. in 1985, national forest cover fell to its lowest point, with only 24.4–29.5% of forests remaining (tafoya et al. 2020). a nationwide ban on deforestation that was adopted in 1996 provides few exceptions for acceptable deforestation and allows only regulated logging under the country’s guidelines for sustainable forestry (fagan et al. 2013; steed 2003). with 143 terrestrial pas reported in the world database on pas, 28.4% of the country’s land is now recognized as a pa. in addition, there are 51 biological corridors that have been identified in the country, which amounts to more than 38% of its land cover. the san juan-la selva biological corridor (sjls) was created in 2001 to connect six highly biodiverse regions covering over 1,204,812 ha of costa rica’s northern zone. the land use history in the sjls is characterized by intensive agriculture following human colonization and associated deforestation in the 1970s and 1980s, which predated the 1990s forest conservation efforts (shaver et al. 2015). the maquenque national wildlife refuge (mnwr) is the nucleus of the sjls and consists of 50,000 ha of various ecosystems, including humid atlantic lowland primary and secondary forests. the mnwr contains the highest percentage of forest cover and has the most valuable habitats for biodiversity within the region (chassot et al. 2005). banning clear-cutting and establishing the sjls to conserve primary forests’ biodiversity have been essential efforts. indeed, shebitz et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):37–46 39 perspectives special issue on diverse conservations research has shown that forest protection efforts in northern costa rica have likely slowed mature forest loss and succeeded in re-directing expansion of cropland to areas outside mature forest (fagan et al. 2013). throughout costa rica, designating pas has been successful at limiting agricultural expansion into forests, but establishing these pas in productive agricultural regions can negatively impact the local economy by limiting income (fagan et al. 2013). therefore, costa rica has tried to implement other programs to reverse the trend of tropical deforestation including promoting ecotourism and payments for ecosystem services (pes) that incentivize landowners to retain forest cover to compete with the returns from agriculture (fagan et al. 2013; tafoya 2020). in the 1996 forestry law, a voluntary pes system was established, using revenue from the 15% tax on fossil fuels. the diverse portfolio of pas, pes and ecotourism has fostered an increase in forest cover from 24.4% in 1985 to over 50% by 2011, including over 237,550 ha of land enrolled in pes contracts and 32 national parks and 230 other pas (tafoya et al. 2020). community support is the key to success for pa and community incentive programs such as pes. therefore, tafoya et al. (2020) argue that “…it is essential to improve understanding of which initiatives are more likely to not only encourage local participation, but also ensure that participation results in maintaining tropical forests and their ecosystem services they provide” (tafoya et al. 2020:2). the 1996 forest law was successful at banning the clearing of forests in costa rica, within the definition of a “forest” as having at least 70% cover over 2 ha and having 60 tree species that are greater than 15 cm dbh and have varying ages and sizes (chazdon et al. 2007). this definition, however, does not include most naturally regenerating, or secondary forests, even some that may be over 15 year of age (miller 2006). perhaps because of this strict definition for forest protection as well as a lack of adequate enforcement, recent research has found that secondary forests in costa rica have short lifespans with approximately half of the country’s secondary forests re-cleared within 20 years and 85% re-cleared within 54 years of regrowth (reid et al. 2019). these shortened lifespans negatively impact costa rica’s secondary forest biodiversity, ecosystem functions, and the iplc who rely on them. secondary forests that are undergoing natural regeneration following agricultural use are socio-ecological systems in transition, i.e., experiencing a series of non-linear societal and biophysical changes (lambin and meyfroidt 2010). when conditions are favorable and the natural vegetation regenerates over decades, this system is likely to recover the site’s original structural and functional properties, restoring ecosystem function and services (chazdon et al. 2021; reid et al. 2019). however, in the presence of negative external pressures and a depletion of essential resources in the forest system during post-agricultural recovery, the resulting degradation can lead to a major loss of ecosystem functions, often with cascading effects (lambin and meyfroidt 2010). for example, soil erosion can lead to sediment and nutrient discharges that ultimately deteriorate soil and water quality (pacheco et al. 2021) leading to an environment that is less suitable for restoration. while costa rica celebrates that mature forest loss has decreased 40% in its northern zone, the region’s pineapple production has tripled since the early 2000s. fagan et al. (2013) used satellite imagery of the region to determine that despite costa rica’s deforestation ban protecting primary forests, intensive agriculture has replaced unprotected forests, including secondary forests and wetlands. additionally, agriculture’s reliance on monocultures (e.g., pineapple or banana) and chemicals threatens the remaining forests. an example of local knowledge that can inform conservation in the summer of 2015, the authors of this paper were part of the research experience for undergraduates (reu) program for ecosystem studies in the mnwlr of costa rica funded by the national science foundation of the united states. participants and researchers explored and studied a remote, densely forested area in northern costa rica at a town called boca tapada (population approximately 250), 15km south of the nicaraguan border. for six weeks, the group slogged through mud and torrential midday rains, exploring the diversity of the lowland tropical wet forests, and trying to absorb the expertise and plant names shared by israel mena, a traditional healer who is recognized by botanists as an expert in the local forest ecology (shebitz et al. 2013, 2020; zamora, personal communication 2010). due to the proximity of the northern border, much of the “local knowledge” in this region is influenced by nicaraguan shebitz et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):37–46 40 perspectives special issue on diverse conservations immigrants who have been arriving in costa rica since the united states occupied nicaragua between 1927 and 1932 (mitchell and pentzer 2008). here, the costa rican and nicaraguan cultures blend, particularly their shared use of plants, thus deepening the plant knowledge pool (shebitz et al. 2013). even though local cultures rely on many of the 12,000 species of costa rican plants as medicine, the vast majority of their medicinal properties are undocumented in scientific literature (gargiullo et al. 2008). the laguna del lagarto eco-lodge in boca tapada, where we stayed during our 2015 fieldwork, is within the mnwlr and is an ecotourism escape for those interested in rare tropical birds and getting far away from other tourist destinations. the lodge is surrounded by two ecologically distinct forests: the primary forest, relatively undisturbed by humans, and the secondary forest, a large tract of previously untouched primary forest that was cleared in the early 1990s for cattle grazing and has been regenerating naturally since. when we sampled, these secondary forests were approximately 20 years old. surrounding these forests are vast acres of pineapple and cattle pastures that are increasingly encroaching upon the remaining protected forests. the rapid secondary forest deforestation rate in the northern zone has led local people to recognize the urgent need to conserve and promote the cultivation of medicinal species by sharing these species’ medicinal value. this need is further emphasized by dr. nelson zamora, a leading botanist in costa rica, who stated that there is poor documentation of the identity, ecological requirements, and distribution of many culturally significant species (shebitz et al. 2013). therefore, deforestation represents more than the loss of the forest, it represents the unjust and physical loss of the local peoples’ culture and identity. as part of an earlier reu project, shebitz and students documented 60 medicinal plants that were used as medicine by boca tapada’s healers. they documented that half of the plants used were found in the forest and the other half were cultivated or found along roadsides. of those growing in the forest, the majority occur in the secondary forests and were recognized by local healers as being important for treating a wide range of ailments including gastritis, skin infections, colds/fevers, anemia, cancer, snake bites and diabetes (shebitz et al. 2013). in boca topada the closest doctor’s office is over two hours away by car, over unpaved roads that are often obstructed by flooding or tree falls. western -trained medical professionals visit the region monthly, but lack the time or resources to treat the needy. therefore, boca topadans often use the medicinal plants in the adjacent forests. our main participant in the initial ethnographic survey, israel mena, has had minimal formal education, yet he can identify every tree, liana and understory plant in the forest and describe its ecological role and medicinal use (zamora, personal communication 2010). in the summer of 2015, our research objective was to document the cultural and ecological role of species that were identified as being important for skin infections. we focused on two trees that are common in early succession (vismia macrophylla and pentaclethra macroloba) as a means of taking an ethnobotanical approach to ecological research. israel explained their medicinal preparation and use amongst local communities: the two trees are applied to the skin to treat fungal skin infections. israel harvested the inner bark with a machete, using a palm leaf to catch falling bark shavings. ecologically, both species are early colonizers of recently disturbed forests. they are also some of the first species to grow within the forest gaps of the primary forests resulting from storm damage or logging road clearings (eaton et al. 2020; shebitz et al. 2020). to learn more, we worked collaboratively to evaluate the effects that the trees had on reclaiming soil nutrients and fostering plant diversity in the primary as well as in the secondary forests as they recovered from disturbance (eaton et al. 2020; shebitz and eaton 2013; shebitz et al. 2017, 2020). as a nitrogen (n)-fixer, pentaclethra is both a strong competitor to early successional plants and a facilitator of n inputs into the surrounding soils. while it is recognized as a “climax” species, it is also prevalent in early succession in the northern zone of costa rica (taylor et al. 2017). vismia, which is not a n-fixer, was documented as a pioneer species that thrives in secondary forests and within gaps of primary forests. while we did find that it takes advantage of light and lower densities of neighboring plants, vismia did not apparently limit the growth of competing species (shebitz et al. 2020), our research focused on the ecology and ethnobotany of these two species, and we realized that they are important players in succession and shebitz et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):37–46 41 perspectives special issue on diverse conservations recovery in a way that is part of a dynamic humanenvironmental system (eaton et al. 2020; shebitz et al. 2020). we believe that by understanding the ecological and cultural importance of individual species, we can better understand the value of secondary forest ecosystems. as relatively common species in our study site, vismia and pentaclethra, as well as the secondary forests that they are a part of, are not recognized and protected under current policies. they therefore can serve as a means for us to consider the importance of conservation policies to incorporate culturally and ecologically important plant species so that they can continue to be sustainably used by the local community. uniting three community-based conservation strategies: pas, pes, and ecotourism creating pas, such as the sjls is an effective method of conserving tropical biodiversity, but it cannot be the single conservation strategy employed. in fact, as tafoya et al. (2020) point out, countries are often ill equipped to effectively safeguard pas, especially where people rely heavily on natural resources for subsistence and environmental laws are regularly broken. in those situations, conservation policies that focus on local communities by providing economic incentives have become increasingly important tools (reid et al. 2019, tayofa et al. 2020; allen et al. 2021). without inclusion of local communities in decisionmaking and management responsibilities, pa rules are not upheld when the control of land is not ceded to local people. tafoya et al. (2020) therefore advocate for providing incentives for local community participation in order to improve tropical forest conservation. in addition to pas, costa rica’s other approaches include 1) pes programs that financially reward landowners who protect their forests, and 2) embracing ecotourism that increases local profits, protects biodiversity, and minimizes tourists’ ecological harms. through the integration of these approaches into environmental protection policies, costa rica has reversed primary forest deforestation and restored forest cover more than 50% in 2011 (tafoya et al. 2020). despite this success, we believe that there is an opportunity for these approaches to incorporate more local and indigenous knowledge into the management of the secondary forests that provide great ecological and cultural benefits. over 2.6 million tourists annually contribute $2.85 billion to costa rica’s economy, constituting a third of the country’s national revenue. despite the financial benefits of ecotourism, scholars have long questioned the negative ecological and social effects of tourism on forest degradation, stress on wildlife, and increasing inequality on tourist areas and local communities (tafoya et al. 2020). ecotourism often favors landowners who conserve their forests or who market their ecolodges to tourists over the local community. this economic disparity unjustly fails to serve the local people who often have the greatest needs (hunt and stronza 2011). so, while ecotourism can provide some much-needed jobs to remote regions like boca tapada, there is no direct link between incentive funds and the communities. the people who rely on forests for medicine, natural resources, and their cultural practices must therefore also rely on a landowner’s (private or government) financial or ethical motivation to choose forest conservation over agriculture or logging. this dynamic further entrenches the unjust power dynamic between socioeconomic classes wherein lower-income locals’ health, culture, and means are at the landowner’s whims. to educate and persuade decision-makers to conserve forests, environmental economists have begun assigning economic value to biodiversity and ecosystem services. pes programs compensate landowners for ecosystem services including carbon sequestration, hydrological services, biodiversity protection, and provisioning of scenic beauty. yet their implementation has yielded mixed results with some researchers claiming that governmentcoordinated pes cause negligible or modest reversals of deforestation while smaller-level and user-financed pes programs are effective (pattanayak et al. 2010; tafoya et al. 2020). there is also increasing recognition that the definition of ecosystem services is culturally constructed and context-dependent, based on value systems that in turn determine the value of ecosystem services. therefore, there are inherent issues with pes, which make ecosystem services reducible to a simple monetary exchange that can be incorporated into policy (allen et al. 2021). the millennium ecosystem assessment defines cultural ecosystem services (ces) as “the nonmaterial benefits people obtain from ecosystems through spiritual enrichment, cognitive development, reflection, recreation, and aesthetic experience, including, e.g., knowledge systems, social relations, and aesthetic values” (ma 2005:40). ces are defined by the relationship between diverse cultures and their shebitz et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):37–46 42 perspectives special issue on diverse conservations local governments and must include the historical and cultural complexity that defines iplc’s interactions with, and valuations of, their ecosystems (allen et al. 2021). within the sjls, the government gives pes as conservation incentives to landowners to maintain forests by not clearing their land for agriculture (tayofa et al. 2020). the sjls is targeted for pes because of the population’s lower socioeconomic power and because its geography is suitable for linking national parks. in their research, tayofa et al. (2020) applied an integrated social-ecological approach to measure deforestation, primate diversity and abundance, and local community participation in conservation incentives across various regions of costa rica. they found that despite these incentives, from 2001-2017, the sjls region experienced a loss of 5.19 km2 of forest annually, totaling a loss of 82.97 km2 of forest. of that total, the vast majority, 78.65 km2, were in non-pas, such as secondary forests. the authors explained that of the four regions they evaluated, the sjls had the second lowest level of local community participation (44%) and second highest deforestation rate, with most of this deforestation occurring in its non-pas (94.97% of total deforestation). public participation is a necessary component for pes’s success, and should be prevalent throughout the pes development and implementation process. allen et al. (2021:16) recognized a “thin line between research, community engagement and environmental action” and argue that inviting stakeholders to participate in discussion and deliberation through workshops that establish community values for ecosystem services and associated challenges can help in “developing shared action steps towards ces conservation”. with our work focusing on culturally useful species, it is important to note that despite medicinal plants being listed as a provisioning ecosystem service in the united nations millennium ecosystem assessment of 2005, they are not emphasized within the pes system. scholars such as sucholas et al. (2017) argue that local communities’ medicinal plants should be recognized as part of the pes framework. it is possible that if the sjls stakeholders were to engage in dialogue to elucidate cultural values for ecosystem services as they did in allen et al.’s (2021) workshops in the rural central pacific region of costa rica, these stakeholders would understand and incorporate more of the culturally significant services that the secondary forests provide. in addition to the medicinal importance of many of the secondary forest plants, the forest ecosystems in northern costa rica provide a rich diversity of useful species for timber and construction materials, food, thatch, firewood, hunting and crafts (chazdon and coe 1999). while some may argue that these cultural traditions associated with harvesting necessary resources are invaluable, an economic view may help public and private land decision makers to understand the true value of ecosystem services and biodiversity and therefore support that local and indigenous communities have the means and access to sustainably use and care for nature (sucholas et al. 2017). it is not uncommon for conservation professionals and the media to refer to invaluable and largely untapped sources of new pharmaceutical products as further rationale for protecting tropical forests (caniago and stephen 1998). despite the reliance of 80% of people in developing countries on traditional medicines, discussions in non-subsistence cultures tend to highlight only the global consequences of biodiversity loss for pharmaceutical development, making little or no mention of the local consequences of biological impoverishment for the health care of local communities who depend on plant -based medicines (shanley and luz 2003). so, while the loss of potential resources for the pharmaceutical industry can rightly be understood as an additional harm of deforestation, it is unjust to view it as the primary harm to human enterprise, especially as local communities such as boca topada depend heavily on secondary forests for their medical needs. global demand for medicinal plants continues to increase by 8-15% annually (chen et al. 2016). although we advocate for medicinal plants to be valued as part of the pes system, it is essential that assigning economic value to plants does not open the secondary forests to widespread pharmaceutical bioprospecting. on the contrary, the conservation and sustainable use of these species should be prioritized. with increasing demand for herbal medicines, approximately 15,000 of the 50,000-80,000 flowering plant species used as medicine globally are threatened with extinction from overharvesting and habitat destruction (chen et al. 2016). both vismia and pentaclethra are relatively common in the northern zone of costa rica, but it would be incredibly detrimental to their population and their forests if they were subject to indiscriminate and uncontrolled shebitz et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):37–46 43 perspectives special issue on diverse conservations collection. the protection of secondary forests allows for a in situ conservation opportunity (chen et al. 2016; shebitz et al. 2020) to protect these plant species, and the intricate network of ecological and cultural relationships that they foster. while we do advocate for an economic value to be placed on medicinal plant species in the secondary forests as a conservation strategy, it is essential that this value prioritizes the sustained local harvesting accessibility and use. applying martin lipton’s “the new paradigm” (2016) reasoning could advance the interest of all forest stakeholders. this essay has become an emerging corporate governance framework in which lipton argues that corporations responding to economic pressures have errantly maximized their short-term gains at the expense of “long-term value and the local and national communities in which they operate.” instead, corporations should reject actions or policies that threaten sustained, long-term growth and embrace stewardship to maximize long-term value. lipton’s analysis parallels the story of deforestation: as economic pressure mounted, landowners (managers) have for too long errantly maximized their short-term gains by allowing agricultural interests to clear-cut forests at the expense of “long-term value and the local and national communities in which they operate.” like the corporations in lipton’s analysis, if iplcs are central to conservation decision-making, they may realize long-term value. by embracing community-based stewardship in their forest management practices, private and public land managers might favor sustainable bioprospecting, paying local communities for their deep medicinal plant knowledge, and lobby for stronger conservation systems before deforestation occurs. there is potential for landowners, local communities, and the government to all recognize stronger long-term returns by integrating local knowledge into conservation decision making. conclusion while each tree that is cut down within a remaining patch of forest is a loss for the local ecological, economic, and social communities, the global loss of forest cover represents a crisis for climate stability and biodiversity conservation, as well as a devastating humanitarian disaster. the united nations (2021) estimates that 1.6 billion people, or 25% of the global population, rely on forests for their subsistence needs, livelihoods, employment, and income. the potential human impacts of deforestation underscore the data’s staggering nature: in the two decades between 1980 and 2000 alone, 100 million ha of tropical forest were lost (un 2021). over 12 million ha of tropical forests, including 4.2 million ha of undisturbed primary tropical forests were lost in 2020 (world resources institute 2022). the remaining 7.8 million has were secondary forests that were destroyed during their transition, before they were given the time to recover. we advocate expanding tropical forest protection to secondary forests under the pa system. in the face of deforestation, there must be a greater emphasis on incentivizing and empowering long-term forest management. moreover, these incentives must benefit local communities by ensuring that they can sustainably use the forest’s resources. secondary forests are considered the “forests of tomorrow” (chua and potts 2018), but they are the forests of today too. allowing them to fully develop as pas presents a unique opportunity to implement community-based conservation efforts. as local people continue to sustainably harvest resources from the forests, the forests simultaneously mitigate climate change and foster biodiversity. but deforestation will inevitably force these local communities to increasingly depend on a vanishing resource. it is therefore essential to gain a deeper understanding of the social and ecological benefits of these young forests and ensure their continued global presence. acknowledgments we are truly grateful to those who generously shared their knowledge of medicinal plants with us, especially israel mena, and to kurt schmack, adolfo gonzalez, and the rest of the staff of the laguna del lagarto lodge for their hospitality. declarations permissions: a research permit was issued with the instituto nacional de biodiversidad (inbio) and institutional review board (irb) approval was granted through kean university. sources of funding: nsf reu biology grant # 1262907 and kean university orsp. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited allen, k. e., c. castellano, and s. pessagno. 2021. using dialogue to contextualize culture, ecosystem services, and cultural ecosystem shebitz et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):37–46 44 perspectives special issue on diverse conservations services. ecology and society 26(2):7. doi:10.5751/es-12187-260207. amnesty international. 2022. biodiversity: cop15 biodiversity deal a ‘missed opportunity’ to protect indigenous peoples’ rights [web page]. url: https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/ news/2022/12/biodiversity-cop15-biodiversity-deal -a-missed-opportunity-to-protect-indigenouspeoples-rights/. accessed on february 2, 2023. caniago, i., and f. s. stephen. 1998. medicinal plant ecology, knowledge and conservation in kalimantan, indonesia. economic botany 52(3):229– 250. available at: https://link.springer.com/ content/pdf/10.1007/bf02862141.pdf. accessed on june 16, 2022. chassot, o., g. monge, g. powell, p. wright, and s. palminteri. 2005. corredor biológico san juan-la selva. un proyecto del corredor biológico mesoa mericano para la conservación de la lapa verde y su entorno. centro científico tropical, san josé, costa rica. chazdon, r. l., and f. g. coe. 1999. ethnobotany of woody species in second-growth, old-growth and selectively logged forests in northeastern costa rica. conservation biology 13:1312–1322. doi:10.1046/j.1523-1739.1999.98352.x. chazdon, r. l., s. g. letcher, m. van breugel, m. martinez-ramos, f. bongers, and b. finegan. 2007. rates of change in tree communities of secondary neotropical forests following major disturbances. philosophical transactions of the royal society b 362:273– 289. doi:10.1098/rstb.2006.1990. chazdon, r. l., c. a. peres, d. dent, d. sheil, a. e. lugo, d. lamb, n. e. stork, and s. e. miller. 2009. the potential for species conservation in tropical secondary forests. conservation biology 23:1406-1417. doi:10.1111/j.1523-1739.2009.01338.x. chazdon, r. l. 2014. second growth: the promise of tropical forest regeneration in an age of deforestation. university of chicago press, chicago, il. chazdon, r. l., d. a. falk, l. f. banin, m. wagner, s. wilson, r. c. grabowski, and k. n. s. suding. 2021. the intervention continuum in restoration ecology: rethinking the active-passive dichotomy. restoration ecology. doi:10.1111/rec.13535. chen, s., h. yu, h. luo, q. wu, c. li, and a. steinmetz. 2016. conservation and sustainable use of medicinal plants: problems, progress and prospects. chinese medicine 11:37. doi:10.1186/ s13020-016-0108-7. chua, s., and m. potts. 2018. the role of plant functional traits in understanding forest recovery in wet tropical secondary forests. science of the total environment 642:1252–1262. doi:10.1016/ j.scitotenv.2018.05.397. dudley, n., and stolton, s. 2022. best practice in delivering the 30x30 target, 2nd edition. the nature conservancy and equilibrium research. eaton, w. d., k. m. mcgee, k. alderfer, a. r. jimenez, and m. hajibabaei. 2020. increase in abundance and decrease in richness of soil microbes following hurricane otto in three primary forest types in the northern zone of costa rica. plos one 15(7). doi:10.1371/ journal.pone.0231187. einhorn, c. 2022. nearly every country signs on to a sweeping deal to protect nature. the new york times. [online] url: https:// www.nytimes.com/2022/12/19/climate/ biodiversity-cop15-montreal-30x30.html. fagan, m. e., r. s. defries, s. e. sesnie, j. p. arroyo, w. walker, c. soto, r. l. chazdon, and a. sanchun. 2013. land cover dynamics following a deforestation ban in northern costa rica. environmental research letters 8(3). doi:10.1088/1748-9326/8/3/034017. gargiullo, m. b., b. magnuson, and l. kimball. 2008. a field guide to plants of costa rica. oxford university press, new york, ny. hunt, c. a., and a. l. stronza. 2011. missing the forest for the trees?: incongruous local perspectives on ecotourism in nicaragua converge on ethical issues. human organization 70(4):376– 386. available at: https://www.jstor.org/stable/ i40173552. accessed on february 2, 2023. lambin, e. f., and p. meyfroidt. 2010. land use transitions: socio-ecological feedback versus socio-economic change. land use policy 27(2):108– 118. doi:10.1016/j.landusepol.2009.09.003. lipton, m. 2016. the new paradigm: a roadmap for an implicit corporate governance partnership between corporations and investors to achieve sustainable long-term investment and growth. world economic forum. available at: https:// www.wlrk.com/webdocs/wlrknew/attorneypubs/ wlrk.25960.16.pdf. accessed on june 16, 2022. millennium ecosystem assessment. 2005. ecosystems and human well-being: synthesis. island press. shebitz et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):37–46 45 perspectives special issue on diverse conservations miller, m. j. 2006. environmental degradation in a conservation model: major forest loss in costa rica's amistad-caribe conservation area. faculty scholarship 3. available at: https:// commons.pacificu.edu/cobschol/3. accessed on february 6, 2023. mitchell, m. t., and s. pentzer. 2008. costa rica: a global studies handbook, global studies. latin america & the caribbean. abc-clio publishers, santa barbara, ca. pacheco, f., j. ometto, l. gomes, k. tosto, s. loverde-oliveria, and r. zahawi. 2021. nutrient balance and use efficiency in agricultural lands in the vermelho river watershed, upper pantanal, brazil. journal of geophysical research: biogeosciences 126 (3). doi:10.1029/2020jg005673. pattanayak, s. k., s. wunder, and p. j. ferraro. 2010. show me the money: do payments supply environmental services in developing countries? review of environmental economics and policy 4:254– 274. doi:10.1093/reep/req006. reid, j. l., m. fagan, l. james, j. slaughter, and r. zahawi. 2019. the ephemerality of secondary forests in southern costa rica. conservation letters 12(2). doi:10.1111/conl.12607. shanley, p., and l. luz. 2003. the impacts of forest degradation on medicinal plant use and implications for health care in eastern amazonia. bioscience 53:573–584. doi:10.1641/0006-3568 (2003)053[0573:tiofdo]2.0.co;2. shaver, i., a. chain-guadarrama, k. a. cleary, a. sanfiorenzo, r. j. santiagogarcía, b. finegan, l. hormel, n. sibelet, l. a. vierling, n. bosquepérez, f. declerck, m. e. fagan, and l. p. waits. 2015. coupled social and ecological outcomes of agricultural intensification in costa rica and the future of biodiversity conservation in tropical agricultural regions. global environmental change 32:74–86. doi:10.1016/j.gloenvcha.2015.02.006. shebitz, d., and w. eaton. 2013. forest structure, nutrients, and pentaclethra macroloba growth after deforestation of costa rican lowland forests. isrn ecology. doi:10.1155/2013/414357. shebitz, d., r. gomez, and a. casimir. 2013. a preliminary study of nicaraguan and costa rican medicinal plant knowledge in the maquenque national wildlife refuge. journal of medicinal plants research 7(13):790–798. shebitz, d., w. eaton, and j. ha. 2017. undergraduate learning from the ground up: linking belowground and aboveground diversity in costa rica. council on undergraduate research quarterly 37:11 –17. doi:10.18833/curq/37/3/3. shebitz, d., l.p. agnew, a. oviedo, g. monga, and d. ramanathan. 2020. introducing the potential medicinal and ecological value of a pioneer tree species as a justification to conserve and sustainably manage tropical secondary forests: vismia macrophylla as a case study. journal of ethnobiology 40(1):70–88. doi:10.2993/0278-077140.1.70. sheil, d., b. ladd, l. c. r. silva, s. w. laffan, and m. van heist. 2016. how are soil carbon and tropical biodiversity related? environmental conservation 43 (3):231–241. doi:10.1017/s0376892916000011. steed b. 2003. completing the mosaic: the conservation of private lands in costa rica. journal of land use & environmental law 23:173–218. sucholas, j., a. greinwald, m. heinrich, and r. luick. 2017. naturally occurring medicinal plants as ecosystem service of extensively used grassland. grassland science 22:624–626. available at: https:// www.researchgate.net/publication/343934267. accessed on june 16, 2022. sze, j. s., l. r. carrasco, d. childs, and d. p. edwards. 2022. reduced deforestation and degradation in indigenous lands pan-tropically. nature sustainability 5:123–130. doi:10.1038/ s41893-021-00815-2. tafoya, k. a., e. s. brondizio, c. e. johnson, p. beck, m. wallace, r. quirós, and m. d. wasserman. 2020. effectiveness of costa rica’s conservation portfolio to lower deforestation, protect primates, and increase community participation. frontiers in environmental science 8:212. doi:0.3389/fenvs.2020.580724. taylor, b. n., r. l. chazdon, b. bachelot, and d. n. l. menge. 2017. nitrogen-fixing trees inhibit growth of regenerating costa rican rainforests. proceedings of the national academy of science 114 (33):8817–8822. doi:10.1073/pnas.1707094114. united nations forum on forests secretariat, department of economic and social affairs. 2021. global forests goals report. united nations, new york. shebitz et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):37–46 46 perspectives special issue on diverse conservations world resources institute. forest pulse: the latest on the world’s forests [web page]. url: https:// research.wri.org/gfr/latest-analysis-deforestationtrends. accessed on february 2, 2023. runne-beana: dog herds ethnographer anderson. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(2):32–40 32 research communications special issue on memoirs and memory the distinct benefit of sharing virtually no common language with anyone, demanding alertness and imagination on my part. somehow i let it be known that i was seeking a reindeer-breeding family with whom to live, learn, migrate, work, play, and, hopefully, speak. one woman about my age stood out from the other possible hosts. she intuited that my companionship might combine the instrumental and the expressive: i could be a helpmate, a friend, a scapegoat, a status symbol, and, for the first few months of language-learning, an unhired hand. we both survived, to emerge as life-long friends (cf. anderson 1978, 1986). the nuclear family adopting me included two near-adolescent daughters, a younger son, and two dogs. the father-husband had a mature herding dog, bamse, and the older daughter had a younger dog, then just called runne. runne not only had a genuine saami name shared by most other red or auburn dogs, but his stature and deep coat were along the lines of the original spitz-samoyed-chow-related stock. while gray or spangled-coated dogs will be named ranne, related to the word for “gray,” ranes, no such semantic correspondence obtains for runne. roughly a fortnight after first approaching this potential host family, i returned to their two-room getting into the field in saapmi for but meeting a dog what every ethnographer knows she doesn’t know the ethnographer’s own identity, entourage (if any), and first contacts inevitably shape the resulting ethnographic project in interesting, unpredictable ways (agar 1996; ellen 1987). while i do not recall hearing of ethnographers with non-human companions, i can well imagine that many must have been in such a situation (cf. wengle 1988:56), and this paper concerns itself with a similar situation. runne-beana was a reindeer-herding dog who adopted me when i arrived in the field, facilitating my role as researcher while also enlightening me about saami culture. in fact, his assistance was crucial to every step (literally) of the first five years of intensive fieldwork and the subsequent now forty years of sporadic but regular annual investigations. although runne-beana died in 1983, he remains a topic in ongoing conversations and online discussions. runne introduces himself, as dogs do upon arrival in lapland (now often called saapmi) in february 1972 for dissertation research on saami reindeer management, i zeroed in on a north norway community of nomads and sedentaries. i had runne-beana: dog herds ethnographer1 myrdene anderson 1* 1 department of anthropology, purdue university, west lafayette, in, usa. * myanders@purdue.edu abstract saami society in lapland (now often called saapmi), particularly the seasonally -nomadic reindeer-breeding sector, is predicated upon mobility and autonomy of its actors. runne-beana, a talented reindeer-herding dog, exhibited both mobility and autonomy when allocating to himself a peripatetic ethnographer, on the first day of five years of doctoral dissertation fieldwork in arctic norway in 1972. that family’s and the wider community’s reactions to runne-beana’s behavior, and mine, highlight the tensions when mobility and autonomy compound with ideologies of ownership and control. at the same time, his companionship profoundly shaped all field relationships, engendering an understanding of dog culture as it is manifest in the herder/herding dog/reindeer triad and in the interpenetration of assumptions concerning child/dog enculturation. received june 14, 2016 open access accepted august 24, 2016 doi 10.14237/ebl.7.2.2016.725 keyword fieldwork reflections, saami, reindeer-herding dogs, reindeer management copyright © 2016 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. anderson. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(2):32–40 33 research communications special issue on memoirs and memory frame winter dwelling, somewhat apprehensive that they might have changed their minds or that i had misunderstood. i left my rucksack leaning on an outside wall. the house was filled with many persons, only a few coinciding with the family. my tentative friend welcomed me with interminable cups of coffee. at some point, still unsure of where or whether i would find shelter that night, or any other night, some youngsters burst into the room with an urgent message. i recognized the cognate loan of “ruck-sack” and the word beana, “dog.” one more cognate popped out, rhyming with “piss.” almost incredulous that i decoded the situation, i followed gestures to bring my rucksack indoors. that was when runne first staked me out as his special companion; it amused everyone else, but i, originally a “cat person,” was oblivious of his identity for some time. in the following months, integrated into a larger sii’da herding group of four related families and many times that number of herding dogs, i concentrated on recognizing persons and let the dogs sort themselves out later. runne asserts himself and gets a surname name, “dog” on that first spring migration, there was this particularly appealing dog who chose to be either pillow, quilt, or comforter for and to me. the girl who had runne as her own herding dog, unlike other owners, often fondled him and put him through parlor tricks. he would then look to me rather than to her for rewarding glances. i began to realize how many interesting affective triangles were under brew. although the dog appeared young and certainly acted that way, even to the extent of abruptly transferring his allegiance to me, i later discovered that he was in his third year. as runne attached himself more and more explicitly to me, i started referring to him and addressing him in a fashion habitually used for others of my companion-pets, specifying the species; he became runne-beana, ‘runne-dog’. other persons picked up on this nomenclature—perhaps due to a saami passion for novelty. it followed that my initial unique and superfluous position gradually transformed into one integral to larger and larger social groups, with this dog as my badge. six months later, having accompanied the reindeer and nomad families from the tundra to the coast on spring migration, i needed a separate and fixed field residence for research materials, and in order to be free to meet and travel with as many different sii’da herding groups as possible. i located a cabin-sized dwelling, and moved in with a burgeoning mass of notes, books, tapes, films, plant-presses, hides, and artifacts. at that time, runne-beana was “at work” on the range, herding reindeer. the daughter herself rarely spent long periods in herding activities because of school schedules, but would loan her dog to her father so that he could have the benefit of two helpers. each time runne-beana returned to the settlement, he sought me out and announced himself by howling outside my window. i first assumed the commotion to be friends or neighbors trying to frighten me by sounding like the dreaded wolf. i knew, however, that by the end of the second world war, the local wolf population had been wiped out, even though an occasional wolf might still stray over the russian or finnish border only to be killed as a predator. when i would go outside to confront the pranksters, i would only be greeted by runne-beana. in complaining about this habit of the dog, neighbors made almost as much noise as the dog. realizing that this was not “my” dog, and that he was an indispensable, contributing member to the subsistence activities of his natal and my original host family, i did little to encourage his joining me. at least, i did not feed him. it was impossible, however, not to appreciate his company and the attention we both received, some critical but much of it positive. a compromise routine developed, whereby runne-beana lived with me except when on assignment. the evening before a herding departure, children from the sii’da would be dispatched to locate, relocate, and detain the dog at his proper residence. he would be tied up until taken out to the tundra. unfortunately, runne-beana was adept at escaping any rope, chain, or confinement and would then return to me, where he would be scolded and sent back. eventually he learned not to show himself to me until his sii’da-mates gave up and left for the herd without him. however, my fieldwork kept me from my headquarters much of the time; if i were not away for hours or days, it could be weeks or months. whenever runne-beana returned to my cabin and could not rouse me by howling, or find me elsewhere by scent, he engaged the help of bamse, his closest dog-pal, the older dog, owned by the husband-father in his natal family. while bamse impressed few with his intelligence, anderson. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(2):32–40 34 research communications special issue on memoirs and memory he possessed one skill that the younger, brighter runne-beana never had to master: bamse could open doors with a flick of the paw. on occasions when runne-beana could not find me at my cabin, he would return to his natal family and fetch bamse. the two would come to the cabin, and bamse would open the series of doors to enter the innermost room, my sanctum. there they made themselves comfortable on my bedding and books. upon my return, i would find doors flapping in the wind, and two (or more, up to a half-dozen) snug dogs inside, all happy to see me. runne-beana, however, preferred not to share my company with these others, and once i appeared, he contrived to drive them off. often i would be off again on ethnographic errands, accompanied by the jealous runne-beana and the lumbering bamse. on these trips, runne-beana took little time in dispatching bamse on some wild-goose chase so that the two of us could march on alone. typically, runne-beana would seemingly detect a scent worthy of first-order fascination. bamse took notice of this, but sniff and inhale as he might, only managed to look bewildered. as soon as bamse was hooked on the belief that there must be a scent to be found if he just tried hard enough, runne-beana would dart off in a line oblique to our path, and both dogs would disappear behind a barn guaranteed to be steeped in odors. evidently, bamse would be rewarded with scents worthy of figure 1 runne-beana engaged in ethnography, kautokeino, norway, 1979. anderson. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(2):32–40 35 research communications special issue on memoirs and memory investigation, and runne-beana would trot back to fall into step with me, out of bamse’s line of sight. like most saami dogs, runne-beana expected to accompany his consort everywhere (cf. figure 1), and did not appreciate the norwegian regulations prohibiting dogs in the local store. while i taught him to understand various commands, including vurde, “wait,” he saw no reason not to accompany the very next patron into the store to find me, or he might sneak behind me so closely as not be noticed, by me. in such public settings, persons from his natal family and natal sii’da might recognize runne-beana and greet him; he would snub them, feigning nonrecognition. runne-beana establishes our reputation all this singular behavior and public exposure led to both runne-beana and myself being recognized far beyond our regular circuits, extending over hundreds of kilometers within an area of some 15,000 square kilometers. i became aware that independence, individuality, and innovation were indeed valued in saami culture. this applied to humans and dogs, and to reindeer and ethnographers as well. basically, whatever non-deleterious attributes first emerge in the ontogeny of an individual or relationship may be rewarded and utilized as markers. whether the noteworthy attributes are culturally positive, neutral, or negative, is of lesser consequence—just to be acknowledged as unique in some combination of traits is in itself flattering, contributing to the construction of self. one identifies, and is described, after the more memorable of ancestors in any generation, regardless of sex. the inventory of common names for either gender or humans, and for dogs of any gender, is limited. parental and grandparental names help disambiguate humans. dog names usually index color rather than sex, and are disambiguated when necessary by reference to the owner or to the larger sii’da group. family groups are seldom physically localized at any time or place. instead, members—often singly or in ever-changing constellations with each other and outsiders—go about the business of pastoralnomadism, exchanging news and gossip at every turn (cf. anderson 1978, 1986). one recognizes an approaching figure at a distance largely by the gestalt provided by human-dog combo, each of particular stature, gait, configuration, and color. i too could be recognized by the same method. even though runnebeana surely provided little more than redundancy given my assembly of traditional and nontraditional garb, persons always indicated that they recognized runne-beana and then deduced that the person must be me. the summer reindeer pastures in this region lie mostly along the coast in now norwegian-speaking regions. runne-beana and i figured as a pair here as well. the norwegian friends and trading partners of my original host family, and my own developing network of friends and trading partners, accepted our visits as a relief from their fishing and farming routines. they discussed runne-beana’s intelligence, traditional build, and independence, and occasionally “dog-sat” while i went off on an errand, even when i returned to the united states almost five years later. runne-beana goes international stud runne-beana was born (probably in 1969) and raised in norway, about 40 kilometers from the finnish border to the south. about 100 kilometers farther south, one is in sweden. the saami in the far north of all three countries speak the same dialect, intermarry, and even exchange pups, although the borders have been closed to reindeer traffic since 1851. runnebeana’s natal family, and doubtless he himself, had relatives in both finland and sweden. this family was also widely respected for its members’ personalities, integrity, and herding prowess. runne-beana continued to periodically herd with and without me, throughout the first 56-month stint of continuous fieldwork. dogs, like children in saami society, develop skills for which they are known, in a process best described as “ripening” (anderson 2000). neither dogs nor children receive explicit training or drills, but become actors as they choose and when they are inspired. consequently, no two dogs or persons ever share the same complement or quality of skills. just as humans everywhere learn language without being taught, saami children, and dogs, also learn skills by casual as well as careful observation, and trial-and-error, or elect to abstain from certain skills, which is always allowed (cf. anderson 1978; beach 1981). in general, an individual dog may be adept at driving a moving herd of reindeer or at monitoring a stationary herd; dogs may also prefer one or another kind of terrain. a herder might keep several dogs with him/her on the range, because of these differing skills and temperaments, and because to leave dogs at their seasonal dwelling might be inconvenient given the anderson. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(2):32–40 36 research communications special issue on memoirs and memory interplay of leash laws, bitches in heat, and the like. (on one occasion on the tundra i encountered three herders inside a tent, but first burst out their thirteen dogs.) in work on the range, the herder’s commands generally coincided with dog maneuvers, but the combo might instead work at cross purposes, with stern consequences for the dog, even punishment, which would never be the case for children. in leisure, however, the human-dog team was tight-knit, sharing much of the same food and shelter as is available on the tundra. runne-beana preferred driving chores and medium topography; he disliked precipitous, rocky mountaintops and dreaded swimming in icy rivers. i learned he had experienced a few close calls in both environments. nevertheless, he had a commanding reputation as a herding dog, and as a fighter when need be. he possessed the lines of the pre-contact dog featured in early lithographs. few such dogs turn up anymore. i have discussed elsewhere more details about the social and psychological dynamics of canine reproduction, naming, working, and retirement (anderson 1986). a saami woman might maintain one breeding bitch. she exercises no selection of stud, for this settles itself suitably among the dogs themselves, to everyone’s amusement. in this region, only male dogs are retained as working dogs; female dogs may be equally suitable to herding, but their coming into heat would be disruptive. therefore, female pups are culled at birth, usually by hanging or drowning—both considered honorable ways of dying. very senile retired dogs may more likely die by fighting with younger dogs or succumb to accidents on thin ice or perish in bad weather. about four years into the first fieldwork period, i was visited by two helsinki women and three bitches in heat. they had been breeding saami herding dogs for nine years, 1,700 km away to the south, having an interest in maintaining or even re-constituting the attractive earlier phenotype. the women had contractual arrangements with persons in the helsinki area who housed bitches and cooperated in their breeding. the only studs to be selected were those recognized as herding dogs in lapland, so mating entailed long journeys from helsinki with bitches in tow. the indigenous saami owner of the stud dog would receive in return at least one male pup, and these would subsequently be monitored for herding aptitude. other male pups would be sold or distributed in the north, while female pups could either be sold as show dogs to fanciers in the south, or kept as breeding stock if there were reason to suspect they carried auspicious traits for reindeer management. their genealogical records and reconstructions were the earliest to document saami herding dogs in this northern region of saapmi. runne-beana’s reputation had reached helsinki, and his genes were wanted; he cooperated. i was promised a pup that i would give to runne-beana’s original mistress, but the pregnant bitch was killed by a car in helsinki. the natal family suspected that i had received payment for runne-beana’s sexual services, hoping to obtain some token, if only for conversation purposes. there ensued a brief period of animosity. yet, these new relationships—complicated, involving bitches that had to be smuggled back and forth over the finnish-norwegian border—paid dividends for all in terms of our heightened individual and collective profiles, and stories. fieldwork with and without runne-beana runne-beana—the-linguist in a sedentary setting an ethnographer cannot be all places at all times; in a nomadic one, the frustrations multiply by orders of magnitude. however, when runne-beana and i were separated, i often later received more detailed information about the events he experienced. with runne-beana as a partner, my own social sphere automatically expanded to include his. he confidently accompanied me through packs of aggressive members of his own species and on long treks in unmarked terrain. when lambs and reindeer calves graze on public lands during the summer, regulations prohibit dogs running loose. i observed these regulations to the letter, unlike most saami, who really could not deploy dogs on leashes in a herding setting. this brings up runne-beana’s skill as a language teacher. living among nomads leaves little opportunity for neat little language drills. one must simply speak, correctly or not. having chattered to runnebeana daily, and dreamt in the language at night, i could at least make mistakes smoothly. saami are pragmatic folk and do not worry about abuses of their language as long as the result is understandable or useful at some level. this absence of negative feedback plus the considerable time devoted to discourse with runne-beana, inevitably led to my perpetuating the same errors for years. similar sociolinguistic dynamics obtain with norwegian-speakers, at least in anderson. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(2):32–40 37 research communications special issue on memoirs and memory the north. their amazement that anyone would learn their language swamps any inclination to provide corrective feedback. norwegians, though, still judge quirks in a foreigner’s speech, while among saami, idiosyncratic errors can also be chalked up to individuality and innovation, always positively regarded. runne-beana remained alert during any saami conversation, but appeared to block out any norwegian one. he also had definite judgments about individuals, without strictly discriminating along linguistic or cultural lines. in the presence of a person he disliked, he would tuck himself out of sight. with members of his natal family, whom he loved, the situation was ambivalent. he could fear their taking him away for work and responded by seeming bashful. saami devoted considerable time analyzing dog and reindeer behavior in anthropomorphic terms. through these discussions, i came to appreciate very soon the salient affective states and predominant rationales for behavior. runne-beana—the-ethnobotanist, or, stalking the elusive beadnag(a)-suoi-dni, “dog-grass” given my interest in all aspects of folk science—and having initially justified this research as ethnobotanical, focusing on winter-forage lichen as a limiting resource (anderson 1978)—i looked forward to elucidating the saami systems of classification, use, and belief with respect to plants and animals. plants posed a problem, for saami volunteered little, even about the most crucial of reindeer forage plants. nor did they consider vegetables particularly edible for humans. berries were another matter, but only children would sample berries beyond the two species having commercial value (anderson 2016). i later concluded that saami evince less respect for anything sedentary, persons as well as plants (anderson 1986). they assumed that the reindeer knew enough about botany to forage successfully, so plant identification was not a human concern. i noticed that like other dogs, runne-beana would browse on handy monocots that i had no reason to believe would belong to a single species. one of the few plant segregates saami could/would name and on which all saami agreed, was beadnag(a)-suoi’dni, “doggrass”; norwegians also agreed about this, calling it hundegress, “dog-grass”! usually this identification was assisted by a convenient canine. determined to apply myself to at least one research question with hope of resolution, i competed with runne-beana to collect some strands of this often mutilated and seldom tasseled grass. back at yale’s peabody museum after five years of collection, comparison revealed that all specimens were of a single species, dactylis glomerata. in this case, runnebeana and i had put in a lot of work for only one result. most of our fieldwork tended in the other directions, with the slightest input generating numerous questions, each leading to a tangle of explanations along with many dead-ends. runne-beana—the-political-economist issues of ownership and control rank paramount in saami society, on par with the emphasis on individuality and independence. obviously, tension can be expected between ownership, which may be elaborated by all manner of marks, myths, and behaviors, and control, which—despite safeguards and escalating countermeasures when ownership has not been respected—remains virtually impossible to ensure. in saami culture, all material items, and even social relations and oral chants (anderson 2015, beach 1981, paine 1994), are individually owned—and earmarked or initialed, on the one hand, or forged, hidden, or destroyed by an interloper, as the case may be. runnebeana belonged to my friend’s young daughter, who also became my friend. when the dog opted to adopt himself out to me, there were issues of ownership, of lack of control, and of pride for each of us to confront, and from many angles. fortunately, on the matter of face, episodes involving runne-beana tended to be tedium-relieving highlights in the community, and members of his natal family could easier maintain their dignity by chuckling along with others than by worrying about personal pride or even legal rights. the acceptance of the dog’s independent decision and the dialectic between ownership and control enlightened me as an ethnographer. some persons speculated as to whether or not i had purchased the dog, then wondering about the price. one channel of currency into the community was from tourism. persons were known to sell almost any item for almost any price, and to manufacture both traditional and nontraditional items strictly for this seasonal market. tourists seeing runne-beana were always attracted by his singular character and sociability; i then feared that he could actually be sold. one reason for this apprehension went beyond my own cultural hang-ups about living with someone else’s dog. retaliation and vengeance are amply anderson. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(2):32–40 38 research communications special issue on memoirs and memory documented patterns of saami social behavior (beach 1981; paine 1994), as is a diluted version in teasing. both runne-beana and i were teased, for fun as well as viciously. i often had trouble understanding the rationale of the critical camp, comprised of individuals only remotely affiliated with runne-beana’s natal family. finally, i noticed that runne-beana, his original mistress, and myself were all three considered to be cultural deviants: we exhibited our devotion to each other. some observers might regard our aberrant behavior as unique and thereby accept it as appropriate in saami culture where singularity is valued; others with less intimate connection to us, could only be critical, even disgusted, by any overt show of affection, not to mention by my conscientious control of the dog during the seasonal leash period. yet, whatever the situation, the preferred and default strategy in this society is to take risks. survivors, including ethnographers, accumulate a lot of adventure stories this way. given nonhierarchical, lateral principles underlying saami social organization (beach 1981; pehrson 1957), social and antisocial acts often escalate with waves of exacerbating positive feedback. hence, reindeer theft, rustling, and poaching have been known to develop between two persons, relatives or not, or between two sii’da groups, to the extent that one party might even wipe out the holdings of the other (anderson 1978). contemporary versions of such escalating antagonistic behavior include the occasional unplugging of food freezers. but these are culturally marked actions, dampened by more general social disapproval and, potentially, recovered by rapid returns in reindeer management. consequently, the relationship between runnebeana and myself could easily have been a casualty of any number of cultural forces. the most serious to manifest involved some older children of several sedentary families. these children had been raised with the customary freedom and absence of social restraint characterizing their unique “ripening,” but in the case of non-nomads without the usual insurance provided by environmental push-back. until recently, saami children were basically raised first by nature itself, thence by a virtual village (anderson 1978, 2000). moreover, in a rapidly changing milieu, opportunities for mischief, theft, and vandalism steadily increased for sedentary children, who, unlike nomad children, had fewer competing healthy pastimes. nomads and sedentaries are interdependent, particularly between the saami nomads of the interior and the norwegian sedentaries at the coast near the reindeer’s summer pastures. however, between the nomads and saami sedentaries of the interior winter village, the relationship can be more antagonistic, with the sedentary voicing envy at the more free, traditional lifestyle of the nomad who often has more “real” as well as conventional wealth, partially given subsidies afforded reindeer management. because both runnebeana and i associated more with nomads, we were at risk for this type of resentment from sedentaries, the local majority. the sedentary children in question threatened to mistreat runne-beana, and on occasion were able to carry out violence with rocks, air-guns, and speeding vehicles. this was the main reason i could not simply transfer the dog back to his natal family when i left the field at the end of 1976, for runne-beana would predictably look for me at my last cabin, in a hamlet near these locally-labeled delinquents. after one of the more acrimonious altercations, the children made a threat that sent me reeling; i was forced to recall some of the older collections of folklore i had skimmed in foreign libraries many years before. runne-beana was promised the most excruciating death imaginable, that reserved for the despised wolf in former times—to be skinned alive and turned loose. i cannot finish that sentence. on closures: runne-beana in retirement and beyond the dissertation—“closure” short of death of any party during my final year in the field, i made every attempt to remain sedentary to work on the dissertation, a situation that was hard on both the dog and myself. at spring migration time, runne-beana was needed on the range, but i foresaw no way to apply myself to writing without his companionship. runne-beana stayed home with me, missing the opportunity to become a film star in marlin perkins’ “wild kingdom” documentary. as the time drew ever nearer for my first departure from the field, in the fifth year toward the end of 1976, i was at a loss as to resolving the proper placement of runne-beana, my closest friend and major consultant. for various reasons, i felt that continued full-time work with his natal family’s reindeer herd would decrease his lifespan and not necessarily contribute to his happiness. alternatively, anderson. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(2):32–40 39 research communications special issue on memoirs and memory for the dog to join me in the united states could have the same result; worse yet, once out of norway, he could not return without undergoing a strenuous quarantine period. fortunately, at the time of packing the final crates, none other than runne-beana’s stud connections unexpectedly showed up from helsinki. these two women had a new proposition. they wanted to borrow runne-beana for a few months of stud service in the south. without fully realizing what was happening, i agreed, solving in many ways my immediate problem of his disposition. when runne-beana returned to the north from helsinki some five months later, shampooed and brushed, his natal mistress’s mother entered him in and won a ribbon at the first and perhaps only saami reindeer-herding dog show in the north, in the spring of 1977. photographs attest to his fine condition, but by the next following summer, after a year on the tundra under harsh working conditions, his age was showing. by this time, the dissertation out of the way, i intervened—behaving unilaterally and consequently in the best saami manner. i arranged for runnebeana’s retirement with a coastal farm family where he was guaranteed fish every day and plenty of attention from familiar folk. accusations of kidnapping only added to my reputation. this was, after all, how i had acquired the dog in the first place. the dissertation (anderson 1978)—neither ethnobotanical nor ethnozoological, but, following hal conklin’s not-so-secret passion, ethnoecological—had been dedicated to runne-beana and the various creatures assisting me along the way. each time i returned to the field, regularly each summer and for fourteen months during 1979–1980, i would borrow my retired companion and best collaborator for the duration. we would visit, trek, camp, and share in all the treats and hardships of field research. during an absence, around easter of 1983, runne-beana died in his fourteenth year, an unusually old age for these conditions. he was buried in a special place that i found difficult to visit, even though, annually, i am right there. between runne-beana’s demise in 1983, and the chernobyl disaster of 1986, there were years when it was very stressful to carry on with fieldwork, though i did and still do. muste-beana—runne-beana’s gift to america one of the two finnish friends once involved, decades before, with saami reindeer herding-dog breeding, contacted me early in june of 2004 with news. she was adopting a pregnant bitch, tulikki, who was a descendent of runne-beana, one of her favorite studs back in the day. tulikki’s genealogy showed five links back to my old dog, and the father dog had three. my friend assured me that she would save me the best of the litter. i already knew that come fall, following my usual summer fieldwork in lapland, i would attend an international interdisciplinary conference on culture, nature, semiotics, in tallinn and tartu, estonia—an overnight ferry from helsinki, and thence a short train ride to my finnish friend, and tulikki’s pups. i cleared my calendar for all contingencies, at least the ones i might anticipate. by email attachment, following the birth of nine pups on july 31, 2004, i followed the squirming brood, seemingly mostly black, whereas my old runne -beana had a distinctive auburn coat. then to celebrate their attaining six weeks of age, my friend sent me individual but unlabeled portraits. i had no idea as to which was “best of the litter,” although i had been told that it was a little spangled female. figure 2 muste-beana in finland at 6 weeks, before emigration to u.s.a. at 10 weeks. anderson. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(2):32–40 40 research communications special issue on memoirs and memory i froze, fixating on a single portrait that resembled a baby bear. however, the image did not look “like a girl,” and was quite black, not spangled (figure 2). this was the state of affairs as i arrived in estonia. on the ferry to finland, i resigned myself to the fact that i had fallen in love with the wrong portrait. since i felt committed to adopt the reserved female, the only solution would be to adopt two dogs. with trepidation, i arrived in finland to meet “the best of the litter, my puppy,” and her siblings, including the tall, black, handsome muste-beana. all black dogs are named “muste,” in saami, by the way, but unlike “runne,” there is an etymological connection with finno-uralic words for “black” and even “ink,” although not in saami itself. little did it occur to me that muste-beana might have already been purchased, as indeed five other pups had been. but there he was, with two brothers and the best-of-litter sister. the four pups were given two elk knuckle bones, and i proudly witnessed muste -beana take ownership of the larger of the huge bones, drag it near a doghouse where there were some ready-dug holes, then position it in one, which was not nearly deep enough. i was thinking, oh, that’s what dogs do, they bury bones; however, he used the shallow hole as a fulcrum to aid his front paws in rotating the bone to best advantage. being a cat person, i was impressed. fast forward to 2016, muste-beana, and his sister, became 12 years old. his sister had been immediately adopted by a long-former student’s daughter when we arrived from finland, but this year she moved to upstate new york. however, muste-beana has a new friend. in spring 2016, coincidently from upstate new york, we adopted a blind colleague’s 13-year-old retired service dog, herself with vision issues. now muste-beana has someone larger than cats to herd. however, each december, he does pose with illuminated strings of harnessed reindeer that show up in neighborhood yards. notes 1this paper, exclusive the current closure, was presented at the symposium i organized for the 60th annual meeting of the central states anthropological society: “human-alloanimal social relations, (i), work and play, doggedly”; lincoln, nebraska, 26–28 april 1984. declarations permissions: none declared. sources of funding: none declared. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited agar, m. 1996. the professional stranger: an informal introduction to ethnography, 2nd edition. academic press, san diego, ca. anderson, m. 1978. saami ethnoecology: resource management in norwegian lapland. unpublished doctoral dissertation, department of anthropology, yale university, new haven, ct. anderson, m. 1986. from predator to pet: social relationships of the saami reindeer-herding dog. central issues in anthropology 6:3–11. anderson, m. 2000. saami children and traditional knowledge. in ecological knowledge in the north: studies in ethnobiology, edited by i. svanberg and h. tunon, pp. 55–65. swedish biodiversity centre, uppsala, sweden. anderson, m. 2015. musing on nomadism: being and becoming at home on the reindeer range. in stories of home: place, identity, exile, edited by d. chawla and s. holman jones, pp. 17–30. lexington books, new york, ny. anderson, m. 2016. food trends through two generations amongst saami in arctic fennoscandia. in gender and food: from production to consumption and after, advances in gender research 22, edited by v. demos and m. texler segal, pp. 3–23. emerald, new york, ny. beach, h. 1981. reindeer herd management in transition: the case of tuorpon saameby in northern sweden. uppsala university press, uppsala, sweden. ellen, r. f. 1987. ethnographic research: a guide to general conduct, 2nd edition. academic press, new york, ny. paine, r. 1994. herds of the tundra: a portrait of saami reindeer pastoralism. smithsonian institution press, washington, dc. pehrson, r. n. 1957. the bilateral network of social relations in konkama lapp district. international journal of american linguistics (ii) 23.1. wengle, j. l. 1988. ethnographers in the field: the psychology of research. university of alabama press, tuscaloosa, al. letter from the editors ethnobiology letters book review 12 jamaican food: history, biology, culture b. w. higman. 2008. university of west indies press, jamaica. pp. 580. $70.00 (cloth). isbn (cloth) 9789766402051. reviewed by john rashford 1 reviewer address: 1 department of sociology and anthropology, college of charleston, charleston, south carolina 29424 received: september 18 th 2009 volume 1:12-13 published: august 3 rd 2010 © 2010 society of ethnobiology barry higman, distinguished historian and anthropologist of the caribbean, has produced what is to date the most authoritative account of the history, biology, and culture of jamaican food. it will be, no doubt, of great interest, not only to jamaicans, but to scholars in diverse fields, including the ethnobiological sciences. his interdisciplinary effort notwithstanding, higman tells us his “approach leaves out much and that readers may wish for more on the sociology of consumption, on the role of food in society and religion, in festivals and rituals, and in politics and culture” (p. xviii). his justification for this, quite reasonable i might add, is that there “is enough in these subjects to make another book” (ibid). higman also notes that the book could have been organized around nutrition or jamaican “dishes” and “their combination in meals,” but this would have made “difficult an analysis of origins and the story of particular ingredients, which,” he tells us, was his “primary objective” (ibid). instead, higman chose to structure his discussion around plants and animals as sources of jamaican food. there are two introductory chapters and three major sections with 2 to 4 chapters each. the first chapter begins with the question “why do jamaicans eat what they eat?” and in so doing, establishes a clear link to raymond sokolov’s broader question posed in his book why we eat what we eat: how the encounter between the new world and the old changed the way everyone on the planet eats (1991). the second introductory chapter starts by pointing out that the three principle ways jamaicans obtain food are from production based on their immediate environment, the introduction of exotic plants and animals, and trade, and it explores the choices of “what and what not to eat and drink” in jamaica based on “systems of supply” and “taste.” in this chapter higman introduces a broad overview of the island and its history that takes us from the original taino to the introduction of supermarkets and fast food outlets in the 1960s. following the introduction, part one focuses on the parts of plants used for food with four chapters covering roots, stems and leaves, fruits, and seeds respectively. the author’s comments on his choice of this approach are worth noting. he writes: “generally, all aspects of a particular plant have been discussed together, and the plant as a whole has been located with the part that dominates its uses” (p. xviii). this is important as it prevents what would otherwise have been a fragmented discussion of the different species of plants. part two deals with animals in the same way as plants and the discussion is organized around their groupings “into biological families.” the first chapter of this section focuses on molluscs, crustaceans, insects, and reptiles. the remaining three chapters cover fish, birds, and mammals. part one and two with their focus on plants and animals comprise the most substantial parts of this book. part three focuses on inorganic matter and has two short chapters. the first on salt, earth, and water and the second presents the conclusion. in his concluding chapter higman notes that it “may appear ironic that of the many foods consumed by jamaicans only a small proportion are indigenous,” especially when we consider that in “earlier times, the indigenous was far more important” (p.417). higman points out that the twentieth century saw a shift in the definition of jamaican food that was especially associated with changes in methods of processing, preparation, and cooking. prior to the late nineteenth century, the distinct method of cooking (“founded on the abundant supply of feral animals, particularly cows and pigs” [p. 418]) was barbecue and what is popularly known in jamaica as jerk. today, jerk is one of jamaica’s most well-known dishes. however, many of jamaica’s most familiar foods developed from the late ethnobiology letters book review 13 nineteenth century on, such as ackee and saltfish, rice and peas, stew peas, curry goat, patty, and bun. higman’s conclusion also touches (for the last time) on subjects that include the relation between jamaican food and jamaican identity and nationalism, the jamaica taste with its love of salt, sugar and spice, and the relevance of marvin harris’s “cost-benefit efficiency model” for explaining (whether in jamaica or around the world) why particular animals are eaten and others are not. the obvious importance of food to all people and its diverse links to other areas of their lives makes it an indispensable component of any genuine attempt to understand cultural similarities and differences. higman is well positioned to have written such an outstanding work on jamaican culture from the vantage point of food because his mastery of the subject goes well beyond published sources. he lived in jamaica for almost 30 years and taught history at the university of the west indies where he was also chair of the history department. although jamaican food was written at the australian national university’s history program (of the research school of social sciences), higman began systematic research for the book in the middle of the 1980s. barry higman is a delightful colleague and friend and i remember well our enjoyable and informative explorations of the jamaican landscape. the book is well illustrated with many black-andwhite drawings done by william murray, several useful maps, and 40 plates of beautiful late eighteenth-century watercolor paintings by reverend john lindsay depicting many of the edible plants and animals of jamaica. jamaican food is rich in citations with an excellent bibliography and a thorough index. the index, in particular, will make this book a valuable resource for all who are interested in jamaican foods and related subjects, and in the relationship between food and the making of our present world system. relative importance and knowledge distribution of medicinal plants in a kichwa community in the ecuadorian amazon doyle et al. 2016. ethnobiology letters 8(1):1–14 1 research communications and age-associated differences in plant knowledge may have an impact on the management of forests. research in the area of social ecology supports the idea that traditional knowledge, such as knowledge of the use of plants as medicine, impacts how indigenous people manage forest resources (berkes et al. 2000; colding and folke 2001). the objective of our study was to determine if, in fact, there are any gender or age-associated differences in medicinal plant knowledge among the payamino people. in addition, we aimed to determine the medicinal plants that are most important to the payamino people to more fully characterize payamino ethnomedicine and to identify species that might be candidates for further ethnobotanical, phytochemical, and pharmacological investigation. introduction san josé de payamino is a community of quijos kichwa-speaking people located in the ecuadorian amazon. the payamino people are revered by neighboring communities for their adherence to a relatively traditional lifestyle, which includes the use of plants as medicine (irvine 1987). the earliest account of payamino ethnobotany included notes on plant use and a list of plants collected in the payamino territory (irvine 1987). irvine delineated the role of payamino shamans as individuals trained in the use of medicinal plants, and who have more knowledge of, and experience with, medicinal plants than other members of the community. according to irvine, most members of the community have some basic medical knowledge, and she hypothesized that because of the traditional division of labor, gender relative importance and knowledge distribution of medicinal plants in a kichwa community in the ecuadorian amazon brian j. doyle 1* , caroline m. asiala 1 , and diana m. fernández 2 1 department of biology and department of biochemistry, alma college, alma, mi, usa. 2 national institute of biodiversity, national herbarium of ecuador, quito, ecuador. * doylebj@alma.edu abstract traditional knowledge, such as knowledge of the use of plants as medicine, influences how indigenous people manage forest resources. gender and age-associated differences in traditional knowledge may impact forest resource management because of the traditional division of labor. we interviewed 18 men and 18 women between 9 and 74 years old in san josé de payamino, an indigenous community of the kichwa ethnicity in the ecuadorian amazon, to determine if there are gender or age-associated differences in medicinal plant knowledge among the payamino people and to identify the most important species from a sample of medicinal plants. individuals were interviewed using a tablet that displayed images of 34 plants, which had been cited by traditional healers in the community. quantitative analysis provided insight into the relative importance of plants in the sample as well as the distribution of medicinal plant knowledge among members of the community. the most important plants were tradescantia zanonia and monolena primuliflora. these plants should be considered candidates for further investigation. there was a positive correlation between age and knowledge of medicinal plants, but no significant difference between genders. our results suggest that an interview method that relies on digital images can reveal differences in the importance of medicinal plants as well as provide insight into the distribution of traditional medical knowledge. while men and women are likely to manage forest resources similarly, younger members of the community may not have the same regard for forest resources as their elder counterparts. received august 24, 2016 open access accepted november 16, 2016 doi 10.14237/ebl.8.1.2017.777 keyword traditional medicine, ethnobotany, quichua, runa, payamino copyright © 2017 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. doyle et al. 2016. ethnobiology letters 8(1):1–14 2 research communications recently, the most knowledgeable members of the community, the traditional healers (shamans and curanderos), were interviewed using a forest walk, or walk-in-the-woods, method (doyle et al. 2014). while an intensive forest walk interview may be appropriate for very knowledgeable participants, this approach is not practical for broader participation. forest walks are typically very time consuming and labor intensive, particularly when conducted in challenging settings, such as in the amazon. as an alternative approach, structured interviews that rely on plant images rather than fortuitously encountering plants in the forest allows for more efficient and consistent data collection (thomas et al. 2007). thomas et al. (2007) highlighted the advantages of using photographs of plants rather than voucher specimens or freshly collected plant material in ethnobotanical interviews. participants recognized 92–96% of photographs of plants that they had indicated and named during prior forest walk interviews but only 68–86% of voucher specimens. therefore, using images of plants proved to be an effective interview method. in the present study, we adapted the approach used by whitecloud et al. (2014) where participants were presented digital photographs of plants on an electronic tablet. the presentation of digital images has several advantages over printed images or voucher specimens. for example, the tablet provides a similar visual experience under most conditions. since most interviews are conducted in the homes of informants, which tend to be somewhat dark, the backlit screen, adjustable brightness, and zoom function of the tablet enable scrutiny of morphological characteristics under these conditions. furthermore, tablets allow one to take photographs and record audio and video during the interview process, and in fact, images taken in situ are immediately available for use in ex situ interviews. lastly, data can be entered directly into a spreadsheet figure 1 location of san josé de payamino relative to the nearest towns of coca and loreto and the sumaco napo galeras national park (timburi cocha 2015). doyle et al. 2016. ethnobiology letters 8(1):1–14 3 research communications or text document on the tablet, which allows for organization, analysis and digital archival of field notes at the study site. electronic tablets can be encased in a waterproof cover that does not interfere with the visibility or the interactivity of the screen. only one informant, a male 79 years of age, was excluded due to difficulty seeing the images. methods description of the study area san josé de payamino is located roughly 45 km west of coca (puerto francisco de orellana) in loreto canton, orellana province (figure 1). the community claims ownership of a 16,800 ha territory and is comprised of between 270 and 300 individuals in approximately 60 households (oldekop et al. 2012). the payamino territory lies within the buffer zone of the sumaco napo-galeras national park, which was designated in 2000 as a world biosphere reserve by unesco. the study area is predominantly lowland tropical moist forest (elevation is 300–400 m amsl (above mean sea level)) that is transitional between the andes foothills and the lower elevation region inhabited by kichwas along the napo river to the east. the high biodiversity of the region is attributed to this transitional geography (arias et al. 2012; innerhofer and bernhardt 2011). the payamino people practice subsistence farming, hunting, and fishing as well as small-scale farming of cash crops such as corn, rice, and cacao. anthropological and socioecological studies have been conducted in payamino first by irvine (1987), who conducted an extensive survey of the local flora, and more recently by oldekop et al. (2012a, b, 2013). interview method authorization to conduct our study was obtained from the institutional review board of alma college, and all necessary research permits and authorizations were obtained from the community of san josé de payamino and from the ministry of environment of ecuador under the auspices of the national museum of natural sciences of ecuador. interviews were conducted from may–june, 2014. participants were sought with the assistance of a community liaison, and all participants gave their informed consent. a parent’s signature was obtained for child participants. interviews were conducted in spanish, but in a few cases the community liaison translated between spanish and kichwa. the interviews were conducted individually whenever possible, although onlookers and secondary participants were sometimes present. the average duration of the interviews was approximately one hour. the interviews were semi-structured and based on the methodology described by alexiades (1996) as a plant interview or checklist interview with the exception that digital images were used as visual aids rather than live, freshly-collected, or dried plant material. vernacular names were not presented with the images because these names tend to correspond to the medicinal use of the plant (e.g. kiru jambi yura means tooth medicine stem). each participant was shown a series of plant images on an ipad mini 2 with a 7.9 in. retina display (apple, cupertino, ca). the name of the plant, the medicinal use, the preparation, and administration were recorded for each plant queried. the digital images, which were created by the authors in payamino, represented 34 species that were cited by eight payamino healers (men and women) during forest walk interviews from 2012-2014. voucher specimens were collected at the time the photographs were taken and were identified by staff at the national herbarium in quito (qcne) where the specimens are deposited. the catalog of the vascular plants of ecuador (jorgensen and león-yánez 1999) was used to facilitate identification, and the currently accepted scientific name of each plant was determined by consulting the plant list (2013). the 34 plants were selected from 60 species that had been identified as part of our ongoing ethnobotanical survey in payamino (doyle et al. 2014). they were cited by more than one of the traditional healers that had previously participated in forest walk interviews. thus, plants that are more likely to be integral to the payamino ethnomedical pharmacopoeia were chosen rather than plants that might be particular to an informant (giovannini 2015; vandebroek 2010). quantitative analysis several indices were utilized to identify plants from among the 34 plants in our sample that are most important in the traditional medicine of the payamino people. the first was the relative frequency of citations (rfc), which is simply the fraction of informants that recognized a given plant as medicinal (tardío and pardo-de-santayana 2008). rfc was calculated as follows: rfc = n / ni where n is the number of informants who cited any medicinal use for the plant and ni is the total number doyle et al. 2016. ethnobiology letters 8(1):1–14 4 research communications of informants (36). an rfc of one would indicate that all informants recognized the plant as medicinal and cited at least one use, whereas, an rfc of zero would indicate that no informants cited a medicinal use for the plant. the use value introduced by philips and gentry (1993a, b) and simplified by rossato et al. (1999) was calculated as a measure of the diversity of medicinal uses cited for a given species. uv is expressed as: uv = nr / ni where nr is the total number of medicinal use citations in all therapeutic categories for all informants, and ni is the total number of informants (36). use citations were divided into ten therapeutic categories, such that the theoretical maximum use value for a species is ten. this would require that all 36 informants cite a medicinal use in each of the ten therapeutic categories for a given species. fidelity level (fl), as described by friedman et al. (1986 cited in andrade-cetto and heinrich 2011), is used to determine the level of agreement among informants on a plant’s medicinal use. we calculated fl as follows: fl = np / n where np is the number of informants who reported a particular use for the species, and n is the number of informants who cited any medicinal use for the species. our fl differs from that used by friedman et al. (1986) in that we presented the informants with the plant images and asked them to cite uses rather than asking informants to cite plants that have a particular use. an fl of one would indicate that all informants that recognized the plant as medicinal cited the same medicinal use while an fl approaching zero would indicate that each informant that recognized the plant as medicinal cited a different use. although an fl may be calculated for each use cited for a particular species, only the medicinal use for which the fl was highest is reported here. the index of agreement on remedies (iar) is used to quantify the importance of plants for which there is consensus on more than one medicinal use (mootoosamy and mahomoodally 2014; mutheeswaran et al. 2011; vandebroek 2010). a variation on trotter and logan’s (1986) informant agreement ratio, the iar considers all cited usage categories. thus, a plant with a high number of citations in more than one use category may rank higher than plants with more citations in any single category. iar was calculated as follows: iar = (nr – na) / (nr – 1) where nr is the total number of use citations for a given species across all therapeutic categories and na is the number of cited therapeutic categories. the last index is a sum of the iar and rfc values and has a maximal value of two. it is intended to overcome the inherent limitations of each measure (hoffman and gallaher 2007; kvist et al. 1995). for example, if few informants recognize a plant image, but all those who do recognize the plant agree on its medicinal use, iar will be very high while the rfc will be low. alternatively, many informants might recognize a plant as medicinal, which would result in a high rfc, but if each informant cites a different medicinal use, then iar would be low. neither index on its own gives a sense of the importance of the plant. we decided that combining these two values gave the best measure of relative importance for our study because it takes into account the percentage of informants who recognized a given plant as medicinal as well as the level of agreement among informants on the medicinal uses of the plant, realizing that the most important plants may have more than one agreed upon use. statistical analysis all statistical analyses were performed with ibm spss statistics version 20 software. a p-value of less than 0.05 was considered to be statistically significant. spearman’s rank-order correlation analysis was done to determine if there was a correlation between age and the number of plants recognized as medicinal. we conducted fisher’s exact test to identify differences in rfc and fl of plant species among age and gender groups. results thirty-six interviews were conducted with an equal number of male and female informants between 9 and 74 years old. experts, such as individuals that would be considered shamans or curanderos, and non-experts were represented. the mean age of informants was 34 years, and the mean age of females (40 years) was 11 years ± 6 (se) older than the mean age of males. use citations were grouped into ten categories as listed in table 1 to facilitate quantitative analysis. doyle et al. 2016. ethnobiology letters 8(1):1–14 5 research communications the most often cited use category was aches and pains (120 citations) followed by injuries including bites and stings (107), respiratory ailments (74), gastrointestinal complaints (58), skin infections (42), tumores (40), mal viento (34), “other” (25), women’s health (25), and eye infections (11). the most frequently used plant part was the leaves (19 plants) followed by stems (6), latex (4), bark (3) and flowers (2). relative importance indices were calculated for each plant based on the responses of the participants (table 2). two of these indices, rfc and iar, were summed resulting in a numerical value that was used to rank the plants in order of importance. by this measure the five most important plants in the sample are urera baccifera, tradescantia zanonia, brunfelsia grandiflora, croton lechleri, and monolena primuliflora. we found that there was a positive relationship between age and medicinal plant knowledge as measured by the number of plants recognized as medicinal (figure 2), though there was no significant difference in medicinal plant knowledge between male and female informants. of the 34 plant species presented, both male and female informants recognized 14 plants on average. in order to identify any plants that might differ in importance depending on the age of the informant, informants were divided into three age groups (≤ 20, 21–39, ≥ 40). recognition of abuta imene as a medicinally useful plant (rfc) was significantly higher in the oldest age group than the youngest age group (p < 0.01). agreement on the medicinal use of b. grandiflora (fl) was higher in the older age group than in the middle age group. participants in the oldest age group mentioned b. grandiflora significantly more for treating colds than the other age groups (p < 0.05). in general, there was more agreement on use (fl or iar) among informants in the older age groups than the younger age groups. no species emerged as significantly different in importance between gender groups. discussion an interview method based on presentation of digital images on an electronic tablet enabled inclusion of a relatively large number of participants representing both genders and a wide range of ages. we determined that there was a positive correlation between age and knowledge of medicinal plants, but that there was no difference in knowledge between genders. in addition, the relative importance of species included in the study was determined through quantitative analysis of informant responses. interestingly, a plant that is used for wound healing, and that has yet to be extensively investigated, emerged as one of the most important plants. the plants that were most important to the payamino people among the 34 in our sample were identified through calculation of rfc, fl, uv, and iar indices. because only a subset of medicinal plants used by the payamino people are represented in our sample, it was not possible to calculate some relative importance indices such as informant consensus (trotter and logan 1986), which is a measure of use category description a—injuries bites, stings, cuts, burns, etc. b—gastrointestinal stomach aches, diarrhea, etc. c—respiratory fever, cold, cough, sore throat, etc. d—mal viento mal viento or mal aire refers vaguely to a bad feeling or ill health. some participants associated it with vomiting and/or having drank alcohol the night before. e—skin infections includes rashes and granos, a word used to describe spots, marks, or lesions on the skin f—aches/pains generalized pain, muscular pain, back/leg aches, headaches, toothaches, etc. g—tumores swollen pustule in the abdomen or other part of the body. h—women’s health menstrual cramps, lactation-inducing, birth control, and other conditions specific to women i—eye infections any condition described as making eyes itch, red, etc. o—other insomnia, sleepiness, dizziness, laziness or misbehavior in children, fussiness in babies, and other conditions rarely mentioned during the interviews table 1 medicinal use citations were organized into ten use categories. doyle et al. 2016. ethnobiology letters 8(1):1–14 6 research communications (c o n ti n u e d o n n e xt p a g e ) t a b le 2 t h e 3 4 p la n t sp e ci e s in cl u d e d i n t h e s tu d y a re l is te d i n o rd e r o f d e cr e a si n g c v ( f l + r f c ). t h e m o st f re q u e n tl y c it e d t h e ra p e u ti c u se c a te g o ry ( se e t a b le 1 ), m e th o d o f p re p a ra ti o n , a n d p la n t p a rt u se d a re a ls o i n d ic a te d . n a = n o t a p p li ca b le b e ca u se t h e re w a s n o p re d o m in a n t re sp o n se . * li m p ia r re fe rs to t h e m e th o d o f fa n n in g o r sw a tti n g t h e a ff e ct e d i n d iv id u a l w it h l e a v e s to a ch ie ve s p ir it u a l cl e a n si n g . * * m a it o r e fe rs t o t h e m e th o d o f co o k in g b y w ra p p in g th e p la n t m a te ri a l in a h e li co n ia l e a f a n d p la ci n g i t in t h e a sh e s o f th e fi re p la ce . s ci e n ti fi c n a m e k ic h w a n a m e v o u ch e r # u se c a te g o ry p a rt u se d p re p . /a d m in . r f c f l u v ia r r f c + i a r u re ra b a cc if e ra ( l. ) g a u d ic h . e x w e d d . (u rti ca ce a e ) c h in i 2 3 3 4 3 8 m a l vi e n to le a ve s li m p ia r* 1 .0 0 .7 1 .2 0 .9 1 .8 7 t ra d e sc a n ti a z a n o n ia ( l. ) s w . (c o m m e li n a ce a e ) k il o n k il o n 2 3 3 4 8 1 in ju ry la te x t o p ic a l 0 .8 1 .0 0 .8 1 .0 1 .7 4 b ru n fe ls ia g ra n d ifl o ra d . d o n (s o la n a ce a e ) c h ir i w a y u sa 2 3 3 4 2 2 r e sp ir a to ry le a ve s d e co cti o n 0 .8 0 .6 1 .0 0 .9 1 .6 4 c ro to n l e ch le ri m u ll .a rg . (e u p h o rb ia ce a e ) y a w a r w ik i 2 3 7 5 6 7 r e sp ir a to ry la te x o ra l 0 .8 0 .5 1 .0 0 .8 1 .5 7 m o n o le n a p ri m u li fl o ra h o o k . f. (m e la st o m a ta ce a e ) k ir u j a m b i y u ra 2 3 3 4 3 4 a ch e s/ p a in s s te m m a sti ca n t 0 .6 0 .9 0 .6 0 .9 1 .5 2 a b u ta g ra n d if o li a ( m a rt .) s a n d w it h ( m e n is p e rm a ce a e ) t a ra t a ra 2 3 3 4 1 1 g i s te m d e co cti o n 0 .6 0 .8 0 .7 0 .9 1 .4 5 m o n st e ra s p ru ce a n a ( s ch o tt ) e n g l. ( a ra ce a e ) r a y a p a n g a 2 3 7 5 5 7 in ju ry le a ve s v a p o r b a th 0 .6 0 .9 0 .6 0 .9 1 .4 5 p e ti ve ri a a ll ia ce a l . (p h yt o la cc a ce a e ) c o n d is o 2 3 3 4 2 6 r e sp ir a to ry le a ve s in tr a n a sa l 0 .5 0 .7 0 .5 0 .8 1 .3 3 p h il o d e n d ro n c a m p ii c ro a t (a ra ce a e ) a b is p a c h u p u p a n g a 2 3 3 4 3 5 t u m o re s le a ve s m a it o * * / t o p ic a l 0 .5 0 .5 0 .5 0 .8 1 .3 3 w it h e ri n g ia s o la n a ce a l ’h e r. (s o la n a ce a e ) a ta lp a j a y a p a n g a 2 3 3 4 2 9 m a l vi e n to le a ve s t o p ic a l 0 .6 0 .7 0 .6 0 .8 1 .3 1 m a n so a s ta n d le yi ( s te ye rm .) a .h .g e n tr y (b ig n o n ia ce a e ) s a ch a a jo 2 3 7 5 6 0 r e sp ir a to ry le a ve s d e co cti o n 0 .5 0 .8 0 .6 0 .8 1 .2 7 b e g o n ia r o ss m a n n ia e a .d c . (b e g o n ia ce a e ) k a k a t a u p a n g a 2 3 3 4 1 6 e y e i n fe cti o n s le a ve s e xp re ss io n /o cu la r 0 .6 0 .5 0 .6 0 .7 1 .2 7 doyle et al. 2016. ethnobiology letters 8(1):1–14 7 research communications (c o n ti n u e d o n n e xt p a g e ) (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re vi o u s p a g e ) s ci e n ti fi c n a m e k ic h w a n a m e v o u ch e r # u se c a te g o ry p a rt u se d p re p . /a d m in . r f c f l u v ia r r f c + i a r p a ss ifl o ra v iti fo li a k u n th (p a ss ifl o ra ce a e ) in d a p a n g a 2 3 3 4 1 2 t u m o re s le a ve s v a p o r b a th 0 .4 0 .7 0 .5 0 .8 1 .2 7 e la p h o g lo ss u m r a yw a e n se (j e n m a n ) a ls to n (d ry o p te ri d a ce a e ) z in g ra p a n g a 2 3 3 4 5 1 a ch e s/ p a in s le a ve s v a p o r b a th 0 .4 0 .7 0 .5 0 .8 1 .2 6 p ip e r sp . (p ip e ra ce a e ) a rm a d il lo p a n g a 2 3 7 5 5 0 a ch e s/ p a in s le a ve s v a p o r b a th 0 .5 0 .7 0 .5 0 .8 1 .2 4 x a n th o so m a h yl a e a e e n g l. & k .k ra u se ( a ra ce a e ) m a n d i 2 3 7 4 9 5 in ju ry s te m t o p ic a l 0 .3 0 .8 0 .3 0 .9 1 .2 1 u n ca ri a g u ia n e n si s (a u b l. ) j. f .g m e l. ( r u b ia ce a e ) k a sh a k a ra 2 3 3 4 1 4 a ch e s/ p a in s b a rk d e co cti o n 0 .4 0 .5 0 .5 0 .8 1 .1 9 c e n tr o p o g o n l o re te n si s e .w im m . (c a m p a n u la ce a e ) s u le m a 2 3 3 4 1 5 s k in i n fe cti o n s la te x t o p ic a l 0 .4 0 .8 0 .4 0 .8 1 .1 6 h e li co n ia s p . (h e li co n ia ce a e ) p a ri r iw a 2 3 7 5 1 4 in ju ry n a n a 0 .1 1 .0 0 .1 1 .0 1 .0 8 s yn g o n iu m p o d o p h yl lu m s ch o tt (a ra ce a e ) y u tu ri p a n g a 2 3 3 4 4 5 in ju ry la te x t o p ic a l 0 .3 0 .8 0 .3 0 .8 1 .0 8 d ic ra n o p yg iu m g ra n d if o li u m h a rl in g ( c yc la n th a ce a e ) s a tu n 2 3 3 4 7 5 in ju ry s te m t o p ic a l 0 .4 0 .7 0 .4 0 .7 1 .0 3 p ip e r b e ll id if o li u m y u n ck . (p ip e ra ce a e ) b a su p a n g a 2 3 7 6 1 0 a ch e s/ p a in s le a ve s n a 0 .3 0 .4 0 .3 0 .7 1 .0 1 o u ra te a w il li a m si i j. f . m a cb r. (o ch n a ce a e ) a m a ru n c a sp i 2 3 7 5 3 3 in ju ry in n e r b a rk d e co cti o n 0 .2 0 .4 0 .3 0 .7 0 .9 4 p ip e r m a cr o tr ic h u m c . d c . (p ip e ra ce a e ) u m a n a n a y p a n g a 2 3 7 5 7 1 a ch e s/ p a in s le a ve s v a p o r b a th 0 .1 0 .8 0 .1 0 .8 0 .8 9 d ry m o n ia c o cc in e a ( a u b l. ) w ie h le r (g e sn e ri a ce a e ) a y ku c h u ch u 2 3 3 4 7 4 w o m e n ’s h e a lt h f lo w e r t o p ic a l 0 .2 0 .5 0 .2 0 .7 0 .8 6 doyle et al. 2016. ethnobiology letters 8(1):1–14 8 research communications (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re vi o u s p a g e ) s ci e n ti fi c n a m e k ic h w a n a m e v o u ch e r # u se c a te g o ry p a rt u se d p re p . /a d m in . r f c f l u v ia r r f c + i a r c la vi ja w e b e rb a u e ri m e z (t h e o p h ra st a ce a e ) p a u sh i m u ly e ja 2 3 3 4 4 7 a ch e s/ p a in s le a ve s d e co cti o n 0 .2 0 .4 0 .3 0 .6 0 .8 5 s o la n u m u le a n u m b itt e r (s o la n a ce a e ) c h u ru p a ju p a n g a 2 3 3 4 8 6 g i le a ve s n a 0 .2 0 .5 0 .2 0 .6 0 .7 9 t a b e rn a e m o n ta n a s a n a n h o r u iz & p a v. ( a p o cy n a ce a e ) s ik ta y u ra 2 3 3 4 4 2 g i s te m in tr a n a sa l 0 .1 0 .8 0 .1 0 .7 0 .7 8 c o st u s a m a zo n ic u s (l o e s. ) j. f .m a cb r. ( c o st a ce a e ) s a ch a w ir u 2 3 3 4 0 9 r e sp ir a to ry s te m m a sti ca n t 0 .3 0 .7 0 .3 0 .5 0 .7 5 t h e ly p te ri s b if o rm a ta ( r o se n st .) r .m . t ry o n ( t h e ly p te ri d a ce a e ) is ta n d i 2 3 3 4 1 0 in ju ry b a rk t o p ic a l 0 .3 0 .4 0 .3 0 .5 0 .7 5 a n ib a s p . (l a u ra ce a e ) p a ju p a n g a 2 3 7 5 2 7 a ch e s/ p a in s le a ve s v a p o r b a th 0 .3 0 .2 0 .3 0 .4 0 .6 9 p ip e r p o p o re n se t re l. & y u n ck . (p ip e ra ce a e ) b a su p a n g a 2 3 7 5 9 5 m a l vi e n to le a ve s v a p o r b a th 0 .3 0 .2 0 .3 0 .4 0 .6 8 e u ch a ri s m o o re i (b a k e r) m e e ro w (l il ia ce a e ) s a ch a c e b o ll a 2 3 3 4 2 4 g i f lo w e r n a 0 .2 0 .4 0 .2 0 .4 0 .6 5 a b u ta i m e n e ( m a rt .) e ic h le r (m e n is p e rm a ce a e ) c h a ly u a p a ju p a n g a 2 3 3 4 4 1 a ch e s/ p a in s le a ve s d e co cti o n 0 .1 0 .3 0 .1 0 .5 0 .5 8 doyle et al. 2016. ethnobiology letters 8(1):1–14 9 research communications agreement on which plants are most important for a particular usage category. it is possible that the most important plant for a given category is not included among our 34 plants. in the future, however, the current study could be conducted with different plant species such that the data set covered a larger portion of the payamino pharmacopoeia. our approach could also be augmented by incorporating additional methods such as freelisting to gather data on plants not included in the sample. there were no plants in our sample that were not recognized as medicinal by at least three informants, which suggests that the images were not seriously flawed in any way that would render the plants unrecognizable. nonetheless, it is a concern that the rfc might be to some extent a measure of the quality of the image rather than the value or importance of the plant. similarly, fl and iar are imperfect measures of importance because they depend on the assignment of use citations to various therapeutic categories (friedman et al. 1986). although several use categories are commonly used, other use categories may be culture-specific, and categorization of each use citation may not always obvious (heinrich et al. 1998). the number and inclusiveness of categories may also impact importance indices. when using fl as a measure of importance, an assumption is made that a plant with a single use is more important than a plant that is used for different purposes by different users, so the level of agreement on the most common use determines the plant’s importance. in contrast, iar takes into account the contribution of multiple different uses to a plant’s relative importance. a species may have a higher iar index than fl index if there is a high level of agreement on the plant’s use in more than one category. the iar would be lower than the fl if there is a high level of agreement in one category, but a low number of citations in multiple other categories. we reasoned that the sum of the iar and rfc would best represent the importance of each medicinal plant since this would account for the percentage of informants who recognize the plant as medicinal (rfc) as well as the level of agreement among informants as to the use or uses of the plant (iar). the five plants with the highest iar + rfc values were u. baccifera, t. zanonia, b. grandiflora, c. lechleri, and m. primuliflora. tradescantia zanonia and m. figure 2 location of san josé de payamino relative to the nearest towns of coca and loreto and the sumaco napo galeras national park (timburi cocha 2015). doyle et al. 2016. ethnobiology letters 8(1):1–14 10 research communications primuliflora have not been widely reported in the ethnomedical literature, so their relative importance in payamino ethnomedicine might not be expected. urera baccifera, b. grandiflora, and c. lechleri, however, are well-known medicinal plants that are commonly used throughout the region. urera baccifera is a stinging nettle that is used to treat aches and pains due to sore muscles, arthritis, stings and bites (bennett et al. 2002; davis and yost 1983; giovannini 2015; schultes and raffauf 1990). the affected region of the body is placed into contact with the plant’s urticating hairs, usually by tapping with the stem and leaves followed by massaging the affected area. urera baccifera is also used in ritual cleansing, and it is common to punish children with a swat of the stem. in the nearby town of loreto, u. baccifera was the third most frequent response when participants were asked which plant they harvested most recently for medicinal use (innerhofer and bernhardt 2011). the payamino people use the viscous sap of t. zanonia as a liquid bandage to treat injuries ranging from small cuts to large open wounds. although the plant does appear in the ethnomedical literature, its use as a cicatrizant is not widely reported. a hydroalcoholic extract of the sap of t. zanonia was demonstrated to be more effective at promoting wound healing in rats than the topical antibiotic and steroidal anti-inflammatory drug lamoderm (licuy-mamallacta 2013). the latex of t. zanonia is applied topically by the teribes of bocas del toro, panama for hemorrhage, but not for wounds (gupta et al. 2005). the quechua people of the chazuta valley in peru chew the aerial parts or boil them in water and drink the extract for cough suppression, referring to it as pampa llullu (sanz-biset et al. 2009). in the southern ecuadorian provinces of loja and zamora, the fresh stem of t. zanonia is prepared as an infusion and drunk for fevers (tene et al. 2007). although t. zanonia has been the focus of cytological studies, primarily on the effects of radiation on chromosomal aberrations, few phytochemical studies have been conducted on this species (anderson and sax 1936; chiriboga 1995; savage and pritchard 1969). a phytochemical screening of t. zanonia revealed the presence of alkaloids, sterols, and saponins, though the identities of these chemical constituents and their contribution to the cicatrizant activity of the plant are not known (chiriboga 1995). in payamino the leaves of b. grandiflora are boiled in water and drunk or administered as a vapor bath for fevers and body aches. the kichwa word chiri in the name chiri wayusa means “cold” and refers to the chill felt upon ingestion of the plant. the use of stem and root bark is common in other parts of the northwest amazon where it is one of the most important remedies for rheumatism (plowman 1977). the red latex of c. lechleri, for which this tree is named dragon’s blood or sangre de drago, is applied topically for cuts and wounds. in addition, a few drops of the latex are dissolved in water and taken for diarrhea. this traditional use as an anti-diarrheal has led to the development of the fda-approved drug crofelemer, a crude botanical drug comprised of the latex of c. lechleri. crofelemer is indicated specifically for diarrhea associated with antiretroviral drug use (yeo et al. 2013). monolena primuliflora is referred to as kiru jambi yura by the payamino people, a name which translates to tooth medicine stem. the stalk of the infructescence (scape) is chewed to relieve toothache. the sourtasting juice is also considered to be a useful thirst quencher. herbarium records indicate that in the highlands of northern ecuador the plant is used as an emetic to expel parasites (rios et al. 2007). monolena primuliflora is also reported to be used for flu, stomachache, conjunctivitis, and for snakebite (fierro et al. 2002). to our knowledge the phytochemistry and pharmacology of this species has yet to be explored. the similarity in the average number of plants identified by males and females provides an interesting insight into the culture and importance of traditional medicine of the payamino community. because men and women have different roles in payamino society, and their roles determine to some extent how they interact with plants, one would expect there to be differences in medicinal plant knowledge between genders (irvine 1987). the results of our study suggest that payamino men and women are equally knowledgeable about medicinal plants, a conclusion that is consistent with findings from other studies such as that conducted by browner and perdue in san francisco, mexico (1988). in contrast, voeks and leony (2004) found that women in bahia, brazil were much more knowledgeable about medicinal plants and traditional remedies than men. our results do not support the claim that payamino women know more about plants that are used in women’s health, such as for menstruation or childbirth (irvine 1987). of the 25 citations for women’s health, 12 were cited by female participants while 13 were cited by males. doyle et al. 2016. ethnobiology letters 8(1):1–14 11 research communications gender-dependent differences in knowledge of plants used in women’s health should be investigated further, however, since we did not include all plants used for women’s health in our study. furthermore, a larger sample size may be necessary to achieve statistical significance. since we were unable to demonstrate a difference in medicinal plant knowledge between sexes, it is unclear as to how men and women might manage forest resources differently based on their respective knowledge of medicinal plants. age, however, has been previously suggested as a predictor of medicinal plant knowledge (alencar et al. 2014; ayantunde et al. 2008; mathez-stiefel et al. 2012; quinlan and quinlan 2007), and younger individuals may not have the same regard for medicinal plants when managing forest resources. on one occasion during our fieldwork, we observed an example of the intergenerational difference in attitudes towards medicinal plants when an elder commented that, against his advice, his son cut down a medicinal plant when clearing forest to plant coffee. in payamino, irvine (1987) observed that people older than 40 years of age could identify more forest plants and knew more about their ecology and reproductive biology than did people who were 20 years old or younger. although some of the youngest informants were surprisingly knowledgeable, our study confirms that older individuals tend to know more about medicinal plants than do younger individuals in payamino, both in terms of their ability to recognize images of medicinal plants and agreement on their use. the community of san josé de payamino has only gained roadway access to nearby urban centers in the last ten years. while the road may offer more opportunity for education, employment, and sale of agricultural products, it may also have a negative cultural impact on the younger generation with regards to its willingness to learn about the traditional lifestyle of their parents and grandparents. the loss of traditional knowledge has implications for the health of the forest as well as for the health of community members. plants that are considered to be of value to the community are likely to be preserved along with the habitat in which these plants grow (berkes et al. 2000). further work to document medicinal plants of high importance in indigenous communities as well as to determine the distribution of knowledge of these plants among community members might guide education efforts that will positively impact community health and forest ecology. conclusion the use of digital plant images enabled efficient ethnobotanical data collection in a remote community in the ecuadorian amazon. quantitative analysis revealed that two relatively unstudied plants, t. zanonia and m. primuliflora, along with u. baccifera, c. lechleri and b. grandiflora, are the most important medicinal plants of those included in the study. there is a positive correlation between knowledge of medicinal plants and age, though there is no difference in knowledge between genders. how distribution of medicinal plant knowledge in payamino influences the management of forest resources is a topic that should be investigated further. acknowledgments we would like to express our gratitude to the community of san josé de payamino for their participation in this study and for their hospitality. we would also like to acknowledge the work of javier patiño, manager of the timburi cocha research station, and all of the alma college students who have contributed in various ways. this study was funded in part by a grant from the mcgregor fund, detroit, mi. declarations permissions: permission for this study was granted by the irb of alma college, the ministry of environment of ecuador, and the community of san josé de payamino. all participants provided their informed consent. sources of funding: this study was funded in part through a grant from the mcgregor fund, detroit, mi. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited alencar, n. l., w. s. ferreira júnior, and u. p. albuquerque. 2014. medicinal plant knowledge richness and sharing in northeastern brazil. economic botany 68:371–382. doi:10.1007/s12231014-9284-5. alexiades, m. n. 1996. collecting ethnobotanical data: an introduction to basic concepts and techniques. in selected guidelines for ethnobotanical research: a field manual, edited by n. m. alexiades and j. w. sheldon, pp. 53–94. the new york botanical garden press, bronx, ny. doyle et al. 2016. ethnobiology letters 8(1):1–14 12 research communications anderson e., and k. sax. 1936. a cytological monograph of the american species of tradescantia. the botanical gazette 97:433–476. andrade-cetto, a., and m. heinrich. 2011. from the field into the lab: useful approaches to selecting species based on local knowledge. frontiers in pharmacology 2:1–5. doi:10.3389/fphar.2011.00020. arias, r. i., a. tapia, a. tapia, l. santacruz, r. yasaca, and n. miranda. 2012. evaluación de la biodiversidad en cinco comunidades kichwa de la zona de colonización de la alsta amazonía ecuatoriana. revista amazónica: ciencia y tecnología 1:157–172. ayantunde, a. a., m. briejer, p. hiernaux, h. m. j. udo, and r. tabo. 2008. botanical knowledge and its differentiation by age, gender and ethnicity in southwestern niger. human ecology 36:881–889. doi:10.1007/s10745-008-9200-7. bennett, b. c., m. a. baker, and p. gomez andrade. 2002. ethnobotany of the shuar of eastern ecuador (advances in economic botany vol. 14). new york botanical garden press, bronx, ny. berkes, f., j. colding, and c. folke. 2000. rediscovery of traditional ecological knowledge as adaptive management. ecological applications 10:1251– 1262. doi:10.1890/1051-0761(2000)010 [1251:roteka]2.0.co;2. browner, c. h., and s. t. perdue. 1988. women's secrets: bases for reproductive and social autonomy in a mexican community. american ethnologist 15:84–97. doi:10.1525/ae.1988.15.1.02a00060. chiriboga, x. 1995. investigación fitoquímica de plantas con actividad antibacteriana y antimicótica. in la medicina tradicional en el ecuador, edited by p. naranjo and r. escaleras, pp. 109–116. universidad andina simón bolívar, corporación editora nacional, quito, ecuador. colding, j., and c. folke. 2001. social taboos: “invisible” systems of local resource management and biological conservation. ecological applications 11:584–600. doi:10.1890/1051-0761(2001)011 [0584:stisol]2.0.co;2. davis, e. w., and j. a. yost. 1983. the ethnomedicine of the waorani of amazonian ecuador. journal of ethnopharmacology 9:273–297. doi:10.1016/03788741(83)90036-3. doyle, b.j., g.s. svobodny, r. batallas, and d. fernández. 2014. medical ethnobotany of the amazonian kichwa community of san josé de payamino, ecuador: preliminary results from an undergraduate-level field course. acta horticulturae 1030:103–108. doi:10.17660/ actahortic.2014.1030.12. fierro, a. f., d. fernández, and c. quintana. 2002. usos de melastomataceae en el ecuador. sida, contributions to botany 20:233–260. friedman, j., z. yaniv, a. dafni, and d. palevitch. 1986. a preliminary classification of the healing potential of medicinal plants, based on a rational analysis of an ethnopharmacological field survey among bedouins in the negev desert, israel. journal of ethnopharmacology 16:275–287. doi:10.1016/03788741(86)90094-2. giovannini, p. 2015. medicinal plants of the achuar (jivaro) of amazonian ecuador: ethnobotanical survey and comparison with other amazonian pharmacopoeias. journal of ethnopharmacology 164:78– 88. doi:10.1016/j.jep.2015.01.038. gupta, m. p., p. n. solís, a.i. calderón, f. guinneausinclair, m. correa, c. galdames, c. guerra, a. espinosa, g. i. alvenda, g. robles, and r. ocampo. 2005. medical ethnobotany of the teribes of bocas del toro, panama. journal of ethnopharmacology 96:389–401. doi:10.1016/j.jep.2004.08.032. heinrich, m., a. ankli, b. frei, c. weimann, and o. sticher. 1998. medicinal plants in mexico: healers’ consensus and cultural importance. social science & medicine 47:1859–1871. hoffman b., and t. gallaher. 2007. importance indices in ethnobotany. ethnobotany research and applications 5:201–218. doi:10.1234/era.v5i0.130. innerhofer, s., and k. bernhardt. 2011. ethnobotanic garden design in the ecuadorian amazon. biodiversity conservation 20:429–439. doi:10.1007/s10531010-9984-9. irvine, d. 1987. resource management by the runa indians of the ecuadorian amazon. unpublished doctoral dissertation, department of anthropology, stanford university, palo alto, ca. jørgensen, p.m., and s. león-yánez. 1999. catalogue of the vascular plants of ecuador. monographs in systematic botany from the missouri botanical garden. 75:i–viii, 1–1182. kvist, l.p., m.k. andersen, m. hesselsoe, and j.k. vanclay. 1995. estimating use-values and relative importance of amazonian flood plain trees and doyle et al. 2016. ethnobiology letters 8(1):1–14 13 research communications forests to local inhabitants. commonwealth forestry review 74:293–300. licuy-mamallacta, l. z. 2013. estudio farmacognóstico y actividad cicatrizante del jatun quilun quilun. unpublished thesis, escuela superior politecnica de chimborazo, ecuador. martin, g. j. 1995. ethnobotany: a methods manual. chapman and hall, london, uk. mathez-stiefel, s., r. brandt, s. lachmuth, and s. rist. 2012. are the young less knowledgeable? local knowledge of natural remedies and its transformation in the andean highlands. human ecology 40:909–930. doi:10.1007/s10745-012-95205. mootoosamy, a., and m. f. mahomoodally. 2014. ethnomedicinal application of native remedies used against diabetes and related complications in mauritius. journal of ethnopharmacology 151:413– 444. doi:10.1016/j.jep.2013.10.069. mutheeswaran, s., p. pandikumar, m. chellappandian, and s. ignacimuthu. 2011. documentation and quantitative analysis of the local knowledge on medicinal pants among traditional siddha healers in virudhunagar district of tamil nadu, india. journal of ethnopharmacology 137:523–533. doi:10.1016/j.jep.2011.06.003. oldekop, j. a., a. j. bebbington, k. hennermann, j. mcmorrow, d. a. springate, b. torres, n. k. truelove, n. tysklind, s. villamarín, and r. f. preziosi. 2013. evaluating the effects of commonpool resource institutions and market forces on species richness and forest cover in ecuadorian indigenous kichwa communities. conservation letters 6:107–115. doi:10.1111/j.1755263x.2012.00297.x. oldekop, j. a., a. j. bebbington, n. k. truelove, g. holmes, s. villamarín, and r. f. preziosi. 2012. environmental impacts and scarcity perception influence local institutions in indigenous amazonian kichwa communities. human ecology 40:101– 115. doi:10.1007/s10745-011-9455-2. oldekop, j. a., n. k. truelove, s. villamarín, and r. f. preziosi. 2012. information flows in community -based monitoring exercises in the ecuadorian amazon. international journal of zoology 2012:4. doi:10.1155/2012/980520. phillips, o., and a. h. gentry. 1993a. the useful plants of tambopata, peru: i. statistical hypotheses tests with a new quantitative technique. economic botany 47:15–32. phillips, o., and a. h. gentry. 1993b. the useful plants of tambopata, peru: ii. statistical hypotheses tests with a new quantitative technique. economic botany 47:33–43. plowman, t. 1977. brunfelsia in ethnomedicine. botanical museum leaflets, harvard university 25:289–320. quinlan, m. b., and r. j. quinlan. 2007. modernization and medicinal plant knowledge in a caribbean horticultural village. medical anthropology quarterly 21:169–192. doi:10.1525/maq.2007.21.2.169. rios, m., m. j. koziol, h. b. pedersen, and g. granda, eds. 2007. useful plants of ecuador. applications, challenges, and perspectives. abya-yala, quito, ecuador. rossato, s. c., h. f. de leitão-filho, and a. begossi. 1999. ethnobotany of caiçaras of the atlantic forest coast (brazil). economic botany 53:387–395. sanz-biset, j., j. campos-de-la-cruz, m. a. epiquiénrivera, and s. cañigueral. 2009. a first survey on the medicinal plants of the chazuta valley (peruvian amazon). journal of ethnopharmacology 122:333–362. doi:10.1016/j.jep.2008.12.009. savage, j. r. k., and m. a. pritchard. 1969. campelia zanonia (l.) h.b.k.: a new material for the study of radiation-induced chromosomal aberrations. radiation botany 9:133–134. schultes, r. e., and r. f. raffauf. 1990. the healing forest: medicinal and toxic plants of the northwest amazonia. dioscorides press, portland, or. tardío j., and m. pardo-de-santayana. 2008. cultural importance indices: a comparative analysis based on the useful wild plants of southern cantabria (northern spain). economic botany 62:24–39. doi:10.1007/s12231-007-9004-5. tene, v., o. malagón, p. v. finzi, g. vidari, c. armijos, and t. zaragoza. 2007. an ethnobotanical survey of medicinal plants used in loja and zamora-chinchipe, ecuador. journal of ethnopharmacology 111:63–81. doi:10.1016/j.jep.2006.10.032. the plant list. 2013. version 1.1. available at: http:// www.theplantlist.org. accessed on november 16, 2016. thomas, e., i. vandebroek, and p. van damme. 2007. what works in the field? a comparison of different interviewing methods in ethnobotany doyle et al. 2016. ethnobiology letters 8(1):1–14 14 research communications voeks, r. a., and a. leony. 2004. forgetting the forest: assessing medicinal plant erosion in eastern brazil. economic botany 58:s294-s306. doi:10.1663/0013-0001(2004)58[s294:ftfamp] 2.0.co;2. whitecloud, s. s., and l. a. grenoble. 2014. an interdisciplinary approach to documenting knowledge: plants and their uses in southern greenland. arctic 67:57–70. yeo, q. m., r. crutchley, j. cottreau, a. tucker, and k. w. garey. 2013. crofelemer, a novel antisecretory agent approved for the treatment of hivassociated diarrhea. drugs of today 49:239–252. doi:10.1358/dot.2013.49.4.1947253. with special reference to the use of photographs. economic botany 61:376–384. doi:10.1663/0013-0001 (2007)61[376:wwitfa]2.0.co;2. timburi cocha. 2015. map provided by the timburi cocha research station, san josé de payamino, orellana, ecuador. trotter, r. t., and m. h. logan. 1986. informant consensus: a new approach for identifying potentially effective medicinal plants. in plants in indigenous medicine and diet: biobehavioral approaches, edited by n. l. etkin, pp. 91–112, redgrave publishing company, new york, ny. vandebroek, i. 2010. the dual intracultural and intercultural relationship between medicinal plant knowledge and consensus. economic botany 64:303– 317. doi:10.1007/s12231-010-9135-y. microsoft word ander-yoon.doc ethnobiology letters                                                                                                                    book review    30    naming nature: the clash between instinct and science  carol kaesuk yoon. 2009. w.w. norton, new york. pp. 344, index, bibliography, illustrations.  $27.95(cloth). isbn  9780393‐061970.    reviewed by e. n. anderson 1    reviewer address:  1 department of anthropology, university of california, riverside, riverside, california 92521    received: november 28 th  2009                                         volume 1:30‐32  published: august 31 st  2010                       © 2010 society of ethnobiology    this is a pleasant book, a popular introduction to taxonomy. carol yoon, a science writer for the new york times, writes in an easy, popular style. the book tells the story of taxonomic thinking, with a little on traditional systems and the greeks, a great deal on linnaeus, and a quick overview of taxonomy since then. julian huxley gets at least a mention and ernst mayr gets high marks for introducing the biological species concept. she sees ernst mayr’s introduction of the new darwinian synthesis to systematics as a major breakthrough, but sees cladistics as the only real scientific taxonomy. before the cladists, taxonomy was a wasteland, with biologists imposing purely arbitrary views on the world, such as sterile arguments between lumpers and splitters and dry-as-dust museum classifications based on superficial appearances. the situation was saved by cladistics, which allowed first numerical scoring of traits and then proper use of genetic evidence to classify things right—according to biological evolution. yoon has absorbed the missionary enthusiasm of some cladists. her basic thesis is that humans naturally classify the world, and do a fairly good job, but keep coming up with categories like “fish” that are biologically incoherent. “fish” becomes a theme for the book; she traces the reclassification that makes us now realize that we humans (as well as birds, reptiles, and so on) form a clade with the bony fish, over against the clades of elasmobranch and agnathic fish. she also notes that mushrooms are closer to people than to plants. eventually, she comes to terms with the folk classification “fish,” and realizes that biological relationship is not necessarily the only reason for classifying. she discusses human information processing limits, such as the difficulty of knowing more than 500-600 things in one domain (p. 142), a point often made by eugene hunn (see esp. hunn 2008). she mentions interesting cases of people with brain trauma that cost them the ability to classify the biological world. they did not lose other classifications—so there does seem to be a specific mental module for biological taxonomizing. she also has very good things to say, toward the end of the book (pp. 272ff), about the need to reverse our current alienation from nature and our loss of knowledge and names. unfortunately, as many readers will already realize, her historical picture is a serious oversimplification of the real situation. popularizations can be pardoned for exaggerating conflicts and “breakthroughs,” but in addition yoon’s thin scholarship makes her more detailed accounts less convincing than the broad outline might suggest. folk taxonomy is an arcane topic (i have to admit), so it is no surprise that this is the least developed theme in the book. yoon uses the concept of umwelt to label the natural human tendency to classify nature in particular ways. (the subtitle more forthrightly calls it “instinct.”) the umwelt, for her, includes classification systems derived from ordinary experience. she gets the concept from jakob von uexkűll, but does not cite his deservedly classic work umwelt und innenwelt der tiere (1921), and has apparently gotten the idea from the secondary literature. the problem is that “umwelt” is a technical philosophical term for the perceived and experienced environment of an individual. uexkűll could speak of the umwelt of a sea urchin or dog because their experienced worlds are reasonably species-general. humans are not so easily stereotyped. my umwelt is very different from an inuit’s. more to the point, though, a classification system is a cultural representation of a linguistic entity that is derived from interaction of many individuals, each of whom has his or her own umwelt. so, when we study taxonomy, we are actually at least three layers away from the umwelt. classification systems reflect not only the innate ethnobiology letters                                                                                                                    book review    31    perceptual worlds of people, but also their cultural and linguistic worlds, and their immediate needs of the moment. a florist’s classification of roses is very different from a botanist’s; this difference has nothing to do with a pan-human umwelt and everything to do with the real personal umwelt and with cultural context. humans do, however, classify the world with remarkable consistency, as cecil brown has repeatedly demonstrated. (yoon cites brown, as well as brent berlin and scott atran.) the form-classes like “fish” and “tree” are worldwide. yoon is aware of this, but seems not to realize that traditional people are quite aware that there are differences between useful formclass characterizations and classifications based on biological closeness (however calculated). my chinese fisher friends in hong kong used yu “fish” to mean any free-swimming water animal. they knew perfectly well that cuttlefish—“fish” in both english and chinese—are more like octopi than like carp. they knew that porpoises were “like pigs inside” and acted more like mammals than like ordinary fish. cuttlefish and porpoises were fish because they swam, not because they belonged together in any other way. “tree,” also, is recognized by most people as a formclass rather than a biological entity; we know that trees can be dwarfed into bushes, and begin life as “herb”like seedlings. a classification system, in short, is about naming things in culturally useful ways. it does reflect innate human classifying tendencies, but it is not a simple reflex of anyone’s umwelt. interestingly, graham burnett’s trying leviathan (2007), which i recently reviewed in this journal, has all this right; burnett has a real feel for how people classify. yoon maintains that linnaeus more or less singlehandedly created scientific taxonomy. she dismisses earlier efforts, from aristotle onward, as basically local or folk systems based on that instinctive umwelt. this is less than fair to aristotle and his student theophrastus, who had quite good taxonomic sense. it is less fair to later writers from dioscorides to maimonides, who really understood the need for commonly understood names, and who defined international nomenclatures, providing full synonymies. they also had some glimmering of biological relationships; dioscorides grouped like with like when he reasonably could (see gunther 1934). maimonides’ stunning dictionary of medicines remains one of the great achievements in the history of taxonomy (maimonides 1979). moreover, linnaeus drew heavily on early modern scientists, notably john ray. one recent writer (birkhead 2008) even seems poised to give the self-effacing ray the credit for breakthroughs that the more selfpromoting linnaeus claimed and generally receives. (yoon retells the old stories about linnaeus’ arrogance and his giving ugly weeds the names of his opponents [p. 43]; this latter tale is based on a story that he so served johann siegesbeck [p. 131]; but that story is poorly documented in the original sources, and other alleged cases are not documented at all.) yoon’s claim that taxonomy wallowed in disarray until cladistics and molecular genetics came along, because of excessive dependence on the umwelt (see p. 110), is inaccurate. cladistics (in its diverse forms) has led to some major breakthroughs, but has not revolutionized taxonomy as much as some cladists would like to believe. certainly i was taught that “fish” are diverse, and i learned in freshman biology (over 50 years ago!) that i am closer to a carp than a carp is to a shark. the idea that classification should be on the basis of evolutionary relationships was already current in darwin’s day, and developed steadily from then on. the current tendency in taxonomy is to treat the molecular, genetic, and morphological traits as all useful information, and not to rely on any one set. lack of deep knowledge of the literature leads yoon into some strange charges. she blames mayr and his collaborator dean amadon for not bothering to explain why they classified larks as separate from pipits (p. 98), and uses this to maintain her claim that precladistic taxonomy was arbitrary; the actual reason was that mayr’s and amadon’s readers (of whom i was one, when their articles first came out) would have known that anatomical studies over many decades had shown these were different groups, so there was no need to summarize that. she also seems rather thin on why lumpers and splitters differ, and what the real issues are. the problem is not that people are arbitrary or that they are in the grip of the umwelt; the problem (as mayr explained extremely clearly in animal species and evolution, 1963) is that nature is not always neat. the taxonomic goal is to “carve nature at the joints” (cf. berlin 1992), but what if nature lacks joints in some cases? a good example that mayr mentioned is the case of the bullock’s and baltimore orioles (icterus bullockii and icterus galbula respectively). these birds meet in the great plains and sometimes hybridize, producing viable young. to mayr, this meant they should be lumped— they can fairly easily interbreed, therefore are not biologically separate. to others, the rarity of hybrids ethnobiology letters                                                                                                                    book review    32    suggests behavioral and ecological barriers. thus they were different species at first. then mayr, amadon and their contemporaries, imbued with the biological species concept, lumped them as the “northern oriole” (i. galbula, the two becoming i. galbula bullockii and i. galbula galbula). then after the retirement of biologists of mayr’s generation, the orioles were resplit. this has nothing to do with either the umwelt or arbitrary museum mentalities; it has everything to do with philosophical differences about what to do with genuine borderline cases and empirical reality of the biological world. such occasionally-hybridizing species are very common in nature, and cladistics does not really make them much easier to deal with. cladists tend to be splitters, on philosophic grounds; they want to recognize any evolutionarily different clade, even if it might be considered only an incipient one. but that merely kicks the problem down the street a little. there will always be boundary phenomena. this book is appealing, pleasant, and seductive. judging from comments on amazon.com, it is making taxonomy popular and interesting, something that is not always easy to do. this is commendable. unfortunately, however, the book’s limitations are such that it cannot be recommended for class use or reference. there is a major need for a good, broad-appeal book about this topic. i hope that readers of this review are motivated to write. references cited berlin, b. 1992. ethnobiological classification. princeton university press, princeton, nj. birkhead, t. 2008. the wisdom of birds: an illustrated history of ornithology. bloomsbury, new york . burnett, d. g. 2007. trying leviathan. princeton university press, princeton, nj. gunther, r. t. 1934. the greek herbal of dioscorides. oxford university press, oxford . maimonides, m. 1979. moses maimonides’ glossary of drug names. tr. f. rosner. american philosophical society, philadelphia. mayr, e. 1963. animal species and evolution. harvard university press, cambridge, ma. uexkűll, jakob von. 1921. umwelt und innenwelt der tiere. j. springer, berlin. fisher ethnotaxonomy for elasmobranchs captured along the brazilian amazon coast coelho et al. 2022. ethnobiology letters 13(1):79–99 79 research communications brazil has been marked by the tupi linguistic trunk, which is manifested in the names of places, landscape landmarks, animals, plants, and food (dietrich and noll 2016a). this stems from the relations established during the colonial period between the portuguese and tupi-guarani inhabiting the brazilian coast, especially the tupinambá people, whose loans and cultural exchanges were historically documented through linguistic contacts and the absorption of numerous amerindian words in the portuguese language spoken in brazil (dietrich 2016). in the first half of the 16th century, tupinambá was widely spoken in brazilian coastal zones and introduction traditional communities inhabiting coastal brazilian regions attribute a great diversity of popular names to marine fish and other nature elements (barbosa-filho et al. 2021; freire and carvalho-filho, 2009). the diversity of names employed by fishers and fish consumers is due to multiple factors, including country size, regional disparities, colonization processes, and the complexities of brazilian culture (amorim 2005; freire and pauly 2005; mourão and barbosa-filho 2018; rodrigues 2016). many of the popular plant and animal names in brazil have their origins in tupi-guarani linguistics (barbosa 1951). since colonization, the portuguese language spoken in fisher ethnotaxonomy for elasmobranchs captured along the brazilian amazon coast keyton k. f. coelho 1,2* , getulio rincon 3 , arkley m. bandeira 1 , márcio l. v. barbosa-filho 4 , natascha wosnick 5 , rafaela m. s. de brito 1,2 , ana r. o. p. nunes 1,2 and jorge l. s. nunes 1,2 1 departamento de oceanografia e limnologia, universidade federal do maranhão, são luís, brazil. 2 programa de pósgraduação em biodiversidade e biotecnologia da amazônia legal rede bionorte, universidade federal do maranhão, são luís, brazil. 3 curso de engenharia de pesca, universidade federal do maranhão, pinheiro, brazil. 4 vp eco engenharia & meio ambiente, taubaté, são paulo, brazil. 5 departamento de zoologia, universidade federal do paraná, curitiba, brazil. * keytonfc@yahoo.com.br abstract the diversity of popular names used in fish nomenclature off the brazilian coast makes it difficult to identify species, and many names have their origins in indigenous languages, mainly tupi-guarani. this study sought to understand and update the list of the most popular names and assess some ethnotaxonomic patterns employed by artisanal fishers from the brazilian amazon coast in naming elasmobranchs. interviews with 314 fishermen from 17 coastal municipalities were carried out employing a semi-structured form, banners, and photographic records of local elasmobranch species, addressing characteristics applied to species identification. a total of 130 ethnospecies were identified (113 names in portuguese and 17 of tupi-guarani origin) for the identification of 22 and 18 species of sharks and rays, respectively. the highest degree of homonyms occurs interspecifically for the dasyatidae, mobulidae, pristidae, urotrygonidae, carcharhinidae, sphyrnidae and triakidae families. sphyrna tiburo and hypanus guttatus comprised the taxa with the highest diversity of common names. morphological characteristics such as shape, colors, texture, and size of certain body parts are the ethnotaxonomic patterns most applied in shark and ray identification. we conclude that the use of common names for elasmofauna facilitates communication between fishers and that the scientific approach to this local ecological knowledge is fundamental for the management and sustainability of fisheries in the long term. received april 8, 2022 open access accepted october 5, 2022 doi 10.14237/ebl.13.1.2022.1819 published february 11, 2023 keywords ethnobiology, ethnospecies, local ecological knowledge, chondrichthyes copyright © 2021 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. coelho et al. 2022. ethnobiology letters 13(1):79–99 80 research communications estuarine areas, as well as in some inland areas (rodrigues 2016). its dispersion followed the migratory flows of indigenous people and was adopted in jesuit missions between the 16th and 17th centuries, while other languages of tupi origin were spoken in other regions of the country (dietrich and noll 2016b). however, tupinambá fell into disuse with the genocide of tupinambádue to epidemics and the catechization process and subsequent religious assimilation (rodrigues 2016). from the 19th century, the term "tupi" refers to a complex linguistic combination, comprising tupinambá, on which most colonial languages are based on, the brasilic language used in jesuit missions, the language spoken in são paulo on the piratininga plateau—the first colonizing nucleus towards the southeast, and the amazonian language used in settlements of indigenous peoples of different ethnic origins in the grão-pará jesuit missions (dietrich 2016). "tupi" has also been applied as a generic term since the 16th century to designate indigenous populations along the brazilian coast (rodrigues 2016). with the intensified contact between the portuguese and brazilian indigenous peoples, both were learning to use each other's language, mixing, exchanging, and building a common language that has influenced the current language spoken in brazil. the growing need to include traditional communities and natural resources users in biodiversity management and conservation has shown traditional ecological knowledge to be a promising tool (barbosa-filho et al. 2021; ferreira-araujo et al. 2021; giareta et al. 2021; rodrigues et al. 2021; silva et al. 2021). for example, ethnotaxonomy can be applied to improve and adapt management plans, as the use of inclusive language increases the chances of traditional communities understanding what is being proposed and for which species. ethnotaxonomy translations can also fill knowledge gaps regarding target-species biology and ecology, particularly in datapoor countries such as brazil (ladislau et al. 2021; mourão and barbosa-filho 2018). concerning artisanal fisheries, traditional fisher knowledge is of great value, as fishing is spread out and landings are difficult to monitor. in brazil, elasmobranch fishing is a traditional activity, with several coastal communities engaged in the capture and trade of sharks and rays (aragão et al. 2019; barbosa-filho et al. 2019; barbosa -filho et al. 2021; carvalho et al. 2018; martins et al. 2018). not entirely a subsistence activity, elasmobranch fishing guarantees the financial gain of many families under socio-economic vulnerability conditions, as well as food security in many regions of the country (araujo et al., 2020; dias et al. 2016; martins et al. 2018; nunes et al. 2005; pinto et al. 2015; viana and souza 2019). the point of concern is that sharks and rays are now among the most threatened vertebrates worldwide, with population declines that seriously compromise their sustainable use (dulvy et al. 2021; pacoureau et al. 2021). the situation is critical in brazil, as official fisheries statistics are absent since 2011, and legislation towards elasmobranch conservation is rarely met, mainly due to a lack of enforcement and incentive programs aiming at reducing elasmobranch catches. moreover, the vast majority of species captured incidentally are retained and traded, posing additional pressure to elasmobranchs throughout the brazilian exclusive economic zone. the brazilian amazon coast (bac) is listed as a global conservation hotspot, mainly due to the significant number of local endemic species threatened with extinction (dulvy et al. 2014). the region has a large artisanal fleet that captures elasmobranchs throughout the year, catching mostly juveniles and pregnant females (almeida et al. 2000; araujo et al. 2020; gonçalves 2004; lessa et al. 1999; lessa and silva 1992; nunes et al. 2016). members of fishing communities are mostly citizens suffering great social vulnerability, marginalization, and being deprived of access to basic health, education, and adequate living conditions. the management of endangered species in the brazilian amazon region is very challenging, and human dimensions are constantly overlooked in decision-making processes. in order to improve shark and ray management in the region, traditional communities should be not only considered in decision-making processes, but also their knowledge and demands in conservation planning. this includes access to regional ethnotaxonomy, especially considering the barriers imposed by poor access to basic education and the complexity of the language used in legal/punitive measures (e.g., list of banned species). in this context, the present study aims to update the list of popular names of sharks and rays used by traditional communities inserted in the bac and identify ethnotaxonomic patterns applied in the identification and classification of captured species marketed by local artisanal fleets as a way to reduce coelho et al. 2022. ethnobiology letters 13(1):79–99 81 research communications the linguistic distance between academia, policy makers and fisheries resource users. material and methods study area the data were collected along the coast of the state of maranhão, which extends from the mouth of the gurupi river to the mouth of the parnaíba river, approximately 640 km in length (imesc, 2020). this coastline comprises three environmental protection areas (epa) with 35 municipalities, an estimated population of over two million inhabitants, and is part of the bac (ibge, 2020; figure 1). the western coast comprises the reentrâncias maranhenses environmental protection area (epa). this area is characterized by an expressive set of islands, peninsulas, and bays, cut by rivers, streams and tidal channels filled with clay and silt that favor mangrove development (castro et al. 2019) with high fishing resource productivity, representing a source of food and work for most coastal and riverside populations, especially low-income communities (imesc 2020). the central part comprises the golfão maranhense, an estuarine complex formed by three bays, several river discharge sites and the island of maranhão (castro et al. 2019), as well as the upaon açu-miritiba-alto do rio preguiças epa. the latter displays paramount importance concerning the region's high commercial value fishing resources, such as acoupa weakfish cynoscion acoupa (lacepède, 1801) and serra spanish mackerel scomberomorus brasiliensis collette, russo & zavala-camin, 1978 (imesc 2020). the eastern coast comprises the foz do rio das preguiças pequenos lençóis adjacent lagoon region epa (imesc 2020), marked by a straight coastline, tidal terraces, fixed and mobile dunes, figure 1 delimitation of environmental protection areas and the 17 municipalities that make up the study area on the coast of the state of maranhão, located on the brazilian amazon coast. credits: brenda s. s. nunes, 2021. coelho et al. 2022. ethnobiology letters 13(1):79–99 82 research communications mangroves, beaches, bays, islands, coves, and the parnaíba river delta (el-robrini et al. 2018; figure 1). data collection and analysis monthly interviews were carried out with artisanal fishers from december 2019 to october 2020 in the main alcântara, apicum açú, barreirinhas, cândido mendes, carutapera, cedral, cururupu, guimarães, humberto de campos, icatú, paço do lumiar, porto rico, primeira cruz, raposa, são josé de ribamar, turiaçú and tutóia ports (figure 1). the interviews took place over three days with a daily effort of eight hours at each location, when the interviewees were performing fishing gear maintenance, vessel repairs or following fish landings. the interviews took place individually through a semi-structured form, visually stimulated by banners (figure 2) and photographic records of local elasmobranchs (see wosnick et al. 2019), focusing on their common names and external characteristics used for species identification. during the interviews, fishers were also asked about the species that were caught in abundance in the past and that have disappeared, species currently hardly caught at all and species not recorded for the region. the obtained information was compared with available literature (almeida 2008; almeida et al. 2011; martins-jura et al. 1987; marceniuk et al. 2020; nunes et al. 2005; nunes et al. 2011; stride et al. 1992). in addition, an additional search on local fauna records from the 17th figure 2 interviews and data collection in the municipalities of carutapera (a) west coast, tutóia (b) east coast and raposa (c) golfão maranhense, in the state of maranhão. credit: keyton k. f. coelho, 2020. coelho et al. 2022. ethnobiology letters 13(1):79–99 83 research communications century was carried out to understand the origins, historical records and diversity of popular names applied to elasmobranchs. data were quantitatively analyzed to obtain the total common names and relative frequencies (fr) of citations for each species, as well as the total percentage of each common name cited in relation to all species identified by fishers. linguistic considerations in the present study, common names were considered non-scientific nomenclature employed by fishing communities and fish consumers for the identification of morphological entities and, therefore of no official taxonomic nature. synonymy was considered as the use of different common names applied to the same species (minelli 1999), while homonymy was considered when at least two distinct species were associated with the same common name (papavero 1994). polysemy cases were associated with generalized naming conditions regarding initial species identification (e.g., “arraia” or “cação;” martins 2015). the richness of common names was evaluated by the sum of synonyms and homonyms (minelli 1999). the observed variation was subtle in many cases, but details were also considered as a possible variation of diachronic origin, which consists of slightly modified forms due to divergences over time (e.g., “arraia-lixa” or “raia-lixa”), or of diatopic origin, slightly different nominal forms for the same species as a result of regionalisms (e.g., “cação-junteiro”, “juntão”, “junteiro” or “tubarão-junteiro”). results a total of 314 artisanal fishers from 17 municipalities were interviewed ( 18,47 ± 8,68 fishers/ municipality), numbering a minimum of five fishers from primeira cruz and a maximum of 35 fishers from cândido mendes. all fishers were men, and most were from the state of maranhão (90%; n = 282), mainly residing in the municipalities of cururupu, cândido mendes and turiaçú, while other fishers (10%; n = 32) were from other states, such as ceará, pará and piauí. fishers’ age ranged from 20 to 83 years old ( 47 years) and time acting as fishers ranged from two to 72 years ( 30 years). all fishers identify elasmobranchs as “leather fish,” informally classifying them in the “sharks or cação family” or “ray family”. a total of 14 taxonomic families were recorded (five shark and nine ray families), comprising 40 species (22 sharks and 18 rays), resulting in 130 common names and an average of 3.25 names per species (figure 3; table 1 and table 2). ethnospecies were named in both portuguese and tupi-guarani. most common names were in portuguese (87%; n = 113; 61 for sharks and 52 for rays) (table 1) compared to tupi-guarani (13%; n = 17, nine for sharks and eight of rays) (figure 4 and table 2). both simple names (e.g., “boneta”) and compound names (e.g., “tubarão-lombo-preto”) are noted among the cited common names in portuguese. compound names usually contain the prefixes “cação”, “tubarão”, “sacuri”, “panã”, “raia” and “arraia” as polysemic forms for designating a group (shark or ray) or the initial name of a given species (e.g., “cação-rudela”) (table 1). for rays belonging to the pristidae and rhinobatidae families, the use of the term “cação” was predominant (e.g., “cação-viola” for pseudobatos percellens and “cação-espadarte” for pristis pristis and/or pristis pectinata) (table 1). interestingly, 65% of fishers (n = 205) reported that they had never caught or seen a “caçãoespadarte” (i.e., sawfish, pristidae) (table 1). common names derive from a series of morphological, ecological, behavioral, or physiological characteristics (table 1). the fishers name, identify and classify sharks and rays mostly based on morphological attributes (56%; n = 175), such as body shape and color, body part size and texture, at 50%, 25%, 15% and 10% of citations, respectively (e.g., “sacuri-branco” for carcharhinus acronotus and “raiabicuda” for hypanus guttatus). fishers also use ecological attributes (18%; n = 57), such as the type of consumed food and habitat or type of substrate where the species is usually found (e.g., “raia-pedra”, hypanus say). behavioral attributes (15%; n = 47) such as the ability to produce sounds underwater, strength, and endurance (e.g., “tubarão-boca-redonda,” carcharhinus leucas), and physiological attributes (11%; n = 35), such as the ability to produce electrical discharges and inoculate venom (e.g., “raia-elétrica”, narcine brasiliensis and “raia-de-fogo”, urotrygon microphthalmum), are also applied (table 1). historical documents (carvalho 1964; d’abbeville 2008; prazeres 1891) also indicate the description of some elasmobranchs based morphological characteristics, as in the case of coelho et al. 2022. ethnobiology letters 13(1):79–99 84 research communications galeocerdo cuvier, ginglymostoma cirratum, sphyrna tiburo, aetobatus narinari and hypanus guttatus (table 3). regarding linguistic considerations, homonyms occur most frequently among species belonging to the same ray families (62%), such as dasyatidae (hypanus berthalutzae and pteroplatytrygon violacea), mobulidae (mobula birostris and mobula hypostoma), pristidae (p. pristis and p. pectinata) and urotrygonidae (urotrygon microphthalmum and urotrygon venezuelae) (table 1). homonyms between species from different families, however, are also noted, such as potamotrygonidae (styracura schmardae) and urotrygonidae (u. microphthalmum and u. venezuelae) (table 1). regarding sharks, homonymy is most frequent (38%) for carcharhinidae (rhizoprionodon lalandii and rhizoprionodon porosus), sphyrnidae (sphyrna lewini, sphyrna mokarran, sphyrna tiburo and sphyrna tudes) and triakidae (mustelus canis and mustelus higmani) (table 1). concerning synonymy, averages of 3.18 and 3.33 names per species were identified for sharks and rays, respectively (table 4 and table 5). regarding sharks, sphyrna tiburo (linnaeus, 1758) was given the greatest diversity of common names (n = 8), displaying the highest relative frequency (11.43%) and citations (6.15%) (table 1, table 2, and table 4). carcharhinus falciformis, c. longimanus, isurus oxyrinchus and sphyrna media, on the other hand, were all identified by a single common name throughout the entire study area (table 1 and table 4). for rays, hypanus guttatus (bloch & schneider, 1801) was given the highest number of common names (n = 9), displaying the highest relative frequency (15%) and citations (6.92%) figure 3 hierarchical diagram of shark and ray families with their common names associated to their respective scientific names cited by artisanal fishers on the coast of the state of maranhão, located on the brazilian amazon coast. credit: keyton k. f. coelho, 2021. coelho et al. 2022. ethnobiology letters 13(1):79–99 85 research communications family species common names ethnotaxonomic features carcharhinidae carcharhinus acronotus (poey, 1860) cação-flamengo, sacuribranco or tubarãoflamengo. “when young, this shark has a soft and very tasty meat..., it is small, when bigger it reaches up to one meter and has a black dot on the tip of its nose” (morphological ethnotaxonomy – body size and head color). carcharhinus falciformis (müller & henle, 1839) tubarão-lombo-preto. carcharhinus leucas (müller & henle, 1839) tubarão-cabeça-chata or tubarão-bocaredonda. “this shark snores a lot under the boat, it makes a lot of noise” (behavioral ethnotaxonomy). “it has a lot of strength and is too angry..., it takes a long time to die in the fishing net, it is very resistant” (behavioral and physiological ethnotaxonomy). “this animal's head is flattened to the tip of its nose and its mouth is huge” (morphological ethnotaxonomy – head shape). carcharhinus limbatus (müller & henle, 1839) sacuri-da-galha-preta or tubarão-da-galha-preta. carcharhinus longimanus (poey, 1861) tubarão-galha-branca. carcharhinus obscurus (lesueur, 1818) cação-fidalgo, fidalgo or tubarão-fidalgo. carcharhinus perezi (poey, 1876) cabeça-de-cesto or cação-azul. carcharhinus plumbeus (nardo, 1827) cação-abudo, barrigad’água, cação-baía, cação-galhudo or cação -baiacu. carcharhinus porosus (ranzani, 1839) cação-junteiro, juntão, junteiro or tubarãojunteiro. galeocerdo cuvier (péron & lesueur, 1822) cação-tigre, tintureira or tubarão-tigre. “this shark is easy to identify because it has spots on its body” (morphological ethnotaxonomy – body color). isogomphodon oxyrhynchus (müller & henle, 1839) cara-de-pato, caçãobicudo, cação-quati or cação-tapogi. “this shark has a head that thins and flattens up to the nose” (morphological ethnotaxonomy – head shape). rhizoprionodon lalandii (müller & henle, 1839) cação-frango or figuinho. table 1 families, species and common names in portuguese of the ethnospecies cited by artisanal fishers from the brazilian amazon coast associated with ethnotaxonomic characteristics. continued on next page coelho et al. 2022. ethnobiology letters 13(1):79–99 86 research communications family species common names ethnotaxonomic features carcharhinidae rhizoprionodon porosus (poey, 1861) cação-figuinho, figuinho or rabo-seco. ginglymostomatidae ginglymostoma cirratum (bonnaterre, 1788) barroso, cação-lixa or tubarão-lixa. “where there is mud, you can throw a net, because this shark likes muddy environments” (ecological ethnotaxonomy – habitat). “the skin of this shark is like sandpaper” (morphological ethnotaxonomy – body texture). lamnidae isurus oxyrinchus rafinesque, 1810 mako sphyrnidae sphyrna lewini (griffith & smith, 1834) cação-rudela or panãbranco. “this panã (shark) is easy to find when we are out there, it lives in the high seas” (ethnotaxonomy ecological – habitat). sphyrna media springer, 1940 boneta. sphyrna mokarran (rüppell, 1837) panã-preto or rudela. sphyrna tiburo (linnaeus, 1758) cação-martelo, caçãorudela, cornudo, rodela, sirizeira or tubarãomartelo. sphyrna tudes (valenciennes, 1822) cação-rudela or panãamarela. “this shark has a hammer-shaped head and is yellow on the underside of its head” (morphological ethnotaxonomy – head shape and color). triakidae mustelus canis (mitchill, 1815) cação-canejo, sebastião, tubarãocanejo or tubarãosebastião. mustelus higmani springer & lowe, 1963 cação-canejo, caçãodiabo, sebastião, tubarão-canejo or tubarão-sebastião. aetobatidae aetobatus narinari (euphrasen, 1790) arraia-pintada, raiapintada or raia-chita. “this stingray is called a spotted stingray because its entire top body has white spots and it is easy to know when it is this species” (morphological ethnotaxonomy – body color). “when it's sururu time, this ray shoals into the mouth of the river to eat this shellfish” (behavioral and ecological ethnotaxonomy). continued from previous page continued on next page coelho et al. 2022. ethnobiology letters 13(1):79–99 87 research communications family species common names ethnotaxonomic features dasyatidae fontitrygon geijskesi (boeseman, 1948) arraia-morcego, raiamorcego or carapirá. “this ray has very large fins, even more so when you consider the big ones” (morphological ethnotaxonomy – body size and shape). hypanus berthalutzae petean, naylor & lima 2020 raia-prego. hypanus guttatus (bloch & schneider, 1801) arraia-bicuda, arraiaprego, arraia-lixa, raialixa or raia-bicuda. “the sea of maranhão was made for this ray, just cast a net from end to end of this coast and you catch this fish, there are too many” (ecological ethnotaxonomy habitat). “its skin is like sandpaper, even more so when you consider the big ones... you can even scrape the hull of the boat” (morphological ethnotaxonomy – body texture). hypanus marianae (gomes, rosa & gadig, 2000) raia-amarela or raiaolhuda “this ray is called this because it has very large eyes that sticks out of its head” (morphological ethnotaxonomy – shape of the eyes on the head). hypanus say (lesueur, 1817) arraia-amarela, raia-dapedra or raia-pedra. “this stingray likes stony bottoms, that's why it’s called the stone ray” (ecological ethnotaxonomy – habitat). pteroplatytrygon violacea (bonaparte, 1832) raia-prego gymnuridae gymnura micrura (bloch & schneider, arraia-baté, raia-baté or raia-manteiga. “this stingray is yellow on the underside of its body; it really looks like butter” (morphological mobulidae mobula birostris (walbaum, 1792) arraia-gaveta, raiagaveta, raia-jamanta or jamanta. “this ray has some white spots near the head, the other manta rays don’t” (morphological ethnotaxonomy – body color). “we know that this ray is in the water when it is above the water hitting its big fins or when it gets caught in the net; in that case, it drags the boat for many meters; it's a loss, we have to cut the nets and lose everything” (morphological ethnotaxonomy – body size and shape). mobula hypostoma (bancroft, 1831) arraia-gaveta, raiagaveta, raia-jamanta or jamanta. myliobatidae rhinoptera bonasus (mitchill, 1815) arraia-jamburana, arraia-jamborana, jaburana or raia-boi. “this ray has a head similar to that of an ox, even the eyes look very much like an ox’s” (morphological ethnotaxonomy – head shape). narcinidae narcine brasiliensis (olfers, 1831) raia-elétrica or raiatreme-treme. “i want to get away from this animal, fish from hell, it gives a huge shock, and it hurts” (physiological ethnotaxonomy – act of shocking). continued from previous page continued on next page coelho et al. 2022. ethnobiology letters 13(1):79–99 88 research communications (table 1, table 2 and table 5). interestingly, p. violacea and h. berthalutzae were both recognized by the same common name (“raia-prego”) (table 1 and table 5). discussion the richness of common names (n = 130) in portuguese or in tupi-guarani used by artisanal fishers does not necessarily correspond to the number of biological shark or ray species, since these common names are usually associated with polysemy, homonyms, or synonyms cases when naming ethnospecies. the polysemy observed in the studied area is high and is generally applied when fishers generically identify fish as “cação”, “panã”, “raia” or “arraia” or classify them in the “shark” or “ray” family. these denominations do not correctly define biological species but may reveal the biological diversity that exists in the region. in the northeastern coast of brazil, generic or polytypic taxa are usually associated with the high species richness observed in some localities (barbosa-filho et al. 2021; previero et al. 2013) or categories of greater economic or sociocultural importance in local fishing communities (mourão and montenegro 2006; pinto et al. 2015; silvano and begossi 2012). this was verified in the present study, given the high richness of elasmobranch species in the study area and the relevance of family species common names ethnotaxonomic features pristis pristis (linnaeus, 1758) cação-espadarte, raiaserra or peixe-serra. “this fish is easy to identify because of the katana sword, but they have not appeared in these waters for a long time” (morphological ethnotaxonomy – body shape). “i only hear about this animal, but i've never seen it, i want to see it... my father caught a lot in the past” (common citation). “about three years ago, one appeared here at half a meter in size, which caused a lot of confusion because many people did not know this animal, including an old fisher who had never seen it” (report of a fisher in the municipality of cedral-ma). pristidae pristis pectinata (latham, 1794) cação-espadarte, raiaserra or peixe-serra. “there is a beach called espadarte beach, because we used to go there just to kill these animals years ago, often just to get the katana to sell” (report of a fisherman over 80 years old from the municipality of barreirinhasbad). potamotrygonidae styracura schmardae (werner 1904) arraia-de-fogo, foguinho or raia-defogo. “another animal that i want to stay away from, it even walks in the mud and runs after us to hurt you with its sting” (behavioral ethnotaxonomy). rhinobatidae pseudobatos percellens (walbaum, 1792) cação-viola or raiaviola. “this ray has a body like a guitar” (morphological ethnotaxonomy – body shape). urotrygonidae urotrygon microphthalmum delsman, 1941 arraia-de-fogo, foguinho or raia-defogo. “the sting of this stingray hurts so much, even more when we are removing the nets, then it takes advantage of it” (physiological ethnotaxonomy). urotrygon venezuelae schultz, 1949 arraia-de-fogo, foguinho or raia-defogo. continued from previous page coelho et al. 2022. ethnobiology letters 13(1):79–99 89 research communications marine fish as a source of subsistence and income on the coast of maranhão. homonyms are more frequent in rays (62%), mainly due to the phenotypic similarity usually observed between different species belonging to the same family. an example of this are the manta rays m. birostris and m. hypostoma, which are locally identified as “arraia-gaveta”, “raia-gaveta”, “raia-jamanta” or simply “jamanta”. concerning sharks, although a lower homonym frequency is observed (38%), a high morphological similarity between different species is also noted, such as between m. canis and m. higmani known as “cação-canejo”, “sebastião”, “tubarãocanejo” or “tubarão-sebastião”, as well as between r. lalandii and r. porosus identified by “figuinho,” in addition to “cação-frango” and “cação rabo-seco,” respectively. this same morphological similarity pattern was observed by carvalho et al. (2018) when studying the ethnotaxonomy of sharks in the state of rio grande do norte, brazil, where r. lalandii and r. porosus have also been recognized as “cação-frango” and “cação rabo-seco”. this perception and recognition of biological groupings by humans is based on similarities and differences shared between organisms, but the skills required to recognize this variability must be developed (barbosa-filho et al. 2021). the synonymy observed in sharks, with an average of 3.18 common names per species, was lower than that observed by barbosa-filho et al. (2021) regarding the ethnotaxonomy of sharks by fishers in the municipalities of ilhéus, una and canavieiras, in the state of bahia, brazil, which averaged 4.8 common names per species. these authors indicated 13 common names for s. tiburo, higher than for the same species in our study (n = 8). these differences in common names are often justified by geographic variations, linguistic differences, or person to person changes (carvalho et al. 2018; freire and carvalho-filho 2009; freire and pauly 2005; last et al. 2016). however, when analyzing the popular knowledge of artisanal fishers concerning 22 shark species, carvalho et al. (2018) also identified an average of 3.17 common names per species. for stingrays, the highest number of common names for h. guttatus (n = 9; five in portuguese and four in tupi-guarani) may be associated with the use of ethnotaxonomic characteristics in their identification (e.g., stingray) and their high occurrence along the study area (as reported by some fishers: “... just cast the net from one end of the coast to the other and you catch this fish”), favoring its availability and commercial value accessible to local consumers. the national average for brazil is of six common names for each biological species, but some fish species are known by more than 30 common names, in addition to higher-level taxonomic groups that include different families, genera, and species that are referred to by a single common name (freire and pauly 2005), as in the case of rays (“raia” or “arraia” in brazilian portuguese). for taxa displaying high synonymy, the insertion of “notes” is recommended for reviews, catalogs, and other publications, to avoid naming errors (papavero 1994). family species common names meaning carcharhinidae galeocerdo cuvier (péron & lesueur, 1822) cacam, jaguara or guajará. big fish, huge size. ginglymostomatidae ginglymostoma cirratum (bonnaterre, 1788) arumaru, guaromaru, lambaru or urumaru. sphyrnidae sphyrna tiburo (linnaeus, 1758) panãpanã or panã. dasyatidae hypanus guttatus (bloch & schneider, 1801) jabubira, jabebyretê, jabybúra or raiajarabuibura. swollen, lumpy or blistered skin. pristidae pristis pristis (linnaeus, 1758) araguaguá or araoába. pristis pectinata (latham, 1794) araguaguá or araoába. table 2 families, species and common names in tupi-guarani of the ethnospecies cited by artisanal fishers from the brazilian amazon coast associated and their respective meanings. coelho et al. 2022. ethnobiology letters 13(1):79–99 90 research communications many common fish names reflect fisher local ecological knowledge (mourão and barbosa-filho 2018). all artisanal fishers who participated in this study have fishing as their main activity and demonstrate knowledge concerning the biology of the fish they often catch. this is reflected in the length of experience in the fishing profession ( 30 years), where the use of natural aquatic resources is the result of life experience and knowledge. these social actors have empirical knowledge that must be respected regarding their behavior in relation to the environment when obtaining resources (mourão and nordi 2002) with a wealth of information on the biology, ecology and etymology of different groups of animals (mourão and barbosa-filho 2018; silvano and begossi 2012). this knowledge is paramount regarding the relational composition of social existence, being transmitted orally and through experience to descendants over time in the construction of identity bonds across generations (aragão 2021; aragão et al. 2019). the association of ethnotaxonomic characteristics favors the existence of many common names in portuguese (87%) for shark and ray identification. morphological aspects are the most considered for naming species, highlighting the size or shape of the body, or the texture and colors of body parts, which are usually associated with a word (noun or adjective) to designate the species. an apt example is the “cação -bicudo” or “cara-de-pato” (transliteration portuguese to english = “beaked shark” or “duckface shark”, respectively). daggernose shark i. oxyrhynchus, which, according to fishers, is named after the shape of its head: “this shark has a head that thins and flattens up to the beak”. the sharpsnout stingray f. geijskesi receives the composite name of “raia-morcego” (“bat stingray”) due to the presence and span of its large fins. barbosa and nascimento (2008) suggest that the use of common names related to other animals, objects or actions should be composed to avoid confusion and thus, aid in informal species identification. thus, the use of nouns and adjectives when establishing compound or derivative names is extremely important for the determination of a specific taxon (papavero 1994). in some cases, different morphological characteristics are considered in the complete naming of the species, as in the case of the “panã-amarelo”/ smalleyer hammerhead (“yellow panã”) s. tudes, in which fishers relate the shape of the head with the characteristic color of the animal: “this cação has a hammer-shaped head and is yellow on the underside figure 4 percentage of common names with portuguese and tupi-guarani origin applied to the identification of ethnospecies by artisanal fishers on the coast of the state of maranhão, located on the brazilian amazon coast. credit: keyton k. f. coelho, 2021. coelho et al. 2022. ethnobiology letters 13(1):79–99 91 research communications of the head and the rest of the body”. in other situations, body shape can confuse fishers as to the difference between some species of rays and sharks, as verified in the statement that the “raia-viola”/ chola guitarfish p. percellens and the “raias-serras”/ sawfishes p. pristis or p. pectinata are usually identified as “cação-viola” and “cações-espadartes”, respectively, attributing these names due to their similarity with cações (sharks). the color pattern is the second most applied morphological aspect in species identification, such as in the “sacuri-branco”/blacknose shark c. acronotus (“with a black marking on the tip of the nose”) and the tiger shark g. cuvier (“with markings along the body”), or the “raia-manteiga”/smooth butterfly ray g. micrura (“yellowish color on the underside of the body”), the “raia-pintada”/whitespotted eagle ray a. narinari (“all the upper part of this species has white spots”), and the “manta ray”/giant ray m. birostris (“with some white spots near the head”). colors play a major role in descriptions and are important for the identification of the vast majority of plant or animal organisms (papavero 1994). in fact, this physical feature stands out to the eye, being frequently used in the construction of popular and vernacular denominations (martins 2015; mourão and barbosafilho 2018). the size and texture of the body are morphological aspects evidenced in species such as the “sacuribranco”/blacknose shark c. acronotus (“...it is small, when large it reaches one meter...”) and in the longnose stingray h. guttatus (“its leather is sandpaper..., you can even scrape the hull of the boat”). names in tupi-guarani also reveal the same family species morphological description carcharhinidae galeocerdo cuvier (péron & lesueur, 1822) “a dangerous fish of the sea”, it only serves to do harm, especially to shipwrecked people and bathers, comparable to the jaguar, and can reach six meters or more in length; we only use the liver for the oil... (carvalho 1964). ginglymostomatidae ginglymostoma cirratum (bonnaterre, 1788) body short, subcylindrical, somewhat tapered and long in the posterior region. an obtuse, rather small muzzle is noted, as well as the eyes, which are located in the upper third of the head. size ranging between 1 and 4 meters weighing over 150 kilos... (carvalho 1964). sphyrnidae sphyrna tiburo (linnaeus, 1758) this fish has a semicircular cephalic contour and the nostrils are close to the eyes, very characteristic for having a small, flattened and spatulate head (carvalho 1964). aetobatidae aetobatus narinari (euphrasen, 1790) flatfish similar to stingrays. it is six feet long by six feet wide. the tail is a fathom long, and in the center, as in the previous one, a tip, but longer, about a foot long, and equally dangerous. this fish is all spotted white and black (d’abbeville 2008). dasyatidae hypanus guttatus (bloch & schneider, 1801) the young are entirely smooth; adults have a series of spines along the midline of the body, up to the caudal dart; some over the shoulder, with a rough upper body (carvalho 1964). another flatfish, similar to the stingray, but much larger. it is two fathoms long by two fathoms wide and a foot thick. it has a tail an arm and a half long, in the center of which there is a point, in the shape of a dart, much larger than a finger, and whose wound is very dangerous, to the point that it is often necessary to cut off the offended part (d. 'abbeville 2008). table 3 families and species identified in maranhão waters in the 17th century (historical documents). coelho et al. 2022. ethnobiology letters 13(1):79–99 92 research communications aspects, such as “jaguara,” “cacam” or “guajará” (“large fish, of enormous size,” referring to the tiger shark g. cuvier) or “jabubira,” “jabebyretê,” “jabybúra” or “ray-jarabuibura” (“swelled, lumpy or blistered skin,” referring to the stingray h. guttatus). however, these and other names in the tupi-guarani language used to identify sharks and rays, such as “arumaru,” “guaromaru,” “lambaru” or “urumaru” (g. cirratum), “panãpanã” or “panã” (s. tiburo) and “araguaguá” or “araoába” (p. pristis and p. pectinata) are no longer used by fishers in the region. these names are generally used by fishers aged between 50 and 80 years due to contact with older fisher generations (e.g., parents and grandparents). a loss of cultural values through applied names is verified, due to the lack of interest of young people in fishing. for pinto et al. (2015), this lack of interest occurs due to the lack of investment in storing, processing, and marketing fish, in addition to low values and the search for new employment opportunities. morphological characteristics were also widely applied in early descriptions of the local aquatic fauna in colonial periods, as observed for the “tubarãolixa”/nurse shark g. cirratum ("...the hide of this dogfish is like sandpaper" or "...obtuse snout, somewhat small, the same is noted for the eyes, located in the upper third of the head...”), the hammerhead shark/bonnethead s. tiburo (“... semicircular cephalic contour and the nostrils are close to the eyes...”), the spotted ray/whitespotted eagle ray a. narinari (“...this fish is all spotted white and black”) and the “raia-bicuda”/longnose stingray (beaked ray) h. guttatus (“...the adults have a series of spines on the midline of the body, to the tail dart..."). the ecological criteria used by fishers reveal much of the habitat of some species, such as nurse shark g. cirratum (“it likes muddy environments”), the “panã-branco”/scalloped hammerhead s. lewini (“it is found out there, in high seas”) and the “raia-pedra”/ bluntnose stingray (“rock ray”) h. say (“its likes stony table 4 list of shark species with the number of synonyms, relative frequency (fr%) and percentage of citations by artisanal fishers from the brazilian amazon coast. nº shark common names fr% % citations 1 sphyrna tiburo (linnaeus, 1758) 8 11.43 6.15 2 ginglymostoma cirratum (bonnaterre, 1788) 7 10.00 5.38 3 galeocerdo cuvier (péron & lesueur, 1822) 6 8.57 4.62 4 carcharhinus plumbeus (nardo, 1827) 5 7.14 3.85 5 mustelus higmani springer & lowe, 1963 5 7.14 3.85 6 isogomphodon oxyrhynchus (müller & henle, 1839) 4 5.71 3.08 7 mustelus canis (mitchill, 1815) 4 5.71 3.08 8 carcharhinus porosus (ranzani, 1839) 4 5.71 3.08 9 carcharhinus acronotus (poey, 1860) 3 4.29 2.31 10 carcharhinus obscurus (lesueur, 1818) 3 4.29 2.31 11 rhizoprionodon porosus (poey, 1861) 3 4.29 2.31 12 carcharhinus leucas (müller & henle, 1839) 2 2.86 1.54 13 carcharhinus perezi (poey, 1876) 2 2.86 1.54 14 rhizoprionodon lalandii (müller & henle, 1839) 2 2.86 1.54 15 sphyrna lewini (griffith & smith, 1834) 2 2.86 1.54 16 sphyrna mokarran (rüppell, 1837) 2 2.86 1.54 17 sphyrna tudes (valenciennes, 1822) 2 2.86 1.54 18 carcharhinus limbatus (müller & henle, 1839) 2 2.86 1.54 19 carcharhinus falciformis (müller & henle, 1839) 1 1.43 0.77 20 carcharhinus longimanus (poey, 1861) 1 1.43 0.77 21 isurus oxyrinchus rafinesque, 1810 1 1.43 0.77 22 sphyrna media springer, 1940 1 1.43 0.77 total 70 100.00 coelho et al. 2022. ethnobiology letters 13(1):79–99 93 research communications bottoms”). the behavioral and physiological criteria reported by fishers indicate certain peculiar characteristics of some species, as observed for the “tubarão-boca-redonda”/bull shark (“roundmouth shark”) c. leucas, which emits sounds, making a lot of noise under the boat and is highly resistant when caught, even tearing nets or breaking longlines, the “electric ray”/brazilian electric ray n. brasiliensis, capable of producing painful electrical discharges that leave fisher body parts numb for long periods of time, and the “raias-de-fogo” (“fire rays”) chupare stingray s. schmardae and smalleyed round stingray u. microphthalmum that can leave irreparable injuries when piercing the human legs, arms or hands with their stingers (see carvalho et al. 2019; dias et al. 2016 and junior et al. 2013). these ethnotaxonomic fish identification patterns are also reported in other ethnobiological studies (mourão and barbosa-filho 2018; mourão and nordi 2002, 2003; pinto et al. 2016), but morphological criteria are generally the most employed in elasmobranch identification and naming (barbosafilho et al. 2021; carvalho et al. 2018; pinto et al. 2016). all the ethnospecies mentioned by the interviewed fishers match those mentioned in the preexisting literature (almeida 2006; almeida 2008; araujo and gonçalves 2006; almeida et al. 2011; barbosa 1951; carvalho 1964; d’abbeville 2008; fortes and galvão 2006; icmbio 2018; marceniuk et al. 2020; martins-jura et al. 1987; nunes and santos 2006; nunes et al. 2005; nunes et al. 2011; papavero et al. 2000; silva and paz 2006; spix and martius 1829; stride et al. 1992), with the exception of the “raiamorcego”/sharpsnout stingray f. geijskesi, which was also identified by the name “carapirá” in the municipality of carutapera. however, some fisher reports (65%; n = 205) indicate that they had never caught or seen a p. pristis or p. pectinata specimen throughout their years of fishing experience (e.g., “i only hear about this animal, but i've never seen it, i’d like to see it...”). the few reports (34.72%) concerning species of pristidae function as historical records of the distribution of their populations, indicating occurrence and capture sites of these animals, since the information is brought by the oldest fishers in the region and indicate a long time since the last time these animals were seen (“...but it has been a long nº ray common names fr% % citations 1 hypanus guttatus (bloch & schneider, 1801) 9 15.00 6.92 2 pristis pristis (linnaeus, 1758) 5 8.33 3.85 3 pristis pectinata (latham, 1794) 5 8.33 3.85 4 mobula birostris (walbaum, 1792) 4 6.67 3.08 5 mobula hypostoma (bancroft, 1831) 4 6.67 3.08 6 rhinoptera bonasus (mitchill, 1815) 4 6.67 3.08 7 fontitrygon geijskesi (boeseman, 1948) 3 5.00 2.31 8 hypanus say (lesueur, 1817) 3 5.00 2.31 9 gymnura micrura (bloch & schneider, 1801) 3 5.00 2.31 10 urotrygon microphthalmum delsman, 1941 3 5.00 2.31 11 urotrygon venezuelae schultz, 1949 3 5.00 2.31 12 aetobatus narinari (euphrasen, 1790) 3 5.00 2.31 13 styracura schmardae (werner 1904) 3 5.00 2.31 14 hypanus marianae (gomes, rosa & gadig, 2000) 2 3.33 1.54 15 narcine brasiliensis (olfers, 1831) 2 3.33 1.54 16 pseudobatos percellens (walbaum, 1792) 2 3.33 1.54 17 pteroplatytrygon violacea (bonaparte, 1832) 1 1.67 0.77 18 hypanus berthalutzae petean, naylor & lima 2020 1 1.67 0.77 total 60 100.00 table 5 list of ray species with the number of synonyms, relative frequency (fr%) and percentage of citations by artisanal fishers from the brazilian amazon coast. coelho et al. 2022. ethnobiology letters 13(1):79–99 94 research communications time since they appears in these waters”; “about three years ago one appeared here, half a meter in size...”). fishers from batoque beach in the state of ceará, northeastern brazil, reported that the sawfish p. pristis has not been observed in the region for over 40 years (pinto et al. 2015). in general, fisher reports indicate how much these species have been suffering population declines over the years. feitosa et al. (2017) recorded 23 sawfish catches in the region maranhão amazon coast between 1984 and 2016 and demonstrated that the degradation of these species’ habitat through mangrove deforestation, pollution and strong artisanal fishing pressures are the main factors responsible for the observed declines. the high diversity of common names used in brazil to designate fish species is a challenge for adequate collection of fish landing data (freire and pauly 2003). in this sense, the designation of a certain species by several popular names, as well as the use of the same epithet to refer to different species, makes it difficult to record species-specific fish in existing landing monitoring systems, a fact that limits the possibilities for assessing the impact of fisheries on fishery resource populations (freire and pauly 2005). for example, the ethnocategory “cação” is used to designate a multitude of scientific species from different shark families, and this category is usually used in regional fisheries monitoring systems in brazil to group all locally caught shark species (freire and pauly 2005; barbosa-filho et al. 2021). such a procedure is not very useful in terms of fisheries management, as it makes a basic assessment of the population dynamics of the different fishing resources exploited over time unfeasible (freire and pauly, 2003), a fact that strongly restricts the possibilities of the brazilian state to adequately manage the fishing for elasmobranchs. it is verified that, in brazil, it is usual to group the fishing landings of elasmobranchs under the generic categories “cações” and “arraias” in several official documents such as evaluations of landings carried out by the public authorities, as well as in research reports and scientific articles (barbosa-filho et al. 2021; medeiros et al. 2022). it is possible that the challenges inherent in the taxonomic identification of elasmobranch species, the fact that sharks are normally landed eviscerated and headless, and the possible negligence of researchers and fisheries managers in carrying out a thorough job of identifying the landed elasmobranch species, culminate for this scenario. given this context, for a more adequate management of the elasmobranch fishery in the country, it is essential to link academic knowledge from scientists and fisheries managers with those related to the ethnotaxonomy developed by fishermen for the construction of a landing data collection system more judicious and fruitful, that is, that seek to carry out the species-specific identification of the captured animals. conclusion the diversity of common names used to identify different shark and ray species from the brazilian amazon coast is a consequence of the high miscegenation rates that took place between indigenous and settler populations during the colonization process. this linguistic richness is easily observed by homonyms and synonyms that reflect a series of ethnotaxonomic characteristics employed for species identification. the use of these common names facilitates traditional fishing community communication with consumers and civil society. on the other hand, this is one of the main difficulties regarding correct species identification. thus, constant updates concerning common names should take place, in order to standardize species nomenclature in the region. finally, fisher knowledge regarding shark and ray names can contribute to basic information on elasmobranchs captured throughout the coast of maranhão and species-specific recognition in fishing landing monitoring systems, generating subsidies for the development of conservation and management plans for these fishery resources. author contributions section kkfc and jlsn, conceived and planned the study; kkfc, gr, mlvbf, nw, aropn and jlsn reviewed and analyzed the data; kkfc, gr, amb, mlvbf, nw, rmsb, aropn and jlsn wrote the paper. acknowledgments to the artisanal fishermen for their willingness to participate in this study, to marcelo neves diniz for the search for historical documents, to brenda soares da silva nunes for making the map, for the financial support to jlsn through the fundação de amparo à pesquisa do maranhão (fapema bepp02106/18; b p d 0 4 2 1 5 / 1 7 ; a q u i p e s c a 0 6 6 0 5 / 1 6 ) , biodiversity conservation: interface between the coelho et al. 2022. ethnobiology letters 13(1):79–99 95 research communications creative economy and environmental quality (capes aid nº 0762/2020, process nº 88881.510069/202001), and the coordination for the improvement of higher education personnel (capes) and the graduate program in biodiversity and biotechnology in the legal amazon bionorte network. declarations permissions: this research followed the guidelines set by the declaration of helsinki and tokyo for humans and was approved by the human ethics committee of the federal university of maranhão (ufma nº 3717163 caae 25628919.9.0000.5087), brazilian institute for the environment and renewable natural resources (ibama; sisbio nº 60306-1) and the state secretariat for the environment and natural resources (superintendence of biodiversity and protected areas; sema-ma nº 00397/2019). all interviewees signed a free and informed consent term (fict). sources of funding: none declared. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited almeida, z. s. 2008. os recursos pesqueiros marinhos e estuarinos do maranhão: biologia, tecnologia, socioeconomia, estado da arte e manejo. tese (doutorado), curso em zoologia, universidade federal do pará/ museo paraense emílio goeldi. almeida, z. s. 2006. um dia do peixe, outro do pescador. in elasmobrânquios da costa maranhense: história evolutiva, biologia e pesca, edited by z. s. almeida and r. fortes, pp. 60–69. são luís, uema. almeida, z. s., frédou, f. l., nunes, j. l. s., lessa, r. p., and pinheiro, a. l. r. 2011. biodiversidade de elasmobrânquios. in peixes marinhos e estuarinos do maranhão, edited by nunes, j. l. s. and piorski, n. m. pp. 37–94. editora café & lápis, são luís. almeida, z. s., nunes, j. s., and costa, c. l. 2016. presencia de urotrygon microphthalmum (elasmobranchii: urolophidae) en aguas bajas de maranhão (brasil) y notas sobre su biologia. boletín de investigaciones marinas y costeras 29:67–72. doi:10.25268/bimc.invemar.2000.29.0.314 amorim, m. a. 2005. os franciscanos no maranhão e grão-pará: missão e cultura na primeira metade de seiscentos. centro de estudos de história religiosa, universidade católica portuguesa, lisboa, 362p. aragão, m. c. o. 2021. cultura e conhecimento tradicional faces possíveis da sustentabilidade. in unidades de conservação e comunidades tradicionais: desafios da sobrevivência dos espaços e identidades, edited by souza, r. m., santos, s. s. c., santos, e. a., and aragão, m. c. o. pp. 27–42. 1ª ed. criação editora, aracaju, sergipe. aragão, g. m. o., oliveira, g. p., kotas, j. e., and spach, h. l. 2019. o conhecimento ecológico local dos pescadores artesanais sobre os elasmobrânquios marinho-costeiros na apa do delta do parnaíba, nordeste do brasil. arquivos de ciências do mar 52:34–49. doi:10.32360/ acmar.v52i1.33667 araujo, c. e., and gonçalves, f. s. 2006. como os elasmobrânquios se reproduzem. in elasmobrânquios da costa maranhense: história evolutiva, biologia e pesca, edited by z. s. almeida and r. fortes, pp. 28–36. são luís, uema. araujo, n. l. f., lopes, c. a., brito, v. b., santos, l. n., barbosa-filho, m. l. v., amaral, c. r. l., siciliano, s., and hauser-davis, r. a. 2020. artisanally landed elasmobranchs along the coast of rio de janeiro, brazil. boletim do laboratório de hidrobiologia 30:33–53. doi:10.18764/19816421e2020.4 barbosa, a. l. 1951. pequeno vocabulário tupi-português. livraria são josé, rio de janeiro. barbosa-filho, m. l. v., hauser-davis, r. a., siciliano, s., dias, t. l. p., alves, r. r. n., and costa-neto, e. m. 2019. historical shark meat consumption and trade trends in a global richness hotspot. ethnobiology letters 10:97–103. doi:10.14237/ebl.10.1.2019.1560 barbosa-filho, m. l. v., ramires, m., mourão, j. s., rosa, r. s., alves, r. r. n., and costa-neto, e. m. 2021. ethnotaxonomy of sharks by expert fishers from south bahia, brazil: implications for fisheries management and conservation. ethnobiology and conservation 10:1–12. doi:10.15451/ec2021-0810.02-1-12 barbosa, j. m., and nascimento, c. m. 2008. sistematização de nomes vulgares de peixes comerciais do brasil: 2 espécies marinhas. revista brasileira de engenharia de pesca, são luís, v. 3, n. 3, pp. 76–90. available at: https:// ppg.revistas.uema.br/index.php/repesca/ article/view/100/100. accessed on may 24, 2021. coelho et al. 2022. ethnobiology letters 13(1):79–99 96 research communications carvalho, j. p. 1964. comentários sobre os peixes mencionados na obra “história dos animais e árvores do maranhão” de frei cristovão de lisboa. arq. est. biol. mar. fortaleza, 4:1–39. carvalho, i. e. m., costa, j. a., júnior, v. h., silva, g. v. f., and nunes, j. l. s. 2019. acidentes causados por raias em pescadores artesanais no estado do maranhão. in tópicos integrados de zoologia, edited by júnior, j. m. b. o. and calvão, l. b. pp. 26–35. ponta grossa, atena editora, paraná. carvalho, m. m., oliveira, m. r., lopes, p. f. m., and oliveira, j. e. l. 2018. ethnotaxonomy of sharks from tropical waters of brazil. journal of ethnobiology and ethnomedicine 14:1–12. doi:10.1186/s13002-018-0273-0 castro, a. c. l., azevedo, j. w. j., ferreira, h. r. s., soares, l. s., pinheiro-júnior, j. r., smith, l. m. r., silva, m. h. l. 2019. feeding activity of the cayenne pompano trachinotus cayennensis (cuvier 1832) (perciformes, carangidae) in estuaries on the western coast of the state of maranhão, brazil. brazilian journal of biology 79(2):311–320. doi:10.1590/1519-6984.182683 d’abbeville, c. 2008. história da missão dos padres capuchinhos na ilha do maranhão e terras circunvizinhas. tradução de sérgio milliet. brasília, df: senado federal, conselho editorial, 105, 404p. available at: https://www2.senado.leg.br/bdsf/ bitstream/handle/ id/576068/000838911_historia_padres_capuchinh os_maranhao.pdf?sequence=1&isallowed=y. accessed february 24, 2021. dias, h. n., avelar, r. f., and santos, r. v. e. 2016. etnoictiologia de arraias nas comunidades pesqueiras de porto grande e vila de cuiarana, salinópolis, pará brasil. engrenagem, belém, ano vi, n. 12, pp. 52–71. issn 2236-4757. dietrich, w. 2016. o tronco tupi e as suas famílias de línguas. in o português e o tupi no brasil, edited by dietrich, w. and noll, v. pp. 9–25. editora contexto, são paulo. dietrich, w., and noll, v. 2016a. o papel do tupi na formação do português brasileiro. in o português e o tupi no brasil, edited by dietrich, w. and noll, v. pp. 81–104. editora contexto, são paulo. dietrich, w., and noll, v. 2016b. prefácio. in o português e o tupi no brasil, edited by dietrich, w. and noll, v. pp. 7–8. editora contexto, são paulo. dulvy, n. k., fowler, s. l., musick, j. a., cavanagh, r. d., kyne, p. m., harrison, l. r., carlson, j. k., davidson, l. n., fordham, s. v., francis, m. p., pollock, c. m., simpfendorfer, c. a., burgess, g. h., carpenter, k. e., compagno, l. j., ebert, d. a., gibson, c., heupel, m. r., livingstone, s. r., sanciangco, j. c., stevens, j. d., valenti, s., and white, w. t. 2014. extinction risk and conservation of the world’s sharks and rays. elife 3:1–34. doi:10.7554/elife.00590 dulvy, n. k., pacoureau, n., rigby, c. l., pollom, r. a., jabado, r. w., ebert, d. a., finucci, b., pollock, c. m., cheok, j., derrick, d. h., herman, k. b., sherman, c. s., vanderwright, w. j., lawson, j. m., walls, r. h. l., carlson, j. k., charvet, p., bineesh, k. k., fernando, d., ralph, g. m., matsushiba, j. h., hilton-taylor, c., fordham, s. v., and simpfendorfer, c. a. 2021. overfishing drives over one-third of all sharks and rays toward a global extinction crisis. current biology 31(21):1–15. doi:10.1016/j.cub.2021.08.062 el-robrini, m., santos, j. h. s., lima, l. g., santos, a. l. s., santos, m. c. f. v., and souza, u. d. v., 2018. maranhão. in panorama da erosão costeira no brasil, edited by dieter, m. pp. 167–239. brasília, df: mma. feitosa, l. m., martins, a. p. b., and nunes, j. l. s. 2017. sawfish (pristidae) records along the eastern amazon coast. endangered species research 34:229–234. doi:10.3354/esr00852 ferreira-araujo, t., lopes, p. f. m., and lima, s. m. q. 2021. size matters: identity of culturally important herrings in northeastern brazil. ethnobiology and conservation 10:1–30. doi:10.15451/ec2020-11-10.07-1-29 fortes r. and galvão, m. 2006. ataque ou instinto de sobrevivência. in elasmobrânquios da costa maranhense: história evolutiva, biologia e pesca, edited by z. s. almeida and r. fortes, pp. 46–59. são luís, uema. freire, k. m. f., and carvalho-filho, a. 2009. richness of common names of brazilian reef fishes. pan-american journal of aquatic sciences 4:96– 145. freire, k. m. f., and pauly, d. 2005. richness of common names of brazilian marine fishes and its effect on catch statistics. journal of ethnobiology 25:279–296. doi:10.2993/0278-0771(2005)25 [279:rocnob]2.0.co;2 coelho et al. 2022. ethnobiology letters 13(1):79–99 97 research communications giareta, e. p., prado, a. c., leite, r. d., padilha, é., santos, i. h., wosiak, c. d. c. d. l., and wosnick, n. 2021. fishermen’s participation in research and conservation of coastal elasmobranchs. ocean and coastal management 199:1–9. doi:10.1016/ j.ocecoaman.2020.105421 gonçalves, f. s. 2004. pesca, reprodução e alimentação de rhizoprionodon porosus poey, 1861 (elasmobranchii; carcharhinidae) na plataforma continental maranhense. monografia (graduação), universidade estadual do maranhão, são luís. ibge. 2020. instituto brasileiro de geografia e estatística. cidades e estados. available at: https:// cidades.ibge.gov.br/brasil/ma/panorama. accessed march 18, 2021. icmbio. 2018. livro vermelho da fauna brasileira ameaçada de extinção: volume vi–peixes. in livro vermelho da fauna brasileira ameaçada de extinção, edited by instituto chico mendes de conservação da biodiversidade. ministério do meio ambiente, brasília. imesc, 2020. unidades de conservação estaduais. instituto maranhense de estudos socioeconômicos e cartográficos. são luís: imesc, 70p. junior, v., cardoso, j. l. c., and neto, d. g. 2013. injuries by carine and freshwater stingrays: history, clinical aspects of the envenomations and current status of a neglected problem in brazil. journal of venomous animals and toxins including tropical diseases 19:1–16. doi:10.1186/1678-919919-16 ladislau, d. s., souza, p. l., aride, p. h. r., oliveira, a. t., and gubiani, é. a. 2021. current situation and future perspectives of ethnoichthyology in brazil. ethnobiology and conservation 10:09. doi:10.15451/ec2020-11-10.09-1-35 last, p. r., white, w. t., carvalho, m. r., séret, b., stehmann, m. f. w., and naylor, g. j. p. 2016. rays of the world. cornell university press. lessa, r. p., santana, f., menni, r., and almeida, z. 1999. population structure and reproductive biology of the smalltail shark (carcharhinus porosus) off maranhão (brazil). marine and freshwater research 50:383–388. doi:10.1071/mf98127 lessa, r. p., and silva, t. c. 1992. fecundity and reproductive cycle of the bonnethead shark sphyrna tiburo (linnaeus, 1758) from northern brazil. revista brasileira de biologia 52(4):533–545. marceniuk, a. p., barthem, r. b., wosiacki, w. b., klautau, a. g. c. m., junior, t. v., rotundo, m. m., cordeiro, a. p. b., romão-júnior, j. g., santos, w. c. r., reis, t. s., muniz, m. r., cardoso, g. s., and viana, s. t. f. l. 2020. sharks and batoids (subclass elasmobranchii) caught in the industrial fisheries off the brazilian north coast. revista nordestina de biologia 27:120–142. doi:10.22478/ ufpb.2236-1480.2019v27n1.47112 martins, s. c. 2015. a sinonímia, a polissemia e a homonímia no vocabulário da fauna e da flora. estudos linguísticos, são paulo, 44(1):186–207. martins, a. p. b., feitosa, l. m., lessa, r. p., almeida, z. s., heupel, m., silva, w. m., tchaicka, l., and nunes, j. l. s. 2018. analysis of the supply chain and conservation status of sharks (elasmobranchii: superorder selachimorpha) based on fisher knowledge. plos one 13:1–15. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0193969 martins-juras, i. a. g., juras, a. a., and menezes, n. a. 1987. relação preliminar dos peixes da ilha de são luís, maranhão, brasil. revista brasileira de zoologia 4:105–113. doi:10.1590/s010181751987000200003 medeiros, m. c., pinto, a. s., santos, d. r., martel, g., lopes, s. f., and mourão, j. s. 2022. folk taxonomy and scientific nomenclature: working together for conservation of fishery resources in brazil. journal for nature conservation 68:126214. doi:10.1016/j.jnc.2022.126214 minelli, a., 1999. the names of animals. trends ecology evolution 14(12):462–463. doi:10.1016/ s0169-5347(99)01747-4 mourão, j. s., and barbosa-filho, m. l. v. 2018. ethnotaxomy as a methodological tool for studies of the ichthyofauna and its conservation implications: a review. ethnozoology animals in our lives 71–94. doi:10.1016/b978-0-12-8099131.00006-5 mourão, j. s., and montenegro, s. c. s. 2006. pescadores e peixes: o conhecimento local e o uso da taxonomia folk baseado no modelo berliniano. 1 ed. série estudos e debates, recife, pe, brazil. mourão, j. s., and nordi, n. 2003. etnoictiologia de pescadores artesanais do estuário do rio mamanguape, paraíba, brasil. boletim do instituto de pesca. são paulo, 29(1):9–17. coelho et al. 2022. ethnobiology letters 13(1):79–99 98 research communications mourão, j. s., and nordi, n. 2002. principais critérios utilizados por pescadores artesanais na taxonomia folk dos peixes do estuário do rio mamanguape, paraíba-brasil. interciencia 27:607–612. nunes, j. l. s., almeida, z. s., and piorski, n. m. 2005. raias capturadas pela pesca artesanal em águas rasas do maranhão brasil. arquivos de ciências do mar 38:49–54. nunes, j. l. s., rincon, g., piorski, n. m., and martins, a. p. b. 2016. near-term embryos in a pristis pristis (elasmobranchii: pristidae) from brazil. journal of fish biology 89:1112–1120. doi:10.1111/ jfb.12946 nunes, j. l. s., and santos, n. b. 2006. dos tubarossauros aos modernos tubarões: história evolutiva. in elasmobrânquios da costa maranhense: história evolutiva, biologia e pesca, edited by z. s. almeida and r. fortes, pp. 11–27. são luís, uema. nunes, j. l. s., silva, s. k. l., and piorski, n. m. 2011. lista de peixes marinhos e estuarinos do maranhão. in peixes marinhos e estuarinos do maranhão, edited by nunes, j. l. s. and piorski, n. m. pp. 181 –201. editora café & lápis, são luís. pacoureau, n., rigby, c. l., kyne, p. m., sherley, r. b., winker, h., carlson, j. k., fordham, s. v., barreto, r., fernando, d., francis, m. p., jabado, r. w., herman, k. b., liu, k. m., marshall, a. d., pollom, r. a., romanov, e. v., simpfendorfer, c. a., yin, j. s., kindsvater, h. k., and dulvy, n. k. 2021. half a century of global decline in oceanic sharks and rays. nature 589:567–571. doi:10.1038/s41586-020-03173-9 papavero, n. 1994. fundamentos práticos de taxonomia zoológica: coleções, bibliografia, nomenclatura. 2 ed. são paulo: editora da universidade estadual paulista. 285p. papavero, n., teixeira, d. m., overal, w. l., and pujol-luz, j. r. 2000. o novo éden: a fauna da amazônia brasileira nos relatos de viajantes e cronistas desde a descoberta do rio amazonas por pinzón (1500) até o tratado de santo idelfonso (1777). belém: museu paraense emílio goeldi, 381p. pinto, m. f., mourão, j. s., and alves, r. r. n. 2015. use of ichthyofauna by artisanal fishermen at two protected areas along the coast of northeast brazil. journal of ethnobiology and ethnomedicine 11 (20):1–32. doi:10.1186/s13002-015-0007-5 pinto, m. f., mourão, j. s., and alves, r. r. n. 2016. how do artisanal fishermen name fish? an ethnotaxonomic study in northeastern brazil. journal of ethnobiology 36:348–381. doi:10.2993/0278-0771-36.2.348 prazeres, frei francisco de nossa senhora dos, 1891. poranduba maranhense, ou relação histórica da província do maranhão [...] com [...] um dicionário abreviado da língua geral do brazil. revista trimensal do instituto histórico e geographico brazileiro. v. 54, pt. 1, p. [4]–277. [inclui ‘nota sobre o poranduba maranhense’, de césar augusto marques, p. 279281.]. available at: http:// etnolinguistica.wdfiles.com/local--files/biblio% 3aprazeres-1891poranduba/prazeres 1891 _poranduba.pdf. accessed on february 25, 2021. previero, m., minte-vera, c. v., and moura, r. l. 2013. fisheries monitoring in babel: fish ethnotaxonomy in a hotspot of common names. neotropical ichthyology 11:467–476. doi:10.1590/ s1679-62252013000200016 rodrigues, a. d. i. 2016. tupi, tupinambá, línguas gerais e o português no brasil. in o português e o tupi no brasil, edited by dietrich, w. and noll, v. pp. 27 –48. editora contexto, são paulo. rodrigues, c. a. l., carvalho, i. f. s., costa, j. f., queirós, k. b. n., nunes, l. r., and almeida, z. s. 2021. etnoconhecimento dos pescadores artesanais de santo amaro maranhão: aspectos relacionados à pesca e biologia da ictiofauna de valor comercial na região. revista arquivos científicos (immes) 4:97– 106. silva, á. p. c., costa, n. m. s., silva, m. c. s., santos, r. p., gomes, i. o., gomes, j. b., and almeida, z. s. 2021. etnoconhecimento de pescadores artesanais na comunidade bebedouro, santo amaro, brasil. research, society and development 10 (8):1–9, e52510817545. doi:10.33448/rsdv10i8.17545 coelho et al. 2022. ethnobiology letters 13(1):79–99 99 research communications silva, c. m. l., and paz, a. c. 2006. o comportamento alimentar dos elasmobrânquios. in elasmobrânquios da costa maranhense: história evolutiva, biologia e pesca, edited by z. s. almeida and r. fortes, pp. 37–45. são luís, uema. silvano, r. a. m., and begossi, a., 2012. fishermen’s local ecological knowledge on southeastern brazilian coastal fishes: contributions to research, conservation, and management. neotropical ichthyology 10:133–147. doi:10.1590/s167962252012000100013 spix, j. b., and martius, k. f. p., 1829. selecta genera et species piscium quos in itinere per brasiliam annis mdcccxvii – mdcccxx. available at: https://digital.bbm.usp.br/ view/?45000009046&bbm/4274#page/1/ mode/2up. accessed on february 24, 2021. stride, r. k., batista, v. s., and raposo, l. a. 1992. pesca experimental de tubarão com redes de emalhar no litoral maranhense. são luís: corsup/edufma. viana, j. s., and souza, r. f. c. 2019. a pesca artesanal com espinhel de fundo na plataforma continental amazônica. arquivos de ciências do mar 52:21–33. doi:10.32360/acmar.v52i1.33408 wosnick, n., nunes, a. r. o. p., feitosa, l. m., coelho, k. k. f., brito, r. m. s., martins, a. p. b., rincon, g., and nunes, j. l. s. 2019. revisão sobre a diversidade, ameaças e conservação dos elasmobrânquios do maranhão. in tópicos integrados de zoologia, edited by júnior, j. m. b. o. and calvão, l. b. pp. 44–54. ponta grossa, atena editora, paraná. doing conservation differently: toward a diverse conservations inventory gillette et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):1–9 1 perspectives special issue on diverse conservations al. 2020; knight et al. 2019; massarella et al. 2021). the global institutional conservation apparatus is based on such mentalities and practices, with their clear links to capitalism, colonialism, racism, and a centuries-long history of “protecting nature” from certain kinds of people, often black, brown, and poor, while ensuring a wealthy white overclass’ access (see brockington et al. 2008; kashwan et al. 2021; rudd et al. 2021). the contributions to this special issue, developed from a panel at the anthropology and conservation conference co-hosted by the royal anthropological institute and the society of ethnobiology in october 2021, collectively argue for what we, borrowing gibson-graham’s diverse economies framework, call “doing conservation differently.” gibson-graham’s “weak theory”—so called because it refuses to extend explanation too widely—(gibson-graham 2008:619) introduction many scientists and environmental activists argue that the scale and scope of contemporary conservation must increase dramatically if we are to halt biodiversity declines and sustain a healthy planet (e.g., allan et al. 2022; wilson 2016). conservation’s “basic and central aim” is “preventing the irreversible loss of life” and other forms of environmental harm to ensure the wellbeing of the earth’s human and nonhuman denizens (hambler and canney 2013:2; see also knight et al. 2019). yet exactly what this should look like is a question that elicits intense debate. some scholars have criticized mainstream conservation for being reductionist, grounded in a western worldview that separates humans from the environment, and advocating exclusionary “fortress”like preservation measures that harm indigenous peoples and local communities (e.g., bartel et al. 2020; berkes 2004; brockington et al. 2008; delacámara et doing conservation differently: toward a diverse conservations inventory maris boyd gillette 1* , daniela shebitz 2 , and benedict singleton 3 1 school of global studies, university of gothenburg, gothenburg, sweden. 2 school of environmental and sustainability sciences, kean university, union, usa. 3 school of global political studies, malmö university, malmö, sweden. * maris.gillette@gu.se abstract many scientists and environmental activists argue that the scale and scope of contemporary conservation must increase dramatically if we are to halt biodiversity declines and sustain a healthy planet. yet conservation as currently practiced has faced significant critique for its reliance on reductionist science, advocacy of “fortress”-like preservation measures that disproportionately harm marginalized communities, and integration into the global capitalist system that is the root cause of environmental degradation. the contributions to this special issue, developed from a panel at the anthropology and conservation conference co-hosted by the royal anthropological institute and the society of ethnobiology in october 2021, collectively argue for what we, borrowing from gibson-graham’s diverse economies framework, call “doing conservation differently.” by bringing marginalized, hidden, and alternative conservation activities to light, researchers can contribute, in the spirit of gibson-graham’s work, to making these diverse conservations more real and credible as objects of policy and activism. this special issue contributes to inventorying the diverse conservations that already exist, which opens new spaces for ethical intervention and collective action. received july 11, 2022 open access accepted november 3, 2022 doi 10.14237/ebl.14.2.2023.1835 published may 31, 2023 keywords change, conservation science, diverse economies, ethnobiology, indigenous and local knowledge copyright © 2023 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. gillette et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):1–9 2 perspectives special issue on diverse conservations —adopts an experimental rather than a critical orientation. and eschews the impulse for a single grand action strategy. this theory has been enormously influential for a wide range of social scientists committed to undermining capitalism’s hegemony (e.g., amoamo et al. 2018; beacham 2018; cameron and gibson 2020; foley and mather 2016; gibson et al. 2015; gibson-graham, et al. 2013; gibson-graham and dombroski 2020a, b; gibsongraham and roelvink 2011; jehlička and daněk 2017; sharp et al. 2022; snyder and st. martin 2015; wynnejones 2014). working in a wide range of contexts, these scholars inventory the many non-capitalist economic practices that already exist, indeed making up the majority of economic activities around the world. case studies potentially of interest to ethnobiologists explore barter and gardening for household provisioning (e.g., jehlička and daněk 2017), community supported agriculture/fisheries (e.g., beacham 2018; snyder and st. martin 2015), cultural ecotourism and fish-waste conservation guided by indigenous values and rights (e.g., amoamo et al. 2018; sharp et al. 2022), livelihood farmers’ resistance to payment for ecosystems services projects (wynne-jones 2014), and collectively-owned catch shares in which revenues are reinvested in local communities (e.g., foley and mather 2016). scholars working within this paradigm make marginalized, hidden, and alternative economic activities more real and credible as objects of policy and activism (gibson -graham 2008:618). by “reading for difference”— deviations from and contradictions to neoliberal capitalist norms—diverse economies research contests the dominant political-economic system, focuses attention on human and human–nonhuman interdependencies, and invites us to rethink our place in the world, including as scientists (see also cameron and gibson 2020; gibson et al. 2015; wynne-jones 2014; snyder and st. martin 2015). crucially, this scholarship suggests that resources to guide transformative change are already present in the world around us. as editors of this special issue, we present these articles as a step toward a “diverse conservations inventory” (see gibson-graham and dombroski 2020a:8) of non-hegemonic conservation practices that nurture subjectivities, languages, and communities of conservation grounded in a new recognition of interdependence, the ethical centerpiece of gibsongraham’s approach. the case studies provided here show that “doing conservation differently” requires expanding our understanding of what counts as knowledge or “science.” it demands researchers who embrace new subject-positions and engage in practices that diverge from conventional understandings of conservation and/or scientific research. finally, departing from a range of mentalities and contexts, the “diverse conservations” represented here advance practices of “connection-amidstdifference” (see gibson-graham and miller 2015:10) that acknowledge and respect our existential interdependence. recognizing conservation knowledge/science expanding understandings of what counts as conservation science by recognizing conservation knowledges developed outside western academic settings is fundamental to doing conservation differently. many scholars have noted the tendency in conservation to prefer expert-based approaches in which expertise is synonymous with western science (e.g., bartel et al. 2020; berkes 2004; chua et al. 2020; rudd et al. 2021). yet as ethnobiologists and other researchers have pointed out, indigenous peoples and local communities often have “particularly special knowledge about their homeplaces, the species that occur there, the changes that have taken place over the years, and the close, interdependent relationships among people and other life-forms” (turner et al. 2022:632). some scholars use the language of the western academy to emphasize the value of indigenous and local knowledge for conservation, describing this place-based erudition as grounded in hypothesis testing, evidence gathering, causal explanation, inductive generalization, and ampliative interference (weiskopf 2020:2; see also berkes and berkes 2009). others point out that indigenous and local knowledges can have their own epistemological and ontological foundations (e.g., berkes 2018:chapters 5-7; blaser 2009; lopez-maldonado 2022; cf. cebrián-piqueras et al. 2020). long histories of sustainable, ethical interactions between specific human and non-human communities should make the conservation value of these knowledges self-evident, as do their persistence and adaptability in the face of pasts and presents dominated by colonial and capitalist expansion (see, e.g., beaulieu-guay 2022; berkes 2018). as such, they need neither resemble western science nor be assessed in its terms. as we note above, scholars who work in the diverse economies framework argue that seeing economic heterogeneity is key to undermining gillette et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):1–9 3 perspectives special issue on diverse conservations capitalism’s hegemony and bringing new worlds into being. similarly, our diverse conservations initiative takes recognizing heterogenous conservation knowledges as an essential step toward countering a hegemonic global conservation apparatus. guided by gibson-graham’s weak theory, our diverse conservations approach eschews a grand strategy for embracing heterogenous conservation sciences and adopts instead an experimental orientation. for example, in acknowledging indigenous and local knowledges as conservation knowledges, some authors stress the similarities between these and western science in their empirical evidence base and observational methodologies. keleman, sá, and temudo (2023:10–21) point out in “rooted in the mangrove landscape” that diola children have ethnoichthyological knowledge that is ignored by mainstream conservation scientists. the diola village in the cacheu region of northern guinea-bissau where the authors conducted ethnographic research is regarded as part of a marine biodiversity hotspot not least because of its mangroves which host shelterand spawning grounds for migrating fish. local children, particularly boys, have specialized knowledge relevant for biodiversity conservation because of their participation in fishing (boys) and fish marketing (girls), as well as other mangrove-related activities such as swimming, rice cultivation, hunting (boys) and wild edible plant collection. in keleman et al.’s words, mangroves are “a natural learning ground” for environmental stewardship in this community. however, rather than deploying children’s knowledge for participatory biomonitoring and mangrove conservation, conservationists largely ignore it. children’s ethnoichthyological knowledge is further threatened by the area’s integration into a cash economy and the intrusion of foreign religions. other authors emphasize the independent epistemological and ontological foundations of indigenous and local knowledges, but tactically adopt language from western science to “translate” their value for conservation scientists, if only to demonstrate the lacunae that exist in western ways of knowing. for example, mcguire and mawyer (2023:22–36) draw on ethnoecological research conducted along the rural puna coastline on the island of hawaiʻi to reveal the unseen in mainstream coastal conservation. they emphasize indigenous knowledge as an autonomous system which includes “mediators between human and more than human worlds, between conception and perception, mind and action, rights and obligations.” scrutinizing contemporary and historical ʻōiwi practices, they show that sea salt (paʻakai)— an “unseen presence” in mainstream coastal conservation— operates as an indicator for biodiversity, marking dependent biota communities such as certain types of seaweeds, marine invertebrates, and fish. paʻakai in many respects guides ʻōiwi practitioners’ engagements and interactions within coastal environments, and sea salt has an essential role in coastal ecologies. by attending to ʻōiwi practices and understandings, mcguire and mawyer argue, mainstream conservationists and sustainability scientists could learn to see their blind spots and co-create a richer, more expansive practice of coastal care. diverse conservation subjectivities elicit new practices gibson-graham describes a diverse economies approach as “co-implicated processes of changing ourselves/changing our thinking/changing the world” (2008:618). by recognizing the value of heterogenous conservation knowledges, ethnobiologists and other conservation scientists “change the world” by “changing our thinking,” performing into being new subjectivities and concomitantly new relationships and practices. as many of the contributions to this special issue demonstrate, the subject-position of “(western) scientific expert” which developed under modernity metamorphoses into new roles in conservation projects attentive to indigenous and local knowledges. several studies envision researchers, practitioners, and local peoples as strategic allies who collaborate on conservation initiatives in which all participants have much to teach and to learn (see also malmer et al. 2020:84–85; rose 2018). to adopt this scientist subjectivity, researchers must be(come) conscious of the political and economic ramifications of their work and explicitly promote conservation activities that consider the needs, concerns, and visions of all participants. in their study of secondary forests in costa rica’s northern zone, shebitz, agnew, kerns, oviedo, and ha (2023:37–46) envision a new relationship between local medicinal knowledge and conservation that could guide a more expansive notion of conservation. two pioneer trees (vismia macrophylla and pentaclethra macroloba) are fast-growing actors in local deforested areas that restore soil fertility and facilitate tropical forest recovery. local residents, who have limited access to western medical professionals or facilities, gillette et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):1–9 4 perspectives special issue on diverse conservations use these tree species to prevent fungal skin infections. yet although v. macrophylla and p. macroloba play a key role in reforestation and have important pharmaceutical utility for area residents, costa rica’s secondary forests are not recognized as conservation objects. the authors argue that local ethnobiological knowledges should join mainstream conservation science in informing conservation decision-making in this area. crucially, this is not only a matter of expanding tropical forest protection to secondary forests. rather, policymakers should also design economic incentives for landowners in order to ensure that a politically-attuned conservation prioritizes local medicinal uses rather than feeding these species into global pharmaceutical markets. in “the challenges of symmetrical dialogue,” bollettin, ludwig, and el-hani (2023:47–55) describe a series of engagements in which local people from two fishing communities in bahia state, brazil, and an interdisciplinary research team work together on biodiversity and education initiatives that support intercultural dialogue, mutual learning, and selfdetermination as well as conservation. the awareness that science is implicated in power regimes informs the design of this reciprocal, action-oriented research project. heterogenous knowledges, including local environmental knowledge and academic knowledges from the humanities, social sciences, and natural sciences, are brought together in “symmetrical dialogues” (or more symmetrical, compared to mainstream conservation practice) to inspire innovation, including new curricula and new modes of oceanographic and ecological research. this strategic alliance has been transformative for all participants, not least the scientists who learned to “do conservation research differently,” including by broadening their research practice to include pressuring government officials to involve their community partners in conservation decision-making and tourism planning. as the authors write, working to achieve symmetrical dialogues provides a tool for researchers to question their goals, make their presuppositions explicit, and ultimately align their concerns and priorities with those of the community. sandroni (2023:72–82), whose research concerns the brazilian atlantic forest in bahia state, organizes her contribution around the insight that “different actors have different access to the discursive power to define what should be understood as environmental degradation, its causes and solutions.” she scrutinizes discursive disputes about biodiversity conservation between state and non-governmental institutions, on the one hand, and the tupinambá indigenous people, on the other, arguing that conservation scientists and practitioners in this area must revise their practices to take power relations into account. state actors and non-governmental organizations frame environmental degradation as deriving from all social actors’ lack of knowledge and propose conservation “solutions” that are “blind” to colonial histories or contextual specificities. in this conservation practice, particular species, defined in global indicators, should be used for biodiversity monitoring and preservation measures. for the tupinambá, environmental degradation relates to land use that is controlled by big landowners, miners, and other “outsiders.” as such , the solution is recognizing indigenous land claims. sandroni points out that both narratives position themselves as challenging dominant perspectives by advocating for forest conservation. if the diverse actors in the bahia atlantic forest could expand this positioning to encompass an in-depth, historically-specific understanding of knowledgepower relations, “changing our thinking” could become the basis for a strategic alliance between all parties and a new practice of “convivial conservation.” in their contribution, bosco and thompson (2023:56–71) describe the skarù·ręʔ food forest project, which adopts a reconciliation-based and decolonial conservation approach and has expanded tribal food sovereignty and community health while facilitating learning among and between local members of the tuscarora nation and participating scientists. the skarù·ręʔ food forest project initiated a collaboration between a non-indigenous horticulture researcher and skarù·ręʔ (tuscarora nation) community members centering around the contributions of temperature nut trees to indigenous food sovereignty and nature-based science approaches to climate change and biodiversity conservation. guided by principles of reconciliatory science (bosco’s host university, cornell, lies upon stolen haudenosaunee land), the project prioritized reciprocal relationships, meaning that the researcher’s role extended beyond data extraction. the project successfully redistributed financial resources to expand food sovereignty conversations among a wide audience, enrich the local area with nut, fruit, and medicinal plants, and create a living compendium of gillette et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):1–9 5 perspectives special issue on diverse conservations culturally relevant nut resources useful to researchers and community members alike. conservation being-in-common doing conservation differently reconfigures the community of conservation to promote what diverse economies theory terms “being-in-common” or “connection-amidst-difference” (gibson-graham and dombroski 2020a:19; gibson-graham and miller 2015:9). this orientation to conservation emphasizes more-than-human interdependence and flourishing— a goal that little resembles the global conservation approach institutionalized today (see kashwan et al. 2021; rudd et al. 2021). conservation being-incommon, as indicated in several of the special issue’s case studies, entails acknowledging non-humans as community members, rather than treating nonhumans as conservation “objects.” many ethnobiologists and other scientists have pointed out that local and indigenous knowledge traditions often emphasize “nurturing responsible relationships among humans and non-humans” (reyes-garcía et al. 2022:86). “relational” or “kincentric” understandings of the environment include “nature” in the community, with attendant requirements for ethical practice (turner, cuerrier, and joseph 2022). this directly affects conservation initiatives. nadasdy’s 2011 study of an attempt by kluane hunters of the yukon, canada, to collaborate with western scientists to manage the wolf population is a case in point. the kluane regard “human-persons” and “wolf-persons” as sharing a community, which entails norms for conduct that diverge sharply from those of the scientists. to the scientists’ consternation, the kluane objected to plans to sterilize wolves rather than kill them. sterilization suggested human dominance and ownership of the wolves, whereas killing the wolves (culling) acknowledged the wolves’ full personhood. when the scientists could not accept the implications that the wolves’ community membership had for conservation practice, the collaboration failed. conservation connection-amidst-difference, as this introduction has repeatedly shown, also means sharing or ceding conservation decision-making power to human actors who have previously been marginalized and disenfranchised in the global conservation apparatus. acknowledging the expertise of indigenous and local peoples catalyzes this transformation, which changes the relationships and structure of the conservation community and in turn affects the broader socio-political regime within which conservation is located. given that the goal of a diverse economies/diverse conservations approach is dismantling hegemony, doing conservation differently can— and perhaps should— create tension and conflict. we do not regard this as negative; as other research emphasizes, the dominant mode of conservation also entails conflicts (see bartel et al. 2020; brockington et al. 2008; kashwan et al. 2021; rudd et al. 2021; west 2006). in the conclusion to this special issue, singleton and gillette (2023:83–91) spotlight how redefining conservation knowledge has socio-political consequences for the conservation “community” by applying michael thompson’s rubbish theory (2017) to the volume’s case studies. rubbish theory is a model of social valuation that links the classification of “objects” (things, people, ideas) to how society is structured. the authors use rubbish theory concepts to scrutinize the extent to which the various conservation engagements described in the special issue attempt to “level” existing social hierarchies and work toward a more egalitarian order, or instead modify them while nevertheless upholding status positions such as the expert western scientist. ultimately, they argue that calls for pluralizing knowledge are calls to change society. the question then is: how far do we wish to go? doing conservation differently: towards an inventory of diverse conservations ethnobiologists turner, cuerrier, and joseph, drawing on their own research and the findings of the intergovernmental science-policy platform on biodiversity and ecosystem services (ipbes), argue that we must move away from mainstream conservation approaches and embrace “valid alternative ways of knowing and being” (2022:639). they warn that the “consequences of not initiating change, innovation and diversity in our choices and approaches in relation to other species and the ecosystems we share … [are] dire” (639). as a discipline, ethnobiology has since its inception viewed indigenous and local environmental knowledges as “valid alternative ways of knowing and being.” the contributions to this special issue reflect this orientation, while also starting a process of inventorying what “change, innovation, and diversity in our choices and approaches in relation to other species and the ecosystems we share” can look like. central to the diverse conservations we document here are recognizing expert knowledges from outside gillette et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):1–9 6 perspectives special issue on diverse conservations the academy— the kinds of knowledges that ethnobiologists have long argued are important—and conducting research in partnership with local and indigenous communities. in these collaborations, the researcher strives to be aware of and consider the political and economic consequences of any given initiative. this requires adopting new scientist subjectpositions and modifying how scientific research is conducted, what gibson-graham describes as changing ourselves and changing our thinking. this in turn, if initially only in a modest way, affects the structure and relations of the conservation “community,” with implications for the broader power arrangements within which conservation takes place. many argue that making such changes is essential if we wish to achieve progress toward greater human and environmental well-being (e.g., kashwan et al. 2021; knight et al. 2019; rudd et al. 2021), or what we, using the diverse economies framework, term conservation being-in-common. this special issue seeks to perform into being a conservation unbound from global forces of colonialism and capitalism (cf. brockington et al. 2008). in our view, the articles comprising this special issue facilitate our collective ability to do conservation with a greater awareness of and care for the web of relationships upon which conservation is ultimately founded. by disseminating research that exemplifies new collective identities for academic conservationists, we advance, if only incrementally, the fundamental, systemic change to conservation practice that many scholars believe is long overdue. done differently, conservation exhibits creativity in engaging with diverse contexts, conflicts and knowledges, while conservation practitioners gain an awareness of the complex and uneven consequences of their actions in dynamic situations. the diverse conservations described here challenge scholars to imagine new roles and broaden their practices in the service of better environmental and social outcomes. as co-editors, ethnobiologists, and environmental social scientists, we submit that a diverse conservations inventory can be part of “changing the world.” acknowledgments the authors would like to thank three helpful anonymous reviewers and editor andrew flachs for their comments and suggestions on how to improve this introduction. gillette gratefully acknowledges funding from formas 2018-00251 for her participation. declarations permissions: none declared. sources of funding: none declared. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited amoamo, m., k. ruckstuhl, and d. ruwhiu. 2018. balancing indigenous values through diverse economies: a case study of māori ecotourism. tourism planning & development 15:478–495. doi:10.1080/21568316.2018.1481452. allan, j., h. p. possingham, s. atkinson, a. waldron, m. di marco, s. h. m. butchart, v. m. adams, w. d. kissing, t. wordsell, c. sandbrook, g. gibbon, k. kumar, p. mehta, m. maron, b. a. williams, k. r. jones, b. a. wintle, a. e. reside, and j. e. watson. 2022. the minimum land area requiring conservation attention to safeguard biodiversity. science 376:1094–1101. doi:10.1126/ science.abl9127. bartel, r., d. hine, and m. morgan. 2020. human engagement in place-care: back from the wilderness. in rethinking wilderness and the wild: conflict, conservation and co-existence, edited by robyn bartel, marty branagan, fiona utley, and stephen harris, pp. 145–164. routledge, abingdon. doi:10.4324/9780429299025. beacham, jonathan. 2018. organising food differently: towards a more-than-human ethics of care for the anthropocene. organization 25:533– 549. doi:10.1177/1350508418777893. beaulieu-guay, l-r. 2022. the many faces of knowledge: do science and traditional ecological knowledge coexist in federal assessments? canadian public administration. doi:10.1111/ capa.12491. berkes, f. 2004. rethinking community-based conservation. conservation biology 18:621–630. doi:10.1111/j.1523-1739.2004.00077.x. berkes, f. 2018. sacred ecology. routledge, new york. berkes, f., and m. k. berkes. 2009. ecological complexity, fuzzy logic, and holism in indigenous knowledge. futures 41:6–12. doi:10.1016/j.futures.2008.07.003. blaser, m. 2009. the threat of the yrmo: the political ontology of a sustainable hunting program. american anthropologist 111:10–20. bollettin, p., d. ludwig, and c. n. el-hani. 2023. challenges of symmetrical dialogue: reflections on gillette et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):1–9 7 perspectives special issue on diverse conservations collaborative research in northeast brazil. ethnobiology letters 14(2):47–55. doi:10.14237/ ebl.14.2.2023.1836. bosco, s., and b. thomas. 2023. the skarù·ręʔ (tuscarora) food forest project—reconciliation in sustainable agriculture research and education through cross-cultural agroforestry demonstration. ethnobiology letters 14(2):56–71. doi:10.14237/ebl.14.2.2023.1840. brockington, d., r. duffy, and j. igoe. 2008 nature unbound. earthscan, abingdon. cameron, j., and k. gibson. 2020. action research for diverse economies. in the handbook of diverse economies, edited by j. gibson-graham and kelly dombroski, 511–519. edward elgar publishing, cheltenham. doi:10.4337/9781788119962.00070. cebrián-piqueras, m. a., a. d. n. filyushkina, v. johnson, b. lo, m. d. lópez-rodríguez, h. march, e. oteros-rozas, c. peppler-lisbach, c. quintassoriano, c. m. raymond, i. ruiz-mallén, c. j. van riper, y. zinngrebe, and t. plieninger. 2020. scientific and local ecological knowledge, shaping perceptions towards protected areas and related ecosystem services. landscape ecology 35:2549– 2567. doi:10.1007/s10980-020-01107-4. chua, l., m. harrison, h. fair, s. milne, a. palmer, j. rubis, p. thung, s. which, b. büscher. 2020. conservation and the social sciences: beyond critique and co‐optation. a case study from orangutan conservation. people and nature 2020:42– 60. doi:10.1002/pan3.10072. delacámara, g., t. o’higgins, m. lago, and s. langhans. 2020. ecosystem-based management: moving from concept to practice. in ecosystembased management, ecosystem services and aquatic biodiversity, edited by timothy o’higgins, manuel lago, and theodore dewitt, pp. 39–59. springer, cham. foley, p. and c. mather. 2016. making space for community use rights: insights from ‘community economies’ in newfoundland and labrador. society and natural resources 29:965–980. gibson, k., d. bird rose, and r. fincher, eds. 2015. manifesto for living in the anthropocene. punctum books, new york. gibson-graham, j. k. 2008. diverse economies: performative practices for ‘other worlds.’ progress in human geography 32):613–632. doi:10.1177/0309132508090821. gibson-graham, j. k., j. cameron, and s. healy. 2013. take back the economy: an ethical guide for transforming our communities. university of minnesota press, minneapolis. gibson-graham, j. k., and k. dombroski. 2020a. introduction to the handbook of diverse economies: inventory as ethical intervention. in the handbook of diverse economies, edited by j. k. gibson-graham and k. dombroski, 1–24. edward elgar publishing, cheltenham. gibson-graham, j. k., and k. dombroski, eds. 2020b. the handbook of diverse economies. edward elgar publishing, cheltenham. gibson-graham, j. k., and e. miller. 2015. economy as ecological livelihood. in manifesto for living in the anthropocene, edited by k. gibson, d. bird rose, and r. fincher, pp. 7–16. brooklyn, ny: punctum books. gibson-graham, j. k., and g. roelvink. 2011. the nitty gritty of creating alternative economies. social alternatives 3029–33. hambler, c., and s. canney. 2013. introduction to conservation. in conservation, 1–39. cambridge university press, cambridge. jehlička, p., and p. daněk. 2017. rendering the actually existing sharing economy visible: homegrown food and the pleasure of sharing. sociologia ruralis 57:274–296. doi:10.1111/soru.12160. kashwan, p., r. v. duffy, f. massé, a. p. asiyanbi, and e. marijnen. 2021. from racialized neocolonial global conservation to an inclusive and regenerative conservation. environment: science and policy for sustainable development 63:4–19. doi:10.1080/00139157.2021.1924574. keleman, p.-j., r. m. sá, and m. p. temudo. 2023. rooted in the mangrove landscape: children and their ethnoichthyological knowledge as sentinels for biodiversity loss in northern guinea-bissau. ethnobiology letters 14(2):10–21. doi:10.14237/ ebl.14.2.2023.1826. knight, a. t., c. n. cook, k. h. redford, d. biggs, c. romero, a. ortega-argueta, c. d. norman, b. parsons, m. reynolds, g. eoyang, m. keene. 2019. improving conservation practice with principles and tools from systems thinking and evaluation. sustainability science 14:1531–1548. doi:10.1007/ s11625-019-00676-x. gillette et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):1–9 8 perspectives special issue on diverse conservations lopez-maldonado, y. 2022. practice what you preach: ensuring scientific spheres integrate indigenous peoples’ and local communities’ rights and agency too. ambio 51:811–812. doi:10.1007/s13280-021-01663-2. malmer, p., v. masterson, b. austin, and m. tengö. 2020. mobilisation of indigenous and local knowledge as a source of useable evidence for conservation partnerships. in conservation research, policy and practice, edited by william j. sutherland, peter n. m. brotherton, zoe g. davies, nancy ockendon, nathalie pettorelli, and juliet a. vickery, pp. 82–113. cambridge university press, cambridge. doi:10.1017/9781108638210.006. massarella, k., a. nygren, r. fletcher, b. büscher, w. kiwango, s. komi, j. krauss, m. b. mabele, a. mcinturff, l. t. sandroni, p. s. alagona, d. brockington, r. coates, r. duffy, k. m. p. m. b. ferraz, s. koot, s. marching, a. r. percequillo. 2021. transformation beyond conservation: how critical social science can contribute to a radical new agenda in biodiversity conservation. current opinion in environmental sustainability 49:79–87. doi:10.1016/j.cosust.2021.03.005. mcguire, g., and a. mawyer. 2023. cultivating the unseen: paʻakai and the role of practice in coastal care. ethnobiology letters 14(2):22–36. doi:10.14237/ebl.14.2.2023.1825. nadasdy, p. 2011. we don't harvest animals; we kill them agricultural metaphors and the politics of wildlife management in the yukon. in knowing nature: conversations at the intersection of political ecology and science studies, edited by m. j. goldman, p. nadasdy and m. d. turner, pp. 135–151. university of chicago press, chicago. reyes-garcía, v., á. fernández-llamazares, y. aumeeruddy-thomas, p. benyei, r. w. bussmann, s. k. diamond, d. garcía-del-amo, s. guadillasáez, n. hanazaki, n. kosoy, m lavides, a. c. luz, p. mcelwee, v. j. meretsky, t. newberry, z. molnár, i. ruiz-mallén, m. salllpeteur, f. s. wyndham, f. zorondo-rodriguez, and e. s. brondizior 2022. recognizing indigenous peoples’ and local communities’ rights and agency in the post-2020 biodiversity agenda. ambio 51:84–92. doi:10.1007/s13280-021-01561-7. rose, d. c. 2018. avoiding a post-truth world: embracing post-normal conservation. conservation and society 16:518. doi:10.4103/cs.cs_17_131. rudd, l. f., s. allred, j. g. bright ross, d. hare, m. nomusa nkomo, k. shanker, t. allen, d. biggs, a. dickman, m. dunaway, r. ghosh, n. thompson gonzález, t. kepe, m. m. mbizah, s. l. middleton, m. a. oommen, k. paudel, c. sillero-zubiri, and a. dávalos. 2021. overcoming racism in the twin spheres of conservation science and practice. proceedings of the royal society b: biological sciences 288: 20211871. doi:10.1098/rspb.2021.1871. sandroni, l. t. 2023. conservation at stake: institutionalized environmentalisms and indigenous knowledges about how to protect the brazilian atlantic forest. ethnobiology letters 14(2):72 –82. doi:10.14237/ebl.14.2.2023.1832. sharp, e. i. petersen, g. mclellan (whakatōhea and ngāi te rangi), a. cavadino, and n. lewis. 2022. diverse values of surplus for a community economy of fish(eries). asia pacific viewpoint 63:53 –65. doi:10.1111/apv.12327. shebitz, d. j., l. p. agnew, s. kerns, a. oviedo, and j. ha. 2023. let it grow (back): a call for the conservation of secondary forests as medicinal plant habitat. ethnobiology letters 14(2):37–46. doi:10.14237/ebl.14.2.2023.1831. singleton, b. e., and m. b. gillette. 2023. mutiny on the boundary? examining ilk-based conservation collaborations through the lens of rubbish theory. ethnobiology letters 14(2):83–91. doi:10.14237/ebl.14.1.2023.1830. snyder, r., and k. st. martin. 2015. a fishery for the future: the midcoast fishermen’s association and the work of economic being-in-common. in making other worlds possible: performing diverse economies, edited by g. roelvink, k. st. martin, & j. k. gibson-graham, pp. 26–52. university of minnesota press, minneapolis. doi:10.5749/ j.ctt130jtq1. thompson, m. 2017. rubbish theory. the creation and destruction of value, 2nd edition. pluto press, london. turner, n., a. cuerrier, and l. joseph. 2022. well grounded: indigenous peoples’ knowledge, ethnobiology and sustainability. people and nature 4:627–651. doi:10.1002/pan3.10321. weiskopf, d. 2020. representing and coordinating ethnobiological knowledge. studies in history and philosophy of science part c: studies in history and philosophy of biological and biomedical sciences 84:101328. doi:10.1016/j.shpsc.2020.101328. gillette et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):1–9 9 perspectives special issue on diverse conservations west, p. 2006. conservation is our government now. the politics of ecology in papua new guinea. duke university press, london. wilson, e. o. 2016. half-earth: our planet's fight for life. liveright publishing, london. wynne-jones, s. 2014. ‘reading for difference’ with payments for ecosystem services in wales. critical policy studies 8:148–164. doi:10.1080/19460171.2013.857474. rhynchophorus palmarum used in traditional medicine in the peruvian amazon delgado et al. 2019. ethnobiology letters 10(1):120–128 120 research communications medicinal insects are typically consumed alive, cooked, ground, or used in infusions, ointments, and plasters. they are used in both preventive and curative medicines, as well as in magical religious rituals that claim to promote health, physical, and mental well-being (clausen 1954; costa neto 2002, 2005). previous reports have shown that the chemical and biochemical components of various insects and their derivatives contribute to their immunological, analgesic, anti-inflammatory, antibacterial, diuretic, anesthetic, and antirheumatic properties (cherniack 2010; costa neto 2002, 2005; lupoli 2010). larva of the rhynchophorus palmarum is traditionally used as both food and medicine in tropical areas of the western hemisphere, including the amazon rainforest (defoliart 1993). several studies indicate that many ethnic groups and indigenous peoples from the continental amazon, including countries such as venezuela, peru, paraguay, ecuador, colombia, and brazil, use larva of the r. palmarum on a regular basis introduction a multitude of cultures around the world use insects and the substances extracted from them as therapeutic resources to treat an array of lifethreatening conditions (costa neto 2005). mesopotamian cuneiform writings and texts from approximately 5,000 years ago indicate the use of fireflies, mantis, and other unidentified insects to treat diseases (lupoli 2010; mazars et al. 2004). some cultures in china also started using insects in folk healing many years ago. some chinese people continue to use over 300 species of insects from 14 orders, 63 families and 70 genuses in their traditional medicine practices, thus employing the greatest reported diversity of medicinal insects worldwide (feng et al. 2009; lupoli 2010). other parts of the world, including south america, also use insects as healing agents. for example, in brazil, up to 82 types of insects are known to be used for medical purposes (costa neto et al. 2006). rhynchophorus palmarum used in traditional medicine in the peruvian amazon cesar delgado 1* , rosa romero 2 , rosa vásquez espinoza 3 , marcial trigozo 1 , and rocio correa 1 1 programa de investigación en biodiversidad, instituto de investigaciones de la amazonía peruana, iquitos, perú. 2 departamento de lenguas nativas y extranjeras, universidad nacional de la amazonía peruana, iquitos, perú. 3 program of chemical biology, university of michigan, ann arbor, usa. * cdelgado@iiap.gob.pe abstract ethnoentomological research focuses on the wealth of knowledge about insects used by indigenous communities. here, we examine the medicinal use of insects, with a particular focus on rhynchophorus palmarum, also known as suri, by indigenous peoples in the peruvian amazon. between january 2014 and november 2015, a semistructured survey was conducted in six communities belonging to kukama-kukamiria, tikuna, and awajum ethnic groups. each participant answered three key questions: i) what insects do you use to treat your diseases; ii) what diseases do you treat; and iii) how do you treat each disease? a total of 63 people were interviewed. over half of the interviewees from the three ethnic groups mentioned using the larva of the r. palmarum for medicinal purposes. the oil of the larva is used to treat more than ten diseases, particularly respiratory illnesses. chemical analysis of the larvae indicates the presence of linoleic and linolenic acids, which confer antimicrobial and anti-inflammatory properties. received february 22, 2018 open access accepted october 30, 2019 doi 10.14237/ebl.10.1.2019.1271 published december 10, 2019 keywords insects, beetle, larvae, ethnomedicine, peru copyright © 2019 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. delgado et al. 2019. ethnobiology letters 10(1):120–128 121 research communications – making it the most widely used medicinal insect in the amazon rainforest (cartay 2018; casas et al. 2018; cerda et al. 2001; costa neto and ramos 2006; delgado et al. 2007, 2008; dufour 1987; manno et al. 2018; onore 2005; paoletti et al. 2000; sancho et al. 2015; santos 2011; vera and brand 2012). unfortunately, only a limited number of scientific studies document the amazonian larva of the r. palmarum’s modes of use and healing properties. some of these investigations describe bolivian communities using the insect to treat respiratory illnesses (bourdy et al. 2000); peruvian indigenous groups consuming it to treat rheumatism, pulsaria, and respiratory diseases (delgado 2008); and brazilian indigenous peoples using the larva to reduce fever and treat headaches and boils (almeida 2005; alves and alves 2011; alves and días 2010). the objectives of our research were to: 1) document modes of use for larva of the r. palmarum in three peruvian amazonian indigenous groups’ traditional medicine practices, and 2) summarize current knowledge about the larva’s chemical and biochemical composition. this report expands the scientific literature on amazonian medicinal insects and their use in folk medicine, while serving as a narrative review regarding the chemical level investigation of larva from the r. palmarum to understand its medicinal value. methods the study was conducted from january 2014 to november 2015 in six communities belonging to three ethnic groups, including the kukama-kukamiria community of nuevo pumacahua (-4.9226, -73.6827) and flor de castaña (-4.7701, -73.5978), requena province, loreto region; the tikuna community of chimeria (-4.1684, -70.0432), and santa rosa de cacao (-3.8999, -70.4759), mariscal ramón castilla province, loreto region; and the awajum community of pampa entsa (-4.5293, -78.4620) and shamatak grande (-4.5802, -78.4805) condorcanqui province, amazonas region (figure 1). from a linguistic figure 1 map of the study areas. figure by cesar delgado. delgado et al. 2019. ethnobiology letters 10(1):120–128 122 research communications perspective, the kukama-kukamiria belong to the tupí-guaraní family and the awajúm to the jíbaro family, while the tikuna are considered an independent group belonging to the tikuna family (minedu 2013). currently, most members of these communities are bilingual – they speak spanish and their native languages. these communities are all characterized by the presence of a subsistence economy, relying on horticulture, fishing, hunting, and gathering vegetables and fruits to feed themselves and their families. some of them also raise chickens, pigs, and cattle. figure 2 commercialization of suri in local markets surrounding the indigenous communities surveyed. a extraction of the suri oil in the nanay market located in the kukama-kukamiria community; b suri oil in a plastic bottle ready for commercialization in the nanay market. a 40 ml bottle costs usd 3.09; c roasted suri ready for consumption with tacacho or bananas. photo by cesar delgado. delgado et al. 2019. ethnobiology letters 10(1):120–128 123 research communications semi-structured surveys were designed for interviews with people over the age of 50, and were mostly carried out in spanish. whenever necessary, a bilingual local school teacher or community leader translated the questions into the native language of the community. each interviewee was shown 24 x 17 cm photographic sheets that portrayed the adult and larval stage of r. palmarum to ensure the right species was recognized and identified. the survey included three specific questions: 1) what insects do you use to treat diseases, 2) what diseases do you treat, and 3) how do you treat each disease? these open-ended questions were designed to facilitate dialogue with the interviewee, and allow interviewers to gain a unique perspective into individuals’ traditional use of insects as medicines. results and discussion suri in nutrition and food larva of the r. palmarum, traditionally known as suri, live in the stipe of native and non-native amazonian palm trees species and feed on decaying organic materials. in order to obtain suri, the indigenous people first cut palm trees down and make lateral cuts in the trunks where they deposit masato (fermented yucca mass manihot esculenta) or urine (delgado et al. 2008). this practice aims to increase the production of larvae in each tree by attracting the largest possible number of adult insects to the trunk to encourage mating and, consequently, increase the number of eggs laid. larvae harvesting takes place approximately two to four months after cutting the tree down (cartay 2018; delgado et al. 2008). exact timing varies according to the tree species and season. during the larva farming period, community members periodically monitor the larva population’s development by listening for the humming noise produced by individual larvae. they also protect the trunk from external factors like the sun. if the trunk is exposed to intense insolation, the organic materials that larvae feed on become dehydrated, and, eventually, the larvae will die. although suri grows in thirty-one vegetable species (sanchez et al. 1993), the indigenous people prefer to collect larvae from the native palm tree mauritia flexuosa (delgado et al. 2008), because they claim the larvae grow better, provide more protein, and have improved healing properties. cerda et al. (2001) reported that the r. palmarum larvae raised in m. flexuosa have greater protein content and higher calcium, phosphorus, magnesium, and potassium levels as compared to r. palmarum larvae growing in other palm trees. in a ten meter-long m. flexuosa trunk, indigenous peoples collect approximately 224 larvae and 12.1 grams of protein per larva. thus, each of these trunks produces close to three kilograms of protein. cartay (2018) performed studies with the peruvian amazonian bora and yagua indigenous communities and determined that they could produce approximately 500 larvae per trunk. this suggests that suri contributes six kilograms of protein per trunk in these communities. however, r. palmarum is not eaten by all indigenous groups in the amazon rainforest (paolleti et al. 2000). in some communities, suri is used as a food source only during the wet season when fishing and hunting are affected by the heavy rains (cartay 2018). indigenous people typically prefer to eat the r. palmarum larvae over the adult insect. when consuming the adult insect, they remove the wings, head, and legs. unlike the adult, the larvae are eaten whole, either raw, grilled, boiled, or in patarashca (larvae packed in banana or “bijao” (calathea lutea) leaves). sides may include yucca, banana, or native potatoes. other individuals use the suri as an ingredient to season their food. currently, suri is sold in local markets and tourist restaurants in the peruvian amazon’s large cities, including iquitos and pucallpa fatty acid dué el al. 2009 vargas et al. 2013 sancho et al. 2015 myristic (c14:0) 2.54 2.27 2.80 palmitic (c16:0) 40.44 43.65 28.00 palmitoleic (c16:1) not reported 1.01 1.20 stearic (c18:0) 1.99 8.52 5.90 oleic (c18:1) 46.71 41.57 59.20 linoleic (c18:2) 6.24 1.93 1.10 linolenic (c18:2) not reported 1.05 0.30 table 1 comparison of the fatty acid composition (%) of the digestive fat content (cgd) of the r. palmarum larva represented as a percentage. delgado et al. 2019. ethnobiology letters 10(1):120–128 124 research communications (cartay 2018; delgado et al. 2008). when sold in markets, suri is often served fried or grilled on wooden sticks and comes with yucca, banana, tacacho, fariña, or macambo toasted seeds (theoborma bicolor) (figure 2c). due to its high levels of protein, fat, and calories, suri is an important component of the local diet. protein content varies from nine to 13 grams per 100 grams of fresh weight. fat varies between 22 to 38 grams per 100 grams. the caloric content in suri is between 188 to 310 calories per 100 grams (delgado et al. 2008; vargas et al. 2013). in other areas of the amazon, studies report protein content reaching up to 25 grams per 100 grams of dry weight (cerda et al. 2001; doufor 1987). seven fatty acids, including linoleic and linolenic acids, have been found in suri (dué et al. 2009; sancho et al. 2015; vargas et al. 2013; table 1). moreover, 19 amino acids and nine essential amino acids, including lysine, isoleucine, leucine, valine, threonine, and phenylalanine have been identified in the larva (cerda et al. 2001; manno et al. 2018; vargas et al. 2013). additionally, r. palmarum contains vitamins and minerals, including vitamin a in the form of retinol and vitamin e. retinol and vitamin e levels can reach up to 85 micrograms and 44 micrograms per 100 grams of dry weight respectively. minerals found in suri include calcium, potassium, phosphorus, sodium, and iron (cerda et al. 2001). using these values, and considering standard nutrition requirements, a child between seven and 11 years old would need to consume 20 suri larvae a day in order to meet the recommended levels of daily protein intake and 23% of the suggested levels of retinol. eating five larvae would satisfy the recommended daily levels of vitamin e intake. suri in medicine interview answers were collected from 63 people (78% male and 22% female): 27 responses were from the kukama-kukamiria communities (81% male and 19% female), 21 responses were from the tikuna communities (85% male and 15% female), and 15 responses from the awajun community (60% male and 40% female). the first question on the survey ask about insects used to treat diseases, to which respondents mentioned 29 insects used in traditional medicine—many of them used alone, and others used in combination with vegetable structures from different species (leaf, bark, and root). individuals from the three different indigenous groups mentioned suri among their first responses (figure 3). notably, there was homogeneity in the use of the specimen (p < 0.001; chi-square test). however, various peruvian amazon communities call suri by different names. for example, in the kukama-kukamiria dialect, suri is known as miriti-ura; in tikuna and awajum-bukin, it is called boxõ. the majority of interviewees acknowledged using suri primarily to cure, treat, and prevent diseases. therefore, the second survey question (“what diseases do you treat?”) was modified to focus on the use of suri and read “what diseases do you treat with suri?”. the kukama-kukamiria and the tikunas use suri mainly to treat diseases associated with the respiratory system (flu, colds, coughs, and asthma), while the awajum use suri to treat scurvy (figure 3). however, we found homogeneity in the use of suri to treat respiratory disease in all three ethnic groups (p < 0.001; chi-square test). in addition, some interviewees from the three indigenous groups reported using suri to cure rheumatism, dislocations (crippled), whooping cough (also known as pertussis), and tuberculosis. members of the tikuna and kukama-kukamiria communities also mentioned using suri to heal pulsaria. more than 90% of interviewees mentioned ingesting live suri or using it as an oil to treat the diseases mentioned above. to extract suri oil, indigenous peoples place the larva in a pot or frying pan over a fire until the larva is completely melted and figure 3 use of suri in traditional medicine in three ethnic groups of the peruvian amazon. a percentage of people who use suri to treat different diseases; b percentage of people who use suri oil to treat respiratory diseases. figure by cesar delgado. delgado et al. 2019. ethnobiology letters 10(1):120–128 125 research communications only the cuticle remains (figure 2a). older people in the communities extract the oil by exposing the suri to the sun on a metal plate (can or calamine). as we have shown, some indigenous communities in the amazonian countries use r. palmarum larvae for traditional medicine practices (almeida 2005; alves and días 2010; alves and alves 2011; bourdy et al. 2000; delgado et al. 2008). suri’s high usage in sparked its entry into the market economy. local markets surrounding the communities are now commercializing suri, albeit in an informal manner (figure 2b,c). suri and essential fatty acids studies on the chemical composition of r. palmarum oils reported the identification of up to eight saturated and unsaturated fatty acids, supporting the high nutritional value of this species. these studies were conducted in different jungle areas worldwide, including côte d'ivoire (dué et al. 2009; gbogouri et al. 2013), the peruvian amazon (vargas et al. 2013), and the ecuadorian amazon (sancho et al. 2015; table 1). suri oil contains high levels of palmitic and oleic acid, as well as moderate levels of linoleic and linoleic acids. thus, it is possible to imagine that the fatty acid chemical composition present in the suri oil contributes to its nutritional and medicinal value and thus, helps explain why the inhabitants of the communities surveyed report the efficacy of using suri to treat illnesses. the most important essential fatty acids for human health are linoleic acid (ω-six series) and ɑlinolenic acid (ω-three series). linoleic acid is a polyunsaturated fatty acid utilized in the biosynthesis of arachidonic acid. this acid is enzymatically derived into some prostaglandins – active lipid compounds involved in inflammation (dewich 2009). similar to linoleic acid, ɑ-linolenic acid is an essential fatty acid because the human body is not capable of synthesizing it from food. thus, humans must acquire it through diet for proper health. through a series of desaturation and elongation reactions, ɑ-linolenic acid derives into docosahexaenoic acid and eicosapentaenoic acid, two important acids in the regulation of inflammatory conditions. thus, linoleic and ɑlinolenic acids play an important role in cytoprotection and anti-inflammation of the human body (pinazo-duran and boscá-gomar 2012; valenzuela et al. 2011). some studies have shown that the consumption of these two essential fatty acids may be effective in the treatment and prevention of various diseases including cardiovascular diseases, neurodegenerative diseases, inflammation, cancers, rheumatoid arthritis, and ischemia or reperfusion injury (valenzuela et al. 2011). futhermore, palmitic acid is the most common saturated fatty acid in animals (waite et al. 1962) and plays a key role in various fundamental biological functions. it is also an important component of human breast milk, and previous studies have suggested it is critical for proper infant health (innis 2016). additionally, animal studies have shown that this saturated fatty acid has mild antiatherosclerotic and antioxidant properties (elagbar et al. 2016). another important fat in human diet is oleic acid, a monounsaturated ω-nine fatty acid. previous studies suggest that the consumption of oleic acid may slow the progression of the fatal condition adrenoleukodystrophy and may reduce the risk of coronary heart disease (lopes et al. 2010). most common diseases: symptomatology and treatment respiratory diseases were treated by ingesting suri oil (in volume equivalent to three larvae) three times a day for five to seven days. some acknowledged continuing the treatment until the illness was completely eradicated. in addition, they mentioned rubbing the oil in their hands until warm and then rubbing the oil over the chest of the patient. they explained that an increase in temperature when rubbing the oil led to better penetration of it into the affected body part. finally, to treat tuberculosis, interviewees recommended continuing the treatment for a minimum of six months. in the awajum community, scurvy is frequently detected in children one to three years old, presenting as ulcerations on the lips and gums and, in some cases, producing small hemorrhages. the treatment consists of removing the skin and head of the suri and using the bait to rub the affected parts (lips and gums) until a blackish coloration forms on the patient’s skin. treatment should be done for a minimum of three days or until the ulcers heal. survey respondents mentioned that pulsaria is the result of a disorderly diet and develops because people eat their food at inconsistent times or fast for several hours or days. the disease produces pain and a burning sensation in the mouth of the stomach. health care professionals working in rural communities, report that patients with these symptoms typically have stomach ulcers. the delgado et al. 2019. ethnobiology letters 10(1):120–128 126 research communications treatment consists of rubbing suri oil over the patient’s stomach at night for seven days or more. interviewees mentioned that rheumatism is caused by “cold disease.” they describe “cold disease” as the most common symptom of rheumatism and mention that “cold disease” occurs because community members remain wet for extended periods of time due to fishing and farming activities, working for multiple hours of in constant rain. the local treatment for rheumatism is to place suri oil in a spoon or a can and heat it to its boiling point. the hot oil is then applied to the affected joint. on the other hand, the treatment for dislocations is to warm up suri oil by rubbing it on the hands and immediately rubbing it over the dislocated area while adding pressure and repeating this process until the dislocated bone goes back into place. some interviewees reported that the treatment for dislocations may be accompanied by prayers. conclusions suri (or r. palmarum) is the insect most widely used by the indigenous groups interviewed for this research. suri complements the local indigenous diet and provides high levels of protein, vitamins, and essential fatty acids. the species we studied is used to treat more than ten diseases, primarily respiratory diseases, such as cough, asthma, whooping cough, and colds, but also tuberculosis, rheumatism, and scurvy dislocations. the interview results and literature review support the use of suri in traditional medicine and suggest that suri’s healing properties, as reported by the indigenous communities, may be explained by the presence of fatty acids in suri, primarily due to the high composition of the precursors of essential fatty acids: linoleic (series ω-six) and linolenic (series ωthree) acids. over time, suri may play a pivotal role in the economic development of the peruvian amazon’s ethnic communities due to the rapid increase in suri consumption and commercialization. it is necessary to carry out further chemical and pharmacological studies about suri as well as other insects present in the amazon rainforest because given the high biodiversity of their environment, novel natural products may be isolated from these insects. discovering previously unknown compounds may help expand chemical diversity as well as improve drug development efforts to treat various health conditions. acknowledgments the study was carried out with funds from the amazon biodiversity program of the instituto de investigaciones de la amazonía peruana (iiap). we thank all the participants in the study, especially the indigenous communities, kukama-kukamiria, tikuna, and awajum communities, for their collaboration in the field work. voucher specimens were deposited in the referential biodiversity collection of the instituto de investigaciones de la amazonía peruana. declarations permissions: the amazon biodiversity research program, part of the instituto de investigaciones de la amazonía peruana, approved this research within the n°31-2014/iiap and 31-2015/iiap projects. permits to access and carry out research in the communities were obtained prior field work. the peruvian government’s national forestry and wildlife service granted permits to collect biological materials. sources of funding: the research was funded by the instituto de investigaciones de la amazonía peruana (iiap). project n° 31-2014/iiap and n° 31-2015/ iiap. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited almeida, a. v. 2005. prescrições zooterápicos indígenas brasileiras nas obras de guilherme piso (1611–1679). atualidades em etnobiologia e etnoecologia, edited by a. g. c. alves, r. f. p. lucena, and u. p. albuquerque, pp. 47–601. sociedade brasileira de etnobiologia e etnoecologia press, recife, brasil. alves, r. r. n., and t. l. p. dias. 2010. usos de invertebrados na medicina popular no brasil e suas implicações para conservação. tropical conservation science 3:159–174. doi:10.1177/194008291000300204. alves, r. r. n., and h. n. alves. 2011. the faunal drugstore: animal-based remedies used in traditional medicines in latin america. journal of ethnobiology and ethnomedicine 7:2–43. doi:10.1186/1746-4269-7-9. bourdy, g., s. dewalt, a. roca, l. r. chavez de michel, e. deharo, v. munoz, l. balderrama, c. quenevoc, and a. gimenez. 2000. medicinal plants uses of the tacana, an amazonian bolivian ethnic group. journal of ethnopharmacology 70:87–109. doi:10.1016/s0378-8741(99)00158-0. delgado et al. 2019. ethnobiology letters 10(1):120–128 127 research communications cartay, r. 2018. between shock and disgust: the consumption of insects in the amazon basing. the case of rhynchophorus palmarum (coleoptera: curculionidae). revista colombiana de antropología 54:143–169. doi:10.22380/2539472x.465. casas, r. r., l. pawera, p. p. p. villegas, and z. polesny. 2018. beetles, ants, wasps, or flies? an ethnobiological study of edible insects among the awajúm amerindians in amazonas peru. journal of ethnobiology and ethnomedicine 4:2–11. doi:10.1186/ s13002-018-0252-5. cerda, h., r. martínez, n. briceño, l. pizzoferrato, p. manzi, m. t. ponzetta, o. marín, and m. g. paoletti. 2001. palm worm: (rhynchophorus palmarum) traditional food in amazonas venezuela-nutritional composition, small scale production and tourist palatability. ecology of food and nutrition 40:13–32. doi:10.1080/03670244.2001.9991635. costa neto, e. m. 2002. the use of insects in folk medicine in the state of bahia, northeastern brazil, with notes on insects reported elsewhere in brazilian folk medicine. human ecology 30:245–262. doi:10.1023/a:1015696830997. costa neto, e. m. 2005. entomotherapy, or the medicinal use of the insects. journal of ethnobiology 25:93–114. doi:10.2993/0278-0771(2005)25 [93:eotmuo]2.0.co;2. costa neto, e., and m. j. ramos-elorduy. 2006. los insectos comestibles de brasil: etnicidad, diversidad e importancia en la alimentación. boletín sociedad entomológica aragonesa 38:423–442. costa neto, e. m., j. ramos-elorduy, and j. m. pino. 2006. los insectos medicinales de brasil: primeros resultados. boletín sociedad entomológica aragonesa 38:395–414. cherniack, e. p. 2010. bugs as drugs, part 1: insects. the “new” alternative medicine for the 21st century. alternative medicine review 15:124–135. delgado, c., g. couturier, and k. mejia. 2007. mauritia flexuosa (arecaceae: calamoideae), an amazonian palm with cultivation purposes in peru. fruits 62:157–168. doi:10.1051/ fruits:2007011. delgado, c., g. couturier, p. mathews, and k. mejía. 2008. producción y comercialización de larva de rhynchophorus palmarum (coleoptera: dryophtoridae) en la amazonía peruana. boletín sociedad entomológica aragonesa 41:407–412. dewich, m. p., ed. 2009. medicinal natural products: a biosynthetic approach. 3rd edition. john wiley, chichester/west sussex, united kingdom. dué, e. a., h. c. b. l. zabri, j. p. e. n. kouadio, and l. p. kouamé. 2009. fatty acid composition and properties of skin and digestive fat content oils from rhynchophorus palmarum l. larva. african journal of biochemistry research 3:089–094. defoliart, g. r. 1993. hypothesizing about palm weevil and palm rhinoceros beetles larvae as traditional cuisine, tropical waste recycling, and pest and disease control on coconut and other palms – can they be integrated?. principes 37:42– 47. dufour, d. l. 1987. insects as food: a case study from the northwest amazon. american anthropologist 89:383–397. doi:10.1525/aa.1987.89.2.02a00070. elagbar, a. z., r. r. naik, k. a. shakya, and k. s. bardaweel. 2016. fatty acids analysis, antioxidant and biological activity of fixed oil of annona muricata l. seeds. journal of chemistry 2016:1–6. doi:10.1155/2016/6948098. feng, y., m. zhao, z. he, z. chen, and l. sun. 2009. research and utilization of medicinal insects in china. entomological research 39:313–316. doi:10.1111/j.1748-5967.2009.00236.x. gbogouri, g. a., g. a. m. beugre, k. brou, o. a. atchibri, and m. linder. 2013. rhynchophorus palmarum l. larva, an edible insect in côte d'ivoire: nutritional value and characterization of the lipid fraction. international journal of chemistry sciences 11:1692–1704. innis, s. m. 2016. palmitic acid in early human development. critical reviews in food science and nutrition 56:1952–1959. doi:10.1080/10408398.2015.1018045. lopez, s., b. bermudez, y. m. pacheco, a. ortega, l. m. varela, r. abia, and f. j. g. muriana. 2010. oleic acid: the mail component of olive oil on postprandial metabolic processes. in olives and olive oil in health and disease prevention, edited by v. r. preedy and r. r. watson, pp. 1465–1479. delgado et al. 2019. ethnobiology letters 10(1):120–128 128 research communications doi:10.1016/b978-0-12-374420-3.00154-6. lupoli, r. 2010. l’insecte médicinal. ancyrosoma, paris. manno, n., w. e. zelada, c. t. medina, c. t. leon, c. schwarzinger, m. list, w. schoefberger, f. r. c. mejía, j. l. mostacero, a. battisti, and m. g. poeletti. 2018. edible insects and other chitinbearing foods in ethnic peru: accessibility, nutritional acceptance and food-security implications. journal of ethnobiology 38:424–447. doi:10.2993/0278-0771-38.3.424. mazars, g., e. nastari-micheli, and c. mazars. 2004. recherches ethnopharmacologiques sur les insects et autres arthropodes: l’intérệt de la pharmacopée chinoise traditionnelle. ethnopharmacologia 34:13– 22. minedu/ministerio de educación. 2013. documento nacional de lenguas originarias del perú. minedu/ ministerio de educación, lima, peru. onore, g. 2005. edibles insects in ecuador. in ecological lmplications of minilivestocks, edited by m. g. paoletti, pp. 343–352. science publishers, enfield, nh. paoletti, m. g., e. buscardo, and d. l. dufour. 2000. edible invertebrates among amazonian indians: a critical review of disappearing knowledge. environment, development and sustainability 2:195–225. pinazo-duran, m. d., and l. boscá-gomar. 2012. propiedades antiinflamatorias de los ácidos grasos poliinsaturados omega-3. indicaciones en oftalmología. archivos de la sociedad española de oftalmología 87:203–205. doi:10.1016/j.oftal.2012.04.003. sánchez, p., j. v. hernandez, k. haffe, and h. cerda. 1993. biecología del cocotero rhynchophorus palmarum l. boletín de entomología venezolana 8:93– 97. sancho, d., m. j. alvarez, and l. r. fernández. 2015. insectos y alimentación. larvas de rhynchophorus palmarum l, un alimento de los pobladores de la amazonía ecuatoriana. entomotropica 30:135–149. sancho, d., d. l. valverde, g. d. saravia, and g. m. j. álvarez. 2015. caracterización del extracto graso de larvas de rhynchophorus palmarum l. ciencia y tecnología de alimentos 25:39–43. santos, n. m. 2011. insetos comestíveis na alimentação humana: estratégia de sobrevivência e segurança alimentar. in antroentomofagia: insetos na alimentação humana, edited by e. m. costa neto, pp. 123–138. feira de santana, uefs editora, brasil. valenzuela, b. r., o., g. tapia, e. m. gonzález, and b. a. valenzuela. 2011. ácidos grasos omega-3 (epa y dha) y su aplicación en diversas situaciones clínicas. revista chilena de nutrición 38:356–367. vargas, g. e., g. espinoza, c. ruiz, and r. rojas. 2013. valor nutricional de la larva de rhynchophorus palmarum l.: comida tradicional en la amazonía peruana. revista de la sociedad química del perú 79:64– 70. vera, c., and a. brand. 2012. aramanday guasu (rhynchophorus palmarum) como alimento tradicional entre os guarani ñandéva na aldeia pirajuí. tellus 23:97–126. waite, m., and s. j. wakil. 1962. studies on the mechanism of fatty acid synthesis xii. acetyl coenzyme a carboxylase. journal of biological chemistry 237:2750–2757. bird names and folklore from the emberá (chocó) in darién, panamá ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6:32‐62. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.226. 32 data, methods & taxonomies they live in fairly egalitarian, politically autonomous, extended family households dispersed along the rivers. however, under the mid-twentieth century push for rural development, the emberá began concentrating riverine household sites into villages and electing representatives who became actors in regional and national politics. by this means, they worked to legally establish and to protect cultural and geographic autonomy and to receive government resources for, among other things, health clinics, and primary schools (herlihy 1985, 2003; kane 1994/2004; cansarí 1996; chapin 2001; cahn 2004; colin 2010). this data was collected as a small part of a larger ethnographic research project on the cultural dimensions of village formation and national integration.4 the project was carried out in two villages on two interior rivers. avian data collection was carried out in the smaller and newer of the two, a village of only 10 households not far from what has since become the darién biosphere reserve, national park, and unesco world heritage site. the data provide documentary evidence of the linguistic and ethnobiological diversity of a unique, narrow stretch of tropical forest that bridges south and central america at a time and place still relatively protected from the inexorable impact of regional deforestation. bird habitat was still plentiful. unlike the youngsters who learned spanish in village schools, elders learned to speak spanish through market contacts with nonindigenous people of panama and colombia. the introduction this paper presents data on names (see appendix 1) and folklore (appendix 2) of birds collected among native speakers of emberá1 in the moist tropical forests of darién, panamá in 1984 and 1985.2 in most of panama, the emberá are popularly known as the chocó, a name taken from the department of chocó in colombia, from whence many crossed the low mountain range into the darién to settle. the name chocó also includes a sister linguistic group of the emberá named the wounaan, who live closely among them. the catio and chami are also closely related indigenous groups. the emberá and wounaan are principally distinguished by their languages, which are related (almost 50% agreement of cognate roots) but mutually unintelligible (loewen 1963a, b). most speakers are bilingual in either emberá or wounaan and spanish. emberá and wounaan use spanish to speak to each other and to the ethnographer. in his early linguistic work in the chocó river basin, loewen (1958:1) identifies nine emberá and three wounaan dialects based on phonological, morphological, and lexical features associated with particular localities.3 the bird name data presented here reflect variations derived from these differences in dialect and locality of origin. the emberá build open thatch-roofed homes on stilts along the many rivers. they hunt, fish, gather wild foods and medicines, and grow corn, rice, bananas, plantains, manioc, and medicinal plants (kane 1995; dalle and potvin 2004). traditionally, bird names and folklore from the emberá (chocó) in darién, panamá stephanie c. kane author address: department of international studies, school of global and international studies, indiana university, 355 north jordan avenue, bloomington, in 47405-1105 usa. email: stkane@indiana.edu received: july 15, 2014 volume: 6:32-62 published: june 15, 2015 © 2015 society of ethnobiology abstract: this paper presents data on folklore and names of birds collected among native speakers of emberá in the moist tropical forests of darién, panamá. the naming data was collected by systematic elicitation of names from pictorial representations of birds. it is organized here to facilitate analysis of various aspects of folk taxonomy in relation to scientific taxonomy. folklore about birds collected in natural contexts is also included to indicate the role of birds and their names in symbolic processes that exceed the limits of literal reference. keywords: emberá (chocó), bird classification, darién forest, panama, bird folklore supplementary files available at ojs.ethnobiology.org/index.php/ebl. ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6:32‐62. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.226. 33 data, methods & taxonomies villagers among whom this data was collected relied almost completely on the animals and plants of the riverine forest for subsistence and inspiration. probably because of the intense violence in the region since the late 1980s, published ethnozoological research among the emberá of darién was and remains scarce.5 indeed, to my knowledge, since the larger ethnographic project that provided a context for the collection of this avian data, there has been no in-depth ethnographic research published. the naming data was collected by systematic elicitation from colored pictorial representations of birds.6 except to share emberá bird names, the elicitation groups used spanish to communicate with the ethnographer.7 data are organized to facilitate analysis of particular aspects of folk taxonomy such as contrast, level, and ranking of taxa; hierarchic inclusion and depth in taxonomic structures (berlin 1992, berlin 1976; conklin 1969; kay 1971); grading within categories (kempton 1978; lakoff 1972); taxonomic space (hunn 1976) and comparison of folk and scientific taxonomies (berlin et al. 1966; berlin 1973). in this format, the data can be compared, contrasted or combined with other ethnobiological data. in addition to the taxonomic data, which were elicited in contexts that were contrived by me, folkloric data, collected in more or less natural contexts, are also presented here. the folkloric data provides examples of the metaphorical connections between names and their referents (bean 1975; dougherty 1982; johnson 1974; rosaldo 1972). my interlocutors shared the folklore in the form of stories, conversations, and reflections on avian life happening around us as, for example, we canoed on the river, rested from cleaning bush, walked through the forest, or sat by the hearth. my interlocutors also contributed folklore in the context of the group elicitation sessions. to reflect the two distinct modalities of data collection and the style in which the data were conveyed, the ethnographer’s voice shifts as i move between taxonomic and folkloric sections. elicitation procedures i presented 32 color plates from ridgely's (1976) birds of panama, in order of their appearance in the book, to nine independent groups of people in their homes, or in one case, in a work setting. the design was opportunistic; that is, i took advantage of situations conducive to data collection and did not attempt to control group composition. the aim was to collect data in a manner that did not disrupt everyday life. as an interesting visual object, once introduced and held in my hands, the book became a conversation piece. its well-drafted images of species that varied beautifully in form and color made the page-layout itself a pleasurable and stimulating elicitation device. the origin of the book and the unreadable text within it clearly signaled its foreignness, but the images it contained were legible and familiar, and so the book worked well as an elicitation tool. it was a well-received artifact that promoted and coordinated sociality for about an hour or two per session. each set represents a consensus elicitation from two to ten people. they were a mix of generation and gender although there was no group that included only children or youths. through discussion each group would decide on one name for each bird they identified; they took it upon themselves not to present multiple names. where several people were present one or two more knowledgeable elders dominated the discussion. other than deference to elders with more knowledge, there were no noticeable differences in power or authority that affected the outcome of consensus. bird names are listed here in such a way that the relationship between emberá and scientific names stands out. each emberá name is listed together with the plate and identification number of each species designated, the corresponding scientific name, the general common name in english, a list showing which of the nine elicitation groups (here represented as capital letters "a" through "i") make the identification and the total number of groups that make the identification as an expression of inter-group consensus.8 there are various limitations to this kind of elicitation procedure. information on one plate could inform another, e.g. where an early identification was unclear, a later more typical example might clarify. as the elicitation process proceeded, informants had more information at their disposal with which to make a judgment and therefore the level of accuracy probably is not consistent. on the other hand, in some cases where scientific genera happened to be separated on non-consecutive plates, informants did identify them with the same emberá name, indicating that they could transcend the restrictions imposed by book order (e.g. the genus cranioleuca on plates 8 and 14, both identified as jorójoró9). in addition, because ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6:32‐62. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.226. 34 data, methods & taxonomies each group had more than one person in it (a factor shaped by the social conditions of fieldwork among extended families), the nine elicitation groups are more diverse then nine single informants would be. furthermore, because names were elicited from a printed page rather than from birds in their natural habitat, certain physical criteria tended to dominate the identification process, e.g. beak type was a more distinguishable feature than variation in size and behavioral and functional criteria were only available in the form of memory associations. presentation of taxonomic data each category identified by an emberá name that is a primary lexeme (one which cannot be translated directly) is listed in alphabetical order in appendix 1. names which combine a lexeme with a modifier are listed under the main lexeme (e.g. ansabidá [kingfisher] is the lexeme listed alphabetically under which will appear ansabidá chikaibéa [little kingfisher] and meabémaansabidá [forest kingfisher]). within that ordering of categories, the different scientific species identified by the same name are listed from highest consensus to lowest consensus. where the consensus ratings are equal, they are listed in the order in which they appear in the book. where the relationship between one lexeme and another is not manifested in the form of the name, but is commented on by a speaker, the more general name is listed in curly brackets under specific name (e.g. chilingó [cacique] is a kind of kumbarrá [a category including caciques, oropendolas, and antbirds]). in compound names in which one of the names may or may not be spoken, or in names which may or may not have particular endings, straight brackets [ ] will appear around the optional segment.10 notes on emberá-english translation the emberá language has 12 vowels: a, e, i, ʌ, o, u (pronounced as in spanish except for the /ʌ/ which is somewhere between i and u) and the same sounds nasalized: ã, ẽ , ĩ, λ, õ, ũ. the consonants are pronounced the same as in spanish, i.e. j is pronounced as the english h; dz is pronounced as english j. where name-segments are emphasized with a stop, this is indicated by an apostrophe (') after the segment. as mentioned above, there are 12 dialects in the language of emberá corresponding to 12 geographic areas in colombia from whence the emberá came before they migrated to panama (loewen 1958). dialectal variation is reflected both at the lexical and phonological levels. i have indicated phonological variation of particular names with the superscript "v" and list the variants at the end of the taxonomy data. lack of accurate migration data on all informants and the methods of elicitation used precludes analysis of nomenclature in respect to dialects. where names are combinations of words or morphemes, part or all of which i can translate, i set these off from each other by a dash and indicate a dictionary listing with a superscript "d". these translations appear in the supplementary file linked to this document (supplementary table 1). i have only included spanish loan words when there is no emberá name corresponding to the same category. these are noted with the superscript "sp." note on the classification of emberá and scientific bird names there are interesting comparisons to be made between the folk and scientific taxonomies (appendix 1). while in some cases one emberá name exactly or almost exactly corresponds to one scientific genus (e.g. kokarrá and the genus odontophorus, chákoro and the genus icterus), in most cases there is a different kind of "fit.” so, for example, the emberá, like english speakers, have only one name for all hummingbirds, while the scientific taxonomy breaks these down into 35 genera. clearly, the physical attributes necessary for systematizing these birds from an evolutionary point of view are not relevant to emberá speakers. there are cases, however, in which the emberá taxon is more elaborated than the scientific. for example, there is a general name karé and four specific names that correspond to a single scientific genus amazona. for the emberá, this kind of bird is distinctive not only because of its bright plumage and noisy behavior, but because it is also a source of food. there is also a varying relation between the most typical species representing a group of genera that together constitute a taxon and the size of the taxon. so, for example, pulsatrix perspicillata latham strigidae is the species of owl that most represents "owlness" to the emberá and the name for that species, bombóra, includes eight genera within its reference. while a name like jorójoró, represented with best consensus by taraba major vieillot thamnophilidae includes 27 genera within its reference. all these variations of fit between emberá and scientific taxonomies of birds can be considered in relation to other folk taxonomies of birds as well as folk taxonomies of other biological http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/thamnophilidae ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6:32‐62. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.226. 35 data, methods & taxonomies classes, in order to develop a cross-cultural understanding of the principles of category formation and more generally how human beings think about the natural world. folkloric examples presented in appendix 2 were collected as they emerged spontaneously in the context of everyday life and suggest the important role that birds play in the encoding of cosmological as well as social and utilitarian thought. the songs and calls of particular bird species are located between the invisible and the human worlds as they inform people of new birth and impending death. because songs and calls depart and are distinct from the avian bodies that produce them, they can travel across the space of the imagination as well as physical space. in emberá cosmology, an otherworld accompanies the mundane world. birds symbolically mediate the two worlds. they have the power to tell about matters as small as the time of day and as great as the events that happened when the world changed. indeed, before the world changed, animals were people. and, although this happened in ancient times, the world could change back any day. so say the emberá when they observe the widening rivers, the atypical flooding patterns and the long dry seasons that are accompanying the transformation of the downstream forests into fields and pastures. conclusion taxonomic and folkloric modes of knowledge, together, suggest the significant role that birds play in emberá life. they illuminate relationships between biodiversity and cross-cultural bird knowledge in the lowland riverine tropical forest. when geopolitical conditions allow future ethnobiologists to do research in the interior of the darién, whether inside or outside the biosphere reserve, the data presented here can provide a baseline for comparison and departure point for conversation. further study will not only lead to a better understanding of how the emberá enroll nature in their conceptions of a mythic universe in which animals are communicating co-spirits, but will also lead to a better understanding of emberá thoughts about their place in the dynamic environmental history of the darién. acknowledgements my thanks to the emberá people who accepted and protected me and who generously shared their knowledge of the forest. i thank larry gilbert for introducing me to field biology and rainforest logistics, joel sherzer for teaching me indigenous language transcription skills, brian stross for introducing me to ethnosemantics and encouraging me to publish these data, harriet klein for reading earlier versions of this manuscript, and semantha bertram and jonathan dombrosky for assistance with data input and formatting. declarations permissions: none declared. sources of funding: my 1984-1985 dissertation fieldwork with the emberá was funded by a fellowship from the organization of american states and the institute of latin american studies, university of texas at austin. conflicts of interest: none declared. references aguirre licht, d. 2006. choco language. in encyclopedia of language and linguistics, 2nd edition, edited by k. brown, pp. 367-381. elsevier, oxford. bean, s. 1975. referential and indexical meanings of amma in kannada: mother, woman, goddess, pox, and help! journal of anthropological research 31:313330. berlin, b. 1973. folk systematics in relation to biological classification and nomenclature. annual review of ecology and systematics 4:259-271. berlin, b. 1992. ethnobiological classification: principles of categorization of plants and animals in traditional societies. princeton university press, princeton, nj. berlin, b. 1976. the concept of rank in ethnobiological classification: some evidence from aguaruna folk botany. american ethnologist 3:381-399. berlin, b., d. breedlove and p. raven. 1966. folk taxonomies and biological classification. science 154:273-275. doi: 10.1126/science.154.3746.273. bittner, k. 2003. diversity of mammals and their uses and perceptions by the embera of maje, bayano region, panama. school for international training, panama. cahn, d. e. 2004. homeless for generations: land rights for the chocoe indians from mogue, panama. fordham international law journal 28:232290. cansarí, r. 1996. the scientific community and the indigenous emberá community of panama. in protecting biological diversity: roles and responsibilities, edited by m. kranzel, g. seutin and c. potvin, pp. 26-40. mcgill-queen’s university press, quebec. ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6:32‐62. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.226. 36 data, methods & taxonomies chapin, m. and b. threlkeld. 2001. indigenous landscapes: a study in ethnocartography. center for the support of native lands, washington, dc. colin, f. l. 2010. “nosotros no solamente podemos vivir de cultura”: identity, nature, and power in the comarca emberá of eastern panama. unpublished doctoral dissertation, carlton university. conklin, h. 1962. lexicographical treatment of folk taxonomies. in problems in lexicography, edited by f.w. householder and s. saporta, pp. 119-142. indiana university research center in anthropology, folklore, and linguistics, bloomington, in. crandell, r., ed. 2008. emberá stories of panama. translated by rogelio cansarí. rainforest press. dalle, s.p. and c. potvin. 2004. conservation of useful plants: an evaluation of local priorities from two indigenous communities in eastern panama. economic botany 58:38-57. dougherty, j. and c. keller. 1982. taskonomy: a practical approach to knowledge structures. american ethnologist 9:763-774. drewal, h. j., ed. 2008. sacred waters: arts for mami wata and other divinities in africa and the diaspora. indiana university press, bloomington, in. herlihy, p. 1985. settlement and subsistence change among the chocó indians of the darién province, eastern panama: an overview. cultural survival quarterly 9:43-45. herlihy, p. 2003. participatory research mapping of indigenous lands in darien, panama. human organization 62:315-331. hunn, e. 1976. toward a perceptual model of folk biological classification. american ethnologist 3:508524. johnson, a. 1974. ethnoecology and planting practices in a swidden agricultural system. american ethnologist 1:87-101. kane, s. c. [1994] 2004. the phantom gringo boat: shamanic discourse and development in panama. smithsonian institution press, washington d.c.; second edition. cybereditions, rochester, mn. kane, s. c. 1995. emberá (chocó) medicinal plant use: implications for planning the biosphere reserve in darién, panama. in yearbook for ethnomedicine and the study of consciousness, no. 4, edited by c. rätsch and j. baker, pp. 185-206. verlag für wissenschaft und bildung, berlin, germany. kay, p. 1971. taxonomy and semantic contrast. language 47:866-887. kempton, w. 1978. category grading and taxonomic relation: a mug is a sort of cup. american ethnologist 5:44-65. lakoff, g. 1973. hedges: a study of meaning criteria and the logic of fuzzy concepts. journal of philosophical logic 2:458-508. loewen, j. 1958. an introduction to epera speech: sambú dialect. ph.d. dissertation. interdepartmental linguistics. university of washington, seattle, wa. loewen, j. 1963a. chocó 1: introduction and bibliography. international journal of american linguistics 29:239-263. loewen, j. 1963b. chocó 2: phonological problems. international journal of american linguistics 29:357-371. racero-casarrubia, j. a., c. c. vidal and o. d. ruiz. 2008. percepción y patrones de uso de la fauna silvestre en comunidades indígenas emberá-katíos de la cuenca del río san jorge, zona amortiguadora de pnn – paramillo. revista de estudios sociales 31:118-131. ridgely, r. 1976. a guide to the birds of panama. princeton university press, princeton, nj. rosaldo, m. 1972. metaphors of folk classification. southwestern journal of anthropology 28:83-99. runk, j. v., m. martínez mauri, b. quintero sánchez and j. sarsaneda del cid, eds. 2011. pueblos indígenas de panamá: una bibliografía. acción cultural ngóbe, panama. sara, s. i. 2001. a tri-lingual dictionary of emberáspanish-english. lincom, münchen. supplementary files are linked to the online version of the paper at ojs.ethnobiology.org/index.php/ebl. biosketch stephanie c. kane is a cultural anthropologist and professor in the department of international studies at indiana university. she is the author of the phantom gringo boat, aids alibis, and where rivers meet the sea. notes 1readers may view images of the emberá in the ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6:32‐62. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.226. 37 data, methods & taxonomies darién forest by visiting the indiana university image collections online. 2for in-depth ethnography of the emberá in the darién see kane 1994/2004. for emberá medicinal plants see kane 1995. for emberá folktales see crandell 2008. for a comprehensive bibliographic index of writings on the indigenous people of panamasee runk et al. 2011:77-162. 3for recent linguistic research see sara 2001 and aguirre licht 2006. for many other sources see runk et al. 2011:77-162. 4as an ecologist with a specialty in tropical forest zoology at the masters level i keep my interest alive through collection of ethnobiological data in the course of larger holistic ethnographic projects. 5for more recent ethnozoological research in the region outside the darién see bittner 2003, bejarano et al. 2004 and racero-casarrubia et al. 2008. 6i received permission from the first cacique of the emberá to do ethnographic research in two specific villages. i also received permission from the university of texas irb to do ethnographic research among the emberá of darién. 7i was trained in the transcription of central and south american indigenous languages. as part of my larger project i was working with an emberá youth to record and transcribe emberá myths and folktales. 8since ridgely’s (1976) book, authorities have changes some species names. the appendix reflects current usage. 9for orthography and transcription see note on language below. 10to prioritize the legibility of consensus ratings in appendix 1, scientific and popular bird names are listed only in the main category for each emberá bird name. genus and species names are left blank in the subcategories. wherever there is a subcategory blank, the key plate/image # indicates which genus and species name from the main list is relevant. for english popular names, wherever there is a blank, readers should apply whichever name is listed most directly above it. ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6:32‐62. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.226. 38 data, methods & taxonomies a p p e n d ix 1 : e m b e rá b ir d c la s s if ic a ti o n e m b e rá n a m e p la te /# e n g li sh c o m m o n n a m e s ci e n ti fi c n a m e ( cu rr e n t) id e n ti fi ca ti o n s t o ta l á jo m b ʌ {n ẽ jõ m b ʌ} 2 /7 f a lc o n m ic ra st u r ru fi co ll is v ie il lo t f a lc o n id a e c 1 a m p a rr á -j o m b ʌ = a m p a rr á zé si d { n ẽ jõ m b ʌ} 3 /8 c a ra ca ra m il va g o c h im a ch im a v ie il lo t f a lc o n id a e i 1 a n sa b id á 1 0 /1 0 k in g fi sh e r m e g a ce ry le t o rq u a ta l in n a e u s a lc e d in id a e a b c d e f h i 8 1 0 /7 c h lo ro ce ry le a m a zo n a l a th a m a lc e d in id a e e h i 3 1 0 /9 c h lo ro ce ry le i n d a l in n a e u s a lc e d in id a e a c i 3 1 0 /1 1 c h lo ro ce ry le a m e ri ca n a g m e li n a lc e d in id a e c h i 3 1 0 /5 ja ca m a r g a lb u la r u fi ca u d a c u vi e r g a lb u li d a e i 1 1 0 /6 ja ca m e ro p s a u re a m u ll e r g a lb u li d a e i 1 1 0 /8 k in g fi sh e r c h lo ro ce ry le a e n e a p a ll a s a lc e d in id a e i 1 a n sa b id á -c h ik a ib é a d 1 0 /7 g 1 a n sa b id á -d ó -b a d a d 1 0 /8 c 1 a n sa b id á -d ro m á d 1 0 /1 0 g 1 a n sa b id á -m e a b é m a d 1 5 /5 a n tw re n m yr m o th e ru la b ra ch yu ra h e rm a n n t h a m n o p h il id a e g 1 1 6 /8 a n tp itt a p itt a so m a m ic h le ri c a ss in c o n o p o p h a g id a e d 1 a n sa b id á -w ẽ ra d 1 0 /7 k in g fi sh e r b d 2 a n sa b id á -z a k é d 1 0 /9 b d 2 1 0 /7 c 1 1 0 /1 1 b 1 m e a b é m a -a n sa b id á -s a sá d 1 5 /7 a n tw re n e p in e cr o p h yl la f u lv iv e n tr is l a w re n ce t h a m n o p h il id a e g 1 n u n sí -a n sa b id á 1 0 /1 1 k in g fi sh e r a 1 a n tu m iá d 2 4 /1 0 v ir e o v ir e o l e u co p h ry s la fr e sn a ye v ir e o n id a e d 1 a n tu m iá -i m b a n á d 6 /1 1 c u ck o o d ro m o co cc yx p h a si a n e ll u s sp ix c u cu li d a e c 1 2 4 /1 6 p ip it a n th u s lu te sc e n s p u ch e ra n m o ta ci ll id a e i 1 a n tu m iá -j ã ĩm b a n á d 2 3 /3 f ly ca tc h e r p ti lo g o n ys c a u d a tu s c a b a n is p ti li o g o n a ti d a e c 1 a o { n ẽ jõ m b ʌ} 2 /1 1 k it e c h o n d ro h ie ra x u n ci n a tu s t e m m in ck a cc ip it ri d a e i 1 (c o n ti n u e d o n n e x t p ag e ) ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6:32‐62. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.226. 39 data, methods & taxonomies (c o n ti n u e d o n n e x t p ag e ) (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re v io u s p ag e ) 2 /1 2 h a rp a g u s b id e n ta tu s la th a m a cc ip it ri d a e i 1 3 /4 h a w k b u te o g a ll u s a n th ra ci n u s d e p p e a cc ip it ri d a e i 1 ã rĩ ã rĩ 2 6 /1 3 g ra ck le q u is ca lu s m e xi ca n u s g m e li n i ct e ri d a e a 1 2 6 /1 6 c o w b ir d m o lo th ru s o ry zi vo ru s g m e li n i ct e ri d a e a 1 ã w ẽ n sõ v 5 /4 p a ra k e e t e u p si tt u la p e rti n a x li n n a e u s p si tt a ci d a e c d f g i 5 5 /1 m a ca w a ra s e ve ru s li n n a e u s p si tt a ci d a e c h 2 5 /5 p a ra k e e t p yr rh u ra h o ff m a n n i c a b a n is p si tt a ci d a e e 1 5 /6 p si tt a ca ra fi n sc h i s a lv in p si tt a ci d a e a 1 b a g a rá 5 /1 m a ca w a ra s e ve ru s li n n a e u s p si tt a ci d a e a e f g 4 5 /5 p a ra k e e t p yr rh u ra h o ff m a n n i c a b a n is p si tt a ci d a e h 1 5 /6 p si tt a ca ra fi n sc h i s a lv in p si tt a ci d a e h 1 3 2 /1 5 p a rr o t p io n o p si tt a p yr il ia b o n a p a rt e p si tt a ci d a e e 1 b a g a rá -p a u w a rá d 5 /1 m a ca w b d 2 e yá -b a g a rá d 5 /1 i 1 5 /6 p a ra k e e t c 1 b a g a rá c h ib o ró p u rr ú d 5 /5 f 2 b a g a rá c h ik u a rá d 5 /5 b f 2 ji w á -b a g a rá d 5 /5 c i 2 3 2 /5 p u ffl e g h a p lo p h a e d ia a u re li a e b o u rc ie r & m u ls a n t t ro ch il id a e f 1 3 2 /1 5 p a rr o t h 1 b a su sú 1 3 /a ll p ic u le t p ic u m n u s sp . t e m m in ck p ic id a e g 1 w o o d cr e e p e r d e n d ro ci n cl a s p . g ra y f u rn a ri id a e s itt a so m u s sp . s w a in so n f u rn a ri id a e g ly p h o ry n ch u s sp . w ie d -n e u w ie d f u rn a ri id a e le p id o co la p te s sp . r e ic h e n b a ch f u rn a ri id a e x ip h o rh yn ch u s sp . s w a in so n f u rn a ri id a e d e co n yc h u ra s p . c h e rr ie f u rn a ri id a e d e n d ro co la p te s sp . h e rm a n n f u rn a ri id a e s cy th e b il l c a m p yl o rh a m p h u s sp . b e rt o n i f u rn a ri id a e 8 /1 9 t re e ru n n e r m a rg a ro rn is r u b ig in o su s la w re n ce f u rn a ri id a e g 1 ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6:32‐62. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.226. 40 data, methods & taxonomies (c o n ti n u e d o n n e x t p ag e ) (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re v io u s p ag e ) b a su sú -i m b is ú 1 3 /1 7 s cy th e b il l c a m p yl o rh a m p h u s tr o ch il ir o st ri s li ch te n st e in d e n d ro co la p ti d a e g 1 1 3 /1 8 c a m p yl o rh a m p h u s p u si ll u s sc la te r d e n d ro co la p ti d a e g 1 b e sé a m iá d { n ẽ jõ m b ʌ} 2 /1 0 k it e le p to d o n c a ya n e n si s la th a m a cc ip it ri d a e c 1 b e tó k o rr ó 1 4 /1 s p in e ta il s yn a ll a xi s a lb e sc e n s t e m m in ck f u rn a ri id a e g 1 1 4 /6 f o li a g e -g le a n e r p h il yd o r e ry th ro ce rc u s p e lz e ln f u rn a ri id a e d 1 b ic h íd 1 1 /1 0 a ra ca ri p te ro g lo ss u s to rq u a tu s g m e li n r a m p h a sti d a e a b c d e f g h 8 1 1 /1 p u ffb ir d m a la co p ti la p a n a m e n si s la fr e sn a ye b u cc o n id a e i 1 b ic h íp á d 1 1 /6 t o u ca n e t a u la co rh yn ch u s p ra si n u s g o u ld r a m p h a sti d a e b c 2 1 1 /7 s e le n id e ra s p e ct a b il is c a ss in r a m p h a sti d a e c 1 b id ó -j a rá m ia d 1 3 /1 7 s cy th e b il l c a m p yl o rh a m p h u s tr o ch il ir o st ri s li ch te n st e in d e n d ro co la p ti d a e i 1 1 3 /1 8 c a m p yl o rh a m p h u s p u si ll u s sc la te r d e n d ro co la p ti d a e i 1 b id ó -k o ró ch ia d v 3 0 /5 g ro sb e a k s a lt a to r g ro ss u s li n n a e u s t h ra u p id a e c d g i 4 b id ó -w íd o d 1 9 /7 f ly ca tc h e r c o n o p ia s p a rv u s vo n p e lz e ln t yr a n n id a e e 1 b im b ím v 2 7 /2 e u p h o n ia e u p h o n ia m in u ta c a b a n is f ri n g il li d a e e i 2 2 7 /3 e u p h o n ia f u lv ic ri ss a s cl a te r f ri n g il li d a e e i 2 2 7 /6 e u p h o n ia l a n ii ro st ri s d 'o rb ig n y & l a fr e sn a ye f ri n g il li d a e i 1 1 7 /4 m a n a k in m a n a cu s vi te ll in u s g o u ld p ip ri d a e i 1 1 7 /5 m a n a cu s a u ra n ti a cu s s a lv in p ip ri d a e i 1 1 8 /4 b e ca rd p a ch yr a m p h u s ve rs ic o lo r h a rt la u b t it yr id a e b 1 b ir á b ir á 1 3 /a ll p ic u le t p ic u m n u s sp . t e m m in ck p ic id a e h 1 w o o d cr e e p e r d e n d ro ci n cl a s p . g ra y f u rn a ri id a e s itt a so m u s sp . s w a in so n f u rn a ri id a e g ly p h o ry n ch u s sp . w ie d -n e u w ie d f u rn a ri id a e le p id o co la p te s sp . r e ic h e n b a ch f u rn a ri id a e x ip h o rh yn ch u s sp . s w a in so n f u rn a ri id a e d e co n yc h u ra s p . c h e rr ie f u rn a ri id a e d e n d ro co la p te s sp . h e rm a n n f u rn a ri id a e s cy th e b il l c a m p yl o rh a m p h u s sp . b e rt o n i f u rn a ri id a e 3 2 /4 h u m m in g b ir d g o e th a ls ia b e ll a n e ls o n t ro ch il id a e a 1 3 2 /5 p u ffl e g h a p lo p h a e d ia a u re li a e b o u rc ie r & m u ls a n t t ro ch il id a e a 1 3 2 /1 6 ja ca m a r b ra ch yg a lb a s a lm o n i s cl a te r & s a lv in g a lb u li d a e a 1 b it á b it á 2 0 /2 f ly ca tc h e r m yi o b iu s su lp h u re ip yg iu s s cl a te r o n yc h o rh yn ch id a e g 1 ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6:32‐62. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.226. 41 data, methods & taxonomies (c o n ti n u e d o n n e x t p ag e ) (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re v io u s p ag e ) b ĩr ũ rĩ v 1 9 /a ll s ir y st e s s ir ys te s sp . c a b a n is & h e in e t yr a n n id a e d f ly ca tc h e r m yi o d yn a st e s sp . b o n a p a rt e t yr a n n id a e le g a tu s sp . s cl a te r t yr a n n id a e t yr a n n u s sp . la cé p è d e t yr a n n id a e m yi o ze te te s sp . s cl a te r t yr a n n id a e c o n o p ia s sp . c a b a n is & h e in e t yr a n n id a e m e g a ry n ch u s sp . t h u n b e rg t yr a n n id a e k is k a d e e p it a n g u s sp . sw a in so n t yr a n n id a e 1 9 /9 f ly ca tc h e r m e g a ry n ch u s p it a n g u a l in n a e u s t yr a n n id a e b 1 9 /1 0 k is k a d e e p it a n g u s su lp h u ra tu s li n n a e u s t yr a n n id a e b 1 9 /1 1 p it a n g u s li ct o r li ch te n st e in t yr a n n id a e b 1 9 /1 2 f ly ca tc h e r m yi o ze te te s ca ya n e n si s li n n a e u s t yr a n n id a e b b ʌs e sé 2 6 /8 o ro p e n d o la z a rh yn ch u s w a g le ri g ra y ic te ri d a e c d g h i 5 2 6 /1 1 p sa ro co li u s d e cu m a n u s p a ll a s ic te ri d a e c f g i 4 b o m b ó ra 6 /1 -8 o w l m e g a sc o p s sp . k a u p s tr ig id a e a c e g i 5 c ic ca b a v ir g a ta c a ss in s tr ig id a e a si o s p . b ri ss o n s tr ig id a e p u ls a tr ix s p . k a u p s tr ig id a e lo p h o st ri x sp . le ss o n s tr ig if o rm e s 6 /7 p u ls a tr ix p e rs p ic il la ta l a th a m s tr ig id a e b c d f g h 6 6 /6 a si o c la m a to r v ie il lo t s tr ig id a e d e 2 6 /8 lo p h o st ri x cr is ta ta d a u d in s tr ig id a e d h 2 b o k a k á 1 /2 2 h e ro n p il h e ro d iu s p il e a tu s b o d d a e rt a rd e id a e b c e 3 1 /2 7 t ig ri so m a l in e a tu m b o d d a e rt a rd e id a e a 1 1 /2 8 t ig ri so m a m e xi ca n u m s w a in so n a rd e id a e a 1 1 /2 9 t ig ri so m a f a sc ia tu m s u ch a rd e id a e a 1 b o ró p a rí d 1 9 /9 f ly ca tc h e r m e g a ry n ch u s p it a n g u a l in n a e u s t yr a n n id a e g 1 1 9 /1 0 k is k a d e e p it a n g u s su lp h u ra tu s li n n a e u s t yr a n n id a e g 1 1 9 /1 1 p it a n g u s li ct o r li ch te n st e in t yr a n n id a e g 1 1 9 /1 2 f ly ca tc h e r m yi o ze te te s ca ya n e n si s li n n a e u s t yr a n n id a e g 1 ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6:32‐62. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.226. 42 data, methods & taxonomies (c o n ti n u e d o n n e x t p ag e ) (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re v io u s p ag e ) ch á k o ro 2 6 /1 o ri o le ic te ru s m e so m e la s w a g le r ic te ri d a e a b c d e f g h i 9 2 6 /2 ic te ru s ch ry sa te r le ss o n i ct e ri d a e a b c e f g h i 8 2 6 /3 ic te ru s a u ri ca p il lu s c a ss in i ct e ri d a e a b c f g h i 7 2 6 /4 ic te ru s p ro st h e m e la s s tr ic k la n d i ct e ri d a e a b c d g i 6 1 8 /1 3 b e ll b ir d p ro cn ia s tr ic a ru n cu la ta v e rr e a u x & v e rr e a u x c o ti n g id a e c 1 p a tá -c h á k o ro d = o h íh í 2 6 /3 o ri o le d e 2 2 6 /4 h 1 ch ía -c h á k o ro d 2 6 /1 d 1 2 6 /2 d 1 ch a m p a ch í 2 8 /5 t a n a g e r t h ra u p is e p is co p u s li n n a e u s t h ra u p id a e a b c d e f g h i 9 2 8 /1 t a n g a ra f u co sa n e ls o n t h ra u p id a e d h 2 2 8 /4 t a n g a ra p a lm a ru m w ie d -n e u w ie d t h ra u p id a e d i 2 1 8 /1 2 c o ti n g a c o ti n g a n a tt e re ri i b o is so n n e a u c o ti n g id a e c d 2 2 4 /1 g n a tc a tc h e r p o li o p ti la p lu m b e a g m e li n p o li o p ti li d a e h 1 ch á n g a m e 2 6 /1 3 g ra ck le q u is ca lu s m e xi ca n u s g m e li n i ct e ri d a e d i 2 ch á rr o 2 6 /6 c a ci q u e c a ci cu s u ro p yg ia li s la fr e sn a ye i ct e ri d a e d 1 ch iá -t u m iá d 1 2 /1 3 w o o d p e ck e r c e le u s lo ri ca tu s r e ic h e n b a ch p ic id a e d 1 1 2 /1 4 c e le u s ca st a n e u s w a g le r p ic id a e d 1 ch ic h á rr a 1 9 /a ll s ir y st e s s ir ys te s sp . c a b a n is & h e in e t yr a n n id a e c 1 f ly ca tc h e r m yi o d yn a st e s sp . b o n a p a rt e t yr a n n id a e le g a tu s sp . s cl a te r t yr a n n id a e t yr a n n u s sp . la cé p è d e t yr a n n id a e m yi o ze te te s sp . s cl a te r t yr a n n id a e c o n o p ia s sp . c a b a n is & h e in e t yr a n n id a e m e g a ry n ch u s sp . t h u n b e rg t yr a n n id a e k is k a d e e p it a n g u s sp . sw a in so n t yr a n n id a e ch ij í 1 6 /7 a n tp itt a h yl o p e zu s p e rs p ic il la tu s la w re n ce g ra ll a ri id a e d 1 ch ik á m ia d 1 6 /3 a n tb ir d h yl o p h yl a x n a e vi o id e s la fr e sn a ye t h a m n o p h il id a e d 1 ch il a k ó 1 /2 r a il p a rd ir a ll u s m a cu la tu s b o d d a e rt r a ll id a e c 1 1 /6 c ra k e la te ra ll u s a lb ig u la ri s la w re n ce r a ll id a e c 1 1 /7 r a il a ra m id e s ca ja n e u s m u ll e r r a ll id a e c 1 ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6:32‐62. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.226. 43 data, methods & taxonomies (c o n ti n u e d o n n e x t p ag e ) (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re v io u s p ag e ) 1 /8 a ra m id e s a xi ll a ri s la w re n ce r a ll id a e c 1 ch il in g ó { ku m b a rr á } 2 6 /6 c a ci q u e c a ci cu s u ro p yg ia li s la fr e sn a ye i ct e ri d a e a c g i 4 2 6 /7 c a ci cu s ce la l in n a e u s ic te ri d a e a c e i 4 2 6 /5 a m b ly ce rc u s h o lo se ri ce u s d e p p e i ct e ri d a e a c i 3 ch in g é 1 4 /1 3 a n ts h ri k e t h a m n o p h il u s p u n ct a tu s s h a w t h a m n o p h il id a e i 1 ch in g é = k u e t rʌ m ia d 1 5 /a ll a n tw re n t e re n u ra s p . c a b a n is & h e in e t h a m n o p h il id a e d 1 a n tv ir e o d ys it h a m n u s sp . c a b a n is t h a m n o p h il id a e m yr m o th e ru la s p . s cl a te r t h a m n o p h il id a e a n tw re n m ic ro rh o p ia s sp . s cl a te r t h a m n o p h il id a e a n tb ir d c e rc o m a cr a s p . s cl a te r t h a m n o p h il id a e m yr m e ci za s p . g ra y t h a m n o p h il id a e g ym n o ci ch la s p . s cl a te r t h a m n o p h il id a e c e rc o m a cr a s p . s cl a te r t h a m n o p h il id a e 1 5 /1 3 c e rc o m a cr a n ig ri ca n s s cl a te r t h a m n o p h il id a e d 1 ch in g é -[ p a im a ]d = in g é [p a im a ] 2 8 /7 t a n a g e r r a m p h o ce lu s ic te ro n o tu s b o n a p a rt e t h ra u p id a e a b d e f g h i 8 2 8 /8 r a m p h o ce lu s p a ss e ri n ii b o n a p a rt e t h ra u p id a e b c 2 ch in g é -p a u w a rá d 2 8 /2 b a n g si a a rc a e i s cl a te r & s a lv in t h ra u p id a e f 1 ch in g é -[ p u rr ú ]d = in g é [ p u rr ú ] 2 8 /2 r a m p h o ce lu s d im id ia tu s la fr e sn a ye t h ra u p id a e a b c d e f h i 1 2 8 /1 2 h a b ia r u b ic a v ie il lo t c a rd in a lid a e a d g h i 5 2 8 /1 3 h a b ia f u sc ic a u d a c a b a n is c a rd in a li d a e a d i 3 2 8 /1 1 p ir a n g a l e u co p te ra t ru d e a u c a rd in a li d a e a i 2 2 8 /3 t a n g a ra p a lm e ri h e ll m a yr t h ra u p id a e h 1 2 8 /8 d 1 2 8 /1 0 p ir a n g a b id e n ta ta s w a in so n c a rd in a li d a e c 1 2 8 /1 4 h a b ia c a rm io li l a w re n ce c a rd in a li d a e i 1 ch ĩm p á w i 3 0 /1 5 s p a rr o w a rr e m o n a u ra n ti ir o st ri s la fr e sn a ye p a ss e re lli d a e d 1 ch ip a u w a rá d 2 4 /5 p e p p e rs h ri k e c yc la rh is g u ja n e n si s g m e li n v ir e o n id a e e 1 ch it rr é -c h it rr é 1 4 /4 x e n o p s x e n o p s m in u tu s s p a rr m a n f u rn a ri id a e g 1 ch o m b ʌ 1 /2 3 h e ro n a rd e a c o co i li n n a e u s a rd e id a e d 1 ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6:32‐62. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.226. 44 data, methods & taxonomies (c o n ti n u e d o n n e x t p ag e ) (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re v io u s p ag e ) g a rs a sp -[ w a ib ´ʌ a ]d 1 /2 4 e f h i 4 ch o rĩ h o 1 /5 c ra k e h a p a lo cr e x fl a vi ve n te r b o d d a e rt r a ll id a e c 1 ch u ch u 1 6 /6 a n tb ir d p h a e n o sti ct u s m cl e a n n a n i la w re n ce t h a m n o p h il id a e d 1 d ĩr ĩr ĩv 1 1 /4 b a rb e t c a p it o m a cu li co ro n a tu s la w re n ce r a m p h a sti d a e c d g 3 1 6 /8 t o u ca n c o ra p ip o a lt e ra h e ll m a yr p ip ri d a e g 1 d ó -b a ta d 1 0 /1 1 k in g fi sh e r c h lo ro ce ry le a m e ri ca n a g m e li n a lc e d in id a e d g 2 d õ -h ẽ h ẽ d 1 /1 2 ja ca n a ja ca n a j a ca n a l in n a e u s ja ca n id a e a e f g i 5 1 /1 1 ja ca n a s p in o sa l in n a e u s ja ca n id a e a e f i 4 d o -k ʌm á m ia d 1 /3 c ra k e a m a u ro li m n a s co n co lo r g o ss e r a ll id a e c 1 d o -k ʌm b a rr á d 1 9 /a ll s ir y st e s s ir ys te s sp . c a b a n is & h e in e t yr a n n id a e a 1 f ly ca tc h e r m yi o d yn a st e s sp . b o n a p a rt e t yr a n n id a e le g a tu s sp . s cl a te r t yr a n n id a e t yr a n n u s sp . la cé p è d e t yr a n n id a e m yi o ze te te s sp . s cl a te r t yr a n n id a e c o n o p ia s sp . c a b a n is & h e in e t yr a n n id a e m e g a ry n ch u s sp . t h u n b e rg t yr a n n id a e p it a n g u s sp . sw a in so n t yr a n n id a e d o -l é 1 1 /1 1 ja y c ya n o ly ca a rg e n ti g u la l a w re n ce c o rv id a e c 1 1 1 /1 2 c ya n o ly ca c u cu ll a ta r id g w a y c o rv id a e c 1 d u n d ú n 1 /1 1 ja ca n a ja ca n a s p in o sa l in n a e u s ja ca n id a e c e 2 1 /1 2 ja ca n a j a ca n a l in n a e u s ja ca n id a e c e 2 1 6 /1 0 a n t th ru sh f o rm ic a ri u s a n a li s d 'o rb ig n y & l a fr e sn a ye f o rm ic a ri id a e a b 2 1 /2 0 t in a m o u t in a m u s m a jo r g m e li n t in a m id a e c 1 1 6 /8 a n tp itt a p itt a so m a m ic h le ri c a ss in c o n o p o p h a g id a e a 1 2 4 /2 g n a tc a tc h e r p o li o p ti la s ch is ta ce ig u la h a rt e rt p o li o p ti li d a e d 1 im b a n á d a ll b ir d a b c d e f g h i 9 2 8 /8 t a n a g e r r a m p h o ce lu s p a ss e ri n ii b o n a p a rt e t h ra u p id a e g 1 im b ic h ú v 7 /a ll h u m m in g b ir d k la is s p . r e ic h e n b a ch t ro ch il id a e a b c d e f g h i 9 g o ld m a n ia s p . n e ls o n t ro ch il id a e ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6:32‐62. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.226. 45 data, methods & taxonomies (c o n ti n u e d o n n e x t p ag e ) (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re v io u s p ag e ) h yl o ch a ri s sp . b o ie t ro ch il id a e le p id o p yg a s p . r e ic h e n b a ch t ro ch il id a e t h a lu ra n ia s p . g o u ld t ro ch il id a e c h lo ro sti lb o n s p . g o u ld t ro ch il id a e f lo ri su g a s p . b o n a p a rt e t ro ch il id a e p h a e o ch ro a s p . g o u ld t ro ch il id a e a m a zi li a s p . le ss o n t ro ch il id a e d a m o p h il a s p . r e ic h e n b a ch t ro ch il id a e c h a ly b u ra s p . r e ic h e n b a ch t ro ch il id a e h e li o th ry x sp . b o ie t ro ch il id a e a n th ra co th o ra x sp . b o ie t ro ch il id a e lo p h o rn is s p . le ss o n t ro ch il id a e m ic ro ch e ra s p . g o u ld t ro ch il id a e h e li o m a st e r sp . b o n a p a rt e t ro ch il id a e d o ry fe ra s p . g o u ld t ro ch il id a e d is co su ra s p . b o n a p a rt e t ro ch il id a e h e li o d o xa s p . g o u ld t ro ch il id a e c o li b ri s p . s p ix t ro ch il id a e p h a e th o rn is s p . s w a in so n t ro ch il id a e t h re n e te s sp . g o u ld t ro ch il id a e g la u ci s sp . b o ie t ro ch il id a e 8 /1 -1 3 s e la sp h o ru s sp . s w a in so n t ro ch il id a e a c d e f g 6 c a ll ip h lo x sp . la w re n ce t ro ch il id a e la m p o rn is s p . s w a in so n t ro ch il id a e lo p h o rn is s p . le ss o n t ro ch il id a e p a n te rp e s p . c a b a n is & h e in e t ro ch il id a e e u p h e ru sa s p . g o u ld t ro ch il id a e c a m p yl o p te ru s sp . s w a in so n t ro ch il id a e c o li b ri s p . s p ix t ro ch il id a e e lv ir a s p . m u ls a n t, v e rr e a u x, & v e rr e a u x t ro ch il id a e ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6:32‐62. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.226. 46 data, methods & taxonomies (c o n ti n u e d o n n e x t p ag e ) (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re v io u s p ag e ) 3 2 /1 6 ja ca m a r b ra ch yg a lb a s a lm o n i s cl a te r & s a lv in g a lb u li d a e b h 2 7 /1 5 h u m m in g b ir d h e li o th ry x b a rr o ti b o u rc ie r t ro ch il id a e b 1 1 3 /1 7 s cy th e b il l c a m p yl o rh a m p h u s tr o ch il ir o st ri s li ch te n st e in d e n d ro co la p ti d a e h 1 in g é -p u rr ú d 2 4 /1 2 g re e n le t h yl o p h il u s a u ra n ti if ro n s la w re n ce v ir e o n id a e d 1 ja ra g ú -b ir á b ir á 8 /1 4 -2 2 f o li a g e -g le a n e r s yn d a ct yl a s p . r e ic h e n b a ch f u rn a ri id a e d 1 s p in e ta il c ra n io le u ca s p . r e ic h e n b a ch f u rn a ri id a e f o li a g e -g le a n e r p h il yd o r sp . s p ix f u rn a ri id a e le a ft o ss e r s cl e ru ru s sp . sw a in so n f u rn a ri id a e f o li a g e -g le a n e r la fr e sn a y e f u rn a ri id a e t re e ru n n e r m a rg a ro rn is s p . r e ic h e n b a ch f u rn a ri id a e t re e h u n te r t h ri p a d e ct e s sp . s cl a te r f u rn a ri id a e t u ft e d ch e e k p se u d o co la p te s sp . r e ic h e n b a ch f u rn a ri id a e b a rb ta il p re m n o p le x sp . c h e rr ie f u rn a ri id a e ja rú 9 /1 q u e tz a l p h a ro m a ch ru s m o ci n n o l la ve t ro g o n id a e h 1 9 /3 t ro g o n t ro g o n m e la n u ru s s w a in so n t ro g o n id a e h 1 9 /4 t ro g o n t ro g o n m a ss e n a g o u ld t ro g o n id a e h 1 ja ru g ú v 1 0 /5 ja ca m a r g a lb u la r u fi ca u d a c u vi e r g a lb u li d a e c e g 3 3 2 /1 6 b ra ch yg a lb a s a lm o n i s cl a te r & s a lv in g a lb u li d a e c d g 3 1 0 /6 ja ca m e ro p s a u re a m u ll e r g a lb u li d a e e g 2 1 0 /8 k in g fi sh e r c h lo ro ce ry le a e n e a p a ll a s a lc e d in id a e g 1 ja ru g ú -c h ik u a rá d 9 /1 0 t ro g o n t ro g o n v ir id is l in n a e u s t ro g o n id a e h 1 9 /1 1 t ro g o n v io la ce u s g m e li n t ro g o n id a e h 1 jĩ õ jĩ õ 1 4 /9 le a ft o ss e r s cl e ru ru s m e xi ca n u s s cl a te r sc le ru ri d a e g 1 ji ú ji ú 1 5 /2 a n ti vi re o d ys it h a m n u s m e n ta li s t e m m in ck t h a m n o p h il id a e c 1 jʌ d ʌ 1 0 /2 m o tm o t b a ry p h th e n g u s m a rti i vo n s p ix m o m o ti d a e a b c d e f g h i 9 1 0 /1 e le ct ro n p la ty rh yn ch u m l e a d b e a te r m o m o ti d a e a b c d e f h i 8 1 0 /4 h yl o m a n e s m o m o tu la l ic h te n st e in m o m o ti d a e a c e f h i 6 1 0 /3 m o m o tu s m o m o ta l in n a e u s m o m o ti d a e a d f h i 5 1 0 /5 ja ca m a r g a lb u la r u fi ca u d a c u vi e r g a lb u li d a e a 1 1 0 /6 ja ca m e ro p s a u re a m u ll e r g a lb u li d a e a 1 ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6:32‐62. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.226. 47 data, methods & taxonomies (c o n ti n u e d o n n e x t p ag e ) (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re v io u s p ag e ) 6 /1 4 c u ck o o n e o m o rp h u s g e o ff ro yi t e m m in ck c u cu li d a e h 1 jʌ d ʌza k é d 1 0 /4 m o tm o t h yl o m a n e s m o m o tu la l ic h te n st e in m o m o ti d a e b d 2 jʌ d ʌp a u w a rá d 1 0 /3 m o tm o t m o m o tu s m o m o ta l in n a e u s m o m o ti d a e g 1 jo jó 9 /2 -1 1 q u e tz a l p h a ro m a ch ru s sp . ll a ve t ro g o n id a e d i 2 t ro g o n t ro g o n s p . b ri ss o n t ro g o n id a e t ro g o n v ir id is l in n a e u s t ro g o n id a e c g 2 t ro g o n v io la ce u s g m e li n t ro g o n id a e c g 2 t ro g o n c o ll a ri s v ie il lo t t ro g o n id a e b 1 t ro g o n a u ra n ti iv e n tr is g o u ld t ro g o n id a e b 1 t ro g o n r u fu s g m e li n t ro g o n id a e g 1 t ro g o n b a ir d ii l a w re n ce t ro g o n id a e c 1 g ro sb e a k s a lt a to r g ro ss u s li n n a e u s t h ra u p id a e h 1 jo ró jo ró 1 4 /1 4 t a ra b a m a jo r v ie il lo t t h a m n o p h il id a e a b c d e g h i 8 1 4 /a ll s p in e ta il s yn a ll a xi s sp . v ie il lo t f u rn a ri id a e a h 2 c ra n io le u ca s p . r e ic h e n b a ch f u rn a ri id a e x e n o p s x e n o p s sp . il li g e r f u rn a ri id a e f o li a g e -g le a n e r a u to m o lu s sp . r e ic h e n b a ch f u rn a ri id a e p h il yd o r sp . s p ix f u rn a ri id a e a u to m o lu s sp . r e ic h e n b a ch f u rn a ri id a e le a ft o ss e r s cl e ru ru s sp . sw a in so n f u rn a ri id a e a n ts h ri k e t h a m n is te s sp . s cl a te r & s a lv in t h a m n o p h il id a e t h a m n o p h il u s sp . v ie il lo t t h a m n o p h il id a e t a ra b a s p . le ss o n t h a m n o p h il id a e c ym b il a im u s sp . g ra y t h a m n o p h il id a e 8 /1 4 -2 2 f o li a g e -g le a n e r s yn d a ct yl a s p . r e ic h e n b a ch f u rn a ri id a e f h 2 s p in e ta il c ra n io le u ca s p . r e ic h e n b a ch f u rn a ri id a e f o li a g e -g le a n e r p h il yd o r sp . s p ix f u rn a ri id a e le a ft o ss e r s cl e ru ru s sp . sw a in so n f u rn a ri id a e f o li a g e -g le a n e r la fr e sn a y e f u rn a ri id a e t re e ru n n e r m a rg a ro rn is s p . r e ic h e n b a ch f u rn a ri id a e ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6:32‐62. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.226. 48 data, methods & taxonomies (c o n ti n u e d o n n e x t p ag e ) (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re v io u s p ag e ) t re e h u n te r t h ri p a d e ct e s sp . s cl a te r f u rn a ri id a e t u ft e d ch e e k p se u d o co la p te s sp . r e ic h e n b a ch f u rn a ri id a e b a rb ta il p re m n o p le x sp . c h e rr ie f u rn a ri id a e 1 1 /1 p u ffb ir d m a la co p ti la p a n a m e n si s la fr e sn a ye b u cc o n id a e e h 2 1 1 /1 -5 m a la co p ti la s p . g ra y b u cc o n id a e e 1 n u n le t n o n n u la s p . s cl a te r b u cc o n id a e b a rb e t e u b u cc o s p . b o n a p a rt e c a p it o n id a e c a p it o s p . v ie ll o t c a p it o n id a e s e m n o rn is s p . r ic h m o n d s e m n o rn it h id a e 2 2 /1 w re n c a n to rc h il u s m o d e st u s c a b a n is t ro g lo d yti d a e f 1 2 2 /2 c a n to rc h il u s le u co ti s la fr e sn a ye t ro g lo d yti d a e f 1 ju á m ia 2 8 /1 0 t a n a g e r p ir a n g a b id e n ta ta s w a in so n c a rd in a li d a e h 1 ju á n g o ro 1 4 /1 3 a n ts h ri k e t h a m n o p h il u s p u n ct a tu s s h a w t h a m n o p h il id a e g 1 2 2 /1 w re n c a n to rc h il u s m o d e st u s c a b a n is t ro g lo d yti d a e g 1 2 2 /2 c a n to rc h il u s le u co ti s la fr e sn a ye t ro g lo d yti d a e g 1 ju á p ip i { n ẽ jõ m b ʌ} 3 /3 h a w k b u te o g a ll u s u ru b iti n g a g m e lin a cc ip it ri d a e e g i 3 3 /a ll b u te o s p . la cé p è d e a cc ip it ri d a e c 1 le u co p te rn is s p . k a u p a cc ip it ri d a e b u te o g a ll u s sp . le ss o n a cc ip it ri d a e h a w k ‑ e a g le s p iz a e tu s sp . v ie il lo t a cc ip it ri d a e c a ra ca ra d a p tr iu s sp . v ie il lo t f a lc o n id a e h a w k g e ra n o sp iz a s p . k a u p a cc ip it ri d a e c a ra ca ra m il va g o s p . sp ix f a lc o n id a e c a ra ca ra s p . m e rr e m f a lc o n id a e h a w k b u te o g a ll u s sp . la th a m a cc ip it ri d a e b u sa re ll u s sp . le ss o n a cc ip it ri d a e 3 /2 m o rp h n a rc h u s p ri n ce p s s cl a te r a cc ip it ri d a e c 1 3 /4 b u te o g a ll u s a n th ra ci n u s d e p p e a cc ip it ri d a e c 1 3 /5 h a w k -e a g le s p iz a e tu s o rn a tu s d a u d in a cc ip it ri d a e e 1 3 /1 0 h a w k b u te o g a ll u s m e ri d io n a li s la th a m a cc ip it ri d a e e 1 2 /1 f a lc o n f a lc o r u fi g u la ri s d a u d in f a lc o n id a e h 1 ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6:32‐62. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.226. 49 data, methods & taxonomies (c o n ti n u e d o n n e x t p ag e ) (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re v io u s p ag e ) ju á p ip ich ip u rr u d 3 /1 0 h a w k i 1 3 /1 1 b u sa re ll u s n ig ri co ll is l a th a m a cc ip it ri d a e i 1 ju e ju é { n ẽ jó m b ĩ} 2 /4 r u p o rn is m a g n ir o st ri s g m e li n a cc ip it ri d a e b i 2 3 /1 b u te o n iti d u s la th a m a cc ip it ri d a e a c 2 2 /1 f a lc o n f a lc o r u fi g u la ri s d a u d in f a lc o n id a e f 1 2 /2 h a w k c ry p to le u co p te ry x p lu m b e a s a lv in a cc ip it ri d a e b 1 2 /3 le u co p te rn is s e m ip lu m b e a l a w re n ce a cc ip it ri d a e b 1 2 /7 f a lc o n m ic ra st u r ru fi co ll is v ie il lo t f a lc o n id a e h 1 ju é m iá jo v 3 /5 h a w k -e a g le s p iz a e tu s o rn a tu s d a u d in a cc ip it ri d a e c g 2 2 /8 h a w k a cc ip it e r su p e rc il io su s li n n a e u s a cc ip it ri d a e c 1 ju rá -j u rá 1 5 /1 0 a n tb ir d c e rc o m a cr a t yr a n n in a s cl a te r t h a m n o p h il id a e c 1 1 6 /1 0 a n tt h ru sh f o rm ic a ri u s a n a li s d 'o rb ig n y & l a fr e sn a ye f o rm ic a ri id a e g 1 k á ik a te 1 /2 7 h e ro n t ig ri so m a l in e a tu m b o d d a e rt a rd e id a e b 1 1 6 /7 a n tp itt a h yl o p e zu s p e rs p ic il la tu s la w re n ce g ra ll a ri id a e h 1 k a ré 5 /1 1 a m a zo n a m a zo n a f a ri n o sa b o d d a e rt p si tt a ci d a e c d e f g i 6 5 /1 0 a m a zo n a a u tu m n a li s li n n a e u s p si tt a ci d a e c d g i 4 5 /1 2 a m a zo n a o ch ro ce p h a la g m e li n p si tt a ci d a e c d g i 4 [k a ré ] ch ij u é 5 /1 0 a b c d e f h 7 k a ré -p a d 5 /1 2 c e g h 4 k a ré -a rá = k a ré zr o m a d 5 /1 1 b c 2 5 /1 2 b 1 k a ré c h ib o ró k u a rá 5 /1 2 e 1 k e k e rr é -[ p a ] 5 /2 p a ra k e e t b o lb o rh yn ch u s li n e o la c a ss in p si tt a ci d a e a b c d e f g h i 9 5 /3 b ro to g e ri s ju g u la ri s m u ll e r p si tt a ci d a e a b c e f g h i 8 5 /1 2 a m a zo n a m a zo n a o ch ro ce p h a la g m e li n p si tt a ci d a e c 1 3 0 /1 4 s p a rr o w a rr e m o n o p s co n ir o st ri s b o n a p a rt e p a ss e re ll id a e e 1 k e w a rá 1 1 /8 t o u ca n r a m p h a st o s sw a in so n ii g o u ld r a m p h a sti d a e a c e f h 5 1 1 /7 t o u ca n e t s e le n id e ra s p e ct a b il is c a ss in r a m p h a sti d a e a e 2 1 1 /6 a u la co rh yn ch u s p ra si n u s g o u ld r a m p h a sti d a e a 1 1 1 /9 t o u ca n r a m p h a st o s su lf u ra tu s le ss o n r a m p h a sti d a e d 1 k e w a rá -a rá 1 1 /8 b 1 ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6:32‐62. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.226. 50 data, methods & taxonomies (c o n ti n u e d o n n e x t p ag e ) (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re v io u s p ag e ) [k e w a rá ]ch ik e ré [o ]v = ch ip á 1 1 /9 a c e f i 5 k e w a rá -i d zi a rá d 1 1 /8 d i 2 k e w a rá -p á 1 1 /9 b h 2 1 1 /6 t o u ca n e t e 1 k e w a rá -z ro m á d 1 1 /8 t o u ca n g 1 k e w é ta k a v 5 /9 p a rr o t p io n o p si tt a h a e m a to ti s s cl a te r & s a lv in p si tt a ci d a e a c d e f g h i 8 k id á -d a d a d 6 /1 4 c u ck o o n e o m o rp h u s g e o ff ro yi t e m m in ck c u cu li d a e c d e g i 5 1 7 /3 m a n a k in c e ra to p ip ra e ry th ro ce p h a la l in n a e u s p ip ri d a e e 1 2 0 /1 4 f ly ca tc h e r o n yc h o rh yn ch u s m e xi ca n u s sc la te r o n yc h o rh yn ch id a e g 1 k id á -p ic h u m á d 3 0 /1 5 s p a rr o w a rr e m o n a u ra n ti ir o st ri s la fr e sn a ye p a ss e re lli d a e c g 2 k ir ó k ir ó { k u m b a rr á } 2 6 /6 c a ci q u e c a ci cu s u ro p yg ia li s la fr e sn a ye i ct e ri d a e e h 2 2 6 /7 c a ci cu s ce la l in n a e u s ic te ri d a e d h 2 k o k a rr á 1 /1 7 q u a il o d o n to p h o ru s g u ja n e n si s g m e li n o d o n to p h o ri d a e a b c e f g h 7 1 /1 3 o d o n to p h o ru s e ry th ro p s g o u ld o d o n to p h o ri d a e a c e f 4 1 /1 4 o d o n to p h o ru s le u co la e m u s sa lv in o d o n to p h o ri d a e a c e f 4 1 /1 5 o d o n to p h o ru s d ia le u co s w e tm o re o d o n to p h o ri d a e a c 2 1 /1 6 o d o n to p h o ru s g u tt a tu s g o u ld o d o n to p h o ri d a e a c 2 k o te d é v 1 /7 r a il a ra m id e s ca ja n e u s m u ll e r r a ll id a e b c d e f g i 7 1 /8 a ra m id e s a xi ll a ri s la w re n ce r a ll id a e a c d e i 1 1 /1 c ra k e n e o cr e x co lu m b ia n u s b a n g s r a ll id a e a 1 1 /2 r a il p a rd ir a ll u s m a cu la tu s b o d d a e rt r a ll id a e a 1 1 /3 c ra k e a m a u ro li m n a s co n co lo r g o ss e r a ll id a e a 1 1 /4 la te ra ll u s e xi li s t e m m in ck r a ll id a e a 1 1 /5 h a p a lo cr e x fl a vi ve n te r b o d d a e rt r a ll id a e a 1 1 /6 la te ra ll u s a lb ig u la ri s la w re n ce r a ll id a e a 1 1 /1 0 s u n g re b e h e li o rn is f u li ca b o d d a e rt h e lio rn it h id a e f 1 k o te d é -z a k é d 1 /8 r a il b 1 k u é -d ze d zé m ia d 2 2 /7 w re n p h e u g o p e d iu s ru ti lu s v ie il lo t t ro g lo d yti d a e b 1 3 2 /1 7 c a n to rc h il u s le u co p o g o n s a lv a d o ri & f e st a t ro g lo d yti d a e f 1 k u é -d zí m ia d 1 5 /4 a n tw re n m yr m o th e ru la s u ri n a m e n si s g m e li n t h a m n o p h il id a e h 1 k u é -t rʌ m iá d 2 2 /1 0 w re n h e n ic o rh in a l e u co sti ct a c a b a n is t ro g lo d yti d a e c 1 2 2 /1 1 h e n ic o rh in a l e u co p h ry s t sc h u d i t ro g lo d yti d a e c 1 ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6:32‐62. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.226. 51 data, methods & taxonomies (c o n ti n u e d o n n e x t p ag e ) (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re v io u s p ag e ) k u m b a rr á v 2 6 /1 1 o ro p e n d o la p sa ro co li u s d e cu m a n u s p a ll a s ic te ri d a e b d e h 4 2 6 /9 p sa ro co li u s g u a ti m o zi n u s b o n a p a rt e i ct e ri d a e f g 2 2 6 /1 0 p sa ro co li u s m o n te zu m a l e ss o n i ct e ri d a e f g 2 2 6 /6 c a ci q u e c a ci cu s u ro p yg ia li s la fr e sn a ye i ct e ri d a e e 1 2 6 /7 c a ci cu s ce la l in n a e u s ic te ri d a e e 1 1 5 /1 2 a n tb ir d g ym n o ci ch la n u d ic e p s c a ss in t h a m n o p h il id a e h 1 k u m b a rr á -c h ik id á -t o rr ó d 2 6 /8 o ro p e n d o la z a rh yn ch u s w a g le ri g ra y ic te ri d a e a 1 2 6 /1 1 a 1 k u m b a rr á -c h ik id á -p u rr ú d 2 6 /9 a i 2 2 6 /1 0 a i 2 k u m b a rr á -d ro m a d 2 6 /1 0 b c d 3 2 6 /9 b 1 2 6 /1 1 e 1 m a k u á -p á d 1 1 /1 p u ffb ir d m a la co p ti la p a n a m e n si s la fr e sn a ye b u cc o n id a e c 1 m ic h it á 5 /8 p a rr o t p io n u s m e n st ru u s li n n a e u s p si tt a ci d a e a b c d e f g h i 9 n ẽ jõ m b ʌ 2 -3 /a ll f a lc o n f a lc o s p . li n n a e u s f a lc o n id a e a b c d e f g h i 9 h a w k le u co p te rn is s p . k a u p a cc ip it ri d a e b u te o s p . la cé p è d e a cc ip it ri d a e f a lc o n m ic ra st u r sp . g ra y f a lc o n id a e h a w k a cc ip it e r sp . b ri ss o n a cc ip it ri d a e k it e le p to d o n s p . su n d e va ll a cc ip tr id a e c h o n d ro h ie ra x sp . le ss o n a cc ip it ri d a e h a rp a g u s sp . v ig o rs a cc ip it ri d a e h a w k b u te o g a ll u s sp . le ss o n a cc ip it ri d a e h a w k -e a g le s p iz a e tu s sp . v ie il lo t a cc ip it ri d a e c a ra ca ra d a p tr iu s sp . v ie il lo t f a lc o n id a e h a w k g e ra n o sp iz a s p . k a u p a cc ip it ri d a e c a ra ca ra m il va g o s p . sp ix f a lc o n id a e c a ra ca ra s p . m e rr e m f a lc o n id a e h a w k b u te o g a ll u s sp . la th a m a cc ip it ri d a e b u sa re ll u s sp . le ss o n a cc ip it ri d a e ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6:32‐62. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.226. 52 data, methods & taxonomies (c o n ti n u e d o n n e x t p ag e ) (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re v io u s p ag e ) n ǘ rĩ 1 /9 s u n b itt e rn e u ry p yg a h e li a s p a ll a s e u ry p yg id a e a b c d e f g h i 9 1 /1 0 s u n g re b e h e li o rn is f u li ca b o d d a e rt h e li o rn it h id a e a c i 3 o jí ji 2 6 /7 c a ci q u e c a ci cu s ce la l in n a e u s ic te ri d a e g 1 ó k o ko { p ʌi ch ĩr a } 4 /2 p ig e o n p a ta g io e n a s sp e ci o sa g m e li n c o lu m b id a e c 1 õ õ ko 1 /2 8 h e ro n t ig ri so m a m e xi ca n u m s w a in so n a rd e id a e c d e h i 6 1 /2 7 t ig ri so m a l in e a tu m b o d d a e rt a rd e id a e c d i 3 1 /2 9 t ig ri so m a f a sc ia tu m s u ch a rd e id a e d i 2 1 /2 4 a g a m ia a g a m i g m e li n a rd e id a e d g 2 1 /2 3 a rd e a c o co i li n n a e u s a rd e id a e g 1 o rr á n ia 1 /2 3 a rd e a c o co i li n n a e u s a rd e id a e h 1 p a rr ú v 6 /8 o w l lo p h o st ri x cr is ta ta d a u d in s tr ig id a e a c g 3 6 /1 m e g a sc o p s cl a rk ii k e ls o & k e ls o s tr ig id a e d i 2 6 /2 m e g a sc o p s ch o li b a v ie il lo t s tr ig id a e d i 2 6 /3 m e g a sc o p s g u a te m a la e s h a rp e s tr ig id a e d i 2 6 /4 c ic ca b a v ir g a ta c a ss in s tr ig id a e d 1 6 /5 c ic ca b a n ig ro li n e a ta s cl a te r st ri g id a e d 1 6 /6 a si o c la m a to r v ie il lo t s tr ig id a e c 1 {n ẽ jõ m b ʌ} 3 /5 h a w k -e a g le s p iz a e tu s o rn a tu s d a u d in a cc ip it ri d a e e 1 p a tr á 1 1 /6 t o u ca n e t a u la co rh yn ch u s p ra si n u s g o u ld r a m p h a sti d a e d g 2 p a tú 1 /1 0 s u n g re b e h e li o rn is f u li ca b o d d a e rt h e li o rn it h id a e e 1 p ip id í 1 9 /5 k in g b ir d t yr a n n u s m e la n ch o li cu s v ie il lo t t yr a n n id a e e g i 3 1 9 /a ll s ir y st e s s ir ys te s sp . c a b a n is & h e in e t yr a n n id a e f h 2 f ly ca tc h e r m yi o d yn a st e s sp . b o n a p a rt e t yr a n n id a e le g a tu s sp . s cl a te r t yr a n n id a e k in g b ir d t yr a n n u s sp . la cé p è d e t yr a n n id a e f ly ca tc h e r m yi o ze te te s sp . s cl a te r t yr a n n id a e c o n o p ia s sp . c a b a n is & h e in e t yr a n n id a e m e g a ry n ch u s sp . t h u n b e rg t yr a n n id a e k is k a d e e p it a n g u s sp . sw a in so n t yr a n n id a e 1 9 /6 f ly ca tc h e r m yi o ze te te s g ra n a d e n si s la w re n ce t yr a n n id a e g i 2 1 9 /7 c o n o p ia s p a rv u s vo n p e lz e ln t yr a n n id a e g i 2 ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6:32‐62. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.226. 53 data, methods & taxonomies (c o n ti n u e d o n n e x t p ag e ) (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re v io u s p ag e ) 1 9 /8 m yi o ze te te s si m il is s p ix t yr a n n id a e g i 2 1 9 /3 m yi o d yn a st e s m a cu la tu s m u ll e r t yr a n n id a e h 1 2 0 /a ll m yi o b iu s sp . d a rw in t it yr id a e d 1 t o lm o m yi a s sp . h e ll m a yr t yr a n n id a e e la e n ia m yi o p a g is s p . s a lv in & g o d m a n t yr a n n id a e p e w e e c o n to p u s sp . c a b a n is t yr a n n id a e e la e n ia e la e n ia s p . s u n d e va ll t yr a n n id a e f ly ca tc h e r s u b le g a tu s sp . s cl a te r & s a lv in t yr a n n id a e m yi a rc h u s sp . c a b a n is t yr a n n id a e o n yc h o rh yn ch u s sp . w a ld h e im o n yc h o rh yn ch id a e c n ip o d e ct e s sp . s cl a te r & s a lv in t yr a n n id a e m io n e ct e s sp . c a b a n is t yr a n n id a e f la tb il l r h yn ch o cy cl u s sp . c a b a n is & h e in e t yr a n n id a e p ʌw ʌ 9 /a ll q u e tz a l p h a ro m a ch ru s sp . ll a ve t ro g o n id a e g 1 t ro g o n t ro g o n s p . b ri ss o n t ro g o n id a e 9 /3 t ro g o n m e la n u ru s s w a in so n t ro g o n id a e g 1 9 /4 t ro g o n m a ss e n a g o u ld t ro g o n id a e g 1 p õ rá 1 /1 3 q u a il o d o n to p h o ru s e ry th ro p s g o u ld o d o n to p h o ri d a e d 1 1 /1 4 o d o n to p h o ru s le u co la e m u s sa lv in o d o n to p h o ri d a e d 1 1 /1 5 o d o n to p h o ru s d ia le u co s w e tm o re o d o n to p h o ri d a e d 1 1 /1 6 o d o n to p h o ru s g u tt a tu s g o u ld o d o n to p h o ri d a e d 1 1 /1 7 o d o n to p h o ru s g u ja n e n si s g m e li n o d o n to p h o ri d a e d 1 1 /1 8 r h yn ch o rt yx c in ct u s s a lv in o d o n to p h o ri d a e d 1 p o ró p o ró 1 /1 3 o d o n to p h o ru s e ry th ro p s g o u ld o d o n to p h o ri d a e i 1 1 /1 4 o d o n to p h o ru s le u co la e m u s sa lv in o d o n to p h o ri d a e i 1 1 /1 7 o d o n to p h o ru s g u ja n e n si s g m e li n o d o n to p h o ri d a e i 1 p ʌ ch ʌ ra 4 /a ll p ig e o n c o lu m b a s p . li n n a e u s c o lu m b id a e a b c d g 5 d o v e c la ra vi s sp . o b e rh o ls e r c o lu m b id a e c o lu m b in a s p . s p ix c o lu m b id a e le p to ti la s p . s w a in so n c o lu m b id a e g e o tr yg o n s p . g o ss e c o lu m b id a e ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6:32‐62. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.226. 54 data, methods & taxonomies (c o n ti n u e d o n n e x t p ag e ) (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re v io u s p ag e ) 4 /1 0 d o v e le p to ti la v e rr e a u xi b o n a p a rt e c o lu m b id a e b d g h i 5 4 /9 le p to ti la c a ss in ii l a w re n ce c o lu m b id a e b g h i 4 4 /8 le p to ti la p lu m b e ic e p s s cl a te r & s a lv in c o lu m b id a e h i 2 4 /3 p ig e o n p a ta g io e n a s ca ye n n e n si s b o n n a te rr e c o lu m b id a e c 1 4 /4 p a ta g io e n a s n ig ri ro st ri s s cl a te r c o lu m b id a e c 1 4 /5 d o v e c la ra vi s m o n d e to u ra b o n a p a rt e c o lu m b id a e c 1 4 /1 5 g e o tr yg o n l a w re n ci i s a lv in c o lu m b id a e c 1 4 /1 6 g e o tr yg o n c o st a ri ce n si s la w re n ce c o lu m b id a e c 1 4 /1 7 g e o tr yg o n v e ra g u e n si s la w re n ce c o lu m b id a e c 1 p ʌc h ĩr a -[ to ro ]d 4 /6 c o lu m b in a m in u ta l in n a e u s c o lu m b id a e b e 2 p ʌc h ĩr a -e yá d e b é m a d 4 /1 2 g e o tr yg o n m o n ta n a l in n a e u s c o lu m b id a e c 1 p u tu h ú { p ʌc h ĩr a } 4 /6 d o v e c o lu m b in a m in u ta l in n a e u s c o lu m b id a e d i 2 4 /a ll p ig e o n c o lu m b a s p . li n n a e u s c o lu m b id a e h 1 d o v e c la ra vi s sp . o b e rh o ls e r c o lu m b id a e c o lu m b in a s p . s p ix c o lu m b id a e le p to ti la s p . s w a in so n c o lu m b id a e g e o tr yg o n s p . g o ss e c o lu m b id a e 4 /5 c la ra vi s m o n d e to u ra b o n a p a rt e c o lu m b id a e h 1 4 /8 le p to ti la p lu m b e ic e p s s cl a te r & s a lv in c o lu m b id a e e 1 4 /9 le p to ti la c a ss in ii l a w re n ce c o lu m b id a e e 1 4 /1 0 le p to ti la v e rr e a u xi b o n a p a rt e c o lu m b id a e e 1 p ʌt ʌh ʌ[z a k é ]d -[ p u rr u ]d 4 /7 c o lu m b in a t a lp a co ti t e m m in ck c o lu m b id a e b c e f 4 p ʌt ʌh ʌch ip a u w a rá d 4 /1 1 c la ra vi s p re ti o sa f e rr a ri -p é re z c o lu m b id a e c i 2 rr ío 1 1 /7 t o u ca n e t s e le n id e ra s p e ct a b il is c a ss in r a m p h a sti d a e g 1 se m í 2 6 /1 6 c o w b ir d m o lo th ru s o ry zi vo ru s g m e li n i ct e ri d a e b f g 3 se rr é m ia 2 2 /a ll w re n t h ry o th o ru s sp . v ie il lo t t ro g lo d y ti d a e d 1 t ro g lo d yt e s sp . v ie il lo t t ro g lo d yti d a e t h ry o rc h il u s sp . o b e rh o ls e r t ro g lo d yti d a e h e n ic o rh in a s p . s cl a te r & s a lv in t ro g lo d y ti d a e m ic ro ce rc u lu s sp . s a lv in t ro g lo d y ti d a e c yp o rh in u s sp . c a b a n is t ro g lo d yti d a e ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6:32‐62. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.226. 55 data, methods & taxonomies (c o n ti n u e d o n n e x t p ag e ) (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re v io u s p ag e ) c a m p yl o rh yn ch u s sp . s p ix t ro g lo d y ti d a e 2 2 /1 7 c a m p yl o rh yn ch u s a lb o b ru n n e u s la w re n ce t ro g lo d yti d a e d 1 2 2 /1 8 c a m p yl o rh yn ch u s zo n a tu s le ss o n t ro g lo d yti d a e d 1 so k o rr ó v 1 /2 0 t in a m o u t in a m u s m a jo r g m e li n t in a m id a e a b c d e f h i 8 1 /2 1 c ry p tu re ll u s so u i h e rm a n n t in a m id a e a c g 3 1 /1 9 n o th o ce rc u s b o n a p a rt e i g ra y t in a m id a e c 1 so k o rr ó -z a k é d 1 /2 1 b d 2 so rd o ró 1 3 /1 6 w o o d cr e e p e r x ip h o rh yn ch u s la ch ry m o su s la w re n ce d e n d ro co la p ti d a e i 1 so rr é v 1 2 /a ll w o o d p e ck e r c o la p te s sp . v ig o rs p ic id a e a c d e f g 6 p ic u lu s sp . s p ix p ic id a e m e la n e rp e s sp . s w a in so n p ic id a e d e n d ro co p o s sp . k o ch p ic id a e v e n il io rn is s p . b o n a p a rt e p ic id a e c e le u s sp . b o ie p ic id a e d ry o co p u s sp . b o ie p ic id a e c a m p e p h il u s g ra y p ic id a e 1 2 /6 m e la n e rp e s ch ry sa u ch e n s a lv in p ic id a e a 1 6 /1 4 c u ck o o n e o m o rp h u s g e o ff ro yi t e m m in ck c u cu li d a e a 1 so rr é -d ró m a v d = so rr é w a ib ʌa d 1 2 /1 6 c a m p e p h il u s m e la n o le u co s g m e li n p ic id a e c e f g h i 6 1 2 /1 5 d ry o co p u s li n e a tu s li n n a e u s p ic id a e b f h i 4 1 2 /1 c o la p te s p u n cti g u la b o d d a e rt p ic id a e b 1 1 2 /2 p ic u lu s si m p le x s a lv in p ic id a e b 1 1 2 /3 p ic u lu s ch ry so ch lo ro s v ie il lo t p ic id a e b 1 1 2 /6 m e la n e rp e s ch ry sa u ch e n s a lv in p ic id a e b 1 1 2 /7 m e la n e rp e s p u ch e ra n i m a lh e rb e p ic id a e b 1 1 2 /8 m e la n e rp e s ru b ri ca p il lu s c a b a n is p ic id a e b 1 1 2 /9 m e la n e rp e s fo rm ic iv o ru s s w a in so n p ic id a e b 1 1 2 /1 4 c e le u s ca st a n e u s w a g le r p ic id a e f 1 1 2 /1 7 c a m p e p h il u s g u a te m a le n si s h a rt la u b p ic id a e g 1 1 2 /1 8 c a m p e p h il u s h a e m a to g a st e r vo n t sc h u d i p ic id a e g 1 ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6:32‐62. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.226. 56 data, methods & taxonomies (c o n ti n u e d o n n e x t p ag e ) (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re v io u s p ag e ) so rr é -k a ib é a d = so rr é -z a k é d 1 2 /7 c f g i 4 1 2 /8 e g h i 4 1 2 /6 c g i 3 1 2 /9 i 1 1 2 /1 0 p ic o id e s vi ll o su s li n n a e u s p ic id a e i 1 so rí jo jó 1 /2 5 h e ro n b u to ri d e s st ri a ta l in n a e u s a rd e id a e a 1 su é k o k o v 1 3 /1 8 s cy th e b il l c a m p yl o rh a m p h u s p u si ll u s sc la te r d e n d ro co la p ti d a e a c 2 1 3 /a ll p ic u le t p ic u m n u s sp . t e m m in ck p ic id a e a 1 w o o d cr e e p e r d e n d ro ci n cl a s p . g ra y f u rn a ri id a e s itt a so m u s sp . s w a in so n f u rn a ri id a e g ly p h o ry n ch u s sp . w ie d -n e u w ie d f u rn a ri id a e le p id o co la p te s sp . r e ic h e n b a ch f u rn a ri id a e x ip h o rh yn ch u s sp . s w a in so n f u rn a ri id a e d e co n yc h u ra s p . c h e rr ie f u rn a ri id a e s cy th e b il l d e n d ro co la p te s sp . h e rm a n n f u rn a ri id a e 1 3 /1 7 c a m p yl o rh a m p h u s tr o ch il ir o st ri s li ch te n st e in d e n d ro co la p ti d a e c 1 {s o rr é } 1 2 /1 3 w o o d p e ck e r c e le u s lo ri ca tu s r e ic h e n b a ch p ic id a e c 1 1 2 /1 4 c e le u s ca st a n e u s w a g le r p ic id a e c 1 tã ta n ú { n ẽ jõ m b ĩ} 3 /6 c a ra ca ra ib yc te r a m e ri ca n u s b o d d a e rt f a lc o n id a e c 1 te d é jo m b ʌ {n ẽ jõ m b ĩ} 2 /1 f a lc o n f a lc o r u fi g u la ri s d a u d in f a lc o n id a e c i 2 2 /1 0 k it e le p to d o n c a ya n e n si s la th a m a cc ip it ri d a e h 1 ti ó ti ó = ch o ch o 1 1 /1 3 ja y c ya n o co ra z a ffi n is v o n p e lz e ln c o rv id a e a b c e g h i 7 to k ó v 1 7 /3 m a n a k in c e ra to p ip ra e ry th ro ce p h a la l in n a e u s p ip ri d a e b c d h i 5 1 7 /2 c e ra to p ip ra m e n ta li s s cl a te r p ip ri d a e h 1 1 7 /5 m a n a cu s a u ra n ti a cu s s a lv in p ip ri d a e c 1 2 7 /a ll c h lo ro p h o n ia c h lo ro p h o n ia s p . b o n a p a rt e f ri n g il li d a e c 1 e u p h o n ia e u p h o n ia s p . d e sm a re st f ri n g il li d a e t a n a g e r t a n g a ra s p . b ri ss o n t h ra u p id a e 2 7 /2 e u p h o n ia e u p h o n ia m in u ta c a b a n is f ri n g il li d a e c 1 2 7 /3 e u p h o n ia f u lv ic ri ss a s cl a te r f ri n g il li d a e c 1 ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6:32‐62. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.226. 57 data, methods & taxonomies (c o n ti n u e d o n n e x t p ag e ) (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re v io u s p ag e ) 2 8 /a ll t a n a g e r t a n g a ra s p . b ri ss o n t h ra u p id a e c 1 b a n g si a s p . p e n a rd t h ra u p id a e t h ra u p is s p . b o ie t h ra u p id a e r a m p h o ce lu s sp . d e sm a re st t h ra u p id a e r a m p h o ce lu s sp . d e sm a re st t h ra u p id a e p ir a n g a s p . v ie ll o t c a rd in a li d a e h a b ia s p . b ly th c a rd in a li d a e c h lo ro th ra u p is s p . s a lv in & g o d m a n c a rd in a li d a e 2 8 /2 b a n g si a a rc a e i s cl a te r & s a lv in t h ra u p id a e c 1 2 8 /3 t a n g a ra p a lm e ri h e ll m a yr t h ra u p id a e c 1 to k ó -c h ib o ró -k u a rá d 1 7 /3 m a n a k in g 1 to k ó -c h ib o ró -p u rr ú d 1 7 /2 g 1 to k ó -p a im á d 1 7 /2 b 1 tr ík a 6 /1 3 c u ck o o p ia ya c a ya n a l in n a e u s c u cu lid a e c d e f g h i 7 6 /1 2 c o cc yc u a m in u ta v ie il lo t c u cu li d a e a d e i 4 6 /1 0 t a p e ra n a e vi a l in n a e u s c u cu li d a e a i 2 6 /1 1 d ro m o co cc yx p h a si a n e ll u s sp ix c u cu li d a e i 1 u m á { p ʌc h ĩr a } 4 /2 p ig e o n p a ta g io e n a s sp e ci o sa g m e li n c o lu m b id a e a c d e h i 6 4 /4 p a ta g io e n a s n ig ri ro st ri s s cl a te r c o lu m b id a e b i 2 4 /3 p a ta g io e n a s ca ye n n e n si s b o n n a te rr e c o lu m b id a e b 1 w á rr a -j a rá m ia d 1 3 /6 w o o d cr e e p e r g ly p h o rh yn ch u s sp ir u ru s v ie il lo t d e n d ro co la p ti d a e f 1 1 9 /5 k in g b ir d t yr a n n u s m e la n ch o li cu s v ie il lo t t yr a n n id a e b 1 1 9 /6 f ly ca tc h e r m yi o ze te te s g ra n a d e n si s la w re n ce t yr a n n id a e b 1 1 9 /7 c o n o p ia s p a rv u s p e lz e ln t yr a n n id a e b 1 1 9 /8 m yi o ze te te s si m il is s p ix t yr a n n id a e b 1 2 0 /a ll m yi o b iu s sp . d a rw in t it yr id a e h 1 t o lm o m yi a s sp . h e ll m a yr t yr a n n id a e e la e n ia m yi o p a g is s p . s a lv in & g o d m a n t yr a n n id a e p e w e e c o n to p u s sp . c a b a n is t yr a n n id a e e la e n ia e la e n ia s p . s u n d e va ll t yr a n n id a e f ly ca tc h e r s u b le g a tu s sp . s cl a te r & s a lv in t yr a n n id a e ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6:32‐62. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.226. 58 data, methods & taxonomies (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re v io u s p ag e ) m yi a rc h u s sp . c a b a n is t yr a n n id a e o n yc h o rh yn ch u s sp . w a ld h e im o n yc h o rh yn ch id a e c n ip o d e ct e s sp . s cl a te r & s a lv in t yr a n n id a e m io n e ct e s sp . c a b a n is t yr a n n id a e f la tb il l r h yn ch o cy cl u s sp . c a b a n is & h e in e t yr a n n id a e w id ó -w id ó 1 4 /1 2 a n ts h ri k e t h a m n o p h il u s d o li a tu s li n n a e u s t h a m n o p h il id a e c 1 2 0 /a ll f ly ca tc h e r m yi o b iu s sp . d a rw in t it yr id a e f 1 t o lm o m yi a s sp . h e ll m a yr t yr a n n id a e e la e n ia m yi o p a g is s p . s a lv in & g o d m a n t yr a n n id a e p e w e e c o n to p u s sp . c a b a n is t yr a n n id a e e la e n ia e la e n ia s p . s u n d e va ll t yr a n n id a e f ly ca tc h e r s u b le g a tu s sp . s cl a te r & s a lv in t yr a n n id a e m yi a rc h u s sp . c a b a n is t yr a n n id a e o n yc h o rh yn ch u s sp . w a ld h e im o n yc h o rh yn ch id a e c n ip o d e ct e s sp . s cl a te r & s a lv in t yr a n n id a e m io n e ct e s sp . c a b a n is t yr a n n id a e f la tb il l r h yn ch o cy cl u s sp . c a b a n is & h e in e t yr a n n id a e w id ó -w id ó -w ẽ ra d 2 0 /1 3 m yi a rc h u s p a n a m e n si s la w re n ce t yr a n n id a e c 1 w ít o 1 1 /2 ja y n o n n u la f ro n ta li s s cl a te r b u cc o n id a e i 1 ya h e h é 1 3 /1 7 s cy th e b il l c a m p yl o rh a m p h u s tr o ch il ir o st ri s li ch te n st e in d e n d ro co la p ti d a e d 1 ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6:32‐62. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.226. 59 data, methods & taxonomies appendix 2: emberá bird folklore these data were collected either in the context of elicitation sessions or upon sighting or hearing the bird in a natural context. the information gathered in elicitation session is indicated with an "ec" after the bird name and that gathered in natural contexts with an "nc." see appendix 1 for the scientific identification of emberá bird names appearing in the text. note however, the text includes some emberá examples that i was not able to translate into scientific taxonomic categories in the elicitation sessions. where i have been able to identify these by other means, or know the common spanish name, i list them below. the data are organized alphabetically by emberá name within three categories: a) birds used in magic, b) birds used as symbols in folktales, c) birds whose songs and calls contain messages for the emberá. again, i include them here in order to bring the connotative and metaphorical meanings associated with names to the attention of the analyst. in general, compared to processes of denotative reference that are the basis of taxonomic naming, symbolic processes involved in the folkloric use of bird names tend to rely more on behavioral and functional attributes of the birds and less on morphological attributes. this could reflect the operation of different kinds of semantic processes, or is perhaps principally due to the fact that most of the folkloric data was collected in natural context. birds used in magic antumiá (sp. madre de agua, mother of waters)1 nc ec antumiá is a malevolent spirit being of the night that emberá conceptualize in various ways. it is most commonly associated with a clear, loud, whistling song composed of five long minor tones rising in pitch. (according to book descriptions, none of the birds identified in the elicitation sessions have this song. interestingly, there was no consensus on any of the identifications.) the bird’s eerie song comes out from the woods, is quite common and, in my experience, always evokes a strong reaction from emberá listeners. i have been told that antumiá is a small black bird that is a messenger of the shaman (jãĩmbaná). when shamans fight they send this bird out to kill. during the daytime it lives in the river, at night it walks around on land. however, not all emberá associate the song with a bird, or any other natural being. cuervo (crow) nc the crow’s tail feathers were prescribed as treatment in a curing ceremony i attended for a little baby. the morning after the ceremony, a live crow was caught and its tail feathers were removed, then swept up and down over the child’s body. participants explained to me that this caused the baby to sweat profusely after which the sickness blew away. dogowíru nc the dogowíru is called the “devil’s chicken.” examples of relevant instructions follow below. “if you catch it during easter week it brings good luck and money. you catch it on the night of good friday and take a walk on the beach. then you pull out the tail feathers. the devil will come up to you and in a deep, gruff voice demand, “why have you killed my chicken? what do you want?” and, if your heart is strong, you say, “i want money,” and the devil will deliver it to you.” domiá and chorihú (2 kinds of sandpipers) scolopacidae nc “dios dejo domiá muy puta (sp. god left domiá like a whore [god upset domiá]),” says my informant, bumping and grinding his behind side to side, bending at first one knee then the other, mimicking the tail movements of this bird when it walks. “so,” he says, “if your lover humiliates you by taking other lovers, take the tail feathers of domiá and, when your lover is sleeping, put them between the big and the second toe and move it up and down, in and out, chanting “auduobaya jumaraba nonia” (go with all). after that your lover will be compelled to have sex with dogs, animals, anything that walks.” makuá-pa and bidó-koróchia ec nc these birds are both used to do makuá, a magical practice that men and women do to attract individuals for various purposes. most commonly, individuals do makuá to attract another person of the opposite sex. one can also do makuá to start up some business, like a store or canteen. it will then call people away from competitors. to do it, one makes a potion made of various ingredients, such as feathers of these birds. another animal that can be used is a little arthropod (coropipí) that ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6:32‐62. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.226. 60 data, methods & taxonomies lives on the riverine beaches and climbs into sand holes backwards. there are also plants called makuá that are usually scented sweetly. people may even use bottled perfume. once the potion is made, it is put on while chanting some appropriate words. if a man is after a woman, when she walks by him while the magic is in effect, she cannot pass him by. this practice is not specific to emberá. indeed, i saw a sign for makuá in the market of panama city. sorré (woodpecker) ec nc the woodpecker is essential to the magical acquisition of good axmanship. what you need to do first is get a hold of a large male sorré. this is the bird that can make a hole in a thick, hard tree by repeatedly hitting the same spot, fast and precisely with his beak. he will go and go. if the hole is not made at once he will keep going till he is finished. the first time i heard about this was in the course of observing the construction of a dugout canoe, a process in which there is no room for inexpert ax handlers. the trick, when starting the job, is to hit hard along a certain angle so the wood can be cut out in large blocks. to do the smooth finishing at the end, hit the sides with fine precision. great strength and several people are required to sustain ax work for the long hours that stretch into weeks of canoe construction. so you get a sorré, grate its beak and mix it with jagua (the blue black dye from genipa americana l. rubiaceae). then paint it on your hands, quickly rubbing up and down first one then the other, while repeatedly chanting something to the effect of, “leave me strong like you.” this magic is done when the moon is full, just rising on the horizon. it is done four times in a man’s life, at no specific age. “it can be done the first time as a boy,” my informant says as he points to his six and eight year old sons. “but it can’t be done more than four times because then you become too strong.” too much strength is also no good. you can ruin a canoe like that. however, when a man uses this magic correctly, he is stronger and better at wielding an ax. if you put him side by side with the man who has not done it, the one with magic wins any contest of strength. he can finish taking out the innards of a log by noon. when the sorré is making a hole his cry is, “trrrrrrrrr-ke-ke-ke-ke,” just like people when they are working. whenever men are working hard with an ax or machete they cry out when the work gets most intense. there is a variation of this method in which the powdered beak of sorré is put in the bellybutton of male newborns. birds used as symbols in folktales2 while traveling downriver one morning in the dry season on our way to a regional political meeting, my companions could not pass up the numerous female opogá (iguana iguana l. iguanidae) basking in the sun up on the branches of leafless cecropia trees (eborró). after they cut down the trees with machetes and tried to grab the iguanas as they fell into the river, capturing one and missing two, they decided to send someone back to the village to get a rifle. while we were waiting i was told all but two of the folktales that follow below. the ones about kumbarrá and sorré were told in other contexts. angosó (vulture) nc dzoshua, a village elder, points up to the angosó flying high in the distance and says, “he’s always looking for the dead.” his daughter zelda interrupts, “that brings luck. ask the angosó for luck while hunting because he likes dead animals.” then dzoshua tells this tale: “one day angosó finds a cow lying there in the forest. he walks around it, examining it carefully. he walks up to the head and looks in the eyes. is it dead? he wonders. the eyes are closed. yes, well, it must be dead. so he sticks his head in the cow’s anus. thinking the cow was dead, he sticks it in so far his beak comes out of the mouth end. but then, the cow tightens up his anus and angosó can’t get out! it wasn’t dead after all. finally angosó manages to pull his head out, but he was left bald. and that’s why angosó has no feathers on top.” ansabidá (kingfisher) nc getting impatient, dzoshua walked over complaining how the iguanas (opogá) always deceive man by getting away all the time. to make us all feel better he reminded us about the tale in which ansabidá deceives opogá: opogá asks ansabidá, “could you warn me if any people come downriver? i want to lie out here in the sun and snooze on this tree for a while.” ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6:32‐62. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.226. 61 data, methods & taxonomies so opogá stayed sleeping on this tree. [dzoshua mimes the iguana lying on the side of the tree trunk on the side away from the river.] when all of a sudden he spotted people in a canoe coming downriver! realizing ansabidá had lied to him, he watched, staying very still, peeking carefully around the edge of the trunk. and then the cholo (indian) in the canoe calls, “opogá! on the tree!” “oh shit!” says opogá and falls into the water. and the indian cries, “get him! he’s full of eggs!” then lunging for the opogá, he catches him and kills him. note that the inedible kingfishers, small and large, are some of the most common and noticeable birds on the river. their rapid flight diagonally across the water can be seen at all seasons. here is another tale in which the oropendola, probably psarocolius decumanus pallas icteridae, which ridgely (1976:306) mentions often nests in cecropia trees, also tricks iguana. it was told to me while i watched dzoshua constructing a canoe by the river’s edge. kumbarrá (kingfisher) nc and then there is kumbarrá, the black bird with a red patch that cries out loudly as he falls from the sky towards the water. poor opogá took fright, for he thought kumbarrá was falling into the river. but kumbarrá only laughed. he was only playing. still waiting on the beach, dzoshua’s daughter zelda continued telling me folktales. the next one is as close to a creation story as i’ve heard from the emberá. the heroes or, rather, anti-heroes, are woodpecker and the crowned lizard (basiliscus basiliscus l. corytophanidae). (ochorró in emberá). sometime before this i had learned that, like the woodpecker, the crowned lizard was an axman in ancient times when animals were people. he was in the middle of an ax swing when the world changed. the ax got fixed to the top of his head and because it is quite heavy, ochorró cannot run very far on water. astonishing enough to a newcomer in the tropical forest, basiliscus does really run across small streams. sorré (woodpecker) nc zelda said, “and there was sorré and ochorró. they were stealing water from the epave tree [anacardium excelsum bertero & balb. ex kunth anacardiaceae] and god knew it. so god asks them, “oh, by the way, where did you get that water from?” knowing full well where they got it, they kept their mouths shut. what could they say, after all? then god got mad and made the epave tree burst open. [zelda interrupted her telling to gesticulate animatedly, flinging her arms up into the air and stretching them in various directions.] woosh, woosh, woosh, the water burst all over, making rivers and big lakes. each branch (of the tree) became a river. and so sorré and ochorró stayed with their axes on their heads.” i include one last folktale here, told to me by dzoshua in his house, to illustrate the use of bird imagery in the discussion of contemporary problems. sokorró (tinamou) (tetrao major gmelin tinamidae) nc dzoshua said, “well you know how come we indians never have any money? it’s like this: “we cholos (indians) grab the sokorró (our chicken) by the tail feathers and of course, what happens? the feathers pull out and the bird gets away. and the same with deer. we grab it by the tail and the tail breaks off. and the cow and the horse too. but no, not the kampuniá (non-indian). the kampuniá grabs it by the hoof and it can’t get away. then he puts it away to breed so he can keep it. like money. but the cholo? thirty dollars, fifty dollars, one hundred dollars—eaten. [dzoshua makes a hand to mouth movement.] but not the kampuniá: he’s got one hundred dollars and suddenly he’s got more.” birds whose songs and calls contain messages for the emberá bidó jarámia ec this bird’s name speaks for itself: “a being that tells of white-lipped peccary” (tayassu pecari link tayassuidae). in other words, the appearance of this bird signals the proximity of one or more white-lipped peccaries, which are an important source of meat. dogowíru (kind of nightjar) possibly nyctidromus albicollis gould caprimulgidae nc this crepuscular and nocturnal ground nester, whose name iconically mimics its song, advises when the new moon appears and when there is a ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6:32‐62. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.226. 62 data, methods & taxonomies clear moon. they say it has a house of moonlight (jedeko debema). through its oft repeated song this bird musically says, “estoy jodido. no tengo sabana (i’m screwed. i have no sheet).” known as the devil’s chicken, the dogowíru is a magical counterpart of the emberá’s chicken, the edible tinamou known as sokorró. during the elicitation sessions several people noted that the dogowíru was not among the birds illustrated in the plates. because the bird’s song is the most salient, culturally familiar aspect, this may mean that they do not recognize the bird’s image among the nightjars, or alternatively, that the dogowíru is not a nightjar. do-miá (kind of sandpiper) scolopacidae nc this is a little seabird that often frequents the rivers of darién. since ancient times the old people have known that, when they see this little bird walking along the riverbanks, the river will rise. eteré umákira (rooster) gallus gallus domesticus l. phasianidae nc when an eteré umákira (literally, “chicken of the male sex”) crows, they say he is trumpeting in spanish, “jesu cristo nació (jesus christ was born).” a white rooster also symbolizes the character of jesus in folktales in central and south america more broadly. jue jué ec this bird’s song tells of the presence of collared peccary (tayassu tajacu l. tayassuidae). kué-dzedzémia ec this bird, who is considered to be a rain being, advises of coming rain. kué-trʌmia ec the name literally means “being that tells of rain.” the emberá say that when a hard rain is going to fall this bird is happy. it dances and sings “pi-pi.” kué-trʌmia is listed in appendix as a chingé of central importance. serrémia ec this bird may also be referred to as wío wío, which means “good day” in emberá. this is the happy sound it makes when it is going to rain. suenrú (sp. corní) nc this is the little bird that tells time. it sounds at dawn, at 3:00 pm and again at 4:00 pm. the fact that suenrú sings at dawn and in the day is significant because it distinguishes this bird from the similar night song of the fearsome antumiá. wáko (laughing falcon) herpetotheres cachinnans l. falconidae ec this bird calls out in spanish, “cafe con harina (coffee and flour [dough cakes]).” these foods are the preferred food for wakes and the bird’s call signals that someone is about to die. this bird was identified from a black and white drawing in the same book that i used for the photo elicitations. ridgely (1976:77) describes the species as having far-carrying calls, most often a loud, “guaco, gua-co.” note that if you pronounce this verbal rendition of the call it sounds almost identical as the emberá name. wárra-jarámia ec this name literally means “being who tells of child.” the emberá say that when a woman becomes pregnant this bird tells them. when two birds are seen walking together and the male follows the female, the baby will be a girl. if the female follows the male, the baby will be a boy. widó-widó ec this bird advises you at the very beginning of pregnancy. even if you deny being pregnant, this bird will tell. references ridgely, r. 1976. a guide to the birds of panama. princeton university press, princeton, nj. notes 1widespread folklore of mother of waters originated in africa. see for example drewal 2008. 2note that these tellings happened spontaneously in situ and i had no tape recorder. these versions are composed on the basis of rough notes. analysis of the following tales are available in the context of ethnographic description and analysis. see kane (1994/2004:66-82) for woodpecker tales and canoebuilding. see kane 1994/2004:23-5 for iguana hunting and vultures on the way to a political congress. for a creation story see kane 1994/2004:20. plurality in ethnobiology: a look towards 2017 welch et al. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(1):106 106 editorial intolerance and populist extremism in europe and north america during the worst global migrant crisis since world war ii. there is continued violence toward indigenous peoples and their lands as economic and political pursuits trump local cultural and ecological values. academic publishing and the production of knowledge are in upheaval as the commercialization of science and commodification of scientific production escalate. against this backdrop, we close this issue of ethnobiology letters with our reaffirmation of the importance of all forms of diversity in this journal, our academic field, and the environmental and human contexts we study. we applaud ethnobiologists and scholars in related fields for their dedication to disciplinary and epistemological plurality in education and research institutions and publishing venues. we praise the high value currently placed on inclusive science through collaborative research and publishing. we acclaim the increasing availability of academic space for indigenous and minority voices. we are inspired by globalizing scientific discourse and its potential to bridge geographical, cultural, and political boundaries. we are proud to remain among the few journals offering true open access publication without asking authors or readers to pay fees. we take this opportunity to communicate our continued editorial dedication to these principles in 2017. diversity, especially biological and sociocultural, is central to many ethnobiologists’ academic perspectives and core values. it serves as a first principle for the study of human and non-human life in the broadest sense and helps provide meaning to many kinds of people interested in the wellbeing of humans and environments. these kinds of diversity are increasingly well-represented in ethnobiology letters and the society of ethnobiology’s other publications, journal of ethnobiology and contributions in ethnobiology. in their pages, ethnobiologists have documented biological diversity in past and present anthropogenic landscapes, explored the close connections between biodiversity and cultural diversity, celebrated the limitless diversity of ethnic identities and worldviews, and argued for the importance of actively promoting biodiversity through ethical conservation. as the end of 2016 draws near and we reflect on its surreal events in the united states and throughout the world, we are tempted to mourn the bleak future of diversity. we question how it will be affected by the seemingly fast pace and unforeseen directions of recent social and political change. as temperatures spike to unprecedented winter levels in the polar region, we read of the possibility that the next presidential administration of the united states may pull back from the promising paris climate agreement. we see examples of increasing religious december 30, 2016 james r. welch escola nacional de saúde pública, fundação oswaldo cruz, rio de janeiro, rj, brazil. welch@ensp.fiocruz.br john m. marston department of archaeology, boston university, boston, ma, usa. marston@bu.edu elizabeth a. olson history, sociology, and anthropology department, southern utah university, cedar city, ut, usa. elizabetholson@suu.edu plurality in ethnobiology: a look towards 2017 open access doi 10.14237/ebl.7.2.2016.861 copyright © 2016 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. letter from the editors ethnobiology letters book review 3 book review material choices: refashioning bast and leaf fibers in asia and the pacific roy w. hamilton and b. lynne milgram, eds. 2008. fowler museum at ucla, los angeles. pp. 187, bibliography, index, copious color illustrations. $30.00 (paper). isbn-13 9780974872988. reviewed by e. n. anderson 1 reviewer address: 1 department of anthropology, university of california, riverside, riverside, california 92521 received: december 6 th 2009 volume 1:3 published: august 3 rd 2010 © 2010 society of ethnobiology this work is the catalogue of an exhibition of east asian and micronesian textile art at the fowler museum, ucla’s large and excellent museum of ethnic arts. it is important and interesting to ethnobiologists because of its unique coverage of the textile plants of asia and oceania that provide the fibers. plants involved include flax, hemp, various banana species, hibiscus, elm (bast from inner bark), lotus, and others. decidedly the most exotic is curculigo latifolia, used only by the benuaq of kalimantan. they produce spectacularly beautiful fabrics, but the industry almost died out a generation ago; it has been revived largely because of tourism and art collecting. also specialized is the exquisite banana and hibiscus fiber art of fais island, micronesia, a tiny speck with a population of some 300. other cultures treated in this volume include hmong (vietnam), korea, in-tha (north myanmar), okinawa (the famous banana fiber there), interior luzon peoples, and japan including the ainu. several of the chapters are authored or coauthored by scholars from the countries in question. the level of scholarship and detail is high. all these art traditions are extremely laborintensive and specialized, and thus in danger of displacement in this world of cheap mass-produced textiles. the weavers show great dedication in continuing to work in the face of this. some (notably in japan) receive appropriate recognition, but others work for themselves and their communities, unrecognized by the wider world until now. thus, a major part of the book concerns the efforts to preserve and maintain these arts in the face of imminent threats. yet the art presented in this book is world-class. textiles in europe have a lowly reputation and are sometimes unfairly dismissed as “mere craft,” because the european world has long regarded sculpture and painting as the “fine” arts. however, in much of island asia, especially the small-scale societies of indonesia and the philippines, it is textiles that are the “fine” arts, while sculpture and painting receive decidedly lower status and aesthetic investment. the results shown herein are amazing. textile lovers will already be familiar with the beauty of japanese and other mainstream textile art, but the work from the benuaq and from fais may come as a surprise, and, if so, prepare to be literally stunned. to anyone who appreciates abstract geometric art, any one of the photographs of the benuaq pieces is worth the full price of this book. roy hamilton deserves recognition as a powerful major figure in ethnobotanical art. his previous work the art of rice (2003) was a landmark—a truly great work of aesthetic anthropology. the present work is a unique contribution, apparently the first book to cover the bast traditions of east asia and oceania. reference cited hamilton, roy w. 2003. the art of rice: spirit and sustenance in asia. ucla fowler museum of cultural history, los angeles. letter from the editors ethnobiology letters book review 20 integrating zooarchaeology and paleoethnobotany: a consideration of issues, methods, and cases amber m. vanderwarker and tanya m. peres, eds. 2010. springer, new york. pp. 317, 13 color illustrations, 13 black-and-white illustrations. $129.00 (hardback). isbn 9781441909343. reviewed by virginia l. butler reviewer address: 1 department of anthropology, portland state university, oregon 97207 received: july 20 th 2010 volume 1:20-21 published: august 17 th 2010 © 2010 society of ethnobiology like the rest of the sciences, archaeology has become increasingly specialized. we’ve made great strides in sampling, recovery and analysis of various constituents of the archaeological record (bones, plants, lithics, ceramics, dirt, features at various scales). but at the end of the day, results from independent studies of our constituents often are not woven together in comprehensive ways. where i have worked on the northwest coast, varying approaches to sampling classes of faunal remains (shellfish, fish, birds, mammals), which often are collected from different volumes, mesh size, and site context, make it difficult to even compare use of various vertebrates (e.g., fish vs. mammal taxa), much less allow for integrated approaches to faunal and floral analyses. so yes, we need to be working to bring our records together in smart ways to answer important questions about the human past. this 12-chapter volume edited by amber vanderwarker and tanya peres is at its base useful, simply for calling attention to the value of explicitly integrating faunal and floral records, particularly for subsistence studies. part i, comprising the first 4 chapters of the book, lays out the main methodological issues and specific approaches for qualitative and quantitative data integration. useful and detailed chapters on zooarchaeology (peres) and paleoethnobotany (wright) are provided. vanderwarker outlines simple analytic approaches (e.g., side-by-side comparisons of faunal and floral records using descriptive statistics and correlation analyses) and more complex strategies (principal components analysis [pca], correspondence analysis [ca]) in two chapters. many good points are emphasized in these introductory chapters: as we attempt to unite disparate records, we need to control for taphonomic differences and depositional contexts of remains; integration is only as good as the independent analyses of each set of data; our questions should focus on change in relative (not absolute) abundances of resource use; and any integrative effort must be guided by the larger research questions and framework of a project. part ii is comprised of 8 case study chapters that are supposed to show why integrating faunal and floral records is a useful enterprise and how this could be done. these chapters succeed to varying degrees. peres et al. most closely follow the guidelines set up in part i, using ca to show differences in plant and animal use by social context at tres zapotes, veracruz, mexico. they find that plant foods were part of everyday diet and animal foods were linked with higher status and ceremonial contexts. hollenbach and walker also use ca to identify trends in holocene-aged plant and animal records at dust cave, tennessee. several chapters draw on multiple lines of evidence for inference, but are not focused on integrating faunal and floral records per se. dickau only reviews plant remains (from panama). jones and quinn consider how to integrate faunal and human bone chemistry data from fiji (in the context of poor plant preservation). bartosiewicz et al. review site formation processes affecting plant and animal tissues in shell middens (scotland); tóth et al. draw on a range of records (historical, archaeological, ceramic, flora and fauna) to reconstruct diet and environment in ottoman-era hungary. moore et al.’s study of site formation processes affecting plant and animal tissues across a range of feature types in sites by lake titicaca, bolivia, steps back from the specific goal of integration. the authors rightly argue that understanding the cultural and natural processes that account for condition and preservation of bones and plants in a given feature is prerequisite to reconstructing subsistence patterns. their chapter provides a very useful summary of taphonomic work (their own and that of other scholars) that helps explain patterning in features. ethnobiology letters book review 21 my next point is less of a complaint and more of an observation: all the authors tend to take a rather post-hoc approach to interpreting patterns rather than begin with a theoretical framework with specific hypotheses that are to be tested. i would argue that a theoretically informed problem orientation –outlining specific goals and expectations -would greatly assist overall project field design and sampling, which as outlined in part i, needs to be explicit at a project’s inception to facilitate integration of faunal and floral records with all site data. we take it as a given that faunal and floral remains can be used to reconstruct subsistence in descriptive sense (recognizing of course ways that sampling, preservation, and analysis itself can confound our efforts). i suggest we need to be working harder to articulate the larger research questions about how subsistence change and variability can inform us. i enjoyed and learned much in this book and would recommend it especially for the university library. at $129.00, it will exceed the budgets of most students and many professionals. the overall quality of production was good, but at the high cost, i was surprised that several of the maps and figures were blurry or hard to decipher. book review of na primeira margem do rio:território e ecologia do povo xavante de wedezé 40  book review  chapter two provides a basic background on scholarly work on the xavante language and social structure. this chapter is also the most important for contextualizing the establishment of xavante villages in wedezé during the colonial period. the authors give an extended account of settlement, displacement, and resettlement from the late 19th century up to the present, drawing on archival materials and oral histories. at times, the historical discussion is somewhat difficult to follow, but this simply reflects the complex history of movement and resettlement rather than any shortcomings of the authors’ discussion of such events. in many ways, this detailed account is fundamental to the authors’ claims that the occupation of wedezé has been continuous over long stretches of time since the arrival of non-indigenous peoples to the region. the third chapter focuses on demographics, which is also critical for understanding the xavante’s relationship to the wedezé territory. in all the communities currently in pimentel barbosa and wedezé, over 50% of the population is under 15 years of age. and of the nine indigenous territories where the xavante reside, pimentel barbosa had the highest growth rates between 1999 and 2004. this explains why the neighboring territory of wedezé is crucial for accommodating their growing population. chapters four, five, and six are likely to be of greatest interest to ethnobiologists. these chapters discuss the environmental context and subsistence activities of the xavante as well as their use of the local flora and fauna. here the authors provide extended discussion of the xavante relationship to the cerrado (scrub savanna) environment, which is currentas brazil’s demands for energy, resources, and infrastructure expand, indigenous peoples of the nation are facing greater pressure on their lands, and in some cases, even open abuses of their rights. fortunately, this book highlights an important case study in which advances have been made by indigenous peoples and the researchers who work alongside them to establish claims to traditional lands. this text is the outgrowth of a broader project that was designed to identify and demarcate the wedezé indigenous territory of the xavante people in the state of mato grosso, brazil. as described in the introduction, the book also carries the objective of disseminating historical, anthropological, and ethno-ecological knowledge of the xavante. the book is organized into a simple structure with chapters that discuss xavante language and history, demographics, environmental context, economic and subsistence activities, use of flora and fauna, sacred and ceremonial spaces, and wedezé’s demarcation as an indigenous territory. the introduction explains that the title of the book (in english: “on the first bank of the river: territory and ecology of the xavante people of wedezé”) refers to the xavante’s first community established on the east bank of the rio das mortes in the 19th century. although the pimentel barbosa indigenous territory was later established on the west bank of the river, wedezé was not officially recognized despite the extended history of occupation and use by the xavante. now, with a growing population in the area totaling around 1500 people, the authors explain why the establishment of the wedezé indigenous territory is very much needed. na primeira margem do rio:território e ecologia do povo xavante de  wedezé  james r. welch, ricardo ventura santos, nancy m. flowers, and carlos e.a. coimbra jr. 2013. museu do índio/  funai, rio de janeiro. pp. 244. isbn 978‐85‐85986‐46‐9.  reviewed by nicholas kawa   reviewer address: department of anthropology, burkhardt building room 315, ball state university, muncie, indiana 47306.  nckawa@bsu.edu  received: january 7, 2014  volume: 5:40‐41  published: march 29, 2014  © 2014 society of ethnobiology  41  book review  ly threatened by the expansion of soy agribusiness and cattle ranching. many important notes about the historical ecological relationships of the xavante to the landscape are highlighted in these chapters, including the existence and management of anthropogenic forests that harbor high concentrations of useful plants. the authors also examine in detail the use of fire in hunting and its specific ecological role in the management of the cerrado. these forms of landscape management are the product of xavante subsistence activities rooted in a deep history, and the authors argue that the continuation of these activities is fundamental to xavante socio-cultural identity. however, the book also addresses how the xavante have adapted and responded to economic change, including development projects in the 1970s that attempted to push the industrial agricultural model on the xavante for production of rice. chapter six is dedicated specifically to xavante use of plants and animals. many useful plants species are described and presented in this section, but the authors explain that restrictions prevent them from discussing medicinal or spiritual plants since knowledge of these is considered secret cultural or intellectual property. they do note, however, that the wedezé territory is an important source of such plants, including many that are considered rare or non -existent in neighboring pimentel barbosa. yet even considering such limitations, as a reader i was left craving more specifics on xavante ethnobotany and ethnozoology. perhaps we can hope for a future book on xavante ethnobiology, which would surely be of great value to all. many of the chapters would’ve also benefited from the inclusion of more xavante voices. some come out in the discussion of ceremonies and sacred spaces in chapter seven, but more direct xavante insights would’ve enriched many of the other chapters as well. in conclusion, this book serves as an important example of how a project report for identifying and demarcating indigenous lands can be made into an accessible document of great public value, and for this the authors should be commended. the large, colorful photographs and numerous useful maps and tables also provide excellent visual support. future research should benefit from this text and hopefully expand upon this model, perhaps incorporating more indigenous voices into the narrative. also since this book is written in portuguese, it highlights the need for similar texts in other national languages that may serve to broaden awareness of indigenous land rights. clearly, if agro-industrial development continues on its current path, indigenous territories like wedezé will stand as some of the most important biological and cultural refuges on earth. tangatatau rockshelter: the evolution of an eastern polynesian socio-ecosystem. edited by patrick vinton kirch. 2017. ucla cotsen institute of archaeology press, los angeles. 326 pp. levin. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(2):243–244 243 reviews dating technology to sites in east polynesia pointed toward considerably later settlement than many researchers had previously argued. although kirch initially was skeptical of these changes, he did come around to accepting the weight of the evidence. his straightforward discussion of this change, and the dating issues that still remain for mangaia, truly represent what the internal correction mechanisms of evidence-based research should look like. at this time, humans appear to have settled the island approximately 1000 years ago. as is typical of kirch’s work, the analysis and interpretation of archaeological materials leans towards human adaptations to island environments. the level of detail in some chapters, which is de rigueur for specialist reports and essential for reproducibility, may be tedious for non-specialists who are not particularly interested in the texture and color of soil layers or the criteria used for species identification. in this sense, it is not an ideal read for a popular audience or introductory class. however, this is also not the intended purpose. for archaeologists in ethnobiological specializations like zooarchaeology and archaeobotany, it is useful to get this level of detail in a work that also treats a single site so broadly. three chapters from multiple authors deal with faunal material recovered from the site: one chapter each for vertebrates (other than fish), fish, and invertebrate remains (primarily, but not exclusively, mollusks). virginia butler’s fish photographs are large and exceptionally clear, which is likely to make her chapter interesting and useful for ichthyoarchaeologists. only one chapter is devoted to plant remains. in the late 1980s and 1990s, archaeologist patrick kirch and his interdisciplinary team conducted fieldwork on mangaia, the southernmost of the cook islands in eastern polynesia. much of this work centered on the tangatatau rockshelter, which has an exceptionally rich archaeological record. while they published most of this research in scholarly journals in the 1990s, the volume reviewed here represents a comprehensive final report of the research. furthermore, with nearly three decades of perspective, the report presents not only initial analyses, but also considerable reanalysis of the original research on mangaia, in light of theoretical and methodological advances. kirch and his colleagues present their work in a standard archaeological site report format, including introduction and background (three chapters), data and analysis in considerable detail (ten chapters), ending with an island chronology and some broader synthetic conclusions (one chapter). the introductory chapters are written in an approachable, almost chatty style, peppered with personal anecdotes that bring the process of doing field archaeology to life. mangaia has a unique geology, with a very old, almost circular central volcanic core, surrounded by continuous upraised coral. these physical factors have led to inland adaptations by humans, as well as use of a plethora of caves and rockshelters. the dating of human settlement of mangaia has been a point of contention in the past. debates within pacific islands archaeology on the timing of settlement began soon after the mangaia fieldwork; the application of chronometric hygiene and ams tangatatau rockshelter: the evolution of an eastern polynesian socioecosystem. edited by patrick vinton kirch. 2017. ucla cotsen institute of archaeology press, los angeles. 326 pp. maureece j. levin 1* 1 archaeology center, stanford university, stanford, usa. * mjlevin@stanford.edu received august 1, 2018 open access accepted september 21, 2018 doi 10.14237/ebl.9.2.2018.1371 copyright © 2018 by the author(s) licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. levin. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(2):243–244 244 reviews given that the described collection of archaeobotanical materials was not particularly systematic, which was typical for archaeological work at the time in the pacific, this seems appropriate. even still, the team did recover a plethora of plant remains resulting in a number of insights about terrestrial plant food production and non-food use of plants such as candlenut (aleurites moluccana). here, too, the photographs are by-and-large fantastic. three chapters deal with the abundant artifactual remains from the rockshelter, an assemblage dominated by shell fishhooks and adzes; the latter two of the artifact chapters deal with each of these two classes of artifacts individually. one final data chapter covered the other sites located and excavated during fieldwork in brief. while tangatatau rockshelter had the most persistent occupation of any site studied during fieldwork, these other sites place tangatatau and its assemblage in a broader mangaian context. notably, one site contains evidence of a large amount of human remains in a clear midden context, consistent with ethnohistoric discussions of cannibalism. the final chapter discusses the sequence and broader implications, both in mangaian and eastern polynesian context. although the proposed phases of settlement are artificial, the use of site names rather than descriptive english words to name the phases helps to avoid overinterpretation, a point that kirch explicitly discusses. the synthesis examines the stresses of human activity on the old volcanic island. notably, older volcanic islands tend to have lower levels of soil nutrients, which has contributed to the vulnerability of mangaia’s ecosystems. early in the island’s settlement, there was widespread deforestation of the endemic forests as humans engaged in horticultural practices and extirpated bird species and the pacific flying fox (pteropus tonganus). these pressures may have been what prompted mangaians to remove pigs from the island and also could be related to the interpersonal violence apparent in the human remains in a midden. types of marine resources used changed over time as well. the interconnectedness of environmental and social shifts are examined in detailed narrative form. the quality of the printed hardcover book is excellent and the coated paper works well with its image-laden content. it is unclear why, with this level of production quality, all the images are greyscale or black-and-white. nevertheless, even the greyscale photographs help to bring the process of doing archaeology to life. overall, this volume is an excellent example of synthetic, multi-proxy analysis in environmental archaeology. it is a worthwhile addition to a book collection for any ethnobiologist interested in diachronic analysis of human adaptations to insular environments. microsoft word schram.doc ethnobiology letters                                                                                                                    book review    28    kinship and beyond: the genealogical model reconsidered   sandra bamford and james leach, eds. 2009. berghahn books, new york. 292 pp., 21 illustrations, bibliography,  index. $95.00 (hardback). isbn 9781845454227.    reviewed by ryan schram 1    reviewer address: 1 center of excellence in global governance research, university of helsinki    received: august 21st 2009                                      volume 1:28‐29  published: august 26th 2010                       © 2010 society of ethnobiology    david schneider (1984) has famously showed that the original anthropological conception of kinship unwittingly reflected a middle-class western folk biology, and furthermore, other kinship systems are themselves based on different key symbols. yet since schneider pronounced the death of kinship as a distinct domain, it has been revived more than once. this collection of ten essays is the latest major work to call for renewed attention to the topic, especially with respect to contemporary questions of how cultures relate to nature. this volume takes the doctrine of the genealogical unity of mankind, the target of schneider's critique, and examines it as a cultural fact in its own right. each of the authors in this volume addresses himself or herself to the consequences of genealogical thinking. the genealogical model of kinship, as described in the introductory chapter, is a cultural construction of relationships in terms of inherited, biogenetic attributes. as the editors show in their detailed review of kinship studies from w. h. r. rivers, through descent theory, past schneider's critique, to recent studies, the genealogical model not only lingers in the work of anthropologists, it also informs the way people of many cultures and in many contexts think about nature and culture. in this respect, many of the authors echo roy wagner's argument that each culture makes its own distinction between the arbitrary and the conventional. science, many authors imply for instance, is the way western culture "invents" nature as a domain beyond human control. the knowledge nature scientists produce is often treated as though it were a representation of these forces, or a means by which people can predict and thus control natural forces. an example of this construct in science is provided by sandra bamford and james leach in their introduction (p. 11); they discuss a case of a hospital accidentally implanting the wrong human embryos in patients' wombs, the hospital immediately acted to flush the potential children from the bodies of the mothers. had the fetuses been delivered by their surrogate mothers, it would seem, there would necessarily be a conflict between the chromosomal and uteral genetrices over maternity. the reason why surrogacy and other ivf protocols attract controversy is because they alter the relationships between people by manipulating the biological substances that symbolize them. i want to focus on a few essays in kinship and beyond which best exemplify this theme. in his essay titled "knowledge as kinship", james leach presents a case of reite kinship in papua new guinea (png) where membership in local groups is based on either matrior patri-filiation, and coresidence or mutual recognition of knowledge of a kin group's founding myths. leach argues that reite do not believe that genealogical ties automatically confer membership in the group, nor do they believe that kinship is constructed or performed through people's creative symbolic acts. the nonbiological bases for reite membership are equally constitutive of innate personhood. people, in essence, share substance with each other and with the landscape itself. sandra bamford ("'family trees' among the kamea of papua new guinea"), describing another case from png, also argues that when kamea use plants to assist procreation, they do not creatively enact kinship through ritual as much as recognize a wider set of possible consubstantial relationships, including between humans and nonhumans. sounding a somewhat contrary note in her essay ("revealing and obscuring rivers's pedigrees") on veso in madagascar, rita astuti describes a society in which people do hold a genealogical model of kinship, but simply do not use it in everyday talk. in the everyday discourse of kinship, people do not assume a genealogical model of inheritance of bodily traits. yet ethnobiology letters                                                                                                                    book review    29    when given a hypothetical scenario, people's reasoning about inheritance is premised on genealogy. veso suppress this when talking about physical resemblances between fictive kin because this, astuti argues, allows them to emphasize the social norm of solidarity and mutual obligation among kin. genealogy and alternative models coexist in this culture, but are only deployed in specific contexts. in a three-part essay, eduardo viveiros de castro ("the gift and the given") explores the ontological presuppositions behind genealogy and other models of kinship by linking kinship to magic, animism and gift economies. he also builds a case for bringing levistrauss back into kinship studies. although levistrauss assumed that a distinction between consanguinity and affinity was a natural fact, viveiros de castro points out how he differs from the descent theorists schneider criticizes. descent theory makes kinship into a jural system of rights and obligations that arise from natural bonds. levi-strauss's model makes kinship into a maussian gift economy, in which both subjects and objects are in circulation. hence the former leads to genealogical assumptions and the latter suggests an alternative, horizontal imagination of relatedness. viveiros de castro sketches another possibility, the inverse of the genealogical model, which he sees at work in amazonian kinship. amazonians, he writes, believe that affinity is a natural property of people's being, in that they believe that they are fundamentally estranged from each other, and have to work to create relationships based on sameness through cultural practices. he alludes to leach's case and suggests that his inversion of genealogy is what is needed to properly analyze systems like reite and kamea. this book is a welcome addition to the ongoing revival of kinship, and will stimulate further debate among its many participants. one complaint is that the chapters on the implications for kinship of genomics, thoroughbred horseracing, african colonial policy, and ivf, as well as tim ingold's intriguing essay outlining a phenomenology of social relationships, are not as clearly articulated with what this reviewer saw as the most significant ideas of the book. berghahn books, the publisher, should be commended for making this book available in a digital format as well as in hardback, and by allowing readers to purchase individual chapters for download (at http://www.berghahnbooks.com/ title.php?rowtag=bamfordkinship) as well as the whole work. this will give more students access to the book's rich and provocative material. reference cited schneider, d. 1984. a critique of the study of kinship. university of michigan press, ann arbor. nature's chemicals 30  book review  produce culturally valuable "distinctive chemicals" such as the toxins made by poison dart frogs (dendrobates spp.) but firn does not include the study of such chemicals in his book. he does make reference to possible nps made by humans, but chooses instead to focus on nps made by plants and microbes that have shaped human history. firn makes the distinction between nps (uppercase), which are typically chemicals such as theobromine and caffeine, and nps (lowercase), which are exemplified by consumer products such as cotton and wood. nps have also been called "secondary metabolites" since albrecht kossel made the distinction between primary and secondary metabolites in 1891. firn takes issue with this nomenclature in chapter 9 of his book, calling it "unhelpful and wrong (p. 9)." hopefully, for ease of scientific communication, firn's convention of capitalizing nps to distinguish them from nps will catch on. nps are very important in the daily activities of people around the world, not to mention they are the foundation of major economic systems (both legal and illegal) and yet little is known about them. most of the world's biochemical diversity not just biological activity but flavors and scents is a result of its almost 200,000 different nps. that may seem like a lot of unique compounds; however, considering the biodiversity of plants and bacteria on earth, it is apparent that nps must be present in very few specimens. this book grants the reader a new appreciation for nps as rare chemicals. apparently, most nps come from one of just three main biochemical pathways, and each of those pathways is biologically costly to run, and even more costly to evolve. one of the major points made in the book is that bioprospecting, the in vitro screening for biologically active compounds, is a little-rewarding task. nature's chemicals, by plant biologist richard firn, is introduced by the author as "a book about ideas." this opening is unexpected because based on the book's subtitle, the natural products that shaped our world, one would think it would be the typical layman's history of economically relevant plant compounds such as coffee, rubber, and quinine a la national geographic. instead, as promised, the reader is introduced to ideas concerning not just natural products—the economics, biochemistry, and evolution thereof—but ideas about the nature of science itself. the most famous idea detailed in the book is the "screening hypothesis," which firn developed in 1991 in conjunction with his former graduate student, clive jones. as he explains in chapter 5, the screening hypothesis states that to maintain and improve the biodiversity of the world's natural products, a certain amount of diversity and flexibility must be present in the biochemical processes that create them. this implies some radical thinking. for example, might some organisms have evolved certain enzymes that are not, as biology students are generally taught, substrate-specific? if this discussion makes the book seem heavy on biochemistry and molecular biology, and perhaps overly didactic, rest assured, it is also an informative and relatively smooth read even for those who don't work in a laboratory. the methodological approach of the book is based in those faceless sciences that anthropologists commonly eschew. the book outlines the theory behind why the medicine man, sean connery's dr. robert campbell, would go into the jungle to search for the cure for cancer. that makes it an important read for would-be ethnobotanists, if not as inspiring a one as say, plotkin's tales of a shaman's apprentice (1994). in the first chapter, firn creates a useful convention by defining natural products (nps) as "the distinctive chemicals which characterize particular plant and microbial species (p. 3)." animals also nature’s chemicals  richard firn. 2009. oxford university press, new york. pp. 264. $44.95 (paper). isbn 9780199603022.   reviewed by diana chen  reviewer address: 3702 sw  hansom loop, bentonville, ar  72712. dkchen@email.uark.edu   received: february 14, 2013  volume: 4:30‐31  published: february 20, 2013  © 2013 society of ethnobiology  31  book review  each of the ten chapters begins with a popular quotation and ends with a paragraph or two about "the way science works." these concluding paragraphs are often not reflected in the chapter content and seem like merely a platform from which firn can vent his frustrations, such as in chapter 4 a lamentation over the corporate guarding of scientific data. another one of the beefs firn has with the way science works, is that it has become too compartmentalized to deal with subjects such as nps, which require a holistic approach (chapter 1). the book contains no grand closing chapter to summarize and connect firn's many interesting ideas. ethnobotanists would be quite eager to know how the latter chapters that are heaviest in biochemistry and molecular biology, as well as most deficient in the simple black and white illustrations that break up the text in the rest of the book, relate back to its second chapter. chapter 2 is the one that will most interest ethnobotanists. therein lie the actual narratives of nps that have shaped our world. the chapter begins with an overview of nps in economics and history and then stops to focus on specific nps such as coffee, cocoa, and opium, and finishes up with nps in a smattering of other areas such as sodas and perfumes. although penicillin is included in the book, many other nps important to the pharmaceutical and health industries such as digitalis and echinacea are absent. it would also have been interesting to see firn address the recent craze for antioxidants and phytochemicals. in chapter 4, he does enter the natural vs. synthetic debate, to state predictably that the end products (using the example of vanillin, used in baking) are the same. many other books tell the stories of "natural products that shaped our world" in more detail, such as balick and cox's plants, people, and culture (1996). specific nps and their influence on civilization are the subjects of still other books, such as mintz's sweetness and power (1985), a book about sugar. however, what makes nature's chemicals a unique book, is how few scientists have taken firn's holistic approach to explain why nps evolved, why they are important, and how we can continue to search for and learn about them. sadly, the free-thinking author died shortly after writing the book. he was 65 years old. beyond wild and tame: soiot encounters in a sentient landscape. by alex c. oehler. 2020. berghahn books, new york, ny. 214 pp. kotašková. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):116–117 116 reviews describes the oka-soiot household, which in soiot cosmology is a mirror image of spirit households of the taiga (chapter 1). what is domestic for humans is a game for spirits and vice versa. in soiot perspective, the “domestic” is an outcome of negotiation within the environment, rather than an outcome of solely human actions. regarding spirituality and cosmology, chapter 2 describes the historical influences of shamanism and buddhism, resulting in soiot herderhunters’ adaptation of both perspectives and contextual movement between shamanic and buddhist perceptions of the landscape according to the needs of people and animals. chapter 3 contrasts soiot and tofa reindeer herding practices and relations emerging in the presence of other species in both human and spirit households. reindeer herding, strongly influenced by political influences of the past, remains a strong symbol of soiot identity. this chapter emphasizes historical variations in the dynamics between humans and reindeer, as well as seasonal flexibility of households. for the soiots, to maintain mutual relations with reindeer is to be flexible throughout the seasons but also to have the ability to see from the viewpoint of the animal. while reindeers are interpreted as symbols of the past, the yak is rather symbolic of the present because of its hybrid character (chapter 4). oka is the only place in which indigenous residents took up yak breeding, and with a focus on history and archaeology, oehler explains why. the roots of yak herding together with its symbolic status are traced back to mongolia and further into tibet. chapter 4 further discusses the historical influence of mongolian the dichotomy of wild and tame has been a wideranging topic of many academic discussions across disciplines. although alex c. oehler does not explicitly discuss the many anthropological theories about wildness and tameness, he provides interesting insight into these discussions in his ethnography of relations emerging within human-animal encounters in soiot region of south siberia. beyond wild and tame is an ethnography of soiot communities with a focus mainly on the oka-soiots during 2012, 2014, and 2018. together with comprehensive archival research on soiot history, archaeology and previous (scarce) ethnographic work, oehler gives a complex account of soiot encounters with various animals. the author’s focus on relations is inspired mainly by tim ingold and von uexküll’s concept of “umwelt” (perspective). as a reaction to predominant focus on reindeers in siberian ethnographies, oehler chose a frame of “multispecies ethnography.” in this book, multispecies ethnography refers to the author’s focus on people (oka-soiots) and multiple species of animals (reindeers, yaks, horses, and wolves). when writing about animals, oehler is focused on soiots’ perspectives rather than making claims regarding the intentions of animals himself, but at the same time, he references genetics, evolution, morphology, and animal population studies to give a context for soiot human-animal relations. the structure of the book is clear and offers a complex illustration of domestication and wildness with a focus on both humans and animals. in regard to the question of domestication, oehler first beyond wild and tame: soiot encounters in a sentient landscape. by alex c. oehler. 2020. berghahn books, new york, ny. 214 pp. eva kotašková 1* 1 department of sociology, faculty of social studies, masaryk university, brno, czech republic. * 332998@mail.muni.cz received july 1, 2020 open access accepted september 11, 2020 doi 10.14237/ebl.11.1.2020.1716 published september 25, 2020 copyright © 2020 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. kotašková. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):116–117 117 reviews dairy cattle and its effect on nomadic movement resulting in an increasing sedentary lifestyle and implementation of hybrid breeding techniques. in comparison to other species such as reindeer or yak, the features associated with wildness can also be seen as desirable in human-horse relations, as discussed in chapter 5. all three species are valued for their “wild” ability to forage for themselves in winter. therefore, techniques such as castration are not only intended to increase docility in animals but are a way to foster fierceness and self-reliance in select herd animals. however, this is often not a matter of a wild-tame dichotomy but is understood in terms of negotiation or management of human and animal intentions and will, which changes according to seasonal fluctuation of proximity between humans and horses. the chapter also focuses on material implements such as ropes, corrals, horseshoes, or saddles as part of communicative devices between humans and non-humans. while one needs to account for the animal intention or resistance, such devices are, ultimately, co-producing the sociality of the animals. relations with wolves, described in chapter 6, carry both admiration and hate. wolves are seen at times as a species inherently autonomous and at times as emissaries of a spirit master. either way, they are known in oka primarily as good learners who are able to learn from careful observation and develop their capacity to predict another’s intentions or movements. hidden intent, it seems, stood at the center of wolfhuman interactions in oka and chapter 6 shows how both humans and wolfs design to conceal intent through human-built traps with wolf-designed dens. although beyond wild and tame does not aim to be “classic ethnography” focused on the life of the soiots, the reader certainly gains insight into their lifeways throughout the book. with a focus on human -animal relations, the author contextualizes okasoiots in the surrounding communities of the whole soiot region and in the history of the regions back to 300 bc with influence from mongolia or turkey and other historical-political influences. the book provides an extensive insight for scholars interested in the south siberian area (especially considering the lack of archaeology and anthropology of oka-soiots) across disciplines. the language is rather descriptive, and mostly looks to history, archaeology, or genetics, rather than to anthropological theories. anthropological-theoretical discussions and interpretations of the soiot human-animal relations are mainly in the conclusion. beyond wild and tame is a detailed illustration of how diverse current and past humannonhuman relations can be and of the diversity in form of wildness and tameness. ramsey review of sustainable lifeways: cultural persistence in an ever-changing environment by miller, moore, and ryan 76 book review mined in the past (p. 33). chapters 2 through 4 present ethnographic evidence of pastoralist strategies to buffer risk. fiona marshall and colleagues (chapter 2) present a counter point to what they perceive as a focus in environmental risk and resilience studies on sedentary agriculturalists. the authors demonstrate that east african pastoralists employed a range of economic, social and political mechanisms. notably, mobility is employed as a key strategy to mitigate unpredictability. similarly, lois beck and julia huang (chapter 4) use beck’s ethnographic observations (p. 107) to discuss the nomadic pastoralist adaptations of the qashaqa’i in southwest iran. they also identify mobility as an effective strategy to reduce the effects of environmental risk. kathleen ryan and korega-munene (chapter 3) used their observations of east african pastoralists to conclude that flexibility is fundamental to the success of this lifestyle (p. 75). by shifting emphasis from different types of livestock, pastoralists effectively ‘spread the risk’ – biologically, environmentally, and socially (p. 101). arlene rosen (chapter 5) analyzes foraging strategies in the levant from the early natufian through to the beginning of the pre-pottery neolithic b (ppnb), arguing that hunter-gatherer strategies in the near east did not steer a trajectory towards agriculture by design. rather, rosen shows that hunter-gatherers employed flexible and effective long term foraging strategies. indeed, only with the climatic amelioration a millennium after the natufians did agriculture replace hunter-gather lifestyles. rosen is clear this was not just a matter of climate forcing social change, but rather the push and pull of climatic and social factors (p. 145). atmospheric co2 levels have now passed what experts consider to be the critical threshold of 400 parts per million (ppm). the last time co2 concentrations were this high was several million years ago, during the mid-pliocene. in the wake of this poignant landmark naomi miller, katherine moore and kathleen ryan’s edited volume, sustainable lifeways: cultural persistence in an ever-changing environment is required reading for anyone thinking about how society can address the immediate and long term environmental risk and uncertainty we face. the edited volume addresses three key questions: how do societies perceive environmental risk? how do they adapt to changing conditions? and in what circumstances have the most rapid and far reaching adaptations occurred? contributors include archaeological and anthropological specialists working in west asia, the american southwest, east africa and andean south america with hunter-gatherer, cultivator and non-industrial agricultural groups. robust paleoenvironmental records have been published for these regions, allowing this volume to address key questions through multiple lines of evidence at multiple time scales: long term (millennial); medium term (centuries to a few thousand years); and more recent (few years to decades). the first chapter by neil roberts provides a good review of the proxy methods, such as stable isotopes and pollen, used by researchers interested in humanenvironmental interactions, from prehistory to the present. using examples from dryland regions, a focus throughout this volume, roberts concludes that proxy methods, applied cautiously, provide new insights that can help policy makers in the present understand changing environments, so long as it is understood that social responses are not predetersustainable lifeways: cultural persistence in an ever-changing environment naomi f. miller, katherine m. moore, and kathleen ryan, eds. 2011. university of pennsylvania press, philadelphia. pp. 352, 73 illustrations. $65.00 (cloth). isbn 9787934536193. reviewed by monica ramsey reviewer address: department of anthropology, university of texas at austin. monica.lorelle.ramsey@gmail.com received: june 10, 2013 volume: 4:76-77 published: july 23, 2013 © 2013 society of ethnobiology 77 book review further emphasizing the potential of social mechanisms to buffer risk, timothy kohler and charles reed argue (chapter 6) that population growth, resulting from favorable climatic conditions in the american southwest, led to a decrease in big game hunting efficiency during the basketmaker iii and pueblo i phases (ad 600-900). this heightened risk prompted the intensification of big game hunting through the formation of more efficient kin-based hunting groups. kohler and reed suggest these patrilineal units were effective in warfare, and perhaps even a contributing factor in the emergence of social inequality in the american southwest (p. 154). katherine spielmann and colleagues (chapter 7) consider the environmental risks faced by ancestral pueblo farmers, addressing how these were mitigated through a variety of social and spatial scales: storage employed at the household level and food sharing at the community level. short term emigration is identified as a buffering mechanism at the regional level. notably, the authors show that in conditions of sustained drought permanent emigration from the affected region would be employed (p. 181). traditionally, this behavior has been framed as “abandonments.” however, they argue that migration is an effective buffering strategy and should be seen as part of a resilient system (p. 203). resilience should not be seen to always reflect the most efficient adaptation. it can reflect persistent traditional practice. katherine moore (chapter 9) demonstrates this through faunal analysis at four archaeological sites in the titicaca basin. with data spanning the early formative through to the late intermediate period (1500 bc – ad 145), moore shows that declining fish returns due to changing lake levels resulted in a shift towards agropastoralism. however, in spite of negligible returns, traditional fishing practices persisted. maria bruno’s chapter (8) is based on ethnographic fieldwork in the titicaca basin. bruno’s findings show that resilience of andean farming techniques stem from several sources: a sophisticated understanding and application of locale soil characteristics in the development of agricultural practice, flexible land use and a diverse economic system that includes herding and fishing (p. 237). bruno suggests this knowledge should inform future farmers in the titicaca basin in the mitigation of projected regional climate change (p. 213). these findings provide a useful analogy for archaeological interpretations of past adaptation to climate change. peter stahl (chapter 10) considers risk mitigation strategies under the periodic but extreme disruption caused by volcanic activity in the ecuadorian andes. persistent and repeated human occupation reveals an adaptation towards species that thrive in disturbed ecologies. stahl suggests this commitment to a dangerous and volatile valley is best understood in terms of social context. traditionally, the landscape is seen in neotropical america as a gift from the ancestors, each generation indebted to the last (p. 302), creating a powerful link to a location and fostering a commitment to a risky environment. finally, naomi miller discusses the economic strategies adopted by the agropastoralists at gordion in the central anatolian steppe from the 3rd millennium bc through the roman period to a second medieval occupation (p. 310). using plant macroremains and archaeofaunal assemblages miller reconstructs trends in the mixed farming economy. miller finds that, by employing a flexible agropastoral subsistence base, the inhabitants at gordion could shift their economic emphasis from pastoral to agricultural elements, according to the prevailing physical and social conditions (p. 319). drawing together the large chronological and regional knowledge of the contributors, this work offers excellent case studies concerning human resilience and adaptation to risk, which can inform current decision making. indeed, with the atmospheric co2 threshold surpassing 400 ppm, the archaeological and anthropological perspective on human responses to environmental unpredictability and the resultant food scarcity, expertly presented in this volume, has never been more relevant. this is archaeology at its policy-decision-informing best. letter from the editors ethnobiology letters book review 37 landscape, process and power: re-evaluating traditional environmental knowledge serena heckler, ed. 2009. berghahn books, new york. pp. 304, 21 illustrations, bibliography, index. $95.00 (hardback). isbn 978-1-84545-549-1 reviewed by colleen marie o’brien1 reviewer’s address: 1 university of south florida department of anthropology, tampa, fl received: may 26 th 2010 volume 1:37-38 published: september 6 th 2010 © 2010 society of ethnobiology environmental knowledge and its various forms and appellations (ecological, indigenous, local, traditional) has been at the forefront of ethnobotany, ethnobiology, environmental anthropology, and related subdisciplines for the past several decades. current debates both within and outside of academia focus on such questions as: how does environmental knowledge vary within a community and how is it learned and transmitted? how is knowledge lost or transformed in response to rapid global change? how do power, history, and context shape knowledge production and reproduction? and, who should have control over its use and applications? the edited volume landscape, process, and power successfully captures the evolution of traditional environmental knowledge (tek) studies and applications and serves as a guidepost for future directions in the field. this volume is a diverse collection of applied, cognitive, critical, phenomenological, and political economy approaches to the study of tek. its contributors are an assemblage of academics and practitioners with backgrounds in environmental anthropology, ethnobotany, ecology, conservation, and international development. in chapter one, heckler explains the genesis of the book and its organization around the common emergent themes of landscape, process, and power. according to heckler, after a 2004 panel on “tek and change” at the 9th international congress of ethnobiology, it became apparent that the way in which researchers were studying, discussing, and applying tek was changing along with its content. this volume‟s goals are therefore to articulate the fluid character of knowledge resulting from people‟s daily engagement with the landscape around them and to illustrate the historical and political forces that have shaped and continue to influence tek. in chapter two, zent presents a thorough genealogical review of tek studies and describes the current cognitive dissonance in the field as a “sign of strength” (p. 20). according to zent, much of the early work on tek attempted to blur the lines between scientific and indigenous knowledge, so much so in fact, that at times environmental knowledge was entirely “severed from culturally situated practice”(p. 36). this compartmentalizing of knowledge raises social, political, ethical, and methodological concerns which are expanded upon in the following chapters. alexiades discusses the commoditization of knowledge in chapter three, raising critical questions concerning how knowledge is used, represented, and appropriated as well as who benefits from its consumption. in chapter four, carss et al. apply tek to european conservation concerns by integrating local knowledge into fisheries and cormorant (phalacrocorax carbo carbo or phalacrocorax carbo sinensis) management, focusing on how power is distributed in such conflicts. in chapter five, gilberthorpe explains how oil industry development has shaped environmental perceptions of land as well as gender relations in papua new guinea. in chapter six, thomas challenges assumptions regarding indigenous people and conservation in his study on biological diversity and human disturbance in papua new guinea. fujimoto looks at the ethnobotany of the malo of ethiopia in chapter seven, particularly their indirect uses of plants, which play important roles in transmitting agricultural knowledge. in chapter eight, boissiere focuses on the transformation of identities and dynamics of knowledge among the yali and hupla, two ethnic groups who share the same territory in holuwon, west papua new guinea. in chapter nine, vermonden shifts from focusing on the content of tek to discovering configurations of practice and interactions that lead to learning tek in a ethnobiology letters book review 38 fishing village in south buton, sulawesi. in chapter ten, sillitoe revisits the long accepted theory of carrying capacity in the new guinea highlands where the complexity of farming systems makes its application problematic. rounding out the volume in chapter eleven, kassam and ganya demonstrate that knowledge is traditional but not static and that it can dynamically incorporate change by looking at the gabra oromo nomads of northern kenya and how they have successfully adapted and transformed tek to manage their rangelands. one of the important contributions of this volume is that it engages with current scholarship on the effects of global environmental changes on local populations. locals are portrayed not as victims of change but rather as active participants, transforming their practices in novel ways to meet new demands on resources. kassam and ganya are particularly successful at illustrating this point. of course global changes such as those born out of development often prompt unanticipated consequences exemplified by gillberthorpe‟s discussion on the fasu‟s changing values and identity roles after the entrance of an oil company into the region where former land tenure practices have been transformed by the company‟s more static view of land ownership. in similar fashion, thomas predicts that healthcare development in hewa, papua new guinea could also indirectly threaten biodiversity through improved life expectancy, increased housing within close proximity to healthcare facilities, and through shortened fallow periods. another contribution of this volume is its focus on combined methodological approaches for studying tek. fujimoto‟s study highlights the complexities of knowledge systems and how easy it is to overlook information that may not be considered “knowledge” to locals or that is highly varied among actors in a given culture or community. for example, fujimoto argues that the more subtle aspects of tek are “so embedded in local tek that farmers do not recognize it out of context” (p. 157) when describing his experience of studying indirect plant uses with the malo of southwestern ethiopia. fujimoto used participant observation and unstructured interviews in order to discern subtle indirect plant-use practices such as using them as indicators of degraded fields or fertile soils. boissiere uses a mixed method approach for looking at the transformation of identities and dynamics of knowledge-sharing among the yali and hupla, two ethnic groups who share the same territory in holuwon, west papua new guinea. through structured and unstructured interviews, participant observation, migration myth analysis, and in-depth ethnobotanical surveys, boissiere discerns not only what is known about area plants but also gains a broader view about how this information is transmitted and maintained. by using a historical approach, he finds that subsistence and social organization of the two groups is nearly identical. however, by focusing on their myths, religion, and shamanism, there is further evidence of the yali‟s predominance over the hupla. vermonden emphasizes the importance of process in learning tek by investigating the socially situated transmission of fishing activities using a combination of participant observation and structured and unstructured interviews. in each of these cases the use of complementary methods adds clarity and context to the research. very few areas in this volume fall short because of its thorough coverage of the processual aspects of knowledge and how it is mediated through local landscapes and power relationships. however, since the premise of the volume is that knowledge is processual, a chapter focusing on generational change in tek, particularly on children and knowledge acquisition, is missing. there is currently a paucity of published studies on how children learn tek and whether changes in learning are contributing to knowledge loss. overall, this volume succeeds in its purpose to dislodge enduring western notions of tek as static and to firmly center it within an analytical framework of landscape, process, and power. much like tek, the term „landscape‟ has undergone a transformation of its own progressing beyond purely ecological concerns to incorporate historicity, movement, and past and present social relationships. the application of the term landscape to tek is reflective of the interdisciplinary nature of environmental knowledge studies. as its subtitle, “re-evaluating traditional environmental knowledge,” suggests, this volume challenges formerly accepted notions of tek as a panacea for environmental problems, capable of being extracted, packaged, and conveniently exported to other settings and rather presents an alternative view on knowledge as embedded and contextualized within particular landscapes. the critical perspectives of the authors of this book would prompt lively discussion in the classroom, and the book‟s grounding in ethnographic detail and applications are of interest to both research academics and practitioners. ancient ocean crossings: reconsidering the case for contacts with the pre-columbian americas. by stephen c. jett. 2017. the university of alabama press, tuscaloosa. 508 pp. carvajal contreras. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(2):250–252 250 reviews mechanisms that could explain these similarities. he does, however, consider some ecological and social dynamics to strengthen his case for why similarities occur. the author wants to "destigmatize" the concept of cultural diffusion and allow multiple specialists to discuss and consider the evidence for contact in a more creative way. thus, jett not only proposes the possibility of independent developments, but also hypothesizes that this diffusion is the result of contact between populations. i agree with jett, both in the present and in the past, the transfer of information occurred between different social groups and was an important factor in cultural evolution. however, theorists in archeology and anthropology have highly debated the presence of artifacts and ideas in places that are thought to not have had contact. some of these ideas or objects are intrinsic impulses of human nature that developed in parallel; for others, they are the products of internal social contradictions or due to environmental influences; finally, some scientists believe that these innovations are independent results of human agency (storey and jones 2011). both jett's approach and other approaches to the presence of ideas, artifacts, and other cultural features use a reductionist view to approach the complexity of cultural evolution. my personal view is that human activities and cultural evolution are not only responses to stimuli, but are the satisfaction of biological needs or a search to establish equilibrium. human activities and the transmission of information and therefore culture evolution must be understood as part of stephen jett’s ancient oceans crossings is a complete, simple, and straightforward text that compiles historical and archaeological information about transoceanic contacts between the western and eastern hemispheres before 1492. the book is a first step towards revising several lines of evidence and ideas surrounding sea trips and pre-columbian contacts. this very personal book not only shows the development of stephen jett’s academic life and motivations, but also transforms this author into a generalist social scientist interested in the diverse disciplines of anthropology, history, climatology, genetics, navigation, and several others. the story of his life, partially revealed in this book, led to questions about and academic inquiries into the cultural similarities observed in different human groups across oceans. the author relates his experiences to academic influences in the preface. in the first paragraphs, jett emphasizes, in a modest way, that his purpose is not to review the theory of culture history or return to the notion of diffusion as an explanatory tool. jett approaches the problem of inter-oceanic contacts, using a "forensic" approach where he collects abundant evidence of these interactions, emphasizes navigation capabilities, and reasons for crossing the oceans. however, i believe jett makes hyperdiffusionist theoretical claims and sets out to support a personal belief. he aims to show similarities in traits or cultural characteristics of certain human groups and their subsequent transmission to other cultures made through sea contacts. this disregards other ancient ocean crossings: reconsidering the case for contacts with the pre-columbian americas. by stephen c. jett. 2017. the university of alabama press, tuscaloosa. 508 pp. diana rocío carvajal contreras 1* 1 facultad de estudios de patrimonio cultural, carrera de arqueología, universidad externado de colombia, bogotá, colombia. * diana.carvajal@uexternado.edu.co received june 27, 2018 open access accepted september 29, 2018 doi 10.14237/ebl.9.2.2018.1352 copyright © 2018 by the author(s) licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. carvajal contreras. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(2):250–252 251 reviews complex and open dynamic systems. diverse interactions between humans involve adaptation to the environment and over time, human groups are interwoven with others in increasingly complex interactions that imply acceptance or rejection of artifacts, ideas, and technologies in unpredictable ways, which set diverse cultural trajectories (bentley and maschner 2007). in the first section, intellectual obstacles to the notion of early transoceanic contacts, the author reflects on common perceptions about transoceanic contacts between the old and new worlds. these preconceptions are related to the consideration that the pre-columbian human groups did not have the technical skills to navigate or the motivation or the geographic knowledge to carry out long-distance trips. he shows that these ideas originate with contemporary scientists’ and not historical, including christopher columbus’ contemporaries, who imposed not only geographical barriers, but also ideas to human movements in the past. in this first part, jett provides information about how populations might have had knowledge of the ocean currents, weather conditions, how to stay alive while on high seas, and mentions a number of cases of accidental trips overseas. he argues using a transdisciplinary approach with data of the absence or presence of diseases, domestic resources, or technological developments that respond to the inter-oceanic contacts between groups. jett also suggests the acceptance or rejection of such elements in very particular social and historical contexts. moreover, he discusses the reason for the inconsistency of data. on the one hand, the problems of preservation, the nature of the evidence of these contacts, and the silence of the historical record show the discontinuity of the records. on the other, he points out the problems to evaluate the existence or the extent of contacts between human groups of both hemispheres, which is due to lack of a characterization of what objects and practices are diagnostic to identify these exchanges and the implications of those exchanges to understand cultural evolution. in the second part, means: the types and availabilities of watercraft and navigation, his purpose is to counter our "terrestrial" and eurocentric vision of the world by showing us the environmental knowledge required for the construction of boats and navigation skills required to cross the oceans. the author proposes to reevaluate trips such as those undertaken by homo erectus and the pre-norse and columbian journeys. he summarizes different types of boats used in the past—their advantages and technical limitations—strategies for compass and star navigation, and the use of reference points such as the color of seawater and knowledge of atmospheric patterns and animal behaviors. the next section, motives for ocean crossings, systematically evaluates the reasons why human groups chose inter-oceanic trips. this is a problematic topic but the author tries to understand the mentalities of the human groups that were pushed or pulled to make forays into these “liquid territories” by religious, political, social, and natural phenomena. this series of chapters show that in the past and now, global interconnectedness has promoted and accelerated migration. the fourth section, opportunity and exchange, is specifically about the concrete evidence for interoceanic contact. the organized and updated data present the facts of those sea contacts suggesting other times and locations in asia, america, and australia and suggest broad impacts at the cultural level and the translocation of plants and animals. the linguistic, artifactual, biological, pathological, and genetic evidence is used to try to establish differences and similarities present in interactions of human groups in both hemispheres. with multiple lines of evidence from the remains themselves, texts, and iconographic representations, jett encourages readers to check their common sense with the presence of domestic animals, diseases, parasites, cultigens, and hallucinogenic plants on both sides of the atlantic and critically rethink beliefs that human beings were unknown to each other in the past. he pinpoints the recent molecular evidence of group movements and treponematosic diseases, which are evidence of historical relationships between populations on a global scale. no one method for interpreting the past—in this case, inter-oceanic travel—works for all historical cases. for jett, cultural developments are explained by diffusion. for the vast majority of historians and archaeologists, this explanation for the dissemination of knowledge and technology is viewed with caution in the best of cases and seen with skepticism in the case of inter-oceanic contacts before the vikings. it is criticized as a vision of being biased by the notion of cultural evolution (fagan 2006; kehoe 2003; storey and jones 2011). for historians, archaeologists, carvajal contreras. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(2):250–252 252 reviews geographers, and other scientists, this book allows us to revisit how we understand development and change in human groups and the theoretical frameworks with which we analyze them. in conclusion, this book revisits some questions: is the presence of cultural artifacts in common a result of innovative creation or are they copies of other cultures? do we understand societies as isolated entities or as a network of relationships? how should we include environments in our understanding of cultural change? references cited bentley, r., and h. maschner. 2007. complexity theory. in handbook of archaeological theories, edited by h. bentley, h. maschner, and c. chippendale, pp. 245–270. altamira press, lanham, md. fagan, g. 2006. archaeological fantasies: how pseudoarchaeology misrepresents the past and misleads the public. routledge, london. kehoe, a. 2003. the fringe of american archaeology: transoceanic and transcontinental contacts in prehistoric america. journal of scientific exploration 17:19–36. storey, a., and t. jones. 2011. diffusionism in archaeological theory: the good, the bad, and the ugly. in polynesian in america: pre-columbian contacts with the new world, edited by t. jones, a. storey, e. matisoo smith, and j. ramirez aliaga, pp. 7–24. altamira press, lanham, md. letter from the editors ethnobiology letters book review 9 quantitative paleozoology r. lee lyman. 2008. cambridge university press, cambridge. pp. 348, black-and-white illustrations. $29.34 (paper). isbn 9780521715362. reviewed by steve wolverton 1 reviewer address: 1 environmental archaeology, department of geography, university of north texas, denton, texas 76203 received: june 11 th 2010 volume 1:9-11 published: august 3 rd 2010 © 2010 society of ethnobiology the literature on quantification of skeletal animal remains from archaeological and paleontological contexts is chaotic. despite several attempts (e.g., grayson 1984; lyman 1994a) there has been little to no systemization. lyman‟s book lends order to the chaos that starts with fundamental definitions and the most basic aspect of quantification, tallying of specimens (bones/shells or fragments thereof). this basic start to the book is a key element to its palatability because nearly any reader with a broadly scientific mind can pick it up, start with chapter 1, and proceed with a spiraling crescendo into increasingly detailed chapters that follow. the first chapter addresses several important topics from the historical development of tallying (how it has been done and is done) to the statistical nature of paleozoological data, to an introduction of the zooarchaeological samples lyman uses in examples throughout the book. lyman repeatedly echoes and reinforces grayson‟s (1984) conclusion that paleozoological data are “at best” ordinal scale. this is the case for at least a couple of reasons: paleozoologists do not sample directly from animal populations, thus analysts cannot control representativeness by design; and paleozoological remains pass through taphonomic histories that might modify what was/is represented. the statistical nature of paleozoological data is patently ignored by zooarchaeologists who pretend that their data are „ratio scale at least.‟ lyman moves into basic units of quantification, number of identified specimens (nisp) and minimum number of individuals (mni) in chapter 2, covering the historical development of each unit. he opens with a brief but important discussion that relates to validity by defining target and measured variables. one must know what one hopes to count (target) in order to quantify appropriately (measure). there is a lengthy and tedious debate within zooarchaeology as to which unit is best for quantification of taxonomic abundances determined from faunal assemblages. lyman covers problematic hurdles associated with each unit. nisp might be prone to the „problem of interdependence‟ or multi-counting in that fragmentation may lead to specimens from the same individual being counted more than once. on the other hand, mni might differ according to how faunal data are aggregated into subassemblages from a site. that is, additive mni from multiple sub-assemblages might be different than that determined from the faunal sample considered as a single large assemblage (non-additive). each problem is considered to be „the classic problem‟ with each unit; lyman shows (as did grayson) that mni and nisp correlate to one another in terms of representing taxonomic abundance in most cases. this is logical since mni is derived from (based on) nisp. nisp represents a maximum and mni represents a minimum; if the two measures correlate to one another in an assemblage then aggregation and interdependence are overcome. lyman concludes that the paleozoologist should simply use nisp at ordinal scale to measure taxonomic abundance. despite that paleozoological data are at best ordinal scale and that nisp and mni correlate to one another, a few zooarchaeologists extend quantification beyond basic units to derive meat weights, biomass estimates, skeletal mass allometry, and other derived units. in chapter 3 lyman demonstrates the fallacy of such extension. lyman‟s reconsideration of a case study on the use of meat weights by renowned paleobiologist john guilday is illustrative of this fallacy (p. 113). guilday (1970) concluded that meat weights are “patently ridiculous,” a sentiment that lyman clearly agrees with for meat weights and similar quantitative methods. the issue with these kinds of derived units can be summarized as follows: if paleozoological abundance data are at best ordinal scale, meaning that it might only be possible to determine that taxon a was more or less abundant in ethnobiology letters book review 10 the assemblage than taxon b, and if that resolution is clearly portrayed through the use of nisp, then why would the analyst derive a ratio-level variable of tissue weight from nisp? lyman‟s answer is that the paleozoologist should not do so. other methods that are introduced in chapter 3 include taxonomic ubiquity, which is simply commonness of particular taxa in multiple assemblages, and a variety of methods for matching paired skeletal elements, the pitfalls and advantages of which lyman considers in detail. the first three chapters are an important prelude to chapter 4, which is (in my opinion) the most important part of the book. other sections represent organized and updated consideration of topics that have been covered in detail in the paleozoological literature, but determining the quality of paleozoological samples has not been covered in as concise and clear of a manner as by lyman in this chapter. lyman demonstrates that sampling to redundancy determined through the use of species-area curves and analysis of nestedness can aid the paleozoologist in terms of knowing how well the taxonomic composition of a faunal assemblage represents past ecological communities. within a single assemblage if taxonomic richness asymptotes with substantial increases in samples size (nisp), then most of the rare taxa have been encountered. when assessing multiple assemblages, if smaller assemblages nest within larger ones in terms of represented taxa, then the community taxonomic composition is likely representative. chapter 4, by necessity, also covers the influence of field recovery methods on paleozoological samples leaving the reader with a complete suite of tools for assessing the quality of paleozoological data on a sample-by-sample basis. chapter 5 organizes and discusses in detail the quantitative methods that paleozoologists use to analyze similarities and differences in taxonomic abundance over time and across space, such as ntaxa for richness and a variety of indices for examining taxonomic diversity and evenness. updates from previous syntheses on quantitative methods include consideration of abundance indices popularized by broughton and others (summary in broughton 1999) in the 1990s and related statistical approaches (cannon 2000). chapter 5 concludes the discussion of taxonomic abundances, and lyman turns to quantitative analysis of skeletal parts (elements) in chapter 6. he begins by discussing another quantitative unit, the minimum number of elements (mne), which is designed for assessment of skeletal element abundance. as he did with nisp and mni, lyman covers the historical development of mne and shows that this unit is also ordinal scale at best and that it tends to correlate with nisp (also shown by grayson and frey 2004). no discussion of skeletal part frequencies would be complete without a detailed consideration of lewis binford‟s minimum animals units. chapter 6, however, also expands into discussion of nisp to mne ratios and other measures of extent and intensity of fragmentation. nisp:mne was discussed in detail by lyman (1994b), but it has received very little use as a quantitative measure of fragment size (cf. nagaoka 2005; wolverton 2006). chapter 7 rounds out the book through discussion of quantification and taphonomy. another quantitative measure of fragmentation is introduced early in the chapter, the ratio of nisp to nsp, where nsp is the number of unidentifiable and identifiable specimens. as the ratio increases, a higher proportion of bone is identifiable, hence less fragmented. lyman is incorrect on page 266 when he states, “because the relationship of the nisp/nsp ratio to preservational condition has never been empirically or critically examined, the nisp/nsp ratio is seldom used analytically” (see wolverton et al. 2008:15). however, such empirical consideration may have been published just as quantitative paleozoology was going into press. various kinds of taphonomic signatures that relate to one or another process such as weathering, abrasion, butchering, and/or burning are discussed. lyman critically examines several approaches for tallying cutmarks; he is unimpressed with surface-area approaches that attempt to „predict‟ where cutmarks should be based on estimations of missing portions of bones, which is tantamount to creating cutmarks out of thin air. a recent advance in butchery studies is egeland‟s (2003) research on butchery-stroke frequency and cutmark frequency in which he found no relationship between the number of strokes and the number of butchery marks on bone. there is no greater disjunction between target and measured variables in zooarchaeology than there is in analysis of cutmarks. ethnicity, procurement strategies, butchering intensity might all be targets, but they are rarely validly represented by the measured variable of cutmarks on bone. in summary, lyman‟s book is not a litany of techniques for paleozoological quantification. instead it is a detail exposé of a variety of methods that discusses—through use of examples—technical application, rigor, and validity. the reader is left with clear reasoning as to when and why particular approaches can be appropriately applied in a variety of research contexts. it is both interesting and troubling to ethnobiology letters book review 11 me that there is no unified framework or system for quantification in paleozoology. archaeology, in general, often compromises methodological rigor for aggrandizing claims. if one is looking for a conservative approach that can be applied with defensible reasoning, lyman‟s book is a good foundation for a systematic approach to paleontological and zooarchaeological quantification. references cited broughton, jack m. 1999. resource depression and intensification during the late holocene, san francisco bay: evidence from the emeryville shellmound. university of california, anthropological records volume 32, berkeley. cannon, michael d. 2000. large mammal relative abundance in pithouse and pueblo period archaeofaunas from southwestern new mexico. journal of anthropological archaeology 19:317-347. egeland, charles p. 2003. carcass processing intensity and cutmark creation: an experimental approach. plains anthropologist 48:39-51. grayson, d. k. 1984. quantitative zooarchaeology. academic press, orlando. grayson, donald k. and carol j. frey. 2004. measuring skeletal part representation in archaeological faunas. journal of taphonomy 2:27-42. guilday, john e. 1970. animal remains from archaeological excavations at fort ligonier. annals of the carnegie museum 42:177-186. lyman, r. lee. 1994a. quantitative units and terminology in zooarchaeology. american antiquity 59:36-71. —. 1994b. relative abundances of skeletal specimens and taphonomic analysis of vertebrate remains. palaios 9:288-298. nagaoka, l. 2005. declining foraging efficiency and moa carcass exploitation in southern new zealand. journal of archaeological science 32:1328-1338. wolverton, steve. 2006. natural-trap ursid mortality and the kurten response. journal of human evolution 50:540-551. wolverton, steve, lisa nagaoka, julie densmore, and ben fullerton. 2008. white-tailed deer harvest pressure & within-bone nutrient exploitation curing the mid to late holocene in southeast texas, usa. before farming 2008/2, article 3. available at: http://www.waspress.co.uk/journals/beforefarming/j ournal_20082/abstracts/index.php (verified 3 august 2010). science and civilisation in china. vol. 6, biology and biological technology. part iv: traditional botany: an ethnobotanical approach. by georges métailié. translated by janet lloyd. 2015. cambridge university press, cambridge, united kingdom. 748 pp. anderson. 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):43–45 43 reviews perspectives from gene anderson’s bookshelf and use was equaled only by the amazing shiu-ying hu, who recently passed away after a career of more than 80 years (she died in 2012 at the age of 102; see hu 2005). most of the book consists of summaries of the herbals, by topic, with their ideas on plant classification, sex, horticulture (as opposed to agriculture, covered in bray 1984), growth, flowering, development, and other topics. also treated is the arrival of plants from the rest of the world to china, and the european exploration and exploitation of china’s plants. this, a superbly done history of european plant exploring from the renaissance on, is my favorite part of the book. the book is beautifully and copiously illustrated with the better plates from the classic chinese herbals, as well as some early european works and métailié’s own fine photographs. if you can afford it, it’s worth the money just as a fine work of bookmaking. métailié takes ethnobotany as a theoretical mark, but he does not mean quite what we usually mean in the society of ethnobiology. he references a few modern sources, but relies largely on edward lee greene’s history of botany, originally written in 1909, when only john harshberger’s original definition of the field was in play (harshberger 1896). métailié has kept up with modern developments in plant classification and taxonomy, but does not appear to be current with other approaches in contemporary ethnobotany. also, though he has much field experience in china, he does not draw significantly on that. he confines his attention to premodern china— georges métailié’s long-awaited monograph on the history of chinese plant science is now available at last. i use the words ‘plant science’ because métailié’s main point of theory herein is that china never had botanical science—that field has been peculiar to the western world since ad 1600, and, through expansion, the rest of the world since about ad 1800. chinese plant knowledge before that date was very comparable to europe’s: it consisted of a great deal of empirical knowledge—factual or fantasy— recorded in long herbals that copied extensively from sources going back to ancient times (theophrastus in europe, han dynasty writers in china). after 1500, europe began to move in a different direction, and after ad 1600 progressive innovations in thought, such as modern taxonomy, which began with ray and others, not linnaeus, and methodology/technique (e.g., microscopes), made western and later all world botany a fully modern science. métailié thus provides a history of chinese herbals, continuing an earlier section on botany (needham et al. 1986; see also bray 1984) in this series. this makes the present work a bit difficult to use, since one must read that earlier section to get the full story. in any case, métailié covers the chinese and western literature on chinese plants with incredible thoroughness and detail. this work is not only a vast and indispensable reference, it is an awe-inspiring masterpiece of scholarship. métailié’s knowledge of chinese herbals and western studies of chinese plants is unexcelled, and his knowledge of chinese plant life science and civilisation in china. vol. 6, biology and biological technology. part iv: traditional botany: an ethnobotanical approach. by georges métailié. translated by janet lloyd. 2015. cambridge university press, cambridge, united kingdom. 748 pp. eugene n. anderson 1* 1 department of anthropology, university of california, riverside, usa. * eugene.anderson@ucr.edu received november 10, 2016 open access accepted december 2, 2016 doi 10.14237/ebl.8.1.2017.840 copyright © 2017 by the author(s) licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. anderson. 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):43–45 44 reviews perspectives from gene anderson’s bookshelf china before european botany reached and influenced it in the nineteenth century ad. the book is much more a work of traditional historical and philological scholarship. it is none the worse for that—we need thorough reviews of literature—but not a place to seek theoretical or field-driven advances in ethnobiological studies. in its separation of traditional chinese and modern western botany, this book breaks sharply, even dramatically, with the earlier work by needham et al. (1986) in this series. needham was, famously, a champion of the view that—as métailié quotes him— there is only one unitary science of nature, approached more or less closely and built up more or less successfully and continuously, even if very slowly, by the several groups of mankind from age to age. this means that we could expect to trace an absolute continuity between the first beginnings of astronomy and medicine in ancient babylonia or ancient egypt…to the break-through of late renaissance europe… and onward (métailié 2015:7, quoting needham 1978:110). needham was famous for his lifelong and militant view that science was one. modern historians of science, however, are just as militant in defending the view that it is not, and that every scientific tradition and subtradition is “incommen surable” (kuhn 1962) with every other. this view has already caused friction within volume 6 of this series; nathan sivin, in his posthumous edition of needham’s work on chinese medicine (needham et al. 2000), has taken needham to task even more sharply than métailié does. needham saw science as the accumulation of empirically correct knowledge about the world, tied together with ever more refined and tested ideas and theories. modern historians of science, exemplified by kuhn, sivin, and métailié, see science as a set of essentially different theoretical paradigms. scientists may use empirical knowledge as substrates, or they may not (they may invent cycles and mermaids). but they are using clearly and sharply demarcated and separate theories. métailié can justify this in the chinese case by showing that rather little theoretical knowledge crossed to china on the silk roads, however many actual plants did. western botany influenced china a small amount with the jesuit missionaries in the seventeenth century ad, but basically did not come to or influence china until the mid-nineteenth century ad. it should be noted, however—and here métailié is surprisingly quiet, in contrast to his thoroughness in other parts of the book—that a tremendous amount of empirical knowledge of plants did travel by the silk roads (anderson 2014). to me, and this is a personal view, the truth is somewhere in between, but closer to needham’s. science seems to be basically a matter of collecting empirical knowledge and understanding it according to theories and hypotheses that are inevitably tentative and that change with time. both the knowledge and the theories travel widely, change with time, blend and merge, develop according to new data. science simply does not consist of a set of steel-walled towers that have nothing to do with each other and no possibility of mutual influence. (nor did kuhn say so. i believe sivin and métailié would agree with this if challenged—but they write as if it were the case, though sivin is more extreme than métailié on the point.) the whole question is similar to current discussions of ‘culture,’ in which anthropologists see culture as a vast braided river, while cultural-studies scholars often see ‘cultures’ as steel-walled spheres that can bounce off each other but cannot interact except through exploitation or colonialism. on the other hand, métailié is obviously right that there was a huge foucaultian ‘rupture’ around ad 1600, when european scholars began to subject botanical knowledge to the combination of aggressive knowledge-seeking and aggressive, self-conscious theory-building that were beginning to make profound changes in astronomy and medicine. by ad 1700, botany in europe most certainly looked different from plant knowledge in china. europe had the beginnings of the formal, rigorous binomial classification system (ray and willoughby were doing it well before linnaeus). botanists had microscopes, herbaria, dissecting kits, serious theories of plant ‘natures,’ and research gardens. (many of us remember going through the oldest surviving research garden, at montpellier, france, when we went to the international society of ethnobiology meetings there.) what my former colleague randall collins calls “rapid discovery science” (collins 1998) had come. as métailié says, it did not really reach china till the nineteenth century ad. while it was very different from chinese plant knowledge, i feel more comfortable than does métailié about calling the latter ‘botany’ (at least we can agree on ‘ethnobotany’). métailié does show that anderson. 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):43–45 45 reviews perspectives from gene anderson’s bookshelf the chinese had a set of theories (rather more than he discusses, but that is another story). he shows they had systematic accurate knowledge of plants, that they recorded it, and that they subjected it to theoretical interpretation and discussion. the theories were wrong, by our standards, but they were no worse than the theories guiding european botany in ad 1500. in fact, they were often similar theories, since transmission over the silk roads did in fact occur. one recalls that the changes that brought about the scientific revolution after ad 1600 had a long history, and that history included a gradual development from ideas and projects much like china’s. i doubt if john parkinson and john ray in the seventeenth century ad thought they were constructing a totally new world ‘incommensurable’ with that of theophrastus and dioscorides (see e.g. morton 1981 on the history of botany). in short, i see ‘science’ as including anything people do that involves the orderly, theory-based collection and ordering of empirical knowledge, whether or not the theory is correct by our standards. i do, however, see modern international science as sharply different from the traditional sciences. it is defined by some really different things: high technology (from microscopes to atom-smashers), mathematical or quasi-mathematical modeling, and self-conscious theory-testing through replication and falsification. it developed slowly between ad 1600 and 1800, or even later. it is an international enterprise; it was never ‘western’ science, since even in ad 1600 it drew heavily on near eastern science. modern international science is a new and specialized way of learning, but it is not all of ‘science.’ references cited anderson, e. n. 2014. food and environment in early and medieval china. university of pennsylvania press, philadelphia, pa. bray, f. 1984. science and civilisation in china, vol. 6. biology and biological technology, part 2, agriculture. cambridge university press, cambridge, united kingdom. collins, r. 1998. the sociology of philosophies: a global theory of intellectual change. harvard university press, cambridge, ma. greene, e. l. 1983. landmarks of botanical history. stanford university press, stanford, ca. harshberger, j. w. 1896. the purposes of ethnobotany. botanical gazette 21:146–154. hu, s. 2005. food plants of china. chinese university of hong kong, hong kong, china. morton, a. g. 1981. history of botanical science. academic press, london, united kingdom. needham, j. 1978. address to the opening session of the xvth international congress of the history of science, edinburgh, 11 august 1977. british journal for the history of science 2:103–113. needham, j., l. gwei-djen, and h. hsing-tsung. 1986. science and civilisation in china, vol. 6. biology and biological technology, part 1, botany. cambridge university press, cambridge, united kingdom. needham, j., l. gwei-djen, and n. sivin. 2000. science and civilisation in china, vol. 6. biology and biological technology, part 6, medicine. cambridge university press, cambridge, united kingdom. letter from the editors ethnobiology letters book review 16 spirits of the air: birds and american indians in the south shepard krech iii. 2009. university of georgia press, athens. pp. 245, copiously illustrated. $44.95 (hardbound). isbn-13 978-0-8203-2815-7. reviewed by e. n. anderson 1 reviewer address: 1 department of anthropology, university of california, riverside, riverside, california 92521 received: march 26 th 2009 volume 1:16-17 published: august 4 th 2010 © 2010 society of ethnobiology birds were as important to native americans in the south as to native americans elsewhere, and shepard krech iii has done a major service in assembling a vast, scattered collection of documentation. the peoples of southeastern north america were shattered by disease and war very soon after european contact. de soto, exploring the south in the 1500s, found up to half the villages in some areas wiped out by diseases— surely introduced ones—that had run ahead of any european travel (see sauer 1971). by the time fairly extensive documentation is available, in the 18th century, many tribes were extinct and others reduced to a few survivors living with more isolated groups. good ethnographic research came even later, at the end of the 19th century, but at least the ethnographers— notably james mooney, john swanton and frank speck—were among the most sympathetic and thorough of that era. krech draws on all this, and on extensive archaeological research. this book not only assembles the scholarship; it displays spectacularly beautiful art. there are striking illustrations, usually in color, on almost every page. the famous paintings by mark catesby, alexander wilson, and john james audubon are featured. so are the almost equally famous drawings by john white and etchings by theodore de bry, from the 16th century. other illustrations, as well as artifacts, archaeological specimens, and ethnographic photographs are notable. this book qualifies as a “coffee tabler,” but is scholarly, unlike the typical member of that breed. birds were incredibly abundant in the south before 1850. krech provides many of the old accounts—often by trained scientists—of flocks miles long, shores and waters teeming with fowl, and hunters killing whole mounds of birds in a few minutes. the last item suggests why there are no such flocks today. indeed, bird populations are still plummeting in the south, and areas still teeming with birds in my youth have achieved something very close to “silent spring” now. krech summarizes this literature under several heads. most obvious, of course, is “subsistence.” given the vast numbers of birds, it is not surprising that the native peoples depended heavily on them for food, as all early sources reported. hunting with blowguns was important and well-described here. turkeys were especially important, but ducks and the now-extinct passenger pigeon contributed heavily. krech is properly skeptical about recent claims that passenger pigeons may have become vastly more common after contact, though they probably rebounded somewhat (see p. 37). archaeology does not always show this. i believe the reason is poor preservation of bones in that climate. next comes “material culture.” feathers were and are extremely important. bones were used. often a whole bird skin was used as an ornament or symbol. not all bird uses involved killing; purple martin gourds were set up to encourage this bird to live around houses, where it drove away avian pests and ate insects. many chapters on symbol, religion, medicine, and myth follow. given the fragmentary documentation, it is amazing that we know so much. folk taxonomy is largely lost, but beliefs were often noted by early writers. many ideas concern owls and other night birds, which are not always bad omens. as elsewhere in the world, eagles are the symbols of strength, hawks of predation, vultures of uncleanness—but vultures were creators and powerful helpers as well. other birds figure less importantly. we have little record of smaller birds, though no one missed the mockingbird’s singing ability or the jay’s noisiness and cleverness. the native peoples surely had far more knowledge, especially of smaller birds, than was recorded; most of the ethnoornithology must have been lost. perhaps some manuscript record(s) will still turn up. ethnobiology letters book review 17 i am struck by some similarities to yucatec maya beliefs (anderson and medina tzuc 2005). kingbirds were used in love magic by the cherokee (p. 161) as they are today by the yucatec. woodpeckers were spiritually important in the south, as they still are in yucatan. most impressive are similarities of southern beliefs about the large woodpeckers, notably the ivorybill, to material in the ritual of the bacabs, a truly bizarre and only partially comprehensible maya text on magical healing. dating to around 1567, ritual of the bacabs survives in a copy from the late 18th century, discovered in 1914-15 (see arzápalo marín 1987). it details many magical beliefs about the large woodpeckers, including the guatemalan ivorybill and the lineated, collectively kolonte’ in maya, which correspond closely to the ivorybill and pileated of the southeastern united states. jays, hawks, night birds (pauraques in the bacabs, whippoorwills in the south), doves, large flycatchers, and other birds also figure in both the bacab rituals and the southern native religious and healing beliefs. it seems beyond doubt that the correspondences, especially in regard to the woodpeckers, show some cultural relationship. i am not aware of similar beliefs in central or north mexico. the blowguns are another point of contact; they were once important to yucatec hunters. contact through the caribbean or directly by sea is implied. krech discusses “human impact on birds” on pp. 175-190. the southern peoples had no domesticated birds; evidently there were enough wild turkeys that they felt no need of picking up the mexican domesticated form. there is nothing in the texts about management of wild populations of birds, or, for that matter, deer or other mammals. krech takes this to mean there probably was no idea of conserving or sustainable management (cf. krech 1999). “absence of evidence is not evidence of absence,” however, and we have only late and unsystematic accounts of badly shattered populations. a belief similar to the maya belief in the spirit protector of wild turkeys (and probably other game birds), sometimes called the leaflitter turkey, would probably not have survived. the maya do not “conserve” in the modern sense, but they used to hunt conservatively and responsibly, killing no more than immediately needed, and the forest spirits would punish those who overhunted (anderson and medina tzuc 2005). this sort of attitude would not last long in a europeanized world. in regard to deer, the “deerskin trade” (described in krech’s book, with reference to a large literature) dominated native economics in the 18th century, and surely would have led to loss of conservation ideology. we will probably never know whether bird hunting was regulated or not. a few minor cautions are in order. one is that evaluation of sources is not always ideal. we are not given much assessment of the relative reliability of the early works. also, krech does not mention that theodore de bry’s late-16th century etchings, based on contemporary drawings, were heavily reworked to resemble classical-style models in de bry’s studio. use with caution. a minor error identifies the european “night raven” as the bittern (p. 24); it is the blackcrowned night-heron (nycticorax nycticorax in latin, doubling an old european name, greek for “night raven”). ethnobiology books are catching on as coffee tablers. many spectacularly beautiful ethnobiological works have crossed my desk recently, ranging from dave yetman’s superb book about columnar cacti (yetman 2007) to anthony miller and miranda morris’ ethnoflora of the soqotra archipelago (2004). this is a worthy addition. references cited anderson, e. n., and felix medina tzuc. 2005. animals and the maya in southeast mexico. university of arizona press, tucson. arzápalo marín, ramón. 1987. el ritual de los bacabes. unam, mexico city. krech, shepard, iii. 1999. the ecological indian: myth and reality. w. w. norton, new york. miller, anthony g., and miranda morris. 2004. ethnoflora of the soqotra archipelago. royal botanic garden edinburgh, edinburgh. sauer, carl. 1971. sixteenth century north america: the land and the people as seen by europeans. university of california press, berkeley. yetman, david. 2007. the great cacti: ethnobotany and biogeography. university of arizona press, tucson. review of essentials of tibetan traditional medicine 105  book review  to procure materials from the vast cannon of materia medica in the tradition. another section in part iii, titled “commonly used herbal formulas” provides ingredient information (arranged, again, by the disorders being treated and using tibetan names with english common names) for 59 recipes; no information on measurements or proportions is given. a related section discusses building-block herbal combinations. these sections are interesting as well as extremely important, as such information is not at all easily available to a western audience; to the best of my knowledge, this information has not been published previously in english. some medicine formulas are highly secretive, and therefore not appropriate to share, but the ones provided in this volume apparently fall more into the domain of public use. other strengths of the book include the use of tibetan script, wylie transliteration, appendices with the tibetan alphabet and wylie transliteration, sample curricula for courses in tibetan medicine, and various references. my main criticisms generally have to do with the authors’ choices in the section on materia medica. the decision to use “herb” for “materia medica” does not make sense to me. the authors state that they do so for the sake of brevity. but semantically “herb” does not and will not—at least in our lifetime—mean anything other than “plant material.” so using “herb” to refer to animal parts or minerals (important types of materia medica used in many traditional medical systems, including tibetan medicine—and included in this volume) is extremely misleading and in fact, incorrect; the sacrifice for brevity (saving 10 typed spaces?) seems not worth it. the authors rightly note the difficulty in translating tibetan names into botanical names; this is a this volume is undoubtedly a significant contribution to the dissemination of traditional tibetan medical knowledge to an english-reading audience. it contains concise summaries of key concepts in the medical tradition: explanations for various types of disorders, caused by imbalance in the three fundamental humors of the body; a very cursory description of the healthy body and how to diagnose a body in dis-ease; and a fairly extensive (although by no means exhaustive) presentation of therapeutics used to restore health. much of the text is in summary of a 4-volume work from the 11th century that forms the heart of the tibetan medical tradition: the four tantras or the rgyudbzhi. the pithy presentation of essentials of tibetan traditional medicine is effective, perhaps because the authors themselves have studied tibetan medicine (one of them—gyatso—a graduate of the men tsee khang, tibetan medical and astrological institute, in dharamsala, india, and a doctor of tibetan medicine, and the other—hakim— a graduate from the international college of traditional chinese medicine in vancouver, canada, and a student of tibetan medicine) and can therefore identify key points that should be emphasized to a western audience. part iii (on therapeutics) is perhaps of the most interest to ethnobiologists. this is where information is provided on over 100 different materials used, arranged according to the disorders that the materials treat.1 typically, each entry has the following: the tibetan name, often a drug name, a botanical name, part of the material used, tastes and properties, therapeutic uses and actions, and a small-sized line drawing of the material. most entries also have information on known pharmacological properties, some have a list of references, and a few have additional comments. the authors indicate that they choose to include the most commonly used and easy essen als of tibetan tradi onal medicine thinley gyatso and chris hakim. 2010. north atlan c books, berkeley. pp. 416. $24.95 (paperback). isbn 978‐ 1556438677.  reviewed by denise m. glover  reviewer address: department of sociology & anthropology, university of puget sound, tacoma, wa 98416.  received: august 30, 2013  volume: 4:105‐106  published: october 13, 2013  © 2013 society of ethnobiology  106  book review  perpetual problem when any two ethnobotanical and linguistic systems meet. some of the troubles they indicate, however, are quite easily solved by identification to the genus level. for example, they discuss the challenge in identifying khur mang at the species level—it could be taraxacum officinale, taraxacum mongolicum, taraxacum tibetanum, taraxacum sikkimense, or altogether some other species of taraxacum; they therefore chose to use the common english translation of dandelion for khur mang. this is all fine and good (and in fact works well for khur mang and dandelion, i believe), but in fact they could use the botanical designation of taraxacum spp. which means “several species of the genus taraxacum.” in fact, this designation is often the best to use anyway (or a list of all possible species, as the authors provide for bong nga nag po), since, as the authors note themselves, local varieties in plant geography as well as human practice can make identification to the species level very difficult if not impossible. lastly, the decision to use drug names has both positive and negative aspects. sometimes it helps a non-botanist/biologist reader identify a material. for instance, ka ko la is identified as amomum subulatum, with the drug name of black cardamom. readers might recognize black cardamom but possibly not the botanical name, so in this case the use of a drug name is helpful. at other times, however, it adds another level of translation that seems unnecessary. for example, the drug name of bolenggua is used for gser gyi me tog (identified as herpetospermum pedunculosum). as the authors explain, bolenggua comes from chinese bo leng gua zi which is itself a term unidentifiable to the species level and including plants grouped together in the chinese medical tradition (h. pedunculosum, momordica charantia and momordica cochinchinensis)2 but not the tibetan medical tradition. in this case, the use of a drug name may in fact complicate or conflate knowledge from the tibetan tradition with another. despite these criticisms, i highly recommend gyatso and hakim’s volume to those interested in tibetan medicine, ethnomedicine, and ethnobotany in general. i commend the authors on their success in synthesizing key components of a very complex medical system, and at making tibetan medical knowledge accessible to a broad audience. notes 1 this, coincidentally, was the most salient schema of classification that the review author found in her work with doctors of tibetan medicine (classifying/sorting according plants according to the disorders that they treat). 2 these three species are also members in the same botanical family, cucurbitaceae. << /ascii85encodepages false /allowtransparency false /autopositionepsfiles true /autorotatepages /none /binding /left /calgrayprofile (dot gain 20%) /calrgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /calcmykprofile (u.s. web coated \050swop\051 v2) /srgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /cannotembedfontpolicy /error /compatibilitylevel 1.4 /compressobjects /tags /compresspages true /convertimagestoindexed true /passthroughjpegimages true /createjobticket false /defaultrenderingintent /default /detectblends true /detectcurves 0.0000 /colorconversionstrategy /cmyk /dothumbnails false /embedallfonts true /embedopentype false /parseiccprofilesincomments true /embedjoboptions true /dscreportinglevel 0 /emitdscwarnings false /endpage -1 /imagememory 1048576 /lockdistillerparams false /maxsubsetpct 100 /optimize true /opm 1 /parsedsccomments true /parsedsccommentsfordocinfo true /preservecopypage true /preservedicmykvalues true /preserveepsinfo true /preserveflatness true /preservehalftoneinfo false /preserveopicomments true /preserveoverprintsettings true /startpage 1 /subsetfonts true /transferfunctioninfo /apply /ucrandbginfo /preserve /useprologue false /colorsettingsfile () /alwaysembed [ true ] /neverembed [ true ] /antialiascolorimages false /cropcolorimages true /colorimageminresolution 300 /colorimageminresolutionpolicy /ok /downsamplecolorimages true /colorimagedownsampletype /bicubic /colorimageresolution 300 /colorimagedepth -1 /colorimagemindownsampledepth 1 /colorimagedownsamplethreshold 1.50000 /encodecolorimages true /colorimagefilter /dctencode /autofiltercolorimages true /colorimageautofilterstrategy /jpeg /coloracsimagedict << /qfactor 0.15 /hsamples [1 1 1 1] /vsamples [1 1 1 1] >> /colorimagedict << /qfactor 0.15 /hsamples [1 1 1 1] /vsamples [1 1 1 1] >> /jpeg2000coloracsimagedict << /tilewidth 256 /tileheight 256 /quality 30 >> /jpeg2000colorimagedict << /tilewidth 256 /tileheight 256 /quality 30 >> /antialiasgrayimages false /cropgrayimages true /grayimageminresolution 300 /grayimageminresolutionpolicy /ok /downsamplegrayimages true /grayimagedownsampletype /bicubic /grayimageresolution 300 /grayimagedepth -1 /grayimagemindownsampledepth 2 /grayimagedownsamplethreshold 1.50000 /encodegrayimages true /grayimagefilter /dctencode /autofiltergrayimages true /grayimageautofilterstrategy /jpeg /grayacsimagedict << /qfactor 0.15 /hsamples [1 1 1 1] /vsamples [1 1 1 1] >> /grayimagedict << /qfactor 0.15 /hsamples [1 1 1 1] /vsamples [1 1 1 1] >> /jpeg2000grayacsimagedict << /tilewidth 256 /tileheight 256 /quality 30 >> /jpeg2000grayimagedict << /tilewidth 256 /tileheight 256 /quality 30 >> /antialiasmonoimages false /cropmonoimages true /monoimageminresolution 1200 /monoimageminresolutionpolicy /ok /downsamplemonoimages true /monoimagedownsampletype /bicubic /monoimageresolution 1200 /monoimagedepth -1 /monoimagedownsamplethreshold 1.50000 /encodemonoimages true /monoimagefilter /ccittfaxencode /monoimagedict << /k -1 >> /allowpsxobjects false /checkcompliance [ /none ] /pdfx1acheck false /pdfx3check false /pdfxcompliantpdfonly false /pdfxnotrimboxerror true /pdfxtrimboxtomediaboxoffset [ 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 ] /pdfxsetbleedboxtomediabox true /pdfxbleedboxtotrimboxoffset [ 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 ] /pdfxoutputintentprofile () /pdfxoutputconditionidentifier () /pdfxoutputcondition () /pdfxregistryname () /pdfxtrapped /false /createjdffile false /description << /ara <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> /bgr <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> /chs <feff4f7f75288fd94e9b8bbe5b9a521b5efa7684002000410064006f006200650020005000440046002065876863900275284e8e9ad88d2891cf76845370524d53705237300260a853ef4ee54f7f75280020004100630072006f0062006100740020548c002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e003000204ee553ca66f49ad87248672c676562535f00521b5efa768400200050004400460020658768633002> /cht <feff4f7f752890194e9b8a2d7f6e5efa7acb7684002000410064006f006200650020005000440046002065874ef69069752865bc9ad854c18cea76845370524d5370523786557406300260a853ef4ee54f7f75280020004100630072006f0062006100740020548c002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e003000204ee553ca66f49ad87248672c4f86958b555f5df25efa7acb76840020005000440046002065874ef63002> /cze <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> /dan <feff004200720075006700200069006e0064007300740069006c006c0069006e006700650072006e0065002000740069006c0020006100740020006f007000720065007400740065002000410064006f006200650020005000440046002d0064006f006b0075006d0065006e007400650072002c0020006400650072002000620065006400730074002000650067006e006500720020007300690067002000740069006c002000700072006500700072006500730073002d007500640073006b007200690076006e0069006e00670020006100660020006800f8006a0020006b00760061006c0069007400650074002e0020004400650020006f007000720065007400740065006400650020005000440046002d0064006f006b0075006d0065006e0074006500720020006b0061006e002000e50062006e00650073002000690020004100630072006f00620061007400200065006c006c006500720020004100630072006f006200610074002000520065006100640065007200200035002e00300020006f00670020006e0079006500720065002e> /deu <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> /esp <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> /eti <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> /fra <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> /gre <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> /heb <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> /hrv (za stvaranje adobe pdf dokumenata najpogodnijih za visokokvalitetni ispis prije tiskanja koristite ove postavke. stvoreni pdf dokumenti mogu se otvoriti acrobat i adobe reader 5.0 i kasnijim verzijama.) /hun <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> /ita <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> /jpn <feff9ad854c18cea306a30d730ea30d730ec30b951fa529b7528002000410064006f0062006500200050004400460020658766f8306e4f5c6210306b4f7f75283057307e305930023053306e8a2d5b9a30674f5c62103055308c305f0020005000440046002030d530a130a430eb306f3001004100630072006f0062006100740020304a30883073002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e003000204ee5964d3067958b304f30533068304c3067304d307e305930023053306e8a2d5b9a306b306f30d530a930f330c8306e57cb30818fbc307f304c5fc59808306730593002> /kor <feffc7740020c124c815c7440020c0acc6a9d558c5ec0020ace0d488c9c80020c2dcd5d80020c778c1c4c5d00020ac00c7a50020c801d569d55c002000410064006f0062006500200050004400460020bb38c11cb97c0020c791c131d569b2c8b2e4002e0020c774b807ac8c0020c791c131b41c00200050004400460020bb38c11cb2940020004100630072006f0062006100740020bc0f002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e00300020c774c0c1c5d0c11c0020c5f40020c2180020c788c2b5b2c8b2e4002e> /lth <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> /lvi <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> /nld (gebruik deze instellingen om adobe pdf-documenten te maken die zijn geoptimaliseerd voor prepress-afdrukken van hoge kwaliteit. de gemaakte pdf-documenten kunnen worden geopend met acrobat en adobe reader 5.0 en hoger.) /nor <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> /pol <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> /ptb <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> /rum <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> /rus <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> /sky <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> /slv <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> /suo <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> /sve <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> /tur <feff005900fc006b00730065006b0020006b0061006c006900740065006c0069002000f6006e002000790061007a006401310072006d00610020006200610073006b013100730131006e006100200065006e0020006900790069002000750079006100620069006c006500630065006b002000410064006f006200650020005000440046002000620065006c00670065006c0065007200690020006f006c0075015f007400750072006d0061006b0020006900e70069006e00200062007500200061007900610072006c0061007201310020006b0075006c006c0061006e0131006e002e00200020004f006c0075015f0074007500720075006c0061006e0020005000440046002000620065006c00670065006c0065007200690020004100630072006f006200610074002000760065002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e003000200076006500200073006f006e0072006100730131006e00640061006b00690020007300fc007200fc006d006c00650072006c00650020006100e70131006c006100620069006c00690072002e> /ukr <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> /enu (use these settings to create adobe pdf documents best suited for high-quality prepress printing. created pdf documents can be opened with acrobat and adobe reader 5.0 and later.) >> /namespace [ (adobe) (common) (1.0) ] /othernamespaces [ << /asreaderspreads false /cropimagestoframes true /errorcontrol /warnandcontinue /flattenerignorespreadoverrides false /includeguidesgrids false /includenonprinting false /includeslug false /namespace [ (adobe) (indesign) (4.0) ] /omitplacedbitmaps false /omitplacedeps false /omitplacedpdf false /simulateoverprint /legacy >> << /addbleedmarks false /addcolorbars false /addcropmarks false /addpageinfo false /addregmarks false /convertcolors /converttocmyk /destinationprofilename () /destinationprofileselector /documentcmyk /downsample16bitimages true /flattenerpreset << /presetselector /mediumresolution >> /formelements false /generatestructure false /includebookmarks false /includehyperlinks false /includeinteractive false /includelayers false /includeprofiles false /multimediahandling /useobjectsettings /namespace [ (adobe) (creativesuite) (2.0) ] /pdfxoutputintentprofileselector /documentcmyk /preserveediting true /untaggedcmykhandling /leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice review of living in a dangerous climate: climate change and human evolution 42  book review  catalyst to spur human migration. as might be expected from an author in the americas, there is a whole chapter dedicated to the peopling of the americas, again engagingly woven with recent archaeological findings. the next chapter deals ably, but briefly, with the emergence of agriculture and animal domestication, with an excellent table that gives the timing and location of the first domestication of various important plant and animal species, which will certainly make a useful reference. here climate is given the lion’s share of credit for the emergence of stable societies and farming, rather than social factors. again, the focus switches back to the americas for a whole (if short) chapter, specifically the maya, who are described as having tried to adapt to climate change but unsuccessfully. here, an opportunity to expand on some of the other civilisations whose collapses have been, partially or wholly, attributed to climate change is missed, such as the mycenaeans, the khmer empire, the tang dynasty, the egyptian new kingdom, or, within the americas, the moche and the tiwanaku. the summary of human evolution and migration and the emergence of agriculture at this point gives way to the real meat of the book, which diverges into a more polemical essay. hetherington characterizes the social darwinian concept of “survival of the fittest”, which is incorporated into many western value systems, as being detrimental to the future of humanity. she is keen to emphasise that dominant species can cease to be dominant, and that there is a paradox at the heart of modern humanity: although we have successfully adapted to climate change in the past, we are now so sheltered from nature that our adaptability is compromised. in the decade that atmospheric levels of co2 passed 400 parts per million (ppm) for the first time since the pliocene, interest in how past human (and hominin) societies adapted to environmental change seems greater than ever. recent books like miller et al. (2011), sheets and cooper (2012), and van der noort (2013) set the tone, providing sustainability lessons from archaeological examples. this book follows on from a previous work, hetherington and reid (2010), essentially distilling parts of that book to make them more easily accessible for a wider audience. after an initial chapter that sets out the book’s central arguments, we are taken on a whistle-stop tour of human evolution. as an accessible summary, it works very well, with helpful illustrations and tables. recent findings about homo floresiensis are deftly integrated, making this a valuable resource for public engagement, although it is only a brief summary – those looking for an accessible account of human evolution with more detail may wish to look at roberts (2010) or stringer (2012). hetherington takes the opportunity to make some serious points in a fun way: chapter 3, ‘the neanderthal enigma’, begins with a vivid description of the depiction of neanderthals as simple savages that will be familiar to many, before casting that story in the light of history written by the triumphant (i.e., homo sapiens), presenting archaeological evidence that neanderthals were far from simple. two chapters on how climate may have influenced human migration follow, describing how the spread of h. sapiens coincided with the onset of a cold stage and the ensuing advancement of desert into southern and eastern africa. all is not environmentally determined, however: hetherington does note that population increases or disease may have been the living in a dangerous climate: climate change and human evolu on renee hetherington. 2012. cambridge university press, cambridge. pp.256, 14 illustra ons. $95.00 (hardcover).  isbn 978‐1107694736.  reviewed by ma  law  reviewer address: school of society, enterprise and environment, bath spa university, cardiff, uk  m.law@bathspa.ac.uk   volume 5:42‐43 received: february 28, 2014  published: april 7, 2014  © 2014 society of ethnobiology  mailto:m.law@bathspa.ac.uk� 43  book review  at times, this part of the book, particularly the start of the chapter “darwin the selector”, are deeply personal, giving us small flashes of autobiography that are affecting and admirable in their candour, but it is not always explicit how they are relevant. there are also chapters on two scientists whose work fell afoul of neo-darwinists, paul kammerer and richard benedict goldschmidt, which are illuminating and engagingly written, but again questionably relevant. there is an important argument being made, however, with essential points about the need to stop seeing ourselves as detached from nature, and to embrace the diversity of worldviews that humanity encompasses. despite the excellent and clear writing, this is very much a book of two halves, and it is somewhat difficult to reconcile the two. the first half feels more like an introductory course book, the second will have more value to scholars as a political argument alongside the likes of giddens (2012). ethnobiologists, especially those concerned with the role of environmental interactions in the history of human evolution and the development of farming, will find this book useful. in particular, the synthesis of recent research is especially enjoyable, and supported by an extensive bibliography and informative endnotes. the book also stands as an important example of how palaeoanthropological and ethnobiological perspectives can be brought to bear on the question of what to do about surviving climate change. references cited giddens, a. 2012. the politics of climate change. second edition. polity, cambridge. hetherington, r. and r. reid. 2010. the climate connection: climate change and modern human evolution. cambridge university press, cambridge. miller, n. f., k.m. moore and k. ryan, eds. 2011. sustainable lifeways: cultural persistence in an everchanging environment. university of pennsylvania press, philadelphia. roberts, a. 2010. the incredible human journey. bbc: london. sheets, p. and j. cooper. 2012. surviving sudden environmental change: answers from archaeology. university of colorado press, boulder. stringer, c. 2013. the origin of our species. penguin, london. van der noort, r. 2013. climate change archaeology: building resilience from research in the world’s coastal wetlands. oxford university press, oxford. << /ascii85encodepages false /allowtransparency false /autopositionepsfiles true /autorotatepages /none /binding /left /calgrayprofile (dot gain 20%) /calrgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /calcmykprofile (u.s. web coated \050swop\051 v2) /srgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /cannotembedfontpolicy /error /compatibilitylevel 1.4 /compressobjects /tags /compresspages true /convertimagestoindexed true /passthroughjpegimages true /createjobticket false /defaultrenderingintent /default /detectblends true /detectcurves 0.0000 /colorconversionstrategy /cmyk /dothumbnails false /embedallfonts true /embedopentype false /parseiccprofilesincomments true /embedjoboptions true /dscreportinglevel 0 /emitdscwarnings false /endpage -1 /imagememory 1048576 /lockdistillerparams false /maxsubsetpct 100 /optimize true /opm 1 /parsedsccomments true /parsedsccommentsfordocinfo true /preservecopypage true /preservedicmykvalues true /preserveepsinfo true /preserveflatness true /preservehalftoneinfo false /preserveopicomments true /preserveoverprintsettings true /startpage 1 /subsetfonts true /transferfunctioninfo /apply /ucrandbginfo /preserve /useprologue false /colorsettingsfile () /alwaysembed [ true ] /neverembed [ true ] /antialiascolorimages false /cropcolorimages true /colorimageminresolution 300 /colorimageminresolutionpolicy /ok /downsamplecolorimages true /colorimagedownsampletype /bicubic /colorimageresolution 300 /colorimagedepth -1 /colorimagemindownsampledepth 1 /colorimagedownsamplethreshold 1.50000 /encodecolorimages true /colorimagefilter /dctencode /autofiltercolorimages true /colorimageautofilterstrategy /jpeg /coloracsimagedict << /qfactor 0.15 /hsamples [1 1 1 1] /vsamples [1 1 1 1] >> /colorimagedict << /qfactor 0.15 /hsamples [1 1 1 1] /vsamples [1 1 1 1] >> /jpeg2000coloracsimagedict << /tilewidth 256 /tileheight 256 /quality 30 >> /jpeg2000colorimagedict << /tilewidth 256 /tileheight 256 /quality 30 >> /antialiasgrayimages false /cropgrayimages true /grayimageminresolution 300 /grayimageminresolutionpolicy /ok /downsamplegrayimages true /grayimagedownsampletype /bicubic /grayimageresolution 300 /grayimagedepth -1 /grayimagemindownsampledepth 2 /grayimagedownsamplethreshold 1.50000 /encodegrayimages true /grayimagefilter /dctencode /autofiltergrayimages true /grayimageautofilterstrategy /jpeg /grayacsimagedict << /qfactor 0.15 /hsamples [1 1 1 1] /vsamples [1 1 1 1] >> /grayimagedict << /qfactor 0.15 /hsamples [1 1 1 1] /vsamples [1 1 1 1] >> /jpeg2000grayacsimagedict << /tilewidth 256 /tileheight 256 /quality 30 >> /jpeg2000grayimagedict << /tilewidth 256 /tileheight 256 /quality 30 >> /antialiasmonoimages false /cropmonoimages true /monoimageminresolution 1200 /monoimageminresolutionpolicy /ok /downsamplemonoimages true /monoimagedownsampletype /bicubic /monoimageresolution 1200 /monoimagedepth -1 /monoimagedownsamplethreshold 1.50000 /encodemonoimages true /monoimagefilter /ccittfaxencode /monoimagedict << /k -1 >> /allowpsxobjects false /checkcompliance [ /none ] /pdfx1acheck false /pdfx3check false /pdfxcompliantpdfonly false /pdfxnotrimboxerror true /pdfxtrimboxtomediaboxoffset [ 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 ] /pdfxsetbleedboxtomediabox true /pdfxbleedboxtotrimboxoffset [ 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 ] /pdfxoutputintentprofile () /pdfxoutputconditionidentifier () /pdfxoutputcondition () /pdfxregistryname () /pdfxtrapped /false /createjdffile false /description << /ara <feff06270633062a062e062f0645002006470630064700200627064406250639062f0627062f0627062a002006440625064606340627062100200648062b062706260642002000410064006f00620065002000500044004600200645062a064806270641064206290020064406440637062806270639062900200641064a00200627064406450637062706280639002006300627062a0020062f0631062c0627062a002006270644062c0648062f0629002006270644063906270644064a0629061b0020064a06450643064600200641062a062d00200648062b0627062606420020005000440046002006270644064506460634062306290020062806270633062a062e062f062706450020004100630072006f0062006100740020064800410064006f006200650020005200650061006400650072002006250635062f0627063100200035002e0030002006480627064406250635062f062706310627062a0020062706440623062d062f062b002e0635062f0627063100200035002e0030002006480627064406250635062f062706310627062a0020062706440623062d062f062b002e> /bgr <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> /chs <feff4f7f75288fd94e9b8bbe5b9a521b5efa7684002000410064006f006200650020005000440046002065876863900275284e8e9ad88d2891cf76845370524d53705237300260a853ef4ee54f7f75280020004100630072006f0062006100740020548c002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e003000204ee553ca66f49ad87248672c676562535f00521b5efa768400200050004400460020658768633002> /cht <feff4f7f752890194e9b8a2d7f6e5efa7acb7684002000410064006f006200650020005000440046002065874ef69069752865bc9ad854c18cea76845370524d5370523786557406300260a853ef4ee54f7f75280020004100630072006f0062006100740020548c002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e003000204ee553ca66f49ad87248672c4f86958b555f5df25efa7acb76840020005000440046002065874ef63002> /cze <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> /dan <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> /deu <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> /esp <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> /eti <feff004b00610073007500740061006700650020006e0065006900640020007300e4007400740065006900640020006b00760061006c006900740065006500740073006500200074007200fc006b006900650065006c007300650020007000720069006e00740069006d0069007300650020006a0061006f006b007300200073006f00620069006c0069006b0065002000410064006f006200650020005000440046002d0064006f006b0075006d0065006e00740069006400650020006c006f006f006d006900730065006b0073002e00200020004c006f006f0064007500640020005000440046002d0064006f006b0075006d0065006e00740065002000730061006100740065002000610076006100640061002000700072006f006700720061006d006d006900640065006700610020004100630072006f0062006100740020006e0069006e0067002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e00300020006a00610020007500750065006d006100740065002000760065007200730069006f006f006e00690064006500670061002e000d000a> /fra <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> /gre <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> /heb <feff05d405e905ea05de05e905d5002005d105d405d205d305e805d505ea002005d005dc05d4002005db05d305d9002005dc05d905e605d505e8002005de05e105de05db05d9002000410064006f006200650020005000440046002005d405de05d505ea05d005de05d905dd002005dc05d405d305e405e105ea002005e705d305dd002d05d305e405d505e1002005d005d905db05d505ea05d905ea002e002005de05e105de05db05d90020005000440046002005e905e005d505e605e805d5002005e005d905ea05e005d905dd002005dc05e405ea05d905d705d4002005d105d005de05e605e205d505ea0020004100630072006f006200610074002005d5002d00410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e0030002005d505d205e805e105d005d505ea002005de05ea05e705d305de05d505ea002005d905d505ea05e8002e05d005de05d905dd002005dc002d005000440046002f0058002d0033002c002005e205d905d905e005d5002005d105de05d305e805d905da002005dc05de05e905ea05de05e9002005e905dc0020004100630072006f006200610074002e002005de05e105de05db05d90020005000440046002005e905e005d505e605e805d5002005e005d905ea05e005d905dd002005dc05e405ea05d905d705d4002005d105d005de05e605e205d505ea0020004100630072006f006200610074002005d5002d00410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e0030002005d505d205e805e105d005d505ea002005de05ea05e705d305de05d505ea002005d905d505ea05e8002e> /hrv (za stvaranje adobe pdf dokumenata najpogodnijih za visokokvalitetni ispis prije tiskanja koristite ove postavke. stvoreni pdf dokumenti mogu se otvoriti acrobat i adobe reader 5.0 i kasnijim verzijama.) /hun <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> /ita <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> /jpn <feff9ad854c18cea306a30d730ea30d730ec30b951fa529b7528002000410064006f0062006500200050004400460020658766f8306e4f5c6210306b4f7f75283057307e305930023053306e8a2d5b9a30674f5c62103055308c305f0020005000440046002030d530a130a430eb306f3001004100630072006f0062006100740020304a30883073002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e003000204ee5964d3067958b304f30533068304c3067304d307e305930023053306e8a2d5b9a306b306f30d530a930f330c8306e57cb30818fbc307f304c5fc59808306730593002> /kor <feffc7740020c124c815c7440020c0acc6a9d558c5ec0020ace0d488c9c80020c2dcd5d80020c778c1c4c5d00020ac00c7a50020c801d569d55c002000410064006f0062006500200050004400460020bb38c11cb97c0020c791c131d569b2c8b2e4002e0020c774b807ac8c0020c791c131b41c00200050004400460020bb38c11cb2940020004100630072006f0062006100740020bc0f002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e00300020c774c0c1c5d0c11c0020c5f40020c2180020c788c2b5b2c8b2e4002e> /lth <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> /lvi <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> /nld (gebruik deze instellingen om adobe pdf-documenten te maken die zijn geoptimaliseerd voor prepress-afdrukken van hoge kwaliteit. de gemaakte pdf-documenten kunnen worden geopend met acrobat en adobe reader 5.0 en hoger.) /nor <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> /pol <feff0055007300740061007700690065006e0069006100200064006f002000740077006f0072007a0065006e0069006100200064006f006b0075006d0065006e007400f300770020005000440046002000700072007a0065007a006e00610063007a006f006e00790063006800200064006f002000770079006400720075006b00f30077002000770020007700790073006f006b00690065006a0020006a0061006b006f015b00630069002e002000200044006f006b0075006d0065006e0074007900200050004400460020006d006f017c006e00610020006f007400770069006500720061010700200077002000700072006f006700720061006d006900650020004100630072006f00620061007400200069002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e0030002000690020006e006f00770073007a0079006d002e> /ptb <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> /rum <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> /rus <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> /sky <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> /slv <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> /suo <feff004b00e40079007400e40020006e00e40069007400e4002000610073006500740075006b007300690061002c0020006b0075006e0020006c0075006f00740020006c00e400680069006e006e00e4002000760061006100740069007600610061006e0020007000610069006e006100740075006b00730065006e002000760061006c006d0069007300740065006c00750074007900f6006800f6006e00200073006f00700069007600690061002000410064006f0062006500200050004400460020002d0064006f006b0075006d0065006e007400740065006a0061002e0020004c0075006f0064007500740020005000440046002d0064006f006b0075006d0065006e00740069007400200076006f0069006400610061006e0020006100760061007400610020004100630072006f0062006100740069006c006c00610020006a0061002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e0030003a006c006c00610020006a006100200075007500640065006d006d0069006c006c0061002e> /sve <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> /tur <feff005900fc006b00730065006b0020006b0061006c006900740065006c0069002000f6006e002000790061007a006401310072006d00610020006200610073006b013100730131006e006100200065006e0020006900790069002000750079006100620069006c006500630065006b002000410064006f006200650020005000440046002000620065006c00670065006c0065007200690020006f006c0075015f007400750072006d0061006b0020006900e70069006e00200062007500200061007900610072006c0061007201310020006b0075006c006c0061006e0131006e002e00200020004f006c0075015f0074007500720075006c0061006e0020005000440046002000620065006c00670065006c0065007200690020004100630072006f006200610074002000760065002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e003000200076006500200073006f006e0072006100730131006e00640061006b00690020007300fc007200fc006d006c00650072006c00650020006100e70131006c006100620069006c00690072002e> /ukr <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> /enu (use these settings to create adobe pdf documents best suited for high-quality prepress printing. created pdf documents can be opened with acrobat and adobe reader 5.0 and later.) >> /namespace [ (adobe) (common) (1.0) ] /othernamespaces [ << /asreaderspreads false /cropimagestoframes true /errorcontrol /warnandcontinue /flattenerignorespreadoverrides false /includeguidesgrids false /includenonprinting false /includeslug false /namespace [ (adobe) (indesign) (4.0) ] /omitplacedbitmaps false /omitplacedeps false /omitplacedpdf false /simulateoverprint /legacy >> << /addbleedmarks false /addcolorbars false /addcropmarks false /addpageinfo false /addregmarks false /convertcolors /converttocmyk /destinationprofilename () /destinationprofileselector /documentcmyk /downsample16bitimages true /flattenerpreset << /presetselector /mediumresolution >> /formelements false /generatestructure false /includebookmarks false /includehyperlinks false /includeinteractive false /includelayers false /includeprofiles false /multimediahandling /useobjectsettings /namespace [ (adobe) (creativesuite) (2.0) ] /pdfxoutputintentprofileselector /documentcmyk /preserveediting true /untaggedcmykhandling /leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice avian voices, avian silences: learning by listening to birds sault. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):1-4 1 editorial apply this research to create effective communitybased conservation programs which can protect wildlife and habitats by working with local leaders. research which integrates conservation with community needs is also presented by devi barman, sharma, cockrem, malakar, kakati, and melvin, growing out of their concern for the survival of the adjutant stork (leptoptilos dubius) in assam, india. the adjutant stork is the second rarest in the world and was on the edge of extinction due to habitat loss and poaching. however, in 2007, a conservation program was initiated by the researchers to work with three communities where the majority of the storks still survived. a women’s group of conservation leaders was organized, together with village elders, youth, and visiting dignitaries. their efforts were rewarded by a reduction in logging and poaching, and greater success of nests, as measured by increasing chick survival rates. over 10,000 women joined in these efforts, and now their children have become leaders in protecting the storks. the success of this collaboration between researchers and community groups is demonstrated by the rise in the stork population from 400 birds at the beginning of the research to 950 in 2020. turning to hawaiʻi, gomes also addresses issues surrounding threats to birds and their habitat and connects this with cultural loss. he notes the extinction of over 74 of the 109 known endemic bird species in hawaiʻi, while the surviving species have declined drastically and are rarely seen. when the birds disappear, so do their hawaiian names. this means that as bird sounds are silenced, the chants that transmitted their names and associated stories also disappear. as part of the native hawaiian or kanaka many societies honor birds as messengers and teachers with wisdom which offers resilience in addressing sudden changes or dealing with conflicts and crises. now more than ever, as we perch on the edge of the global climate crisis that is exacerbated by continual warfare, an ethnobiological perspective offers us a way to better understand how to restore our relationship with the land and find healing. this special issue on avian voices introduces research conducted in peru, costa rica, mexico, indonesia, india, and the united states. the six papers present a variety of approaches that include analysis of historical documents on taxonomy and naming as well as contemporary research on metaphor and memory; the dynamic role of stories in transmitting cultural values; the responsibilities that reciprocal relationships with the environment entail; and women’s roles in promoting community-based conservation. the paper by avila najera, tigar, zavalasanchez, zetina-cordoba, and serna lagunes addresses conservation concerns for birds in mexico, where habitat loss and hunting threaten many species that are eaten, sold as pets, or used medicinally. using calculations based on a cultural value index (cvi), the authors compiled information on the status of birds in many regions of mexico and coded how each species is used. while the common pigeon ranked highly as food, vultures and grackles were sought for healing. these authors demonstrate the utility of the cvi for documenting the reasons why birds are captured as well as highlighting threats to species survival. these data can inform sustainable conservation programs in mexico, while addressing the needs of rural communities. the challenge is to avian voices, avian silences: learning by listening to birds nicole sault 1* 1 sally glean center, palo alto, usa. * nicole@sallyglean.org received october 3, 2020 open access accepted october 25, 2020 doi 10.14237/ebl.11.2.2020.1730 published december 4, 2020 copyright © 2020 by the author(s) licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. sault. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):1-4 2 editorial maoli language and culture revitalization movement, gomes examines historical records of bird classification and nomenclature dating from the 1840s to the 1860s. he analyzes the works of hawaiian avian experts david malo and kepelino teauotalani, who documented kanaka maoli bird taxonomies. gomes’ analysis also includes the 1903 work of the english naturalist, robert perkins. this contemporary research shines a light on how bird taxonomies were structured and the cultural understandings underlying the names given to birds. in hawaiian avian taxonomies, bird names express specific cultural knowledge in relation to calls, plumage, beak form, eating habits, eyesight, and holy persons who are affiliated with certain species. awareness of the cultural context for bird names enables us to understand unusual meanings and linkages, as when forest-dwelling birds are called fish-eaters (gomes 2020:35). highlighting the work of these early scholars encourages the revitalization of the kanaka maoli heritage to inform both current and future decisions and actions. pierotti examines the interweaving of ecology, history, and language in his analysis of metaphor in native american oral traditions. he shows how ethnography and historical knowledge can elucidate the deeper meanings that metaphors encode. his analysis focuses on stories featuring corvidae species—ravens, crows, jays, and magpies—as a means for exploring the empirical basis of oral traditions. drawing on examples from the apache, koyukuk, cheyenne, cree, and anishinaabe in the u.s. and canada, he describes the special roles of corvids as agents of change, tricksters, and teachers who cooperate with humans and demonstrate proper relationships with other creatures and the land. in these societies, people wear feathers as a sign of solidarity with their two-legged, winged, relatives (pierotti 2020:47). pierotti (2020:45) also incorporates wolves in this discussion, based on the close connection between wolves and birds; for example, he describes ravens as “wolf-birds” because of their cooperative hunting relationships. just as the hawaiian chants that gomes describes are important for memory and passing on cultural knowledge, so the stories pierotti presents serve to dramatize values and fix these in the socio-cultural memory of each group. he notes that such information is crucial for cultural continuity and even physical survival as birds alert humans to food sources and guide them to prey. metaphor and empirical experience are also the focus of forth’s paper on the nage of flores island in eastern indonesia. birds communicate through their own voices and through metaphors—providing ways for humans to talk about both the behavior of birds and also people who share the qualities of particular birds, such as the orange-footed scrubfowl (megapodius reinwardt). just as pierotti includes wolves in his discussion of corvids, forth also considers the relationship between birds and other animals, like sea turtles. this relationship is expressed in metaphors about reproduction and morality, in reference to the scrubfowl’s negligent style of maternal parenting. forth observes how shared metaphors associated with birds and turtles illustrate ways in which creatures lacking any connection in folk zoological taxonomy can be linked symbolically through their behaviors. these nage beliefs reflect morphological and behavioral similarities in the ways that different creatures are perceived, such that spatial proximity is believed to connect their physical shape and identity. transformation beliefs about birds and turtles explain how one can change into another, with discontinuities in their relationships resulting in morphological changes. as in the gomes paper, forth shows how seemingly unusual linkages between scrubfowl and sea turtles are derived from metaphorical meanings related to their behavior. my own contribution to this volume considers the role of stories in mexico, costa rica, and peru, with examples that illustrate how personal experiences with birds connect people to their cultural traditions and practices which provide resilience. three stories from zapotec, bribri, and quechua-speaking people portray interrelationships between people and birds through an ongoing dialogue. while people attend to avian voices, they in turn speak to the birds; through these interactions a more intimate connection develops with their surroundings. avian voices are recognized as meaningful because birds are seen as social actors with intentions, desires, needs, and responsibilities. birds are beings with spiritual significance as either messengers of the gods or their personification. rather than focusing on shared myths or other stories that are widely known, these three stories portray particular encounters with specific birds. such encounters are interpreted according to each person’s experiences and woven together with the meaning of the bird’s message for their families, as understood in the context of both traditional values and current situations. the dynamic nature of these stories of bird sault. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):1-4 3 editorial wisdom and warning provides a resource that people can draw upon in times of dramatic change, such as the drought and flooding related to the global climate crisis. by attending to avian voices and behaviors, people feel they can be guided through situations of uncertainty or danger, which gives these stories greater significance and urgency. several of these contributions (avila najera, tigar, zavala-sanchez, zetina-cordoba, and serna lagunes; devi barman, sharma, cockrem, malakar, kakati, and melvin; gomes; sault) raise the issue of avian silence and what this means. the silence of birds may be due to habitat loss, extinction, or climate change, which has altered weather patterns that affect migration, feeding, and breeding. additionally, in many cultures the silence of birds is interpreted as a warning of disapprobation or danger. such portents can be seen as a reflection of how the land is faring and a measure of a people’s relationship to place. silence can be ominous—representing the judgement of the ancestors or the deities who can withhold blessing or send illness and punishment. interspecies communication between people and birds is not unidirectional from birds to people, as people may not only listen to birds but also talk with them. for the nahua of alto balsas, mexico, relationships between people and birds are connected to food and empathy in a complex network of interactions framed by working, feeding, and loving (raby 2013). as raby explains, they consider animals not only “good for thinking” but “good for living together” [translation mine]. yet, in many places people are losing the ability to hear birds and understand their messages or communicate with them. people are forgetting how to listen and attend to birds. as the tzotzil maya poet, manuel bolom, observes: “the birds dialogue with the community, tell dreams, but the ones who listen are those with understanding” (cited in vásquez-dávila 2014, translation mine). the loss of listening and understanding has in turn influenced the loss of stories, songs, and chants. in the old aymara song, “kuntur mamani,” elvira espejo ayca of bolivia sings in spanish “cuando se pone la paja en el techo…te protegerá como las alas del condor” (when the house roof is thatched…it will protect you like the wings of the condor) (espejo ayca 2011) (translation mine). espejo ayca told me that when the old aymara songs she recorded were played by a local radio station, the old people wept, for they had not heard these songs in such a long time. when the stories, songs, and chants are no longer passed down, the knowledge and wisdom encoded in those stories disappears (gomes, this volume). for many peoples, these stories are crucial for cultural and even physical survival (pierotti, this volume; raj 2019). the present collection of papers on avian voices and silences is offered as a contribution to recovering this knowledge and as a guide in the ongoing work to restore and protect birds, their habitats, and the peoples who are their companions and relatives. acknowledgments i wish to thank ethnobiology letters editor liz olson for her patient perseverance in bringing this volume to fruition. notes this special section on ethno-ornithology grew out of a session i organized for the 2019 society of ethnobiology meeting held in vancouver, british columbia, canada, on may 10, entitled “avian voices in song, story, wisdom and warning.” references cited espejo ayca, e. 2011. cantos a las casas: utach kirki, jiyawa música [audio]. available at: http:// opacespacio.fundacionpatino.org/cgi-bin/koha/ opac-detail.pl?biblionumber=21621. accessed on october 13, 2020. gomes, n. j. 2020. reclaiming native hawaiian knowledge represented in bird taxonomies. ethnobiology letters 11:30–43. doi:10.14237/ ebl.11.2.2020.1640. pierotti, r. 2020. learning about extraordinary beings: native stories and real birds. ethnobiology letters 11:44–51. doi:10.14237/ebl.11.2. 2020.1682. raby, d. 2013. comidas del zopilote: ofrenda, limpieza y empatía en un ritual agrícola (alto balsas nahua, méxico). amérique latine, histoire e mémoire 25. doi:10.4000/alhim.4496. sault. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):1-4 4 editorial raj, a. 2019. in marshall islands, radiation threatens tradition of handing down stories by song. los a n g e l e s t i m e s . a v a i l a b l e a t : h t t p s : / / www.latim es.com/projects/marshall -islands radiation-effects-cancer/. published november 10, 2019. vásquez-dávila, m. a., ed. 2014. aves, personas y cultura: estudios de etno-rnitología 1. carteles editores, oaxaca, méxico. the flora of azulejos in maranhão, brazil menezes et al. 2021. ethnobiology letters 12(1):94–102 94 data, methods & taxonomies sculpting elements from nature, especially plants, is an ancient habit throughout human history. a multidisciplinary approach to studying these objects can reveal much more than their shapes and colors. plants are underappreciated compared to animals in many aspects of people’s lives. wandersee and schussler (2001) coined the term “plant blindness”— introduction the history and habits of a group of people can be investigated from the images they produce within the historical, social, political, and economic contexts in which they were created. perhaps most prominently, the greeks, romans, and egyptians used images to express feelings, their perception of the world, and nature (costa and carvalho 2011). painting or the flora of azulejos in maranhão, brazil leandro r. menezes 1 , alícia b. ewerton 1 , amanda l. garcia 1 , susana s. dominici 2 , fabiane r. fernandes 3 , lívia flávia a. campos 2,3 , lucas c. marinho 1* 1 departamento de biologia, universidade federal do maranhão, são luís, brazil. 2 programa de pós-graduação em design, universidade federal do maranhão, são luís, brazil. 3 departamento de desenho e tecnologia, universidade federal do maranhão, são luís, brazil. * lc.marinho@ufma.br abstract the azulejo (tile) styles from the iberian peninsula and other regions in the new world are strongly influenced by muslim aesthetics. many of the azulejos in maranhão, brazil, depict plants and plant parts, but little is known about their species identity. in this paper, we investigated the origin of 94 plants species illustrated on the azulejos in maranhão based on their phytomorphic elements. among them, twenty-five were from asteraceae and eight were from rosaceae. most of the pieces are of portuguese origin and the illustrations on the azulejos show a european lifestyle. for brazilians, there was certainly no sense of belonging since the illustrations depict characteristics that are different from what is seen locally. although the phytomorphic illustrations do not reflect local flora, azulejos have become the most characteristic symbol of maranhão. our research provides a preliminary data base upon which future works can be based to propose new prints of maranhão plants and create digital guides that link historical information with botanical identifications. resumo o estilo azulejar aplicado da península ibérica e outras regiões no novo mundo tem forte influência da estética muçulmana. muitos azulejos no maranhão, brasil, retratam plantas e partes delas, mas pouco se sabe sobre a identidade das espécies retratadas. neste trabalho, investigamos a origem de 94 espécies de plantas ilustradas nos azulejos do maranhão com base em seus elementos fitomórficos. entre eles, vinte e cinco eram de asteraceae e oito de rosaceae. a maioria das peças é de origem portuguesa e as ilustrações dos azulejos mostram um estilo de vida europeu. para os brasileiros, certamente não havia sentimento de pertencimento, uma vez que as ilustrações retratam características diferentes do que se vê localmente. embora as ilustrações fitomórficas não reflitam a flora local, os azulejos tornaram-se o símbolo mais característico do maranhão. nossa pesquisa fornece uma base de dados a partir da qual trabalhos futuros podem ser feitos para propor novas estampas de plantas maranhenses e criar guias digitais que relacionam informações históricas com identificações botânicas. received april 22, 2021 open access accepted august 30, 2021 doi 10.14237/ebl.12.1.2021.1764 published october 8, 2021 keywords ceramics, portuguese flora, botanical illustration, tiles palavras-chave cerâmica, flora portuguesa, ilustração botânica, azulejos copyright © 2021 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. menezes et al. 2021. ethnobiology letters 12(1):94–102 95 data, methods & taxonomies also referred to as plant awareness disparity (sensu parsley 2020)—to describe “the inability to see or notice the plants in one’s own environment” (wandersee and schussler 2001:3). based on data from the state of maranhão, brazil, this kind of plant awareness disparity also occurs with the botanical elements on most portuguese tiles, or azulejos. in other words, many studies have been conducted with azulejos as objects from a quantitative perspective of origins and preservation whereas there is little interest in the artistic elements, plant identities, and historical context of these azulejos. the data: azulejos of são luís island azulejos are commonly found on the historical buildings in maranhão (lima 2012) especially on the são luís island (also known as ilha grande or big island). these buildings often trace back to the 18th and 20th centuries and are primarily constructed by the portuguese. as the capital of maranhão, são luís endured several rounds of colonization from the portuguese, the french, and the dutch. são luís was first invaded by the portuguese in the 16th century, who failed to colonize the area because of the resistance from indigenous people. in 1612 the french founded the municipality of são luís, in honor of king louis ix, and maintained a friendly relationship with the indigenous people. in 1615 the portuguese reconquered the province, but the absence of slave labor and incipient agriculture made it difficult for the settlers to remain in the region, since the portuguese who ventured into american lands needed slave labor for agricultural production. in 1641 the dutch invaded but it was subsequently colonized by the returning portuguese. today, são luís is recognized as an architectural heritage of humanity and a national reference for facade azulejos (pereira 2012). the historic center of são luís includes about 5600 properties listed by the government, with varied architectural styles (fig. 1a–b, figueiredo et al. 2012). azulejos were first introduced to são luís around 1778 (historian domingos vieira, in silva filho 1980), but they did not gain popularity until the 19th century. this sudden interest is attributed to the aesthetic improvement of the azulejos on facades used to protect houses from winter rains during six months of the year (silva filho 1998). between 1843 and 1879, various shipments of portuguese azulejos arrived on são luís island, of which about 90% came from lisbon (fig. 1c) and others came from porto (alcântara 1980). in the 19th century when the azulejo production diminished in portugal, some commercial houses resold azulejos from other european countries to brazil (e.g., germany, belgium, france, the netherlands, and england) (castro and oliveira 2012). these azulejos are also found in smaller quantities in maranhão. due to the historical value, diversity, and preservation, the united nations educational, scientific and cultural organization nominated the historic center of são luís as a cultural heritage of humanity. the botanical illustrations on the azulejos gonçalves (2019:136) defined the term phytomorphic as an “ornament or decorative motif with morphological characteristics similar to plants”. this term was later applied to wooden structures (burlamaqui neto 2019) and masonry (fig. 1d). in other works (e.g., correia 2005; cardeira 2015; casimiro and sequeira 2018; gonçalves 2019) this kind of ornamentation is also called vegetalista. at the beginning of the 11th century, the paintings on the azulejos from the iberian peninsula and the new world reflected a strong influence of muslim aesthetics (mudéjar) in that phytomorphic elements were mixed with geometric compositions (casimiro and sequeira 2018). gonçalves (2019) attributed the improvement of geometric, symmetrical and phytomorphic patterns to the muslim rubric of alcoranic prohibition of human illustrations in the works. before the 16th century, azulejos in portugal largely came from the spanish-moorish region and had colors applied as pigmented enamel. many azulejos circulated in portugal during that time came from talavera, spain. in the 17th century, the production of standardized portuguese azulejos began to occur, including some with plant illustrations in their composition (fares 2012). phytomorphic elements are present in relief or flat on azulejos. the relief azulejos usually have phytomorphic decorations with branches, flower buds and flowers. the malmequer (as the portuguese call some flowers of the sunflower family) is commonly featured in this type (see fig. 1d, ferreira et al. 2012; araújo 2015). on the other hand, flat azulejos are more common in brazil (gonçalves and curval 2008; lima 2012), painted by hand or decorated using a stamping technique (estampilha). these azulejos have a huge number of geometric and/or phytomorphic shapes (araújo 2015). more abstract phytomorphic elements are referred to as stylized phytomorphic (or menezes et al. 2021. ethnobiology letters 12(1):94–102 96 data, methods & taxonomies vegetalist) elements (cardeira 2015), which connect and interact with geometric shapes that also make up the pieces. phytomorphic elements in other works investigations of azulejo illustrations revealed the origin, production techniques, construction standards and state of conservation. analysis of their content was little explored in brazil. chaud and parreira (2020) created a panel of the cerrado (a phytogeographic domain of brazil) and installed at the hospital das clínicas at the federal university of goiás, goiânia, brazil. the panel illustrated the typical vegetation of this region, providing a public artistic experience that arouses the feeling of belonging. figure 1 tiled buildings in the historic center of são luís, maranhão, brazil (a-b), and portugal (c-d). manor houses (solares) a: on estrela street and b: on portugal street; c: building in lisbon, the detail shows the phytomorphic elements, leaves and flowers of roses; d: pena palace, sintra, the detail shows the floral ornamentation, in masonry, on the edge of the window and azulejos with a phytomorphic element pattern. photos: l.c. marinho. menezes et al. 2021. ethnobiology letters 12(1):94–102 97 data, methods & taxonomies costa et al. (2014) also investigated the fauna and flora on the azulejo panels of colégio de santo antãoo-novo, in lisbon, portugal. the authors recognized 44 animal and plant entities, of which trees, shrubs and herbs were the most diverse, although they were used only as decorative elements. though not identified to the species level, common horticultural species such as cypresses, oaks, palms were recognized (costa et al. 2014). in addition to azulejos, plant forms are also used and investigated in other types of artwork. teixeiracosta et al. (2018) identified the plant species present in the stained-glass windows of the dr. joão barbosa rodrigues botanical museum, in são paulo, brazil, wrote a brief history of useful plants in brazil, and identified six species of orchids in the central panel and another 28 species positioned around the central panel. moreover, in the context of the botanical museum, teixeira-costa et al. (2018) discuss the relevance of these illustrations for the dissemination of scientific knowledge. lisbon’s national museum of ancient art (mnaa) published the itinerary for botanical iconography of its collection (mnaa 2020), in which approximate botanical identifications were made. in this report, mnaa briefly discussed the role of plants in christian symbology, pagan gods (i.e., the work "hércules capturando cérbero" 1560–1561), and commercial activities (i.e., the work "o descobrimento da índia" 1504–1530). the azulejos in maranhão have been increasingly used for education and research, although there is still much more to be done with respect to the immaterial aspects of the azulejos: their relevance, beauty, history, and especially, what the azulejos represent for the people of maranhão. this paper is the result of our research into the origin and identification of the species illustrated on azulejos in maranhão. our analyses are based on extensive literature searches and provide novel insights into: i) which botanical groups are most represented; ii) whether the plants are native or exotic to brazil; iii) the origin of azulejos with phytomorphic decorative styles; iv) the relationship between the plants and the people who produced them; and v) the connection between these illustrated plants part of the culture of the people from maranhão. methods the inventário do patrimônio azulejar do maranhão by lima (2012, inventory of the tiled heritage from maranhão, in free translation) includes images of all azulejos on são luís island and in historic cities in the state of maranhão, brazil, as well as information on the location, state of conservation, origin, dimension, and technique of azulejo production. the images were examined to identify phytomorphic elements. after the first screening to locate the phytomorphic elements, we adopted the method of association and approximate identification, where images were compared to taxonomic groups from the countries of origin in order to identify them to the lowest possible taxonomic level. for portuguese species, which are in greater numbers, the flora-on: flora de portugal interactiva (2014) website was used to compare portuguese species with the illustrations. results the inventory of tiled heritage from maranhão includes 452 types of azulejos, of which most are representations of religious themes and geometric shapes; only two pieces illustrate animals (swans). among the 452 types, 94 azulejos (~21%) contain phytomorphic elements. 56 azulejos had their images associated with a botanical taxonomic group and seven images were identified to the species level. the remaining 31 pieces could not be identified to any specific taxonomic group. many of illustrations were created with an artistic touch, and often using combined features from multiple species. the family asteraceae (the sunflower family) was predominant and recognized in 25 azulejos, followed by rosaceae (the rose family) with eight identified specimens (fig. 2a). most of the pieces that have phytomorphic elements come from portugal and england (fig. 2b). the azulejos from germany and england are most accurate with a wealth of details depicted by the decalcomania technique (figs. 3e, g, h, 4b). this decoration technique gained its popularity in england in the middle to late 18th century. asteraceae, rosaceae (fig. 3h) and geraniaceae (the family of geraniums) were the most common families in british azulejos. asteraceae (fig. 4) and geraniaceae (fig. 3e) were the families represented in the german azulejos. the botanical elements of the azulejos in maranhão were especially rich in tapete-type and cercadura coverings. tapete-type coverings are decorated azulejo panels, which are known for their repetition of colors and coverage of entire walls (castro 2012). the outer bar forms a border (cercadura) of just one row of menezes et al. 2021. ethnobiology letters 12(1):94–102 98 data, methods & taxonomies azulejos that makes the covering look like a carpet (tapete). in the cercadura, it is common to find illustrations such as folhas-em-cadeia (leaves-in-chains) and renda-portuguesa (portuguese lace). discussion among the 94 azulejos (~21% of the total) with phytomorphic elements, 56 had images associated with a botanical taxonomic group and seven pieces were completely identified to the species level. each of the seven pieces has at least one of the following three species: rosa canina l. (rose); vitis vinifera l. (grapevine); or tulipa sylvestris l. (tulip). although they occur in brazil (flora do brasil 2020), rose and grapevine are cultivated species from the old world. the only species of tulip grown in brazil, tulipa gesneriana l. (dutilh and campos-rocha 2020), is not similar to the species illustrated on the azulejos. the azulejo that represents the family liliaceae comes from portugal (fig. 3f) and the image is similar to tulipa sylvestris, a species native of portugal. the disposition of the leaves and the color used in the composition of the print were characteristic of tulipa sylvestris (fig. 3f). although most illustrations were identified to the family level, three pieces could be recognized only as monocots, a relatively broad taxonomic group, since there was not enough detail. when multiple plant species were presented in a single azulejo, the sunflower family asteraceae was always one of them. in the middle of the 19th century, this family was common in relief azulejos and became the dominant decorative motif (ferreira et al. 2012; araújo 2015). its dominance among prints can also be associated with the great diversity of the group, which has more than 25,000 species and a worldwide distribution, even in temperate countries. the arrangement of the figure 2 a: taxonomic groups identified from illustrations on azulejos in maranhão (n=452). b: countries of origin of maranhão azulejos that have phytomorphic elements in their illustrations. figure 3 examples of azulejos in maranhão with phytomorphic elements and the corresponding plant group. a: apocynaceae; b: brassicaceae; c: convolvulaceae; d: fabaceae; e: geraniaceae; f: liliaceae; g: linaceae; h: rosaceae; i: vitaceae. photos: a,d,f: a.j.pereira; b: p.v. araújo; c: c.a. aguiar; e,g: m. porto; h: m. henderson; i: r. tandon. azulejos from lima (2012). a-g from floraon: flora de portugal interactiva, distributed under creative commons license (cc by 4.0); h-i from unsplash. menezes et al. 2021. ethnobiology letters 12(1):94–102 99 data, methods & taxonomies ligulate flowers (flowers with fused petals in tongueshape) around a rounded disc with small tube flowers (see fig. 4a, c) is typical of this family. in some prints flowers resembled a brush-like structure from the side view (see fig. 4b). in these cases, there were usually compositions with leaves, which also made the identification easier. rosaceae ranked second (fig. 2a) in abundance among azulejos (n = 8, fig. 3h). their rose-like flowers and compound, serrate leaves are very characteristic of the family. all illustrations were related to rosa canina, the most common rose species in cultivation. the number of petals illustrated differ from the native species of the genus. the genus rosa has flowers with five petals, but the cultivated specimens have a proliferation of petals caused by the cultivation and manipulation of the morphology of crossings. it is common in cultivated species to design the morphology from crosses between specimens with desired characteristics. the clear tendency was to illustrate plants that were observed and handled on a daily basis and had ornamental appeal, such as asteraceae (fig. 4), rosaceae (fig. 3h) and liliaceae (fig. 3f), and with economic value, such as brassicaceae (cabbage and broccoli, fig. 3c), fabaceae (beans and soy, fig. 3d) and vitaceae (grapevine, fig. 3i). this tendency provided another means for identification. castro et al. (2014) also recognized that the azulejo panels at the colégio de santo antão-o-novo also illustrated everyday scenes, which have the most biological illustrations, including common plant species, such as cypresses, pine trees, grasses, and representatives of the family cucurbitaceae (e.g., melons and pumpkins). many flowers are tetramerous (with four petals) in the shape of a cross (fig. 3b). although there was no additional evidence, this floral structure is commonly associated with family brassicaceae (fig. 3b). species in this family have four petals arranged as a cross, which gives them their name cruciferae. the economic importance of this clade as vegetables and garden ornaments makes this assumption coherent. our study demonstrates that the phytomorphic elements in the pieces are related to the countries of origin, mainly portugal and england (fig. 2b) even though some of the azulejos were produced after the diversity of brazilian flora was known. this result is different from what was found by teixeira-costa et al. (2018) for the illustrations in the stained-glass windows of the museum of the botanical institute of são paulo, where all parts of the stained glass were produced in brazil and, therefore, represent brazilian species, with the exception of the fungus amanita muscaria (l.) lam. that is native to asia and europe. the presence of approximately 20% of the azulejos with phytomorphic elements contrasts with figure 4 examples of azulejos in maranhão with illustrations of asteraceae. azulejos from lima (2012). photos: a,c: a.j.pereira; b: m. porto from flora-on: flora de portugal interactiva, distributed under creative commons license (cc by 4.0). menezes et al. 2021. ethnobiology letters 12(1):94–102 100 data, methods & taxonomies the almost absence of animals represented on the pieces. only two azulejos, of unknown origin, contain species of swans (cygnus sp.), demonstrating that plant awareness disparity was not present during the production of azulejos. the representation of swans follows the same pattern as plants, since the swans are completely white and completely white swan species are not native to brazil. final remarks: azulejos, plants and people for brazilians, the phytomorphic illustrations on the azulejos in maranhão did not provide a sense of belonging, since the elements are out of context with characteristics that differ from what is seen locally. this is not surprising because the azulejos were produced in portugal, germany, england, and other european countries. despite colonizing various places in the world since the 15th century (pataca 2016; nogueira 2000; linhares et al. 2018), the process of portuguese territorial expansion occurred with greater intensity in the 19th century (nogueira 2000; linhares et al. 2018). in this way, it seems unlikely that exotic plant species were never of interest to the artists who designed azulejos. ironically, throughout the colonization process, the plants illustrated on the azulejos were brought by the europeans to maranhão and had a long-term impact on the lives of local people. many of these introduced species were naturalized in brazil and used as medicine and food crops (prazeres 1891; linhares et al. 2019). although the phytomorphic illustrations do not reflect local flora, azulejos have become the most characteristic symbol of maranhão (dominici 2021). our research provides a preliminary data base upon which future works can be based to propose new prints of maranhão plants and create digital guides that link historical information with botanical identifications. acknowledgments we thank the conselho nacional de desenvolvimento científico e tecnológico (cnpq-brazil) for awarding undergraduate fellowships to abe (grant #112595/2020-0) and alg (grant #152701/2020-6). we also thank patrícia sperotto for helping with the illustrations of lianas and the flora de portugal interactiva team for making images of plants in the field available. we also thank the anonymous reviewers for their invaluable contributions, and dr. liming cai for critical reading of an earlier version of the manuscript. declarations permissions: the images from flora-on: flora de portugal interactiva are distributed under creative commons license (cc by 4.0), and from unsplash are distributed under unsplash license. all authors agreed to participate and read the final version of the manuscript. sources of funding: none declared. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited alcântara, d. 1980. azulejos portugueses em são luís do maranhão. fontana, rio de janeiro. araújo, s. i. s. b. 2015. a conservação do azulejo de fachada na cidade do porto: as práticas de reabilitação de edifícios com fachadas azulejadas. master’s thesis, instituto politécnico de tomar, porto, portugal. available at: https:// comum.rcaap.pt/handle/10400.26/13739. accessed on april 20, 2021. burlamaqui neto, l. s. 2019. um éden nos trópicos: as projeções do paraíso em um móvel colonial. revista investigações 32:410–426. available at: https:// periodicos.ufpe.br/revistas/inv/article/ view/240511. accessed on april 20, 2021. cardeira, a. q. 2015. a coleção de azulejaria antiga da faculdade de belas-artes da universidade de lisboa. master’s thesis, universidade de lisboa, lisboa, portugal. available at: https:// repositorio.ul.pt/handle/10451/23907. accessed on april 20, 2021. casimiro, t. m., and j. l. sequeira. 2018. dois conjuntos de azulejos hispano-mouriscos. o tejo e a igreja do senhor da boa morte (século xvi). cira-arqueologia 6:243–253. available at: https:// www.cm-vfxira.pt/cmvfxira/uploads/document/ file/2189/9.pdf. accessed on april 20, 2021. castro, l. m. p. m. 2012. tipo de revestimento azulejar. in inventário do patrimônio azulejar do maranhão, edited by z. m. c. lima, pp. 34–46. santa marta, são luís, maranhão. castro, l. m. p. m., and v. c. l. oliveira. 2012. procedência. in inventário do patrimônio azulejar do maranhão, edited by z. m. c. lima, pp. 52–54. santa marta, são luís, maranhão. chaud, e. m., and s. r. parreira. 2020. uma janela para o cerrado: patureza e arte. botânica pública 1:14–18. available at: https://botanica.icb.ufg.br/ menezes et al. 2021. ethnobiology letters 12(1):94–102 101 data, methods & taxonomies p/24641-botanica-publica-edicao-atual. accessed on april 20, 2021. correia, l. n. 2005. decoração vegetalista nos mosaicos portugueses, edições colibri, lisboa. costa, a. m., and r. s. carvalho. 2011. a floresta antiga admirada entre quatro paredes. iberne 88:18–19. costa, a. m., r. s. carvalho, and l. m. carvalho. 2014. a fauna e a flora nos azulejos do antigo colégio de santo antão. um exemplo de aprofundamento de inventário. in a herança de santos simões: novas perspectivas para o estudo da azulejaria e da cerâmica, edited by s. v. flor, pp. 211 –237. edições colibri, lisboa. dominici, s. s. 2021. reconhecimento e memória: um estudo sobre cegueira botânica e os azulejos do centro histórico de são luís – ma. master’s thesis, universidade federal do maranhão, são luís, brazil. dutilh, j. h. a., and a. campos-rocha. 2020. liliaceae. in flora do brasil 2020. jardim botânico do rio de janeiro. [web page] available at: http:// reflora.jbrj.gov.br/reflora/floradobrasil/fb610004. accessed on april 20, 2021. fares, m., a. n. pais, i. m. martins, and s. m. pereira. 2012. azulejo blues – an analytical study of the blue colours in portuguese azulejos. report presented at azulejar 2012, aveiro, portugal. available at: https://core.ac.uk/display/29033094. accessed on april 22, 2021. ferreira, l. m., a. l. velosa, and j. coroado. 2012. património azulejar em centros históricos, desafios e oportunidades para a tradição lusitânia. report presented at azulejar 2012, aveiro, portugal. available at: http:// azulejar.web.ua.pt/congresso/congresso_pro.html. accessed on april 22, 2021. figueiredo, m. g. s., h. varum, and a. costa. 2012. azulejos de fachada em são luís do maranhão. report presented at azulejar 2012, aveiro, portugal. available at: https://core.ac.uk/ display/15570019. accessed on april 22, 2021. flora do brasil 2020. 2020. jardim botânico do rio de janeiro. [web page] available at: http:// floradobrasil.jbrj.gov.br/. accessed on april 22, 2021. flora-on: flora de portugal interactiva. 2014. sociedade portuguesa de botânica. [web page] available at: http://www.flora-on.pt. accessed on april 22, 2021. gonçalves, l. f. c. 2019. a circulação do azulejo e outras cerâmicas mudéjares nos territórios da expansão ibérica: breve abordagem à macaronésia e ao novo mundo. master’s thesis, universidade da madeira, portugal. available at: https:// digituma.uma.pt/handle/10400.13/2706. accessed on april 22, 2021. gonçalves, m. r. f., and r. f. curval. 2008. azulejaria portuguesa no sul do brasil. métis: história & cultura 7:83–90. available at: http:// www.ucs.br/etc/revistas/index.php/metis/article/ view/695/501. accessed on april 22, 2021. lima, z. m. c. 2012. inventário do patrimônio azulejar do maranhão. santa marta, são luís. linhares, j. f. p., m. i. a. rodrigues, p. f. freitas, and c. u. b. pinheiro. 2018. etnobotânica histórica das plantas do maranhão no século xvii baseada na obra de cristóvão de lisboa. biota amazônia 8:15–18. doi:10.18561/21795746/ biotaamazonia.v8n3p15-18. linhares, j. f. p., m. i. a. rodrigues, and c. u. b. pinheiro. 2019. história natural das plantas do maranhão (brasil) no século xix segundo a obra do frei francisco de nossa senhora dos prazeres. boletim do museu paraense emílio goeldi. ciências naturais 14:209–221. available at: https:// boletimcn.museu-goeldi.br/bcnaturais/article/ view/175. accessed on august 06, 2021. mnaa museu nacional de arte antiga. 2020. um itinerário pela iconografia botânica. lisboa. câmara municipal de lisboa, lisboa. available at: http:// www.museudearteantiga.pt/educacao/atividadesatuais/lisboa-capital-verde-europeia-2020/umitinerario-pela-iconografia-botanica. accessed on april 22, 2021. nogueira, e. 2000. uma história brasileira da botânica. paralelo 15, são paulo. parsley, k. m. 2020. plant awareness disparity: a case for renaming plant blindness. plants, people, planet 2:598–601. doi:10.1002/ppp3.10153 pataca, e. m. 2016. coleta, transporte e aclimatação de plantas no império luso-brasileiro (1777–1822). museologia & interdisciplinaridade 5:88–108. doi:10.26512/ museologia.v5i9.17247. pereira, d. j. c. 2012. histórico da azulejaria. in inventário do patrimônio azulejar do maranhão, edited menezes et al. 2021. ethnobiology letters 12(1):94–102 102 data, methods & taxonomies by z. m. c. lima, pp. 27–28. santa marta, são luís, maranhão. prazeres, f. f. n. s. 1891. poranduba maranhense: relação histórica da província do maranhão. revista trimensal do instituto histórico e geographico brazileiro 54:274–277. available at: http:// biblio.etnolinguistica.org/ prazeres_1891_poranduba. accessed on august 06, 2021. silva filho, o. p. 1998. arquitetura luso-brasileira no maranhão. formato, belo horizonte. teixeira-costa, l., y. v. hirao and e. hingst-zaher. 2018. ilustrações no vitral do museu do instituto de botânica de são paulo. cadernos de história da ciência 12:186–208. doi:10.47692/ cadhistcienc.2016.v12.33862 wandersee, j., and e. schussler. 2001. towards a theory of plant blindness. plant science bulletin 47:2– 9. available at: https://www.botany.org/userdata/ issuearchive/issues/originalfile/ psb_2001_47_1.pdf. accessed on april 22, 2021. birds of the mongol empire anderson. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(1):67–73 67 perspectives marco polo differs from other travelers in that his story was recorded (not by him, but by one rusticello, hence some distortions in the final tale). polo was a talented observer, and his words about birds are worth repeating. above all, bird activities in central asia of that age meant falconry. among the “tartars,” for instance: “the women do the buying and selling, and whatever is necessary to provide for the husband and household; for the men all lead the life of gentlemen, troubling themselves about nothing but hunting and hawking, and looking after their goshawks and falcons…” (polo 1927:81). in shangdu, the summer capital that samuel taylor coleridge immortalized under the portuguese spelling of xanadu, there were “more than 200 gerfalcons [falco rusticolus] alone, without reckoning the other hawks” (polo 1927:94). when the emperor “goes thus a-fowling with his gerfalcons and other hawks, he is attended by full 10,000 men who are disposed in couples…. every man of them is provided with a whistle and hood, so as to be able to call in a hawk and hold it in his hand” (polo 1927:130). “there are also a great number of eagles, all broken to catch wolves, foxes, deer, and wild goats, and they do catch them in great numbers. but those especially that are trained to wolfthis paper introduces the ornithological world of the mongol empire. we have only a few sources for knowledge of mongol empire ethnoornithology, but fortunately they are revealing and interesting. they cover two areas: hunting, specifically falconry, and medicine. birds were used both to hunt and as game. when caught, they often became food, and were then evaluated in terms of the nutritional science of the age. significantly, these two fields—hunting and medicine—were not only fully scientific by the 13th century, but were subjects of major scholarly research and writing. presumably, farmers and country folk knew as much about wild and tame birds, including keeping fowl, but their knowledge is largely lost to us. marco polo and falcons let us begin, as students of medieval mongolia always seem to do, with marco polo. his travels through central asia and china are uniquely well recorded, but not unique; thousands of merchants thronged the silk routes of central asia in the mongol period. the mongol empire established peace throughout this vast realm. “indeed, it was said a virgin carrying a gold urn filled with jewels could walk from one end of the empire to another without being molested” (may 2012:109); a stock exaggeration, but indicating some real feeling about the time. birds of the mongol empire eugene n. anderson 1* 1 department of anthropology, university of california, riverside, usa. * eugene.anderson@ucr.edu abstract the mongol empire, the largest contiguous empire the world has ever known, had, among other things, a goodly number of falconers, poultry raisers, birdcatchers, cooks, and other experts on various aspects of birding. we have records of this, largely in the yinshan zhengyao, the court nutrition manual of the mongol empire in china (the yuan dynasty). it discusses in some detail 22 bird taxa, from swans to chickens. the huihui yaofang, a medical encyclopedia, lists ten taxa used medicinally. marco polo also made notes on mongol bird use. there are a few other records. this allows us to draw conclusions about mongol ornithology, which apparently was sophisticated and detailed. received june 6, 2016 open access accepted july 7, 2016 doi 10.14237/ebl.7.1.2016.715 keywords ethnoornithology, mongol empire, falconry, zoomedicine, medieval asia copyright © 2016 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. anderson. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(1):67–73 68 perspectives catching are very large and powerful birds, and no wolf is able to get away from them” (polo 1927:128). falconry with golden eagles (aquila chrysaetos) is still a fairly common practice in eastern mongolia and neighboring areas, largely among kirghiz and kazakhs. apparently the many other species of eagles found in that area are not used, since the goldens are in nature more specialized as large-mammal hunters. polo (1927:93) makes many other references to hawking and to game birds. for instance, at chagannor (white lake) in mongolia: “the…plains… abound with cranes, partridges, pheasants, and other game birds… there are five different kinds of cranes found in those tracts, as i shall tell you. first, there is one which is very big, and all over as black as a crow [hooded crane, grus monacha]; the second kind again is all white, and is the biggest of all; its wings are really beautiful, for they are adorned with round eyes like those of a peacock, but of a resplendent golden colour, whilst the head is red and black, on a white ground [japanese crane g. japonensis, the head pattern making the identification certain; probably including siberian crane, g. leucogeranus, but it does not have the head pattern]. the third kind is the same as ours [grus grus]. the fourth is a small kind, having at the ears beautiful long pendent feathers of red and black [demoiselle crane, grus virgo, an excellent description of a bird still common in mongolia]. the fifth kind is grey all over and of great size, with a handsome head, red and black [white-naped crane, g. vipio].” this description alone should clinch the certainty that marco polo did make his journey. no one who had not seen these cranes often could possibly describe them so well. the only problem is that the wings of the japanese crane do not have golden spots, but iron staining from the acid bog water on the breeding grounds can account for that. in that area was a valley where the mongols raised captive cators, defined as like great partridges. these were sandgrouse (syrrhaptes paradoxus), which are khata in arabic, that term being very widely used for them in central asia. polo has many other incidental notes on hawking and game birds, but nothing adds much more to the above accounts. he heard of, but did not visit, lands north of mongolia, including the merkit country where people ride on reindeer. still farther, there are “…the mountains…in which the peregrine falcons have their nests. and in those mountains it is so cold that you find neither man nor woman, nor beast nor bird, except one kind of bird called barguerlac, on which the falcons feed. they are as big as partridges, and have feet like those of parrots and a tail like a swallow’s, and are very strong in flight” (polo 1927:87–88). of course there were dozens of species of birds eaten by peregrines in northern siberia, so the barguerlac must remain unidentified. the emphasis on falconry in marco polo’s description of mongolian bird life reminds us that throughout eurasia hunting was not only an obsession of the nobles and a livelihood of the poor, but also a science. the distinguished mongolist thomas allsen has written a major book on the royal hunt (allsen 2001), showing that it was a way of showing power and might, as well as training for war (allsen 2006). the nobles maintained that it helped the peasants by eliminating wolves, bears, crop-eating herbivores, and other pests, but actually it deprived the peasants of game and above all of land. millions of acres in eurasia were tied up in hunting parks. china and mongolia eliminated these over time, to the benefit of farmers but the detriment of wildlife. friar william of rubruck in the mid-13th century also noted the falconry, but as a friar he was not concerned with it: “they have an abundance of gerfalcons… which they uniformly carry on the right hand” (rubruck 1990:85). falconry and the hunt in medieval europe falconry, and the ideal of the aristocrat as rider, hunter, and falconer, came to europe from central asia. it came above all with the huns, who famously harried the dying roman empire. they developed powerful states and ruled most of europe during the fall of the roman empire. the great germanic states such as visigothic spain and frankish france owe everything to hun conquests, organization, and intermarriage with germanic dynasties (kim 2016). falconry spread accordingly. after that, for the elite, hunting was life. an elizabethan english work, the institucion of a gentleman (anon, 1568, quoted almond 2003:33) puts it perfectly: “there is a saying among hunters that he cannot be a gentlemen [sic] which loveth not hawking and hunting, which i have heard old woodmen well allow as an approved sentence among them. the like saying is that he cannot be a gentleman which loveth not a dog.” certainly the mongols love their dogs, not just as hunters but, much more, as livestock and home anderson. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(1):67–73 69 perspectives guardians. there is now a major movement in mongolia to maintain the breed of the beautiful and friendly (though protective) mongolian bankhar, a black-and-tan mastiff rather like a small bernese mountain dog and probably related to it (mongolian bankhar dog project). more to the point of the present paper, the level of scientific zoology that went into hunting seems absolutely incredible to anyone believing in the stereotypes of the “middle ages.” sadly, we have no major hunting texts from early mongolia or china. but in the west, some survive (e.g. edward of norwich 2005 [a reprint of a 1909 edition of a book from ca. 1410], based heavily on a french work by gaston phébus, count of foix, from the 1390s). by far the most ornithologically impressive is frederick ii of hohenstaufen’s de arte venandi cum avibus, translated as the art of falconry (hohenstaufen 1943). this amazing work, written around 1250, is still in print in various languages, and i have been told that it is still actually used by falconers as a working text. it involves serious, methodical science as good as a great deal of modern research. frederick tested theories, debunked old tales, and sought out information as a true scholar. he was not some isolated genius; his scientific work fits in with the aristotelian science that became popular in the middle east, and then in italy in the early 1200s. it is no accident that frederick was a close contemporary of genghis khan (1194–1250 and 1167–1227 respectively). one suspects that genghis could have written a similar book, had he ever had time to sit and write. frederick would have been the last to maintain he worked in isolation. he dedicated his book, significantly, to a neighboring muslim sultan who was also a scholar of falconry. in fact, the information came from all parts of eurasia. falconry linked the british isles and japan into one great information and trade network. gyrfalcons were particularly important as embodiments of contact. produced only in the arctic, they were traded everywhere, as marco polo’s account stated. the role of hunting and falconry in the development of science has never been adequately addressed (though see almond 2003). falconry became familiar enough that it entered the language in a metaphoric sense. a fairly common scam in old china, and still today, was for a man to promise a woman to a desperate wife-seeker for a fancy marriage fee. when the marriage fee forthcomes, the man and the woman disappear and are not seen again. he has flown her like a falcon (fang ying, “fly a hawk”) and she has returned to his hand (see sommer 2015:272–273). birds in mongol zoomedicine we now turn to the other great science of the medieval period: medicine. in china and mongolia, food was critically important and malnutrition frequent, and thus nutritional science was the most important branch of medicine. foods were evaluated according to their medicinal value. we thus have considerable information about the perceived medicinal values of birds. medicine had to be rational and scientific to have any value at all. in place of the preposterous nonsense found in popular accounts of the “middle ages,” we find throughout eurasia the dominance of the rational, enlightened, scholarly views of hippocrates and galen. they were not modern biomedicine, but they quite naturally evolved into it, because they were wholly naturalistic, thoughtful, and driven by careful observation under the guidance of theories that were progressively refined—in short, they were full-fledged science. they were not alone, however. they coexisted, and often blended, with many local traditions. some of these were rational and scientific; many were, instead, highly personalistic theories based on belief in spirits, witches, wizards, evil winds, and other supernaturals. in mongolia, hippocratic-galenic medicine from the west combined in the medieval period with chinese medicine coming from the east. both were informed by local mongolian practice, especially in the area of veterinary medicine and empirical zoology. we have about one-sixth of a huge medical encyclopedia, the “west asian medicine and formulary book” (huihui yaofang), surviving from this period (kong 1996; song 2000). what is left tells us nothing about how birds were used, but very fortunately it does include a list of the birds and other medical substances that were used. here is the list, as translated and identified by dr. paul buell, who has translated what survives of the book: the 19 birds mentioned in the huihui yaofang (from song 2000:112–113, translation in progress by paul buell and e. n. anderson), in order as in its table of contents (though there are, between “sandgrouse” and “peacock,” several miscellaneous non-avian animals): anderson. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(1):67–73 70 perspectives  male chicken and female chicken  duck  pigeon  swallow  francolin  goose, unknown species  quail  sparrow  sand grouse  peacock  crane  swan  adjutant [leptoptilus javanicus in the arabic used, but here surely meaning a ciconia stork, which, unlike the adjutant, is native to central asia]  xunhu [to smoke + bird; unidentified]  lapwing, vanellus vanellus  ostrich  mūghāli, “shrew mouse,” presumably a kind of bat, since listed with birds, though “bat” is a separate category and put with the mammals  kite (or similar bird; general term)  vulture most of these are used today as strengthening or supplementing foods (bu pin) in chinese medicine. such foods are generally very high in protein and iron. while traditional chinese doctors did not know modern chemistry, they did know the presenting symptoms of malnutrition of all types, and were perfectly familiar with wasting and weakness caused by lack of meat and, above all, with the symptoms of anemia: pallor, weakness, easy tiring, and pale or thin blood, and so on. they knew from experience which foods treated these conditions best—those we would now identify as rich in protein and iron. among such foods, wild birds have pride of place. another and less biomedically confirmed characteristic of supplementing foods is that they should look weird or uncanny. if they were striking and impressive to mongol and chinese observers, the observers thought this meant that the foods in question had a great deal of powerful qi. qi basically means breath or air, but it is extended to mean the life force or life energy that animates us all (as in qigong and similar phrases). if an animal, plant, or even rock looks very striking and weird to a human, that means that the qi that animates it is particularly forceful and effective. thus, big, powerful, strange-looking birds like cranes and vultures were considered to be very high in qi, and thus effective at supplementing the qi of the eater. the birds in the list above are all of the sort now regarded as supplementing, and most are in current use as such; all are high in protein and iron, and the stork, ostrich, vulture, and kite are strange enough to be regarded as rich in the uncanny, spiritdense qi that is associated with weirdness and is believed to be very strengthening. in hong kong in the long-ago 1960s and 1970s, i have seen kites and vultures sold in medicine markets for exactly that reason. the other revealing text from the period is the yinshan zhengyao, or “important knowledge for drinking and feasting” (buell et al. 2012). this was the court nutrition manual, edited by the court’s head nutritionist, hu sihui, a turkic-speaker from west china. the book was published in 1330, about the same time as the huihui yaofang. a large part of it is given over to descriptions of the medicinal value of the foods and herbs it mentions. the birds mentioned in the yinshan zhengyao are under 24 taxa, each with a short description of its medical or nutraceutical value. only eight of these are shared with the huihui yaofang list; the other 11 in that book are strictly medicinal, whereas the yinshan zhengyao is a book about foods. here is the yinshan zhengyao list (summarized from buell et al. 2012):  greater golden-headed wildgoose (whooper swan, cygnus cygnus; the golden head is due to iron staining from iron mobilized by acids in the boggy lakes loved by these birds; it is a familiar sight to american swan-watchers)  lesser golden-headed wildgoose (tundra swan, cygnus columbianus)  mute swan (cygnus olor)  variegated swan (immature mute swan)  chinese domestic goose (the oriental swangoose, anser cygnoides)  wildgoose (anser spp.; “wildgoose” is one word and character in chinese, not cognate with or related to the word for the tame goose)  white crane (grus japonicus, again probably including g. leucogeranus) anderson. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(1):67–73 71 perspectives  black-headed crane (grus nigocollis)  iranian crane (grus grus)  eurasian curlew (shuija, identified today as numenius arquata, but, from the illustration, evidently including other shorebirds and probably a general term for shorebirds)  chicken (gallus gallus / gallus domesticus; includes “food fowl” and “eared fowl”)  pheasant (“wild chicken,” phasianus spp.)  “mountain chicken” (uncertain; name is a general one for many game birds; illustration shows something that could be a koklass pheasant, pucrasia macrolopha, or a hazel hen tetrastes bonasia, or something similar.  mallard (anas platyrhynchos)  pintail (anas acuta)  mandarin duck (aix sponsa)  tufted duck (aythya fuligula)  pigeon (columba livia)  dove (streptopelia spp.)  great bustard (otis tarda)  collared crow (corvus torquatus)  common quail (coturnix coturnix)  sparrow (passer montanus and probably any similarsized bird)  bunting (emberiza spp.) birds were evaluated in terms of the heating/ cooling medical system, identified with hippocraticgalenic medicine in the west and with the yin-yang system in the east; the two traditions had fused in china by this time. hippocratic-galenic medicine reached china by the a.d. 500s, and under the mongols it was so well known that the abovementioned huihui yaofang actually claims (wrongly) that some of its formulas come from galen himself. birds that are heating are those that provide a lot of calories (body heat), or appear as if they should. cooling birds are those that are small or lean and provide little caloric energy. often, external signs were used, leading sometimes to wrong conclusions. for instance, spiciness or “hot” colors were taken to mean a food was heating; bland, “cool colored” foods were cooling. here is one of the fuller descriptions, the text on the swangoose: “oriental swangoose [meat] is sweetish in flavor, neutral [neither hot nor cold], and lacks poison. it benefits the five viscera. it is good for diabetes. meng shen says: ‘the meat is chilling in nature. a lot should not be eaten. it causes obstinate illnesses.’ the rihuazi says: ‘the green oriental swangoose: it is chilling in nature and has poison. if eaten it causes sores. the white swangoose lacks poison. its [meat] counteracts the heat of the five viscera and stops thirst.’ [its] fat makes the skin sleek and is good for regulating deafness. [its] droppings supplement the five viscera and augment qi. if one has an obstinate illness, too much should not be eaten” (buell et al. 2012:515). another good description is of pheasant meat. it “is sweetish-sour in flavor, slightly cooling, and has a small amount of poison. it is good for supplementing the center and augments qi. it controls leaking diarrhea. if eaten for a long time it causes emaciation. if eaten from the ninth to the eleventh lunar months it will augment slightly. if eaten during other months it causes one to suffer from the five hemorrhoids and various sores. it also cannot be eaten with walnuts, agaricus mushrooms, and tree ears” (buell et al. 2012:518). pheasant is still considered a supplementing, augmenting food. the references to poison are not to toxin; some bird meats are believed to potentiate or bring out any poisons already in the system, and thus “have poison” in an indirect sense. as the great li shizhen says of goose: “i have witnessed cases of toxins being activated by the eating of goose meat” (shizhen 2003:3725). i have very often encountered this belief today; people with cancer, for instance, avoid eating birds that “have poison,” not because the birds are poisonous themselves but because they would somehow activate the cancer. people did not bother to avoid these nontoxic but poison-potentiating birds unless they had cancer or similar chronic conditions. as is very often the case, doctors disagree about the qualities of foods, including most details about the goose; modern sources are even more varied. most seem to agree that pheasants are cooling and have some poison (shizhen 2003:3780–3783). mandarin duck also has some poison-potentiating capability, as does “mountain chicken.” the other birds lack poison—interesting in view of the modern belief that roosters are the most poison-potentiating of all foods. the birds that are heating or warming are swan, crane, black chicken, “mountain chicken,” quail, sparrow, and bunting. anderson. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(1):67–73 72 perspectives neutral meats are swangoose, wildgoose, shorebirds, chicken except for black ones, mandarin duck, tufted duck, pigeon, dove, and bustard. cooling are pheasant and duck (domestic duck is downright chilling). it can be safely assumed that farmers, herders, and country folk in general, in old mongolia and china, knew far more. we have enough literary records to make it clear that they knew the species very clearly, with, usually, migration seasons, nesting data, conservation, uses (medicinal and otherwise), and all the other lore that rural people know about birds. contemporary ethnography confirms this, if one can back-project modern knowledge, but there has been a surprising lack of ethnozoological work in northeast asia (though see roux [1966]; a few other sources, notably arseniev [1996], have appreciable but scattered data). unfortunately, we have very little record of this. country folk could not write, and aristocrats rarely did. arab and persian writers produced books on hunting and hawking, but these are not translated. medicinal works add surprisingly little about birds to what is summarized above, though they have incredible amounts of data on herbs. only the paintings and poetic accounts of birds survive to tantalize us. paintings from china, japan, central asia and persia in the mongol period and for a few centuries after are often extremely exact ornithologically, making identification easy. arthur de carle sowerby (1940) recorded over 55 species he identified in chinese art, many of them well known in paintings and carvings by mongol times. they fall into several wellrepresented categories: birds of prey, storks, cranes, herons, and pheasants. dooryard birds like sparrows, mynas, and magpies are also common. the earlier paintings show clear direct observation—they were painted from life, or copied from paintings taken from life. alas, after 1700 the bird paintings rapidly become less accurate, especially in urban areas— making it sadly clear that china’s environmental decline had by then reached a point at which few artists knew their birds from direct field observation. conclusions on mongolian-bird relationships finally, the mongolian attitude toward birds deserves to be noted. a scottish missionary, james gilmour (1970:217), observed, “not only do their cattle and flocks receive expressions of sympathy in suffering, and such alleviation of pain as their owner knows how to give; but even the meanest creatures, insects and reptiles included, are treated with consideration. one of the best proofs…is the tameness of the birds… crows perch themselves on the top of loaded camels… hawks [black kites] sweep down in the market-place at urga, and snatch eatables from the hands of the unwary…and swallows, year after year, build their nests and rear their young inside the very tents of the mongols.” he adds that he discussed with a lama the fact that the swallows nesting in the latter’s ger live by taking the lives of flies, and the lama replied: “they have no udders, they have nothing but flies to feed their young on, and what can they do? hoarhe [alas!], dear little creatures” (gilmour 1970: 265). the respect and compassion exhibited here fit perfectly with what i observed in mongolia, and i quote it from another source partly to deflect any fears that i might be romanticizing; gilmour hated buddhism and animism and had no sympathy with their religious preference for not taking life. the conclusion is that we have seriously misjudged and underestimated medieval science. falconry and medicine were particularly well developed. falconry, and ornithology, remain strikingly close to frederick’s aristotelian approach. medicine has changed its paradigm since then, with the discovery of microbes in the 19th century, but galenic medicine is still very much alive. it is not only a folk tradition; it has become embodied in modern biomedicine through its relentlessly secular, rational approach and its concern with diet, exercise, rest, and maintaining a good mood. these sources i quote are the tiny tips of huge icebergs—the vast masses of empirical, constantly tested, experience-based, but often well theorized lore known to those who worked with hawks, hounds, herds, harts, hinds, and households, to say nothing of those who worked with fields, farms, foods, forests, and fresh waters, and those who worked with medicine, health, and healing. they kept alive the empirical and experimental approach that developed into modern science after aristotlean methods spread widely in the 1100s and 1200s. we are in their debt every minute of our lives, but we almost never know their names. i have quoted before, and will surely quote many times again, the passage from ecclesiasticus: “let us now praise famous men… and some there be, which have no memorial; who are perished, as though they had never anderson. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(1):67–73 73 perspectives been; and are become as though they had never been born; and their children after them. but these were merciful men, whose righteousness hath not been forgotten… their seed shall remain for ever, and their glory shall not be blotted out.” ecclesiasticus 44:1, 8–13 appendix this is not to say that medieval zoology was all aristotelian science. far from it. sadly typical of the other extreme of mongol, and medieval, zoology is a story told to a european envoy to the mongols, giovanni di plano carpini. he was told that the mongols once found a land with monstrous women and no visible men, because “whoever was born female had a human form, while the males had a dog’s shape. when the tartars prolonged their stay in this country, dogs in another part of a river gathered in one place, and even though it was a very cold winter they all threw themselves into the water. after this they rolled uncontrollably in the dust so that the dust mixed with the water and froze onto them. they would do this repeatedly so the ice formed over them densely and then they attacked the tartars fiercely. when the tartars shot arrows at them it was as if they shot against rocks: the arrows rebounded and in fact their other weapons could do them no damage either. the dogs however did the tartars great harm and injured and killed many with bites and thus drove them from their borders…” (plano carpini 1996:61). plano carpini makes no secret of his skepticism about this. clearly, travelers’ tales, then as now, were not influenced by aristotle’s teachings on scientific accuracy. i have heard many equally fanciful stories all over the world, so let no one think that this sort of tall tale was peculiar to the middle ages. acknowledgements thanks very much to the ebl editorial team for careful editing. references cited allsen, t. 2001. culture and conquest in mongol eurasia. cambridge university press, cambridge, ma. allsen, t. 2006. the royal hunt in eurasian history. university of pennsylvania press, philadelphia. almond, r. 2003. medieval hunting. sutton publishing, gloucestershire. arseniev, v. k. 1996. dersu the trapper (dersu uzala). malcolm bur, trans. mcpherson and co, kingston, ny. buell, p. d., e. n. anderson, c. perry. 2012. a soup for the qan, 2nd edition. brill, lieden. gilmour, j. 1970. among the mongols. praeger, new york. hohenstaufen, f. 1943. the art of falconry. casey a. wood and f. marjorie fyfe, trans. stanford university press, stanford, ca. kim, h. j. 2016. the huns. routledge, london. kong, y. c., ed. 1996. huihui yaofang. china publishing house, hong kong. may, t. 2012. the mongol conquests in world history. reaktion books, london. mongolian bankhar dog project. available at: http:// bankhar.org. accessed on 9/2/2016. norwich, e. 2005. the master of game, edited by william a. baillie-grohman and f. n. bailliegrohman. university of pennsylvania press, philadelphia. plano carpini, g. 1996. the story of the mongols whom we call the tartars. erik hildinger, trans. branden, boston, ma. polo, m. 1927. the book of ser marco polo the venetian, edited by george parks. henry yule, trans. macmillan, new york. roux, j. 1966. faune et flore sacrées dans les sociétés altaïques. a. maisonneuve, paris. rubruck, w. 1990. the mission of friar william of rubruck. peter jackson, trans. hakluyt society, london. shizhen, l. 2003. compendium of materia medica (bencao gangmu). luo xiwen and the committee for the editing and publication of the english edition of compendium of materia medica, trans. foreign languages press, beijing. sommer, m. 2015. polyandry and wife-selling in qing dynasty china. university of california press, berkeley. song, x., ed. 2000. huihui yaofang kanshi (a critical translation of the muslim materia medica). zhonghua shuju, beijing. sowerby, arthur de carle. 1940. nature in chinese art. john day, new york. essay on the geography of plants 28 book review in their essay on the geography of plants, the authors have succeeded in fluently presenting humboldt’s foundational ideas. building from an english translation of humboldt’s essai by sylvie romanowski, the authors provide context and detail, enabling them to paint a picture of how humboldt, as a travelling botanist and polymath, has stimulated the science of historical ecology. the inclusion and analysis of humboldt’s tableau by the authors reveals humboldt’s observation of the global pattern of plants and geography. a poster-sized color reproduction of humboldt’s mt. chimborazo tableau is a beautiful addition to the text. the contents of the book are arranged in a manner that guides the reader towards a deeper understanding of the central translated essay. following the preface, several notes to the reader, and acknowledgements, the reader is introduced to humboldt and his work. here jackson eloquently expresses his respect for humboldt and his contributions to science. this passage transitions nicely to a reading of the translation of humboldt’s essay and his tableau physique. a short chapter analyzing the science of the tableau and a listing of the scientific names within the tableau is provided next. humboldt and bonpland did not have modern gis technology, yet they used particular instruments such as the chronomoter to observe the spatial interrelationship of biotic and abiotic systems. jackson addresses this topic with a short essay detailing why those instruments were hauled by the scientists and their crews over the mountains and rivers of the continent to explore their numerous hypotheses including those on longitude, latitude, and elevation (p. 221). the biographical sketches and bibliographical essay provide supplementary information for the reader looking for a comprehensive understanding of alexander von humboldt established himself as one of the fathers of modern day biogeography when he wrote his essai sur la géographie des plantes and accompanying tableau physique des andes et pays voisins. this essay, based on scientific observations collected from a five year scientific expedition and journey from 1799-1804 through the americas with aimé bonpland, was first presented in 1807. in cosmos and other writings, humboldt provided many intellectual insights to our modern understanding of the world including the similarity of plants growing at higher altitudes to those growing at lower and higher latitudes and the historical positions of the continents. a highly distinguished scientist in his own time and a contemporary of charles darwin, alfred russell wallace, and a multitude of influential scientific minds, humboldt has faded from today’s public consciousness. this may not be the case for long. stephen t. jackson, professor of botany and ecology at the university of wyoming, and dr. sylvie romanowski, associate professor of french literature at northwestern university, have collaborated to produce a wonderful contribution to ethnobiology. a chance meeting while traveling led to the cooperation between the authors, an event resulting in a book that should prevent future frustration for readers while staying as close to the original 18th century writing as possible. born from dr. jackson’s frustration as an english speaker trying to understand botanical details from humboldt’s essai and tableau in the original french, this work grants the english reader of natural history and biogeography greater access to the ideas and writings of alexander von humboldt and aimé bonpland. essay on the geography of plants alexander von humboldt and aimé bonpland. edited and with an introduction by stephen t. jackson. translated by sylvie romanowski. 2009. university of chicago press, chicago. pp. 296, 1 color plate, 9 halftones, 7 tables, 1 poster. $45.00 (cloth). isbn 9780226360669. reviewed by ian c. smith reviewer address: department of anthropology, university of arkansas, fayetteville, ar 72701. icsmith34@gmail.com received: november 1, 2011 volume: 4:28-29 published: february 14, 2013 © 2013 society of ethnobiology 29 book review the leading scientific and political figures mentioned in the essai and tableau as well as how this work relates to additional books and essays on humboldt. jackson and romanowski’s level of footnoting remains measured throughout which adds valuable information without detracting from the reader’s experience of the main text. this book benefits from a thoughtful and wellorchestrated layout that introduces alexander von humboldt as the scientist, writer, and man that current and past ethnobiologists have benefitted from. as jackson echoes humboldt from his essai, the purpose of his work is to appeal to botanists to “go beyond collecting, describing, and classifying plant specimens…to focus on the geography of plants” (p.18). a more holistic approach to botany was pioneered by humboldt. this concept of the important role of ecological knowledge remains important today. translated into english and bookended by a well written introduction and supplemental information on the life and times of humboldt, it is quite possible that essay on the geography of plants will cause you to develop the “humboldt virus” (p. vii) shared by jackson and romanowski. fisher-foragers amidst the reeds: loptuq perception of waterscapes in the lower tarim area svanberg and ståhlberg. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):128–136 128 research communications understanding, as well as linguistic reflections concerning the environment, becomes an even more complex process when we are dealing with a historical perspective, especially for cultures that have already disappeared (ståhlberg and svanberg 2017). from the end of the 1870s to the beginning of the 1930s, around a dozen travelers to central asia mentioned the loptuq, a small group of turkicspeaking fisher-foragers in the lower tarim river area of eastern turkestan (now xinjiang, china) in their publications (see ståhlberg and svanberg 2010, 2017). the loptuq were previously unknown internationally, while local knowledge about them was mostly sketchy. only a few traders and some turki (now uighur) oasis dwellers visited the loptuq settlements. the lop nor (lop lake) region had been politically and culturally important until some 1,500 years earlier and then abandoned. in the nineteenth century, it was very sparsely inhabited, but the deserted ruins of ancient loulan attracted international discoverers (see hopkirk 1980). the socalled great game (expansion efforts of several introduction toponyms, hydronyms, and animal and plant names are important sources for our understanding of human perceptions of and relations with the environment. they are often witnesses to societal, environmental, and even climatic change, as they constitute historical landmarks and records. besides researching classification, naming, and the usefulness of different taxa, ethnobiologists also need to study human perceptions of the landscape to acquire deeper knowledge about the human-environment relationship and biota management (cf., cunningham 2001; nolan 2006; johnson and hunn 2011). the cultural and linguistic aspects of ecosystem services still remain a largely unexplored territory, and they extend far beyond toponyms. vegetation and animal life are plentiful and varied, and so are the linguistic expressions referring to them (millennium ecosystem assessment 2005). linguistic materials never stand alone, and they should be analyzed together with their cultural, economic, and social contexts. toponyms and other environmental namings are also subject to change over time. mapping out knowledge and fisher-foragers amidst the reeds: loptuq perception of waterscapes in the lower tarim area ingvar svanberg 1* and sabira ståhlberg 1 1 institute for russian and eurasian studies, uppsala university, uppsala, sweden. * ingvar.svanberg@ires.uu.se abstract toponyms and hydronyms encode important information about human perceptions of the environment in a specific context. this article discusses the loptuq, a group of turkic-speakers, who until the 1950s lived as fishers-foragers at the lower tarim river, eastern turkestan (contemporary xinjiang, china), and their use of common reed (phragmites australis) as an example for the close connection between language, culture, social relations, economic activities, and human perceptions about the surrounding environment. operating in lakes and swamps for their economic activities (fishing, hunting, foraging, and occasional transport), exploring and observing vegetation and animal life, the loptuq developed and transmitted information through naming their habitat. today both their habitat and the earlier knowledge have disappeared, but the perceptions and uses of resources can at least partly be reconstructed through foreign explorers’ narratives and field notes. received may 9, 2020 open access accepted august 31, 2020 doi 10.14237/ebl.11.1.2020.1701 published october 6, 2020 keywords cultural keystone species, ecosystem services, hydronyms, local knowledge, mental map, toponyms copyright © 2020 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. svanberg and ståhlberg. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):128–136 129 research communications states, chiefly great britain, russia, and qing china) in central asia brought political agents, spies, explorers, and adventurers into the region, but also travelers, who constructed their scientific fame upon the (re)discovery of historical sites buried for centuries in the desert sands. among the foreign visitors, only sven hedin (1865–1952) recurrently stayed with the loptuq. hedin studied the lop nor region carefully, meticulously recording hydronyms and toponyms during his mapping activities. gathering plants, he was able to at least partly identify the local toponyms based on plant names. during his first expedition in 1896, hedin explored the lower tarim river region, lived in loptuq reed huts, and “spoke their own language, eating the food they ate, and was almost as poor as themselves” (hedin 1898b:898). during his next expedition in 1899–1902, he stayed with the loptuq for more than a year (hedin 1904, 1906). hedin made a third and last visit to them in 1933 (hedin 1940). hedin’s materials have until now rarely been utilized for ethnobiological research, but they yield important information (hällzon et al. 2019; ståhlberg and svanberg 2010). aim, sources, and methods this study discusses the relations between toponyms and human perceptions of the environment with an example from a less known ecological setting, the waterscape. waterscapes and marshes are seldom understood. in many areas of the world, they are classified as wastelands and often systematically deconstructed, as more attractive or profitable use of the areas are preferred, or for political reasons (cf., rendón et al. 2019). we examine loptuq perceptions of their waterscape environment through naming and use of reed, highlighting through this example the importance of linguistic materials in ethnobiology for understanding local knowledge in a historical context. common reed (phragmites australis) was a significant resource for the loptuq. the reed belts provided many and varied ecosystem services, including provisional (e.g., food, energy, raw materials, and ornamental), regulating (habitat for food, fish, and birds), and cultural (language expressions, toponyms, and mental maps). reed use exists in several other areas of the world (e.g., köbbing et al. 2014; prigarin 2015; storå 1985), but the loptuq utilization has not been previously studied. we have chosen samples of reed-related toponyms, as they are abundant reflect how the loptuq perceived their main ecological settings and identify important locations for economic activities and the transmission of knowledge and social relations. our study is an effort to reconstruct and thus preserve, at least in some aspects, a way of life that is now lost. for the loptuq, like for many other small groups in central asia, documentation is highly deficient or one-sided, which makes the piecing together of scraps of information into a serious challenge for the scientist; yet it is not an impossible task, which our study illustrates. among the foreign and local visitors to the loptuq, only one, sven hedin, had an interest in documenting the loptuq’s view of their surroundings (cf., jarring 1997). he was also sufficiently competent linguistically and scientifically, and his extensive field notes contain thousands of toponyms and hydronyms, as well as notes on their meanings, which include data on fauna, plant-life, trapping, fishing methods, and dwellings. these notes are mainly found in his diaries, which have been systematically analyzed and published by the turkologist gunnar jarring (1997). we have also used the published works of hedin, which provide detailed descriptions of the landscape and human activities in the lop marshes and reed belts (hedin 1898a, 1900, 1904, 1906). other travel reports are considered when relevant; the narratives and scientific reports by nikolay przewalsky, mikhail pevtsov, gabriel bonvalot, fernand grenard, ellsworth huntington, albert von le coq, aurel stein, and sergei malov, have been used in our earlier studies on the loptuq (hällzon et al. 2019; ståhlberg and svanberg 2010, 2017). the methods used in this article are ethnobiological and ethnohistorical. western science-based societies have been criticized for simplifying ecosystems in order to manage them. local knowledge also tends to be simplified or largely ignored (peloquin and berkes 2009). cultural, social, and economic activities are, however, closely connected with language, perceptions of the environment, and the use of resources. therefore, the different aspects must be analyzed together. further, in the case of the loptuq, the concept of traditional ecological or environmental knowledge is problematic. we cannot assert that there was a tradition, or the concept needs to be revised. the sources cover only about fifty years in the life of a highly adaptive group. following alternating river waters and lakes in the desert, the loptuq had to change and assimilate new svanberg and ståhlberg. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):128–136 130 research communications data faster than, for instance, oasis farmers. their environmental knowledge and use of resources changed during the short-documented period, partly due to ecological changes and partly due to increasing contact with the outside world, mainly traders, a dozen foreign travelers, and increasing state control. with the changes in habitat and subsequently also local knowledge, we can suppose that the perceptions about the environment underwent modifications, but to what degree and how remains an open question. geography and population the tarim river is an endorheic river, almost 2,000 kilometers long, flowing eastward through the taklamakan desert in eastern turkestan. nikolay przewalsky was the first foreign explorer to visit the lower reaches of the river in 1876–1877. he found a terminate lake known as kara koshun filled with fresh and brackish water. fishermen living in reed huts and using dugout canoes for fishing and transport inhabited the shores of this considerable lake (przewalsky 1878). loptuq (‘lop people’), exonym loplik, was a small linguistically and culturally distinct group of turkicspeakers (for their origins, history, and administration, see ståhlberg and svanberg 2017). they lived in a remote region between the taklamakan and kumtag deserts with few contacts to the outside world, except seasonal visits by itinerant traders and some exchange with their turki neighbors. the loptuq subsisted on fishing, hunting, and gathering in contrast to the oasis farmers, and they transported occasional traders and foreign travelers with their canoes (ståhlberg and svanberg 2010, 2017). the tendency toward seclusion, especially from turki farmers, was mainly due to a figure 1 map of the lop nor region, eastern turkestan (xinjiang). drawing 1933 by folke bergman, member of the last expedition organized by sven hedin. legend: ruiner = ruins; gammalt vakttorn = old watch-tower; gravar = graves; bulak = well; ördeks nekropol = ördek’s necropolis; nya lop-nor = new lop nor (actually the position of the lake from 1921 to 1971). source: sven hedin foundation, stockholm (from bergman 1935). svanberg and ståhlberg. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):128–136 131 research communications fear of contagious diseases, but the loptuq also avoided the oases because turki feudal lords exploited them as workforce in the fields (hoppe 2006; svanberg 1987). by the 1880s, the quantity of animals and fish had begun to decline in the lop nor region (figure 1). several loptuq moved to oases settlements, changing their subsistence to agriculture and animal-breeding. droughts in central asia have been on the increase since the mid-1800s (pevtsov 1895). the process of salination and expansion of the deserts also continues today (ståhlberg 2004). in the early twentieth century, the tarim river changed its course and caused the terminal lake to alter its location between the lop nor dried basin, the kara koshun dried basin, and the taitema lake basin. the shifts caused an international debate among scholars as to the exact location of the terminal lake. in 1921, due to human intervention, the lake shifted its position to the lop nor basin (hörner and chen 1935). the ecological conditions discussed in this article were present before the last change took place. today, the previous loptuq habitat has been destroyed. the enormous chinese immigration to xinjiang since the 1950s increased the need for arable land and irrigation, and the waters of the tarim river were deflected from its course (mischke et al. 2020; zhang 2006). plant and animal life decreased critically or disappeared. the people’s republic of china used the lop nor dried basin for nuclear tests until the end of the 1990s, and it is not suitable for human settlement anymore (ståhlberg and svanberg 2017; hällzon et al. 2019). the descendants of the previously riverand lake-dwelling groups have been displaced in villages and in the oasis towns of miran (chinese: milan) and charklik (ruoqiang) at the southern rim of the taklamakan desert, far from their original habitat (hoppe 2006). a few remnants of loptuq culture still exists in their music, but lifestyle, traditions, and language have been replaced by uighur just within a couple of generations (abdurehim 2014; trébinjac 2017). loptuq language and culture should be considered critically endangered, if not already extinct (abdurehim 2016; hällzon et al. 2019). waterscape subsistence the climate of the lower tarim river area was harsh around a century ago with a mean january temperature of –10°c and july average temperatures of +28°–+30°c. rain and snow were very rare and farming was almost impossible due to salt in the soil (ståhlberg and svanberg 2010; see also ståhlberg 2004). sandstorms, buran, occurred regularly, sometimes lasting for weeks. during winter and spring, icy winds from the north and north-west swept the area (hedin 1898b; meserve 1992; pevtsov 1895). during the three winter months (january to march), this wind could reach a strength of ten on a ten-grade scale. the loptuq called it qara buran ‘black storm’, since it “carried atmospheric particles, which darkened the sky and caused dusk to appear at midday” (hedin 1896:503). during other seasons the atmosphere was comparatively calm, and the winds were weak and of short duration (hedin 1896). in 1877, the loptuq lived mainly on fishing and foraging (przewalsky 1878). their mode of subsistence depended on the lake and river habitat, and the changing water conditions. the loptuq mostly fished, but also trapped waterfowl with snares and consumed the meat either fresh or preserved. they gathered common reed, locally called qamïš, for huts, fuel, and furniture. the clothes and nets were manufactured by the fibers of the lop hemp (čege, čige; apocynum pictum) gathered in spring and fall along the riverbanks (pevtsov 1895; przewalsky 1878). when sven hedin visited in the 1890s, the loptuq still mainly fished, hunted ducks, gathered ducks’ eggs, and foraged reed shots for food. some households had taken up shepherding due to the changing environmental conditions, including the falling river and lake water levels (hedin 1898b). few plant species were available in the loptuq habitat (for details on their plant knowledge, see hällzon et al. 2019). common reed and lop hemp might be regarded as cultural keystone species (platten and henfrey 2009). čigelik ‘apocynum-region’, čigelik quduq ‘apocynum well’, and other similar toponyms indicated where lop hemp grew (jarring 1997). a fairly common plant was also southern cattail (typha domingensis) locally called jäkän (przewalsky 1878). hedin observed that the villagers of tikenlik (‘thistle place’) subsisted on fish, wild duck meat, duck and goose eggs, and the stalks and sprouts of jäkän. many places were known as jäkänlik ‘cattail place’, for instance jäkänlik-köl (‘cattail lake’) (hedin 1904). there was at least one turqomaqtïq köl ‘sedge lake’ (hedin 1906; malov 1956; cf., hällzon et al. 2019). a couple of tamarisk species, locally known as julƴun (tamarix spp.), played an important role for simple craft, which is indicated by several place names svanberg and ståhlberg. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):128–136 132 research communications (jarring 1997). berries of the wild oleaster tree (elaeagnus angustifolia) were harvested by the loptuq as food (hedin 1904; katanov and menges 1933). the tarim river and its lakes were rich in fish, with several native species (walker and yang 1999). mikhail pevtsov (1895) recorded around 1890 that the loptuq distinguished between five economic important species of fish: balkhash marinka (schizothorax argentatus [locally known as εgεr baliq ‘saddle fish’]); tarim schizothoracin (schizothorax biddulphi [ottur baliq]); kashgarian loach (hedinichthys yarkandensis [tεzεk baliq ‘dung fish’]); scaly osman (diptychus maculatus [it baliq ‘dog fish’]); and big-head schizothoracin (aspiorhynchus laticeps [minlai bεliq]). a couple of other, not yet identified fish species are mentioned by a few other travelers (hällzon et al. 2019; jarring 1998). hedin (jarring 1997) and malov (1956) mentioned laqu as a fish with big head, the biggest kind of fish in the lakes. it might be the same as minlai (probably a chinese loanword; mianli) for aspiorhynchus laticeps (hällzon et al. 2019). a few other fish names have been recorded, but they still evade the possibility to be identified scientifically. contemporary loptuq descendants do not know them, and at present newly introduced, often invasive, species have replaced them (walker and yang 1999). fishing activities were reflected in many ways in the waterscape toponyms. the loptuq regularly placed fish traps, manʤar, in the reed belts (jarring 1997). the fish traps were fastened to two poles stuck onto the bottom of the canal (hedin 1904). a manʤar baši ‘fish trap head or top’ was the uppermost place in the channel for setting the fish trap (hedin 1904). the fish they caught found their way into toponyms, for instance tinačïnï kötörmesü ‘portage of the tini fish’ (hedin 1904), laquluq köl ‘lake of the laqu fish’, semilaqu köl ‘lake of the fat fish’, and juƴan-balïq köl ‘lake where big fish are found’ (hedin 1904, 1906; jarring 1997; malov 1956). the waterscape also attracted mosquitoes. a place known for the abundance of mosquitoes, kümüt (malov 1956), was known as kumutluk (hedin 1904). fishing took place from early spring to late fall. the spawning-season was in may, when the fish swam down the river to the lakes. during this month, the loptuq had their most active season. they set nets and traps in the lakes and from their dugout canoes. the canoes, kemi, were skillfully maneuvered by men as well as women standing upright and driving the fish into the nets. the greater part of the fish captured during the spring was dried in the sun for winter storage. after cleaning and removing the entrails, the fish were dried unsalted. the stock fish were stored indoors in reed huts (hedin 1900; pevtsov 1895). the canoes varied very much in size: the largest hedin (1898b) observed was over eight meters long and ¾ meter broad. his own canoe was about six meters long, but hardly more than half a meter across. three men, “working hard”, were able to hew a kemi out of a fresh poplar trunk (toghrak; populus euphratica) in five days. the tree had to be sound at heart and free from cracks. the loptuq never used sails, but always paddled, using an oar with a thin, broad blade. they called their oar gädʒaq, “which they ply with great strength and dexterity” (hedin 1898b:890). for transport of people and freights, they used large canoes and double canoes, qoš kemi (jarring 1997). the waterscape and especially the reed belts were not only a habitat for fish, but also for different kinds of mussels, snakes, crabs, and several kinds of fowl. on dry land, wild boar, wolves, foxes, weasels, and hares roamed. the caspian tiger (panthera tigris tigris), is now extinct, but it appeared sometimes in the reed belts and was hunted mainly for fur (hedin 1898b; pevtsov 1895; przewalsky 1878). in the lower tarim river area, one place was called jolbarš äsildi ‘where the tiger was killed’ (jarring 1997). itinerant chinese traders were willing to pay a high price for tiger meat, a costly ingredient in traditional chinese medicine, and the loptuq hunted or poisoned the animals and sold the meat (le coq 1928). reed resources, utilization, and management the loptuq fished and hunted in the reed belts, along the riverbanks and in the marshlands of the smaller lakes in the waterscape. common reed, an aquatic gramineous perennial, was abundant in the habitat and of crucial importance for subsistence. a belt of gigantic reed, “each fully 25 feet [7.6 meters] in height and measuring 2–¼ inches [5–0.6 cm] in circumference at the surface of the water, stretched diagonally across the lake,” hedin (1898b:898) noted. reed provided invaluable services to the loptuq. the plant not only supplied them with construction materials and fuel, but the young sprouts were used as food. in fall, panicles were gathered for making beds. in summer, fresh panicles were harvested to produce a tough, viscous mass used as sugar (przewalsky 1878). reed were also a part of loptuq rituals. corpses were placed on a stretcher made of reeds and osiers, and svanberg and ståhlberg. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):128–136 133 research communications the corpses were covered with more reeds at burial. in some cases, graves were covered with sand rather than reed (bonvalot 1891; hedin 1900). the loptuq lived in permanent or semipermanent hamlets comprising 10–20 households, spread out along the riverbanks. the most prevalent type of dwelling was the qamïš uj ‘reed hut’. it was constructed on a rough framework of poplar logs tied together. the logs in the corner were called tuluk, the roof beams baraj, while smaller joints were called čäsijagač. on the log framework, bundles of reed were tied in a vertical position. the flat roof was also made of reed and the ground inside the hut was covered with reeds. in the middle of the floor, there was a fireplace. the reed houses consisted of several rooms; some were used mainly for storing stockfish and smoked duck. reed also provided fuel (hedin 1900; littledale 1894; przewalsky 1878). a more modest hut for fishermen and shepherds was the satma, built of poles, boughs, brushwood, and bundles or reed (hedin 1898b, 1940; przewalsky 1878). the loptuq managed the reed belts to improve their economic activities in several ways. one of the most important methods was the creation and maintenance of channels in the thickets for fishing and transport. hedin (1898b:908) observed: were it not for the narrow channels which the lop men keep open, these forests of reed would be absolutely impassable; even the channels (čapƴan) would grow over in one year, if the young sprouting reeds were not pulled up by the roots in spring. as a rule a čapƴan is about a yard wide, and it is lined on both sides by reeds as hard and impassable as boarded walls, not less than fifteen or sixteen feet [more than 4.5 meters] high. in several places the reeds are tied together in standing sheaves, or bent back, so as not to fall forward and choke up the lode or channel. every channel would at some point open into a round water basin with half a dozen lagoons. when the canoe appeared in the open space, “the boatmen dipped in their oars and made her skim across the open pool like wild duck, so that the water hissed off her bow, and i could not help fancying that in a minute or so we should dash our heads against a wooden wall”, hedin (1898b:909) described his experience (cf., pevtsov 1895). however, the reeds bent apart “like curtains,” and the canoe glided unharmed into the next narrow tunnel. the primary object of these channels, which intersected each other in every direction and created “a labyrinth maze”, in which a stranger would “infallibly be lost”, was not transport. they were used for catching fish. hedin (1898b:909) noted: “we rowed over hundreds and hundreds of nets, and in the clear transparent water underneath i could see countless shoals of fish. we caught a few as we went along, and cooked them.” each family had its own fishing channel, in which members alone were entitled to set their nets (hedin 1898b); this was probably a measure to avoid conflicts and overfishing. the loptuq used the same vessels both in the reed belts and on open water. hedin (1898a:257) wrote that the loptuq spend half of their lives in their long, narrow canoes. … noiseless and swift as fishes, the light canoes glide over the dark blue bosom of the lake, with its reed-hidden shores and its playfully curling eddies. for transport they used larger canoes. a tiny canoe could get through the channels easily, but bigger and heavier boats had to slowly work their way through. out on the open lake, the rowers generally knelt down, but among the thick reeds, they stood up to see better, punting the canoe along. as a rule, there were two oarsmen. the one in the rear usually stood upright to be able to see over the head of the one in front (hedin 1898b). for the loptuq, who had learned since childhood to navigate and move in the thickets, the reed “forests” provided no obstacle. when the channel became too narrow, the boatmen laid down their oars and forced the boat onward with their arms, using the reeds as a prop. for a stranger not accustomed to this kind of waterscape, the experience could be disturbing. hedin (1898b:910) confessed we were completely shut in on all sides. not a drop of water was visible; it was entirely hidden by the reeds and the boat. into that dark, close, hot tunnel, not a gleam of sunshine penetrated. i drew a sigh of intense relief when we at length emerged from the watery defile and emerged upon the last open lake, with its surface crumpled by the breeze. most explorers were puzzled about how the loptuq found their way through the labyrinths of channels (see for instance hedin 1898b). ellsworth huntington (1907:246) supposed hat svanberg and ståhlberg. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):128–136 134 research communications perhaps their ability originates from the necessity of keeping in mind the exact length and direction of the multitudinous and intricate canals and little lakes of the reedy swamp”, possibly the locations of the channels and lagoons, combined with regular navigation and management of the channels helped the loptuq to create a detailed mental map of their specific reed belt. reed played a crucial role in the cognitive reality of the loptuq, and this is reflected in the many toponyms where reed, qamïš, is a component, such as qamïš algan köl ‘lake where reed was fetched’ and qamïšluq bulaq ‘reed spring’ (jarring 1997). many of the channels or canals were named after the owner or person connected with them, setting down social rules and fishing and utilization rights, but also responsibility for taking care of it. hedin recorded more than thirty personalized channel names (jarring 1997). abdal čapƴan indicated ‘abdal’s canal’, gadaj čapƴan ‘gadaj’s canal’, and istam čapƴan ‘istam’s canal’. some channels were named after events that had occurred there or according their shape or condition, such as qum čapƴan ‘sandy channel’ or čoŋ čapƴan ‘big channel’ (jarring 1997). a passage for carrying canoes over land was known as kötörma, and such places were named for instance usaƴ kötörma ‘wide portage’, but also according to a person, abass kötörmesu ‘abas’ place for carrying canoes’ (hedin 1904). conclusions the naming of the waterscape environment helped the loptuq to pinpoint, describe, and transmit information. the toponyms can today be seen as a history book and mental map of the lop nor area at the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth century, seen through the eyes of the local inhabitants, the loptuq. important ecological, economic, and social information, crucial for a fishing -hunting-foraging culture subsisting on a waterscape, were embedded in the toponyms and hydronyms and other expressions for the environment. the abundance of different reed-related names reflected the importance of reed in loptuq everyday life, culture, collective memory, and understanding and perception of their surroundings. ecological names form the majority, reflecting for instance the abundance of plants or mosquitoes, or the outward aspect of a place. the economic aspect was reflected in among others fish-based hydronyms. social information was supplied by personal names, which indicated who had the right to fish or use resources, such as reed, from a specific spot, but they also indicated who was responsible for taking care, managing, and keeping a channel open for canoe traffic. channels belonged to a person or a family, but everybody could use them for transport and moving through the reed belt. experience-based toponyms, such as the place where a tiger had been killed, are the least frequent names, but they open up an interesting view into loptuq perceptions. tigers were usually poisoned; a place noted for tiger killing means probably that someone (or several hunters) had met and killed a living tiger there, a dangerous feat to remember. possibly the name was also given as a warning that this was a locality tigers might roam in. sven hedin recorded thousands of toponyms, but there were certainly many more, which changed over time and place. we can and should also assume that both the local knowledge and the linguistic reflections of environmental understanding was in a constant process of change among the loptuq, who moved with the shifting waters. today, these once concrete markers are gone and survive only in old maps and travel narratives. the loptuq traditional culture and knowledge, as well as the language have since changed, but the sources can still tell us something about the lop nor waterscape and the perceptions the loptuq created about it. the example of the loptuq shows that the concept of traditional knowledge is problematic when analyzing a highly adaptable group. linguistic materials cannot be divided from their cultural, economic, and social contexts, but must be analyzed from a holistic perspective, which applies also for ethnobiological data. our knowledge can never be complete, but we can at least to some extent reconstruct different kinds of perceptions, even from already extinct cultures and on the basis of very limited sources, to enrich our understanding about human survival and subsistence in challenging environments. declarations permissions: none declared. sources of funding: none declared. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited abdurehim, e. 2014. the lopnor dialect of uyghur: a descriptive analysis. university of helsinki, helsinki, finland. svanberg and ståhlberg. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):128–136 135 research communications abdurehim, e. 2016. an endangered turkic variety in china: the lopnor dialect of uyghur. in endangered turkic languages, iii: interdisciplinary approaches, edited by s. eker and ü. ç. şavk, pp. 357–370. international turkic academy, ankara, turkey. bergman, f. 1935. newly discovered graves in the lop-nor desert. in hyllningsskrift tillägnad sven hedin på hans 70-årsdag, den 19 febr. 1935, edited by j. charpentier, pp. 44–61. svenska sällskapet för antropologi och geografi, stockholm. bonvalot, g. 1891. across thibet, vol. 1. cassell, london. cunningham, a. 2001. applied ethnobotany: people, wild plant use and conservation. earthscan publication, london. hällzon, p., s. ståhlberg, and i. svanberg. 2019. glimpses of loptuq folk botany: phytonyms and plant knowledge in sven hedin’s herbarium notes from the lower tarim river area as a source for ethnobotanical research. studia orientalia electronica 7:96–119. doi:10.23993/store.76475. hedin, s. 1896. lop-nor-bäckenets vandring. geologiska föreningen i stockholm förhandlingar 18:499– 514. doi:10.1080/11035899609445463. hedin, s. 1898a. four years’ travel in central asia. the geographical journal 11:240–259. doi:10.2307/1774678. hedin, s. 1898b. through asia, vol. 2. methuen and co., london. hedin, s. 1900. die geographisch-wissenschaftlichen ergebnisse meiner reisen in zentralasien, 1894–1897 (ergänzungsheft nr. 131 zu a. petermanns mitteilungen). justus perthes, gotha, germany. hedin, s. 1904. scientific results of a journey in central asia, 1899–1902, vol. 1. the tarim river. lithographic institute of the general staff of the swedish army, stockholm. hedin, s. 1906. scientific results of a journey in central asia, 1899–1902, vol. 2. lop-nor. lithographic institute of the general staff of the swedish army, stockholm. hedin, s. 1940. the wandering lake. george routledge and sons, london. hopkirk, p. 1980. foreign devils on the silk road: the search for the lost cities and treasures of chinese central asia. john mayer, london. hoppe, t. 2006. the lopliks, their environment and ecological restauration. in watershed and floodplain management along the tarim river in china’s arid northwest, edited by t. hoppe, b. kleinschmit, b. roberts, n. thevs and ü. halik, pp. 221–236. shaker, aachen, germany. hörner, n., and p. c. chen. 1935. alternating lakes: some river changes and lake displacements in central asia. in hyllningsskrift tillägnad sven hedin på hans 70-årsdag den 19 febr. 1935, edited by j. charpentier, pp. 145–166. svenska sällskapet för antropologi och geografi, stockholm, sweden. huntington, e. 1907. the pulse of asia: a journey in central asia illustrating the geographic basis of history. houghton miflin, boston. jarring, g. 1997. central asian turkic place-names. lop nor and tarim area. an attempt at classification and explanation based on sven hedin’s diaries and published works. sven hedin foundation, stockholm. jarring, g. 1998. agriculture and horticulture in central asia in the early years of the twentieth century with an excursus on fishing. royal society of letters in lund, lund, sweden. johnson, l. m., and e. hunn. 2011. introduction. in landscape ethnoecology: concepts of biotic and physical space, edited by l. m. johnson and e. hunn, pp. 1– 11. berghahn books, new york. katanov, t. t., and k. h. menges. 1933. volkskundliche texte aus ost-türkistan. verlag der akademie der wissenschaften, berlin. köbbing, j. f., n. thevs, and s. zerbe. 2014. the utilisation of reed (phragmites australis): a review. mires and peats 13:1–14. le coq, a. von. 1928. von land und leuten in ostturkistan. verlag der j. c. hinrichs’schen buchhandlung, leipzig, germany. littledale, g. r. 1894. a journey across central asia. the geographical journal 3:445–472. malov, s. e. 1956. лобнорский язык. изслательство ан киргизской сср, фрунзе [lobnor language. kirghiz ssr academy of sciences, frunze, kirghiz ssr]. svanberg and ståhlberg. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):128–136 136 research communications meserve, r. i. 1992. a natural calamity in inner asia: the buran. ural-altaische jahrbücher 64:105–116. mischke, s., c. liu, and j. zhang. 2020. lop nur in nw china: its natural state, and a long history of human impact. in large asian lakes in a changing world, edited by s. mischke, pp. 207–234. springer water, cham, switzerland. doi:10.1007/978-3-030 -42254-7_7. millennium ecosystem assessment 2005. ecosystems and human well-being: synthesis. island press, washington dc. nolan, j. m. 2006. ethnoecology. in the encyclopedia of anthropology, edited by james brix, pp. 846–848. sage publications, new york. peloquin, c., and f. berkes. 2009. local knowledge, subsistence harvests, and social-ecological complexity in james bay. human ecology 37:533– 545. doi:10.1007/s10745-009-9255-0. pevtsov, m. v. 1895. труды тибетской экспедиции 1889–1890 гг 1. путешествие по восточному туркестану, кунь-луню, северной окраине тибетского нагорья и чжунгарии в 1889-м и 1890-м годах. тип. м.м. стасюлевича, санктпетербург [proceedings of the tibetan expedition in 1889–1890. part 1. travel to east turkestan, kun-lun, the northern edge of the tibetan plateau and dzhungaria in 1889–1890. m. m. stasyulevich, saint petersburg, russia]. platten, s., and t. henfrey, 2009. the cultural keystone concept: insights from ecological anthropology. human ecology 37:491–500. doi:10.1007/s10745-009-9237-2. prigarin, a. 2015. fishing traditions among old believers in the danube delta: survival strategies in the 19th century. in biopolitics of the danube delta: nature, history, policies, edited by c. iordachi and k. van assche, pp. 223–242. lanham, lexington, ky. przewalsky, n. m. 1878. reise des russischen generalstabs -obersten n. m. przewalsky von kuldscha über den thianschan an den lob-nor und altyn-tag 1876 und 1877. (ergänzungsheft nr. 58 zu a. petermanns mitteilungen). justus perthes, gotha, germany. rendón, o. r., a. garbutt, m. skov, i. möller, m. alexander, r. ballinger, k. wyles, g. smith, e. mckinley, j. griffin, m. thomas, k. davidson, j. f. pagès, s. read, and n. beaumont. 2019. a framework linking ecosystem services and human well-being: saltmarsh as a case study. people and nature 1:486–496. doi:10.1002/ pan3.10050. storå, n. 1985. adaptive dynamics and island life. resource use in the åland islands. studia fennica 30:113–144. ståhlberg, s. 2004. salt of life, salt of death. salination of deserts in central asia and china. in tuz kitabi, edited by e. gürsoy naskali and m. sen, pp. 9–14. kitabevi, istanbul, turkey. ståhlberg, s., and i. svanberg. 2010. loplyk fishermen: ecological adaptation in the taklamakan desert. anthropos 105:1–17. doi:10.5771/0257-9774-2010-2-423. ståhlberg, s., and i. svanberg. 2017: when is a foraging society? the loplik in the tarim basin. in hunter-gatherers in a changing world, edited by v. reyey-garcia and a. pyhälä, pp. 20–40. springer, cham, switzerland. svanberg, i. 1987. the loplyks: a vanishing fishing and gathering culture in xinjiang. meddelanden. svenska forskningsinstitutet i istanbul 12:57–81. trébinjac, s. 2017. le retour des sauvages poilus de dzoungarie: réflexions d’une ethnographe au sujet des loplik (xinjiang, r.p.c.). études orientales 2016:227–290. walker k. f., and h. z yang. 1999. fish and fisheries in western china. in fish and fisheries at higher altitudes: asia, edited by t. petr, pp. 237–278. fao fisheries technical paper 385. fao, roma, italy. zhang, l. 2006. a historical review of the changes to the course of the lower tarim river. in watershed and floodplain management along the tarim river in china’s arid northwest, edited by t. hoppe, b. kleinschmit, b. roberts, n. thevs, and ü. halik, pp. 167–177. shaker, aachen, germany. the paleobiolinguistics of the common bean (phaseolus vulgaris l.)   research communica on  ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 104‐115. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.203. 104 here, rendering the present study the most up-to-date and definitive pbl treatment currently possible. the present study of bean also advances the earlier investigation by expanding the number of protolanguages treated, especially augmenting the pool of proto-languages from south america. the genus phaseolus contains about 70 species in the neotropics, with greatest species diversity to the north (freytag and debouck 2002). five species contain domesticated populations: p. acutifolius a. gray (tepary bean); p. coccineus l. (scarlet runner bean); p. lunatus l. (lima bean); p. polyanthus greenman (year bean); p. vulgaris l. (common bean). wild populations of p. vulgaris l. and p. lunatus l. are amply distributed along the edges of the highlands of western north america through to western south america, mostly in the tropics but also somewhat further north and south (debouck and smartt 1995). both were domesticated at least twice, once in the andes and once in mexico (debouck and smartt 1995, chacón et al. 2005, 2007, 2012, mamidi et al. 2011, schmutz et al. 2014). domestication of peruvian p. vulgaris occurred in the andean foothills of southern peru on the eastern slopes (chacón et al. 2005). domestication of mexican p. vulgaris occurred in the río lerma–río grande de santiago basin in west-central mexico (kwak et al. 2009), north of the balsas river valley paleobiolinguistics (pbl) employs the comparative method of historical linguistics to reconstruct the biodiversity known to human groups of the unrecorded past (brown et al. 2013a).1 comparison of words for biological taxa from languages of the same language family facilitates reconstruction of the biological vocabulary of the family’s ancient protolanguage. this study uses pbl to establish when and where the common bean (phaseolus vulgaris l.) developed significance for different prehistoric groups of native america. this entails mapping in both time and geographic space proto-languages for which words for the common bean reconstruct. this information is provided to supplement crop-origin studies of the taxon from genetics and archaeology. as the most important legume domesticated in the new world, and a member of the widespread native american agricultural triad of maize (zea mays l.), squash (cucurbita spp.), and beans, considerable multidisciplinary attention has been directed to the common bean’s origin, domestication, and dispersal. included within this effort is the first pbl analysis of the species (brown 2006), which focused primarily on north and central america, with inclusion of only four language groups south of panama. since 2006, automated methods for dating and locating protolanguages have been developed and are employed the paleobiolinguis cs of the common bean (phaseolus vulgaris l.) cecil h. brown 1* , charles r. clement 2 , pa ence epps 3 , eike luedeling 4 , and søren wichmann 5    author address: 1 1700  scenic  highway,  #601,  pensacola,  fl,  32503‐6634,  usa  (ins tu onal  affilia on:  northern  illinois  university).  2 ins tuto nacional de pesquisas da amazônia, manaus, am, brazil.  3 university of texas at aus n, aus n, tx,  usa.  4 world  agroforestry  centre  (icraf),  nairobi,  kenya.  5 max  planck  ins tute  for  evolu onary  anthropology,  leipzig,  germany, and kazan federal university, kazan, russia.  * corresponding author: brown.cecil@yahoo.com   received: may 29, 2014  volume: 5:104‐115  published: october 2, 2014  ©2014 society of ethnobiology  abstract:  paleobiolinguis cs is used to determine when and where the common bean (phaseolus  vulgaris  l.) developed significance for prehistoric groups of na ve america. dates and loca ons of proto‐languages for which common bean terms reconstruct generally accord with crop‐origin and dispersal informa on from plant gene cs and archaeobotany. paleobiolin‐ guis c and other lines of evidence indicate that human interest in the common bean became significant primarily with the widespread development of a village‐farming way of life in the new world rather than earlier when squash and maize and a few other crops became important. keywords:  archaeobotany,  crop  origins,  historical  linguis cs,  na ve  americans,  paleobiolinguis cs,  plant  domes ca on,  plant gene cs     research communica on  ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 104‐115. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.203. 105 where maize was domesticated (buckler and stevens 2006). table 1 cites the earliest macro-botanical remains of common bean uncovered by archaeology in various parts of the americas ranging from the eastern u.s. to peru.2 the macro-botanical evidence from peru is considerably earlier than that from mexico, with a date of 4337 bp at guitarrero cave (kaplan and lynch 1999), several hundred kilometers northwest of its center of origin and on the western side of the andes. in fact, domestication may have occurred even earlier in the region. micro-botanical years bp loca on repor ng source 4337  peru: guitarrero cave  kaplan and lynch 1999  3100  mexico: chiapas, mazatán region  clark 1994, blake et al. 1995, brown 2006  2285  mexico: tehuacán, coxcatlán cave  kaplan and lynch 1999  2200  u.s.: southwest, bat cave, tularosa cave  wills 1988, kaplan and lynch 1999  2098  mexico: valley of oaxaca  kaplan and lynch 1999  1285  mexico: tamaulipas  kaplan and lynch 1999  1168  mexico: durango, rio zape  kaplan and lynch 1999  850  u.s.: eastern north america west of the mississippi  adair 2003, asch and hart 2004  700  u.s. eastern north america east of the mississippi  hart and scarry 1999, hart et al. 2002  table 1. earliest macro‐botanical evidence for common bean in various loca ons.  figure 1. bean‐term reconstruc on informa on from table 2 plo ed on map of north america.    research communica on  ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 104‐115. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.203. 106 years before present proto‐language proto‐word for bean (nr = not reconstructable) homeland center geographic coordi‐ nates family affilia on proto‐word source 6178  siouan‐catawba  nr  43.83  ‐101.83  siouan‐catawba    5944  iroquoian  nr  42.75  ‐76.17  iroquoian    5554  algic  nr  42.67  ‐73.5  algic    4828  caddoan  nr  33.33  ‐97.33  caddoan    4018  uto‐aztecan  nr  27.5  ‐110.25  uto‐aztecan    3827  salishan  nr  49.25  ‐122.5  salishan    3663  u an  nr  38.33  ‐123  u an    3472  southern uto‐aztecan  nr  27.5  ‐110.25  uto‐aztecan    3434  kiowa‐tanoan  nr  37  ‐99  kiowa‐tanoan    3343  algonquian  nr  42.67  ‐73.5  algic    3176  n iroquoian  nr  42.75  ‐76.17  iroquoian    3169  siouan  nr  43.83  ‐101.83  siouan‐catawba    3035  n caddoan  nr  33.33  ‐97.33  caddoan    2980  interior salish  nr  48  ‐117  salishan    2725  sahap an  nr  46  ‐116  sahap an    2678  central algonquin  nr  43  ‐83  algic    2576  northern uto‐aztecan  nr  39  ‐109  uto‐aztecan    2500  yukian  nr  38.5  ‐122.5  yukian    2459  central salish  nr  49.25  ‐122.5  salishan    2400  sonoran  nr  27.5  ‐110.25  uto‐aztecan    2141  miwokan  nr  38.33  ‐123  u an    2062  athabaskan  nr  53.75  ‐123.5  athabaskan    1926  southeastern siouan  nr  36.03  ‐89.39  siouan‐catawba    1865  yuman  nr  32.67  ‐116.17  yuman    1864  n interior salish  nr  50.75  ‐122  salishan    1850  missouri river siouan  nr  47  ‐108  siouan‐catawba    1839  ofo‐biloxi  nr  30.5  ‐88.67  siouan‐catawba    1827  taracahitan  *muni  27.75  ‐108.67  uto‐aztecan  authors  1809  pawnee  *a t  41  ‐98.67  caddoan  authors  1798  mississippi valley siouan  nr  43.83  ‐101.83  siouan‐catawba    1737  numic  nr  39  ‐109  uto‐aztecan    1724  s interior salish  nr  48  ‐117  salishan    1720  muskogean  nr  34  ‐85  muskogean    1673  five na ons  nr  42.75  ‐76.17  iroquoian    1587  cupan  nr  33.17  ‐116.5  uto‐aztecan    1573  southern numic  nr  39  ‐109  uto‐aztecan    1526  fox‐kickapoo‐sauk  *maskočis  43  ‐83  algic  authors  1378  mohawk‐onieda  nr  43.5  ‐74.25  iroquoian    1297  costanoan  nr  36.83  ‐121.5  u an    1295  ojibwa  *miskodisimin  47  ‐89  algic  authors  1245  delta‐californian yuman  nr  32.67  ‐116.7  yuman    1241  e miwokan  nr  38  ‐121  u an    1234  western miwokan  nr  38.33  ‐123  u an    1213  tarahumaran  *muni  27.75  ‐108.67  uto‐aztecan  1  1188  eastern muskogean  nr  34  ‐85  muskogean    table 2. bean‐term reconstruc on for proto‐languages of north america and northern mexico.   (continued on next page)   research communica on  ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 104‐115. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.203. 107 evidence from starch grains found in northwestern peru and attributed to domesticated phaseolus were dated to between 9000 and 7500 bp (piperno and dillehay 2008), which is consistent with new genetic modeling of the domestication event in peru indicating a beginning at 8500 bp, with the bottleneck extending to 7000 bp (mamidi et al. 2011). piperno and dillehay could not conclusively distinguish between p. vulgaris and p. lunatus, but since the earliest date for p. lunatus macro-botanical remains is 3495 bp (kaplan and lynch 1999), the nw peru micro-fossil find may well be the common bean. the earliest unambiguous macro-botanical evidence for the common bean from mexico, dated to 2285 bp, was recovered from coxcatlán cave in the tehuacán valley (kaplan and lynch 1999), 600-800 km east southeast of bean’s mexican center of domestication cited above. macro-botanical remains of approximately the same age (2098 bp) have been uncovered in the valley of oaxaca (kaplan and lynch 1999), another 100-200 km or so to the east. however, a phaseolus specimen dated to around 3100 bp has been retrieved in the mazatán region of chiapas in southern mexico and may be the oldest macroremains of p. vulgaris in mexico, although identification to species is not entirely certain (cf. brown 2006:514). these dates are much later than the genetic model for the mexican domestication event of common bean, which started at 8200 bp, with the bottleneck extending to 6300 bp (mamidi et al. 2011). micro-botanical remains from mexico have yet to yield dates as old as those reported from peru (piperno and dillehay 2008).3 macro-remains document the presence of bean in northeast mexico (in tamaulipas) at 1285 bp and its arrival to the american southwest no later than 2200 bp (smith 2001). earliest macro-botanical dates for the eastern us are 850 bp and 700 bp for respective sites west and east of the mississippi river (table 1). common bean-term reconstructions are presented for proto-languages of three major regions of the new world: (1) north america and northern mexico (table 2); (2) southern mexico and northern central america (henceforth mesoamerica) (table 3); (3) southern central america and south america (table 4). tables 2-4 list major proto-languages of the americas widely regarded by historical linguists as demonstrated. some major proto-languages are not included, because lexical information from daughter languages is not sufficiently available for drawing either positive or negative conclusions about reconstruction. in addition to identifying proto-languages with common bean terms and the terms themselves, the tables report proto-languages for which these terms are “not reconstructable” (nr). nr is a designation used when terms for the common bean are present in all or most languages of a family, but, nonetheless, are not cognate and, hence, do not attest to a term in their shared ancestral language. nr, then, never indicates non-reconstructibility because of missing data.4 because of the failure of many consulted sources, such as dictionaries, to distinguish species of capsicum years before present proto‐language proto‐word for bean (nr = not reconstructable) homeland center geographic coordi‐ nates family affilia on proto‐word source 1173  seneca‐onondaga  nr  42.75  ‐76.75  iroquoian    1148  central numic  nr  37  ‐117  uto‐aztecan    1005  dhegihan  *hǫbr ḱe  36.17  ‐94.42  siouan‐catawba  2  899  tepiman  *bavi  29  ‐111  uto‐aztecan  1, 3  820  upland yuman  nr  34  ‐113.33  yuman    737  dakota  *omn č́a  43.83  ‐101.83  siouan‐catawba  2  718  apachean  nr  36.58  ‐104  athabaskan    534  river yuman  nr  32.83  ‐114.33  yuman    345  w muskogean  *bala’  34  ‐88  muskogean  authors  (continued from previous page) proto‐word source:  1. stubbs 2011  2. carter et al. 2006  3. bascom 1965    research communica on  ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 104‐115. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.203. 108 designated by words in native american languages, brown et al. (2013b) were unable to reconstruct referents of proto-terms for chili pepper to species. in the case of phaseolus, species ambiguity in sources is somewhat problematic as well but not as extensively so. for example, when a native term for a phaseolus species is translated in sources by english bean or spanish frijol, that species is typically p. vulgaris. when more than one phaseolus species is reported, terms used in translation for species other than p. vulgaris are usually linguistically marked, e.g., english lima bean or spanish frijol blanco (both p. lunatus). in english, of course, bean (unmarked) can denote p. lunatus as well as p. vulgaris, but it would be extraordinary to find in any variety of the language that bean refers to p. lunatus without also being used to denote p. vulgaris. whatever the details relating to individual languages, we are reasonably confident that all reconstructed words presented here denoted p. vulgaris. dates for proto-languages presented in the tables are intended to be the latest dates at which these languages were spoken (just before breaking up into daughter languages). these are calculated through use of automated similarity judgment program (asjp) chronology, a computational dating approach based on the lexical similarity of languages (holman et al. 2011).5 possible geographic coordinates for protolanguage homeland centers given in the tables are produced through automation using an algorithm for identifying the maximum lexical diversity within a language family (wichmann et al. 2010). the geographic center of lexical diversity of a family is assumed to correlate with where the family’s protolanguage was spoken. tables also give a linguistic family affiliation for each proto-language. the information reported in tables 2, 3 and 4 is plotted respectively on maps of figures 1, 2 and 3 to give a visual perspective on both the chronological and geographic distributions of reconstructed bean terms. archaeological and pbl evidence for the common bean are broadly, but far from perfectly, in accord. both macro-botanical dates and pbl dates for figure 2. bean‐term reconstruc on informa on from table 3 plo ed on map of mesoamerica.    research communica on  ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 104‐115. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.203. 109 table 3. bean‐term reconstruc on for proto‐languages of mesoamerica (southern mexico and northern  central america).  years before present proto‐language proto‐word for bean (nr = not reconstructable) homeland center geo‐ graphic coordinates family affilia on proto‐word source 6591  otomanguean  nr  18  ‐96.92  otomanguean    5976  eastern otomanguean  nr  18  ‐96.92  otomanguean    5498  popolocan‐zapotecan  nr  17.17  ‐96.17  otomanguean    5357  amuzgo‐mixtecan  nr  16.92  ‐97.58  otomanguean    4542  mixtecan  nr  16.92  ‐97.58  otomanguean    4274  totozoquean  nr  19.92  ‐97.42  totozoquean    3654  otopamean  *khihc‐ɂ  20.08  ‐100.08  otomanguean  1  3149  zapotecan  *(kwe‐)sa:ɂ  17.17  ‐96.17  otomanguean  2  3140  mixtec‐cuicatec  * n du‐ n de  16.92  ‐97.58  otomanguean  3  3036  popolocan  *hmaɂ  18  ‐96.92  otomanguean  4  2220  mayan  *keenaq’  15.42  ‐91.83  mayan  5  2214  otomian  *‐jü  20.08  ‐100.08  otomanguean  authors  2209  chocho‐popolocan  *hmaɂ  17.67  ‐97.42  otomanguean  authors  1935  chinantecan  *hniu: l   17.92  ‐96.5  otomanguean  6  1783  popoloca  *hmaš  18  ‐96.92  otomanguean  authors  1676  zapotec  *(kwe‐)sa:ɂ  17.17  ‐96.17  otomanguean  2  1649  quichean‐mamean  *keenaq’  15.42  ‐91.83  mayan  5  1596  mixe‐zoquean  *sɨk  17.22  ‐96.03  totozoquean  7  1492  greater mamean  *keenaq’  15.42  ‐91.83  mayan  5  1437  mixtec  * n du ɂ, ndi   16.92  ‐97.58  otomanguean  8  1435  totonacan  *stápu  19.92  ‐97.42  totozoquean  9  1432  cholan‐tzeltalan  *chenek’  16.83  ‐92.83  mayan  5  1225  kanjobalan‐chujean  *tu’t  15.83  ‐91.83  mayan  10  1198  corachol  *muume  22.17  ‐104.83  uto‐aztecan  authors  1186  aztec  *ee‐  20.63  ‐98.58  uto‐aztecan  11  1148  cholan  *chenek’, *b'u’ul  14.81  ‐89.38  mayan  5,10  1058  chujean  *tut  15.92  ‐91.58  mayan  10  997  cha no  *n‐taa  16.25  ‐97.38  otomanguean  2  981  greater quichean  *kenaq’  14.78  ‐91.5  mayan  5  948  sub aba‐tlapanecan  *yaha  17.08  ‐99  otomanguean  authors  900  mixe  *sɨhk  17.02  ‐96.07  totozoquean  7  802  kanjobalan  *hub’al  15.83  ‐91.83  mayan  10  790  yucatecan  *b’u’ul  20  ‐89  mayan  10  787  zoque  *sɨk  16.9  ‐94.68  totozoquean  7  741  otomi  *jü  20.08  ‐100.08  otomanguean  authors  511  tzeltalan  *chenek’  16.83  ‐92.83  mayan  5  proto‐word source:  1. bartholomew 1965  2. campbell 2013  3. rensch 1976  4. gudschinsky 1958  5. wichmann and brown 2011  6. rensch 1989  7. wichmann 1995  8. josserand 1983  9. brown et al. 2011  10. brown 2006  11. merrill 2012    research communica on  ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 104‐115. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.203. 110 the eastern us region are the latest in each category for the entire americas (see respectively tables 1 and 2). in mexico, the earliest possible archaeological date for common bean is 3100 bp (table 1), and the earliest pbl date is 3654 bp (table 3), dates that are reasonably chronologically close. pbl chronological determinations for the common bean in southern mexico are substantially later than those indicated for the four other crops investigated thus far through pbl analysis, i.e., squash, chili pepper, manioc, and maize (respectively brown et al. 2013a, b, c, and 2014). words for the latter four reconstruct for proto-otomanguean, but a term for the common bean does not. protootomanguean is the oldest demonstrated ancestral language of the new world (6591 bp). the oldest mesoamerican proto-language having a term for p. vulgaris, proto-otopamean (a daughter language of proto-otomanguean), dates to 3654 bp (see table 3 and figure 2). this and archaeological evidence cited by smith (2001) suggest that the common bean is the latest addition to the widespread native american triad of major crops, squash, maize, and common bean. bean has the distinction of being the only member of the triad not to have developed significance for prehistoric groups, as measured by paleobiolinguistics, before the widespread development of a village-farming way of life in the new world. this may relate to the transition from hunting and gathering (in which protein was commonly obtained from a broad spectrum of plant and animal resources) to an increasingly sedentary lifestyle. as lysine-deficient figure 3. bean‐term reconstruc on informa on from table 4 plo ed on map of southern central america and south america.    research communica on  ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 104‐115. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.203. 111 table 4. bean‐term reconstruc on for proto‐languages of southern central america and south america.  years before present proto‐language proto‐word for bean (nr = not reconstructable) homeland center geo‐ graphic coordinates family affilia on proto‐word source 7266  macro‐ge  nr  ‐11.3  ‐53  macro‐ge    4701  mataco‐guaykuru  nr  ‐22.5  ‐62.58  mataco‐guaykuru    4461  southern arawakan  nr  ‐10.33  ‐74.33  arawakan    4400  chibchan  nr  9.75  ‐83.42  chibchan    4134  arawakan  nr  1  ‐69.17  arawakan    4085  n arawakan  nr  1  ‐69.17  arawakan    3943  panoan‐tacanan  nr  ‐7.5  ‐75  panoan‐tacanan    3585  tupi  nr  ‐8  ‐62  tupi    3518  caribbean n arawakan  nr  12  ‐72  arawakan    3310  salivan  nr  5  ‐67  salivan    3241  barbacoan  nr  0.67  ‐79  barbacoan    3178  zaparoan  nr  ‐3.25  ‐74  zaparoan    3124  nadahup  nr  0  ‐69  nadahup    3023  ge  nr  ‐15  ‐52.5  macro‐ge    2909  guaykuruan  nr  ‐26.5  ‐59  mataco‐guaykuru    2903  witoto‐ocaina  nr  ‐2.75  ‐71.75  witoto‐ocaina    2807  nambiquaran  nr  ‐13  ‐59  nambiquaran    2774  misumalpan  nr  13  ‐84.5  misumalpan    2731  talamancan  nr  9.75  ‐83.42  chibchan    2699  tucanoan  nr  0.33  ‐70.25  tucanoan    2593  inland n arawakan  nr  1  ‐69.17  arawakan    2503  venezuelan cariban  nr  6.5  ‐66  cariban    2433  southern guaykuruan  nr  ‐26.5  ‐59  mataco‐guaykuru    2412  cariban  nr  10.17  ‐72.75  cariban    2404  matacoan  *anhetaʃ  ‐22.5  ‐62.58  mataco‐guaykuru  authors  2271  boran  nr  ‐2.17  ‐72.33  boran    2258  chocoan  nr  6.83  ‐77.17  chocoan    2219  purus  nr  ‐12.5  ‐69.33  arawakan    2156  western tucanoan  nr  ‐2.83  ‐72.5  tucanoan    1931  chapacuran  nr  ‐13.42  ‐63.17  chapacuran    1875  southern ge  *rãgrɔ  ‐26  ‐52  macro‐ge  1  1764  arauan  nr  ‐6  ‐70.5  arauan    1717  quechuan  *purutu  0.33  ‐78  quechuan  2  1672  panoan  nr  ‐7.5  ‐75  panoan‐tacanan    1647  bolivia‐parana  nr  ‐15.17  ‐65.42  arawakan    1634  mainline panoan  nr  ‐7.5  ‐75  panoan‐tacanan    1607  yabu   nr  ‐12.25  ‐62.25  macro‐ge    1590  tacanan  nr  ‐13.33  ‐66.5  panoan‐tacanan    1569  harakmbet  nr  ‐12.5  ‐70.5  harakmbet    1550  tupi‐guarani  *kumana  ‐8  ‐62  tupi  3  1519  kampan  *maroro  ‐10.33  ‐74.33  arawakan    1418  cayapa‐colorado  *molo  0.67  ‐79  barbacoan  4  1402  guianan cariban  nr  3.25  ‐55.75  cariban    1395  cabecar‐bribri  *atu‐  9.42  ‐83  chibchan  authors  (continued on next page)   research communica on  ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 104‐115. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.203. 112 maize became a staple, the lysine-abundant bean would have become progressively more important. the picture for south america is somewhat more discordant with an earliest macro-botanical date of 4437 bp (table 1) and an earliest pbl date of 2404 bp (table 4). the micro-botanical and genetic-model dates are considerably older, at circa 8500-7000 bp. at present, we offer no explanation for this discordance other than the observation that p. vulgaris apparently did not develop widespread, significant salience for groups in south america until thousands of years after it was domesticated in the area. acknowledgements our gratitude goes to willem adelaar, thiago chacon, bernard comrie, sergio meira, and pilar valenzuela for sharing data and insights. declarations permissions: not applicable. sources of funding: epps’ work on this project was supported by the national science foundation (hsd0902114). clement thanks the conselho nacional de desenvolvimento científico e tecnológico (cnpq) for a research fellowship (proc. no. 306382/2011-3). wichmann's research was funded by an erc advanced grant (mesandlin(g)k, proj. no. 295918) and by a subsidy of the russian government to support the program of competitive development of kazan federal university. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited adair, m. j. 2003. great plains paleoethnobotany. in people and plants in eastern north america, edited by p. e. minnis, pp. 258-346. smithsonian institution press, washington, dc. asch, d. l., and j. p. hart. 2004. crop domestication in prehistoric eastern north america. encyclopedia of plant and crop science, pp. 314-319. new york: marcel dekker. bartholomew, d. a. 1965. the reconstruction of otopamean (mexico). unpublished doctoral dissertation, department of linguistics, the university of chicago, chicago, illinois. bascom, b. w. 1965. proto-tepiman. ph.d. dissertation, university of washington. blake, m., j. e. clark, et al. 1995. radiocarbon chronology for the late archaic and formative periods on the pacific coast of southeastern mesoamerica. ancient mesoamerica 6:161-183. 1335  kakua‐nukak  nr  0.88  ‐69.56  kakua‐nukak    1319  yanomam  nr  3.5  ‐62.83  yanomam    1241  eastern tucanoan  nr  0.33  ‐70.25  tucanoan    1185  kawapanan  *makira  ‐5.5  ‐77  kawapanan  5  1169  pemongan  nr  4  ‐60  cariban    992  taranoan  nr  1  ‐73  cariban    974  quechua ii  *purutu  0.33  ‐78  quechuan  2  875  embera  nr  5.25  ‐76.66  chocoan    678  jivaroan  *miik  ‐2.5  ‐78  jivaroan  authors  609  araucanian  *deŋɨlʸ  ‐38  ‐72  araucanian  authors  414  witoto proper  nr  ‐1  ‐73.5  witoto‐ocaina    389  mayoruna panoan  nr  ‐4.42  ‐70.25  panoan‐tacanan    years before present proto‐language proto‐word for bean (nr = not reconstructable) homeland center geo‐ graphic coordinates family affilia on proto‐word source (continued from previous page) proto‐word source:  1. marcel pinho de valhery jolkesky 2010  2. willem adelaar, personal communica on  3. mello 2000  4. moore 1962  5. pilar valenzuela, personal communica on    research communica on  ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 104‐115. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.203. 113 brown, c. h. 2006. prehistoric chronology of the common bean in the new world: the linguistic evidence. american anthropologist 108:507-516. brown, c. h., d. beck, g. kondrak, j. k. watters, and s. wichmann. 2011. totozoquean. international journal of american linguistics 77:323-372. brown, c. h., e. luedeling, s. wichmann, and p. epps. 2013a. the paleobiolinguistics of domesticated squash (cucurbita spp.). in explorations in ethnobiology: the legacy of amadeo rea, edited by m. quinlan and m. d. lepofsky, pp. 132-161. society of ethnobiology, denton, tx. brown, c. h., c. r. clement, p. epps, e. luedeling, and s. wichmann. 2013b. the paleobiolinguistics of domesticated chili pepper (capsicum spp.). ethnobiology letters 4:1-11. brown, c. h., c. r. clement, p. epps, e. luedeling, and s. wichmann. 2013c. the paleobiolinguistics of domesticated manioc (manihot esculenta crantz). ethnobiology letters 4:61‐70. brown, c. h., c. r. clement, p. epps, e. luedeling, and s. wichmann. 2014. the paleobiolinguistics of maize (zea mays l.). ethnobiology letters 5:52-64. buckler, e. s., and n. m. stevens. 2006. maize origins, domestication, and selection. in darwin’s harvest: new approaches to the origin, evolution, and conservation of crops, edited by t. j. motley, n. zerega, and h. cross, pp. 67-91. columbia university press, new york. campbell, e. 2013. the internal diversification and subgrouping of chatino. international journal of american linguistics 79:395-420. carter, r. t., a. w. jones, j. e. koontz, r. l. rankin, and d. s. rood. in preparation. comparative siouan dictionary. computer database from the university of colorado, denver. chacón s., m. i., b. pickersgill, and d. g. debouck. 2005. domestication patterns in common bean (phaseolus vulgaris l.) and the origin of the mesoamerican and andean cultivated races. theoretical and applied genetics 110:432-444. chacón s., m. i., b. pickersgill, d. g. debouck, and j. salvador arias. 2007. phylogeographic analysis of the chloroplast dna variation in wild common bean (phaseolus vulgaris l.) in the americas. plant systematics and evolution 266:175195. chacón s., m. i., j. r. motta-aldana, m. l. serrano s., and d. g. debouck. 2012. domestication of lima beans: a new look at an old problem. in biodiversity in agriculture: domestication, evolution and sustainability, edited by p. gepts, t. r. famula, r. l. bettinger, s. b. brush, a. b. damania, p. e. mcguire, and c. o. qualset, pp. 330-343. cambridge university press, cambridge, uk. clark, j. e. 1994. the development of early formative rank societies in the soconusco, chiapas, mexico. ph.d. dissertation, university of michigan, ann arbor. debouck, d. g., and j. smartt. 1995. beans, phaseolus spp. (leguminosae-papilionoideae). in evolution of crop plants, 2nd ed, edited by n. w. simmonds and j. smartt, pp. 287-293. longman scientific and technical, harlow, essex, uk. freytag, g. f., and d. g. debouck. 2002. taxonomy, distribution, and ecology of the genus phaseolus (leguminosae—papilionoideae) in north america, mexico and central america. botanical research institute of texas, fort worth, tx. hart, j. p., d. l. asch, c. m. scarry, and g. w. crawford. 2002. the age of the common bean (phaseolus vulgaris l.) in the northern eastern woodlands of north america. antiquity 76:377-385. hart, j. p., and c. m. scarry. 1999. the age of common beans (phaseolus vulgaris) in the northeastern united states. american antiquity 64:653-658. holman, e. w., c. h. brown, s. wichmann et al. 2011. automated dating of the world's language families based on lexical similarity. current anthropology 52:841-875. jolkesky, m. p. v. 2010. reconstrução fonológica e lexical do proto-jê meridional. unpublished master’s thesis, universidade estadual de campinas, campinas, sp. josserand, j. k. 1983. mixtec dialect history. unpublished ph.d. dissertation, tulane university, new orleans, la. kaplan, l., and t. f. lynch. 1999. phaseolus (fabaceae) in archaeology: ams radiocarbon dates and their significance for pre-columbian agriculture. economic botany 53:261-272.   research communica on  ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 104‐115. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.203. 114 kwak, m., j. a. kami, and p. gepts. 2009. the putative mesoamerican domestication center of phaseolus vulgaris is located in the lerma–santiago basin of mexico. crop science 49:554-563. mamidi, s., m. rossi, et al. 2011. investigation of the domestication of common bean (phaseolus vulgaris) using multilocus sequence data. functional plant biology 38:953-967. mello, a. a. s. 2000. estudo histórico da familia linguistica tupi-guaraní. phd dissertation, universidade federal de santa catarina. merrill, w. l. 2012. the historical linguistics of utoaztecan agriculture. anthropological linguistics 54:203 -260. moore, b. r. 1962. correspondences in south barbacoan chibcha. in studies in ecuadorian indian languages 1, ed. by b. f. elson, pp. 270-289. norman: summer institute of linguistics of the university of oklahoma. piperno, d. r., and t. d. dillehay. 2008. starch grains on human teeth reveal early broad crop diet in northern peru. proceedings of the national academy of sciences usa 105:19622-19627. rensch, c. r. 1976. comparative otomanguean phonology. indiana university publications, bloomington, in. rensch, c. r. 1989. an etymological dictionary of the chinantec languages. summer institute of linguistics, arlington, tx. schmutz, j., p. e. mcclean, et al. 2014. a reference for common bean and genome-wide analysis of dual domestications. nature genetics 46:707-713. smith, b. d. 2001. documenting plant domestication: the consilience of biological and archaeological approaches. proceedings of the national academy of sciences usa 98:1324-1326. stubbs, b. d. 2011. uto-aztecan: a comparative vocabulary. shumway family history services, flower mound, tx. van etten, j., and r. j. hijmans. 2010. a geospatial modelling approach integrating archaeobotany and genetics to trace the origin and dispersal of domesticated plants. plos one 5: e12060. doi:10.1371/ journal.pone.0012060 wichmann, s. 1995. the relationship among the mixezoquean languages of mexico. university of utah press, salt lake city, ut. wichmann, s., and c. h. brown. 2011. syllable nuclei of proto-mayan disyllabic stems. in new perspectives in mayan linguistics, heriberto avelino, ed., pp. 316342. newcastle upon tyne: cambridge scholars publishing. wichmann, s., a. müller, and v. velupillai. 2010. homelands of the world’s language families: a quantitative approach. diachronica 27:247-276. wills, w. h. 1988. early prehistoric agriculture in the american southwest. santa fe: school of american research press. biosketch cecil h. brown  is  a  linguistic  anthropologist  with  interests  in  ethnobiology,  historical  linguistics,  and  native american languages.  charles r. clement is a geneticist studying the origin and  domestication  of  native  amazonian  crops,  and  the  ethnobotany  associated  with  anthropogenic  soils  and  other domesticated landscapes.  patience epps  is  a  linguist  whose  work  investigates  lowland  south  american  languages  from  historical,  typological, and descriptive perspectives.  eike luedeling  is  an  agricultural  scientist  mainly  concerned with projection of climate change impacts on  agricultural  and  natural  ecosystems  and  with  the  development of appropriate adaptation strategies.  søren wichmann specializes in quantitative methods in  historical linguistics and mesoamerican languages. he is  general  editor  of  the  journal  language dynamics and change.  notes 1this is the fourth pbl study published in ethnobiology letters, the first treating chili pepper (brown et al. 2013b), the second manioc (brown et al. 2013c), and the third maize (brown et al. 2014). the method and theory of pbl (and the pbl of squash) is discussed in detail in brown et al. (2013a) and briefly summarized in brown et al. (2013b). given this coverage, a discussion of pbl method and theory will not be repeated here. 2archaeological dates cited in this paper come from various different sources, some firsthand, others second-party reports. some are direct radiocarbon dates and some indirect, and it is often difficult if not   research communica on  ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 104‐115. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.203. 115 impossible to determine if calibration is involved. we report all dates as if they were non-calibrated, calendric dates. 3pbl and archaeological evidence are in sharp disagreement with dates indicated by the new genetic modeling for the domestication of the common bean in mexico (mamidi et al. 2011). unlike archaeological evidence that can be precisely dated with modern techniques, both pbl and genetic modeling have large variances around the estimated dates, and these variances increase in magnitude as the mean recedes into the past. the new genetic model does not use macro-botanical remains of common bean for calibration (mamidi et al. 2011), as suggested by van etten and hijmans (2010), so these dates may be modified significantly with calibration. 4nr should not necessarily be interpreted as indicating that a term for common bean did not pertain to a proto-language and, by implication, that people who spoke the language were not familiar with the taxon. another possibility is that a bean term did indeed pertain to a proto-language, but that its referent was not especially salient, accounting for the term’s failure to survive in offspring languages and, thus, to be reconstructable for the proto-language (cf., brown et al. 2013a:140). 5occasionally, an asjp date for a proto-language may be older than a date for its own parent language. for example, proto-southern arawakan (4461 bp) has an asjp date older than that for proto-arawakan (4134 bp). this sometimes occurs in asjp chronology when a language group’s breakup is closely followed in time by the breakup of its immediate subgroup. the attested variability of asjp dates accounts for this apparent aberrancy (holman et al. 2011:872). mutiny on the boundary? examining ilk-based conservation collaborations through the lens of rubbish theory singleton and gillette. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):83–91 83 perspectives special issue on diverse conservations and institutions are creating new relationships and, de facto, new political arrangements to harness more knowledge types for conservation and sustainability. such initiatives often elicit tensions related to what counts as knowledge and who gets to decide which knowledges are useful and why (e.g., gillette and singleton 2022; hill et al. 2020; mcelwee et al. 2020; sidorova 2020). in this article, we seek to clarify what is at stake in such efforts to change (or maintain) what counts as knowledge by applying michael thompson’s rubbish theory (2017) to the ilk-western science engagements presented in this special issue. rubbish theory is a sociological theory of valuation exploring how objects (broadly defined) come to be accorded value, which in turn affects group identities and political configurations. taking examples from the case studies included in this volume, we explore how knowledge objects are manipulated within and relate to the wider socio-political system to make visible the introduction it is an exciting time in conservation and environmental sciences. quite apart from the “excitement” of proliferating local and global environmental catastrophes, environmental and conservation sciences rooted in the western academic tradition appear to be opening up. historically science has been viewed as the product of research based on academic disciplines performed by a distinct group of university -trained scholars, but today many argue that citizen science, traditional ecological knowledge, local ecological knowledge and indigenous and local knowledge (hereafter ilk) are productive knowledge sources for conservation and environmental research and decision-making (e.g., molnár and babai 2021; tengö et al. 2021). as shown in the articles that comprise this special issue, many research scientists and conservation practitioners trained in the western academy (including ethnobiologists and scholars with indigenous backgrounds), local and indigenous communities, and other interlocutors, stakeholders, mutiny on the boundary? examining ilk-based conservation collaborations through the lens of rubbish theory benedict e. singleton 1* and maris boyd gillette 2 1 school of global political studies, malmö university, sweden. 2 school of global studies, university of gothenburg, sweden. * benedict.singleton@mau.se abstract many conservation researchers and practitioners argue that knowledges traditionally conceptualized as nonacademic are useful for guiding environmental decision-making and stewardship. as demonstrated by the articles in this special issue, bringing indigenous and local knowledges to bear on environmental conservation requires forging new relationships and, de facto, new political arrangements. in this article, we seek to clarify what is at stake in such efforts to change (or maintain) what counts as knowledge by applying rubbish theory to the volume’s case studies. redrawing the boundaries of what counts as conservation knowledge in engagements between academic researchers and practitioners trained to “do conservation” according to western science traditions, on the one hand, and indigenous peoples and local communities who possess knowledge generated in non-academic contexts, on the other, effects demarcations of expertise and so challenges existing social hierarchies. unsurprisingly, tension emerges about how far such changes should go. by increasing awareness of the relationship between (re)defining knowledge and (re)configuring social and political hierarchies, we hope to make it easier for participants to manage such collaborations. received june 21, 2022 open access accepted september 26, 2022 doi 10.14237/ebl.14.2.2023.1830 published may 31, 2023 keywords indigenous and local knowledge, western science, collaboration, rubbish theory, conservation copyright © 2023 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. singleton and gillette. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):83–91 84 perspectives special issue on diverse conservations relationship between redrawing the boundaries of knowledge/science and the socio-political formations within which such initiatives are located. ilk–western science collaborations, like all acts that extend the boundaries of knowledge, potentially alter or expand the category of expert and so challenge existing hierarchies. unsurprisingly, tension emerges about how far such changes should go. by applying rubbish theory to the special issue’s case studies, we hope to increase awareness of the relationship between (re) defining knowledge and (re)configuring social and political hierarchies, and so make it easier for participants to manage such collaborations. our text proceeds as follows. in the next section, we describe rubbish theory. we then characterize the ilk–western science initiatives included in the special issue according to rubbish theory’s analytic framework, showing their relationship to broader socio-political dynamics. here it is important to note that ethnobiology has an atypical status among western environmental and conservation sciences, as ethnobiology has insisted on the value of knowledges located outside the western academy since its inception. we conclude this contribution by discussing how an increased awareness of the relationship between knowledge production and socio -political order can facilitate ilk-western science conservation initiatives and ameliorate inherent tensions. our hope is that this analysis will facilitate possibilities for creative and transformative solutions to the environmental problems we face. rubbish theory rubbish theory models the general social processes by which some objects in human society gain or lose value over time (thompson 2017). thompson’s basic idea is that objects “have certain important properties imposed on them as a result of processes of human social life, and, conversely, that if these properties were not conferred upon them then human social life itself would not be possible” (2017:288). object in rubbish theory refers not only to things but also people and ideas. recent studies have used rubbish theory to discuss apparently incommensurable environmental worldviews (singleton 2021), archaeology (marwoto 2019), cancer tumor donation (morrell et al. 2011), heritage tourism (fisher and smiley 2015), and literary theory (chappell 2013). in simple terms, rubbish theory proposes that objects fit into three basic categories (see figure 1)1. the categories durables and transients have value but different temporal characters. durable objects, for example works of fine art, are considered to retain or gain value over time. social actors consider durables to be largely eternal even if, ironically, they require material and symbolic maintenance work (thompson 2017:113). in the case of fine art, this work is done by museums, connoisseurs, auction houses, art historians, dealers, and others (e.g., duhem et al. 2019). in contrast, transient objects, for example cars, lose value over time, eventually becoming worthless and falling into the third category, rubbish. rubbish differs from durables and transients in having no figure 1 the basic rubbish theory hypothesis. the solid boxes denote overt cultural categories; the broken-line box denotes a covert category. the solid, red arrows are the transfers that theoretically happen; the broken, black ones the transfers that theoretically do not happen because they contradict the value and/or time direction that define the various categories. adapted from thompson 2017:4. singleton and gillette. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):83–91 85 perspectives special issue on diverse conservations value. a feature of rubbish is that it becomes most noticeable when it is in the wrong place according to the operative ordering system. rubbish then evokes responses akin to those elicited by the breaking of taboos or social mores (thompson 2017). societies and institutions invest considerable social, political, and economic resources into ensuring that the proper orderings of objects are enforced and, in particular, that rubbish ends up in the correct place, namely the landfill in the rubbish theory’s original articulation. while transients eventually become rubbish, rubbish is not a category in the same way as durable or transient: it is residual and so outside the ordering system. however, rubbish is potentially a source of new durables. in what thompson calls “class society,” the control of transfers of objects from rubbish to durables is the privilege of particular social groups and indeed co-constructive of those groups. who occupies this social position is not static: groups compete to be the ones defining durables and setting trends that others follow. thompson classifies the groups who compete into three basic types, which he (irreverently) calls the “high priests,” “crashers through,” and “levellers” (thompson 2003; 2017). the high priests try to maintain the status quo: they act to preserve extant durables and prevent change. thompson gives the example of literary critics defining and protecting an established canon of great (durable, feted) authors as the behavior of high priests (thompson 2003:325). by contrast, the crashers through are those who try to redefine what is durable and so modify the class system (thompson 2003:325). using the example of the literary canon, crashers through champion the authors of “new classics” as worthy of consideration amongst “the greats”. the third classification, the levelers, seek to eliminate hierarchies and push for an egalitarian approach. returning to the literary canon example, levelers would argue that all books are equally valuable and there are no sacred texts. levelers thus “[flood] the durable category” (thompson 2003:325) and in doing so diminish the status and power of those maintaining the existing ordering system. in this article we apply the language of rubbish theory, namely durables, transients, rubbish, high priests, crashers through, and levelers, to analyze the conservation initiatives discussed in this special issue. in other words, we take knowledges as objects that can be durable (feted), transient (temporary, less valuable), or rubbish (not knowledge), and regard actors, groups, and institutions as working to maintain or change the ordering system (see also rayner 2004; swedlow 2007; 2017). the participants in the conservation initiatives described here can thus be high priests, crashers through, or levelers: they may seek to maintain the status quo, reconfigure existing hierarchies but retain some form of hierarchical organization, or democratize knowledge (and status hierarchies) entirely. in other words, each of the case studies we discuss (re)defines what counts as conservation knowledge—e.g., what and which knowledge is valued and how durable it is—and thus enacts a social order, maintaining, reconfiguring, or eradicating different hierarchies of expertise and status. the language of durable, transient, rubbish, high priests, crashers through, and levelers comes from rubbish theory. we emphasize that our use of these concepts is not a normative endorsement of any particular ordering or valuation system or sociopolitical formation. rather, we use rubbish theory as a tool to illuminate the socio-political stakes in efforts to modify what counts as knowledge in conservation and environmental sciences, and what such initiatives say about the conservation community. in applying rubbish theory to the case studies from this special issue, we periodically write as if conservation science and ilk are distinct objects if that is how they are represented in the research we discuss (cf. beaulieuguay 2020). this usage does not reflect a normative position: ilk-holders may be (and often are) conservationists, scientists, or conservation scientists with training in the western academy (e.g., cajete 2020). our goal is to illuminate the processes through which orderings of knowledge are enacted and spotlight their consequences for socio-political hierarchies. we purposely avoid arguing for or against particular knowledge hierarchies and strive to apply strategic essentialisms as seldom as possible (cf. singleton et al. 2021). the articles in this special issue focus upon processes of integrating ilk with western science, with science envisaged as the durable of focus. this is only part of the story. in other contexts, ilk—or, for that matter, other knowledges—are the durable, and actors other than western scientists thus may play the role of high priests facing off against levelers and crashers through. we draw readers’ attention to this point because a) the rubbish theory hypothesis should pertain to any given context (cf. singleton 2021), singleton and gillette. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):83–91 86 perspectives special issue on diverse conservations making this discussion relevant to any and all orderings of knowledge and b) our application of rubbish theory is just that—an application of a theory that is intended to illuminate a particular set of social processes, and not an endorsement of any knowledge hierarchy or socio-political ordering. ilk-conservation collaborations: crashing through and levelling overall, participants in the research described in this special issue view ilk as durable and exemplify the positions of crashers through and levelers. these positions characterize ethnobiology as a scholarly field while also reflecting a broader historical trend in (western) environmental and conservation scholarship. as a discipline, ethnobiology puts nonwestern ecological knowledge and ways of knowing at the center of its research agenda (see turner et al. 2022). in rubbish theory terms, ethnobiologists depart from the presumption that ilk is not rubbish: it is collectively valued within particular communities and deserves attention from western scientists. turning to the historical trend in western academic conservation and environmental sciences, academics and practitioners (such as the international conservation union) began paying attention to ilk in the 1980s, which in turn led to the formation of a global network of indigenous knowledge resource centers in the 1990s (see berkes 2018:23–25). participants in these developments asserted the value of ilk, arguing that it had been disregarded in conservation and environmental management yet actually was key to understanding ecology and environmental stewardship. as the contributions to this special issue show, bringing ilk into conservation challenges the assumptions of reductionist environmental science and modifies how conservation is practiced (see also berkes 2004, 2018; turner et al. 2022; cf. kashwan et al. 2021). in this special issue, the texts directly challenge what could be called a high priest’s position that western science is the only durable knowledge for conservation. several of this issue’s authors and research participants can be classified as crashers through: they seek to redefine what counts as durable knowledge and reconfigure hierarchies of expertise. the articles by keleman et al. (2023:10–21) and shebitz et al. (2023:37–46) exemplify this orientation. keleman et al. argue for the importance of overlooked sources of knowledge: they argue that diola children (particularly boys) learn ilk of significance for biodiversity conservation, particularly the “sustainable exploitation of mangrove ecosystems” that respects “local bio-cultural identity” (2023:10). in other words, the ethnobiological knowledge of diola children can contribute to better (western) science-based sustainability. shebitz et al. (2023) is a second case of crashing through. in this article the authors argue that the dominant valuation system in conservation practice misses the ethnobiological importance of secondary forests to local communities and biodiversity. the authors seek to move secondary forests from transient to durable alongside primary growth forest, altering but not upending how land is classified. a second group of articles that manifest a desire to crash through simultaneously articulate a wish to reshape the socio-political formations within which knowledges operate; in other words, they attempt to unmake boundaries between knowledge objects and exhibit a levelling or egalitarian impulse. for example, bolletin et al. (2023:47–55) describe several cases in which ilk informs research endeavors by oceanographers, ecologists, and other western-trained scientists and indeed reshapes the practice of western science. the authors argue that ilk-holding communities can combat the disregard of brazilian and global society through these collaborations, from which they draw cultural strength and independence. the conservation collaboration affirms the expertise of local knowledge holders and scientists against other socio-political actors. sandroni also imagines a reconfigured social order in her vision of “convivial… conservation” (2023:73). employing discourse analysis, she interrogates the perspectives of environmentalists and indigenous people in the brazilian atlantic forest, arguing that these two groups share more than is generally recognized. yet while her analysis shows that “preservationist” and “indigenous” positions on biodiversity are not necessarily opposed, she also writes that political change is needed for tupinambá to exert significant influence over conservation. in other words, sandroni sees the potential for “convivial” or more egalitarian conservation practices, not their implementation— perhaps because of opposition from national political powers (e.g., former president bolsonaro) that counteract possibilities for local conviviality. a third article that crashes through while also advocating levelling is mcguire and mawyer (2023:22–36). these authors use the cases of sea salt and fresh water to demonstrate that ilk can provide environmental singleton and gillette. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):83–91 87 perspectives special issue on diverse conservations indicators about coastal ecologies which mainstream conservation has failed to recognize. local cultural practice thus hints at the possibility of alternative valuing systems and suggests ways to reconfigure conservation and stewardship to promote an ethics of care. ilk is durable because it addresses blind spots within the dominant practice of conservation science—and ethnobiologists can, by implication, help (other) conservationists to recognize these blind spots. the authors of these five articles adopt the perspective that intercultural dialogue is possible and desirable for western scientists and ilk communities (see also molnár and babai 2021; reyes-garcia et al. 2022). perhaps unsurprisingly, given the history of ethnobiology (see turner et al. 2022), the researchers themselves play a crucial role in moving ilk into the category of durable. the authors vary, however, in the extent to which they explicitly consider the sociopolitical impacts of knowledge integration or pluralism. their work suggests that hierarchies of expertise should be modified, and that new experts— indigenous peoples and local communities—be included in conservation initiatives. at the same time, these texts depart from the premise that academic scientists should continue to have the status of expert, albeit in partnership with ilk-holders who are also recognized as expert. the possibility or specific nature of any potential hierarchy between these groups is left undiscussed. this has consequences for when and if conflicts arise between these diverging categories of expert. a final paper takes a more radical levelling position: in this explicitly anti-colonial article, unmaking hierarchies takes center stage. bosco and thomas (2023:56–71) describe a community-based action research project in which academic researchers and indigenous people came together to design and implement an initiative to vitalize haudenosaunee culture through renewed attention to forest food crops. with an explicitly articulated desire to contribute to decolonization through food sovereignty and “reconciliatory” science, this project manifests a strong levelling or egalitarian impulse. in this article, western scientists recognize ilk as durable, and the project effectively seeks to dismantle social hierarchies that exclude or marginalize indigenous knowledge-holders. this resonates with the argument that decolonization requires nonindigenous scientists accepting ilk on ilk-holders’ terms (cf. lopez-maldonado 2022), which in turn requires overturning the socio-political legacies of colonialism that persist today. concluding discussion in this analysis we have drawn on rubbish theory to highlight the relationship between diversifying knowledges for conservation and modifying the socio -political order. in broad strokes, the contributions to this special issue manifest two trends in ethnobiology and ilk-western science collaborations: the desire to expand the epistemological community of conservation science (crashing through) and the desire to unmake hierarchies of knowledge in service of an anticolonial social order and new “community” (levelling). efforts to extend the epistemological community of science—a practice which arguably characterizes ethnobiology as a scholarly field—seek to redefine which knowledge is or is not durable, yet posit, if only implicitly, the continuing importance of expert status and thus social hierarchies in conservation practice. in the language of rubbish theory, advocates of this position want to modify the class society of conservation but retain a hierarchical order in which some knowledges (perhaps including their own) are more durable than others and some actors more expert than others. by contrast, advocates of anticolonial conservation projects problematize the politics and status of (western) “experts” who are granted the right to control the movement of knowledge into the durable category. in this framing, western science has played a central role in colonial projects of domination and is a stateand settler-serving institution at odds with an egalitarian (or more egalitarian) social order. ilk does not need western science or scientists to make it durable, although ethnobiologists may play a role in calling attention to the durability of ilk. however, in the more radical expressions of this levelling perspective, ilk does not need western science or scientists at all (see lopez-maldonado, 2022). in this special issue, participating authors offer different potential articulations of a more level or egalitarian social formation, but make it clear that radical change to the political order is needed. this includes changing the status of western science—now potentially rubbish— and (some) western scientists, whose expertise may be demoted or even unprivileged within alternative orderings (cf. alfred 2005). there are times that the agendas of crashers through and levelers are not at odds; both may seek singleton and gillette. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):83–91 88 perspectives special issue on diverse conservations to undermine the authority of particular high priests. arguably, this is one of the appeals lying behind calls to bring ilk and western science together and part of ethnobiology’s scholarly mission. our point, however, is that an implicit tension remains between crashing through and levelling that may make itself felt within apparently collaborative relationships. in our view, the socio-political implications of redefining and expanding what counts as knowledge for conservation are underacknowledged in the literature (see rayner 2012). knowledge politics can never be separated from wider political struggles—they are one and the same thing. rubbish theory allows us to highlight that ilk-conservation collaborations can be, intentionally or unintentionally, mutiny on the boundary. such collaborations have social and political stakes. reclassifying an object such as ilk or western science changes the socio-political order. different actors manifest diverging views about what changes are necessary. many crashers through want to modify the class society by acknowledging ilk as durable and ilk-holders as experts, while simultaneously retaining western science (including ethnobiology) as durable and western scientists as experts. levelers by contrast tend to adopt a more radical position, questioning for example whether practitioners of western science should be accorded rights to evaluate and judge ilk’s value and authenticity (its durability), and challenging the extent to which western science, including ethnobiology, should be accorded expert status. behind ilkwestern scientific collaborations lie crucial questions to confront: should there be experts and expert knowledge, and if so, who and what? through what relationships or institutions should conservation initiatives be created, implemented, and evaluated? who is conservation for, and what community gets to decide? these sorts of questions manifest most clearly when conflict emerges within western science– indigenous collaborations (e.g., blaser 2009; nadasdy 2011; west 2006). given that desires for more egalitarian knowledge practices and desires for expert knowledge hierarchies are in tension, with potential for conflict, we recommend that participants in ilk–western science collaborations (within ethnobiology and elsewhere) explicitly confront the contradiction between extending knowledge and maintaining hierarchies (cf. thompson 2008). this includes confronting the differences between western science-based empirical validation and science derived from experience or practice, and the resultant hierarchies that exist in relation to these diverse knowledges in different contexts. as thompson and others have argued, clashes between social orders and world views have the potential to engender more complete knowledge, leading to outcomes that transcend the possibilities enabled by a single perspective (see verweij and thompson 2011). participants in ilk–western science collaborations who recognize and discuss their diverging understandings, goals, and visions have a better chance of identifying areas where they might form temporary alliances (see singleton et al. 2021) and open their collaborations to the possibility of richer, more complete understandings that could ultimately result in better responses to the shared environmental challenges we face. we contend that participants in ilk–western science projects should speak openly about what their values are: what they prize as durable and how willing or eager they are to promote incremental (crashing through) or radical (levelling) change to conservation as currently practiced, as well as to the broader socio-political formation within which conservation initiatives occur. western scientists may need to demonstrate that they are cognizant of science’s social status as feted (durable) knowledge, and the ways in which recognition of their expertise accords their pronouncements legitimacy (rayner 2004:352). since there is no value without its antithesis (see thompson 2003), according to western scientists, particular ilkholders, or any other group status as experts in turn necessitates that others are defined as non-expert or less expert within specific knowledge domains (cf. lidskog and sundqvist 2018). similar valuations occur when indigenous or other communities develop their own research protocols and methodologies, which may differ from western scientific methods and promote ilk-holders as experts (see smith 2012). our experience and the case studies presented here suggest that in many ilk-science collaborations, all involved endorse both conservation and indigenous rights. left unaddressed, however, is what happens if these imperatives clash. which values are more durable? one example of a path towards a resolution that contrasts with inevitable conflict that we imagine here emerges in the work of mario blaser (2016, 2018). blaser seeks to mitigate persistent conflicts between western scientists backed by national and regional authorities and indigenous innu people in labrador, canada. these conflicts have occurred around caribou (or atiku) hunting and singleton and gillette. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):83–91 89 perspectives special issue on diverse conservations conservation; as two distinct social systems ordering objects differently, innu and settler-science inevitably clash. blaser and colleagues’ solution is to design institutional arrangements that keep the ordering systems of scientists and innu apart. in this model, the need to determine where each party stands with regard to the durability or transience of one another’s knowledge is elided and “equivocacy” maintained (blaser 2016, 2018). the hope is that those involved can in this way avoid clashing over which values and concomitant social orderings are more durable. whatever model one adopts for ilk–western science conservation collaborations, calls for diversifying knowledges speak to what sort of society we want. as the contributions to this special issue show, researchers, indigenous and local peoples, and other “communities” have argued persuasively that conservation and sustainability should not rely solely on western science. at the same time, western scientific facts—which, in the best tradition of the western academy, have themselves been subject to continuous challenge and reformulation—have been durables for over 100 years, and many who advocate using ilk for conservation and environmental stewardship acknowledge that western science has contributed, at least sometimes, to alleviating suffering and promoting positive change (e.g., turner et al. 2022: 628–629; see also ravetz 2006). various actors may have their doubts about western science and scientific experts, but still wish to retain the existence of expert knowledge (cf. gustafsson and lidskog 2012; rose 2018). whether or if western science is rubbish and how far we wish to go with diversifying knowledges in a “post-truth” world (cf. rose 2018) are crucial questions for collective deliberation. put another way, knowledge-holders of all sorts may wish to consider at what point they wish to operate as crashers through, levelers, or high priests, and consider what consequences such choices have. notes 1rubbish theory may be assimilated into mary douglas’s (and michael thompson’s) “cultural theory” (cf. thompson 2003). we have kept the use of cultural theory terms to a minimum to avoid confusion. acknowledgments we wish to thank the anonymous reviewers of this article, whose perceptive comments and suggestions significantly improved our text. we presented a draft of this research in 2022 at the annual conference of the swedish anthropology association (sant) and the score 2.0 organizing the world conference at the stockholm centre for organizational research, where we benefitted from listeners’ active and thoughtful engagement with our paper. we are also grateful to fikret berkes for his reflections and support throughout the writing process. declarations permissions: none applicable. sources of funding: gillette gratefully acknowledges funding from formas grant 2018-00251. conflicts of interest: none. references cited alfred, t. 2005. wasáse: indigenous pathways of action and freedom. university of toronto press, toronto. beaulieu‐guay, l. r. 2022. the many faces of knowledge: do science and traditional ecological knowledge coexist in federal assessments? canadian public administration 24:403-20. doi:10.1111/ capa.12491. berkes, f. 2004. rethinking community-based conservation. conservation biology 18:621–630. doi: 10.1111/j.1523-1739.2004.00077.x. berkes, f. 2018. sacred ecology. routledge, abingdon. blaser, m. 2009. the threat of the yrmo: the political ontology of a sustainable hunting program. american anthropologist 111:10–20. doi:10.1111/j.1548-1433.2009.01073.x. blaser, m. 2016. is another cosmopolitics possible? cultural anthropology 31:545–570. doi: 10.14506/ ca31.4.05. blaser, m. 2018. doing and undoing caribou/atiku: diffractive and divergent multiplicities and their cosmopolitical orientations. tapuya: latin american science, technology and society 1:47–64. doi:10.1080/25729861.2018.1501241. bollettin, p., d. ludwig, and c. n. el-hani. 2023. challenges of symmetrical dialogue: reflections on collaborative research in northeast brazil. ethnobiology letters 14(2):47–55. doi:10.14237/ ebl.14.2.2023.1836. bosco, s., and b. thomas. 2023. the skarù·ręʔ (tuscarora) food forest project—reconciliation in sustainable agriculture research and education through cross-cultural agroforestry demonstra singleton and gillette. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):83–91 90 perspectives special issue on diverse conservations tion. ethnobiology letters 14(2):56–71. doi:10.14237/ebl.14.2.2023.1840. cajete, g. a. 2020. indigenous science, climate change, and indigenous community building: a framework of foundational for indigenous community resilience and revitalization. sustainability, 12. doi:10.3390/su12229569. chappell, p. 2013. paper routes: “bleak house”, rubbish theory, and the character economy of realism. elh 80:783–810. duhem, s., é. roffidal, m. b. gillette, l. schroeder, a. j. allen, and p. ansas. 2019. entretien: regards croisés sur la vraie et fausse porcelaine de chine. les cahiers de framespa 31. doi: 10.4000/ framespa.6428. fisher, d., and b. smiley. 2015. adapting rubbish theory for heritage tourism. journal of heritage tourism 11:143–154. doi:10.1080/1743873x.2015.1080711. gillette, m., and b. e. singleton. 2022. inevitable epistemological conflict: reflections on a disagreement over the relationship between science and indigenous and local knowledge. ambio 51:1904–1905. doi:10.1007/s13280-02201739-7. gustafsson, k. and r. lidskog. 2012. acknowledging risk, trusting expertise, and coping with uncertainty: citizens’ deliberations on spraying an insect population. society & natural resources 25:587 –601. doi:10.1080/08941920.2011.620598. hill, r., ç. adem, w. v. alangui, z. molnár, y. aumeeruddy-thomas, p. bridgewater, m. tengö, r. thaman, c. y. adou yao, f. berkes, j. carino, m. carneiro da cunha, m. c. diaw, s. díaz, v. e. figueroa, j. fisher, p. hardison, k. ichikawa, p. kariuki, m. karki, p. o. b. lyver, p. malmer, o. masardule, a. a. oteng yeboah, d. pacheco, t. pataridze, e. perez, m.-m. roué, h. roba, j. rubis, o. saito, and d. xue. 2020. working with indigenous, local and scientific knowledge in assessments of nature and nature’s linkages with people. current opinion in environmental sustainability 43:8–20. doi:10.1016/j.cosust.2019.12.006. kashwan, p., r. v. duffy, f. massé, a. p. asiyanbi, and e. marijnen. 2021. from racialized neocolonial global conservation to an inclusive and regenerative conservation. environment: science and policy for sustainable development 63:4–19. doi:10.1080/00139157.2021.1924574. keleman, p.-j., r. m. sá, and m. p. temudo. 2023. rooted in the mangrove landscape: children and their ethnoichthyological knowledge as sentinels for biodiversity loss in northern guinea-bissau. ethnobiology letters 14(2):10–21. doi:10.14237/ ebl.14.2.2023.1826. lidskog, r. and g. sundqvist. 2018. environmental expertise. in environment and society. concepts and challenges, edited by m. boström and d. j. davidson, pp. 167–186. palgrave macmillan, cham. lopez-maldonado, y. 2022. practice what you preach: ensuring scientific spheres integrate indigenous peoples’ and local communities’ rights and agency too. ambio 51:811–812. doi:10.1007/s13280-021-01663-2. marwoto, i. 2019. from rubbish to cultural identity; making archaeology relevant for the contemporary community. wacana 20:317–351. doi:10.17510/wacana.v20i2.678. mcelwee, p., á. fernández-llamazares, y. aumeeruddy-thomas, d. babai, p. bates, k. galvin, m. guéze, j. liu, z. molnar, h. t. ngo, v. reyes-garcia, r. chowdhury, a. samakov, u. babu shrestha, s. díaz, and e. s. brondizio. 2020. working with indigenous and local knowledge (ilk) in large-scale ecological assessments: reviewing the experience of the ipbes global assessment. journal of applied ecology 57:1666–1676. doi:10.1111/1365-2664.13705. mcguire, g., and a. mawyer. 2023. cultivating the unseen: paʻakai and the role of practice in coastal care. ethnobiology letters 14(2):22–36. doi:10.14237/ebl.14.2.2023.1825. molnár, z., and d. babai. 2021. inviting ecologists to delve deeper into traditional ecological knowledge. trends in ecology & evolution 36:679– 690. doi:10.1016/j.tree.2021.04.006. morrell, b., w. lipworth, r. axler, i. kerridge, and m. little. 2011. cancer as rubbish: donation of tumor tissue for research. qualitative health research 21:75–84. doi:10.1177/1049732310373753 nadasdy, p. 2011. "we don't harvest animals; we kill them." agricultural metaphors and the politics of wildlife management in the yukon. in knowing nature: conversations at the intersection of political ecology and science studies, edited by m. j. goldman, p. nadasdy, and m. d. turner, pp. 135–151. university of chicago press, chicago. singleton and gillette. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):83–91 91 perspectives special issue on diverse conservations rayner, s. 2004. the novelty trap: why does institutional learning about new technologies seem so difficult. industry and higher education 18:349–355. doi:10.5367/0000000042683601 rayner, s. 2012. uncomfortable knowledge: the social construction of ignorance in science and environmental policy discourses. economy and society 41:107–125. doi:10.1080/03085147.2011.637335. ravetz, j. 2006. towards a non-violent discourse in science. in human security and international insecurity, edited by b. klein goldewijk, and g. frerks, pp. 249–286. wageningen academic publishers, wageningen. reyes-garcia, v., a. fernandez-llamazares, y. aumeeruddy-thomas, p. benyei, r. w. bussmann, s. k. diamond, d. garcia-del-amo, s. guadillasaez, n. hanazaki, n. kosoy, m. lavides, a. c. luz, p. mcelwee, v. j. meretsky, t. newberry, z. molnar, i. ruiz-mallen, m. salpeteur, f. s. wyndham, f. zorondo-rodriguez, and e. s. brondizio. 2022. recognizing indigenous peoples’ and local communities’ rights and agency in the post-2020 biodiversity agenda. ambio 51:84–92. doi:10.1007/s13280-021-01561-7. rose, d. c. 2018. avoiding a post-truth world: embracing post-normal conservation. conservation and society 16:518–524. doi:10.4103/cscs_17_131. sandroni, l. t. 2023. conservation at stake: institutionalized environmentalisms and indigenous knowledges about how to protect the brazilian atlantic forest. ethnobiology letters 14(2):72 –82. doi:10.14237/ebl.14.2.2023.1832. shebitz, d. j., l. p. agnew, s. kerns, a. oviedo, and j. ha. 2023. let it grow (back): a call for the conservation of secondary forests as medicinal plant habitat. ethnobiology letters 14(2):37–46. doi:10.14237/ebl.14.2.2023.1831. sidorova, e. 2020. the incorporation of traditional ecological knowledge in the arctic council: lip service? polar record 56. doi:10.1017/ s0032247420000273. singleton, b. e. 2021. the whale watched and whaled: exploring the orderings of a complex environmental issue through the lens of rubbish theory. journal of political ecology 28:396–415. doi:10.2458/jpe.2928. singleton, b. e., m. gillette, a. burman, and c. green. 2021. toward productive complicity: applying ‘traditional ecological knowledge’ in environmental science. anthropocene review. doi:10.1177/2053019621105702. smith, l. t. 2012. decolonizing methodologies: research and indigenous peoples. zed books, london. swedlow, b. 2007. using the boundaries of science to do boundary-work among scientists: pollution and purity claims. science and public policy 34:633-643. doi:10.3152/030234207x264953. swedlow, b. 2017. three cultural boundaries of science, institutions, and policy: a cultural theory of coproduction, boundary-work, and change. review of policy research 34:827-853. doi:10.1111/ ropr.12233. tengö, m., b. j. austin, f. danielsen, and a. fernandez-llamazares. 2021. creating synergies between citizen science and indigenous and local knowledge. bioscience 71:503–518. thompson, m. 2003. time’s square: deriving cultural theory from rubbish theory. innovation: the european journal of social science research 16:319– 330. doi:10.1093/biosci/biab023. thompson, m. 2008. clumsiness: why isn't it as easy as falling off a log? innovation: the european journal of social science research 21:205–216. doi:10.1080/13511610802404922. thompson, m. 2017. rubbish theory. the creation and destruction of value, 2nd edition. pluto press, london. turner, n. j., a. cuerrier, and l. joseph. 2022. well grounded: indigenous peoples’ knowledge, ethnobiology and sustainability. people and nature 4:627–651. doi:10.1002/pan3.10321. verweij, m., and m. thompson, eds. 2011. clumsy solutions for a complex world. governance, politics and plural perceptions. palgrave macmillan, basingstoke. west, p. 2006. conservation is our government now. the politics of ecology in papua new guinea. duke university press, london. 35 book review forms of becoming: the evolutionary biology of development alessandro minelli. 2009. princeton university press, princeton and london. pp. 242, 17 line drawings. us$29.95 (cloth). isbn 9780691135687. reviewed by raymond pierotti reviewer address: department of ecology and evolutionary biology, university of kansas, lawrence, ks 66045 received: february 20, 2012 volume 3:35-38 published: june 26, 2012 © 2012 society of ethnobiology the embryo is key to the adult. this idea has been at times, and probably always should have been, a basic principle of biological thinking. darwin considered development to be crucial to understanding evolution, however, darwinian thinking did not include a useful concept of heredity, therefore the discovery of genes and the growing influence of genetics in biology during the early part of the 20th century, caused both the darwinian concept of natural selection and the potential importance of developmental biology to fall into eclipse. the study of development became descriptive and generalized, which meant it was not used as a means to understand the generation of individual variation. finally in the 1980s, the discovery of hox genes provided a mechanism that directly linked dna with development, thus providing the stimulus for a “new” discipline, referred to as evolutionary developmental biology, or evo/devo for short. the most important aspect of evo/devo is that it provides new insight into how variation in morphometric traits is generated among individuals within a species and provides a mechanistic explanation for phenotypic plasticity, the means by which a single genotype can produce more than one phenotype, depending upon environmental conditions. an interesting aspect of minelli’s forms of becoming is that, rather than focusing on the production of variable phenotypes and the role of genes in development, minelli frames the debate in terms of an earlier argument between cuvier and st. hillaire in france in the years from the french revolution to the publication of darwin’s origin of species in 1859. for those of you who have remained largely ignorant of the internal politics of the musee d’histoire naturelle during the early 19th century this debate was of interest because it remains with us, only today it is disguised as creation “science” vs. evolution as a process. the basic story is that etienne geoffrey st. hillaire was appointed musee chair in vertebrate zoology in 1793. st. hillaire recommended his senior colleague georges cuvier for appointment to the professorship of comparative anatomy. ironically, the position of professor of invertebrate zoology was given to the plant expert jean-baptiste monet de lamarck, who probably should be recognized as the originator of the concept of phenotypic plasticity. lamarck’s advocacy of the role of phenotypic plasticity in evolution makes more sense if we consider that he was at heart a botanist. this knowledge places his otherwise naïvesounding arguments about neck length in giraffes in a better context, if we realize that what he really had in mind was floral forms and leaf shapes, which are quite variable, and in some cases new variants can be passed across generations. plants do not initiate a separate germ line early in their development the way animals do. thus, somatic mutations in plants can be incorporated into future germ lines and acquired traits can readily be inherited across generations. problems arose because cuvier identified four basic groups of animals: vertebrates, articulates (arthropods and worms), molluscs, and radiates (echinoderms and cnidarians), and contended that these four groups were distinct and could not be usefully compared to one another in terms of anatomical features, thus negating the use of homology and removing a major source of evidence for evolutionary change. in essence, cuvier felt that once an organism, or form, existed, it could not change. in contrast st. hillaire argued that nature was far more mutable and that all of these different forms were in fact, animals, and hence shared a history. st. hillaire believed in a common descent as shown through structural design, and that even major differences between organisms might be revealed to show common ancestry, which was as radical a concept in 36 book review napoleon’s france as it later proved to be in victorian england. minelli points out that this debate was settled in cuvier’s favor; more important to us today, the debate was reopened during the last years of the twentieth century, when the discovery of hox genes revealed that all living creatures, and certainly animals, did in fact share a master plan. in contemporary biology, evo/devo has become linked to the origins of phenotypic plasticity and is thus recognized as a major factor in generating the variation among individuals upon which natural selection can act. the most exciting thing is that we now have the beginnings of a theory that can explain differences in life history and behavior, which have always been the aspects of a phenotype with the lowest heritability, and hence are the features most heavily influenced by the environment. this last point should be of special interest to ethnobiologists because indigenous peoples have long recognized that the environment influences the appearance and behavior of local plants and animals. the teton lakota okute stated that, “all birds, even those of the same species, are not alike, and it is the same with animals, and with human beings. the reason wakan tanka does not make two birds, or animals, or human beings exactly alike is because each is placed here to be an independent individual and to rely upon itself... from my boyhood i have observed leaves, trees, and grass, and i have never found two alike. they may have a general likeness, but on examination i have found that they differ slightly. it is the same with animals” (mcluhan 1971, cited in pierotti 2011). in this statement, wakan tanka should probably be read as nature, rather than as “god”, the way many anthropologists and christianized lakota people may interpret this term today. in forms of becoming, minelli advances a related argument: “evolutionary history does not follow a plan, but lays out a pattern whose logic can only be interpreted after the fact” (p. 78), which basically states his premise that the basis of individuality lies in the developmental process, and that development is to the individual as phylogeny is to a species. following this theme, minelli honors haeckel’s once discredited idea that “ontogeny recapitulates phylogeny,” which minelli likens to a soap opera, in which the beginning of the 2nd episode briefly summarizes the first and so on, such that the nth episode provides a summary of all previous episodes, spending slightly more air time on the n-1th episode. stephen jay gould resurrected haeckel’s principle in his ontogeny and phylogeny (1977) by raising the question of how timing of developmental effects was important in macroevolution. where i find haeckel’s principle most useful is in pointing out that mammalian embryos do not undergo a stage showing features of birds or even those of modern reptiles, because mammals (and their ancestors) evolved well before birds and that contemporary reptiles (except turtles) come from a separate lineage, the diapsids, so that neither of these groups is ancestral to mammals in any way, thus their embryonic stages are not a part of mammalian phylogeny. ontogeny was largely ignored by evolutionary biologists during all but the last decade of the 20th century because of the preeminence of genetics and “gene-based” thinking in evolutionary thought. this approach once seemed productive, but recent discoveries have revealed weaknesses, and as minelli points out, we have passed from the mendelian gene, which was sort of a black box, to “the central dogma” of dna, mrna, and transcription and translation resulting in enzymes and structural proteins, and now to evo/devo in which genes are considered to be flexible in function and may not always generate the same product if they act in different environments. given these differences minelli asks, “to what extent biologists educated in different research traditions such as population genetics, molecular genetics, and developmental biology are aware…that they are really talking entities that differ markedly…of concepts…that are part of research paradigms without much in common” (p. 97). minelli argues that this contemporary redefinition of gene action reveals “why (evo/devo) can become a terrain of rigorous critical revision…as regards the topic of the gene” (p. 97). minelli is a scholar of the evolution of animal form at the university of padua (this book was originally published in italian as forme de devinere), therefore, his knowledge of development is solidly grounded. his specialization seems to be on modularity and body form in segmented invertebrates, and many of his examples are drawn from centipedes and leeches, organisms that basically repeat the same bodily unit a number of times. as such, these organisms are ideal for examining the functioning of homeobox (hox) genes, which regulate the production of specific organs and are found in all bilateral animals, including echinoderm larvae. the only difficulty, however, is 37 book review that for ethnobiologists the extensive discussions of invertebrate body types will seem a bit arcane. another, more serious, issue is that this book lacks a bibliography, and only contains a short set of recommended readings for each chapter, so the interested reader will find it very difficult to seek out the sources of some of the interesting examples or points of theory. if forms of becoming does not provide nonspecialists with user-friendly access to the science of evo/devo, what are the alternatives? ironically, one factor that stimulated evolutionary biologists to carefully explore the issue of evo/devo was the sequencing of complete genomes, including the human genome. since the 1970s molecular biology has been very productive and always seemed to promise great insights into the process of evolution. this promise was based upon the notion that complex organisms could be best understood by examining their constituent parts, and dna sequencing promised to reduce life to its simplest components and allow us to understand the true nature of living organisms. as soon as sequencing became well established, it was obvious that genomes (and living creatures) were much more complicated than had been promised. many molecular biologists became frustrated and confused at how unintuitive, complex, and apparently inefficient genomes really seem to be, and that sheer masses of information will not resolve central questions in biology. one voice that had predicted this state of affairs and recognized the importance of evo/devo was the superb but controversial evolutionary geneticist, richard lewontin. in his book the triple helix (2000), lewontin laid out the basis of evo/devo and established that the only way to understand living systems was to recognize that they arise at the intersection of multiple weak forces. it is important to emphasize that “weak” is not used in the sense of unimportant, but in the sense that they are not strongly deterministic and do not necessarily always produce the same outcome. perhaps the most innovative argument of lewontin’s is that we should change our conception of an environment that creates conditions to which an organism must respond, and recognize that organisms shape and change their environments as well as the other way around. it is this interaction between “genes” and their local environment (including local environments experienced within the body by individual cells and tissue types) that produces the variable phenotypes we observe, and also reveals that genes are the least variable aspect of the triad of gene, organism and environment that provides the metaphor that underlies his title. minelli presents an analogous argument that is not as clearly laid out as lewontin’s in his discussion of pleiotropy, in which many characteristics are affected by the actions of the same gene really depends on our definitions of both “characteristic” and “gene” (p. 121). minelli explains pleiotropy using an analogy of how an electrician has multiple effects on the construction of a house that may have made more sense in the original italian. minelli is correct in pointing out that “genes” are more complex entities than we realize, but his explanations are nowhere near as elegant as those found in the plausibility of life: resolving darwin’s dilemma, published in 2005 by marc kirschner and john gerhart, systems biologists from harvard and uc berkeley, respectively. the plausibility of life provides the best explanations i have read of how molecular and cellular processes interact to produce variable phenotypes at each level from physiological to morphological to behavioral. for anyone who feels intimidated by detailed discussions of molecular genetics, this text provides a user-friendly approach to discussion of the genetics of development and how they produce variable individuals by using the same basic plan and show how variations that occur during the developmental process are probably much more important than genetic mutations in producing variants upon which selection can act. this idea is very important in that it is now possible to connect phenotypic variation and plasticity with genetic processes to produce adaptive traits without having to rely on fortuitous mutations. for ethnobiologists, the plausibility of life will provide useful insights at the cellular or molecular level in understanding phenotypic variation, but most ethnobiological work involves phenomena at higher levels of organization such as ecology and behavior. fortunately in 2011 another new text, the flexible phenotype by the dutch physiological ecologists theunis piersma and jan van gils, became available. this book expands upon lewontin’s idea of the interaction between the organisms and its environment from the perspective of ecology. piersma and van gils also provide an evaluation (table 6) of most of the texts available that discuss the evolution of phenotypic plasticity (interestingly they do not include minelli’s forms of becoming). 38 book review i suspect that this last omission is because minelli’s work is too esoteric and specialized to provide insights to students of ecology and behavior. accordingly i would advise most readers of this review to look at kirschner and gerhart (2005) and piersma and van gils (2011) if they want to learn why evo/devo and phenotypic plasticity are of relevance to both evolutionary biology and to their own studies. references cited gould, s. j. 1977. ontogeny and phylogeny. belknap press of harvard university press, cambridge, ma. kirschner, m.w. and j. c. gerhart. 2005. the plausibility of life: resolving darwin’s dilemma. yale university press, new haven, ct. lewontin, r. 2001. the triple helix: gene, organism, and environment. harvard university press, cambridge, ma. piersma, t. and j.a. van gils. 2011. the flexible phenotype: a body-centered integration of ecology, physiology, and behaviour. oxford university press, new york, ny. challenges of symmetrical dialogue: reflections on collaborative research in northeast brazil bollettin et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):47–55 47 research communications special issue on diverse conservations knowledge-practices shape activities of the actionresearch project, “intercultural education as a dialogue between ways of knowing and forms of knowledge: multistrategic and collaborative research in traditional communities” (hereinafter, “the project”). the plurality of social, epistemological, ontological, and axiological dimensions in interand transdisciplinary dialogues raises complex questions (ludwig 2016; weiskopf 2020; ludwig and el-hani 2020). in anthropology, conservation biology, and education, for instance, the question of how to dialogically engage diverse epistemologies and ontologies has been the subject of recent debates (bartlett et al. 2012; holbraad et al. 2014; kimmerer 2013). despite being recognized as crucially important for engaging complex social-environmental dynamics, introduction this article articulates an ethnographically inspired approach to collaboration in fishing communities in northeast brazil that aims at symmetrical dialogue among diverse actors. carrying out joint research involving both academic researchers and local community members requires sustained reflection on methods, strategies, translations, and engagements involved in collaborative practices. reflexivity is particularly demanded when research-action plans are characterized by both interdisciplinarity that brings together diverse academic traditions and transdisciplinarity that involves not only academic but also nonacademic actors, leading to proliferation of attitudes, goals, and procedures that need to be navigated through symmetrical dialogues. in this article, we discuss how collaborations and dialogues about challenges of symmetrical dialogue: reflections on collaborative research in northeast brazil paride bollettin 1,2* , david ludwig 3 , and charbel n. el-hani 4 1 department of anthropology, faculty of science, masaryk university, czech republic. 2 graduate studies program in social sciences, são paulo state university, brazil. 3 wageningen university, netherlands. 4 federal university of bahia and national institute of science and technology in interdisciplinary and transdisciplinary studies in ecology and evolution (inct intree), brazil. * paride_bollettin@msn.com abstract this article explores ways to promote symmetrical dialogue among knowledge-practices of artisanal fishing communities, primary education teachers, and academic researchers in the state of bahia, brazil. we describe multiple engagements in an interand transdisciplinary project that integrates research, educational, and conservation activities in two communities living in an estuarine ecosystem. most community members dedicate their efforts to fishing activities, harboring wide knowledge about local biocultural diversity. the project promotes collaborative inclusion of local expertise and knowledge in school activities, while also striving for the inhabitants’ inclusion in the planning of protected areas. the collaboration aims at symmetrical dialogues between researchers and communities that support self-determination in local school education and biodiversity conservation. challenges to such symmetrization, including disagreements and tensions among diverse actors, not only appear in encounters of local and academic knowledge, but also within the interdisciplinary project involving natural sciences, social sciences, and philosophy. received july 12, 2022 open access accepted january 9, 2023 doi 10.14237/ebl.14.2.2023.1836 published may 31, 2023 keywords symmetric dialogues, ethnobiology, ethnography, collaboration, transdisciplinarity copyright © 2023 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. bollettin et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):47–55 48 research communications special issue on diverse conservations symmetrical dialogues involve several challenges, opening up spaces for encounters and frictions between knowledge-practices (tsing 2005), which can be related with alternative presuppositions (devore 2017), and the emergence of alternative concepts (menon 2022). we conceive of these spaces as “contact zones” (pratt 2008) that can not only harbor domination and oppression, but also “lead to new arrangements of culture and power” (tsing 2005:5). we contend that educational, ethnobiological and conservation projects—which are our main focuses of interest—require sustained efforts to symmetrize local and academic knowledge-practices. it is important to recognize differences in power structures, such as the differential access to adequate salaries and formal recognition (fraser and honneth 2003), associated with these knowledge-practices. this is a starting point for the construction of effective dialogue, recognizing the possibilities offered by the plurality of epistemologies and cognitive constructions (santos 2010), and moving towards the affirmation of a multiplicity of knowledge-practices (chilisa 2019). in this dialogical context, it is possible to consider the relations between diverse knowledge-practices in terms of epistemological, ontological, and axiological “partial overlaps”, involving attention both to possible approximations (“overlaps”) and possible differences (“partialities”) (ludwig and el-hani 2020). the former can offer fruitful ground for shared experiences, reciprocal learning, and knowledge coproduction. the latter highlights the importance of normative and political positioning of researchers and also opens up opportunities to learn from deep differences between stakeholders (el-hani 2022), including the prospect of mobilizing heterogenous concepts and meanings in socio-environmental conflicts (xikrin and bollettin 2022). the project the project is part of initiatives of the national institute of science and technology in interdisciplinary and transdisciplinary studies in ecology and evolution (inct in-tree), supported by brazilian funding agencies. generally speaking, the project aims at “understanding and developing general and science education in intercultural situations characterized by a heterogeneity of ways of thinking”. more specifically, it focuses on science education as a trading zone (galison 1997) of local and academic knowledge that is often hierarchically structured but should also open up to opportunities for symmetrical exchange. the academic team is composed of heterogeneous researchers from brazil, italy, namibia, and the netherlands, encompassing biologists, philosophers, anthropologists, museologists, social scientists, ecologists, oceanographers, and science education researchers. the project began in 2016, initially in the fishing community of siribinha, and was then in 2017 extended to the nearby fishing community of poças. these communities are located just six kilometres apart in the estuary of the itapicuru river. both are part of the municipality of conde, on the northern coast of the state of bahia, brazil. they have around 500 and 800 inhabitants, respectively. most members of the communities descend from small numbers of families who moved from other fishing villages located upstream on the river. the goal of the project is to move from research “in” communities to research “with” communities, deepening mutual understanding of the knowledge-practices proper to different actors, in order to promote inclusive and dialogical educational and conservation practices. close collaboration with local schoolteachers since the project has led to the emergence of a “community of practice” (wenger 1998), in which local teachers act as mediators in bridging fishing and school knowledge. the educational initiatives carried out at local schools have been producing promising results in relation to the promotion of knowledge dialogues. for example, one of the outcomes has been a book presenting local stories collected by students among their families and other community members, including elders. these stories provided the bases for students to write and illustrate “cultural tales” (valderrama-pérez 2016) gathered in the book, edited with the teachers at the villages’ schools, and currently under preparation for submission to a university publishing house (el-hani 2022; silva 2022). the book connects local narratives, which have been gradually underemphasized over generations, with school teaching and learning, and creates situated backgrounds for intercultural dialogue between local and school and academic knowledge, as the stories typically relate to local history and environment, as well as to fishing knowledge and practices. the communities of siribinha and poças until the 1990s, siribinha and poças did not have a road connecting them with the rest of the municipality, and the river provided the only mode of bollettin et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):47–55 49 research communications special issue on diverse conservations transportation. with the construction of the road, the communities began to undergo important transformations, including the establishment of activities predominantly linked to beach tourism. the local tourist industry has had diverse social and environmental impacts on the two communities, as well as caused an increasing influx of people from outside who moved to live there, in a process of gentrification (harris, 2008). siribinha attracts a greater number of tourists than poças, as it is closer to the most valued local beach at the mouth of the river. although impacted by tourism and gentrification, the two communities have maintained their fishing culture, recruiting youngsters as artisanal fishers and shellfish gatherers, thereby passing on different knowledge-practices from older to younger generations. these knowledge-practices are related to the jangadeiros (raftsmen) tradition, spread along the coast of north-eastern brazil, as a product of cultural interactions between indigenous peoples, enslaved africans, and portuguese settlers (diegues 1999). in the last 50 years, differentiation in fishing techniques grew between the two communities: in siribinha, people mostly fish the coastal estuaries (as local people say, “baixo mar”), while people in poças fish both estuaries and the deep sea (“alto mar”) using bigger boats, leading to larger financial returns for fishers in the latter community. these differences in fishing practices shaped disparities in tourism flows, contributing to increasingly distinct sociocultural and economic profiles of the communities. until recently, there were municipal schools in both communities. both were multi-grade primary schools, with students of different years in the same room, while also serving as day care centers. the former school had four and the latter five teachers, all with higher degrees in pedagogy, as the first generation of teachers from the communities to obtain university degrees. recently, the siribinha school was closed, and students and teachers were relocated to the school in poças. this allowed for a reduction of the multi-grade classrooms, with only one remaining. all of the teachers are engaged members of the communities and almost all of them are fishers’ daughters. moreover, most have been or are still engaged in collecting shellfish. while curricula tend to neglect local knowledge in favor of basic school contents, the life histories of the teachers enable them to connect different bodies of knowledge in their classes. these connections have been significantly facilitated, however, by the collaborative work between local teachers and researchers in the project. intercultural dialogue and highlighting the silencing of local cultures in school curricula have been subjects of continuous discussion, and educational innovations for intercultural education have been developed and implemented in the classrooms (el-hani 2022; silva 2022). the region where the communities live is characterized by the presence of well-preserved mangroves (guimarães et al. 2019) and thicket-like shrub forests growing on sand dunes (known as restingas), as well as beach vegetation and anthropic environments, such as coconut plantations and pastures (tng et al. 2021). this plurality of ecosystems, in which fishing communities carry out different practices for obtaining resources, is also home to a number of endangered species, such as the capuchin monkey (sapajus xanthosternos) and the greybreasted parakeet (pyrrhura griseipectus), recently reported in the region by the project team (félix et al. 2022). the richness of species and the good conservation of local ecosystems have prompted the interest of the municipality to take measures for environmental preservation, with a view toward generating income through nature tourism. in 2018, a municipal integral conservation unit was created in the itapicuru estuary, called the siribinha peninsula natural monument. this is part of a conservation policy being implemented by the municipality, which may eventually result in a mosaic of protected areas, including both integral and sustainable use conservation units, in which human economic activities are either totally excluded or partially allowed, respectively, according to the brazilian national system of units for nature conservation (snuc 2000). while on the one hand, this policy can benefit local socioecological systems by conserving ecosystems and the contributions they provide to the communities, on the other, such policies can exclude them from making decisions about the management of at least part of their territories. the communities’ inclusion in decision-making processes about this environmental conservation plan is a relevant asset to strengthen their (relative) decision-making autonomy. consequently, an additional focus of the project is to collaborate with the communities for empowering their participation in the development of this bollettin et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):47–55 50 research communications special issue on diverse conservations conservation policy. members of the project are in continuous dialogue with the municipality’s secretary of environment and economic development, advocating for bottom-up decision-making processes about conservation. this strategy has created some space for the communities to be heard, with limitations resulting from the fact that the local government is not strongly committed to including local knowledge and interests but are pushed by the researchers to do so. examples of project activities in this section, we discuss three examples from students enrolled at the federal university of bahia to illustrate the dialogical dynamics in the project, in order to illustrate how important it is that researchers working in and with communities become ethnographically sensitive. the first example is offered by an undergraduate student in oceanography, clara kalil dourado coelho (2022), whose work focuses on beach rocks covering part of the coast in front of poças, with the aim of discussing the “ecosystem services” provided by them. however, during the environmental tragedy of the unsolved oil spill that affected the brazilian coast in 2019-2020 (lourenço et al. 2020), her direct participation in beach-cleaning activities, selforganized by local people, changed the relations between her and community members, from relatively more distanced to more personal. partnership relations and trust between community members and the researcher were thus deepened, allowing clara to explore a diversified panorama of beach rock use: not only as tools and instruments for fishing and building, but as semiotic tools for elaborating community memories and discussing current environmental problems. while the multifaceted relations between the community and beach rocks were not invisible while conceptualizing the research proposal from a distance, clara’s research was shaped by the deeper understanding she obtained from the interactions with community members while cleaning up the oil spill (coelho 2021). the social, pragmatic, and symbolic dimensions of the beach rocks, as part of the community’s life and practices, also transformed clara’s disciplinary outlook from oceanography as she became immersed in local narratives and practices. as an example, we can consider the history of negão das pedras, as a being described by some community members as responsible for reorganizing the rocks on the beach at night. while no one sees him, for community members, he provides an explanation for why rocks undergo changes over time. this history is thus directly related with the erosion caused by the increasing sea level. beyond the diversity of fish and crustaceans available for fishing in the beach rocks, and their economic and subsistence value, it is also evident how the rocks represent a relevant medium for accessing local perceptions of environmental dynamics. as clara increasingly understood the significance and implications of beach rocks for the community, this allowed her to bring contributions from coastal and marine environmental education (ghilardi-lopes and berchez 2019) to the dialogue and collaborative work with local teachers. the second example is offered by a master’s student in history, philosophy, and science teaching, juliana de oliveira fonseca, who recently defended her dissertation (fonseca 2021), focused on fishing techniques and practices used in poças. in her study, juliana collected descriptions of diverse techniques used in different environments for fishing: big boats, cast nets, traps, hooks, etc. her analysis of the changes in these techniques was oriented toward a description of a historical trajectory in which the inclusion of new techniques affected the outcomes of fishing and the relations with the local ecosystem. semi-structured interviews, originally the core methodology for the research, were complemented by personal relations made possible by the close proximity with local people after participation in the oil clean-up, as in the case described above. participant observation thus became an increasingly central methodology in her work, as the meaningful relationships built with community members expanded the range of shared experiences that juliana could develop with them. what emerged as a result was the specificity and polysemy of local experiences of the co-presence of diverse fishing techniques. this enabled her to access local discussions about transformations occurring over the years as well as the social differentiation produced by this diversified panorama. in this way, she was able to add another layer of complexity to her discussion of fishing techniques, addressing current concerns, claims and dynamics experienced by the community that were shared with her in living experiences beyond formal interviews. moreover, collaboration with teachers in the community of practice enabled her to contribute to a collective reflection on the local history developed in their teaching activities. an activity aimed at bringing more elements of the history of the bollettin et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):47–55 51 research communications special issue on diverse conservations community, its knowledge-practices, fishing activities and their transformations into the formal education of the new generations. the third example is from a doctoral student in ecology, vitor renck, who recently defended his dissertation (renck et al. 2022a; renck et al. 2022b), focusing on possible dialogues between knowledge about local fish among siribinha fishers and academic ichthyologists. he developed a careful survey of how fishermen classify fish species, inquiring into partial overlaps with academic-scientific taxonomies. in collaboration with the fishermen, he also built ethnobiological and ethnoecological models of their knowledge about fish morphology, behavior, interactions, etc. this effort, which clearly reflects academic concerns in its questions, methods, language, and data analysis, was importantly affected by the engagement with local people. by taking his interlocutors seriously as traditional experts, he moved from ideas of “validating” fishers’ knowledge vis-à-vis academic-scientific knowledge to questions such as, “what if?” and “what does it imply?” one example concerns the spawning period of different species of centropomus (locally known as robalos), during which it is forbidden to fish for this species. according to official fishing regulations, the specific period of restriction for capturing these fish (“closed season”) does not generally match the one identified by fishermen as spawning periods. starting from a disciplinary perspective in ecology, the encounters with fishers’ knowledge and livelihoods expanded the scope in transand interdisciplinary directions. on the transdisciplinary side, vitor came to recognize fishers as experts with nuanced understandings of biodiversity and ecological dynamics in the itapicuru estuary. as this expertise is at the core of local livelihood practices but in tension with official regulations, vitor found himself increasingly confronted with issues beyond ecology and engaged interdisciplinarily with policy studies and social science questions about participatory governance. this has led to a recently submitted manuscript (renck et al., forthcoming) and a policy brief advocating for the inclusion of fishing communities in the elaboration of closed season regulations through participatory processes. symmetrizing research collaborations it is widely recognized that social-environmental crises require interand transdisciplinary approaches that can account for a wide range of entangled environmental and social factors (ludwig et al. 2022). siribinha and poças exemplify this dynamic through the interplay of issues such as conservation of biodiversity in mangroves and restinga forests, livelihood practices such as sustainable fishing, environmental and science education in the local school, and environmental policies that tend to be externally imposed on the communities. navigating this complexity requires diverse forms of academic and non-academic expertise. despite this need for interand transdisciplinary approaches, collaborations between diverse stakeholders often remain deeply unequal and shaped by dominant actors and interests. this happens, for example, when academic actors remain in control of goals and methodological choices in education and conservation projects involving local communities. in the cases presented here, the ethnographic inspired effort allowed the researchers to take care of the relevance of the inclusion of interlocutors for defining research objectives and related ethical dimensions. the project has been shaped by the ambition of creating more equitable exchanges through more symmetrical dialogues. it is not based on the illusion that full symmetry can be achieved between actors in very different social positions such as university researchers and community members. this recognition of positionality does not mean, however, that more parity between knowledge-practices cannot be pursued and perhaps achieved. moreover, the very recognition of positionality and inequalities is an important asset for placing them under continuous critical scrutiny. for instance, through our engagement in collaborative work with local teachers, we systematically aimed at and effectively relinquished part of our control over goals and methodological choices. the educational initiatives that have been developed generally intend to fulfil three goals, one brought about by the university researchers (related to intercultural dialogue), and two by the local teachers (reinforcing students’ self-esteem as community members and necessarily integrating intercultural dialogue with the curricular teaching goals). all three examples from the previous section, as well as several other ongoing research programs within the project, show how collaboration, partnership, and engagement with local people can have symmetrizing effects in reconfiguring research strategies, aims, and results. part of this process has been the recognition of community members as bollettin et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):47–55 52 research communications special issue on diverse conservations experts about the local environments, fauna and flora, different forms of fishing, community histories and changes, including their entanglements with livelihoods and environments. another part has been interdisciplinary inquiries responsive to the complex local panorama, as exemplified by students departing from biological research but increasingly focusing on local historical narratives and policy as core research concerns. an important element of this interdisciplinary broadening is that local perspectives have emerged in the dialogues without a previous definition of “specialists”. instead, each specific research trajectory developed from its own situated experiences and interactions, as the researchers deepened specific relations: with fishermen, shellfisher women, and people using the beach rocks. such experiences approximated the experience of “heterodoxical awareness” (devore 2021) and “curiosities” (bollettin 2021), proper of ethnographic efforts. if the ethnographically inspired approach enabled researchers to develop proximity with local people, other influences have been produced by the municipality’s elaboration of the environmental conservation plan. one of its elements is the promotion of nature tourism in the estuarine environment, such that the local communities and the municipality can have income sources other than beach tourism that has been generating local social and environmental impacts. the municipality has thus been focusing on the scenic beauty of the itapicuru estuary, and the endangered and rare bird species found there, with contributions from knowledge produced by the project. project researchers intervened by dialoguing with municipal actors to support a more participatory approach to conservation planning that could engage local communities in a more bottom-up manner. this is a key element in our interventions related to the conservation and tourism planning process. there has been some effort by the municipality to use such a participatory approach, but within limits resulting from the fact that their managerial approach is typically top-down. the researchers have been the major, if not the only, factor pushing them in the direction of bottom-up decision-making processes. the emphasis on participation of local people in the definition of project aims and research activities reinforced an affirmative approach that community members translated partially into their claim for more participatory relations with the municipality, although truly accomplishing this remains a challenge in the face of a rather hierarchical decision-making structure. it remains a chief concern of the project to empower the local communities to participate in the conservation decision-making processes and in the management of related touristic activities, also including a discussion of the economic impacts of these. one example is the training of local birdwatching guides, all of them fishermen, which led to their specific certification by the municipality, based on training by the project team and by municipal employees (for instance, for first-aid practices in the field). they take interested tourists through local environments to show the birds inhabiting them, while talking about their local descriptions and other knowledge, keeping and disseminating their local names, while exercising care for the birds’ conservation. close collaboration between researchers and fishers, teachers, and other dwellers of siribinha and poças, is at the core of the project goals. the fact that our academic endeavor is perceived as an activity oriented toward the effective engagement of local people in research-action entails the need for ethical and political positioning. to briefly illustrate this point, we quickly point to a few interrelated activities. first, we carried out an ethnobiological study of plants used by the siribinha community as medicine, for food, and in manufacturing fishing artefacts and building houses (tng et al. 2021). after this study, which involved “traditional experts” identified by community members, the project pursued an educational goal in which local students did their own inquiries into uses of plants in the communities, which will eventually culminate in a “garden of local plants” on the school grounds. this garden will play an educational role by helping to strengthen local knowledge about plants, which is threatened by the fact that several stewards of this knowledge are elders, and some of their knowledge seems to be eroding over time. the garden also provides a springboard for intercultural dialogue between local knowledge on plants and scientific knowledge presented in schools. this activity has been interrupted by the pandemic, when the area for the garden was being cleaned by teachers, students, and other community members, but is planned to be resumed in 2023. the overall perspective of the project is one of continuous approximation between diverse goals, anthropological, educational, ecological, but mostly bollettin et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):47–55 53 research communications special issue on diverse conservations between academic and local knowledge-practices. such an ambitious working program involves several challenges, at both political and epistemological levels. while the project aims at symmetrization around diverse knowledge-practices, it also highlights the importance of reflexivity regarding the limitations of integration and consensus building. many disagreements and tensions remain among stakeholders. for example, academic concerns regarding conservation and sustainability do not always align with community members’ reliance on the environment for livelihood activities, including fishing and tourism. furthermore, academic research methods and local epistemic practices often diverge and interact with equally different background beliefs, values, and worldviews. finally, academics and community members remain in very different socioeconomic positions that shape collaborative dynamics and power structures. this means that researchers should be constantly challenged to take a step back from their aims, questions, and methods, so that more symmetrical efforts may be established. in navigating symmetrization efforts and their limitations, two core reflections appear as crucial for discussing the possibilities offered by “partial overlaps” between distinct knowledge systems (ludwig and el-hani 2020). first, once we recognize that different actors hold expertise about distinct environmental and social phenomena, it can be shown how the dialogue between their knowledge-practices is not only possible but can also be epistemically productive. the examples mentioned above show how taking local expertise seriously enriches dialogical possibilities and leads to interventions that align with concerns and needs of the communities. this includes the incorporation of fishers’ expertise in formulating policies that respect local reproductive periods of fish and educational practices that highlight local knowledge rather than only “formal” school curricula. however, overlaps between knowledge-practices always remain partial, bringing important limitations for dialogical efforts. to conclude this brief overview, it is important to underline how an ethnographically inspired approach makes it possible to place academic and local knowledge-practices on a more equal footing, in more symmetrical and participatory relations. this does not mean only to acknowledge the intellectual property of specific knowledges, but rather to challenge academic discourses by making research aims, questions, and methods accessible for negotiation with the community. symmetrization provides a tool for making presuppositions explicit and aligning them with concerns and priorities of the communities themselves. to achieve this goal, it is crucial to build relations based on trust, as provided by long-term conviviality and direct and participatory engagement, which are the grounds of an ethnographically inspired approach. the future development of the project will provide useful information for verifying the effectiveness and long-standing relations the team has been able to build up. meanwhile, complementary studies comparing potential results from ethnographically inspired and other methodological approaches, as well as the possibility of moving the collaboration further into academic writing (as another intermingled aspect of ethnography), could offer important results for developing adequate epistemological, ontological, ethical, and political strategies for supporting the participation, self-determination, and protagonism of local communities. acknowledgments we thank the support of the brazilian national council for research and technology (cnpq) (grant number 465767/2014-1), coordination for the improvement of higher education personnel (capes) (grant number 23038.000776/2017-54), and state of bahia research funding foundation (fapesb) (grant number inc0006/2019) for inct in-tree. dl’s research has been supported by an erc starting grant (851004 local knowledge) and a nwo vidi grant (v1.vidi.195.026 ethnoontologies). we are supported by a project approved at cnpq universal call 28/2018 (grant number 423948/2018-0). in 2020, the project also obtained financial support from the ministry of foreign affairs of the italian government through a call for anthropological research funds (grant number 88584/20). cneh also thanks cnpq (grant number 307223/2021-3) for a productivity in research grant. declarations permissions: none declared. sources of funding: brazilian national council for research and technology (cnpq) (grant number 465767/2014-1), coordination for the improvement of higher education personnel (capes) (grant number 23038.000776/2017-54), state of bahia research funding foundation (fapesb) (grant bollettin et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):47–55 54 research communications special issue on diverse conservations number inc0006/2019) for inct in-tree, erc starting grant (851004 local knowledge) and a nwo vidi grant (v1.vidi.195.026 ethnoontologies), cnpq universal call 28/2018 (grant number 423948/2018-0), ministry of foreign affairs of the italian government (grant number 88584/20), cnpq (grant number 307223/2021-3). conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited bartlett, c. marshall, m., and marshall, a. 2012. twoeyed seeing and other lessons learned within a co-learning journey of bringing together indigenous and mainstream knowledges and ways of knowing. journal of environmental studies and sciences 2:331–340. doi: 10.1007/s13412-012-00868. bollettin, p. 2021. multispecies curiosities and ethnographies. anthropologia integra 12:19–27. chilisa, b. 2019. indigenous research methodologies. thousand oaks, ca: sage. coelho, c. k. d. 2021. pedra é o que doido joga em gente: etnografia como uma ferramenta para a oceanografia socioambiental. prelúdios: revista do programa de pós-graduação em ciências sociais da ufba 10(11):83–103. coelho, c. k. d. 2022. investigação dos usos e serviços ecossistêmicos do arenito de praia em poças, conde, litoral norte da bahia, a partir de práticas e conhecimentos da comunidade local. bachelor’s dissertation, oceanography, federal university of bahia, salvador. devore, j. 2017. the mind of the copaíba tree: notes on extractivism, animism, and ontology from southern bahia. ethnobiology letters 8(1):115– 124. devore, j. 2021. between shame and a shared world: toward a democratized theory of heterodoxical awareness. anthropological theory 22(1):52–77. diegues, a. c. 1999. a sócio-antropologia das comunidades de pescadores marítimos no brasil. etnográfica iii:361–375. el-hani, c. n. 2022. bases teórico-filosóficas para o design de educação intercultural como diálogo de saberes. investigações em ensino de ciências 27:1–38. doi:10.22600/1518-8795.ienci2022v27n1p01. félix, r., sampaio, s. and el-hani, c. n. 2022. the endangered grey-breasted parakeet pyrrhura griseipectus occurs in bahia, brazil. cotinga 44:2–8. fonseca, j. o. 2021. “pescando mudanças”: embarcações, artes de pesca e educação intercultural na comunidade das poças, conde-ba. master’s dissertation, graduate studies program in history, philosophy and science teaching, federal university of bahia and state university of feira de santana, salvador and feira de santana. available at: https:// repositorio.ufba.br/handle/ri/34471. accessed june 2, 2022. fraser n. and honneth, a. 2003. redistribution or recognition? a political-philosophical exchange. london/new york: verso. galison, p. 1997. image and logic: a material culture of microphysics. chicago: university of chicago press. ghilardi-lopes, n. p., and berchez, f. a. s. 2019. coastal and marine environmental education. springer, cham. guimarães, l. m., lima, t. a. c., frança e. j., arruda, g. n., souza, j. r. b., and albergariabarbosa, a. c. r. 2019. impactos da mudança de vegetação local no aporte de matéria orgânica para um estuário tropical preservado (estuário do rio itapicuru-ba). química nova 42:611–618. doi:10.21577/0100-4042.20170370. harris, a. 2008. from london to mumbai and back again: gentrification and public policy in comparative perspective. urban studies 45:2407– 2428. doi:10.1177/0042098008097100. holbraad, m., pedersen, m. a., and viveiros de castro, e. 2014. the politics of ontology: anthropological positions. available at: https:// culanth.org/fieldsights/the-politics-of-ontologyanthropological-positions. accessed on june 2, 2022. howell, s. 2017. two or three things i love about ethnography. hau: journal of ethnographic theory 7(1): 15–20. ingold, t. 2016. that’s enough about ethnography! hau: journal of ethnographic theory 4 (1):383–395. kimmerer, r. w. 2013. the fortress, the river and the garden: a new metaphor for cultivating mutualistic relationship between scientific and traditional ecological knowledge. in contemporary studies in environmental and indigenous pedagogies, bollettin et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):47–55 55 research communications special issue on diverse conservations edited by a. kulnieks, d. r. longboat, and k. young, pp. 49–76. sense, rotterdam. lourenço, r. a., combi, t., alexandre, m. r., sasaki, s. t., zanardi-lamardo, e., and yogui, g. t. 2020. mysterious oil spill along brazil's northeast and southeast seaboard (2019–2020): trying to find answers and filling data gaps. marine pollution bulletin 156:111219. doi:10.1016/ j.marpolbul.2020.111219. ludwig, d. 2016. overlapping ontologies and indigenous knowledge. from integration to ontological self-determination. studies in history and philosophy of science 59:36–45. doi:10.1016/ j.shpsa.2016.06.002. ludwig, d., and el-hani, c. n. 2020. philosophy of ethnobiology: understanding knowledge integration and its limitations. journal of ethnobiology 40:3–20. doi:10.2993/0278-0771-40.1.3. ludwig, d., boogaard, b., macnaghten, p., and leeuwis, c. 2022. the politics of knowledge in inclusive development and innovation. routledge, london. menon, d. m. (ed.). 2022. changing theory: concepts from the global south. routledge, london. pratt, m. l. 1992. imperial eyes: travel writing and transculturation. routledge, london. renck, v., apgaua, d. m. g., tng, d. y. p., bollettin, p., ludwig, d., and el-hani, c. n. 2022a. cultural consensus and intracultural diversity in ethnotaxonomy: lessons from a fishing community in northeast brazil. journal of ethnobiology and ethnomedicine 18:25. doi:10.1186/ s13002-022-00522-y. renck, v., bollettin, p., ludwig, d., and el-hani, c. n. 2022b. exploring partial overlaps between knowledge systems in a brazilian fishing community. human ecology 50:633–649. doi:10.1007/s10745-022-00335-3. renck, v., ludwig, d., bollettin, p., reis-filho, j. a., poliseli, l., and el-hani, c. n. forthcoming (2023). taking fishers’ knowledge and their implications to fisheries policy seriously. ecology & society. santos, b. s. (2010). para além do pensamento abissal: das linhas globais a uma ecologia de saberes. in epistemologias do sul, edited by b.s. santos, and m.p. meneses, pp. 23–71. almedina/ ces, coimbra. silva, a. a. 2022. educação intercultural e diálogo entre diferentes saberes: desafios e possibilidades no ensino de ciências da escola básica. master’s dissertation, graduate studies program in history, philosophy and science teaching, federal university of bahia and state university of feira de santana, salvador, and feira de santana. snuc 2000, law no 9.985, july 18th, 2000, available at: http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/leis/ l9985.htm. accessed on 24th february 2023. tng, d. y. p., apgaua d. m. g., lisboa, m. m. d., and el-hani, c. n. 2021. gender differences in plant use knowledge within a traditional fishing community in northeastern brazil. ethnobotany research and applications 21:1–36. doi:10.32859/ era.21.12.1-36. tsing a. l. 2005. friction: an ethnography of global connection. princeton university press, princeton, nj. valderrama-pérez, d. f. 2016. diálogo entre conhecimentos científicos escolares e tradicionais em aulas de ciências naturais: intervenção e pesquisa na comunidade de taganga (magdalena-colômbia). doctoral dissertation, graduate studies program in history, philosophy and science teaching, federal university of bahia and state university of feira de santana, salvador and feira de santana. available at: https://repositorio.ufba.br/handle/ri/24734. accessed on june 2, 2022. weiskopf, d. a. 2020. representing and coordinating ethnobiological knowledge. studies in history and philosophy of biological and biomedical sciences 84:101328. doi:10.1016/j.shpsc.2020.101328. wenger, e. 1998. communities of practice: learning, meaning, and identity. cambridge university press, new york, ny. xikrin, b. and bollettin, p. 2022. reappropriating the trincheira-bacaja indigenous land. visual ethnography 11(1):149–162. doi:10.12835/ve2022.1 -109. the biodemography of subsistence farming: population, food and family. by james w. wood. 2020. cambridge university press, cambridge. 502 pp. anderson. 2021. ethnobiology letters 12(1):119–123 119 reviews perspectives from gene anderson’s bookshelf ignored. the book is highly number-conscious, but the math is not difficult. statistics are deployed at every point, and wood has made a careful search for sources with good data. beginning with malthus is almost inevitable, and wood does so. he has investigated malthus’ background, life, and theories in detail, as he does with all other theorists cited. although he was indeed wrong about the generality of population growth outpacing food production growth, wood shows that malthus was far more nuanced and widely competent than his critics allege. he had a place for voluntary population control, though he called it “vice,” and was not dogmatic about the impossibility of food production keeping up with population growth. the next modeler to receive serious attention is ester boserup (1965), who countered malthus by stating that population growth would force people to intensify their farming. she investigated colonial-era changes in africa, where increase led to shortening fallow, gathering, and burning brush to create fertile ash in swiddens (chitimene farming) and, in general, harder work. boserup saw people as intensifying agriculture only when forced by rising population impacting food supply more and more. this would predict that haiti would be the most advanced agricultural nation in the world, the united states the least, and the rest in due proportion—exactly the reverse of what we actually observe. malthus lived in a world of limited land and not very productive food crops. boserup had a lightly populated african realm to study. wood is able to subsistence agriculture is a long-standing focus of anthropological and ethnobiological research. studies include some of the great classics of anthropology, such as the work of malinowski and his students raymond firth and audrey richards. a comprehensive review of this literature can be found in in robert netting’s (1993) classic work smallholders, householders. however, there have been no such reviews in some years. james wood has provided a stunning fulfillment of that need—an encyclopedic review that is also a thorough and creative elaboration of models of demography and household economics in smallscale agriculture. wood begins with a limiting assumption: he models a family farm, isolated, without much community involvement, far from markets, and safe from the tax collector and landlord. “beyond the normal surplus, there is little incentive to produce in excess of the household’s own needs” (p. 29, his italics). he admits on the very next page that this does not happen and repeats near the end of the book that the image of “every household for itself” is “never true” (p. 420); but he uses the simplifying assumption to allow easy modeling and use of existing models. after that admission, he does consider the community, but restricts it largely to the kindred and the village. i have studied such communities in quintana roo, mexico 30 years ago, but none exist there today, and few do worldwide. for better or worse, markets and governments are well-nigh universal. however, the simple models are so useful even now, and so established in the literature, that they cannot be the biodemography of subsistence farming: population, food and family. by james w. wood. 2020. cambridge university press, cambridge. 502 pp. eugene n. anderson 1* 1 department of anthropology, university of california, riverside, usa. * gene@ucr.edu received june 13, 2021 open access accepted july 28, 2021 doi 10.14237/ebl.12.1.2021.1774 published december 30, 2021 copyright © 2021 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. anderson. 2021. ethnobiology letters 12(1):119–123 120 reviews perspectives from gene anderson’s bookshelf synthesize their models and go well beyond them, by looking at other ways people can intensify. people can always figure out some way to deal creatively with food problems, though malthusian checks such as war, drought, flood, and pestilence are all too often operated in subsistence-agriculture societies. part of advancing the models involves demolishing those bugbears, “population pressure” and “carrying capacity.” wood absolutely devastates those old clunkers. “populations” do not “press.” individuals may have many children and then have trouble finding food, but we can go even beyond boserup in pointing out that people do all kinds of things when there are lots of them. they can move; work harder or more efficiently; use famine foods (minnis 2020); use new crops; learn better and more efficient techniques; kill each other off; or simply starve. wood discusses all these alternatives. they reduce “population pressure” to a meaningless concept. the question is: what do people actually do when food runs short? “carrying capacity” is even less worthy of attention. it is a concept derived from animals that can do nothing about increasing numbers except move or starve. humans, of course, immediately change their behavior and environment when food is scarce. as long pointed out by kenneth laland and colleagues (odling-smee et al. 2004), humans, like beavers and leafcutter ants, are niche constructors. even hunter-gatherers alter the environment, often massively (as by burning and by extensive planting of wild food sources), to improve production. even the “carrying capacity” of a given farming system cannot be calculated accurately, because people are always fine-tuning it. this book should drive those two terms out of use in studies of agriculture and human ecology. from here, a book that is already a blockbuster becomes even more impressive. wood points out that malthus and boserup were talking at a high level of abstraction. populations grow, people intensify, all is reduced to lines on a graph. the rest of the book brings subsistence farming models down to reality: the family farm and its individuals. wood makes use of the great russian scholar chayanov, murdered by stalin like so many other original thinkers in the ussr. chayanov pointed out the importance of the developmental cycle in domestic groups, the reproduction and training of labor, and the ways in which farming for subsistence differs from farming for markets. for one example, subsistence agriculture requires diversification of crops, for insurance and for nutrition, while market farming tends toward monocropping. wood tests the chayanovian idea that subsistence farmers have large numbers of children and finds it somewhat wanting. the tradeoff of poor life expectancies and chances, given sparse food, is too daunting. (the “wizard of id” comic strip once made a memorable comment on this: the knight is talking with a peasant, outside his hut, where his wife is trying to deal with a mass of scruffy kids. the conversation, as i recall it, goes: “yes, lots of children are a great help around the farm.” “uh, and what does your wife say about that?” “i don’t know, she won’t talk to me.” enough said about why farm families don’t always maximize labor production.) still, farm families are notoriously large, and the sons and daughters work hard. most of the book, in fact, is taken up with the question of family labor—reproducing it, allocating it, and managing it. labor is not only in the field, but also in the household, and in transporting farm produce, manure, and other goods. wood reviews and comments on a vast range of sources that provide real numbers on the issue. he misses some—he does not cite the stunning work of james lee and associates (see e.g., tsuya et al. 2010) on china, for instance, though he has found the lee group’s work on europe. lee and colleagues have extensive details on voluntary population limitation in the old days, as well as on yields and other details. wood draws more on geertz and others, and especially on robert netting. finally, in the last 30 pages, wood expands his vision to look at the community and the wider context. since he is limiting “subsistence agriculture” to realms relatively remote from markets and state authorities, he can neglect those two troublemakers, but he knows he cannot neglect community. the problem is that the models get exponentially more complex as more households and villages must be taken into account. models must be fairly general to succeed at that level. wood points out that most villages that are genuinely outside the market-andstate world are largely kinship villages; they are made up of relatives and in-marrying spouses, and even those spouses are apt to be more distant relatives. he misses the enormously important role of folk experts. maya villages generally have a best beekeeper whom everyone consults on that side of farming, a best crop expert, a best hunter, a best ritualist (the local hmeen, anderson. 2021. ethnobiology letters 12(1):119–123 121 reviews perspectives from gene anderson’s bookshelf “doer”), and so on. every adult maya farmer already has an encyclopedic knowledge of farming in that difficult environment; the experts often rank with academic scientists in the sheer quantity and quality of knowledge they can deploy, though it is often localized; it includes the exact locations of every flowering tree, every pocket of good soil, and every game animal for miles around. this local expertise faces an uncertain future; suffice it to say that our village beekeeping expert in chunhuhub has three daughters, who went to town and became computer experts—the kind of mind it takes to manage beehives turns out to be perfect for managing computers. (and my father left the wretched little cotton farm where he was raised, went to town, and became a historian. such is the fate of small-scale farming in the modern world.) in short, this is a major synthesis of an important area. it also comes to conclusions that go far beyond its focus. the world of subsistence agriculture (by his restricted definition) is now definitively dead; there are almost no such isolated communities left. the book’s “envoi” (p. 446) is in fact a lament for the loss. but wood’s book is not of purely historical interest. his demolition of “population pressure” and “carrying capacity,” his exhaustive collection of statistics on how much physical labor people can do and how they deploy it, his similar collection of statistics on inputs and yields, and many other data banks not only advance the field of subsistence agriculture studies but are highly relevant to all agricultural research and modeling. no book so wide-ranging and comprehensive can be without errors, especially if it is also a brilliantly original contribution in modeling and analysis. this book has its share. to begin with minor ones: 1) wood sees rest for a minute or two as frequently necessary when doing sustained hard work (p. 320); this is not the case if one paces oneself carefully, as is necessary—since one must keep moving and keep up with others—in transplanting rice, burning milpa, and many other jobs. 2) wood seems to think that draft animals must compete with humans for food, either directly (oats…) or indirectly, by requiring land (p. 340). however, water buffaloes can exist happily on sawgrass, rice husks, field weeds, and other fare that costs nothing in time or land. other draft animals can sometimes be equally cost-free. other errors are more serious. starting on p. 17, wood stresses the very low yields of subsistence farming, especially compared with modern agriculture. while this is true for many areas of the world, it is not true for traditional japan and china; he even cites sources (king 1911, ruddle and zhong 1988) that show traditional paddy-rice agriculture yielded as much as western commercial agriculture of the early twentieth century. from another end of the scale, yucatec maya agriculture yields less than iowa maize farming, but it yields better alternatives in yucatan’s harsh climate and thin limestone soils. modern industrial-style agriculture has never done well in the yucatan, and the peninsula has been left to traditional maya farming. there are many other such cases. one problem is that wood does not take enough account of knowledge of plants and animals, and the degree to which traditional farmers learn and experiment. he leaves this major form of intensification entirely out of his final statement on how farmers intensify (pp. 371–372). in areas i know best—south china and maya mexico—this is an enormous factor. people constantly experiment, seek out experts for advice, and work to learn more. wood apparently worked in areas of the world where subsistence farming was less skill-intensive, less constrained by the environment, and less informed by constant knowledge-seeking. this makes him miss the importance of induced development, as i will argue below. another problem of a different kind occurs on p. 115: “all farming, by its nature, inflicts ecological disturbance on the local environment…and creates an ecological disequilibrium…” that is inevitably damaging to biodiversity, soil, and environment in general. this is usually but not necessarily true. good managers at low population densities maintain all those things, admittedly not in “virgin” form, but without causing serious decline; there is a large body of literature on this subject (anderson 2005). more serious is a real lapse: “rapid and often cataclysmic change” like that of today “did not exist in the distant past” (p. 243). i had thought that the image of the peasant, changeless since time immemorial, was long dead; apparently not so. china’s dynastic cycles, famines, floods, earthquakes, droughts, epidemics, and so forth guaranteed that every year brought a cataclysm somewhere, and every farmer who lived a long life saw three or four of them. balancing this was a continual introduction of new crops, new techniques, and new forms of capital (mobile and fixed), leading to steady improvement of farming. none of these latter changes occurred with anderson. 2021. ethnobiology letters 12(1):119–123 122 reviews perspectives from gene anderson’s bookshelf revolutionary speed, but some, such as the introduction of good wheat milling in the han dynasty, high-yield rice in song, and new world crops in the 16th-17th centuries, had revolutionary effects over a relatively short time. the same could be said for many other areas of the world. moving to higher levels of abstraction, wood’s theories, hypotheses, and models are sound and thoroughly worked out, but he neglects a large chunk of the relevant literature: the various approaches sometimes referred to as “induced development” (hayami and ruttan 1985; north 1990). this is the idea that people will change in the direction of more intensive and efficient use of resources when they are constrained by bottlenecks of some sort. if, for example, land and labor abound but capital is short (as it always is in subsistence farming), people will apply more labor, use more land, and invest in landesque capital. if labor is abundant but land is short, people will lavish vast supplies of labor on the limited land, and if they have wet-rice agriculture they can always support one more hand (hayami and ruttan 1985); there are photographs of fields where no more people can fit into the transplanting or harvesting line. if land opens up, people will use it more extensively, as wood notes for such cases as ukara (or ukora) island in tanzania and its shore long colonies, and as hayami and ruttan (1985) noted for frontier america. in denmark, land and labor are a constraint, but capital is abundant, leading to technology-intensive agriculture (hayami and ruttan 1985). if land, labor, and capital are all short, people will invest in knowing as wide a range of things about farming and the environment as they possibly can. that is the maya case. similar bottlenecks often occur in transport and communication, and people work to improve those situations. in short, people do not wait for “population pressure” or the “malthusian squeeze” to motivate them. they innovate wherever an obvious need or want, especially a bottleneck, presents itself. it can be as simple and straightforward as a need to produce food close to the home because of fear of raids, a serious problem in much of the premodern world. it can be because of nutritional needs for specialized high-nutrient crops. it is often driven in subsistence societies by ritual obligations. since all change and improvement requires some investment of time and energy, and usually capital (which in nonmonetized societies means surplus production over immediate need), the induceddevelopment model correctly predicts that development will be fastest in societies with a comfortable margin. in the modern world, it is the downright rich societies that develop and change their agriculture most rapidly. it thus predicts correctly, exactly the opposite of boserup’s model. in fact, the induced development theory works reasonably well across the board for predicting technological change. wood surely knew of this body of theory but seems to have assumed it applied only for monetized, marketoriented societies, and that traditional societies rarely changed in such ways. this is not the case, as hayami and ruttan, and also douglass north (1990), point out. these various criticisms do not detract greatly from a book that will stand for years as a great work of synthesis and theory-building. it is an absolute must-read for anyone studying traditional subsistenceoriented farming. human ecologists and agricultural development workers, in particular, must seriously study this book. references cited anderson, e. n. 2005. political ecology in a yucatec maya community. university of arizona press, tucson. boserup, e. 1965. the conditions of agricultural growth: the economics of agrarian change under population pressure. aldine, chicago. hayami, y., and v. ruttan. 1985. agricultural development: an international perspective, 2nd edition. johns hopkins university press, baltimore. king, f. h. 1911. farmers of forty centuries: permanent agriculture in china, korea, and japan. good press, new york. netting, r. 1993. smallholders, householders: farm families and the ecology of intensive, sustainable agriculture. stanford university press, stanford. north, d. c. 1990. institutions, institutional change and economic performance. cambridge university press, cambridge. odling-smee, g. j., k. n. laland, and m. w. feldman. 2004. niche construction: the neglected process in evolution. princeton university press, princeton. anderson. 2021. ethnobiology letters 12(1):119–123 123 reviews perspectives from gene anderson’s bookshelf ruddle, k., and g. zhong. 1988. integrated agricultureaquaculture in south china: the dike-pond system of the zhujiang delta. cambridge university press, cambridge. tsuya, n. o., w. feng, g. alter, and j. z. lees, eds. 2010. prudence and pressure: reproduction and human agency in europe and asia, 1700-1900. mit press, cambridge. 76  book review  veteto and maclin emphasize the importance of barbecue as a central vehicle of both identity and difference in the american south. on one hand, the authors argue it is such a key lived symbol and experience within southern life that (following southern sociologist john shelton reed) a flag emblazoned with a dancing pig with a fork and knife might rightly replace the racism tainted flag of the confederacy as the banner of the south. on the other hand, however, regional and local differences in how to prepare hog form fundamental bases for distinctions between communities, such that “…most southerners who engage in the act of cooking or consuming barbecue think that the way they are used to having their barbecue prepared is the only way god intended it to be done” (p. 8). along with the analytical focus on identity and difference, veteto and maclin’s introduction also raises themes concerning race, gender, and memory in regard to food. in these varied areas the volume does not necessarily break new theoretical ground, but certainly outlines in detail barbecue’s rightful place as an excellent phenomenon to explore these scholarly concerns. this fits extremely well with other goals of the volume, namely to make scholarly anthropological writing more engaging and accessible through attention to a topic of broad culinary interest, as well as to make food writing more scholarly through cross-fertilization with rigorous intellectual concerns. most of the chapters engage with barbecue with quite in-depth, specific case studies, although these are effectively framed by those that give a broader perspective on topics such as the history of barbecue and the relation of barbecue to concerns such as tradition in the digital age and food sustainability, with the latter tied to issues such as the slow food movement and heritage varieties of pigs and tomathe authors of this volume love barbecue. seemingly every kind of barbecue and from a broad assortment of analytical frameworks and perspectives. mostly hog, slow smoked, but they’ll take it on the bone, chopped, minced, pulled, shredded, chipped and much more, on a plate or on a bun, with sauce or “dip” ranging from vinegar with nothing more than flakes of pepper, to mustard or mayonnaise based sauces, to thick, sweet ketchupy ones, sometimes but not only including what veteto and maclin maintain is fundamental to a good mid-south barbecue sauce—some combination of vinegar, tomato, pepper and a sweetener. this is not a disinterested text. while rigorously scholarly, taking perspectives centered mainly but not exclusively on anthropology, the editors and contributors are passionate about their hog, particularly the varieties prepared in ways rooted in their own upbringings in the mid-south. the slaw and the slow cooked is composed of eleven chapters: a theoretical introduction and ten chapters focusing on varied aspects of time-honored and contemporary barbecue. although the book is divided into two sections—“traditional and contemporary landscapes of mid-south barbecue” and “old new barbecue moving forward”―the editors note that the divide between them is fairly arbitrary, and indeed it is not entirely clear what contrast between the halves was intended. this minor organizational issue aside, the chapters are varied, solid and engaging. the editors are both anthropologists, and, while the book has a strong anthropological tilt, its contributors also include scholars in literature and folklore, food writers, chefs, and historians. the authors have a number of clear aims and address them effectively. they endeavor to make a firm contribution to the anthropology of food, to some extent theoretically but perhaps more so empirically. the slaw and the slow cooked: culture and barbecue in the mid‐south   james  r.  veteto  and  edward  m.  maclin,  eds.  2011  vanderbilt  university  press,  nashville.  pp.  216  $22.95  (paperback). isbn 978‐0826518019  reviewed by jon d. holtzman   reviewer address: department of anthropology, western michigan university, 1903 w michigan ave, kalamazoo mi 49008‐ 5306. jon.holtzman@wmich.edu  received: november 15, 2012  volume: 3:76‐77  published: december 22, 2012  © 2012 society of ethnobiology  mailto:jon.holtzman@wmich.edu� 77  book review  toes. the case studies tend toward the introduction’s emphasis on identity and difference, but approach these topics in a wide range of ways. several deal with specific producers of barbecue, some with restaurants that are particularly notable or well-known in the micro-region upon which the author focuses, and some with detailed analysis of a geographically focused form of barbecue tradition. these examples do not focus only on the food per se, but show how broader issues such as gender relations and historical and contemporary racism may be enacted through food practices. some of the chapters emphasize the social processes through which the food is produced—whether in a context as commonplace as a charity picnic, or in the highly specialized arena of hog roasting competitions—while many focus more heavily on the nature of the food itself. pervasive throughout most of these pieces is an emphasis on tradition, though this is displayed not to be timeless and unchanging with attention to how it has developed over time and how it may evolve in the future. if there is a drawback to this book it lies in its qualities that are also its strength. the editors and contributors all exude a tremendous enthusiasm in their work and their subject matter, for barbecue in general and for the particular versions of it that are beloved from their communities or childhoods, making this an engaging, readable, and surprisingly personal book. the other side of the hog in this, however, is that i found it at times difficult to separate the authors’ passion for barbecue from the empirical importance that they are attributing to their subject matter. does everyone in the mid-south actually share the beliefs and attitudes that are both pervasive, and portrayed as essentially universal in this text? this is an issue that readers should consider when engaging with the text, but a fairly minor one. the bottom line is that the authors are having fun, but serious fun, and the book is better for it. there is much to be learned from this book in regard to the anthropology of food, the ethnography of the u.s. and, of course, barbecue. the book is highly scholarly, appropriate for engaging students in the classroom, and accessible for lay readers interested in foodways. i highly recommend it for anyone interested in the anthropology of food. << /ascii85encodepages false /allowtransparency false /autopositionepsfiles true /autorotatepages /none /binding /left /calgrayprofile (dot gain 20%) /calrgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /calcmykprofile (u.s. web coated \050swop\051 v2) /srgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /cannotembedfontpolicy /error /compatibilitylevel 1.4 /compressobjects /tags /compresspages true /convertimagestoindexed true /passthroughjpegimages true /createjobticket false /defaultrenderingintent /default /detectblends true /detectcurves 0.0000 /colorconversionstrategy /cmyk /dothumbnails false /embedallfonts true /embedopentype false /parseiccprofilesincomments true /embedjoboptions true /dscreportinglevel 0 /emitdscwarnings false /endpage -1 /imagememory 1048576 /lockdistillerparams false /maxsubsetpct 100 /optimize true /opm 1 /parsedsccomments true /parsedsccommentsfordocinfo true /preservecopypage true /preservedicmykvalues true /preserveepsinfo true /preserveflatness true /preservehalftoneinfo false /preserveopicomments true /preserveoverprintsettings true /startpage 1 /subsetfonts true /transferfunctioninfo /apply /ucrandbginfo /preserve /useprologue false /colorsettingsfile () /alwaysembed [ true ] /neverembed [ true ] /antialiascolorimages false /cropcolorimages true /colorimageminresolution 300 /colorimageminresolutionpolicy /ok /downsamplecolorimages true /colorimagedownsampletype /bicubic /colorimageresolution 300 /colorimagedepth -1 /colorimagemindownsampledepth 1 /colorimagedownsamplethreshold 1.50000 /encodecolorimages true /colorimagefilter /dctencode /autofiltercolorimages true /colorimageautofilterstrategy /jpeg /coloracsimagedict << /qfactor 0.15 /hsamples [1 1 1 1] /vsamples [1 1 1 1] >> /colorimagedict << /qfactor 0.15 /hsamples [1 1 1 1] /vsamples [1 1 1 1] >> /jpeg2000coloracsimagedict << /tilewidth 256 /tileheight 256 /quality 30 >> /jpeg2000colorimagedict << /tilewidth 256 /tileheight 256 /quality 30 >> /antialiasgrayimages false /cropgrayimages true /grayimageminresolution 300 /grayimageminresolutionpolicy /ok /downsamplegrayimages true /grayimagedownsampletype /bicubic /grayimageresolution 300 /grayimagedepth -1 /grayimagemindownsampledepth 2 /grayimagedownsamplethreshold 1.50000 /encodegrayimages true /grayimagefilter /dctencode /autofiltergrayimages true /grayimageautofilterstrategy /jpeg /grayacsimagedict << /qfactor 0.15 /hsamples [1 1 1 1] /vsamples [1 1 1 1] >> /grayimagedict << /qfactor 0.15 /hsamples [1 1 1 1] /vsamples [1 1 1 1] >> /jpeg2000grayacsimagedict << /tilewidth 256 /tileheight 256 /quality 30 >> /jpeg2000grayimagedict << /tilewidth 256 /tileheight 256 /quality 30 >> /antialiasmonoimages false /cropmonoimages true /monoimageminresolution 1200 /monoimageminresolutionpolicy /ok /downsamplemonoimages true /monoimagedownsampletype /bicubic /monoimageresolution 1200 /monoimagedepth -1 /monoimagedownsamplethreshold 1.50000 /encodemonoimages true /monoimagefilter /ccittfaxencode /monoimagedict << /k -1 >> /allowpsxobjects false /checkcompliance [ /none ] /pdfx1acheck false /pdfx3check false /pdfxcompliantpdfonly false /pdfxnotrimboxerror true /pdfxtrimboxtomediaboxoffset [ 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 ] /pdfxsetbleedboxtomediabox true /pdfxbleedboxtotrimboxoffset [ 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 ] /pdfxoutputintentprofile () /pdfxoutputconditionidentifier () /pdfxoutputcondition () /pdfxregistryname () /pdfxtrapped /false /createjdffile false /description << /ara <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> /bgr <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> /chs <feff4f7f75288fd94e9b8bbe5b9a521b5efa7684002000410064006f006200650020005000440046002065876863900275284e8e9ad88d2891cf76845370524d53705237300260a853ef4ee54f7f75280020004100630072006f0062006100740020548c002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e003000204ee553ca66f49ad87248672c676562535f00521b5efa768400200050004400460020658768633002> /cht <feff4f7f752890194e9b8a2d7f6e5efa7acb7684002000410064006f006200650020005000440046002065874ef69069752865bc9ad854c18cea76845370524d5370523786557406300260a853ef4ee54f7f75280020004100630072006f0062006100740020548c002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e003000204ee553ca66f49ad87248672c4f86958b555f5df25efa7acb76840020005000440046002065874ef63002> /cze <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> /dan <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> /deu <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> /esp <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> /eti <feff004b00610073007500740061006700650020006e0065006900640020007300e4007400740065006900640020006b00760061006c006900740065006500740073006500200074007200fc006b006900650065006c007300650020007000720069006e00740069006d0069007300650020006a0061006f006b007300200073006f00620069006c0069006b0065002000410064006f006200650020005000440046002d0064006f006b0075006d0065006e00740069006400650020006c006f006f006d006900730065006b0073002e00200020004c006f006f0064007500640020005000440046002d0064006f006b0075006d0065006e00740065002000730061006100740065002000610076006100640061002000700072006f006700720061006d006d006900640065006700610020004100630072006f0062006100740020006e0069006e0067002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e00300020006a00610020007500750065006d006100740065002000760065007200730069006f006f006e00690064006500670061002e000d000a> /fra <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> /gre <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> /heb <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> /hrv (za stvaranje adobe pdf dokumenata najpogodnijih za visokokvalitetni ispis prije tiskanja koristite ove postavke. stvoreni pdf dokumenti mogu se otvoriti acrobat i adobe reader 5.0 i kasnijim verzijama.) /hun <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> /ita <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> /jpn <feff9ad854c18cea306a30d730ea30d730ec30b951fa529b7528002000410064006f0062006500200050004400460020658766f8306e4f5c6210306b4f7f75283057307e305930023053306e8a2d5b9a30674f5c62103055308c305f0020005000440046002030d530a130a430eb306f3001004100630072006f0062006100740020304a30883073002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e003000204ee5964d3067958b304f30533068304c3067304d307e305930023053306e8a2d5b9a306b306f30d530a930f330c8306e57cb30818fbc307f304c5fc59808306730593002> /kor <feffc7740020c124c815c7440020c0acc6a9d558c5ec0020ace0d488c9c80020c2dcd5d80020c778c1c4c5d00020ac00c7a50020c801d569d55c002000410064006f0062006500200050004400460020bb38c11cb97c0020c791c131d569b2c8b2e4002e0020c774b807ac8c0020c791c131b41c00200050004400460020bb38c11cb2940020004100630072006f0062006100740020bc0f002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e00300020c774c0c1c5d0c11c0020c5f40020c2180020c788c2b5b2c8b2e4002e> /lth <feff004e006100750064006f006b0069007400650020016100690075006f007300200070006100720061006d006500740072007500730020006e006f0072011700640061006d00690020006b0075007200740069002000410064006f00620065002000500044004600200064006f006b0075006d0065006e007400750073002c0020006b00750072006900650020006c0061006200690061007500730069006100690020007000720069007400610069006b007900740069002000610075006b01610074006f00730020006b006f006b007900620117007300200070006100720065006e006700740069006e00690061006d00200073007000610075007300640069006e0069006d00750069002e0020002000530075006b0075007200740069002000500044004600200064006f006b0075006d0065006e007400610069002000670061006c006900200062016b007400690020006100740069006400610072006f006d00690020004100630072006f006200610074002000690072002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e0030002000610072002000760117006c00650073006e0117006d00690073002000760065007200730069006a006f006d00690073002e> /lvi <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> /nld (gebruik deze instellingen om adobe pdf-documenten te maken die zijn geoptimaliseerd voor prepress-afdrukken van hoge kwaliteit. de gemaakte pdf-documenten kunnen worden geopend met acrobat en adobe reader 5.0 en hoger.) /nor <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> /pol <feff0055007300740061007700690065006e0069006100200064006f002000740077006f0072007a0065006e0069006100200064006f006b0075006d0065006e007400f300770020005000440046002000700072007a0065007a006e00610063007a006f006e00790063006800200064006f002000770079006400720075006b00f30077002000770020007700790073006f006b00690065006a0020006a0061006b006f015b00630069002e002000200044006f006b0075006d0065006e0074007900200050004400460020006d006f017c006e00610020006f007400770069006500720061010700200077002000700072006f006700720061006d006900650020004100630072006f00620061007400200069002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e0030002000690020006e006f00770073007a0079006d002e> /ptb <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> /rum <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> /rus <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> /sky <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> /slv <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> /suo <feff004b00e40079007400e40020006e00e40069007400e4002000610073006500740075006b007300690061002c0020006b0075006e0020006c0075006f00740020006c00e400680069006e006e00e4002000760061006100740069007600610061006e0020007000610069006e006100740075006b00730065006e002000760061006c006d0069007300740065006c00750074007900f6006800f6006e00200073006f00700069007600690061002000410064006f0062006500200050004400460020002d0064006f006b0075006d0065006e007400740065006a0061002e0020004c0075006f0064007500740020005000440046002d0064006f006b0075006d0065006e00740069007400200076006f0069006400610061006e0020006100760061007400610020004100630072006f0062006100740069006c006c00610020006a0061002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e0030003a006c006c00610020006a006100200075007500640065006d006d0069006c006c0061002e> /sve <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> /tur <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> /ukr <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> /enu (use these settings to create adobe pdf documents best suited for high-quality prepress printing. created pdf documents can be opened with acrobat and adobe reader 5.0 and later.) >> /namespace [ (adobe) (common) (1.0) ] /othernamespaces [ << /asreaderspreads false /cropimagestoframes true /errorcontrol /warnandcontinue /flattenerignorespreadoverrides false /includeguidesgrids false /includenonprinting false /includeslug false /namespace [ (adobe) (indesign) (4.0) ] /omitplacedbitmaps false /omitplacedeps false /omitplacedpdf false /simulateoverprint /legacy >> << /addbleedmarks false /addcolorbars false /addcropmarks false /addpageinfo false /addregmarks false /convertcolors /converttocmyk /destinationprofilename () /destinationprofileselector /documentcmyk /downsample16bitimages true /flattenerpreset << /presetselector /mediumresolution >> /formelements false /generatestructure false /includebookmarks false /includehyperlinks false /includeinteractive false /includelayers false /includeprofiles false /multimediahandling /useobjectsettings /namespace [ (adobe) (creativesuite) (2.0) ] /pdfxoutputintentprofileselector /documentcmyk /preserveediting true /untaggedcmykhandling /leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice conservation at stake: institutionalized environmentalisms and indigenous knowledges about how to protect the brazilian atlantic forest sandroni. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):72–82 72 research communications special issue on diverse conservations injustices its implementation created (adams and hutton 2007). restrictive pas often do not encompass social and cultural heterogeneities, creating negative impacts on otherwise sustainable livelihoods. the consolidation of this critique led to the mainstreaming of more inclusive models of conservation, such as participatory conservation and community-based conservation, that became the global paradigm in the late 1990’s. thereafter, the debate on biodiversity conservation took a polarized form, stressing the role of local populations in conservation: one ‘side’ advocates for the restriction of access and circulation, and the other recommends community involvement as a solution to conflict (holmes 2009). introduction over the past 30 years, a consensus has emerged about the need to protect what is left of the planet’s biodiversity. this globally shared social acceptance opens a multifaceted debate on the best ways to achieve this goal. taking a foucauldian perspective, we understand the emergence of ‘biodiversity conservation’ as the social construction of an object of knowledge and, therefore, a space of power relations (foucault 1977). throughout this historical process, different models of practices and discourses have become preponderant. the first global model for conservation, based on the implementation of restrictive and large protected areas, came to be known as ‘fortress-conservation’ (vaccaro et al. 2013). this model was severely criticized due to the conservation at stake: institutionalized environmentalisms and indigenous knowledges about how to protect the brazilian atlantic forest laila thomaz sandroni 1* 1 wildlife ecology, management and conservation lab (lemac), escola superior de agricultura “luiz de queiroz”, university of são paulo, piracicaba, brasil. * lailasandroni@hotmail.com abstract this paper aims to compare two different sets of solutions on best pathways for biodiversity conservation present in a specific territory in the brazilian atlantic forest, in southern bahia. we look specifically at three interconnected administrative instances: the tupinambá de olivença indigenous land; the una biological reserve; and the una wildlife refuge. we show that different perspectives regarding what it means to preserve nature come into focus in this territory. these are intertwined with power relations that highlight the inequality in the legitimacy of different groups in decision making for environmental governance. we map the causes and solutions for biodiversity degradation proposed by two contrasting narratives: the indigenous perspective and the institutionalized western science-based environmentalism developed by state agencies and non-governmental organizations that work with conservation projects in the region. we expect to equalize these contrasting perspectives that are commonly seen in hierarchical terms. we conclude by advocating for managing combinations of diverse sets of knowledge and for pluralism in conservation efforts that accounts for underlying power relations. received july 4, 2022 open access accepted march 3, 2023 doi 10.14237/ebl.14.2.2023.1832 published may 31, 2023 keywords biodiversity conservation, discursive disputes, environmental narratives, indigenous peoples, atlantic forest, power relations copyright © 2023 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. sandroni. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):72–82 73 research communications special issue on diverse conservations in our perspective, this polarization does not account for the complexity of conservation disputes, in a context where social inclusion is becoming increasingly mainstream. we argue that the construction of viable solutions for conservation could benefit from material attempts at dialogue among diverse groups of people working towards a more sustainable future. nonetheless, many conservation policies continue to generate situations experienced by local populations as injustices. we understand environmental justice as key for the longterm involvement of those who have been sharing those environments for centuries. thus, we seek to contribute to a convivial approach to biodiversity conservation (büscher and fletcher 2020), that sees the dialogue among different perspectives and radical equity as fundamental tenets for discourse and action to protect ecosystems. in this paper, we focus on the discursive disputes around biodiversity conservation in a specific territory, relating directly to environmental narratives of those who live in and seek to protect the brazilian atlantic rainforest. we apply a qualitative analysis to compare solutions to the shared problem of biodiversity degradation of the atlantic forest proposed by two different groups of people: the solutions developed by tupinambá indigenous people and the institutionalized western science-based environmentalism developed by state agencies and non-governmental organizations who work with conservation projects in southern bahia. we avoid universalizing solutions, trying instead to compare the concrete solutions presented by each narrative. we understand that although indigenous—and other traditional—knowledges have their construction grounded in concrete life experience and not in generalization, they should not be seen as less valid than science-based perspectives (ingold and kurtilla 2000). nonetheless, in conservation planning and implementation so called ‘evidence-based’ (sutherland et al. 2004) perspectives tend to have more legitimacy, despite the continued efforts toward showing the social and cultural injustices it produces. the solutions provided by more powerful actors in conservation, namely conservation biologists and ecologists that act in academia, ngos, and state agencies, fail to account for the overlying power relations and causes of conflicts around conservation, including the detachment to local perspectives and excessive bureaucratization (peluso 2003). with our case study, we wish to contribute to the ongoing advocacy for more effective pluralism in conservation (pascual et al. 2021). the methodology based on the analysis of environmental narratives makes it possible to compare and equalize the solutions proposed by representatives of commonly empowered decision-makers in environmental issues and representatives of commonly marginalized discourses. through the equal juxtaposition of narratives that usually are perceived in a strict hierarchy, we wish to shed light on concrete challenges for mitigating the recurrent conflicts around conservation planning and implementation. we also illuminate the actual possibilities of building alliances between different perspectives. we conclude by advocating for pluralism in conservation, through direct engagement with the proposed solutions offered by on-the-ground agents of indigenous life and struggle. the territorial contours the geographic scope of this research is composed by the tupinambá de olivença indigenous land, una biological reserve (rebio una) and una wildlife refuge (revis una), located in southern bahia, in northeastern brazil, an area once completely covered by the atlantic forest biome (figure 1). the brazilian atlantic forest hosts one of the world’s most diverse and threatened tropical forest biota of the world (joly et al. 2014). only around 26% of its original cover remains (rezende et al. 2018), with severe defaunation (bogoni et al. 2018). the south of bahia is the second largest remaining fragment of the biome in northeastern brazil, though it is threatened by intense processes of deforestation related to plantations, mining, and tourism enterprises (hirota and ponzoni 2017). before colonization the lowlands of the atlantic coast were occupied by indigenous peoples, mainly from the tupi linguistic community. through the colonial period, the lands that today form the tupinambá de olivença indigenous land were occupied by a jesuit-controlled indigenous village. during the nineteenth century, cocoa gradually became the main monoculture for export in the region and the brazilian state officially declared the ‘extinction’ of the indigenous populations, authorizing the alienation of their lands (alarcon 2013). around the 1980s, cocoa production was deeply impacted both by the spread of pests and overseas competition. the crisis in cocoa intensified sandroni. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):72–82 74 research communications special issue on diverse conservations deforestation and impoverishment. most of the cocoa in the region was planted in a system called ‘cabruca’, which consists of a plantation that maintains part of the original atlantic forest, to take advantage of shade. given the low profitability, several landowners, predominantly from white and settler communities, resorted to timber to pay off debts. at this moment, a conservationist movement emerged in the ‘cocoa cost’, aiming to contain the accelerated process of deforestation. in 1994, the institute for socio-environmental studies of the south of bahia (iesb) was created and quickly became the largest ngo with an emphasis on biodiversity at a local scale. this ngo was a main actor in a process of enlargement of the local protected areas network during the 2000s. the biological reserve that had been implemented in the early 1980s was enlarged in 2007, giving it 18,715.06 hectares. this process was accompanied by the creation of a new pa, the wildlife refuge, with 23,262.09 hectares, functioning as a buffer zone for the biological reserve and overlapping with some portions of the indigenous land. concurrently in the late 90s and early 2000s, a renewed tupinambá indigenous movement rose. reframing their cultural past and present (oliveira 2018), the tupinambá enacted certain political strategies, among them, the ‘retomadas’ (or ‘retakes’): the reappropriation of something that was usurped from the indigenous peoples in the past. the ‘retomadas’ are mainly expressed in the effective occupation of lands and are used as a way to pressure the brazilian state to ratify indigenous titles to indigenous lands. however, this political-cultural strategy goes beyond the sphere of negotiating rights, constituting a dimension of autonomy for indigenous movements and the construction of new landscapes. in this sense, they have an ontological dimension since they provoke reorganizations of material and immaterial territories (escobar 2015). the indigenous land is, therefore, the result of an intense politicalcultural process performed by the tupinambá through which they actively take back their land and history (alarcon 2013). in 2009, the first official map was published by the brazilian state in which the indigenous land consisted of 47,376 hectares (viegas and paula 2009). this demarcation, however, has never been ratified by the ministry of justice, and thus remains more legally vulnerable than the protected areas. since those processes occurred concomitantly, efforts were made to assure the smallest overlap possible according to diverse expectations (viegas and paula 2009). nonetheless, as we shall demonstrate, the implementation of the protected area led to conflicts due to reinforced environmental monitoring experienced as injustices by indigenous peoples. therefore, despite the attempt at finding middle ground, the paths for conservation remained disputed and uncertain, since legitimacy for choosing the best paths for biodiversity conservation remained unequal. this makes it important to look at the different proposed solutions for biodiversity conservation and recognize to what extent they have the power to figure 1 tupinambá de olivença indigenous land, una biological reserve and una wildlife refuge. source: this map was produced by the author using official data found in the database of the national indian foundation (funai) and the chico mendes institute for biodiversity conservation (icmbio) and follows the delimitation of the tupinambá indigenous land originally published in the “relatório circunstanciado de identificação e delimitação da terra indígena tupinambá de olivença” (viegas & paula, 2009) sandroni. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):72–82 75 research communications special issue on diverse conservations effectively become a central guidance for conservation. methods our analysis is based on the comparison of the environmental narratives of two groups: ‘indigenous’ and ‘institutionalized scientific environmentalism.’ different actors have different access to the discursive power to define what should be understood as environmental degradation, as well as its causes and solutions. in order to approach these power relations, we analyze 'environmental narratives' (see bixler 2013), understood here as stories bounded by the narrators’ particular experiences, observations and attachments to place (robertson et al. 2000). the narrative concept was used as a tool to compare competing knowledge systems bounded to place, including those based in western cosmologies (lejano et al. 2013). the selection of materials that could compose such narratives was guided by the aim to access views over an urgent problem shared by both perspectives, namely, “the need to protect what is left of the atlantic forest”. the main sources of access to the tupinambá narrative were 20 interviews conducted with tupinambá people in 7 villages inside indigenous territory, and participant observation during fieldwork conducted in 2016–2017, when conflicts between the indigenous population and local state agencies were unfolding due to environmental fines received by the tupinambá. the tupinambá interviewed by the researcher were defined by the coproduction relation between the researcher and two indigenous leaders. this choice took into consideration gender, age, and territory range, but had the indigenous people and leaders of communities that were in direct involvement with the disputes around conservation issues as its main criteria. on the other hand, the set of discursive materials that comprise the institutionalized western sciencebased environmentalism narrative is linked to the performance of iesb and its partner institutions, due to its prominent role in southern bahia and influence in decision-making. in this case, we drew upon 8 scientific papers, 15 project reports, and 10 interviews with members of iesb and the local agents of the national brazilian agency for biodiversity conservation. therefore, the second narrative is composed from people’s personal experiences and perceptions, as well as the available documents and projects developed by governmental and non-governmental established institutions that work directly with conservation implementation in the region. analysis of the data was conducted through the identification of repeating categories on the materials that composed each narrative related to the causes and solutions for biodiversity degradation. the most recurrent topics became unifying themes that composed each narrative (charmaz 2006). each of these unifying themes was systematized in a table per document/interview per narrative and all data was then condensed to the three causes and solutions most present in each narrative. therefore, drawing from the field work and collected materials, we have identified the general contours of two different perspectives on the same issue, making it possible to compare contrasting perspectives on biodiversity conservation. in the results section, we point out three main causes for the shared problem and its related solutions according to each narrative. our main objective is to bring into dialogue points of view about the best paths for forest management that have considerable differences in terms of language and social legitimacy, to move closer to plurality in conservation. results institutionalized environmentalism narrative traditional strategies for biodiversity conservation have emphasized the creation of intact protected areas, free from human presence. while these areas have enormous potential for conservation, long-term conservation of biodiversity requires the development of an approach that includes the management of buffer zones and biological corridors. (ayres et al. 2005) the main argument that stands out in the institutionalized environmentalism narrative is the defense of the ‘bioregional paradigm’ for biodiversity conservation. the restriction of conservation planning to protected areas is considered one of the main causes of the degradation, and the solution would thus be planning on a wider landscape scale (araújo 2014; landau et al. 2004; pinto et al. 2006). categories such as ‘corridor’ and ‘network of protected areas’, are recognized as the basis for biodiversity conservation especially in the context of the atlantic forest. conservation efforts should be geared towards maximizing habitat connectivity, ecosystems, and ecological processes, facilitating genetic flow, and increasing the chances of species survival. for these sandroni. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):72–82 76 research communications special issue on diverse conservations precepts to be followed, scientifically grounded planning is crucial. geographical information systems (gis) are recognized as a good basis for decisionmaking because of their ability to provide rapid information on landscape dynamics (fonseca et al. 2004). by identifying priority areas, the environmentalist narrative proposes a series of solutions that are intrinsically related to each other as part of a coherent discourse. solution #1: actions in human occupied areas and social participation the adoption of a more comprehensive scale for biodiversity requires activities for conservation outside protected areas, necessarily including human populations in the equation. the solution proposed seeks to keep the protected areas as intact as possible and, at the same time, to work with local communities that inhabit their surroundings. thus, the inclusion of so called ‘social dimensions’ is a founding element of the narrative, but this inclusion appears in specific terms. the most relevant publication on the theme produced by iesb aims at “analyzing the opportunities to reconcile economic and conservation use of areas” (alger et al. 2004:4). the proposition is to generate mechanisms to compensate landowners for environmental services provided, stating that areas with less potential of profitability and greater potential of environmental services should be privileged (alger et al. 2004). another form of argument is the need to create participatory spheres for the implementation of biodiversity projects, such as decision committees and advisory councils. in several of the activities carried out by iesb and partners in the region, participatory workshops were implemented, although the profile of the members of these participatory meetings is quite specific: state agents, ngos, and researchers. environmental education is another cited path to solve biodiversity degradation, which is presented as complementary to participatory processes. this instrument is seen as a way to change people's behavior by bringing them environmental awareness about the value of inhabiting the surroundings of a biological reserve (iesb and wwf 2004). solution #2: the ‘cabruca’ identity in southern bahia, the proposal to carry out biodiversity conservation management on a broader scale is linked to the need to confront the cocoa crisis through a new development model (araújo et al. 1998). this narrative argues that, in the face of the lack of financial return of the cacao plantations, the pressure on timber resources increases, mainly in the areas of ‘cabruca’ agriculture (ayres et al. 2005; fandi 2013; fonseca et al. 2004). landowners, as a form of economic complementation, may prefer to create pastures in areas once covered by forest or ‘cabruca’. the expansion of pastures is seen by environmentalists as the central cause of degradation. to the institutionalized environmentalism narrative, the solution is to encourage organic cocoa plantation, to promote the maintenance of ‘cabruca’ areas and to stimulate alternative productive activities for local agriculture. in order to justify this point of view, research projects were carried out to demonstrate the occurrence of several species of plants and animals in ‘cabruca’ areas and its connective capacity between forest fragments (delabie et al. 2011; save and iesb 2009). it is also worth mentioning that the valorization of ‘cabruca’ is linked to ideas of a regional identity: the environmentalist narrative points to the social and historical value of cocoa culture, affirming the importance of the ‘personality’ of the region as a path to an integrated sustainable socio-economic development (save and iesb 2009). solution #3: expansion of the network of protected areas according to this narrative biodiversity conservation, especially in the atlantic forest, necessarily depends on the expansion of the protected areas network (ayres et al. 2005; ci and iesb 2000; pinto el at. 2006). advocacy for strengthening monitoring of existing conservation units and creating new ones is recurrent. the creation of private reserves is also encouraged, although it is seen only as a complementary solution (araújo et al. 1998; ayres et al. 2005; mesquita and leopoldino 2002). in fact, all solutions are only seen as effective if they are combined with large restrictive protected areas, thus forming the basis of the conservation landscape system. land regularization through compensation payments and the relocation of human inhabitants within parks and alike is prioritized here (ayres et al. 2005). on the other hand, these areas are intensely populated by a myriad of non-human living beings. the choice of priority areas for biodiversity conservation is largely anchored in the behavioral patterns of animal species. in all institutional documents, endemism and the risk of extinction of certain species are recognized. the framing of the problem in the institutionalized environmentalism narrative is strongly influenced by threats to certain species, which are often defined sandroni. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):72–82 77 research communications special issue on diverse conservations through global indicators such as important birdlife areas (ibas) and key biodiversity areas (kbas). lack of knowledge about the different species is widely seen as a cause for the problem: according to the analyzed documents, the lack of data on the occurrence of threatened species makes it harder to push for more restrictive environmental protection policies. indigenous narrative conservation should be like this: you have a whole structure in nature. if you need something, first you have to ask permission for it to be removed from nature, so that you are aware that you have to replant. so if you take one, you replant ten, and when you need another one, you will see that the area is all planted. tupinambá leader in interview 2017 when field research was conducted, the indigenous narrative was marked by feelings of injustice in relation to fines for environmental crimes. in the areas of overlap and buffer zones of the protected areas, environmental monitoring is intense, and, in recent years, several indigenous people have been accused of suppressing vegetation in areas considered ‘regenerating forest’ in accordance with the atlantic forest law (lei nº 11428/2006). unsurprisingly, the indigenous narrative evidences indignation in relation to punishment for an act that they do not consider to be in any way criminal. the practice of crop rotation is common among the tupinambá de olivença and has been used historically (viegas 2016). in the view of the tupinambá, agriculture for family sustenance should never be considered deforestation. the tupinambá understand deforestation as the withdrawal of what they call ‘thick wood’ or ‘hardwood’ from areas of ‘dense forest’ or ‘native forest’. on the other hand, what is perceived by the environmental agency as ‘regenerating forest’ falls within indigenous categories such as ‘arrancador’ and ‘capoeira’. ‘arrancador’ is recent vegetation that grows in lands with little rest time and is generally described ‘growing up to three feet from the ground’. ‘capoeira’ is vegetation somewhat higher than the ‘arrancador’, endowed with ‘fine woods’ or ‘white woods’, which can be felled ‘with machete and ax’. the common point of view of all tupinambá is that other types of land use should be forbidden in areas described as ‘dense forest’, since this would mean ‘deforestation’. therefore, most indigenous formulations on the best ways to conserve nature are connected to land use according to certain restrictions autonomously decided by them. in the tupinambá view, there is a clear distinction between a use that would cause ‘environmental destruction’ and one that would take into account the ‘times of nature’, taking less than the land can produce again over time. solution #1: recognition of indigenous land claims in the indigenous narrative, the main vectors of ‘environmental degradation’ are large enterprises with high impact capacity. if their land claims could be fulfilled, they believe they would have the power to halt those activities in their territory and therefore become contribute to growing examples of effective conservation on indigenous lands in brazil (ribeiro et al. 2018). the subject of such activities are variously named by the tupinambá: the ‘outsiders’, the ‘miners’, the ‘powerful’, the ‘non-indians’, or the ‘fazendeiros’ (big landowners). the impunity of these other groups in relation to activities of high social and environmental impact within the indigenous land aggravates indigenous feelings of injustice about the fines. the ‘care for nature’, an indigenous concept that relates to their ability to take care of the ‘times of nature’ constitutes for the tupinambá an element of alterity in relation to the non-indigenous people living in their territory, especially in relation to the ‘fazendeiros’. in the indigenous narrative, the ‘fazendeiros’ have no relation to the land, because they do not depend on the water that flows through it and on the quality of the environment when raising their children and grandchildren. therefore, they devastate with impunity. among the highly impactful activities, the most frequently mentioned by the tupinambá is sand mining. the sandbanks are seen as disastrous and were named as a main cause to biodiversity degradation by all tupinambá interviewees. sand extraction for the construction industry generates enormous craters that, in addition to the deforestation, cause springs to dry up. this directly affects indigenous families, and often involves the removal of natural fields containing the ‘piaçava’ tree (attalea funifera), a source of income and an important element of tupinambá cultural life. another high-impact activity is the large-scale monocultural planting of coconuts and palm hearts. the tupinambá de olivença also vehemently condemned timber logging and the active presence of agents of real estate speculation. in the indigenous narrative, the ideal environmental solution that would ameliorate all the sandroni. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):72–82 78 research communications special issue on diverse conservations framed causes would be confirmation of indigenous land titles, which would allow indigenous peoples to deepen their ties to their territory, encouraging preservation for their descendants. solution #2: ‘retomadas’ the tupinambá develop, within the areas that come to their management through the practice of ‘retomadas’, transformations in the landscape to protect nature. the diversity of actions that are carried out in the ‘retomadas’ by the tupinambá to ‘preserve’, include: efforts to maintain the ‘forest in the spring area’; restoration in pasture degraded areas; closure of charcoal stores; production of several crops in the same space, so that the different species help each other; extraction of raw materials such as ‘piaçava straw’, ‘imbira shells’ and ‘aroeira seeds’ used for crafts and/or sale respecting their times of regeneration; among others. the ‘retomadas’ are seen by the tupinambá, especially their leaders, as ‘seed-boxes’ for actions that point in the direction of preservation. the tupinambá widely recognize the possibility opened by the ‘retomadas’ for more autonomous management of their collective labor and also control over their territory. this ability to organize the work is aligned with the possibility of collectively deciding on the management of the territory, making choices in terms of the varied uses of the different areas based on their own criteria. solution #3: income alternatives and educational seminars the tupinambá accept, to some extent, monitoring activities as a solution for environmental degradation, as long as they penalize practices that they consider to be causes of deforestation. indigenous peoples also point out that the prohibitions, if indeed necessary, could be enforced by them. one of the main concrete proposals in terms of conservation-related public policies, reiterated by a significant number of indigenous leaders, is the hiring of indigenous brigade fighters to contain fires and indigenous rangers to curb deforestation. the monitoring would, however, be carried out in accordance with indigenous criteria. in addition, the possibility of conducting ‘educational seminars’ is present in the indigenous formulation of solutions to the biodiversity degradation problem. the main objective of such seminars would be to open a space for dialogue, where joint alternative land management strategies could be developed, in accordance with collectively established environmental limits. hunting is a good example of how the limits are established: for instance, crabs must be larger than a fist to be collected and pregnant females of all mammals cannot be disturbed. it is important to emphasize that, in the view of the tupinambá, monitoring would only have some effect if accompanied by alternatives to generate sustenance for indigenous families. in a context of limited financial resources, and in some cases extreme poverty, authoritarian bans do not reach their conservation objectives. discussion when we analyze the solutions proposed by each narrative, we can see resonances and divergences. first, both narratives present themselves as ‘counterdiscourses’, since they challenge dominant perspectives by advocating for the conservation of forest areas: the mainstream perspective on the development of the region advocates for the implementation of plantations, large tourism enterprises, and resource extraction (mining). both stress the importance of engagement, participation, and environmental education. in addition, both narratives consider the economic aspect and the need to generate income alternatives that are sustainable, albeit in different forms. those similarities can open paths for joint efforts and could be used as middle ground to develop alliances, for instance, by including the indigenous populations as main beneficiaries of sustainable alternatives. however, the narratives diverge in relation to the degree of use and integral protection in different areas. the indigenous statements present some criteria to choose areas for use that would not necessarily be recognized as ‘sustainable’ by the institutionalized environmentalism. as stated previously, for the tupinambá, hunting may or may not be a cause of degradation, depending on who does it and how it is done: they recognize a difference between ‘indigenous hunting’, that respects limits regarding the time and species that can or cannot be a target, and ‘predatory hunting’, the irresponsible attack of any of the wild animals by ‘outsiders’. in the institutionalized environmentalism narrative, hunting is necessarily a cause of biodiversity degradation in all forms, and it is as a threat perpetrated by the populations surrounding the protected areas, since the ‘human actions’ are recognized in a generic way, without a specification of the groups responsible for degradation. the tupinambá, on the other hand, recognize that the ‘big and powerful’, not themselves, sandroni. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):72–82 79 research communications special issue on diverse conservations are responsible for the activities that ‘really destroy the environment’ and, therefore, should be contained by law and enforcement. a dichotomous view of the disputes over biodiversity conservation does not account for the complexity of relations in this case and other territories where conservation is at stake. on the one hand, the a priori perception that environmentalist and indigenous narratives would be mutually exclusive, since the former would tend to overlook environmental justice, can become an obstacle for alliances between environmental actions and indigenous perceptions on forest management. on the other hand, a vision that sought to recognize an automatic alliance between the indigenous movement and a ‘socio-environmental’ movement would be equally difficult. unlike the institutionalized environmentalist narrative, the indigenous narrative illuminates how processes occur and how they could be better but does not articulate a fixed set of principles about how things should be done. any coalitions among these perspectives need to take into account this epistemological difference. several factors give the different groups a greater or lesser capacity to publicly legitimize their perceived solutions for the problem. in the case in question, through political organization, the tupinambá reach greater capacity to convince other actors and to manage their territories. however, their access to resources for biodiversity conservation is low when compared to institutionalized environmentalism, since most decisions of high impact related to biodiversity conservation in the region were taken in arenas from which they were excluded. the tupinambá are not an isolated case: conservation policies, even when they seek to address the ethical issue of marginalizing local populations, often reinforce exclusion dues to the ontological dimensions that define the different interventions (moon and perez-hämmerle 2022). in this scenario, injustice is aggravated by the power differentials relating to juridical and political authority between the protected areas and the indigenous land. the brazilian bureaucracy created a complex, expensive, and hard demarcation process for indigenous lands, which creates a sort of ‘obstacle race’ permeated by several politicization processes (mares 2021). the protected areas implementation on the other hand, although complex, is rather faster, making it easier for environmental institutions to make their solutions prevail. conclusion the need to address social justice and participation is becoming mainstream, and yet, the overlying power relations still play a role in the actual legitimacy of diverse proposed solutions for concrete environmental problems. the upfront identification of the solutions for the atlantic forest proposed by both sides shows that they are equally coherent, and that there is room for bridges between the perspectives. the above-mentioned differences in social legitimacy and territorial effectiveness, however, show the stronger weight of the institutionalized environmentalism in actual decision-making. this case illustrates the importance of recognizing non-dominant imaginaries for the future (beck 2021). we hope that this can inform contestation of knowledge production and decision making (turnhout et al. 2019). current times of accelerated deforestation urge for the formation of all possible alliances and an in depth understanding of knowledge-power relations in each context is crucial to make a fertile ground for that. we argue that our method of making the divergent perspectives as equal as possible can contribute to tackling those power relations. this is a key step to move beyond the perceptions of inconsistency typically recognized by institutionalized environmentalisms on indigenous and other traditional ecological knowledges (berkes 2008). pluralism is needed to contemplate not just the different proposed actions impacting the prosperity of all living beings, but also to recognize the diverse values that guide relations to nature and their implications on the recognition of the main causes behind biodiversity degradation in the first place (pascual et al. 2021). just conservation is more effective in long term but can only be pursued through historical reparations (büscher and fletcher 2020) that should encompass both dynamics of land dispossession and colonial knowledge structures (collins et al. 2021). acknowledgments thank you to all people involved in this research, especially the communities of the mamão, serra do padeiro, itapuã, tupã and tucum of the tupinambá indigenous land for their trust . thank you also to all members of instituto de estudos socioambientais do sul da bahia and the instituto chico mendes para conservação da biodiversidade for the support, time and access to documents and reports. this work was fully funded by the national council for scientific and technological development (cnpq), and the article sandroni. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):72–82 80 research communications special issue on diverse conservations developed with the support of the são paulo research foundation (fapesp) (#2019/01325-7). declarations permissions: none declared. sources of funding: national council for scientific and technological development (cnpq) são paulo research foundation (fapesp) (#2019/01325-7). conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited adams, w. m., and j. hutton. 2007. people, parks and poverty: political ecology and biodiversity conservation. conservation and society 5 (2):147–183. alarcon, d. 2013. o retorno da terra: as retomadas na aldeia tupinambá da serra do padeiro, sul da bahia. masters dissertation, department of anthropology universidade de brasília, brasilia, brazil. alger, k., k. chomitz, p. vila nova, and h. orlando. 2004. instrumentos econômicos e de políticas públicas para o estabelecimento do corredor central. in: prado, p.i., e. c. landau, r. t. moura, l. p. pinto, g. a. fonseca, and k. alger (eds.). corredor de biodiversidade da mata atlântica do sul da bahia. iesb/ci/cabs/ufmg/ unicamp, ilhéus. araújo, m., k. alger, r. rocha, and c. a. mesquita. 1998. a mata atlântica no sul da bahia: situação atual, ações e perspectivas. série estados e regiões da bahia. ed. conselho nacional da reserva da biosfera da mata atlântica, são paulo. araújo, m. 2014. avaliação final do projeto corredores ecológicos. pce/mma, brasília. ayres, j. m., g. fonseca, a. rylands, h. queiroz, l. p. pinto, d. masterson, and r. b. cavalcanti. 2005. os corredores ecológicos das florestas tropicais do brasil. sociedade civil mamirauá, belém. beck, s., s. jasanoff, a. stirling, and c. polzin. 2021. the governance of sociotechnical transformations to sustainability. current opinion in environmental sus taina bility 49:143– 1 52. d o i :10.1016/ j.cosust.2021.04.010 berkes, f. 2008. sacred ecology. routledge, new york. bixler, r. p. 2013. the political ecology of local environmental narratives: power, knowledge, and mountain caribou conservation. journal of political ecology 20:273-285. bogoni, j. a., j. s. pires, m. e. graipel, and c. a. peres. 2018. wish you were here: how defaunated is the atlantic forest biome of its mediumto large-bodied mammal fauna? plos one 13(9). doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0204515. büscher, b., and r. fletcher. 2020. the conservation revolution: radical ideas for saving nature beyond the anthropocene. london: verso books. cepf critical ecosystem partnership fund. 2008. relatório final do projeto: strengthening enforcement of environmental laws in the atlantic forest of the central corridor, brazil. conservation international, são paulo. charmaz, k. 2006. constructing grounded theory: a practical guide through qualitative analysis. thousand oaks: sage publications. ci/iesb conservation international and instituto de estudos socioambientais do sul da bahia. 2000. planejando paisagens sustentáveis: a mata atlântica brasileira. conservation international, são paulo. collins, a. y., v. maguire, j. e krauss, a. asiyanbi, a. jimenez, m. mabele, and m. alexander-owen. 2021. plotting coloniality of conservation. journal of political ecology 28 (1):1–22. doi:10.2458/jpe.4683. delabie, j. h. c., a. argolo, b. jahyny, c. r. cassano, c. jared, c. mariano, d. m. faria, g. schroth, l. c. oliveira, l. bede, r. t. moura, s. lacau, and w. d. rocha. 2011. paisagem cacaueira no sudeste da bahia: desafios e oportunidades para a conservação da diversidade animal no século xxi. agrotrópica 23 (2/3):107–114. escobar, a. 2015. territórios da diferença: a ontologia política dos “direitos ao território”. desenvolvimento e meio ambiente 35:89–100. fandi, a. c. 2013. apoio de organizações transnacionais e os caminhos do ambientalismo brasileiro: o caso do instituto de estudos socioambientais do sul da bahia (iesb). masters dissertation, instituto de pesquisas ecológicas, são paulo, brazil. fonseca, g. b., k. alger, l. p. pinto, m. araújo, and r. cavalcanti. 2004. corredores de biodiversidade: o corredor central da mata atlântica. in: prado, p.i., e. c. landau, r. t. moura, l. p. pinto, g. a. fonseca, and k. alger (eds.). corredor de biodiversidade da mata atlântica do sul da bahia. iesb/ci/cabs/ufmg/ unicamp, ilhéus. foucault, m. 1977. discipline and punish: the birth of the prison. new york: pantheon books. sandroni. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):72–82 81 research communications special issue on diverse conservations foucault, m. 1982. the subject and power. critical inquiry 8(4):777–795. hirota, m. m., and f. j. ponzoni (eds). 2017. atlas dos remanescentes florestais da mata atlântica período 2015-2016. fundação sos mata atlântica/ inpe, são paulo. iesb instituto de estudos socioambientais do sul da bahia and world wide fund for nature. 2004. transformando olhares: o mato que virou mata. iesb, ilhéus. ingold, t., and t. kurtilla. 2000. perceiving the environment in finnish lapland. body & society 6(3 – 4 ) : 1 8 3 – 1 9 6 . doi:10.1177/1357034x00006003010. holmes, g. 2009. global conservation and local resistance: power and protected areas in the dominican republic. doctoral thesis, geography institute, university of manchester, uk. joly, c. a., metzeger, j. p & tabarelli, m. 2014. experiences from the brazilian atlantic forest: ecological findings and conservation initiatives. new phytologist 204:459–473. doi:10.1111/ nph.12989. landau, e. c., r. t. moura, p. h. cordeiro, d. l. silvano, b. pimenta, j. jardim, p. i. prado, a. paglia, and g. a. fonseca. 2004. definição de áreas biologicamente prioritárias para a formação do corredor central da mata atlântica no sul da bahia, brasil. in: prado, p.i., e. c. landau, r. t. moura, l. p. pinto, g. a. fonseca, and k. alger (eds.). corredor de biodiversidade da mata atlântica do sul da bahia. iesb/ci/cabs/ufmg/ unicamp, ilhéus. lejano, r. p., j. tavares-reager, and f. berkes. 2013. climate and narrative: environmental knowledge in everyday life. environmental science and policy 32:61–70. doi:10.1016/j.envsci.2013.02.009. mares, c. 2021. demarcação das terras indígenas e seus entraves. in povos tradicionais e biodiversidade no brasil [recurso eletrônico]: contribuições dos povos indígenas, quilombolas e comunidades tradicionais para a biodiversidade, políticas e ameaças, edited by m. c. cunha, s. b. magalhães and c. adams. são paulo: sbpc. mesquita, c. a., and f. s. leopoldino. 2002. incentivando e apoiando a criação, manejo e integração entre reservas particulares do patrimônio natural (rppns). iesb, ilhéus. mma ministério do meio ambiente. 2006. o corredor central da mata atlântica: uma nova escala de conservação da biodiversidade. brasília: ministério do meio ambiente/ conservação internacional, brasília. moon, k., and k. pérez-hämmerle. 2022. inclusivity via ontological accountability. conservation letters 15:e12888. doi:10.1111/conl.12888. oliveira, j. p. 1998. uma etnologia dos ‘índios misturados’? situação colonial, territorialização e fluxos culturais. mana 4(1):47–77. oliveira, j. p. 2018. fighting for land and reframing the culture. vibrant 15(2):1–27. doi:10.1590/1809 -43412018v15n2a400. pascual, u., w. adams, s. diaz, s. lele, g. m. mace, and e. turnhout. 2021. biodiversity and the challenge of pluralism. nature sustainability 4: 567572. doi: 10.1038/s41893-021-00694-7. peluso, n. 2003. the politics of specificity and generalisation in conservation matters. conservation & society 1:61–64. pinto, l. p., l. bede, a. paese, m. fonseca, a. paglia, and i. lamas. 2006. mata atlântica brasileira: os desafios para conservação da biodiversidade de um hotspot mundial. in biologia da conservação: essências, edited by c. f. rocha, h. g. bergallo, m. a. alves and m. sluys. rima, são carlos. rezende, c. l., f. r. scarano, e. d. assad, c. a. joly, j. p. metzger, b. b. n. strassburgg, m. tabarelli, g. a. fonseca, and r. a. mittermeier. 2018. from hotspot to hopespot: an opportunity for the brazilian atlantic forest. perspectives in ecology and c o n s e r v a t i o n 1 6 : 2 0 8 – 2 1 4 . d o i : 1 0 . 1 0 1 6 / j.pecon.2018.10.002. ribeiro, r. r., e. martins, g. martinelli and r. loyola. 2018. the effectiveness of protected areas and indigenous lands in representing threatened plant species in brazil. global strategy for plant conservation 69(4):15391546 doi:10.1590/21757860201869404. robertson, m., p. nichols, p. horwitz, k. bradby, and d. mackintosh. 2000. environmental narratives and the need for multiple perspectives to restore degraded landscapes in australia. ecosystem health 6(2). save brasil; iesb. 2009. complexo de serras das lontras e una, bahia: elementos naturais e sandroni. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):72–82 82 research communications special issue on diverse conservations aspectos de sua conservação. save brasil, são paulo. sutherland, w., a. pullin, p. m. dolman, and t. m. knight. 2004. the need for evidence-based conservation. trends in ecology & evolution 19(6):305 –308. doi:10.1016/j.tree.2004.03.018. turnhout, e., t. metze, c. wyborn, n. klenk and e. louder. 2019. the politics of co-production: participation, power, and transformation. current opinion in environmental sustainability 42:15–21. doi:10.1016/j.cosust.2019.11.009. vaccaro, i., o. beltran, and p. a. paquet. 2013. political ecology and conservation policies: some theoretical genealogies. journal of political ecology 20 (20):255–272. doi:10.2458/v20i1.21748. viegas, s. m., j. melo, and j. de paula, 2009. relatório circunstanciado de delimitação da terra indígena tupinambá de olivença. diário oficial da união, seção 1, edição nº 74, 20 de abril de 2009. viegas, s. m. 2016. temporalities of ownership: land possession and its transformations among the tupinambá (bahia, brazil). in ownership and nurture: studies in native amazonian property relations, edited by m. brightman, c. fausto and v. e. grotti. new york and oxford: berghahn books. endenese fisheries: exploratory findings on environmental perceptions, fish effort, and overfishing in eastern indonesia 39 research communication where the current research takes place, poverty extends to one third of the population (monk et al. 1997; resosudarno and jotzo 2009). but, most significantly, limitations in management and development approaches have impaired the understanding of local fishermen's role in environmental degradation. a strict bioeconomic perspective has prevented the eradication of damaging fishing practices such as bombs and cyanide-potassium (lowe 2006). the continuous use of non sustainable practices has, in return, resulted in very limited foreign investment, a condition that further exacerbates poverty and environmental pressure (halim 2002). over the last decades, scholars have noted that fishery managers and government officers often work under the assumption that maximization and selfinterest are the main motivations behind the allocation of fishing effort (allison and ellis 2001; cordell 1974; perry et al. 2003). this assumption is deeply rooted in the idea that fisheries, when not regulated, are open access systems where everybody's property introduction fisheries in southeast asia have experienced an unprecedented expansion in the last half-century (semedi 2001). as a consequence, the catch per unit of effort has dropped significantly in many regions of the indian and pacific oceans (boomgaard 2005; butcher 2004, 2005; henley and osseweijer 2005). reports from conservation and intergovernmental organizations attribute stock depletion to overfishing and damaging fishing practices (ingles et al. 2008; unep 2008). in an attempt to regulate endangered resources, countries like indonesia have engaged in decentralization, community-based and ecosystem management approaches (satria and matsuda 2004; williams and staples 2010). many of these efforts have encountered difficulties in dealing with the large-scale illegal trade of aquatic resources (fox 2005; heazle and butcher 2007). they have also failed at recognizing the inequities in fishing capacity that are so common in eastern indonesia. in the province of nusa tenggara timur, endenese fisheries: exploratory findings on environmental perceptions, fish effort, and overfishing in eastern indonesia victoria c. ramenzoni author address: department of anthropology, the university of georgia. 259 baldwin hall, jackson street. athens, georgia, us. 30602. vramenz@uga.edu received: september 24, 2012 volume 4:39-51 published: march 8, 2013 © 2013 society of ethnobiology abstract: fishing fleets in south east asia have recently experienced unprecedented expansion. consequently, catches and regional diversity have dramatically decreased throughout the indian ocean. regional governments and conservation organizations blame the local fishermen and their use of damaging fishing practices for the present state of resources. however, many of these institutions endorse a narrow perspective on bioeconomic governance and human action (rational action choice) that compromises the understanding of resource use and exploitation among small-scale fisheries. over the last few decades, there is a growing recognized tradition that points to the importance of ecological systems of knowledge, uncertainty representation, and traditional skills, in conceptualizing processes of environmental decision-making and the likelihood of introducing successful sustainability practices. in line with this perspective, this article presents preliminary fin dings regarding resource use decision-making processes among endenese fishing villages in central flores island, indonesia. grounded on 22 months of ethnographic, experimental and ecological research (semistructured interviews, participant observation, visual surveys, probability and uncertainty assessments), and exploring local cognitive representations of marine processes, climate, ichthyology and the role of luck, this article discusses the current economic representations of small -scale fishers as avid maximizers. it concludes by emphasizing the need to further explore the role of mental models and beliefs regarding uncertainty in motivating fishing effort to design adequate conservation and governance programs. key words: small-scale fisheries, luck, uncertainty representation, decision-making, traditional ecological knowledge 40 research communication becomes nobody's (feeny et al. 1990; gordon 1954; mccay 1981). it also stems from the way human behavior is characterized by economic formalizations. bioeconomic models of maximum sustainable yield and optimal foraging theories or marginal value theorem (smith 1983; winterhalder and smith 2000) explain individual decisions and conservation practices through rational action choice (gowdy 2008). these models have been relatively successful in generating simple, parsimonious, and generalized explanations consistent, in some cases, with field observations and ethnography (winterhalder 1981, 1996). at the same time, optimal foraging theories (oft) have been widely criticized for remaining inattentive to the social embeddedness of decisionmaking processes concerning subsistence practices. critics have targeted oft's assumptions about optimality and rational action, stressing its restrictions in dealing with dynamic choices (foley 1985; gigerenzer 2008; gigerenzer and brighton 2009; houston et al. 1988; mangel and clark 1986; mccay 1981). remaining for the most part inattentive to advances in the studies of decision making under uncertainty (but see mangel 1990; mithen 1989, 1990; wilke 2006), the role of information as constraining efficiency has been left unexplored. oft has marginally addressed psychological and social preferences (aswani 1998). although it is indisputable that commercial fisheries in southeast asia are creating unnatural pressures on fish stocks (butcher 2004; ellis 2009; helfman 2007), the responsibility of small-scale fisheries in the current decline of marine biodiversity cannot be established with certainty. because decision making processes explaining fishing effort are multifaceted and extend beyond simple economics (bene and tewfik 2001; mcgoodwin 1990), it is necessary to address local interests, systems of values, and adaptation strategies in order to fully comprehend the impact of fishermen in their environment (allison and ellis 2001; ludwig et al. 1993; mc ilgorm et al. 2010). to that end, building from a cognitive and ecological anthropology perspective, this article presents preliminary findings regarding information, local ecological knowledge and decision making processes explaining fishing effort of endenese fishing communities in the island of flores, indonesia. positioned on the northern margins of the savu sea, ende has been known for its prodigious catch and marine biodiversity (fox 1977; monk et al. 1997; roos 1877; van suchtelen 1921; weber 1902). it has remained marginalized from investment and economic development (butcher 2004). but, with drops in production landings throughout the indo-pacific region, coral bleaching, and climate change, new plans have been drafted that include the creation of one of the largest marine protected areas in the coral triangle (tnc 2009). unfortunately, information on the state of marine resources in the savu is very fragmented. there is a dearth of knowledge on the way local communities use and represent the marine ecosystem (munasik et al. 2011) and a wide propensity to blame local fishermen for the current state of environmental degradation. in order to explore perceptions and decisions about the environment, resource use, and climate change, i conducted ethnographic research, using semistructured interviews and participant observation, in june-july 2009, november 2010-january 2011, and june 2011-december 2012 in pulau ende, ipy and arubara. preliminary findings indicate that the quantity of fish has decreased in ende bay over the last 50 years and that significant changes have been observed by the local fishermen in sea surface temperature and wave activity (badan pusat statistik kabupaten ende 1985-2011). in addition, findings suggest that decisions regarding fishing effort combine assessments of sailing conditions, knowledge of prey availability, and weather patterns. interviews regarding traditional knowledge and ecological assessments have showed that decision making is not conducted under conditions of perfect knowledge. the major explanation given for variability in resource exploitation and motivations to go fishing is luck (rezeki). there is not a clear notion of risk or of probability quantification. this latter finding challenges the univocal characterization of fishermen as optimizers and rational actors. it also suggests that studying local perceptions of environmental uncertainty is crucial when assessing the patterns of ecological variability of an area to design sustainable management strategies. ende ende city is a mid-sized port surmounting to approximately 17,000 people (badan pusat statistik kabupaten ende 2010), and the capital of the district. across the bay from the city is pulau ende, a small island that includes seven villages with a total of 8,000 people and about 1500 fishermen. coastal endenese have a complex origin. they reflect a mix between local hinterland groups (i.e., ata lio and ata nage keo`), javanese and chinese traders, 41 research communication bimanese warriors, sumbanese slaves, and migrant bugis, butonese and makassarese fishermen from sulawesi (dietrich 1983; knaap and sutherland 2004; nakagawa 1984, 1996; needham 1968, 1980; sareng orin bao 1969; tule 2004). islam spread in the 16th century through trade and resulted in the consolidation of buginese cultural traits to the expense of local characteristics (edjid 1979). buginese traits include a unique syllabic alphabet system named bahasa lota (banda 2005; roos 1877; van suchtelen 1921), complex descent myths (pelras 1996), food prescriptions, birth and wedding ceremonies, and an intricate symbolism and set of ritual practices that link social representations of the house and the boat (perahu, sampan) (chou 2003; sopher 1965; southon 1995). also among these traits is the practice of mencari rezeki or the search for fortune (nggae ka) as a way to explain one's decisions in all aspects of life (acciaioli 2004; pelras 1996). anthropologists have explored coastal endenese groups incidentally while studying kinship rules, magic, and agricultural practices of hinterland communities (forth 1998; nakagawa 1984, 1996; needham 1968; tule 2004). historians have devoted some attention to the illegal trade of slaves and pirating activities carried out by the endenese in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries (dietrich 1983; knaap and sutherland 2004; needham 1968, 1980). during this time, the endenese were a powerful force that engaged in commerce activities throughout the entire eastern indo-pacific region. after dutch military intervention in the early twentieth century, ende became famous as sukarno’s exile destination. at that time, endenese had already endured the transition to a local agricultural economy under colonial pressure and became both politically and commercially isolated. nowadays little seems to have changed. in comparison to other parts of indonesia like kalimantan or java, development programs have progressed at a slower rate in flores (resosudarmo and jotzo 2009). in ende, fishing is still carried out by traditional boats (sampan) or smaller motor boats with 4 ½ to 1 inch fishing nets. activities are mostly for subsistence or small-scale trade as there is no industry operating in the district or external investment to support the improvement of the fishing gear. bigger fish are sold at the town markets of mbongawani, senggol, and wolowona along with octopus (octopus spp. octopodidae), squids and scallops (amusium spp. pectinidae), manta rays (dasyatis spp. dasyatidae), mobula spp. mobulidae, myliobatidae spp. mobulidae, and sharks (alopia spp. alopiidae, charcharinus spp. charcharinidae, isurus spp. lamnidae), anchovies and sardines (sardinella gibbosa bleeker clupeidea, sardinella lemuru bleeker clupeidae, dussumeria acuta valenciennes clupeidea). a common list of species includes flying fishes (cypselurus spp. exocoetidae), sail fishes and marlins (istiophorus spp. istiophoridae, makaira indica cuvier istiophoridae, makaira mazarra lacepède istiophoridae, xiphias gladius linnaeus istiophoridae, istiophorus platypterus shaw istiophoridae), tunas (thunnus maccoyii castelnau scombridae, thunnus obesus lowe scombridae, thunnus tonggol bleeker scombridae), skipjacks (euthynnus affinis cantor scombridae, katsuwonus pelamis linneaus scombridae), needle fishes (tylosorus spp. belonidae), scads (caesio caerularea lacepède caesionidae, caesio cuning bloch caesionidae), snappers (lutjanus spp. lutjanidae), and grouppers (cromileptes altivelis innamura and yabe serranidae, eponephelus tauvina forsskål serranidae). traditional ecological knowledge and climate change: why optimization is not “rational” one of the key criteria among optimal foraging models and rational action choice is the idea that decisions are always made considering the whole set of alternatives at hand. optimization is the result of a sound evaluation of outcomes in terms of all possible options and their assigned probability (gigerenzer et al. 1999). from a cognitive approach, however, rational action choice entails a set of psychological skills and preferences that is far from being realistic (gigerenzer 2008; gladwin 1971, 1980; quinn 1978). for example, it implies the ability to have perfect knowledge about the environment or to clearly conceptualize the probability values of different choices and alternatives in terms of risk perception (mithen 1989, 1990). this misconstruction of skills and preferences is the result of a lack of studies on the cognition of fishing decision-making processes (bene and tewfik 2001; colfer et al. 1999). in marine environments, choice is always riddled with uncertainty (acheson and wilson 1996; hilborn and mangel 1997; mangel and clark 1983). the amount of fish present in a particular fishing spot cannot be readily or accurately ascertained, weather conditions are hard to predict, and probabilities are not always easily perceived (gladwin 1971; quinn 1978). dynamic ecosystems, rapid choices, and changing conditions in the socioeconomic environment all 42 research communication constrain the structure in which decisions need to be made and render the idea of an exhaustive consideration of alternatives implausible. far from perfect knowledge, research has shown that people rely on local mechanisms of prediction and ecological knowledge to secure livelihoods and adaptation (godoy et al. 2009; orlove et al. 2002; tucker 2007b). much of this knowledge has been formalized in systems of predictive cues that encompass fishermen’s experiences and observations over centuries (bjarnason and thorlindsson 1993; cordell 1974; paolisso 2002). in other cases, knowledge has remained implicit or embedded in cultural practices (dove 1993; rappaport 1968). over the last half century, with climate change and advanced environmental degradation due to intensification of extractive practices, ecological patterns have been altered. while uncertainty has affected the efficacy of local belief systems, in some regions this has not undermined their use. predictive cues are consistently incorporated into scientific forecasts among african and indian farmers to anticipate droughts and plan crops (see acharia 2010; pareek and trivedi 2010; roncoli et al. 2001, 2002). this has not been the case in ende. despite the fact that there are no available forecasts even at the regional level, former predictive mechanisms have become unreliable and their use by younger generations less frequent. but, as it will be argued later, this does not indicate that fishermen do not rely on environmental cues or that they remain unaware of environmental patterns and uncertainty sampling costs (van oostenbrugge et al. 2001). through interviews and surveys among endenese fishermen, i was able to determine that an informal system of weather forecasting and maritime conditions was in place well before the introduction of engines and fishing intensification in the 1980s. in conversations and fishing trips, i was able to record a thorough body of environmental and climatic information in terms of cues or signs of the marine ecosystem. the association of environmental indicators to fish stocks would permit a fisherman to estimate presence or absence of fish, weather events, and currents. in spite of being frequently used, this knowledge remains fragmented and to some level implicit making elicitation an arduous process. difficulties might be rooted in the fact that even older fishermen have now begun to challenge the certainty of predictions. thirty to forty years ago weather conditions could be determined with moderate exactitude before going to sea, and predictions on stocks and climate could extend to longer periods of time like seasons. nowadays, such knowledge is rare and might only be applicable if the frame in which decisions are made is modified or new patterns of variability can be detected that encompass previous cues. one good example of the changes in the efficacy of predictive knowledge can be found in the use of fishing calendars. according to most fishermen, it is widespread knowledge that fishing patches are selected on the basis of an annual calendar regulated by the monsoon seasons and moon phases that permits them to calculate the presence and abundance of certain species. in this system, winds and sea water temperature might be the most important factors determining catch, unit of effort, and sailing conditions. but as a consequence of increased climatic alterations, the onset of the dry and wet monsoon seasons has changed (see badan pusat statistik kabupaten ende for climatic data; aldrian and susanto 2004; hamada et al. 2002). this has brought many interviewees to mention the impossibility of relying on calendars anymore to establish with certainty the availability of fish species. they say, “ikan tidak kenal musim lagi”1 (“fish do not know seasons anymore”). in fact, in the 1980s, precipitation events would commonly start in october and continue until late march (badan pusat statistik kabupaten ende 19842010). these were preceded by a reduction of the strength in the eastern trade winds (angin timur) and an intensification of western and northern winds (angin barat, angin utara). with the wet monsoon, changes in currents and sea water temperatures would increase the availability of species like small tunas, squids, and anchovies. however, according to the fishermen, in the last 2 years the western winds, which inaugurate the wet season, lack strength. the onset of the rainy season has been delayed until december and shortened its duration. this seems to indicate a significant change in climatic patterns that affect marine species in terms of life histories and biomass. most significantly, it is the opposite of what would be normally expected as a result of the current transitional period (2010-2011) between el niño and la niña conditions, maybe signaling the beginning of new precipitation and temperature patterns. these environmental and climatic alterations not only affect coastal communities by increasing the fre 43 research communication quency of extreme events such as typhoons, destructive storms and beach abrasion. but they have also resulted in increased crop failures and reduced catches that have long term impacts on the population's morbidity and mortality rates. with changes in biomass affecting total catches and ultimately reducing incomes, families have lower possibilities of diversifying their diets and paradoxically consume less and less fish. environmental uncertainty combined to economic instability has created new challenges that many fishermen do not feel prepared to deal with. under these conditions, it would be reasonable to assume that the change in patterns of variability has affected the competency of traditional forecasting cues and contribute to their progressive disappearance as fishermen perceive their fallibility. yet, far from a simple interpretation, these interviews also suggest that previous weather-related knowledge and fishing experience have been reformulated and are still being consolidated in new associations and re-associations of cues. some fishermen indicated that they pay attention to stars and clouds (shapes, positions, movements and colors) and atmospheric phenomena like lightning to determine wind conditions that might affect fishing. in some cases, fishermen pay attention to the presence of marine life (zooplankton) to predict currents and winds, and to fishing feeding behavior to anticipate possible fishing spots. these cues might not be new, though the temporal decision making frame in which they are applied has changed. with fishing seasons presenting a higher uncertainty on the occurrence of winds and certain fish species, fishermen have begun to target multiple species by diversifying fishing tools. they have also incorporated some small innovations like the use of colorful baits, a practice that is common in other areas in sulawesi. and most significantly, they have altered their pattern of activities in the wet season. before, fishermen would remain at home for a period of forty days (in december, january, and february) while strong western and northern winds would prevent navigation. nowadays, fishermen go fishing throughout the year, staying occasionally for periods of one or two weeks when storms hit the region. the frequency of their trips has, thus, changed. in addition, with the changes in marine activities from trade to a more fishing based subsistence, their trips and duration have shortened considerably. however, the reason why optimization might not account for behavior in ende is not only in terms of cognitive skills and the demands that perfect knowledge imposes in dynamic contexts (high cognitive costs when decisions need to be quick in a fast changing environment). indeed, one might argue that changes in predictive systems might reflect an ongoing process of adaptation to develop more accurate representational beliefs and towards achieving optimization. one could also even argue that optimization towards catch maximization might occur under constraints, or that fishing effort could be best explained by satisficing or ameliorating principles (mithen 1989, 1990; simon 1957). but, as it has been the case for oft, such line of reasoning cannot be readily tested or empirically assessed (foley 1985; gigerenzer et al. 1999; gigerenzer and gaissmaier 2011). optimization might not be a rational choice according to endenese standards, as the main factor explaining the motivation to go fishing might lie not in a profit-driven mentality or in a risk-reduction perspective, but in a more comprehensive approach to uncertainty and life that defies a clear cut probability conceptualization. as a matter of fact, the most important decision an endenese fisherman has to face is to determine whether to stay fishing or to return given climatic conditions. this process, which combines the analysis of a number of cues like clouds, current strengths, and the behavior of other fishermen, is not single handedly explained by expertise or by the expectation of the fish to be caught that day (harapan). similarly, tools or fishing gear do not seem to be the main cause behind catch numbers. many interviewees when inquired about the role of previous experience and type of fishing equipment indicated that even those that have many years at sea or that employ motor boats with many nets can from time to time return empty handed. previous research has established that risk reduction and the avoidance of losses can be an important motivation behind the time spent fishing (ammarell 2002; van osteenbrugge et al. 2001). but in ende, some fishermen are willing to stay at sea under adverse conditions if the catch might be certain, whereas others might favor an early return even when conditions are safe and the fish are eating. therefore, evidence collected so far suggests that risk preference, experience, expertise, and gear do not completely account for the motivations inspiring fishing effort and decision-making. 44 research communication the major explanation that is willingly given for variability of fishing effort and success is luck (rezeki). this concept is rooted in islamic, endenese, and buginese traditional beliefs and rituals (acciaioli 2004; ammarell 2002; pelras 1996). its causality is complex. according to most interviewees, only god can determine the conditions in which luck occurs (“peraturan dikirim oleh allah”) and only he knows (“hanya allah yang tahu”). because marine environments, as well as any other ecosystem, are the result of god’s creation, they remain unpredictable or random in terms of human perception (“laut sembarang”). the ocean is but a big puzzle (“taka teki”). in spite of the highly variable conditions surrounding fishing, fishermen can still try to grasp a limited understanding of the ocean that permits them to catch what has been granted for their subsistence. to that end, luck, catch and climate are all related in a system of signs that is given by god to interpret. these climatic signs, described previously as a system of traditional knowledge, are not straightforward and their predictive validity is not fixed. they are effective only with a certain probability. thus, natural events are not completely predictable as such in this narrative of luck. the decision to go fishing is indeed inspired in the idea that luck cannot be procured by other means but being a hard worker (harus berusaha) and diligent (rajin). but, overall, one cannot do anything to increase luck with certainty, but go to sea and search for fortune (“rezeki tidak bias tambah, hanya mencari cari ikan”). formal practices that might result in better luck refer to respecting the daily five prayers (sholat) as established in the qur'an, and having a pure heart (hati murni). luck can also be favored from prayers on monday, thursday, and friday (jum'at) nights that involve the burning of wood in front of the house (kemenyan). furthermore, fishermen follow the adat (rules) set by the ancestors when building boats or venturing on new enterprises to sea, these are all connected to luck. dreams also hold an important place among some fishermen as they are considered an indication of future success sent by god. other ways in which luck is sent by god include the finding of precious objects (kulavu, barang gaib), though in some cases these might be connected to demons (djins). this practice is associated by more religious fishermen to pagan beliefs (kafir) from the time when the ancestors were around (nenek moyan) and is considered very close to sin (termasuk sirik, dosa). in fact, some informants indicated that they would rather have nothing to do with precious objects as they might provide short term luck at the expense of a huge loss (sometimes human life). according to them, the devil (iblis) walked the earth way before humanity, and has clever ways of deceiving people. if one transgresses god’s rules by engaging with magic objects risks eternal damnation for there is no forgiveness for such sin. the belief in magic objects as such is common among endenese that have connections with lionese groups or that reflect an endenese -lionese descent. finally, luck is also associated with following old adat rules when fishing for some species of coral fish (‘ikanasa’, serranidae and lutjanida spp.). according to such prescriptions, fishermen cannot talk, smoke, cook, or eat when fishing on one of these patches or they would risk making the fish angry. overall, it is interesting to observe, that next to the use of weather cues, this traditional body of knowledge and rules related to luck has become sparse among the newer fishermen who do not believe (“orang tidak percayaa lagi”) or follow the established rules (“tidak ikut peraturan dari dulu”). as one of the elder fishermen states, the lack of fish or failure in the catch can be the result of not respecting the former ways: “harus percayaa atau tidak dapat ikan. dulu biasa per bulan perahu penuh, sekarang tidak yakin. dua atau tiga hari lagi, habis” (“one must believe in order to catch fish. before, boats used to be full throughout the month when returning from fishing. now, after 2 or 3 days there is no more fish”). in conclusion, one could say that the evidence presented here is not entirely incompatible to explanations of fishing effort by maximization practices. at the individual level, risk preferences and non-verbal processes of probability perception (unconscious) might still result in optimization over the long term. however, it is crucial to emphasize that luck as the main motivation behind fishing effort places rewards in a future afterlife and not in the achievement of material success. in addition, this narrative of luck implies a certain attitude towards nature that shapes the perception of ecological patterns. but luck also defines suitable rules on how to interact with an environment and which expectations are valid. this, in turn, constrains decision-making processes and resource use practices. therefore, local perceptions of environmental un 45 research communication certainty and nature are key to understanding what lies behind resource exploitation, along with religious beliefs and cultural values. therefore, they should be addressed by government agencies and conservation institutions to design culturally sound management practices. i will further discuss the implications of these findings for rational theory and environmental policies in future articles. conclusions in summary, preliminary findings suggest the importance of ecological knowledge in fishing effort, decision-making, and the existence of different attitudes towards the use of marine resources in ende. exploratory interviews indicate so far that neither conservation organizations nor the local government actively incorporate local ecological knowledge when drafting management plans for ende, and they assume that fishermen are mostly driven by their own maximization of interests. nonetheless, in a world where climate change threatens to reshape the global ecology and economy of marine-human ecosystems (badjeck et al. 2009; cheung et al. 2009), conservation and management initiatives need to look at the local to understand why certain choices are made before assuming, as they usually do, that cost-benefit rationales apply uniformly. because complex problems require insightful solutions, conservation and governmental institutions should forge a multidisciplinary methodological and theoretical perspective to engage local needs and vulnerabilities. cognitive and behavioral studies of decisionmaking in small societies can inform such endeavors by telling about the local impacts of overarching policies and the strategies devised to represent environmental uncertainty (colfer et al. 1999; tucker 2007a). future research will explore these issues and ponder the importance of how different conceptions of the marine environment across generations and stakeholders (baselines) ultimately constrain local responses and livelihoods. acknowledgements this research was supported by the lemelson/ society for psychological anthropology predissertation fund, made possible by a generous donation from robert lemelson, the georgia oceans health initiative fellowship (noaa), and the dean's award from the university of georgia. also by a national science foundation dissertation improvement grant. declarations permissions: irb obtained and recently renewed through the university of georgia. permissions obtained from the indonesian government: ristek (kementarian riset dan teknologi indonesia) and propinsi ntt, kabupaten ende, kecamatan ende selatan. sources of funding: dissertation improvement grant from the national science foundation. lemelson fellowship from the society for psychological anthropology, american anthropological association. georgia oceans and human health fellowship from national oceanographic and atmospheric agency. the dean’s award from the university of georgia. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited acciaioli, g. 2004. from economic actor to moral agent: knowledge: fate and hierarchy among the bugis of sulawesi. indonesia 78:147-179. acheson, j. m. and j. a. wilson. 1996. order out of chaos: the case for parametric fisheries management. american anthropologist 98:579-594. aldrian, e. and r. d. susanto. 2003. identification of three dominant rainfall regions within indonesia and their relationship to sea surface temperature. international journal of climatology 23(12):1435-1452. allison, e. h. and f. ellis. 2001. the livelihoods approach and management of small-scale fisheries. marine policy 25(5):377-388. ammarell, g. 2002. knowing when to set sail: practical knowledge and simple heuristics in bugis navigational strategies. bijdragen tot de taal-, landen volkenkunde 158(2):191-223. aswani, s. 1998. patterns of marine harvest effort in sw new georgia, solomon islands: resource management or optimal foraging? ocean and coastal management 40(2/3):207-235. badan pusat statistik kabupaten ende. 1984 to 2011. ende dalam angka. badan pusat statistik kabupaten ende, ende, flores, indonesia. badjeck m. c., e. h. allison, a. s. halls and n. k. dulvy. 2009. impacts of climate variability and change on fishery-based livelihoods. marine policy 34(3):375-383. doi:10.1016/j.marpol.2009.08.007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.marpol.2009.08.007 46 research communication bene, c. and a. tewfik.. 2001. fishing effort allocation and fishermen's decision making process in a multi-species small-scale fishery: analysis of the conch and lobster fishery in turks and caicos islands. human ecology 29(2):157-186. bjarnason, t. and t. thorlindsson. 1993. in defense of a folk model: the ‘skipper effect’ in the icelandic cod fishery. american anthropology 95:371– 394. boomgaard, p. 2005. resources and people of the sea in and around the indonesian archipelago, 9001900. in muddied waters: historical and contemporary perspectives on the management of forests and fisheries in island southeast asia, edited by peter boomgaard, david henley and manon osseweijer, pp.97120. kitlv press, leiden, the netherlands. butcher, j. g. 2004. the closing of the frontier: a history of the marine fisheries of southeast asia c.1850-2000. institute of southeast asian studies, singapore. butcher, j. g. 2005. the marine animals of south east asia: towards a demographic history 18502000. in muddied waters: historical and contemporary perspectives on the management of forests and fisheries in island southeast asia, edited by peter boomgaard, david henley and manon osseweijer, pp. 63-96. kitlv press, leiden, the netherlands. cheung, w. w. l., v. w. y. lam, j. l. sarmiento, k. kearney, r. watson and d. pauly. 2009. global marine biodiversity impacts under climate change scenarios. fish and fisheries 10(3):235-251. doi: 10.1111/j.1467-2979.2008.00315.x. chou, c. 2003. indonesian sea nomads: money, magic, and far of the orang suku laut. routledge curzon, london. colfer, c. p., r. wadley and p. venkateswarlu. 1999. understanding local people’s use of time: a precondition for good co-management environmental conservation 26(1):41-52. cordell, j. 1974. the lunar-tide fishing cycle in northeast brazil. ethnology 13:379-392. dietrich, s. 1983. flores in the nineteenth century: aspects of dutch colonialism on a non-profitable island. indonesian circle 31(june):39-58. dove, m. 1993. uncertainty, humility, and adaptation in the tropical forest: the agricultural augury of the kantu. ethnology 32(2):145-167. edjid, h. 1979. tiga ratus tahun kerajaan ende. 16381962. unpublished manuscript, fakultas keguruan universitas negeri, nusa cendana, ende, flores, indonesia. ellis, r. 2009. tuna: love, death, and mercury. vintage books, random house books, new york. feeny, d., f. berkes, b. mccay and j. m. acheson. 1990. the tragedy of the commons: twenty-two years later. human ecology 18(1):1-19. foley, r. a. 1985. optimality theory in anthropology. man 20:222-242. forth, g. 1998. beneath the volcano: religion, cosmology and spirit classification among the nage of eastern indonesia. kitlv press, leiden, the netherlands. fox, j. 1977. harvest of the palm: ecological change in eastern indonesia. harvard university press, cambridge, ma. fox, j. 2005. in a single generation: a lament for the forests and seas of indonesia. in muddied waters: historical and contemporary perspectives on the management of forests and fisheries in island southeast asia, edited by peter boomgaard, david henley and manon osseweijer, pp. 43-60. kitlv press, leiden, the netherlands. gigerenzer, g. 2008. rationality for mortals. how people cope with uncertainty. oxford university press, new york. gigerenzer, g. and h. brighton. 2009. homo heuristicus: why biased minds make better inferences. topics in cognitive science 1(1:)107-144. gigerenzer, g., p. m. todd and the abc group. 1999. simple heuristics that make us smart. oxford university press, new york. gigerenzer, g. and w. gaissmaier. 2011. heuristic decision making. annual review of psychology 62:451482. gladwin, h. 1971. decision making in the cape coast (fante) fishing and fish marketing system. unpublished doctoral dissertation. department of anthropology, stanford university, stanford, ca. gladwin, c. 1980. a theory of real-life choice: applications to agricultural decisions. in agricultural decision making, edited by peggy barlett, pp. 45-83. academic press, new york. godoy, r. a., v. reyes-garcia, v. vadez, o. 47 research communication magvanjav, w. r. leonard, t. mcdade, s. kumar, j. iqbal, d. wilkie, s. tanner and t. huanca. 2009. does culture affect the present? the effect of future weather on the current collection of planted crops and wildlife in a native amazonian society of bolivia. human ecology 37(5):613-628. gordon, h. s. 1954. the economic theory of a common-property resource: the fishery. the journal of political economy 62(2):124–142. gowdy, j. 2008. behavioral economics and climate change policy. journal of economic behavior and organization 68:632-644. halim, a. 2002. adoption of cyanide fishing practice in indonesia. ocean and coastal management 45:313-323. hamada, j., m. d. yamanaka, j. matsumoto, s. fukao, p. a. winarso and t. sribimawati. 2002. spatial and temporal variations of the rainy season over indonesia and their link to enso. journal of the meteorological society of japan 80:285-310. heazle, m. and j. g. butcher. 2007. fisheries depletion and the state in indonesia: towards a regional regulatory regime. marine policy 31(3):276-286. helfman, g. 2007. fish conservation. island press, washington, dc. henley, d. and m. osseweijer. 2005. introduction. forests and fisheries in island southeast asia. histories of natural resource management and mismanagement. in muddied waters: historical and contemporary perspectives on the management of forests and fisheries in island southeast asia, edited by peter boomgaard, david henley and manon osseweijer, pp.1-42. kitlv press, leiden, the netherlands. hilborn r. and m. mangel. 1997. the ecological detective: confronting models with data. princeton university press, princeton, nj. houston, a., c. w. clark, j. m. mcnamara and m. mangel. 1988. dynamic models in behavioural and evolutionary ecology. nature 332:29-34. ingles, j., j. flores and i. musthofa. 2008. getting off the hook: reforming tuna fisheries of indonesia. world wildlife foundation, coral triangle initiative. knaap, g. and h. sutherland. 2004. monsoon traders: ships, skippers and commodities in eighteenth-century makassar. kitlv press, leiden, the netherlands. lowe, c. 2006. wild profusion: biodiversity conservation in the indonesian archipelago. princeton university press, princeton, nj ludwig, d., r. hilborn and c. walters. 1993. uncertainty, resource exploitation, and conservation: lessons from history. science 260:17-36. mangel, m. and c. w. clark. 1983. uncertainty, search, and information in fisheries. journal of the international council for the exploration of the seas 43:93 -103. mangel, m. and c. w. clark. 1986. towards a unified foraging theory. ecology 67:1127-1138. mangel, m. 1990. dynamic information in uncertain and changing worlds. journal of theoretical biology 146:317-332. mccay, b. j. 1981. optimal foragers or political actors? ecological analyses of a new jersey fishery. american ethnologist 8:356-382. mcgoodwin, j. r. 1990. crisis in the world’s fisheries: people, problems, and policies. stanford university press, stanford, ca. mithen, s. j. 1989. modeling hunter-gatherer decision making: complementing optimal foraging theory. human ecology 17(1):59-74. mithen, s. j. 1990. thoughtful foragers: a study of prehistoric decision making. cambridge university press, cambridge, england. monk, k. a., y. de fretes and g. reksodiharjolilley. 1997. the ecology of indonesia. volume v: the ecology of nusa tenggara and maluku. periplus editions, hong kong. munasik, h., a. t. p. adri, r. wibowo, y. kiswantoro, fajariyanto and h. sofyanto. 2011. kondisi terumbu karang di taman nasional perairan laut sawu. provinsi nusa tenggara timur workshop sosialisasi peraturan gubernurtentang pengelolaan terumbu karang. coral reef rehabilitation and management program, provinsi ntt, kupang, indonesia. nakagawa, s. 1984. "endenese." in muslim peoples: a world ethnographic survey, edited by richard v. weekes, pp. 251-253. greenwood press, westport, ct. nakagawa, s. 1996. "endenese." in encyclopedia of world cultures. available at: http:// www.encyclopedia.com/doc/1g2http://www.encyclopedia.com/doc/1g2-3458000787.html http://www.encyclopedia.com/doc/1g2-3458000787.html 48 research communication 3458000787.html. accessed on march 22, 2010. needham, r. 1968. endeh: terminology, alliance, and analysis. bijdragen tot de taal-, land-en volkenkunde 124:305-35. needham, r. 1980. principles and variations in the structure of the sumbanese society. in the flow of life: essays on eastern indonesia, edited by james j. fox and monni adams, pp. 21-47. harvard press, boston, ma. orlove, b. s., j. c. h. chiang and m. a. cane. 2002. ethnoclimatology in the andes. american scientist 90:428–435. paolisso, m. 2002. blue crabs and controversy on the chesapeake bay: a cultural model for understanding watermen’s reasoning about blue crab management. human organization 61(3):226-239. pareek, a. and p. c. trivedi. 2010. cultural values and indigenous knowledge of climate change and disaster prediction in rajasthan, india. indian journal of traditional knowledge 10(1):183-189. pelras, c. 1996. the bugis. blackwell, oxford, england. quinn, n. 1978. do mfantse fish sellers calculate probabilities in their heads? american ethnologist 5:206-226. rappaport, r. a. 1968. pigs for the ancestors: ritual in the ecology of a new guinea people. yale university press, new haven, ct. resosudarno, b. p. and f. jotzo, f. 2009. working with nature against poverty. iseas, singapore. roncoli, c., k. ingram and p. kirsben. 2001. the costs and risks of coping with drought: livelihood impacts and farmer’s responses in burkina faso. climate research 19:119-132. roncoli, c., k. ingram and p. kirsben. 2002. reading the rains: local knowledge and rainfall forecasting among farmers of burkina faso. society and natural resources 15:411-430. roos, s. 1877. iets over endeh. tijdschriftvoor indische taal-, landen volkenkunde 24:481-582. sareng orin bao, p. 1969. nusa nipanamapribumi nusa flores: warisanpurba. nusa indah, ende, flores, indonesia. satria and y. matsuda. 2004. decentralization of fisheries management in indonesia. marine policy 28:437 –450 semedi, p. 2001. close to the stone, far from the throne: the story of a javanese fishing community, 1820s-1990s. benangmerah, yogyakarta, indonesia. simon, h. a. 1957. models of man: social and rational. john wiley and sons, new york. smith, e. a. 1983. anthropological applications of optimal foraging theory: a critical review. current anthropology 24:625-651. sopher, d. 1965. the sea nomads: a study of the maritime boat people of southeast asia. national museum, singapore. southon, m. 1995. the navel of the perahu. australian centre for agricultural research, australian national university, canberra, australia. tucker, b. 2007a. applying behavioral ecology and behavioral economics to conservation and development planning: an example from the mikea forest, madagascar. human nature 18:190-208. tucker, b. 2007b. perception of interannual covariation and strategies for risk reduction among mikea of madagascar. human nature 18:162-180. tule, p. 2004. longing for the house of god, dwelling in the house of the ancestors: local belief, christianity, and islam among the kéo of central flores. academic press, fribourg, switzerland. unep. nellemann, c., s. hain and j. alder, eds. 2008. in dead water : merging of climate change with pollution, over-harvest, and infestations in the world’s fishing grounds. united nations environment programme, grid, arendal, norway. available at: http:// www.unep.org/pdf/indeadwater_lr.pdf. accessed on march 4, 2013. van oostenbrugge, j.a.e., w. l. t. van densen and m. a. m. machiels. 2001. risk aversion in allocating fishing effort in a highly uncertain coastal fishery for pelagic fish, moluccas, indonesia. canadian journal of fish and aquatic sciences 58:1683-1691. van suchtelen, b. c. c. m. m. 1921. endeh (flores). papyrus, weltevreden. weber, m. 1902. siboga expedite i. introduction et description de l'expedition. e.j. brill, leiden. williams, m. j. and d. staples. 2010. southeast asian http://www.encyclopedia.com/doc/1g2-3458000787.html 49 research communication fisheries. in handbook of marine fisheries conservation and management, edited by r. q. grafton, r. hilborn, d. squires, m. tait, and m. williams, pp. 243257. oxford university press, oxford, united kingdom. winterhalder, b. 1981. foraging strategies in the boreal forest: an analysis of cree hunting and gathering. in hunter-gatherer foraging strategies: ethnographic and archaeological analyses, edited by b. winterhalder and e. a. smith, pp. 66-98. university of chicago press, chicago. winterhalder, b. 1996. a marginal model of tolerated theft. ethology and sociobiology 17:37-53. winterhalder, b. and e. a. smith. 2000. analyzing adaptive strategies: human behavioral ecology at twenty-five. evolutionary anthropology 9:51-72. biosketch victoria ramenzoni is a ph.d. candidate at the university of georgia in the environmental anthropology department. she is a nsfdig fellow and a gohi/noaa fellow. victoria is a behavioral ecologist who is interested in studying how cognitive skills are shaped by evolution and environments. her focus is on decision making under uncertainty, weather prediction, tek, climate change and small scale fisheries. notes 1 i use italics underscored to distinguish words in bahasa indonesia and endenese. 50 research communication appendix1.map. attribution: copyright by ewesewes at id.wikipedia under creative commons attribution-share alike 3.0 unported license. modified by victoria c. ramenzoni. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/file:lokasi_nusa_tenggara_timur_kabupaten_ende.svg 51 research communication appendix2.map. attribution: copyright by sadalmelik at id.wikipedia under creative commons attribution-share alike 3.0 unported license. modified by victoria c. ramenzoni. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/file:flores_topography.png the palolo worm as a cornerstone of pacific ecological time-reckoning kelso et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(1):24–35 24 research communications environments from which pacific islanders derive their material and spiritual sustenance.” marine ecosystems and the traditional knowledge which local people hold concerning them are of both local and global importance, particularly as ocean and reef habitats decline in health across the world (aswani and albert 2015). however, even in societies that rely heavily on their marine surroundings, these habitats are but one part of what cajete (2000:178) calls a “sea of relationships,” an indigenous worldview in which each individual element of nature, including humans, interacts with and influences all the others. oberndorfer et al. (2017:458) explores this idea in the context of ethnobotany and marine ethnobiology among the makkovimiut (inuit community of makkovik in nunatsiavut), noting that “makkovimiut understand through practice and shared oral traditions how plants support fishing at all stages of the practice introduction indigenous peoples across the world make use of natural phenomena for the purpose of timereckoning. observations of the local environment, ranging from the movements of celestial bodies to phenological cycles of plants and animals, are used to anchor oneself in time and organize schedules of agriculture, hunting, and social events (harrison 2007). these traditional time-reckoning systems, often called “ecological calendars,” encode and display the deep environmental knowledge of their users (kassam et al. 2018). however, these systems face erosion due to language loss, the adoption of foreign time-reckoning systems (harrison 2007; schieffelin 2002), and, in the pacific, a variety of threats to marine ecosystems. as stated by hviding (1996:2), “[l]agoons, reefs, and the near ocean are cornerstones of the the palolo worm as a cornerstone of pacific ecological time-reckoning neal kelso 1* , gregory m. plunkett 2 , presley dovo 3 , dominik m. ramík 4 , charlie b. paul vusqal 5 , k. david harrison 6,7 , and michael j. balick 7 1 independent scholar, san francisco, usa. 2 cullman program for molecular systematics, new york botanical garden, bronx, usa. 3 vanuatu department of forests, port vila, vanuatu. 4 independent scholar, lowanatom, tanna, vanuatu. 5 vetimbosa, vanua lava, vanuatu. 6 vinuniversity, hanoi, vietnam. 7 institute of economic botany, new york botanical garden, bronx, usa. * neal.kelso@gmail.com abstract indigenous knowledge systems that uniquely encode environmental knowledge are vanishing globally in tandem with environmental changes and globalization. in this paper we explore knowledge and uses of the palolo polychaete worms (palola spp.) in time-reckoning, as documented in the anthropological literature on polynesia and melanesia. we then introduce preliminary findings from three contemporary cultures, the raga-, vureas-, and netwar-speaking peoples of vanuatu. use of the palolo worm as an element in traditional time-reckoning is well-attested in both historical and contemporary literature, and our original research reinforces the notion that it is still a crucial part of ni-vanuatu ecological calendars. within the cultures discussed, the annual appearance of the palolo worm is an important temporal event within very complex systems that incorporate plants, animals, agriculture, celestial bodies, the ocean, and human health for the purposes of organizing human activities. these systems, and the place of the palolo worm within them, must be given proper attention in ongoing efforts towards environmental conservation and the documentation and revitalization of traditional knowledge. received march 10, 2022 open access accepted august 17, 2022 doi 10.14237/ebl.14.1.2023.1815 published may 5, 2023 keywords palolo worm, vanuatu, time-reckoning, ecological calendars copyright © 2023 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. kelso et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(1):24–35 25 research communications and how fishing also supports plants”. the “sea of relationships” amongst pacific peoples, the marine environment, and the rest of their local ecosystems is clear when investigating traditional ecological timereckoning practices. in polynesia and melanesia, ecological calendars exhibit remarkable diversity and complexity, reflecting the wide array of environmental rhythms and events that island peoples in this region regularly experience. these systems include—but invariably go beyond— western notions of lunar and solar calendrics, incorporating cycles of the sun and moon, the movements of stars, patterns of clouds and weather, changes in the ocean and tides, and the phenological cycles of numerous plants and animals. the various cultures of vanuatu have rich systems of timereckoning which make use of a wide array of “calendar plants” to determine the timing of agricultural activities, schedule the harvest of marine resources, and inform health decisions (balick and plunkett 2018). often, ni-vanuatu time-reckoning also includes nature-based rituals by which specialists reportedly influence the weather, sun, or waves. a widespread component in time-reckoning systems of vanuatu and the broader oceanic region is not a plant, but an animal: the marine polychaete worm known widely by its samoan name, “palolo” (genus palola), which has one of the most regular natural cycles in pacific ecosystems. palolo are polychaete worms that grow to over a third of a meter in length and inhabit reefs around many pacific islands. rarely exiting the holes and crevices in which they hide, they stay put until the last quarter of the moons of october and november (and sometimes december), when every palolo worm in polynesia and eastern melanesia splits in half (schulze and timm 2012). the anterior end of each worm, with its head and other major organs, remains in its reef hideout, while the epitoke or posterior end, with reproductive organs, swims upward in the water column to the sea surface (figure 1). the epitoke swims “almost as if it were a separate animal in its own right. indeed, it has even developed a pair of eyes to assist it in locating the surface” (shuker 2001:94)1. massive swarms of these epitokes are both wellknown and highly predictable in their appearance. although the most famous “palolo worm” is palola viridis, first described from samoa (stair 1847), polychaete swarms in the south pacific can contain multiple palola species and even worms from other families (such as nereididae; see fowler 2017; schulze and timm 2012). furthermore, the taxonomy of the genus palola is not fully settled, although specimens from samoa and vanuatu are likely to be p. viridis figure 1 a male (orange) and female (green) palolo epitokes harvested near lowanatom, tanna, vanuatu. these organs are what ni-vanuatu and other pacific peoples most often refer to as worms, rather than the entire animal. b frying palolo worms with egg in lowanatom. photos by dominik m. ramík. kelso et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(1):24–35 26 research communications (schulze and timm 2012). while a variety of polychaete worms are valued by various cultures in indonesia, including as elements in time-reckoning (forth 1983; fowler 2017; tadataka 2018), and as important foodstuffs, such as nereid worms in vietnam (lieu and nguyen 2021), the current study is only concerned with palola spp. that swarm from papua new guinea eastward to samoa. the remarkable biology of these worms has made its mark on a diverse range of cultures in this region, appearing in traditional foodways, cosmology, and ritual, in addition to time-reckoning. here, we briefly summarize several case studies from the literature on melanesia and polynesia. we then discuss three cases from vanuatu: those of the raga-speaking people of northern pentecost island, vureas language speakers of vanua lava, and the netwar-speaking people of tanna, which we recently began to document in collaboration with local experts. we demonstrate that the palolo worm is a cornerstone of many different pacific traditions that play an integral role in indigenous time-reckoning. this worm is one strand in a complex web of environmental cycles which inform the timing of human activity in these places. methods we employed two methodologies to gather information on cultures that possess palolo knowledge. first, we surveyed approximately 200 works spanning the subfields of travel writing, ethnography, and anthropology, which span 174 years (1847–2021). we coded these sources for any reference to palolo knowledge, as well as their use in ecological calendars and other time-reckoning techniques. while the total number of polynesian and melanesian cultures taken together number nearly 2,000, few are well documented, nor is it likely that all have contact with the palolo worm. our data set includes information from 35 cultures; however, we acknowledge that there may be a great deal more palolo lore distributed across oceania that remains to be documented. second, we interviewed eight culture experts from the raga-speaking people of northern pentecost island, who are known to possess significant palolo lore; five culture experts from the vureas-speaking villages of wasaga and vetimbosa on vanua lava; and four experts from the netwar language area of tanna. the relationships that sparked this research on the palolo worm were formed while working on the plants and people of vanuatu project, a collaboration between botanists, ethnobotanists, mycologists, cultural specialists, linguists, and conservationists. this project aims to study and preserve plants, fungi, and associated traditional knowledge in vanuatu, including traditional ecological calendars. our dialogue with the raga community was conducted in both english and the local raga (or hano) language, which has approximately 7,500 speakers (eberhard et al. 2022). on vanua lava, work was conducted in vureas (or vurës), which is spoken in the southern part of the island by around 2,000 people (malau 2021). the netwar language, spoken by approximately 12,000 people (eberhard et al. 2022), was used during research in southwestern tanna. our approach is not one of data extraction, but rather co-production of knowledge, based on mutual trust and reciprocity, and the willingness of community experts to share knowledge with us, and through us, to a global audience. the knowledge is shared with the understanding that it remains the intellectual property of the raga, vureas, and netwar language communities and will be fully attributed to them, both individually and collectively. results pacific cultures have closely observed the palolo worm because of its nutritional value, temporal predictability, and the dramatic scene it creates on the reefs when it spawns. rev. john stair’s (1847) experience of palolo swarms in samoa resulted in its formal description, and much has been written about it since. we surveyed the anthropological literature from polynesia and melanesia and found the palolo worm to be a common theme, with many references to its role in time-reckoning. literature survey in vanuatu, mention of the palolo worm’s place in time-reckoning stretches back at least to the late nineteenth century. codrington (1891:350) notes how, on mota island in the northern banks group, “the strange and exciting appearance of the well-known annelid, the palolo, un, sets a wide mark on the seasons.” the people of mota attribute the natural cycles of their local environment to a spirit known as qat, and by careful observation of these rhythms are able to both predict other natural phenomena and organize their agricultural schedule. the cool season on mota is marked by the appearance of rara (genus erythrina) flowers, and that same flower’s fall is the kelso et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(1):24–35 27 research communications signal that the palolo worm will soon surface (figure 2)2. following the fading of the rara, three months are named after the worm, and each palolo swarm signals the current developmental stage of the yam (dioscorea spp.) crop. october is known as un rig (“little palolo”) or un gogona (“bitter palolo”) because worms first appear at this time, and this signals that yams are nearing maturity. november is un lava (“great palolo”), when large swarms of worms surface and everyone goes down to the beach to collect them. at this time, all yams are harvested. finally, december is werei (“rump [of the palolo]”) when the last few worms can be found, ganoi, the west wind blows in, and the gardens must be cleared. the rest of the mota calendar is based off other environmental indicators, including reeds, rara, and winds (codrington 1891). on loh, in the torres islands of northern vanuatu, the palolo worm is part of a ritual that realigns the sun and keeps the seasons on track. like other ni-vanuatu, the people of loh are horticulturalists and therefore have a complex system of organizing time as it relates to the propagation and harvesting of crop plants. the markers of this timereckoning system include broad seasonal changes, celestial bodies including the sun and moon, the progression of the tides, and also animals (mondragón 2004). components of this system, such as the tuwiä bird (tringa incana) and the sun, are said to have mena, which refers to the supernatural abilities of powerful people, animals, and objects to “evoke various kinds of transformative forces that lie inherent in the living world” (mondragón 2004:291). the tuwiä bird heralds the arrival of the palolo, known locally as nút, in the lo-toga language spoken on loh. when a strong stench from the sea confirms the worm’s arrival, the islanders descend to the rocky shore for harvest. but before the worms can be eaten, the people must ensure that the sun will make its way back north after the summer solstice. in the ritual of the “sun-ureparapara alignment,” islanders perform a magical chant while transferring the harvested nút from worm-catching nets to the pandanus baskets in which they are carried to the cook site. this chant both “turns” the palolo worm into food and “turns” the sun towards the north, aligning it over the island of ureparapara to the southeast. failing to perform this ritual would be catastrophic: the sun would not be imbued with mena and would thus not begin to shift in the sky following the solstice, leading to crop failure. the palolo worm and the tuwiä bird, together with the people themselves and their traditional songs and figure 2 erythrina fusca, one of two species of erythrina (rara in the mota and raga languages), native to vanuatu. this species has (a, b) orange to (c) bright red flowers. when these flowers fall, it is a signal to people on mota and pentecost that palolo (un in mota, udu in raga) will soon appear. [photo credits: a & b, laurence ramon (lr-128); c, kate armstrong (kea588).] kelso et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(1):24–35 28 research communications rituals, act as integral parts in the web of magic, heavenly bodies, and living things that synchronize life for these islanders (mondragón 2004). samoans also possess a remarkable system of timereckoning and weather prediction based on careful and precise observations of the environment. stair’s (1847:18) first description of the cultural importance of palolo worms in samoa suggests a detailed system for predicting their arrival: the natives are exceedingly fond of them, and calculate with great exactness the time of their appearance, which is looked forward to with great interest. the worms are caught in small baskets, beautifully made, and when taken on shore are tied up in leaves in small bundles, and baked. great quantities are eaten undressed, but either dressed or undressed are esteemed a great delicacy. such is the desire to eat palolo by all classes, that immediately [after] the fishing parties reach the shore, messengers are despatched in all directions with large quantities to parts of the island on which none appear. today, the adopted gregorian calendar is often used to determine whether october or november will see the strongest palolo rising, but traditional environmental cues are also still consulted. smetzer (1969:68) recorded the following account from an unnamed samoan chief, if you want to know when the palolo is coming, the first thing you have to do is watch for the signs in nature. because the people in the old days did not have any calendar and they had to look around at the trees and the shrubs and the moon and things like that to tell what is the time of the year. a few of these signals include “the flowering of the moso’oi tree [cananga odorata], the closing of the palulu flower [any of several species of the convolvulaceae], a strong smell from the reef, brown foamy scum on the ocean, and abrupt weather changes or bad weather” (itano 2009). other accounts reference bending breadfruit branches (smetzer 1969), the appearance of a small fish known as o le mosimosi-palolo, an abundance of cuttlefish, long nights, and the same discoloration of the tide as signals for the palolo’s coming (stair 1897), as well as prediction of the worm’s arrival based on the sun, moon, and stars (burrows 1955). the samoan calendar is divided into two seasons: the wetter vai toʻelau (february to july) and the drier vai palolo (july to january). the first two months of vai palolo are also named after the palolo worm: palolo mua or ‘the first palolo’ and palolo muli or ‘the last palolo.’ interestingly, the palolo worm never surfaces during these months, but since the actual arrival of the palolo is strongly anticipated and accurately predicted by samoans each year in october or november, the naming of these months is somewhat of an enigma (lefale 2010; samoan society 1928; stair 1897). one explanation is given by tofa iʻiga pisa, who says that the last of the previous year’s preserved palolo was served at this time, “in anticipation of the next rising” (smetzer 1969:70). the calendar of the polynesian island of futuna (part of wallis and futuna, just to the west of samoa) has months with identical names but corresponding to the correct times when the palolo worm swarms. palolo mua roughly corresponds to october, while november is palolo muli. intriguingly, the palolo worm does not appear in futuna today. perhaps it once did, or perhaps these calendars are evidence of an ancestral polynesian calendar that has since been adapted to various islands in the polynesian sphere (kirch 1994). the palolo worm is also present in nearby fiji, which, at the eastern edge of melanesia, has many polynesian cultural influences. two fijian months named after the palolo align with the times when it surfaces. the worm first rises in the month of vula i balolo lalai, which is marked by the flowering of several different plants, and the second, often larger rising occurs during the month of vula i balolo levu, when several fruits are ready to be harvested (gatty 2009). however, while the worm does appear during these months, it does not appear everywhere. due to palolo’s cultural significance, fijian villages with no worm have designated “substitute balolo,” all of which are also edible sea creatures that can only be harvested during a short period each year. on lakeba island, a wide range of animals are called balolo. the village of tubou has the true palolo, while people in nukunuku refer to nuqa, the rabbit fish (siganus vermiculatus), as their balolo. waciwaci villagers harvest the red land crab lairo (cardisoma sp.) in november and december and have a second balolo as well: the salala, or longjawed mackerel (rastrelliger kanagurta). vakano also has two balolo: the unicorn fish ta (nasus spp.) and saku, a type of billfish (gatty 2009). kelso et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(1):24–35 29 research communications the residents of vakuta, one of the trobriand islands in papua new guinea, harvest as many palolo worms as possible during the full moon of octobernovember (austen 1945). the worms rise during the night and begin to disperse at the false dawn (4 a.m.), almost completely disappearing by daytime. as the worms move away, the vakutans return to their village and hold the yoba ceremony, “which consists of religious rites associated with the return of the baloma, or spirits of the dead, from the underworld land of tuma” (austen 1945:28). to the vakutans, the palolo worm is known as milamala, however on kiriwina, the main island of the trobriands, milamala refers to a full moon in august-september. as it turns out, the palolo worm does not occur at all on the island of kiriwina, but the full moon named for it is still very important to the islanders. they hold their yoba ceremony on this milamala moon, which marks the new year, though occasionally, they find that the moons “go silly” and don’t seem to be occurring at the right time in the solar year (austen 1939, 1945). the palolo worm occurs during the same phase of the october and november moons, meaning that its phenological cycle is aligned with the solar year, rather than a set number of lunar cycles. this pattern allows the palolo worm’s rising to serve as an event which people on vakuta, and elsewhere in the pacific, use to recalibrate their calendars. kiriwina, however, only has twelve kweluva, or garden (lunar) periods, and no worm to mark its milamala; furthermore, its calendar tends to fall out of synch. to adjust the kweluva to the solar year, those living on kiriwina look to the astronomers of wawela village, who use their deep knowledge of the movements of stars and constellations to determine when different events in the agricultural cycle should occur. even using this system, trobrianders still complain of over and underabundance of yam harvests due the years when the moon “goes silly” (austen 1939; leach 1950). similarly, wogeo language speakers from the schouten islands in western png experience problems wherein their agricultural schedule is thrown off by agricultural fluctuation and the mismatch between the lunar and solar year (leach 1950). they allocate roughly three months each year to the appearance of the fruits of the “almond” (presumably terminalia catappa) and wasek (t. kaernbachii). when this period is complete, they count four lunar months to predict the appearance of the palolo worm. however, people occasionally set out to harvest the palolo a month too soon. this is most likely due to fluctuations in the length of terminalia fruiting and suggests that the wogeo calendrical system is not entirely predictive (at least in terms of the timing of palolo swarms). instead, there appear to be two anchors each year to realign the lunar calendar to the solar. one of these is the palolo worm’s appearance in october and november. rather than predicting when the worm swarms, wogeo speakers count the number of months from its appearance. the second anchor is the placement of the pleiades star cluster in the night sky. if the pleiades do not appear precisely when they are expected, an additional month is intercalated into the calendar to recalibrate. by using both of these checks, the people of the schouten islands are able to successfully orient the schedule of their various rituals and economic activities (leach 1950). codrington’s (1891) work in southern malaita, solomon islands, suggests another interesting case in which the rising of the palolo worm is predicted using a sidereal (star) calendar. to speakers of the sa’a language, the palolo worm appears in the conception of two constellations, “at saa the southern cross is ape, the net, with four men letting it down to catch the palolo, and the pointers are two men cooking what has been caught, because the palolo appears when one of the pointers appears above the horizon” (codrington 1891:349). the latter point reveals that people in southern malaita, as in other parts of melanesia, carefully predict the timing of the appearance of the palolo by watching the movements of the stars. this excerpt suggests further that the palolo worm is important at the very least in a culinary sense. original research from vanuatu speakers of the raga language in the northern part of pentecost island, vanuatu were interviewed in 2020; speakers of the vureas language of vanua lava were interviewed in 2021 and 2022; and netwar speakers from tanna were interviewed in 2022. all three peoples reported use of the palolo worm in their timereckoning systems and cultural lore. on pentecost, local experts relayed a story about a man who was murdered long ago. he was buried in an enclosed space, but his blood flowed down into the sea and turned into palolo worms (known locally as udu). his buried body became one of the island’s staple crops, the damu or yam. today, the worms still have a strong relationship with the islanders’ crops. kelso et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(1):24–35 30 research communications like the people of mota, raga speakers call erythrina flowers rara and use their fall as a signal that the palolo worms will soon surface (figure 2). in raga, uda rara, the month that corresponds to september, translates to “palolo worm, erythrina flower”, clearly conveying this relationship. during udu malalageha (“palolo worm, new life”) and udu matala (“palolo worm goes away”), the following two months, a heavy rain called meren udu (or pispis blong udu “piss of palolo” in bislama) is another sign that the palolo rising is nearing. after the full moon in each of these months, people count the days. on the night of the fifth day, an abundance of snakes and crabs crossing the road serves as a last signal that the worm’s rising is imminent. when the worms surface, raga speakers attract them with a song and light, traditionally coconut-leaf torches but now more frequently electric lights. the worms are scooped up with many different tools and can be eaten raw on the spot. more commonly, the harvested worms are wrapped in leaves and baked in an earth oven, cooked in bamboo, or fried. the palolo worm is a highly valued foodstuff on pentecost and is traded for red mats and livestock. it is also believed that the stench that arises from the sea at this time makes plants grow better, and the water from the palolo-laden reef is used both as a fertilizer for crops and as bathwater to help children grow. the behavior of the palolo worm and its relationship to the local environment can be clearly seen in the naming and description of the months surrounding the palolo swarms (table 1). netwar language speakers on tanna island, in southern vanuatu, call the palolo worm mim, a general term for most worms and caterpillars, or mim taha tehé, “mim from the sea.” people from three villages in coastal netwar-speaking areas told us that mim had not been consumed by their ancestors, calling it nam napnapen am, “a useless fish/sea creature.” they only learned how to catch and eat them from people of pentecost and malakula, notably nuns who arrived in the 1960s and 1970s. some contrasted them to prisin (large larvae of longhorn beetles, including olethrius tyrannus) that are considered to be delicious and a proper food of the ancestors while mim was only to feed fish. while palolo worms were not traditionally consumed on tanna, their rising is highly anticipated because of its association with fish. during the rising of mim, it is said that fishing with bait is useless because the fish are already full. however, as fish concentrate around the palolo worms to feed on them, it is a time when one can catch a lot of fish by throwing a net or by spearing them with a knife in shallow water or tidal pools. large catches of tekapelew, a juvenile fish otherwise known as melao niés (a common name for several species of sargocentron, called red fis in bislama) were mentioned in connection with the appearance of palolo. despite palolo’s relatively recent introduction into netwar cuisine, it is now an established part of the local ecological calendar. albertine, an elder netwar speaker from lowanatom, explains how the worm’s rising is predicted and how it is caught: towards the end of the year, people observe the moon phases. when the time of full moon is passed and the moon rises later in the night, there is a smell of raw fish coming from the sea as far as a few hundred meters inland. people will then go fetch numasia [dry coconut leaves], fasten them together as a torch [nesia]. when the time is really close, there is often a very fine and thin rain [noroan] during the day or in the evening. in the evening as the night is dark, people will get their torches and go to the passes in coral reefs. mim will come in its karem [the same term used for woven pandanus bag] and go through the pass. they are all together, many different colors and they make a dim light. sometimes when you expose them to light, they will break from their karem and disperse, but when you are lucky, you can grab the entire lot into a mosquito net or cloth. if they break loose, you will need to fetch them all around the reef. you need to hurry because as soon as the moon rises, they will go all around the place and it is hard to catch them. before, we would only make a laplap of them, being ready the day of their arrival and prepare the laplap mash in advance. now we cook them differently, like frying [figure 1]. sometimes they will come two nights in a row, but the second time it may only be the last of the first lot arriving the night ago. chiefs hosia waras and eli field malau of vetimbosa, vanua lava in northern vanuatu record a vureas-language ecological calendar that relates plant phenology to the weather, crop cycles, and human health (caillon and malau 2002). in our findings, kelso et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(1):24–35 31 research communications vureas speakers also describe a strong connection between the palolo worm, which they call hūn or un, and environmental time indicators. when the leaves of the wehr tree (casuarina equisetifolia or oktri [oak tree] in bislama [figure 3]) begin to turn red and a specific seabird appears in the village it is the month voromal, or october. as the time of palolo nears, the sea also turns “dirty” and brown with many dead branches floating on it and gives off a fishy smell. from the first day when the moon is visible in daylight during this month, the people of vanua lava begin to count the days. on the night of the sixth day, harvest begins on the long reef along wasaga village’s shoreline. the villagers light a large fire on a dry section of reef and an expert sings a song (table 2) to attract the worms to shore. with the worms aggregating by the shore, people use sticks or brooms to harvest them. after that morning, no more worms can be found during voromal, but the same process of counting the daytime moons and harvesting the worms is repeated for the second annual appearance of the palolo during selegdem, or november, for which no ecological indicators were recorded. upon return to the village, people rinse the palolo worm with water up to five times. the rinse water is saved and can be used in bath water as a custom medicine for the treatment of many conditions including fever, scabies, red eye (conjunctivitis), table 1 the raga calendar. month name gregorian equivalent translation details bora tirigi january “small birth” (new growth) plants start to germinate, there are lots of flies due to many leaves on the ground, food availability is less. bora lavoa february “big birth” plants get larger and flies multiply, people sense that there are enough resources available. vula barai march “moon is not quite full” resources available but will soon be gone. waves are longer, but do not cause destruction. trees and plants grow well but a small number of leaves fall off the tree. langisi april — time of planting yam. mariri may “leaves drying” yam leaves are drying (but some are still green). tarang tirigi june — yam leaves fully dry. tarang lavoa july — yams are ready to be harvested. rara memea august “erythrina is red” erythrina flowers are in full bloom. udu rara september “palolo worm, erythrina flower” erythrina flowers are falling, the worm is still “red and in the womb.” udu malalageha october “palolo worm, new life” worms are caught, wind blows through trees and makes plants grow well, there is heavy rain. palolo water used as fertilizer and bath water for children. udu matala november “palolo worm goes away” last palolo swarm, continuing heavy rains. plants do not grow very well, and you get hungry quickly. ulu gai tavu december — waves roll from a long way off and gently crash against the coast. all trees and the plants in the garden grow well and people feel happy about their crops. kelso et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(1):24–35 32 research communications wounds, etc. strained palolo worms are baked in a ground oven in laplap leaf (heliconia indica) and, once removed, served on a bed of lūt (called nalot in bislama). lūt is a preparation of a mashed starchy food (such as taro or breadfruit) cooked aboveground and served on large, dedicated wooden plates, in which every family or household takes part in making one plate. additional flavor can be added by placing nuts such as nagai (canarium spp.) on top. palolo can be preserved this way for up to two weeks. discussion our original research from vanuatu—along with the prior accounts taken from the literature—shows that the palolo worm is a cornerstone of polynesian and melanesian time-reckoning and cultural identity. while the worm’s importance in north and central vanuatu is documented and known internally to be a nationwide, cross-cultural phenomenon (mondragón 2004), its place in the culture and time-reckoning of southern vanuatu has not previously been portrayed to a global audience. its widespread use across multiple cultures and locations, likely including others which have not yet been documented, reveals how natural cycles can beneficially inform agriculture and other human behaviors. pacific peoples do not incorporate the worm into a system of abstract calendrics but rather view it as one critical piece of a complex system of ecological time-reckoning involving animals, plants, agricultural cycles, celestial bodies, the ocean, and human health. ecological calendars are themselves very important in the pacific, as evidenced by the results of the plants and people of vanuatu project, which identified more than 100 calendar plants used across multiple islands and language groups. like many other aspects of pacific life, humanpalolo interactions are currently under threat from figure 3 casuarina equisetifolia (wehr in vureas, oktri in bislama) a tree, b branch with carpellate flowers, and c cone-like fruits. the leaves of this species turn reddish as they senesce, signaling to vureas-speaking people on vanua lava that hūn (palolo) will soon appear. photo credits: a, m.j. balick (mb-5092); b, g.m. plunkett (gmp-5225); c, g.m. plunkett (gmp5227b) 3 . kelso et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(1):24–35 33 research communications ongoing knowledge erosion and climate change, even as they develop and evolve. during our work in vanuatu, people have voiced concerns about changes in the predictability and timing of the seasons, as well as dangers posed by oceanic cyclones. these changes affect the timing of signals in ecological calendars, while climate change and habitat destruction threaten to remove some signals entirely. climate change alters the phenology of plants, affecting neighboring plants differently (pérez-ramos et al. 2020), while rising ocean temperatures and acidification have been proven to negatively affect the phenology of both ocean ecosystems as a whole (harley et al. 2006) and marine polychaete worms specifically (freitas et al. 2016). in these intricate indigenous ecological calendars, disruption of one element is a threat to the whole system. the disruption or loss of palolo worm swarms would be particularly tragic, as it is utilized so widely not only in time-reckoning but in foodways, medicine, and cultural identity. the ongoing threats to these time-reckoning systems highlight the need to support and collaboratively document traditional knowledge and language. research shows that these time-reckoning systems can serve as adaptive tools in the face of climate change (kassam et al. 2011, 2018), but they cannot in fact be extricated from the local language, geography, and biota. thus, research on these systems must be appropriately accompanied by efforts to protect them. notes 1these “eyes,” or more accurately eye spots, are light sensors, one of which is located on each segment of the palolo epitoke (schulze and timm 2012). 2raga linguistic, botanical, and cultural data relevant to this research can also be found in the raga talking dictionary (http://talkingdictionary.swarthmore.edu/ raga/), a product of the plants and people of vanuatu project developed to preserve and revitalize the local language and knowledge. 3plant vouchers are deposited at pvnh and ny. acknowledgments we gratefully acknowledge the raga-speaking people of pentecost island and the vureas-speaking people of vanua lava who have shared their knowledge with us. on pentecost, those interviewed include demas harry, james ure, selwyn dovo, colin dovo, eden lini, benett hinge, george rongo, and reynold sine. on vanua lava, celestel wembus, waren qoliak, markson moffet, and selwyn ulkel shared their palolo knowledge with us. on tanna, we talked with albertine keip, numanepen, pierrot yeru, and bernard yaukelo. declarations permissions: this work was carried out under a research license from the vanuatu department of environmental protection and conservation, forestry department, and vanuatu cultural centre. the swarthmore college irb determined that this project does not constitute research with human subjects and does not require irb approval. co-author harrison was affiliated with swarthmore during the research period sources of funding: this work was supported by the u.s. national science foundation under grants no. 1555657 (pi michael j. balick) and 1555675 (pi k. david harrison) and by grant no. 1288 from velux stiftung. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited aswani, s., and s. albert. 2015. change in roviana lagoon coral reef ethnobiology. in ethnobiology of corals and coral reefs, edited by n. narchi and l. l. price, pp. 157–175. springer, cham, switzerland. table 2 vureas language palolo song, sung by an expert from vanua lava during the palolo harvest, with english translation. original (vureas language) english translation un ē gër me ē qeōrōr e, i we un ē we un lam ē, mē siger teñteñ ē. un ē mē gër me, un ē mē gër me, kemem gö mörös wor kēmi ē, kēmi gö mörös wor kemen ē, un ē mē gër me, un ē mē gër me. palolo, swim to us, the tide is getting low, palolo, swim home to us, you are crying. palolo, swim to us, palolo swim to us, we really want you, you really want us, palolo, swim to us, palolo swim to us. kelso et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(1):24–35 34 research communications austen, l. 1939. the seasonal gardening calendar of kiriwina, trobriand islands. oceania 9:237—53. doi:10.1002/j.1834-4461.1939.tb00231.x. austen, l. 1945. cultural changes in kiriwina. oceania 16:15–60. balick, m. j., and g. m. plunkett. 2018. plants mo pipol blong vanuatu: calendar plants. island life. available at: https://www.islandlifemag.com/ island-life-magazine/plants-mo-pipol-blongvanuatu-plants-calendars/. published on july 6, 2018. burrows, w. 1955. “palolo”: notes on the periodic appearance of the annelid worm eunice viridis (gray) in the south-west pacific islands. journal of the polynesian society 64:137–154. caillon, s., and e. f. malau. 2002. coconuts and taro from the west coast of vanua lava (vanuatu): an ethno-agronomic inventory. ird, orléans, france. cajete, g. 2000. native science: natural laws of interdependence. clear light publishers, santa fe. codrington, r. h. 1891. the melanesians: studies in their anthropology and folk-lore. clarendon press, oxford. eberhard, d. m., g. f. simons, and c. d. fennig, eds. 2022. ethnologue: languages of the world, 24th ed. sil international, dallas, tx. forth, g. 1983. time and temporal classification in rindi, eastern sumba. bijdragen to de taal-, landen volkenkunde 139:46–80. doi:10.1163/2213437990003455. fowler, c. t. 2016. biosocial synchrony on sumba: multispecies relationships and environmental variations in indonesia. lexington books, lanham, md. freitas, r., a. pires, c. velez, a. almeida, a. moreira, f. j. wrona, a. m. v. m. soares, and e. figueira. 2016. effects of seawater acidification on diopatra neapolitana (polychaete, onuphidae): biochemical and regenerative capacity responses. ecological indicators 60:152–161. doi:10.1016/ j.ecolind.2015.06.032. gatty, r. 2009. fijian-english dictionary: with notes on fijian culture and natural history. r. gatty, suva, fiji. harrison, k. d. 2007. when languages die: the extinction of the world's languages and the erosion of human knowledge. oxford university press, new york. harley, c. d. g., a. r. hughes, k. m. hultgren, b. g. miner, c. j. b. sorte, c. s. thornber, l. f. rodriguez, l. tomanek, and s. l. williams. 2006. the impacts of climate change in coastal marine systems. ecology letters 9:228–241. doi:10.1111/ j.1461-0248.2005.00871.x. hviding, e. 1996. guardians of marovo lagoon: practice, place, and politics in maritime melanesia. university of hawaiʻi press, honolulu, hi. itano, d. 2009. palolo swarming. in natural history guide to american samoa, 3rd edition, edited by p. craig, pp. 32–33. national park of american samoa, pago pago, american samoa. kassam, k. a. s., m. l. ruelle, c. samimi, a. trabucco, and j. xu. 2018. anticipating climatic variability: the potential of ecological calendars. human ecology 46:249–257. doi:10.1007/s10745018-9970-5. kassam, k. a. s., u. bulbulshoev, and m. ruelle. 2011. ecology of time: calendar of the human body in the pamir mountains. journal of persianate studies 4:146–170. doi:10.1163/187471611x600369. kirch, p. v. 1994. the pre-christian ritual cycle of futuna, western polynesia. journal of the polynesian society 103:255–298. leach, e. r. 1950. primitive calendars. oceania 20:245–262. doi:10.1002/j.18344461.1950.tb00164.x. lefale, p. f. 2010. ua ‘afa le aso stormy weather today: traditional ecological knowledge of weather and climate. the samoa experience. climatic change 100:317–335. doi:10.1007/s10584 -009-9722-z. lieu, d., and d. nguyen. 2021. in photos: cha ruoi— vietnam’s famous sand worm omelet. vietnam life. available at: https:// vietnamlife.tuoitrenews.vn/news/ photo/20211120/in-photos-cha-ruoi-vietnamsfamous-and-worm-omelet/64236.html. accessed on november 20, 2021. malau, c. 2021. a dictionary of vurës, vanuatu. australian national university press, canberra. kelso et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(1):24–35 35 research communications mondragón, c. 2004. worms and mana: the traditional calendar of the torres islands, vanuatu. oceania 74:289–308. doi:10.1002/j.18344461.2004.tb02856.x. oberndorfer, e., n. winters, c. gear, g. ljubicic, and j. lundholm. 2017. plants in a “sea of relationships”: networks of plants and fishing in makkovik, nunatsiavut (labrador, canada). journal of ethnobiology 37:458–477. doi:10.2993/0278-0771 -37.3.458. pérez-ramos, i. m., j. cambrollé, m. d. hidalgogalvez, l. matías, a. montero-ramírez, s. santolaya, and ó. godoy. 2020. phenological responses to climate change in communities of plants species with contrasting functional strategies. environmental and experimental botany 170:103–852. doi:10.1016/ j.envexpbot.2019.103852. samoan society. 1928. the samoan division of time. journal of the polynesian society 37:228–240. schieffelin, b. b. 2002. marking time: the dichotomizing discourse of multiple temporalities. current anthropology 43:s5– s17. doi:10.1086/341107. schulze, a., and l. e. timm. 2012. palolo and un: distinct clades in the genus palola (eunicidae, polychaeta). marine biodiversity 42:161–171. doi:10.1007/s12526-011-0100-5. shuker, k. 2001. the hidden powers of animals: uncovering the secrets of nature. reader’s digest, pleasantville, ny. smetzer, b. 1969. night of the palolo. natural history 78:64–71. stair, j. b. 1847. an account of palolo, a sea-worm eaten in the navigator islands, with a description by j. e. gray, esq., f.r.s. etc. proceedings of the zoological society of london 15:17–18. stair, j. b. 1897. palolo, a sea-worm eaten by the samoans. journal of the polynesian society 6:141–144. tadataka, i. 2018. palolo swarming, celestial cycles, and indigenous calendrical systems in indonesia. 東南アジア研究 [southeast asian studies] 55:111– 138. doi:10.20495/tak.55.2_111 biocultural design: harvesting manomin with wabaseemoong independent nations kuzivanova and davidson-hunt. 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):23–30 23 perspectives materials have potential as resources for meeting aspirations of local communities through design projects that are inclusive of diverse knowledges about, and respectful of local values related to, the materials being utilized (davidson-hunt et al. 2012). it signals an intention to co-produce knowledge that addresses contemporary problems that are multidimensional and resists simple solutions using a process which moves from inspiring action to implementing ideas (buchanan 1992; davidson-hunt et al. 2012). bd also reflects a recent engagement of anthropological texts with design as a movement toward interaction with materials and cultural processes of making other worlds possible (escobar 2011; ingold 2013). additionally, bd draws upon the idea of biocultural heritage, which includes biological materials, traditional ecological knowledge (tek), and innovations (apgar et al. 2011; gavin et al. 2015; swiderska 2006). the use of tek—which is “a cumulative body of knowledge, practice and belief evolving by adaptive processes and handed down through generations by cultural transmission” (berkes 2012:7)—is an empowering act that allows for the reclamation of biocultural heritage and increases the social acceptability, economic feasibility, and ecological viability of introduction ethnobiology 5—as described by nabhan et al. (2011), wolverton (2013), and wyndham et al. (2011) —prioritizes applied science, multidisciplinarity, respect for different knowledge systems, support of indigenous innovation, and cultural practices that increase the resilience of social-ecological systems. it also opens space for forward-looking approaches with a focus on problem-solving, guided by local values and different knowledge systems building upon earlier ideas promoted by posey et al. (1984) and beaucage and taller de tradición oral del cepec (1997). these approaches are biocultural, ecocultural, ecogastronomic, focal, and reciprocal because they recognize the linkages between landscape degradation, damage, and destruction of landscapes and the disappearance of values, knowledge, practices, and beliefs of landscape inhabitants (e.g., gavin et al. 2015; higgs 2003; janzen 1988; kimmerer 2011; martinez 2003; nabhan et al. 2010). notable for its absence within the proposal for an ethnobiology 5, is design, despite having a presence within anthropological responses to the representational crisis (rabinow et al. 2008). biocultural design (bd) is rooted in a perspective that local biological biocultural design: harvesting manomin with wabaseemoong independent nations valeria kuzivanova 1* and iain j. davidson-hunt 1 1 natural resources institute, university of manitoba, winnipeg, manitoba, canada. * valeriakuzivanova@gmail.com abstract this essay describes how biocultural design (bd) was utilized to develop a manomin (wild rice, zizania palustris) harvest camp and the prospect of this approach to implement the principles reflected in recent calls for an ethnobiology 5. in this case, bd brought together knowledge, practices, and innovation within an intentional process of co-design to respond to the specific community aspirations of restoring relationships with manomin. the paper provides an overview of the benefits and challenges of using the practice of bd to re-establish wild rice harvesting. the information presented here is part of a larger initiative to restore manomin habitats, harvest practices, and consumption being undertaken by wabaseemoong independent nations, northwestern ontario, canada. received september 22, 2016 open access accepted january 8, 2017 doi 10.14237/ebl.8.1.2017.794 keywords biocultural restoration, wild rice, ethnobotany, anishinaabeg, canada copyright © 2017 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. kuzivanova and davidson-hunt. 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):23–30 24 perspectives projects. tek also contributes to “intensely respectful emotional engagement with nature,” which is a prerequisite for long-term community involvement with biological materials (hunn 2014:148). moreover, tek includes processes of creativity and innovation as individuals navigate the contemporary environments of their lives, drawing upon their histories and cultural memories linking the past with possible futures (davidson-hunt 2003). bd is an incipient design practice. it will develop as it is applied in diverse contexts and through such application concepts, and methodologies will be refined as outcomes, benefits, and challenges are evaluated. in this case, bd provided an approach to support our community colleague who desired a reengagement with the practice of manomin (zizania palustris) harvesting by the anishinaabe (ojibway, ojibwa, saulteaux, chippewa) people of wabaseemoong independent nations, located in northwestern ontario, canada (figure 1). this community, like other anishinaabe communities of the boreal forest, has been harvesting wild rice as a dietary staple and a plant of spiritual, symbolic, and economic significance since before recorded time. in august or september, for several weeks, most community members moved to their wild rice camps for the harvest. then, they either processed—or finished—manomin to prepare it for consumption, or sold it green (unprocessed) to buyers. until the 1900s, anishinaabe harvesting and finishing had remained mostly subsistence-based and relatively stable. however, the twentieth century brought enormous ecological, socio-cultural, and economic changes that disrupted wild rice harvesting figure 1 geographic location of the wabaseemoong independent nations community. kuzivanova and davidson-hunt. 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):23–30 25 perspectives and decreased community involvement (kuzivanova 2016). residential schools where children lived separately from their families, the industrialization of wild rice production, the loss of land resulting from the establishment of whiteshell provincial park, and the introduction of welfare and other economic opportunities on reserve lands, disrupted the relationships wabaseemoong independent nations members had with manomin. wild rice habitats were negatively impacted by hydroelectric developments on the winnipeg river and its principal tributary, the english river, and an increase in hydroelectric power consumption. the disappearance of wild rice harvesting and finishing practices resulted in diminishing knowledge and a shift of values, especially the knowledge and values of the younger generation. this loss is one of the main grievances of wabaseemoong independent nations elders. biocultural design: an approach to biocultural restoration bd can be thought of as a problem-solving practice comprised of values that guide the selected methodologies. davidson-hunt et al. (2012) suggest that the design team should identify values that act as a set of guiding coordinates for the design process. they provide some general coordinates related to the composition of the design team and its operational principles, political support, and other key values. these guiding coordinates are not meant to be prescriptive, but rather provide the team with a way to ensure innovations are consistent with their values. they also allow opportunities for creativity to emerge from the participants, who work toward identifying activities to fulfill their aspirations. the first step undertaken in wabaseemoong independent nations was to form a design team made up of community members and co-led by v. kuzivanova and m. mcdonald, who was the initiator of the project in the community. then, the team identified the guiding coordinates for the project as shown in table 1. these coordinates drew upon the ideas from human-centered design (brown 2009; ideo 2009), capability sensitive design (oosterlaken 2009), and wild design that focuses specifically on biocultural restoration projects (higgs 2003; higgs and hobbs 2010). they also relied on local values, similarly to the values-focused approach described in reid et al. (2014). while we used bd as an overarching practice of innovation and problem solving, the specific methods—participant observation, interviews, and biophysical methods—allowed for the collection of data at the early stages of information gathering. this data was then utilized as part of design workshops to generate ideas and prototypes that responded to the initial aspiration of the project. biocultural restoration: outcomes besides the process of co-design itself, the main project outcomes referred to tek documentation, site selection, and the involvement of children and young people through the community school (see kuzivanova 2016 for details). the documentation of tek at the beginning of the project allowed for the description and comparison of the relationships between wabaseemoong independent nations members and manomin in the past and in the present, as well as identification of cultural and ecological historical reference conditions for the restoration process. the choice and documentation of the sites for restoration efforts was based on historical and biophysical data, as well as site accessibility. the school, as the main partner for the involvement of young people and children, incorporated knowledge about manomin in its formal and informal curricula. the inclusion of this culturally appropriate knowledge contributed not only to the establishment of the missing relationships between community members and wild rice, but also to ongoing efforts of school staff to implement approaches that can transform and decolonize their system of education. one of the end products of this project was a working prototype for a wild rice camp, which the project participants chose as the main platform for reestablishing relationships between community members and manomin due to its hands-on character and the direct involvement of participants. the wild rice camp took place in the wabaseemoong traditional land use area on september 15–18, 2014. its prototype extensively relied on community residents’ tek, included different traditional elements, took place at the selected site, and allowed for the participation of diverse community members: elders, social services department clients, teachers, and high school students. it also provided opportunities for visiting cultural sites, crossing old portages, and offering tobacco, which is a sacred gift traditionally used in ceremonies. overall, the camp contributed to restorying of the landscape through resurfacing memories that were shared by elders with the younger generations and re-encoding manomin values into the culture—an important process of biocultural restora kuzivanova and davidson-hunt. 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):23–30 26 perspectives t a b le 1 g u id in g c o o rd in a te s fo r th e w a b a se e m o o n g i n d e p e n d e n t n a ti o n s b io cu lt u ra l re st o ra ti o n p ro je ct . g u id in g c o o rd in a te s e x p la n a ti o n i n t h e c o n te x t o f th is p ro je ct r e fe re n ce s d e si g n b ri e f a t th e s ta rt o f th e p ro je ct a d e si g n b ri e f — a t w o -p a g e d o cu m e n t p ro v id e d b y a c o m m u n it y r e p re se n ta ti v e i n n o v e m b e r 2 0 1 3 — e st a b li sh e d t h e c o n te xt o f th e s tu d y , p re li m in a ry r e se a rc h o b je cti v e s, r e st o ra ti o n o p ti o n s, a n d p o te n ti a l fu tu re u se s o f m a n o m in . t h is d e si g n b ri e f fo ll o w e d s ix m o n th s o f d is cu ss io n s b e tw e e n w a b a se e m o o n g i n d e p e n d e n t n a ti o n s a n d t h e u n iv e rs it y o f m a n it o b a a b o u t p o te n ti a l co ll a b o ra ti ve w o rk . d a v id so n -h u n t e t a l. 2 0 1 2 t h e m a in t e a m a n d s u b te a m s o f p a rti ci p a n ts w it h d iv e rs e sk il ls a n d k n o w le d g e t h e fi rs t d e si g n t e a m w a s e st a b li sh e d a t th e p re li m in a ry w o rk sh o p o n f e b ru a ry 2 0 1 4 . t h e n , th ro u g h o u t th is p ro je ct , p a rti ci p a n ts w o rk e d i n t e a m s/ su b te a m s a n d p la y e d d iff e re n t ro le s: te a ch e rs f o cu se d o n t h e i n v o lv e m e n t o f st u d e n ts ; w il d r ic e c a m p p a rti ci p a n ts t e st e d a n d p ro v id e d a f e e d b a ck o n t h e p ro to ty p e f o r a w il d r ic e c a m p ; a d u lt s, e ld e rs , a n d y o u n g p e o p le s h a re d th e ir k n o w le d g e a n d p e rs p e cti v e s o n t h e r e st o ra ti o n p ro ce ss . b ro w n 2 0 0 9 ; d a v id so n -h u n t e t a l. 2 0 1 2 v a ri o u s fo rm s o f e n g a g e m e n t to r e co n n e ct p e o p le w it h t h e ir la n d sc a p e s c o m m u n it y r e si d e n ts t o o k p a rt i n d iv e rs e a cti v iti e s, s u ch a s in te rv ie w s, w o rk sh o p s, e d u ca ti o n a l a cti v iti e s, a n d w il d r ic e c a m p — a f o u rd a y l o n g w il d r ic e h a rv e sti n g e v e n t (f ig u re 2 ). m . m cd o n a ld a n d t h e r e se a rc h a ss is ta n t w e re a ls o c o m m u n it y l ia is o n s a n d h e lp e d t ra n sc ri b e i n te rv ie w s, tr ig g e r th e s n o w b a ll s a m p li n g p ro ce ss , p re p a re w o rk sh o p s, c o n d u ct b io p h y si ca l su rv e y s, a n d sp re a d t h e w o rd a b o u t e v e n ts . h ig g s 2 0 0 3 ; h ig g s a n d h o b b s 2 0 1 0 s p a ce s o f in sp ir a ti o n , id e a ti o n , a n d i m p le m e n ta ti o n f ro m g a th e ri n g i n si g h ts t o c re a ti n g a cti o n p la n s t h e p ro je ct w e n t fr o m a d e si g n b ri e f to a p ro to ty p e f o r a w il d r ic e c a m p , th e m a in f u n cti o n a l o u tc o m e o f th e p ro je ct . t h e d e si g n b ri e f w a s th e m a in i n sp ir a ti o n t o o l. w it h in t h e s p a ce o f id e a ti o n , th e p a rti ci p a n ts d o cu m e n te d t e k , d e te rm in e d s it e s fo r re st o ra ti o n e ff o rt s, i d e n ti fi e d p o ss ib il iti e s fo r th e s ch o o l in v o lv e m e n t, a n d d e v e lo p e d a p ro to ty p e f o r a w il d r ic e c a m p . w it h in t h e sp a ce o f im p le m e n ta ti o n , te a ch in g m a te ri a ls w e re d e v e lo p e d f o r th e s ch o o l a n d a p ro to ty p e f o r a w il d r ic e c a m p w a s te st e d . b ro w n 2 0 0 9 ; id e o 2 0 0 9 m o v in g f ro m d iv e rg e n t th in k in g t o c o n ve rg e n t th in k in g d iv e rs e w a b a se e m o o n g i n d e p e n d e n t n a ti o n s m e m b e rs w e re a sk e d v e ry g e n e ra l q u e sti o n s o n th e r e st o ra ti o n o p ti o n s in t h e d e si g n b ri e f a t th e b e g in n in g t o c re a te c h o ic e s. m a n y o f th e i n iti a l re st o ra ti o n o p ti o n s, f o r in st a n ce , co n tr o ll in g w a te r le v e ls a n d u p g ra d in g r o a d s to r ic e fi e ld s fe ll a w a y a s p e o p le r e a li ze d t h a t p o ss ib il iti e s a lr e a d y e xi st e d t o h a rv e st r ic e w it h o u t in fr a st ru ct u re u p g ra d in g . b ro w n 2 0 0 9 ; d a v id so n -h u n t e t a l. 2 0 1 2 in te g ra ti n g t e k a n d w e st e rn sc ie n ce -b a se d k n o w le d g e b o th t e k a n d w e st e rn s ci e n ce -b a se d k n o w le d g e w e re i n co rp o ra te d i n a ll p ro je ct p h a se s a n d , th u s, b ro a d e n e d t h e b io cu lt u ra l re st o ra ti o n p ro ce ss . h ig g s 2 0 0 3 ; h ig g s a n d h o b b s 2 0 1 0 p ro to ty p in g o f e v e n t( s) /a cti v it y (i e s) /p ro ce ss (e s) t h e c u lm in a ti o n o f th e i d e a ti o n s ta g e a n d t h e w h o le p ro je ct w a s a p ro to ty p e f o r a w il d r ic e ca m p — a d e si ra b le , fe a si b le , a n d v ia b le m o d e l th a t fu lfi ll e d t h e p u rp o se s o f th e p ro je ct . b ro w n 2 0 0 9 ; id e o 2 0 0 9 e th ic a l e co lo g ic a l in te rv e n ti o n b a se d o n r e sp e ct t o e co sy ste m s t h e s it e c h o se n f o r fu rt h e r re st o ra ti o n e ff o rt s a n d f o r o rg a n iz in g w il d r ic e c a m p s in 2 0 1 4 r e q u ir e d m in im a l in te rv e n ti o n e ff o rt s. t h e i n iti a l si te s u g g e st e d i n t h e d e si g n b ri e f w a s d is m is se d d u e t o t h e n e ce ss it y t o r e p a ir t h e c u lv e rt s tr u ct u re t o c o n tr o l w a te r le v e ls . h ig g s 2 0 0 3 ; h ig g s a n d h o b b s 2 0 1 0 f o cu s o n c a p a b il iti e s – o p p o rtu n iti e s th a t a ll o w p e o p le t o li v e t h e ir l iv e s in a v a lu a b le m a n n e r a ll c o m m u n it y r e si d e n ts w e re g iv e n f re e d o m t o t a k e p a rt i n t h e p ro je ct i n g e n e ra l a n d t h e w il d ri ce c a m p i n p a rti cu la r, a s w e ll a s to s e ll t h e r ic e t h e y h a rv e st e d o r k e e p i t fo r p e rs o n a l co n su m p ti o n . t h e p ro je ct e xp a n d e d p a rti ci p a n ts ’ ca p a b il iti e s a n d f o cu se d o n l e a rn in g : a cq u is iti o n o f k n o w le d g e , sk il ls , n o rm s, a n d v a lu e s. o o st e rl a k e n 1 9 9 2 ; s e n 1 9 9 9 kuzivanova and davidson-hunt. 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):23–30 27 perspectives tion (wabaseemoong wild rice project 2016). one of the elder male camp participants later explained the importance of this experience: we talked to each other… it’s like we lived in the past. we were kids again. we pictured our parents. i could visualize all the relatives from the community. i could see them and feel the connection… how empowering it is. it is really something. reflections on the approach: why biocultural design? a biocultural design approach links an established practice of design with the biological materials and capabilities available to communities to meet their aspirations. design practice has moved toward multidimensional approaches that recognize that many challenges do not have single solutions but rather are indeterminate and comprise holistic complexes of related elements, which require systemic thinking—known by some as wicked problems (buchanan 1992). bd incorporates such ideas from design but with a specific focus on how local biological materials can contribute to processes of innovation that systematically include ecological, economic, social, and cultural dimensions. we propose four benefits of using the bd approach for biocultural restoration projects: co-designing in a team, prototyping, the capability approach, and the action component, as well as one major challenge. first, bd is a process of co-design in a team, which means that the product, service, or the whole system is designed in collaboration with subteams of people who will use it in the future (burkett 2014). in the wabaseemoong independent nations case, design brought multi-aged community residents and university researchers together. the diverse knowledge, skills, and experience of community members and university researchers increased the amount of available expertise and the possibility of unforeseen outcomes. community elders were the main project guides who shared their knowledge about traditional manomin harvesting, finishing, and storage practices, identified the reasons for the disruption of these practices, informed the site selection process, showed how to make traditional equipment for the camp, and retold stories that were included in the educational process. community teachers shared ideas on how wild rice could be included in the curricula and organized high school students’ outing to the ricing site. young people, who were also viewed as knowledgeable individuals, reflected on the restoration process and the involvement of the students. the main challenge for the co-leads of the design team was to ensure that all points of view, opinions, ideas, and expertise were respected. respect, as one of the guiding coordinates of the design process, required the co-designers to actively ensure that diverse perspectives were stated and considered at the early workshops during the design and implementation of the manomin harvest camp and as part of the final evaluation. one more positive characteristic of design lies in the recognition that every idea generated is a potential prototype, which diversifies restoration projects and helps to avoid a rigid technocratic process. after the testing and improvement of prototypes, new prototypes emerge because prototyping inspires new ideas (brown 2009). as the first wild rice camp in 2014 was considered a prototype, it was adapted and improved in 2015 and 2016 based on the suggestions of the 2014 camp participants. in the future, this prototype may additionally be adapted and applied to other community initiatives targeted at self-determined development and cultural well-being through the awareness of the value of traditional foods, such as figure 2 i. fisher knocking manomin into the canoe, 2014. photo credit: valeria kuzivanova. kuzivanova and davidson-hunt. 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):23–30 28 perspectives wild game and blueberries. besides the wild rice camp, numerous other related prototypes were generated and implemented for educational programs and activities. some examples are educational posters for science and native language classes, elder-youth workshops, and a nine-minute video showing the whole process of ricing—wild rice harvesting and finishing—which can be found on the project facebook page (wabaseemoong wild rice project 2016). additionally, design is a re-affirming and capability-enhancing process. it identifies solutions that build upon existing capabilities (sensu sen 1999) rather than gaps between what is needed and existing capabilities (table 1). design also shifts the focus to appreciative inquiry, which considers people as having gifts and skills, treats organizations as capable, and focuses on the development of worthwhile ideas (burkett 2014). for example, the facilitation techniques used at the wabaseemoong independent nations design workshops were primarily targeted at setting goals and identifying advantages. as opposed to approaches that highlight what is missing, design expands capabilities and allows building confidence to incrementally address more challenging problems. another positive characteristic of bd is that it changes the dominant discourse of indigenous peoples as victims to one that can be constructed by participants themselves as doers. overall, design brings the needed action component to biocultural restoration and translates knowledge into practice by using applied research as part of the design process (higgs and hobbs 2010; wolverton 2013; wyndham et al. 2011). bd recognizes that cultural processes are the means by which knowledge becomes dynamic and meets contemporary needs by building upon the ecological and cultural endowments of people living upon the lands of their ancestors (davidson-hunt et al. 2012). a male elder and teacher from wabaseemoong independent nations powerfully expressed the idea of the dynamism of knowledge, which contributes to land stewardship: hopefully, in the future, students can go not just rice picking, but also participate in other activities and preserve wildlife because it involves everything: the water, the plants, the trees, all that is right there… that’s why we need to keep moving and protect this area … while bd can be used to recognize capabilities and catalyze action, it is an approach that requires time to realize the benefits, which is one of the main challenges. participation allowing for community ownership of project outcomes requires iterative cycles of visioning, gathering information, assessing potential opportunities, deciding upon pathways of action, and evaluating outcomes before implementing a solution. a young male teacher from outside the community, who also participated in the wild rice camp, pointed out this challenge: going back and ricing brought tears into the eyes of those who already have experience and memories… i feel that it hasn’t necessarily translated to the next generation yet. they don’t have this bank of memories and experiences to draw from … as this happens over years, you start to reclaim those experiences into the culture. that’s good and that’s momentum. the thing is just carrying forward this momentum to next year. the leadership provided by diverse community members allowed for such momentum. the camp was undertaken again in 2015 and 2016. conclusion ethnobiology 5 has opened a new space for the practice of ethnobiology. we offer this perspective piece not as a critique of ethnobiology 5 but as an addition of a practice that could provide a new approach for an ethnobiology of the contemporary. while still incipient as a practice, we suggest that design could infuse ethnobiology with a renewed vigor in supporting the co-production of knowledge about biological materials to respond to present challenges of indigenous and local communities. acknowledgments we would like to thank community members for their wisdom and hospitality. in spite of their sacred relationship to manomin, they accepted, trusted us, and allowed us to be involved. we would especially like to acknowledge marvin mcdonald, the main community research partner and the lead project co-designer, and his whole family, for being very supportive and caring in both professional and personal capacities. we also thank anonymous reviewers and the ebl editorial team for their constructive comments. this research became possible due to the financial support of the social sciences and humanities research council grants #890-2011-0113 and #435-2015-1478, pi davidson-hunt, the university of manitoba, and the kuzivanova and davidson-hunt. 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):23–30 29 perspectives government of manitoba. declarations permissions: research ethics and compliance approval certificate issued by the joint-faculty research ethics board (university of manitoba). sources of funding: social sciences and humanities research council grants #890-2011-0113 and #4352015-1478, pi davidson-hunt, the university of manitoba, and the government of manitoba. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited apgar, j. m., j. m. ataria, and w. j. allen. 2011. managing beyond designations: supporting endogenous processes for nurturing biocultural development. international journal of heritage studies 17:555–570. doi:10.1080/13527258.2011.618250. beaucage, p., and taller de tradición oral del cepec. 1997. integrating innovation: the traditional nahua coffee-orchard (sierra norte de puebla, mexico). journal of ethnobiology 17:45–67. berkes, f. 2012. sacred ecology, 3rd edition. routledge, new york, ny. brown, t. 2009. change by design: how design thinking transforms organizations and inspires innovation. harper collins publishers, new york, ny. buchanan, r. 1992. wicked problems in design thinking. design issues 8:5–21. burkett, i. 2014. an introduction to co-design [web page]. available at: http:// www.design4socialinnovation.com.au/wp-content/ uploads/2014/09/an-introduction-to-co-designby-ingrid-burkett.pdf. accessed on december 12, 2015. davidson-hunt, i. j. 2003. indigenous lands management, cultural landscapes and anishinaabe people of shoal lake, northwestern ontario, canada. environments 31:21–41. davidson-hunt, i. j., k. l. turner, a. t. pareake mead, j. cabrera-lopez, r. bolton, c. j. idrobo, i. miretski, a. morrison, and j. p. robson. 2012. biocultural design: a new conceptual framework for sustainable development in rural indigenous and local communities. s.a.p.i.en.s. surveys and perspectives integrating environment and society 5:33–45. available at: http://sapiens.revues.org/1382. accessed on december 1, 2013. escobar, a. 2011. sustainability: design for the pluriverse. development 54:137–140. gavin, m. c., j. mccarter, a. mead, f. berkes, j. r. stepp, d. peterson, and r. tang. 2015. defining biocultural approaches to conservation. trends in ecology and evolution 30:140–145. doi:10.1016/ j.tree.2014.12.005. higgs, e. s. 2003. nature by design: people, natural processes, and ecological restoration. massachusetts institute of technology press, cambridge, ma. higgs, e. s., and r. j. hobbs. 2010. wild design: principles to guide interventions in protected areas. in beyond naturalness: rethinking parks and wilderness stewardship in an era of rapid change, edited by d. n. cole and l. yung, pp. 234–251. island press, washington, dc. hunn, e. 2014. to know them is to love them. ethnobiology letters 5:146–150. doi:10.14237/ ebl.5.2014.297. ideo. 2009. human-centered design toolkit, 2nd edition. ideo, san francisco, ca. ingold, t. 2013. making: anthropology, archaeology, art and architecture. routledge, london, united kingdom, and new york, ny. janzen, d. h. 1988. tropical ecological and biocultural restoration. science 239:243–244. kimmerer, r. 2011. restoration and reciprocity: the contributions of traditional ecological knowledge. in human dimensions of ecological restoration: integrating science, nature, and culture, edited by d. egan, e. e. hjerpe, and j. abrams, pp. 257–276. island press, washington, dc. kuzivanova, v. 2016. restoring manomin (wild rice): a case study with wabaseemoong independent nations. unpublished master’s thesis, natural resources institute, university of manitoba, winnipeg, mb, canada. available at: https:// umanitoba.ca/institutes/natural_resources/pdf/ theses/kuzivanova,%20valeria.mrnm% 202015.pdf. accessed on june 20, 2016. martinez, d. 2003. protected areas, indigenous peoples, and the western idea of nature. ecological restoration 21:247-250. available at: https:// www.ser.org/docs/default-document-library/ protected-areas-indigenous-peoples-and-the-western kuzivanova and davidson-hunt. 2017. ethnobiology letters 8(1):23–30 30 perspectives -idea-of-nature.pdf?sfvrsn=0. accessed on april 20, 2014. nabhan, g. p., d. walker, and a. m. moreno. 2010. biocultural and ecogastronomic restoration: the renewing america’s food traditions alliance. ecological restoration 28:266-279. available at: http:// www.albc-usa.org/raft/images/resources/ biocultural_and_ecogastronomic_restoration.pdf. accessed on march 25, 2014. nabhan, g. p., f. wyndham, and d. lepofsky. 2011. ethnobiology for a diverse world: ethnobiology emerging from a time of crisis. journal of ethnobiology 31:172–175. doi:10.2993/0278-0771-31.2.172. oosterlaken, i. 2009. design for development: a capability approach. design issues 25:91–102. posey, d. a., j. frechione, j. eddins, and l. f. da silva. 1984. ethnoecology as applied anthropology in amazonian development. human organization 43:95–107. rabinow, p., g. e. marcus, j. d. faubion, and t. rees. 2008. designs for an anthropology of the contemporary. duke university press, durham, nc. reid, m. g., c. hamilton, s. k. reid, w. trousdale, c. hill, n. turner, c. r. picard, c. lamontagne, and h. d. matthews. 2014. indigenous climate change adaptation planning using a valuesfocused approach: a case study with the gitga'at nation. journal of ethnobiology 34:401–424. sen, a. 1999. development as freedom. random house, new york, ny. swiderska, k. 2006. protecting traditional knowledge: a framework based on customary laws and bio-cultural heritage sustainable agriculture, biodiversity and livelihoods programme. paper presented at the international conference on endogenous development and bio-cultural diversity. geneva, switzerland. available at: http:// pubs.iied.org/pdfs/g01069.pdf. accessed on january 5, 2014. wabaseemoong wild rice project. 2015. this 9 minute video is from last year, thank you to the people who produced it valeria and anastasia, and the people in the video, thank you iian [facebook post]. available at: https://www.facebook.com/ wabaseemoong-wild-rice-project674480755940362/?fref=ts. accessed on december 23, 2016. wolverton, s. 2013. ethnobiology 5: interdisciplinarity in an era of rapid environmental change. ethnobiology letters 4:21–25. doi:10.14237/ ebl.4.2013.11. wyndham, f. s., d. lepofsky, and s. tiffany. 2011. taking stock in ethnobiology: where do we come from? what are we? where are we going? journal of ethnobiology 31:110–127. doi:10.2993/0278-077131.1.110. ranking tool created for medicinal plants at risk of being overharvested in the wild   research communica on  ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 77‐88. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.169. 77 mation about plant populations was unavailable, the organization deliberately chose to be conservative in their assessments and include species on the list (gladstar 2000). plants for which multiple species may be harvested and sold under the same common name (e.g. “echinacea” or “eyebright”) were scored collectively as a genus. as of december 2012, the united plant savers at-risk list included 14 species and 7 genera, while the to-watch list included 17 species and 5 genera. the at-risk and to-watch lists immediately filled a unique role in plant conservation. many other agencies have created lists: the federal endangered species act works to protect the very rarest of species; natureserve provides a standard ranking system used by all us states to score plant species based on rarity and abundance; and the convention on international trade in endangered species (cites) regulates international trade in threatened species. none of these other lists, however, considers issues specific to medicinal plants, including market forces and method of harvest. the at-risk and towatch lists were therefore widely disseminated and used by different audiences. governmental agencies, introduction competing interests for land use, a growing human population, and a growing herbal products industry place pressure on populations of wild-harvested medicinal plants. as a reaction to these growing threats, the united plant savers (ups) formed in 1995 with a mission to “protect native medicinal plants of the united states and canada and their native habitats while ensuring an abundant supply of medicinal plants for generations for come” (ups 2013). one step towards accomplishing this mission was to create lists of medicinal plant species deemed most vulnerable to over-harvest (“at-risk”) and those less vulnerable but still of great concern (“to-watch”). first officially published in 2000 as part of the united plant savers’ planting the future book (gladstar and hirsch), the at-risk and to-watch lists were developed following a long series of discussions that included input from herbalists, ecologists, land managers and herb growers. the listed plants were considered to be sensitive to human activity based on market analysis, habitat specificity, impacts of harvest, and lack of techniques or material for large scale cultivation (gladstar 2000). where scientific inforranking tool created for medicinal plants at risk of being  overharvested in the wild  lisa marie castle 1* , susan leopold 2 , rachel cra 3 , kelly kindscher 3  author address: 1 southwestern oklahoma state university, department of biological sciences, 100 campus drive, weather‐ ford,  ok  73096  2 united  plant  savers,  po  box  776,  athens,  oh  45701,  3 kansas  biological  survey,  2101  constant  ave.,  lawrence, ks 66047   * corresponding author: lisa.castle@swosu.edu   received: september 26, 2013  volume 5:77‐88  published: may 30, 2014  © 2014 society of ethnobiology  abstract:  we developed an adaptable, transparent tool that can be used to quan fy and compare vulnerability to overharvest for wild collected medicinal plants. subsequently, we are crea ng a list of the most threatened medicinal plants in temperate north america. the new tool scores species according to their life history, the effects of harvest, their abundance and range, habitat, and demand. the resul ng rankings, based on explicit criteria rather than expert opinion, will make it easier to discuss areas of vulnerability and set conserva on priori es. here we present scores for 40 species assessed using the at-risk tool and discuss the traits that led to different scores for six example species: echinacea (echinacea angus folia  dc. asteraceae), peyote (lophophora williamsii (lem. ex salm-dyck) j.m. coult. cactaceae), sandalwood (santalum spp. l. santalaceae), s nging ne le (ur ca  dioica l. ur caceae), american ginseng (panax  quinquefolius  l. araliaceae) and mayapple (podophyllum peltatum l. berberidaceae).  keywords: medicinal plants, sustainable harvest, plant conserva on    research communica on  ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 77‐88. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.169. 78 conservation organizations, popular media, herb sellers and growers, consumers, and herbalists have all referred to the ups lists (cech 1998, westfall and glickman 2004, mccoy et al. 2007, roberson 2008). as use of the lists has expanded, so has recognition of their limitations. despite a stated desire for the lists to be continuously reviewed and for species to be removed from the lists as the threat of over-harvest is reduced (gladstar 2000), the difficulties of including input from so many stakeholders made the lists effectively static. neither additional plants nor additional information could be easily added. without publicly available criteria, inclusion on the at-risk list did not provide any information about the factors causing a species to be vulnerable, information about areas of greatest conservation concern, or means of comparing one species to another. working with the united plant savers, we set out to create a tool to answer these criticisms and better aid in setting conservation priorities for wildharvested medicinal plants. our primary goal was to create a tool that: 1) meets the needs of the diverse users of the united plant savers lists, 2) leads to numerical scores of vulnerability to over-harvest that are comparable across species, 3) is based on explicit, science-based criteria, and 4) is transparent and adaptable such that new information or new plants can be added at any time. our second goal was to use the assessment tool to score plants and use the numerical scores to inform updates to the at-risk and to-watch lists. materials and methods creation of the assessment tool the format of the assessment tool was patterned after the blue oceans group’s seafood mini guides (brownstein et al. 2003). as with susceptibility of seafood to over-fishing, vulnerability to over-harvest depends on many different factors, from intrinsic life history traits to market forces. based on literature, logic, and discussions with conservation practitioners, five main factors that influence a species’ vulnerability to overharvest were determined: life history, effect of harvest on individual plants, population size, habitat, and demand (peters 1994, cunningham 2001, schippmann et al. 2002, schippmann et al. 2006). while it was recognized that each of these factors is important, it was impossible to quantify their relative importance, so like the seafood assessment or rabinowitz’s “seven forms of rarity” (1981), we considered each factor equally. the at-risk assessment tool is divided into five sections based on these factors. each section begins with a broad multiple choice question that leads to a score of 4 to 12 points, which is then modified by three to five questions that can add or subtract up to two points each. the range for point values was selected for ease of use with integer values and whole number totals. absolute magnitude of the scores is not meaningful outside of the context of the tool. the complete list of main and modifying questions and their associate point values can be found on the at-risk assessment tool in appendix a. a species’ score is the sum of all the section scores and the higher the point total, the more vulnerable the plant species is to overexploitation. the questions in each section are discussed below. life history section this group of questions assesses how quickly a plant can grow and spread. for example, a long-lived perennial that is destructively killed when harvested will score 12 points for life history, while a harvested annual will score only 4. vegetative reproduction in the wild will decrease this score, and the necessity of a specialist pollinator will increase it. effect of harvest on individuals section this group of questions will produce higher scores for plant species that are root harvested rather than those for which the leaves are used. re-sprouting or quick recovery will decrease this score and a long harvest season (thus being open to year round exploitation) will increase it. population size section these questions’ scores will primarily be determined by the extent and density of naturally occurring populations. the size of the range and habitat specificity modify this section score. habitat section the main question in this section is about the vulnerability and extent of a plant species’ habitat. habitats that are both limited and specifically threatened score 12 points, and habitats that are widespread and no more threatened than all natural areas score 4. modifying questions concern fragmentation, soil type, and particular habitat threats (e.g. urbanization, logging, invasive species).   research communica on  ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 77‐88. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.169. 79 demand section these questions’ scores will primarily be determined by the annual demand for wild harvested plant product. availability of widely accepted substitutes and ease of cultivation will decrease this score, while unique uses and failed past attempts at cultivation will increase it. the process of refining the list of questions was collaborative and iterative. at each stage, plant ecologists and medicinal herbs specialists were asked to independently score plant species. areas where scores were most divergent were noted and discussions ensued about whether the differences were due to incomplete information or different interpretations of the questions. after several rounds of scoring and discussion, a committee of 14 met in person in july 2005 for an at-risk tool review meeting at herbpharm in williams, oregon. at this time, we placed quantitative bounds on question responses (e.g. that high demand is more than 10 tons dry weight collected annually in the united states, or that a large range extends more than 300 miles) and questions for which the answers are unknown for most species (e.g. seed bank details, or how disturbance affects reproductive output) were removed from the tool. we recognized that one of the weaknesses of the tool is that good data on the actual number of plants, seed produced, and other reproductive characteristics do not exist for most species of medicinal plants. selection of species and scoring all of the taxa on the united plant savers at-risk or to-watch lists as of october 2012 were scored using the tool. stinging nettle (urtica dioica l. urticaceae) and elderberry (sambucus canadensis l. caprifoliaceae) were also scored because we wanted to include species that likely (and did) have low scores because they were not at risk. each species was independently assessed by at least three scorers who work in the field of plant ecology. many species were also assessed by undergraduate students in plant science classes at glenville state college and southwestern oklahoma state university as part of an assignment investigating medicinal plants and internet information retrieval. to assess a species, the scorer enters the point value for each main and modifying question on a score sheet. the score sheet also contains a space for the scorer to enter a note about the relevant knowledge for that question and a space to identify the source of that knowledge. where possible, scorers relied on primary and well-documented secondary source information including the north carolina consortium on natural medicines grower’s guides, the usda plants database and the american herbal products association tonnage reports (greenfield and davis 2004, usda, nrcs 2013, dentali and zimmerman 2012). where better-documented data were unavailable, plant information was also gleaned from web pages of wildcrafters, retail herbal companies, and home gardeners. “master scores” for each species were assigned by kindscher or castle. to do this, all of the independent score sheets were compiled and a score for each question was assigned based on the consensus responses from the individual score sheets or from reconciling differences based on source data. results scores on the 40 species assessed ranged from a low (least vulnerable to overharvest) of 8 for nettles (u. dioca) to a high (most vulnerable to overharvest) of 75 for sandalwood (santalum paniculatum hook & arn. santalaceae and related species) (figure 1). the most vulnerable species scored, including sandalwood, had high scores in all five areas assessed. many species on the original at-risk list had high scores for several categories, but not for all, which highlights different areas of greatest concern for different species. collectively, those species on the 2012 at-risk list had higher average scores than those on the 2012 to-watch list and those on the to-watch list had higher average scores than the species assessed that were not listed by united plant savers. many individual species from the 2012 to-watch list, however, scored higher than some individual species originally deemed at-risk, which indicates a need to examine the dividing line between at-risk and to-watch. discussion case studies of species on the at-risk list the following case studies present a range of species that were scored with the ranking tool. 1) eastern deciduous perennials: american ginseng (panax quinquefolius l. araliaceae), score of 63, and mayapple (podophyllum peltatum l. berberidaceae), score of 34 many of the species on the original at-risk list are herbaceous perennials from the understory of the deciduous forest in the eastern united states and canada. most of these species are long-lived and harvested for root or rhizome use (klein 2000), giving   research communica on  ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 77‐88. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.169. 80 them high scores for the main questions in life history and effects of harvest on individuals, yet the overall scores can be quite different. comparing mayapple (overall score of 34) with american ginseng (overall score of 63) highlights the areas in which two perennial species from the same woodlands can differ. mayapples can thrive along roadsides, spread rhizomatously, and are easy to grow in a garden setting, decreasing their life history score compared with disturbance intolerant ginseng. while both species have a naturally wide range, covering hundreds of kilometers, ginseng patches are much less dense and more difficult to find than mayapple patches. adverse effects of the plant-killing harvest on population size and structure in ginseng populations have been documented (mcgraw 2001, mooney and mcgraw 2009, rock et al. 2012), thereby increasing the relative vulnerability of ginseng to overharvest. both mayapple and ginseng live in a habitat of fairly stable size that is threatened by invasive species, overgrazing by deer, and expanded human development. impacts of these habitat changes on ginseng populations have been studied and documented (mcgraw and furedi 2005, wixted and mcgraw 2010). mayapple populations, frequently visible from roadsides, appear less disturbed by these habitat changes; but, as with most medicinal plant species, effects of habitat changes on the populations have not been directly studied. demand for ginseng remains high and, although cultivation is possible, wild-harvested roots continue   0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 u rt ic a  d io ca  ( o t h )  8 s a m b u cu s  ca n a d e n si s  (o t h )  1 9 m it ch e ll a  r e p e n s  (t w )  2 7 p o d o p h y ll u m  p e lt a tu m  ( t w )  3 4 u lm u s  ru b ra  ( a t r )  3 4 s p ig e li a  m a ri la n d ic a  ( t w )  3 5 c a st e la  e m o ry i  (t w )  3 9 c h im a p h il a  u m b e ll a ta  ( t w )  4 0 a ct a e a  r a ce m o sa  ( a t r )  4 0 e u p h ra si a  s p p .  (a t r )  4 0 a n e m o p si s  ca li fo rn ic a  ( t w )  4 1 a sc le p ia s  tu b e ro sa  ( t w )  4 1 c o ll in so n ia  c a n a d e n si s  (t w )  4 1 d io sc o re a  v il lo sa  ( a t r )  4 1 b a p ti si a  t in ct o ri a  ( t w )  4 2 b u rs e ra  m ic ro p h yl la  ( t w )  4 4 e ch in a ce a  a n g u st if o li a  ( a t r )  4 4 c a u lo p h y ll u m  t h a li ct ro id e s  (a t r )  4 5 a le tr is  f a ri n o sa  ( a t r )  4 6 t ri ll iu m  s p p .  (a t r )  4 6 a ri st o lo ch ia  s e rp e n ta ri a  ( a t r )  4 7 s a n g u in a ri a  c a n a d e n si s  (a t r )  4 7 li g u st ic u m  p o rt e ri  ( a t r )  4 8 e p ip a ct is  g ig a n te a  ( t w )  4 9 s a lv ia  a p ia n a  ( t w )  4 9 c h a m a e li ri u m  l u te u m  ( a t r )  4 9 lo p h o p h o ra  w il li a m si i  (a t r )  4 9 h y d ra st is  c a n a d e n si s  (a t r )  5 0 lo m a ti u m  d is se ct u m  ( a t r )  5 0 a ll iu m  t ri co cc u m  ( o t h )  5 0 d ic e n tr a  c a n a d e n si s  (t w )  5 1 f ra n g u la  p u rs h ia n a  ( t w )  5 1 a d ia n tu m  p e d a tu m  ( t w )  5 2 a ra li a  r a ce m o sa  ( t w )  5 3 d ro se ra  s p p .  (a t r )  5 8 d io n a e a  m u sc ip u la  ( a t r )  6 1 p a n a x  q u in q u e fo li u s  (a t r )  6 3 c y p ri p e d iu m  s p p .  (a t r )  6 6 p ip e r  m e th y st ic u m  ( t w )  6 8 s a n ta lu m  s p p .  (a t r )  7 5 life history effects of harvest population size habitat demand figure 1. scores of species and genera scored using the at‐risk tool. parentheses indicate previous lis ng by the united  plant savers (as of december 2012) as at‐risk (atr), to‐watch (tw) or unlisted (“other”, otr). colored regions indicate  magnitude of the subscores for life history, effects of harvest on individuals and popula ons, popula on size, habitat, and  demand.    research communica on  ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 77‐88. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.169. 81 to sell at a considerable premium (hankins 1998, chamberlin et al. 2013). the demand for mayapple, meanwhile, is low: a recent internet search found many more retailers selling plants for ornamental garden use than selling medicinal mayapple products in any form. while no long-lived perennial harvested for roots or rhizomes is invulnerable to overharvest, mayapple exhibits traits that make it considerably less vulnerable than american ginseng. 2) nettle (urtica dioica), score of 8 stinging nettles is a well-known herb that is common in moist soil and waste places. its low score suggests it is not at risk of over-harvest and it exemplifies many of the traits of species for which wild harvest is not currently of conservation concern. it is a perennial that reproduces the first year from seed, spreads by rhizomes, and is almost invasive. as only the leaves and stems are generally collected, harvest does not impact the population much. a nettle patch can be harvested more than once per year, and certainly every year as it re-grows easily. the plant is naturally abundant with a large range and many dense populations that appear to be stable, and painful to harvest, across its range. its specific habitat is not threatened and there are large areas of low, moist waste ground along creeks and streams. finally, although the annual demand for nettles is moderate, the plant is high yielding and can easily be cultivated. overall this plant is not at risk for being over-harvested. 3) sandalwood (santalum spp.), score of 75 native hawaiian sandalwood is vulnerable to overharvest and possibly at risk of extinction due to the fact that it takes more than 40 years to mature, and harvesting involves removing the entire tree. furthermore the sandalwood tree is a hemi-parasite species that needs certain host plants in order to grow, making it a tricky species to reforest successfully. sandalwood’s extraordinary fragrance, versatility, and medicinal properties have put it in high demand for centuries, all over the world. this is why hawaii’s native sandalwood population was almost completely decimated during the infamous sandalwood trade that took place during 1815-1825. despite this history, hawaii remains the only region in the world where sandalwood is commercially harvested without regulation. native hawaiian sandalwood represents a quarter of the diversity of the genus santalum. six separate species are found throughout the hawaiian islands, and within these species are several unique varieties, all endemic to the islands. one variety, santalum freycinetianum var. lanaiense rock, has already been officially recognized as endangered (usda, nrcs 2013). currently, s. paniculatum is the only species that is currently commercially harvested on the big island (tummons 2010). sandalwood was placed on the ups at-risk list by a board vote in 2011. after hearing concerns about exploitation of sandalwood in hawaii, ups members scored the plant using a draft version of the tool, and then came to the consensus decision to add sandalwood to the at-risk list. it is the only taxon that has been added to the list after being scored with the tool. sandalwood has a high life history score as it is a long-lived tree that does not reproduce easily. it scored high on effects of harvest on populations because the entire plant is harvested, many plants do not re-grow, and for those that do, they are slow growing. it scored very high in abundance and range, which are both very limited due to limited habitats on an island. the habitat of native sandalwood is both scarce and threatened. finally, sandalwood scores high in demand because there is a large market for the volatile oil and no commercial cultivation exists in the us. overall, sandalwood, with a score of 75, exemplifies all of the traits of a plant species at great risk of being over-harvested. 4) echinacea (echinacea angustifolia dc. asteraceae), score of 44 the echinacea genus in north america includes nine species with very different ranges and medicinal use patterns. the most popular medicinal echinacea is e. angustifolia, which is primarily harvested in the wild (price and kindscher 2007; kindscher et al. 2008). also in the genus are echinacea purpurea (l.) moench, which is widely cultivated, and two species that have been listed as threatened or endangered (e. sanguinea nutt. and e. tennesseensis (beadle) small). to clarify assessment, we are considering echinacea species separately, rather than as a collective genus as originally listed on the at-risk list. we have scored only e. angustifolia here, but caution that e. sanguinea and e. tennesseensis, because of their small population sizes and limited ranges, are species more vulnerable to overharvest. the life history score for e. angustifolia is low to moderate because, although it is a long-lived perennial, it tolerates disturbance, produces lots of seeds, and most interesting, half of the harvested plants are able   research communica on  ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 77‐88. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.169. 82 to re-sprout after the top 6-10 inches (15-25 cm) of root is harvested (kindscher et al. 2008). the score for “effects of harvest” is high because roots are harvested (which can kill the plant), it takes years for plants to be large enough to harvest, harvest is conducted nearly year-round, and, when recovery from harvest occurs, it takes several years for the roots to be large enough for harvest again. the abundance and range score is very low because many scattered populations exist over a large range of great plains states and e. angustifolia can grow in many broad habitats, although some populations have been decreasing due to grazing, herbicide use, and other land management practices. the habitat vulnerability score is moderately low as the rocky prairie habitat is widespread and not particularly threatened. since the great plowing of prairies occurred, habitats have remained generally available with no special threats, and the plants do not require any unique soil type. the demand score is moderately high as market demand is high, but yield per acre is moderate, and cultivated sources are known and available. overall, e. angustifolia, with a score of 44, has only a moderate risk of being over-harvested. 5) peyote (lophophora williamsii, (lem. ex salmdyck) j.m. coult. cactaceae) , score of 49 l. williamsii, or peyote, is an unusual medicinal plant as it is not legal for most people to harvest or possess it, yet it is a central part of a native american sacrament. there is considerable concern about the over-harvest of this plant due to its limited range, the tightening of trade across the mexican border, and the growth of the native american church (terry et al. 2011). peyote scores high on life history as it is a longlived cactus that produces slowly, but it does vegetatively propagate and tolerate some disturbance. it also scores high on the effects of harvest because either crowns or whole plants are collected and the harvest season is very long. when the crowns are harvested, regrowth takes at least four years (terry, personal communication january 2013; terry et al., 2011). as for abundance and range, it has a moderately high score as populations are not dense, most of the large range is in mexico and inaccessible to us harvesters, and population declines have been documented. peyote’s main habitat score is fairly low, as its habitat is widespread and has not changed greatly over the last decades. modifying questions increase this section score because the plant is only found on calcareous soil and the habitat is threatened by invasive species and development. the highly regulated market keeps legal demand low, but the demand section score is increased because the yield per acre is less than 10 pounds, no substitutes are acceptable, and it is not currently commercially cultivated. conclusions: applications and limitations we believe that the at-risk tool can be a useful method of summarizing a plant species’ vulnerability to over-exploitation and will be helpful for setting conservation priorities. the tool does not provide a clear numerical cut-off between species that warrant protection and species that can be harvested without concern. it does, however, provide a snapshot of relative vulnerability based on magnitude of total score, and a quick synopsis of areas of greatest concern based on the subscores. additional influences on vulnerability and missing information we recognize that other factors not included in the tool may influence a species’ vulnerability and these circumstances will require broader discussion. we also recognize that the information on plant populations, habitats, and demand, that are required to use the tool, are not always well documented and are rarely available in the same form across species. while this lack of consistent baseline data highlights a limitation of the tool, it also demonstrates an important secondary function of the tool: use of the tool requires a compilation of available information into one place and draws attention to areas where data is entirely lacking. such gaps in knowledge can be the starting point for future studies, and use of the tool brings them to light. an important attribute of the tool is that it is adaptable to new information and that scores can be easily updated or generated as new information is learned or conditions change. using scores and the at-risk tool we are hopeful that, like the original at-risk and towatch lists, the new scores will be used by a wide range of audiences, from land management organizations setting conservation priorities to herbalists recommending appropriate alternatives to the most vulnerable herbs. the availability of subscores for each area should aid in planning and decision-making. for example, even though they both score 49, different strategies should be employed to protect white sage (salvia apiana jeps. lamiaceae), which has a highly threatened habitat in the southern california desert and moderate demand for leaves, than to   research communica on  ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 77‐88. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.169. 83 protect the stream orchid (epipactis gigantea douglas ex. hook. orchidaceae), which has low demand but an inherently more vulnerable life history, being a water-loving perennial orchid. the tool can be used to quickly model how potential changes might affect a species’ vulnerability. if a plant were determined next year to be the next viagra, only better, then the at-risk tool could be used to determine to what degree we should be concerned about its potential overharvest. it can also be used to project effects of changes in range and habitat due to climate change, invasive species or urban expansion. opportunities for expansion one current limitation of use of the tool is small sample size of plants scored. scores would be of greater value if they could be compared to scores from a broader sample of medicinal plants. we heartily encourage others interested and knowledgeable about medicinal plants in north america to assess plants using the at-risk tool and submit the results and comments to the united plant savers. while designed for wild-harvested medicinal plants in temperate north america, the questions on the at-risk tool can apply to many other groups of plants and regions with only slight modifications to questions. the tool can also serve as a dynamic teaching instrument for students and the general public who are concerned about wild plant populations. as use of the at-risk tool expands to other species and other regions, we anticipate productive discussions for adjustments to provide scores that will best inform practitioners working with the goal of sustainable plant populations. acknowledgements there are many people who have helped with developing this tool. the at-risk list was developed by the united plant savers, and their staff and board over the years have been instrumental in maintaining and promoting the list. the current board also requested that we work on this tool and provided some funds for its development. among those on the board and staff, advisory board, and others who have helped, are: beth baugh, tim blakely, david bunting, richo cech, jim chamberlain, trish flaster, edward fletcher, steven foster, cascade anderson geller, rosemary gladstar, mindy green, christopher hobbs, gary kauffman, sara katz, lynda lemole, michael mcguffin, and mark wheeler. hillary loring, quinn long, jennifer moody, and students from glenville state college 2007 and 2009 botany classes and southwestern oklahoma state university 2012 plant taxonomy all scored individual plant species. zella classen assisted with data management and fact checking. declarations permissions: none declared. sources of funding: the united plant savers provided funds to kindscher, castle, and their students to meet, print posters, and complete the project. conflicts of interest: susan leopold is employed by the united plant savers. references cited brownstein, c., m. lee, and c. safina. 2003. harnessing consumer power for ocean conservation. conservation magazine 4:39-42. cech, r. a. 1998. balancing conservation with utilization: restoring populations of commercially valuable medicinal herbs in forests and agroforests. paper presented at the north american conference on enterprise development through agroforestry. minneapolis, mn, october 4-7. chamberlain, j. l., s. prisley, and m. mcguffin. 2013. understanding the relationships between american ginseng harvest and hardwood forests inventory and timber harvest to improve co-management of the forests of eastern united states. journal of sustainable forestry (in press). cunningham a. b. 2001. applied ethnobotany: people, wild plant use, and conservation. earthscan publications, london, uk. dentali, s. and m. zimmermann. 2012. tonnage surveys of select north american wild-harvested plants, 2006-2010. american herbal products association. silver springs, md. gladstar, r. 2000. introduction. pp. 1-12 in planting the future, edited by r. gladstar and p. hirsch. healing arts press, rochester, vt. gladstar, r. and p. hirsch. 2000. planting the future. healing arts press, rochester, vt. greenfield, j. and j. davis. 2004. medicinal herb production guides. north carolina consortium on natural medicines and public health. north carolina state university, raleigh, nc.   research communica on  ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 77‐88. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.169. 84 hankins, a. 1998. producing and marketing wild simulated ginseng in forest and agroforestry systems. paper presented at the north american conference on enterprise development through agroforestry. minneapolis, mn, october 4-7. kindscher, k., d. m. price, and l. castle. 2008. resprouting of echinacea angustifolia augments sustainability of wild medicinal plant populations. economic botany 62(2):139-147. klein, r. 2000. wise old plants. pp. 24-38 in: planting the future, edited by r. gladstar and p. hirsch. healing arts press, rochester, vt. mccoy, j. a., j. m. davis, n. d. camper, i. khan, and a. bharathi. 2007. influence of rhizome propagule size on yields and triterpene glycoside concentrations of black cohosh [actaea racemosa (l.) syn cimicifuga racemosa (l.) nuttal]. hortscience 42 (1): 61-64. mcgraw, j. b. 2001. evidence for decline in stature of american ginseng plants from herbarium specimens. biological conservation 98:25-32. mcgraw, j. b. and m. a. furedi. 2005. deer browsing and population viability of a forest understory plant. science 307(5711):920-922. mooney, e. h. and j. b. mcgraw. 2009. relationship between age, size and reproduction in populations of american ginseng, panax quinquefolius (araliaceae), across a range of harvest pressures. ecoscience 16 (1): 84-94. peters, c. m. 1994. sustainable harvest of non-timber plant resources in tropical moist forest: an ecological primer. the new york botanical garden, bronx, ny. price, d. h. and k. kindscher. 2007. one hundred years of echinacea angustifolia harvest in the smoky hills of kansas, usa. economic botany 61:8695. rabinowitz, d. 1981. seven forms of rarity. pp 205217 in: the biological aspects of rare plant conservation. edited by j. synge. wiley, new york. roberson, e. 2008. medicinal plants at risk. a native plant conservation campaign report. center for biological diversity. tucson, az. rock, j., g. kauffman, and n. murdock. 2012. harvesting of medicinal plants in the southern appalachian mountains. journal of medicinal plant conservation. winter 2012: 12-13.schippmann u., d. leaman, and a. b. cunningham. 2006. a comparison of cultivation and wild collection of medicinal and aromatic plants under sustainability aspects. pp. 75-95 in medicinal and aromatic plants, edited by r.j, bogers, l.e. craker, and d. lange. wageningen ur frontis series, vol. 17. springer, dordrecht, the netherlands. schippmann u., d. j. leaman, and a. b. cunningham. 2002. impact of cultivation and gathering of medicinal plants on biodiversity: global trends and issues. in biodiversity and the ecosystem approach in agriculture, forestry and fisheries. inter-departmental working group on biological diversity for food and agriculture, fao, rome. terry, m., k. trout, b. williams, t. herrera, and n. fowler. 2011. limitations to natural production of lophophora williamsii (cactaceae) i. regrowth and survivorship two years post harvest in a south texas population. journal of the botantical research institute of texas 5:661−675. tummons, p. 2010. dispute over hokukano sandalwood logging ends up before federal bankruptcy judge. environment hawaii 21:1. westfall, r. e. and b. w. glickman. 2004. conservation of indigenous medicinal plants in canada. in proceedings of the species at risk 2004 pathways to recovery conference, edited by t. d. hooper. species at risk 2004 pathways to recovery organizing committee, victoria, b.c. ups. 2013. the united plant savers homepage (http://www.unitedplantsavers.org/, accessed 9 sept. 2013). east barre, vt, usa. usda, nrcs. 2013. the plants database (http://plants.usda.gov, accessed 1 july 2013).national plant data team, greensboro, nc 27401-4901 usa. wixted, k. l. and j. b. mcgraw. 2010. competitive and allelopathic effects of garlic mustard (alliaria petiolata) on american ginseng (panax quinquefolius). plant ecology 208:347-357. biosketch lisa marie castle  inves gates plant‐human interac ons  and  teaches  as  an  assistant  professor  of  biology  at  southwestern oklahoma state university.     research communica on  ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 77‐88. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.169. 85 susan  leopold  is  execu ve  director  of  united  plant  savers  and  serves  as  board  member  of  botanical  dimensions and the center for sustainable economy.   rachel  cra   is  a  phd  candidate  at  the  university  of  kansas,  department  of  sociology,  and  a  graduate  research assistant at the kansas biological survey.  kelly  kindscher  is  a  plant  ecologist  at  the  kansas  biological survey and a professor  in the environmental  studies program at the university of kansas.     research communica on  ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 77‐88. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.169. 86 appendix a: united plant savers at‐risk assessment tool    i. life history: how vulnerable are plants based on their life history?     1. life span    +4  annual or biennial  (1‐2 years)          +4  perennial plant that is not destruc vely harvested    +8  short lived perennial  (2‐5 years)        +12  long lived perennial  (> 5 years)          1.1 age at first reproduc on   ‐2   1 or less    0  2 to 4                +2   5 or more                1.2 ability to withstand disturbance (e.g. ability to grow a er vegeta on and soil have been mowed, plowed, grazed or oth‐ erwise disturbed)    ‐2  thrives on disturbance (weedy or early succession species)      0  tolerates some disturbance or some types of disturbances      +2   intolerant (very conserva ve species)    1.3 ability to reproduce vegeta vely under normal condi ons   ‐2  reproduces vegeta vely regularly in the wild and from small parts of plant (includes suckers, runners, bulblets and  tubers)    0  occasionally reproduces vegeta vely in the wild  +2  rarely to never seen to reproduce vegeta vely in the wild        1.4 ability to reproduce from seed under normal condi ons   ‐2  seedlings regularly seen or easy to cul vate from seed    0  seedlings occasionally seen  +2  seedlings rarely to never seen    1.5 interac ons with other organisms required for growth and reproduc on (e.g. known obligatory mychorrhizal associa‐ ons, pollinator specificity, parasi sm)   ‐2  no special associa ons needed to grow it in places outside of natural range    0  not known                  +2  known limi ng associa ons     ii. effects of harvest on individuals and popula ons: how does harvest affect plants?    2. part of plant most commonly harvested    +4   harvest is of leaves and twigs only.    +8  harvest is of seeds, fruits, flowers, stem bark or off‐shoots.  +12   harvest is of roots, root bark or en re plant.    2.1 post‐harvest recovery of individual plants  ‐2  plants are able to reproduce normally the season following harvest.  ‐1  harvest limits the next season’s growth   0  at least some plants in a harvested popula on can re‐grow a er harvest, but re‐growth takes several growing sea‐ sons    +2  individual plants cannot re‐grow a er harvest    research communica on  ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 77‐88. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.169. 87 2.2 harvest interval   ‐2  a plant can be harvested mul ple  mes in one year    0  1 to 2 years  +2   3 years or more     2.3 length of harvest season   ‐2  harvestable for one month or less    0  harvestable for 1 to 3 months  +2  harvestable for more than 3 months per year    iii. popula on size: how many plants are there?    3. is the plant naturally abundant?    +4  many dense popula ons exist.  (there are many popula ons in which someone could harvest all day in a very local  area.)    +6  a few dense popula ons exist and many more sca ered popula ons exist.  (there are a few popula ons in which  someone could harvest all day without moving and many in which one could harvest all day by moving across some  local acreage.)    +8  many sca ered popula ons exist.  (there are many places in which someone could harvest all day by driving to  several local patches.)  +10  few sca ered popula ons exist and many more sparse popula ons.  (there are a few places in which a harvester  could harvest all day moving around a bit, but most places the harvester would need to drive distances to harvest  all day.)  +12  popula ons are few and sparse.    3.1 range   ‐2  large (plant found across an area greater than 300 miles)    0  medium (plant found across an area 100 to 300 miles)    +2  small (plant found across an area less than 100 miles)    3.2 change in overall popula on size in primary harvest range   ‐2  popula on known to be increasing    0  popula on stable or status unknown  +2  declines in popula on size documented    3.3 degree of habitat specializa on   ‐2  can grow in roadsides, vacant lots or other disturbed areas    0  can grow in broad habitat categories (e.g. “eastern deciduous forest” or “great plains grassland”)  +2  can only grow in a very limited habitat (e.g. “moist acidic glades in eastern deciduous forest” or “limestone out‐ crops in tall‐grass prairie”)     iv. habitat: how vulnerable is the habitat?    4. how vulnerable is the plant’s physical habitat?    +4  habitat is widespread and no more threatened than all land areas.    +8  habitat is limited or specifically threatened  +12  habitat is limited and specifically threatened    4.1 habitat acreage change   ‐2  habitat acreage is expanding (e.g. forest edge, roadsides, “suburban savannas”)    0  habitat acreage unchanged or not drama cally reduced  +2  habitat acreage has been reduced by 50% or more over last 100 years.    research communica on  ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 77‐88. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.169. 88 4.2 habitat fragmenta on   ‐2  large tracts of con nuous acres of habitat exist    0  habitat areas intermediate or unknown  +2  only very small habitat patches exist    4.3 confined to a limited or very vulnerable soil type    0  no              +2  yes (includes hydric or salty soils)      4.4 habitat threats  add 1 point for each of these habitat threats (to a maximum of 2 points)  logging expansion  rapid development  mining    over‐grazing  take‐over from invasive species  use land for recrea on growing rapidly     widespread regular herbicide use   vulnerability to disease  acid deposi on     fire suppression     v. how much is needed?: what is the demand?  are there alterna ves? can the plant be cul vated?    5  annual demand for wild harvested plant    +4  less than 1 ton dry weight    +8  1 to 10 tons dry weight  +12  more than 10 tons dry weight    5.1 yield per acre   ‐2  ten pounds or more    0  one to ten pounds  +2  less than one pound    5.2 availability of good subs tute to wild‐harvested plant   ‐2  subs tute known and widely accepted    0  subs tute known but not widely accepted as such      +2  no known subs tutes    5.3 cul va on and poten al for cul va on   ‐2  currently cul vated and commercially viable       ‐1  not commercially cul vated but cul va on on a commercial scale hor culturally achievable (plant material availa‐ ble, no special associa ons required)        0  growth on a commercial scale not easily achievable or economically viable (plant material not available or special  associa ons required)  +2  growth on a commercial scale probably not achievable (plant material not available and special associa ons re‐ quired)  cultivating the unseen: paʻakai and the role of practice in coastal care mcguire and mawyer. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):22–36 22 research communications special issue on diverse conservations managers. for instance, in hawaiian cosmology, a significant aspect of some waters that flow from uplands to coasts is that they can be home to a class of beings known as moʻo—mediators between human and other-than-human worlds, conception and perception, mind and action, and rights and obligations. mo‘o can be protective entities, as well as threats to be wary of. they may take a reptilian form, often glossed in english as dragon-like, perhaps reflecting their sublime character—both terrible and introduction: coastal conservation and moʻo this piece works to identify and discuss potential blind spots and unseen realms in coastal conservation. as an opening to the observations about conservation and coastlines which we wish to draw into view, we point to the complexity of elemental and biological entities when perceived through a cultural lens. on coastlines, these entities, including salt, seaweeds, or offshore freshwater springs, are often more, or other, than they appear to conservation scientists and cultivating the unseen: paʻakai and the role of practice in coastal care gina mcguire 1* and alexander mawyer 2 1 geography & environment, university of hawaiʻi mānoa, honolulu, usa. 2 pacific island studies, university of hawaiʻi mānoa, honolulu, usa. * mcguire2@hawaii.edu abstract this piece centers itself in paʻakai (seasalt) practices as providing a critical lens for an ethnoecology of the rural puna coastline on the island of hawaiʻi. grounded by ethnographic engagement with ʻōiwi (native hawaiian) tradition, interweaving moʻolelo (stories) from kūpuna (ancestors, elders) alongside contemporary praxis in puna, hawaiʻi island, we explore the role of paʻakai gathering, limu (seaweed) provisioning, and offshore spring water collection in what we are calling coastal care—the reciprocal relationship of care between communities and coasts. hawaiian cultural practices around paʻakai are a striking home for biocultural linkages including practitioners’ understandings of human and other-than-human wellbeing that exemplify the diversity of cultural dimensions tangibly present in coastal places. highlighting the plurality of roles culture plays in the sustainable stewardship and wellbeing of coastal places and communities, this work contributes to ongoing discourses around the role of human dimensions in coastal conservation and management. here we use water, pa‘akai, and limu to make visible what we call the “unseen realm” within contemporary conservation—the persistent blind spots around indigenous and local culture(s) within conservation policy, planning, and enactment. encouraging conservation and island sustainability scientists and practitioners to better engage with their blind spots, we identify the need for collaborative coastal management inclusive of ʻōiwi practices and understandings of coastal care with implications for coastal studies in hawai‘i and in other indigenous contexts across oceania. received june 16, 2022 open access accepted december 5, 2022 doi 10.14237/ebl.14.2.2023.1825 published may 31, 2023 keywords conservation, coasts, coastal care, sea salt, cultural practice, indigenous ecology copyright © 2023 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. mcguire and mawyer. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):22–36 23 research communications special issue on diverse conservations beautiful. because moʻo are akua wai (water deities), “when investigating them we should keep the lifegiving and death-dealing properties of wai (water) in mind because as a collective body they embody most if not all of its attributes”, as professor of religion alohalani brown (2022:43) notes. mo‘o thus exemplify some of the character of the relationships between nature’s materiality and the role of culture in sensitively shaping environmental behavior, in this case through an ʻōiwi (native hawaiian) lens which brings into focus the potency of elemental deities physically manifested in the environment (goldberghiller and silva 2011; kanahele 2021; kanakaʻole kanahele and wise 1989). notable among the ontological and metaphysical plurality is the likelihood that the unaware may never perceive the culturally grounded presence of entities such as mo’o even as their presence may be actively bearing on and frequently threatening passers-bys’ wellbeing (brown 2022:45-46; torgersen 2018). beyond the shores of hawai‘i, social anthropologist veronica strang positions such water beings as “provid[ing] symbolic support for the alternate beliefs and values that locate humankind in more egalitarian and reciprocal position in relation to the non-human world, and which might therefore encourage more sustainable modes of engagement” (strang 2021:19). thus, they exemplify land and waterscape presences or ‘metapersons’ (sahlins 2022) immanent in everyday contexts. these too often go unseen, unfelt (wiebe 2019), and unconsidered by some coastal actors including those whose conservation and management actions will profoundly affect the wellbeing of indigenous and local communities. in hawaiʻi, where this paper is positioned, marine, coastal, and nearshore conservation and management may frequently find itself entangled in the relationships, values, knowledge systems, and practices which surround such complexly cultural entities (dacks et al. 2019; sterling et al. 2017). these management types include large-scale marine protected areas (lsmpas) that are no-take zones such as papahānaumokuākea marine national monument, meso-scale mpas implementing fishing seasons and harvest limits enforced, as possible, by statemanagement bodies such as the west hawai̒ i regional fishery management area, no-take zones for all but cultural descendants such as the hawai̒ i volcanoes national park shoreline, and relatively community-scale protected areas such as the slowemerging community-based subsistence fishing areas (cbsfas) like moʻomomi cbsfa (akutagawa et al. 2016; freestone et al. 2013; nps 2020; poepoe et al. 2007; stevenson and tissot 2013). as attention to water bodies and water beings emphasizes, conservation and management areas may seek to enclose and govern these human and other-thanhuman worlds. in that sense, conservation areas may, too, be somewhat like bodies of water with unseen presences which may, at times, pose risks to the unaware. contrasting with the unseen cultural dimensions which can escape the perception of some observers, coastal care-based practices and their knowledge bases foster reciprocal relationships that cultivate resilience and entangled multi-body and multi-dimensional wellbeing. these can manifest across spiritual, relational, and physical dimensions. in the remainder of this paper, we seek to complement insights about the potent presences embodied by moʻo by drawing attention to paʻakairelated practices including paʻakai gathering, limu (seaweed) provisioning, and offshore spring water collection. we suggest that conservation scientists and practitioners may advance their work by better appreciating the presence of cultural complexity around particular species or entities on the coastal landscape which, like water bodies and all that they may contain, too often go unseen. many scholars, indigenous and otherwise, alongside diversely positioned practitioners, have called for the inclusion of indigenous, local, and rural ways of knowing within conservation and environmental management. these calls include an acknowledgement of land-use legacies’ contribution to ecosystem diversity and resilience (armstrong et al. 2021; berkes 2018) alongside the “mainstreaming” of social sciences necessary to synthesize human dimensions within the conservation, sustainability, and environmental sciences (bennett et al. 2017; moon et al. 2019). ʻōiwi practitioner engagement with paʻakai (seasalt) offers an exemplary lens for understanding coastal places and provides an effective and embodied monitoring approach. this highlights the opportunities of biocultural approaches (betley et al. 2021; sterling et al. 2020) to contribute to the linked wellbeing of coastal communities and local environments by drawing into view relevant dimensions that might otherwise go unperceived and unengaged. the unseen realm and the need for effective management of coastal areas the presence of unseen, culturally grounded mcguire and mawyer. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):22–36 24 research communications special issue on diverse conservations aspects of place tangibly manifested in diverse indigenous and local perceptions, conceptions, and responsive practices of community members that we focus on within this piece resonates with what chamorro jurist and environmental philosopher julian aguon calls “perpetual light” (aguon 2021). just as water holds eddies, currents, and minerals that cannot readily be seen, so too do our places hold practices and ways of knowing, inclusive of culturally immanent entities, such as mo‘o, that have yet to be well incorporated into active conservation and management approaches including visioning, policy, and implementation. this persists despite their potential to contribute to effective management, sustainable stewardship of resources, and an ethic of care for community that is inclusive of respective environmental and ecological linkages. asking the reader to dwell, for a moment, on the relations between mo‘o and waterways brings to mind an observation which deserves continued attention by conservation scientists and practitioners. as anthropologist of science stefan helmreich observes, water exemplifies the challenge to understand the interplay of both natural and cultural substances: “for natural science, water’s effects depend on its state (solid, liquid, gas), on its scale (from molecular to oceanic), and on whether it is fresh or salty, still or turbulent, deep or shallow. for interpretative social sciences, water can be sacred substance, life, refreshment, contaminant, grave” (helmreich 2011:132-133). a key point here for those coming from disciplinary backgrounds outside the social sciences is that the ‘nature’ of water, in any particular culture, with all the locally salient irreducible uniquenesses of conception, perception, and practice, is tangible and material, in a different sense than the molecular definability of some substance. water, that is, exemplifies the obstacle confronting approaches to conservation and management when attempting to perceive, understand, and incorporate expertise within indigenous worlds inclusive of knowledge, perception, value, or practice (fabre et al. 2021; lauer 2017; moon et al. 2019). engaging with place may reveal cultural dimensions which are material and tangible to practitioners and social scientists, but which may linger in the realm unseen, unperceived, or felt to be intangible by many conservationists despite the more or less emerged consensus that all such practices benefit from engagement with local communities and their socio-ecological worlds (abas et al. 2022; cronon 1995; west et al. 2006). this challenge of bridging between the unseen/ unfelt and the tangible/material in cultural dimensions may be particularly salient for coastal areas, home to vibrant biocultural linkages (lepofsky et al. 2017), which are often obscured within conservation bins: as neither land nor sea, yet featuring both extraordinary and ordinary dimensions. in hawai‘i for instance, the ability for ʻōiwi to represent themselves, their knowledge, goals, and practices within the context of biocultural conservation of coastal areas may be hampered, not only because of legacies of dismissiveness of indigenous and local knowledges in (post)settler colonial societies (tuhiwai smith 2012), but also because of the persistent tendency to perceive coastlines as mere boundaries between terrestrial or marine conservation contexts, each with their own particular concerns and literatures, and which persistently overlook the density of cultural practices that are specifically coastal. the intertidal zone presents a geography central to ʻōiwi culture and provisioning that is under-explored in coastal management and research in comparison to fisheries or reefs. in the hawaiian archipelago, as elsewhere, we argue that coasts are areas that deserve nuanced negotiation and engagement as “sentient cultural landscapes,” comparable to the australian country described by strang, not only informed by but realized within cultural practice(s) as way of knowing (strang 2021:18). here, we engage with active cultural practitioner-based understandings of pa‘akai to exemplify the unseen dimensions surrounding particular resources or resource-complexes subject to conservation and management. allowing for consideration of ways that place-based, culturally grounded approaches can contribute to an alternate modality of knowing, monitoring, and sustainably managing coastal wellbeing. such approaches have material implications for conservation and sustainability impacts, resulting in desired outcomes for any number of valuable cultural resources such as limu, among others. while emerging work continues to highlight the need for the turn to place (andrade and morishige 2022; hale et al. 2022; kamelamela et al. 2022; larson 2020), we note that cultural dimensions, including some of the most salient, continue to be overlooked in engagement by extra-local experts or difficult to capture through more familiar disciplinary lenses (dacks et al. 2019; verschuuren 2007) seeking to support effective coastal management in hawai‘i and beyond (leong et al. 2019; toniello et al. 2019). at mcguire and mawyer. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):22–36 25 research communications special issue on diverse conservations root, our argument suggests that ʻōiwi knowledge systems and practices remain underrepresented and overshadowed in the status quo of conservation and marine resource management because they remain unseen, unfelt, and thus go unacknowledged by nonpractitioners despite frequent articulations of best intentions and shared goals towards sustainable management of coastal resources and areas. the implications of this work extend well beyond hawai‘i. recent work suggests that 47.9% of coast regions across the globe are under pressure from heavy anthropogenic impact and will face changing climatic and harvesting pressures in the near future (bindoff et al. 2019, williams et al. 2021). as the world community increasingly recognizes the growing challenges facing shorelines, there are and will continue to be calls for coastal conservation interventions such as the above-mentioned management-styles. in hawaiʻi, for example, the holomua marine 30 x 30 initiative calls for the hawaiʻi department of land and natural resources to “effectively manage hawai‘i’s nearshore waters with 30% established as marine management areas by 2030” (dar 2020). but could effective management benefit if filtered through a place-sensitive lens and implementation which pragmatically engages with diverse cultural dimensions (winter et al. 2021)? what might conceptualizing coastal management through care-based cultural practices bring ever more clearly into view (morishige et al. 2018)? moreover, this lens brings into view an assembly of other entities and associated practices on the coast which require similar attention to the too often unseen cultural dimensions tangibly present in local practices around diverse flora and fauna and elemental entities such as pa‘akai and offshore freshwater. place-based engagement & methods we would like to nuance our place-based engagement, introducing the piko (navel) of this work. our understanding of cultural praxis as a lens for liminal coastal spaces is informed by recent ethnographic experience on the rural coastline of kalapana, which is located on the southeastern shore of hawaiʻi island in the puna district. kalapana is best -known for its position downslope of the active kīlauea volcano. kalapana’s coast is a rich biocultural landscape (dacks et al. 2019; morishige et al. 2018), woven through cultural lifeways such as lawaiʻa (fishing), ʻohi (gathering), nohokūpuna (to reside in ancestral homelands), and kanikapila (impromptu music composition). these exemplify the interconnectedness of ʻōiwi culture and ecological knowledge systems which undergird ʻāina (land, literally that which feeds) as the site of the linked sustainable wellbeing of human and other-thanhuman communities (mcgregor et al. 2003, 2007). kalapana is a key site of continuing care-based relationships by long-persisting kuaʻāina (rural subsiding) communities who maintain niche-based sites of vibrant ola (ʻōiwi term for health, wellbeing) (mcguire in press). kuaʻāina is “someone who embodied the backbone of the land…the native hawaiians who remained in the rural communities of our islands, took care of the kūpuna or elders, continued to speak hawaiian, bent their backs and worked and sweated in the taro patches and sweet potato fields, and held that which is precious and sacred in the culture in their care” (mcgregor 2007). we pair contemporary conversations with kūpuna and gathering practices with documented oral history accounts from the same coastline to emphasize the value of moʻolelo (story) and mo‘okūauhau (genealogical) or other ancestral based understandings (nākoa and wright 2015, wilson-hokowhitu 2019). engagement included holoholo (purposefully meander) along the kalapana coastline with elders (2020–2022), and limu provisioning for medicinal, ceremonial, and dietary purposes conducted by mcguire. mcguire was raised and continues to subside within the puna district where she navigates several roles as native woman, community member, and hawaiian medicine student-practitioner. the lived experiences, ethnographically documented, provide the grounded context and sensory engagement with the entities discussed with elders and within this paper. ʻōiwi scholar kaiwipunikauikawēkiu lipe writes of “moʻolelo aku, moʻolelo mai” as methodology, to share and receive three kinds of moʻolelo including mele (musical compositions), ʻōlelo noʻeau (hawaiian proverbs and sayings), and narration or storytelling (lipe 2015). we focus, here, on the third kind, the stories told by both ancestral and contemporary kuaʻāina of kalapana. using moʻolelo engagement, from both current practitioners together with ancestral voice, provides a genealogical understanding of our piko and attempts to meet hawaiian historian noelani arista’s call to not just position “native voice” within scholarly work but to nuance and contextualize it within an honoring of ancestral voice (arista 2009). in an effort to “compose anticolonial genealog[ies]” of place (mcdougall 2021:52), we mcguire and mawyer. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):22–36 26 research communications special issue on diverse conservations engage with kaona, the hawaiian term for veiled inner meaning within the stories considered (arista 2010:665) calling attention to the understated and poetic aspects of coastal care. semi-structured interviews were completed with individuals who have intergenerational connections to the kalapana coastline and are current residents and/ or maintain pilina (un-severable relationships) with coastal sites. interview questions focused on understanding how individuals maintain their pilina to this coastline. interviews were transcribed, returned to knowledge holders for consent and review, and coded for elements of coastal care and ways of knowing coast. of the wider group of interviewees, the primary knowledge holders included within this constellation of paʻakai practices include uncle sam and uncle primo keliihoomalu, who both reside in kaimū. with their permission and guidance, their names are included rather than anonymized within this work. engagement with oral histories particularly draws on 25 oral histories collected by dr. charles langlas and students spanning from 1987-2010, providing the most comprehensive source available for accounts of kalapana lives within the 20th century (langlas and kūpuna 2016). we primarily draw from the oral history of aunty emma kauhi which provides insight into the lives of the kuaʻāina of the kalapana coast within 1916-1935 (kauhi and langlas 1996). in the discussion below, we do not report across the full range of interview findings but tease out key ideas from those which brought paʻakai practices into focus, emphasizing practitioners’ maintenance of pilina and coastal care. paʻakai, ʻuao kapakai (coastal mediator) paʻakai practices are an embodied, place-based lens with which to understand the ‘ōiwi coastline. like water, pa‘akai evidences a plurality of chemical, molecular, and physical properties readily engaged by natural scientists alongside a lush range of cultural and social properties which become visible through ‘ōiwigrounded ways of knowing, perceiving, and holding practical expertise with sustainability and ecological management implications. grounded in the kapaʻahu section of the wider kalapana coastline, aunty emma kauhi shares that the gathering of seasalt was known by two names: ka ʻohi ʻana o ka paʻakai and hāhāpaʻakai (kauhi and langlas 1996). in the hawaiian language the crystallized form of salt is known as paʻakai. paʻa literally means to be firm, secure, steadfast. kai, the sea. paʻakai is thus a powerful embodiment—unseen but tasted and felt in its kai (sea water) form and ʻehu kai (sea spray) form, only seen in its crystallized form (pukui and elbert 1986). across the hawaiian archipelago, paʻakai has many different uses, primarily for the preservation of food and seasoning, but also medicinal and ceremonial purposes (nobrega-oliveira 2019). in mcguire’s experiences with paʻakai gathering on hawaiʻi island—in kona and puna districts, gathering sites look different, dependent on the size of coastal shelfs and depressions, and remain consistent sites of return, following the weather events that allow for the shelf’s wave-inundation and subsequent evaporation. with hawai‘i island sites differing from those previously documented on kauaʻi (nobrega-oliveira 2019), the style and size of the sites also vary by island. paʻakai is used in all elements of hawaiian healing—as a cleansing agent, topically in combination with several different herbs for wounds, bruises, and broken bones, and internally in combination with herbs for a multitude of ailments (gutmanis 2006). among healing and subsistence practitioners, paʻakai is used in death ceremonies, blessings, and as a preservative of food and of the dead. among its many highly culturally significant roles, paʻakai is sometimes used in protocol exchanges of greeting to establish and mediate social relationships between kiaʻi (caretakers) of that place and visitors. it is positioned as an entity that has value in the ordinary and every-day contexts of community wellbeing. however, it is also positioned within ceremonial and sacred domains, highlighting its role as a medium or even vessel of mana (loosely glossed as spirit, energy, or power) within ʻōiwi worldviews.1 kuaʻāina connection to the coast through paʻakai practice is emplaced, temporally rooted in a past which is embodied, plural, and active.2 each of these dimensions of paʻakai practice brings into view the selective attention, directed responsiveness, and lived experience of community members as what we call ʻcare’. it is these components of care that this piece identifies as valuable to coastal management conversations and approaches. “what keeps me attached to the land, is this right here,” uncle primo keliihoomalu said as he shared his bucket full of his home-made paʻakai (figure 1). uncle primo is the only traditional salt-maker within the kaimū community and wider kalapana coastline. this salt is a delicate crust, rather than the hard granules that we can buy in the store... made from the waters of kaimū, the traditional homeland of the mcguire and mawyer. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):22–36 27 research communications special issue on diverse conservations keliihoomalu family within the wider kalapana area. mcguire observed, when talking to uncle primo, that this practice gives him great pride, and maintains his intimate relationship with this specific coast. in her account of life in neighboring kapaʻahu from 19161935, aunty emma kauhi shares of the practice of hāhāpaʻakai: if the ocean is stormy, the waves cover the shore far inland and the depressions in the rock get filled up with seawater. and then if the hot weather comes back, the water in those depressions dries up and turns into seasalt. and you have to be careful to collect the salt before it rains. the places to get salt were at ʻapua or kekaha... so there were certain places to get seasalt, places with big, flat rocks, with the proper depressions, huge depressions. you got clean seasalt... only when the time was right would you gather seasalt... they'd be observing the nature of the clouds, perhaps the kind of wind that blew, and the movement of the ocean” (kauhi and langlas 1996:102). aunty emma’s account shares intimacy of knowledge of weather patterns and wave activity over time as well as of specific rocks and shelves. following dramatic geologic activity along the coastline, which have altered the coastal depressions needed for the evaporative process (such as at kekaha) and altered relationships of access within the boundaries of hawaiʻi volcanoes national park (such as at ʻapua), paʻakai gathering practices have shifted from western portions of the coastline to areas of more immediate access (figure 2). as with other cultural practices such as hawaiian healing, lauhala (pandanus tectorius) weaving that have declined due to limited availability, shifts away from subsistence-based livelihoods, and breaks in practitioner-knowledge transmission, salt gathering has declined within hawaiʻi (boyd and kūpuna 1997, nobrega-oliveira 2019). uncle primo shared the challenges he faced in traditional-style salt-production including unknowing passersby stepping on the salt beds which makes production in traveled areas potentially difficult and has led to an adaptive practice—the evaporation process now done further inland, away from the immediate coastal edge, in raised trays (figure 1). additional causes of decline of this practice include the high levels of development and pollution across the shores of hawaiʻi. paʻakai, and engagement with it in its kai (sea) form as well as mineral form, is essential not only for establishing human wellness via ʻōiwi practice, but to knowing and intimately understanding other-thanhuman wellness within our coastal spaces. within the kalapana coastline, for example, which has no large freshwater-bodies such as streams, the presence and absence of paʻakai acts as a biocultural indicator for specific limu, certain marine invertebrates, and dependent-fish. from practitioner groundings— drawing from mcguire’s and kalapana-kuaʻāina experiences provisioning limu— we3 know that seaweed, limu ʻeleʻele (enteromorpha prolifera) will only grow in areas where there is freshwater input (brackish areas). on seeing limu ʻeleʻele on the puna coastline practitioners know by association that the water is more wai (freshwater) than kai (saltwater) from potential spring or groundwater sources. in these areas, too, practitioners know to look for our brine shrimp, ʻōpaeʻula (halocaridina rubra) (figure 3), which like to hide in the thin ʻeleʻele fronds. kalapanabased practitioners know this from gathering practices. uncle sam keliihoomalu shares, “guarantee if people go look outside here, the ʻōpelu4 schools out here, guarantee the ‘ōpae‘ula stay popping out, over there, someplace.” uncle sam's knowledge aligns with ancestral accounts of the coast. aunty emma kauhi shares, “as for the bait for ʻōpelu fishing, it was ʻōpaeʻula (a small, red endemic shrimp). before at kapaʻahu, there was plenty of that kind of shrimp, ʻōpaeʻula. in the ponds. but goldfish were brought in, let loose into the ponds. the ʻōpae were eaten by these goldfish, and the ʻōpaeʻula completely disappeared” (kauhi and langlas 1996:109). practitioner experiences gathering limu ʻeleʻele and uncle sam’s knowledge can be paired with aunty emma’s account to show a return of these beings within this coast, an ecological indicator for which biogeographic data in this space is lacking. the consideration of what we are calling wai kai (freshwater and saltwater/marine) relationships on this coast and subsistence-based understandings of place provides an embodied and dependent relationship with species assemblages of ecological communities. this practice-based knowledge of how wai kai dynamics inform the status of inter-dependent coastal wellness can provide for more intimate, site-specific ways of knowing coast. just as paʻakai-presence provides a lens for understanding the limu and dependent biota communities, the niche-pockets of its mcguire and mawyer. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):22–36 28 research communications special issue on diverse conservations absence provide the lens with which to intimately engage with other areas that are easily overlooked. not easily perceived sites such as offshore springs called punaluʻu5 and hoaka6 in ‘ōlelo hawai‘i, engaged in past and present by skilled practitioners, provided access to mea waiwai (valuable entities) including those used in lapaʻau (healing), loko iʻa (fish pond), and lawaiʻa (fishing) practices (harden and kūpuna 1998:50, nishimoto and akutagawa 1991:74, 83). historic maps and stories (langlas and kūpuna 2012) show that springs are abundant along the kalapana coastline. writing on the hygiene and sanitation of the hawaiian islands, bushnell wrote of the “numerous” springs that were each “known and named, even those that came up in the sea, beyond the edge of land” within hawaiʻi (1966:331). bushnell goes on to write of villagers who could “dive into the sea with an empty water-gourd and to come up with it filled with its cool water” (1966:331). this intimate and named knowledge base exemplifies ways of knowing that are lived, dependent on recurring site-relationships, and that highlight reciprocal care. these springs, through their taste and consistent presence, provide insight into island groundwater happenings that may otherwise go unobserved. just as we, persons, cannot exist without freshwater, these offshore springs cannot exist without proper island-based management that will be better grounded when the role of cultural practices, sensory engagement and dependencies, and presences (and as importantly, realized absences) around such entities as pa‘akai are taken into account. paʻakai as coastal management intervention: concluding thoughts in their work with vhavenda plant knowledge holders, natasha constant and milingoni tshisikhawe suggest that “hybrid knowledge co-production through the development of collaborations between state-sponsored management, conservation experts, researchers, and indigenous and local knowledge holders can lessen the dominance of science and positivism as the primary decision-making figure 1 left: salt beds at kaimū. right: kaimū paʻakai, 2022. photo credit: gina mcguire. mcguire and mawyer. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):22–36 29 research communications special issue on diverse conservations frameworks for natural resource management” (2018:26). we echo this sentiment. engaging with practice is a lens for better perceiving the multidimensionality of landand sea-spaces in which management and conservation actions are enacted. by considering practice, ecological connections that were formerly difficult to perceive, much less incorporate within policy and decision making through previously available indicators (dacks 2018; sterling 2020), improve on existing tools that advance broadly shared goals of sustainable wellbeing for coasts and communities. decisions and management schemes should work to be aware of the presence of, if not incorporate, cultural dimensions that would otherwise go unseen, which may emerge only in the context of particular cultural practices at certain seasons and places, and which are not easily dismissed as “intangible” once their lived materialities are taken into account. in one example of how this inclusion leads to more dynamic modalities of care, yuku baja muliku7 observations within their traditional seasonal calendar “have led to changes in management practices at some levels (the way we manage our cultural burning regime) or to adapted indigenous knowledge in others (using a different flowering tree as an indicator of fish presence)” (hale et al. 2022:236). similarly, paʻakai provisioning offers conservationists and managers the opportunity to incorporate knowledge on coastal wellbeing indicators such as water quality or weather patterns (consistency/ seasonal fluctuations) to inform place-based monitoring and care. when scientists and figure 2 kalapana coastline, displaying historic and contemporary sites of paʻakai practice. mcguire and mawyer. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):22–36 30 research communications special issue on diverse conservations practitioners make space for these praxis-based ways of knowing, we also make visible these indicators for others engaged in conservation-based management and/or sustainable harvest. we ask that conservation bodies directly promote and support cultural practices such as hāhāpaʻakai, limu provisioning, or offshore wai collection as valid ways of informing ecosystemwellness and as ways that build community investment in their place-health. “if we want our shorelines to be productive and continue to produce for us, we need to understand how to tend to them” (andrade et al. 2022:191). this action-basis of ‘tending’ ensures long-term care in and of our coastal places, their resources, and cultural imminencies. we identify the need for collaborative coastal management inclusive of cultural practices and understandings of coasts, making room for ancestral and contemporary knowledge transmission-based relationships in conservation while at the same time identifying that these ways of knowing often occur outside of state-sponsored conservation modalities. rather, they are maintained by cultural knowledge keepers without expectation of recognition toward coastal care. returning to the challenge of the unseen realm of cultural dimensions, particularly of indigenous ecological practices within conservation and management regimes emplaced over coasts, we are reminded of the way that hawaiian scholar emalani case describes pōʻai, domains at the edge of what is visible, by which hawaiian cultural practitioners understand relationships to entities and spaces that are not visible to the eye (2022:102). these pōʻai particularly call for engagement within coastal realms, as neither entirely terrestrial nor marine. they are more than the sum of their parts. paʻakai embodies this unseen realm, as not just mineral but spiritual entities with mana. the sea waves, rocks, sites of gathering, and the paʻakai itself through interrelationships take on kin-based relations. paʻakai, and correspondingly the coast, is alive because we are alive (and vice versa): i ola ʻoe, i ola mākou nei (my life is dependent on yours; your life is dependent on mine). we present paʻakai as an entity that shapes our ecologies, our coast-spaces, and as integral to ʻōiwi cultural practices, with practice-based engagements that remain, largely, in the unseen realm of conservation-based and other forms of coastal management. we call this into sight as a kino (corporal) embodiment of a care-based engagement for coastal management that incorporates practice within place-wellness indicators. in our experiences, management bodies have tended to focus on easily quantified indicators of human wellness that can be compared across sites (e.g. water quality levels) and biota abundances rather than practice-based indicators, which can be more individual, ungeneralizable, and experience based. in reflection of the relevance of our suggested insight about what the moʻo-like elements of management or conservation areas/regimes can hold for those not positioned as cultural practitioners, we are reminded of the way in which european cartographers would illustrate a large dragon-like entity over parts of the sea as yet uncharted. in discussion of olaus magnus’ 1539 map, carta marina, european historian, lindsay starkey writes, “the ocean continually gave birth to more and more figure 3 mixed media ʻōpaeʻula contributed by loi. mcguire and mawyer. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):22–36 31 research communications special issue on diverse conservations marvels, meaning that no matter how much a person investigated its sea monsters, that person could never fully know either the ocean’s contents or its potential contents, leaving the spectator of that ocean... to wonder about both the ocean and the sea monsters it repeatedly produced” (starkey 2017:37). this visual history of other peoples’ sea monsters, juxtaposed with moʻo, reminds us that one person’s unseen realm may be another’s tangible, immanent, and mediating ecological and environmental praxis. if we accept the cultural, cosmological, and mana-based understandings of coast as immanent and tangible, what then changes? what might it mean for conservation? we support the call to better develop and incorporate indicators of cultural dimensions frequently described as “intangible”, often unseen, and almost always unmeasured within coastal management, as embodied in our discussion of moʻo. as dacks et al. (2019) note, significant gaps in addressing placeand cultural praxis-based indicators persist. we encourage conservation scientists and practitioners, as well as sustainability actors to attend to the following interventions: • the ongoing development of biocultural indicators that are specifically coastal, and which indicate for coastal environmental states the linked wellbeing of sites and their supported human and other-than-human communities, and the culturally salient practices which are linked within them (dacks et al. 2019; leong et al. 2019; sterling et al. 2017) • the consideration of the persistence and resilience of practitioner-linked pilina to elements and entities that indicate and/or carry mana, such as paʻakai. we recall uncle primo’s words about paʻakai provisioning as what keeps him connected to the land. we encourage evaluation of: 1) the diversity and plurality of entities, practices, and cognitions which tie us to place (inclusive of that which is shared or not shared between differently positioned actors, e.g. indigenous knowledge holders maintaining relations to ancestral lands and seas, local/rural residents, managers, caretakers); the status over time of those ties; and 2) how conservationists, managers, and stewards can sustainably facilitate these practice-based ways of knowing and caring for coasts within respective place-based contexts. • the assessment of the survival of enduring nohokūpuna, of whether knowledge transmission from kuaʻāina within ancestral sites is occurring and the continuity of sustained residence in ancestral homelands. we would like to flag this concept of nohokūpuna of particular importance and as currently under-emphasized in considerations of coastal wellbeing. when nohokūpuna is intact, mana-bearing ancestral presences that are embedded and remain alive within coasts are known and cared for in modalities of selective attention, directed responsiveness, and lived experiences. • the use of moʻolelo as key sources on how elements and entities of coasts are storied and appropriately cared for. moʻolelo often present non -linear ways of knowing a place, with past, present, and future frequently co-aligned. we suggest the analysis of moʻolelo kuaʻāina alongside contemporary stories and compositions to inform temporally dynamic and ancestrally grounded coastal wellbeing. • the composition of management teams that practice makawalu (eight ways of seeing), which allows for the consideration of the place or entity from a plurality of worldviews and ontological stances (cf. todd 2014 for a resonant call in a first nations context). the ocean, and the coast in particular, remain jumping-off points for tangible engagements of care with seemingly intangible aspects of cultural practices around paʻakai or punaluʻu, as well as for the known entities and relations we depend on such as ʻōpaeʻula, ʻōpelu, or limu. when engaged with practice-based care, practitioners advance from observers of these coastal and marine spaces across scales (andrade and morishige 2022, 312) into embodied and action-based roles within wider communities committed to tending ancestral lands and seas. pihana et al. identify knowledge sharing, storytelling, and engagement with cultural practice as ways to create and sustain longlasting relationships to place that strengthen the wellbeing of future generations as ocean stewards (2022). our work similarly calls into sight the value of practitioner-based engagement to inform coastal care. in doing so, we emphasize the need to make room for care and knowledge transmission-based relationships in conservation around plural ontologies. as uncle primo shared, cultural practice is an umbilical cord— one which links community members to ancestral home coasts. such connections enable the reciprocal relationships necessary for coastal care: the vital mcguire and mawyer. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):22–36 32 research communications special issue on diverse conservations relationships of people to place that advance integral wellness through practice and consciousness of the lifeways within geographies of care. notes 1 for a robust treatment of this important term, see the edited volume tomlinson & tengan 2016. 2 for hawaiian cultural practitioners this past may be conceived as “before us” (wilson-hokowhitu 2019). 3 like other polynesian languages, ʻōlelo hawaiʻi observes two series of first-person plural pronouns. one series (māua/mākou) includes the speaker/writer and one or more others but not the audience/reader. the other series (kāua/kākou) includes both the speaker and audience/reader or the speaker, audience, and yet others. these distinctions in positionality are not readily captured by the, relatively speaking, depauperate ‘we’ of english. here we (māua) note that mcguire and the kapalana kuaʻāina community of practitioners, in whose knowledge this work is embedded, engages a ‘we’ (mākou) that does not include the co-author and may or may not include the reader depending on their positionality. for an important treatment of the role of these shifting ‘we’ in scholarly writing, particularly that bearing on indigenous worlds, see tengan 2018 and the large linguistics literature on “shifters.” we encourage other scholars to attend to the nuance of we-stance in their research and writing. 4 decapterus spp. 5 puna springs, luʻuto dive, reference from kaʻū and puna districts, hawaiʻi island. 6 hoakareference for blue holes from ʻualapuʻe, molokaʻi (nishimoto & akutagawa 1991:74). 7 traditional custodians of land and sea country of archer point, north queensland, australia. acknowledgments mahalo nui to the families of kalapana for being so generous with us, particularly to the keliihoomalu, hauanio, kahookaulana, and peleiholani ʻohana. we are very grateful for the knowledge shared by uncle primo keliihoomalu and uncle sam keliihoomalu. we stand in gratitude for the remarkable work done by dr. charles langlas and mahalo him for all that he has done and continues to do. we would like to thank the guest editors and peer-reviewers for their contributions that allowed us to strengthen this work. declarations permissions: this work was completed under university of hawaiʻi institutional review board #2020-00220. in alignment with best practices of indigenous data sovereignty, we gained consent of the two interviewed knowledge holders to include their names rather than anonymize. sources of funding: none declared. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited abas, a., a. aziz, and a. awang. 2022. a systematic review on the local wisdom of indigenous people in nature conservation. sustainability 14. doi:10.3390/su14063415 aguon, j. 2021. the properties of perpetual light. university of guam press. akutagawa, m., e. cole, t. p. diaz, t. d. gupta, c. gupta, a. fa'anunu, s. kamakaala, m. taualii. maile. 2016. health impact assessment of the proposed moʻomomi community-based subsistence fishing area. report. the kohala center. andrade, p. and k. morishige. 2022. huliʻia: every place has a story... let's listen. parks stewardship forum 38(2). doi:10.5070/p538257525 andrade, p., k. morishige, a. mau, l. kapono, e. c. franklin. 2022. re-imagining contemporary conservation to support ʻāina momona: productive and thriving communities of people, place, and natural resources. parks stewardship forum 38(2). doi:10.5070/p538257511 arista, n. 2009. listening to leoiki: engaging sources in hawaiian history. biography 32(1): 66–73. available at: https://www.jstor.org/ stable/23540869. arista, n. 2010. navigating uncharted oceans of meaning: kaona as historical and interpretive method. modern language association 125(3):663–669. armstrong, c. g., j. e. d. miller, a. c. mcalvay, p. m. ritchie, and d. lepofsky. 2021. historical indigenous land-use explains plant functional trait diversity. ecology and society 26(2). doi:10.5751/es-12322-260206 bennett, n. j., r. roth, s. c. klain, k. m. a. chan, d. a. clark, g. cullman, g. epstein, m. p. nelson, r. stedman, t. l. teel, r. e. w. thomas, c. wyborn, d. curran, a. greenberg, j. sandlos, and d. veríssimo. 2016. mainstreaming the social mcguire and mawyer. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):22–36 33 research communications special issue on diverse conservations sciences in conservation. conservation biology 31 (1):56–66. doi:10.1111/cobi.12788 berkes, f. 2018. sacred ecology. routledge taylor & francis group. betley, e. c., a. sigouin, p. a. pascua, s. h. cheng, k. i. macdonald, f. arengo, y. aumeeruddy‐ thomas, s. caillon, m. e. isaac, s. d. jupiter, and a. mawyer. 2021. assessing human well‐being constructs with environmental and equity aspects: a review of the landscape. people and nature. doi:10.1002/pan3.10293 bindoff, n. l., w. w. l. cheung, j. g. kairo, j. arístegui, v. a. guinder, r. hallberg, n. hilmi, n. jiao, m. s. karim, l. levin, s. o’donoghue, s. r. purca cuicapusa, b. rinkevich, t. suga, a. tagliabue, and p. williamson. 2019. changing ocean, marine ecosystems, and dependent communities. in: ipcc special report on the ocean and cryosphere in a changing climate. edited by h.-o. pörtner, d. c. roberts, v. masson-delmotte, p. zhai, m. tignor, e. poloczanska, k. mintenbeck, a. alegría, m. nicolai, a. okem, j. petzold, b. rama, n. m. weyer. doi:10.1017/9781009157964.007 boyd, m. and kūpuna. 1997. nā lima mikioi directory of weavers and fiber artists. report. office of hawaiian affairs. available at: https://19of32x2yl33s8o4xza0gf14wpengine.netdna-ssl.com/wp-content/uploads/nalima-mikioi-2.pdf brown, m. a. 2022. ka poʻe moʻo akua hawaiian reptilian water deities. university of hawaiʻi press, honolulu. bushnell, o. a. 1966. hygiene and sanitation among the ancient hawaiians. hawaiʻi historical review 2 (5):316–335. available at: https:// evols.library.manoa.hawaii.edu/items/c09c56d711cd-4c3e-ba07-58a4ee664fc3/full case, e. 2021. everything ancient was once new. university of hawaiʻi press, honolulu. constant, n. l. and m. p. tshisikhawe. 2018. hierarchies of knowledge: ethnobotanical knowledge, practices and beliefs of the vhavenda in south africa for biodiversity conservation. journal of ethnobiology and ethnomedicine 14(56). doi:10.1186/s13002-018-0255-2 cronon, w. 1995. the trouble with wilderness; or, getting back to the wrong nature. in uncommon ground: toward reinventing nature, pp. 69–90. norton. dacks, r., t. ticktin, a. mawyer, s. caillon, j. claudet, p. fabre, s. d. jupiter, j. mccarter, m. mejia, p.a. pascua, and e. sterling. 2019. developing biocultural indicators for resource management. conservation science and practice, 1(6). doi:10.1111/csp2.38 dar. 2020. holomua: marine 30 x 30. report. hawaiʻi department of land and natural resources division of aquatic resources. available at: https://dlnr.hawaii.gov/dar/files/2020/12/ holomuamarine30x30_roadmap_final.pdf fabre, p., t. bambridge, j. claudet, e. sterling, and a. mawyer. 2021. contemporary rāhui: placing indigenous, conservation, and sustainability sciences in community-led conservation. pacific conservation biology, 27(4):451-463. doi:10.1071/ pc20087 freestone, d., o. carmer, m. bennett, a. wilhelm, t. m. beuttler, j. ardron, s. maxwell, and k. k. morrison. 2013. place-based dynamic management of large-scale ocean places: papahānaumokuākea and the sargasso sea. stanford environmental law journal 33(2). available at: https:// law.stanford.edu/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/ freestone.pdf goldberg-hiller, j. and silva, n. k. 2011. sharks and pigs: animating hawaiian sovereignty against the anthropological machine. south atlantic quarterly 110(2):429–446. doi:10.1215/00382876-1162525 gutmanis, j. 2006. kahuna laʻau lapaʻau. island heritage publishing. hale, l., k. gerhardt, j. c. day, s. f. heron. 2022. a first nations approach to addressing climate change—assessing interrelated key values to identify and address adaptive management for country. parks stewardship forum 38(2). doi:10.5070/p538257518 harden, m. j. and kūpuna. 1998. voices of wisdom, hawaiian elders speak. booklines hawaiʻi, limited. hawaiʻi office of planning. n.d. hillshade. raster. available at: https://files.hawaii.gov/dbedt/op/ gis/data/hillshades.tif.txt helmreich, s. 2011. nature/culture/seawater. american anthropologist 113(1):132–144. doi:10.1111/j.1548-1433.2010.01311.x mcguire and mawyer. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):22–36 34 research communications special issue on diverse conservations jacobi, j. d., j. p. price, p. berkowitz, s. m. iii gon, and l. b. fortini. 2016. carbon assessment hawaiʻi. shapefile. available at: https:// files.hawaii.gov/dbedt/op/gis/data/ lulc_cah_habitat_status.html kamelamela, k. l., h. k. springer, r. k. keakealani, m. u. ching, t. ticktin, r. d. ohara, e. w. parsons, e. d. adkins, k. s. francisco, and c. giardina. 2022. kōkua aku, kōkua mai: an indigenous consensus-driven and place-based approach to community led dryland restoration and stewardship. forest ecology and management 506. doi:10.1016/j.foreco.2021/119949 kanahele, k. 2021. ka papakū makawalu: he inoa no hiʻiaka. doctoral dissertation. university of hawaiʻi, hilo, hi. available from proquest dissertations and theses database. kanakaʻole kanahele, p. and d. k. wise. 1989. ka honua ola (the living earth): an introduction to pele and hiʻiaka with annotated bibliography. n.p. available at: https://www.higp.hawaii.edu/~scott/ gg104/readings/kanahele_wise_1989.pdf kauhi, e. and c. langlas. 1996. he moʻolelo no kapaʻahu. pili productions. langlas, c. & kūpuna. 2016. under the volcano: the people of kalapana, 1823-2010. pili productions. larson, s., n. stoeckl, d. jarvis, j. addison, d. grainger, f. watkin lui, walalakoo aboriginal corporation, bunuba dawangarri aboriginal corporation rntbc, ewamian aboriginal corporation rntbc, and yamunijarra aboriginal corporation rntbc. 2020. indigenous land and sea management programs (ilsmpss) enhance the wellbeing of indigenous australians. international journal of environmental research and public health 17 (125). doi:10.3390/ijerph17010125 lauer, m. 2017. changing understandings of local knowledge in island environments. environmental conservation 44(4):336–347. doi:10.17/ s0376892917000303 leong, k. m., s. wongbusarakum, r. j. ingram, a. mawyer, and m. r. poe. 2019. improving representation of human well-being and cultural importance in conceptualizing the west hawai ‘i ecosystem. frontiers in marine science 6. doi:10.3389/fmars.2019.00231 lepofsky, d., c. g. armstrong, s. greening, j. jackley, j. carpenter, b. guernsey, d. mathews, and n. j. turner. 2017. historical ecology of cultural keystone places of the northwest coast. american anthropologist 119(3):448–463. doi:10.1111/ aman.12893 lipe, k. 2015. moʻolelo for transformative leadership: lessons from engaged practice in kanaka ʻōiwi methodologies, moʻolelo and metaphor. university of hawaiʻi press, honolulu. mawyer, a. 2021. floating islands, frontiers, and other boundary objects on the edge of oceania's futurity. pacific affairs, 94(1):123–144. doi:10.5509/2021941123 mcdougall, b. n. 2021. finding meaning, kaona and contemporary hawaiian literature. university of arizona press. mcgregor, d. p. 2007. nā kuaʻāina, living hawaiian culture. university of hawaiʻi press, honolulu. mcgregor, d. p, p. t. morelli, j. k. matsuoka, r. rodenhurst, n. kong, and m. s. spencer. 2003. an ecological model of native hawaiian well-being. pacific health dialog 10(2). available at: https:// www.researchgate.net/profile/michael-spencer-10/ publication/5669759_an_ecological_model_of_native_h awaiian_well-being/ links/5f4fbf0a299bf13a3197b453/an-ecologicalmodel-of-native-hawaiian-well-being.pdf mcguire, g. (in press). more than medicine, hawaiian healing as lens for place-based wellbeing. hūlili multidisciplinary research on hawaiian well-being. moon, k., a. m. guerrero, v. m. adams, d. biggs, d. a. blackman, l. craven, h. dickinson, and h. ross. 2019. mental models for conservation research and practice. conservation letters 12(3). doi:10.1111/conl.12642 morishige, k., p. andrade, p. pascua, k. steward, e. cadiz, l. kapono, and u. chong. 2018. nā kilo ʻāina: visions of biocultural restoration through indigenous relationships between people and place. sustainability 10(10). doi:10.3390/ su10103368 nākoa, k. r. k. and e. k. wright, eds. 2015. kanaka ‘ōiwi methodologies: mo‘olelo and metaphor. university of hawaiʻi press, honolulu. nishimoto, w. and w. m. akutagawa. 1991. oral history interview with william m. akutagawa, jr. in 1989 in ʻualapuʻe, molokaʻi oral histories from the mcguire and mawyer. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):22–36 35 research communications special issue on diverse conservations east end. center for oral history social science research institute university of hawaiʻi at mānoa. nobrega-olivera, m. 2019. pūʻolo paʻakai, a bundle of salt from pūʻolo, hanapēpē, kauaʻi in detours, a decolonial guide to hawaiʻi, p. 220–229. duke university press. nps. 2020. superintendent's compendium of designations, closures, permit requirements and other restrictions imposed under discretionary authority. national park service u.s. department of the interior. available at: https://www.nps.gov/havo/ learn/management/upload/2020-havocompendium-final-20200910-508-2.pdf oha. 2009. historic land divisions. shapefile. state of hawaiʻi gis database. available at: https:// files.hawaii.gov/dbedt/op/gis/maps/ahupuaa.jpg pihana, h., n. puniwai, and h. e. perry. 2022. nā waʻa mauō marine stewardship program: perpetuating the practices of our kūpuna to care for our oceans and strengthen our next generation of marine stewards. parks stewardship forum 38(2). doi:10.5070/p538257521 poepoe, k. k., p. k. bartram, and a.m. friedlander. 2007. the use of traditional knowledge in the contemporary management of a hawaiian community’s marine resources in fishers’ knowledge in fisheries science and management. united nations educational scientific and cultural organization publishing. available at: https:// d1wqtxts1xzle7.cloudfront.net/35590757/ fishers_knowledge_2014-libre.pdf? 1416128650=&response-contentdisposition=inline%3b+filename% 3dfishers_knowledge_in_fisheries_science_a.pdf&expir es=1673249848&signature=lpyvjpzip6ozmz5s4d g2danr~vpvmqdlx9o7gtwo6jn5bczwdc7qy katrogwcg1ezc7ta2fysxyodny0xxtdu0jhoyzjajrsnbtrtrlzjrw5mwk9tgmyjdigcyobrroibnvk vab4cn7unfd3dgpje39a5ouijnic7ptphkztp0l yutehd2e9dalkofg4mxwdymdt~sqx9pxbpg p0lomcw9mosngz~dpjbgqr32p24jl820snobpjq pkcxaeaak3jqnlar6osawwkm0nmuhm8no g6l1au7vo219iflkuokefrljrutont7gjq1d~v7 c61c~loun-kpsen9gdomcrg__&key-pairid=apkajlohf5ggslrbv4za#page=94 pukui, m. k. and e. samuel h. 1986. hawaiian dictionary. university of hawaiʻi press. sahlins, m. 2022. the new science of the enchanted universe: an anthropology of most of humanity. princeton university press. soest. 2016. 5 meter bathymetry synthesis grid. tif. hawaiʻi mapping research group, school of ocean and earth science and technology. available at: http:// www.soest.hawaii.edu/hmrg/multibeam/ bathymetry.php starkey, l. j. 2017. why sea monsters surround the northern lands: olaus magnus's conception of water. preternature: critical and historical studies on the preternatural 6(1):31–62. doi:10.5325/ preternature.6.1.0031 sterling, e. j., c. filardi, a. toomey, a. sigouin, e. betley, n. gazit, j. newell, s. albert, d. alvira, n. bergamini, and m. blair. 2017. biocultural approaches to well-being and sustainability indicators across scales. nature ecology & evolution, 1(12):1798–1806. doi:10.1038/s41559-017-0349-6 stevenson, t. c. and b. n. tissot. 2013. evaluating marine protected areas for managing marine resource conflict in hawaiʻi. marine policy 39:215– 223. doi:10.1016/j.marpol.2012.11.003 strang, v. 2021. elemental powers: water beings, nature worship, and long-term trajectories in human-environmental relations. swedish journal of anthropology 4(2). available at: https://www.divaportal.org/smash/get/diva2:1626739/ fulltext01.pdf todd, z. 2014. fish pluralities: human-animal relations and sites of engagement in paulatuuq, arctic canada. etudes/inuit/studies 38. doi:10.7202/1028861ar tomlinson, m. and t. p. k. tengan. 2016. new mana: transformations of a classic concept in pacific languages and cultures. anu press. toniello, g., d. lepofsky, g. lertzman-lepofsky, a. k. salomon, and k. rowell. 2019. 11,500 y of human-clam relationships provide long-term context for intertidal management in the salish sea, british columbia. pnas 116(44). doi:10.1073/pnas.1905921116 torgersen, e. h. 2018. waters of destruction: mythical creatures, boiling pots and tourist encounters at wailuku river in hilo, hawai ‘i. in mcguire and mawyer. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):22–36 36 research communications special issue on diverse conservations island rivers: fresh water and place in oceania, pp. 165 –186. anu press. tuhiwai smith, l. 2012. decolonizing methodologies: research and indigenous peoples. zed books. verschuuren, b. 2007. an overview of cultural and spiritual values in ecosystem management and conservation strategies. in endogenous development and bio-cultural diversity: the interplay of worldviews, globalization and locality, pp. 299–322. compas. west, p., j. igoe, and d. brockington. 2006. parks and peoples: the social impact of protected areas. the annual review of anthropology 35:251–277. doi:10.1146/annurev.anthro.35.081705.123308 wiebe, s. m. 2019. sensing policy: engaging affected communities at the intersections of environmental justice and decolonial futures. politics, groups, and identities 8:181–193. doi:10.1080/21565503.2019.1629315 williams, b. a., j. e. m. watson, h. l. beyer, c. j. klein, j. montgomery, r. k. runting, l. a. robseron, b. s. halpern, h. s. grantham, c. d. kuempel, m. frazier, o. venter, and a. wenger. 2021. the global rarity of intact coastal regions. conservation biology. doi:10.1111/cobi.13874 wilson-hokowhitu, n. ed. 2019. the past before us: moʻokūʻauhau as methodology. university of hawaiʻi press. winter, k. b., m. b. vaughan, n. kurashima, c. giardina, k. quiocho, k. chang, m. akutagawa, m., k. beamer. and f. berkes. 2021. empowering indigenous agency through community-driven collaborative management to achieve effective conservation: hawai‘i as an example. pacific conservation biology 27(4):337–344. cymbopogon winterianus, neurolaena lobata, and ruta chalepensis—recurring herbal remedies in guatemalan maya q’eqchi’ homegardens thiel and quinlan. 2022. ethnobiology letters 13(1):41–48 41 research communications infrastructure (vandebroek 2013, weller et al. 1997). homegardens provide access to these resources conveniently (kumar and nair 2006) and at lower or no cost (vogl et al. 2002). in guatemala, herbal introduction home remedies with medicinal plants are often the first healthcare choice in financially disadvantaged, rural, areas that lack healthcare services and cymbopogon winterianus, neurolaena lobata, and ruta chalepensis— recurring herbal remedies in guatemalan maya q’eqchi’ homegardens amanda m. thiel 1 , marsha b. quinlan 1* 1 department of anthropology, washington state university, pullman, wa, usa * mquinlan@wsu.edu abstract we report on the top three ethnopharmacological herbs growing among a lowland guatemalan q’eqchi’ community’s homegardens. in a gardening culture characterized by pragmatic species distribution and sharing, these few herbaceous species recur in multiple households’ dooryard gardens. our aim in reporting on the most predominant ethnobotanical herbs gardened in a maya q’eqchi’ village’s dooryards is to valorize the capacities of local pharmacological traditions. thirty-one walking homegarden interviews and participant-observation inform this research with village residents. té de limón (cymbopogon winterianus, for cough, fever), qa’mank/tres punta (neurolaena lobata, for diabetes, fever, headache, gastrointestinal ills, evil eye), and ruda (ruta chalepensis, for children’s vomiting, weepiness, evil eye) are the prevalent non-woody q’eqchi’ homegarden herbs here. regional ethnomedical and extant pharmacology research mutually support the efficacy and continued practicality of these q’eqchi’ plant uses. ethnopharmacological research of maya q’eqchi’ medicinals documents local knowledge for conservation and calls for their cultural and biomedical respect as prominent, accessible, therapeutic species. resumen reportamos sobre las tres principales hierbas etnofarmacológicas cultivadas en los huertos familiares de una comunidad q'eqchi' guatemalteca de tierras bajas. en una cultura de jardinería caracterizada por la distribución pragmática de especies y el intercambio, algunas especies herbáceas se repiten en los huertos familiares de múltiples hogares. nuestro objetivo al reportar sobre las hierbas etnobotánicas más predominantes cultivadas en los patios de una aldea maya q'eqchi' es el de valorizar las capacidades de las tradiciones farmacológicas. treinta y una entrevistas en base a “caminatas botánicas” y la observación participante informan esta investigación con los residentes de la aldea. cymbopogon winterianus (para la tos, fiebre), neurolaena lobata (para la diabetes, fiebre, dolor de cabeza, enfermedades gastrointestinales, mal de ojo) y ruta chalepensis (para el vómito, el llanto y el mal de ojo en niños) son las hierbas medicinales predominantes. las investigaciones regionales etnomédicas y farmacológicas actuales apoyan mutuamente la eficacia y la factibilidad de estas plantas y sus usos entre los q’eqchi’. la investigación etnofarmacológica de las medicinas maya q'eqchi' documenta el conocimiento local como base para la conservación e invita al respeto cultural y biomédico de estas como especies terapéuticas destacadas y accesibles. received december 12, 2021 open access accepted september 1, 2022 doi 10.14237/ebl.13.1.2022.1805 published october 17, 2022 keywords ethnobotany, ethnopharmacology, ethnomedicine, medicinal plants, cultural consensus copyright © 2021 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. thiel and quinlan. 2022. ethnobiology letters 13(1):41–48 42 research communications remedies are common home healthcare (adams and hawkins 2007, cosminsky 2016), and many of these plants show pharmacological efficacy (caceres 1996, michel et al. 2007). here, we report the three most common herbaceous homegarden medicinals (cymbopogon winterianus, neurolaena lobata, and ruta chalepensis) in a maya q’eqchi’ village and discuss them in regional ethnomedical and pharmacological context. indigenous and local knowledge (ilk) uniquely supports local biocultural adaptation and vitality, and yet suppression, misrepresentation, appropriation, assimilation, disconnection, and destruction all threaten ilk through continuing historical legacies of colonization, globalization, and urbanization (fernández-llamazares et al. 2021). our guatemalan q’eqchi’ research participants’ lifeways and knowledge have suffered every one of these threats; in interviews, many reported having fled their homes in other parts of the country in 1980 amidst the guatemalan civil war, seeking a safe place to live self-sufficiently and in community (see also maass 2008:127). in the wake of the consequences of relocation, racism, genocide, and violence, villagers report erosion of environmental ilk. yet many villagers retain some ethnopharmacological knowledge and practice, as evidenced here. additionally, it is likely that by moving to a lowland region from the highlands, founding villagers and their descendants adapted previous ilk—adjusting former practices and learning new ones—in their new socioecological context. we document the indigenous ethnopharmacological knowledge herein as one step towards valorizing guatemalan q’eqchi’ ilk and its continuing transmission into the future. methods study location this research assesses medical ethnobotany in a lowland guatemalan village in alta verapaz. abundant rain falls (2000–3000mm annually) and the average temperature is 26°c. evergreen rainforest grows from limestone soil (maass 2008:117,152) containing native palms, orchids, and bromeliads (standley and steyermark 1945). the village, founded in 1980, is home to ~700 people. the village area is mostly flat with palmthatched, wooden plank homes in a rectangular grid— a typical layout in post-war guatemala (wilson 1995). almost all villagers identify as maya q’eqchi’. a few residents have other maya ethnicities (kaqchikel, pokomchi, mam), and fewer identify as ladino (mestizo). q’eqchi’ is the predominant language, even among the few non-q’eqchi’, though spanish is also widely spoken. homegardens are the (30m by 60m) parcels of land where people live. villagers own or rent additional plots for maize horticultural production. for extensive ethnographic description and local definitions and perceptions of homegardens, see thiel and quinlan (2022). data collection research occurred between june and august 2016, and in july 2018. we conducted participant observation (musante and dewalt 2010) throughout this time, inquiring about ethnobotanical and ethnomedical activities from key informants and interested villagers. thirty-two adult residents (nine men, 23 women), between the ages of 19 and 70, residing in 26 households, participated in interviews. availability skewed the sample’s sex ratio; men spend daylight hours working outside the home, while women remain near home. we selected participants via stratified convenience sampling according to distance on either side of the main road for a representative spatial distribution of gardens. our semi-structured interviews were two-part: a life-history questionnaire and walking homegarden tours (martin 2010). in the homegarden tours, we asked questions to elicit individuals’ knowledge of plants’ names and uses, and probing for details regarding medicinal applications, plant parts, amounts, and preparations. most interviews were in spanish; two were in q’eqchi’ using with the assistance of a local translator. voucher specimens the guatemalan national council for protected areas (conap) granted permission for botanical voucher collection. we collected vouchers with key informants during our 2018 field visit and deposited vouchers in the university of san carlos herbarium, guatemala city. analyses we omit one interview for reliability, as one interviewee was not answering independently. we include 31 interviews (8 men, 23 women) in our analysis. we analyzed interview responses to assess participants’ frequency of mention of cultivation of homegarden medicinal species and the overall thiel and quinlan. 2022. ethnobiology letters 13(1):41–48 43 research communications agreement on plant uses and preparation methods. we compared local plant uses with the uses reported in regional ethnomedical and global pharmacological literature. results this q’eqchi’ community’s most frequently grown herbaceous medicinal plants are cymbopogon winterianus, neurolaena lobata, and ruta chalepensis (table 1; see thiel and quinlan [2020] for common homegarden medicinal trees). inter-household variation in homegarden medicinal content and plant-sharing is the norm in this village (thiel and quinlan 2022). yet, these three species recur in 12–19% (3–5/26) of sampled homegardens. here, we present their frequency of cultivation and medicinal uses, and review related regional ethnomedical and global pharmacological literature. cymbopogon winterianus three informants (11.5%) identify cymbopogon winterianus in their homegardens. all report the tea for treating coughs, and one recommends it for fever. while only these three informants grow c. winterianus, 24% of households reported using it, calling it by its spanish name té de limón, for coughs and fever in combination with other plants they grow (see thiel and quinlan 2022). a pan-tropical medicinal genera, cymbopogon’s various species, including c. winterianus and c. citratus, show antibacterial, antifungal, antiamoebic, antidiarrheal, antifilarial, and anti-inflammatory properties interchangeably due to similar chemical compositions (dutta et al. 2016). guatemalans drink c. citratus infusions for digestive ailments, respiratory illnesses, fever, malaria, menstrual problems, high blood pressure, nervousness, and susto (fright) (caceres 1996; orellana ayala 1997). for rheumatism and soreness, they use a poultice (orellana ayala 1997), and drink or wash with an infusion (caceres 1996). mexicans drink the infusion for gastrointestinal problems (sharma et al. 2017), as do belizeans, who also drink it for respiratory congestion, and children’s fever; adding the root for adults’ fevers (balick and arvigo 2015). cymbopogon winterianus essential oil is antifungal against candida albicans (oliveira et al. 2011) and highly antimicrobial against staphylococcus aureus, staphylococcus epidermidis, salmonella typhimurium, bacillus subtilis, escherichia coli, klebsiella pneumoniae, and pseudomonas aeruginosa (munda and lal 2020). c. winterianus has anticonvulsant, anti-inflammatory, and pain killing (antinociceptive) properties, and induces vaso-relaxation and hypotension (i.e., lowers hypertension) (munda and lal 2020). additionally, most cymbopogon species have insecticidal, anti-cancer, and anti-hiv properties (avoseh et al. 2015). among abundant pharmacological cymbopogon species research, we found none targeted toward pulmonary or respiratory actions indicated in q’eqchi’ and other global ethnomedicines. neurolaena lobata three village subjects (11.5%) grow qa’mank, or neurolaena lobata (tres punta, boneset/jackass bitters), and consider it a weed (they do not plant it purposefully). villagers decoct the bitter, threepronged leaf to treat stomachache, gastritis, and diabetes. one informant also uses it for evil eye, fever, and headache. the tea requires gathering a handful of leaves, boiling them in ≈1l water, and drinking this three times daily. alta verapaz q’eqchi’ use n. lobata leaves for malaria (paludismo), gastrointestinal problems, and diabetes (maass 2008:165). the q’eqchi’ of izabal use n. lobata leaf for dysmenorrhea and vaginal infections (michel et al. 2007). other guatemalans drink n. lobata leaf tea for gonorrhea (caceres 1996), malaria, fever, diarrhea, stomachache, and diabetes (caceres 1996; orellana ayala 1997). externally, they apply the leaf juice to repel ticks, a leaf infusion to clean wounds, lesions, and ulcers, and a leaf poultice for bites (caceres 1996), including snake bites, the most dangerous kind being from the venomous terciopelo viper (bothrops asper, fer-de-lance) (hay 2002), for which guatemalans also drink n. lobata leaf infusions and decoctions (saravia-otten et al. 2022). belizeans use n. lobata leaf tea or poultice for fever, pain, muscle soreness, swelling, skin ailments, digestive issues, diabetes, colds, influenza, malaria, and women’s reproductive system issues (balick and arvigo 2015). west indian islanders use n. lobata leaves and stems to make fish poison and insecticides (lewis and elvin-lewis 1977). pharmacology finds n. lobata efficacy against inflammation, microbial, and protozoal activity (berger et al. 2001, caceres et al. 1998, walsheroussel et al. 2013). it is antiglycemic (blood-sugar levelling) in mice (gupta et al. 1984). an ethanol extract of n. lobata worked against the epimastogote (intestine-occupying form) and trypomastigote (blood -occupying, infective) stages of the chagas thiel and quinlan. 2022. ethnobiology letters 13(1):41–48 44 research communications latin name and family cymbopogon winterianus, poaceae neurolaena lobata, asteraceae ruta chalepensis, rutaceae spanish name té de limón tres punta ruda q’eqchi’ name (none reported) qa’mank ruda english common gloss lemon-grass bonset, jackass bitters rue cultivation status introduced, cultivated native, weedy/not cultivated introduced, cultivated plant part used medicinally aerial parts leaves aerial parts illnesses treated locally cough, fever evil eye, fever, headache, stomachache, diabetes, gastritis evil eye, vomiting, weepiness, for children’s complaints households that reported as medicinal 3 (11.5%) 3 (11.5%) 5 (19%) homegardens where present (out of 26) 3 (11.5%) 4 (15.4%) 5 (19%) voucher id at044/80934 at109/81406 at105/81606 table 1 the three most frequently mentioned herbaceous medicinal homegarden plants and their uses. thiel and quinlan. 2022. ethnobiology letters 13(1):41–48 45 research communications trypanosoma cruzi protozoa, in vivo and in vitro (berger et al. 2001, caceres et al. 1998), and against the leishmania spp. and trichomonas vaginalis parasites, in vitro (berger et al. 2001). ruta chalepensis five informants (19%) showed ruda, ruta chalepensis (ruda, rue) in their homegardens and agreed completely on medicinal uses and preparation. all indicated its usefulness against children’s and babies’ evil eye, specifying an infusion with the plant’s aerial parts as a bath or external wash. they also drink r. chalepensis for vomiting and excessive weepiness, both symptoms of evil eye, itself. guatemalans use r. chalepensis leaf for menstrual problems (caceres 1996; michel et al. 2007; orellana ayala 1997), respiratory, digestive, and nervous system problems (caceres 1996; orellana ayala 1997), hemorrhaging (caceres 1996), and to treat hemorrhoids, varicose veins, rheumatism, animal bites, wounds, worms, colic, pain, and aire (air) (orellana ayala 1997). eastern ladinos and ch’orti’ maya use r. chalepensis for fever, pain, respiratory issues, and illnesses with a “psychological or spiritual component” (kufer et al. 2015:1130). belizians use r. chalepensis for indications paralleling evil eye: heat exhaustion, headache, fainting spells, infections, swelling, stomach pain, convulsions, nightmares, and to ward off evil (balick and arvigo 2015). yucatec maya (mexico), grow r. chalepensis in most gardens and consider it a cure-all, making a tea for stomachache and diarrhea (whether from evil eye or other causes), and use it around the house to prevent “evil winds” [i.e., aire] (anderson 2003:206). pharmacologically, ruta chalepensis extract depresses the central nervous system (gonzaleztrujano et al. 2006), and shows anti-inflammatory, antipyretic (fever-reducing), and analgesic properties in mice (al-said et al. 1990). the extract is active against t. cruzi, the chagas disease parasite (molinagarza et al. 2014). essential oils from the leaves inhibit yeasts and fungi (candida albicans and trichophyton rubrum), but not staphylococcus aureus and escherichia coli bacteria (khoury et al. 2014). but phenolic compounds in r. chalepensis inhibit pseudomonas aeruginosa, s. aureus and e. coli bacteria, and have strong antioxidant properties (ouerghemmi et al. 2017). discussion the most frequently mentioned herbaceous medicinal plants grown in homegardens in this alta verapaz q’eqchi’ village are c. winterianus, n. lobata, and r. chalepensis. the frequency with which informants cultivate and report them as medicinal indicates cultural agreement about their value and specific indications. because consensus appears to develop over time (stepp 2016), informant’s agreement on the uses of these three herbs likely indicates long-standing q’eqchi’ and regional traditions of medicinal plant use (traditional ethnobotanical [or ecological] knowledge [tek]). for example, the complete agreement on the uses and preparation methods of ruta chalepensis as an external wash for symptoms of evil eye mirrors its regional uses (anderson 2003, balick and arvigo 2015, kufer et al. 2015, orellana ayala 1997). villagers often report cultivates growing in their homegardens and common wild plants or weeds growing close to home, as cross-culturally people often use the latter medicinally (stepp and moerman 2001). in this study, villagers report growing n. lobata because it volunteered in their gardens, not because they planted it purposefully. it appears that, once established in their gardens, villagers cultivate n. lobata for its medicinal uses, as they do not report any other uses for the plant. “weedy” plants growing in disturbed areas—like n. lobata in q’eqchi’ homegardens—frequently provide maya household remedies (stepp 2018), as tends to occur crossculturally (stepp and moerman 2001). of the three remedies, n. lobata is the only native plant to this area, whereas c. winterianus and r. chalepensis are introduced. relatedly, n. lobata is the only plant of the three with a unique q’eqchi’ name. villagers report the spanish name of r. chalepensis, ruda, as the q’eqchi’ name. they use the borrowed term té de limón and do not report a q’eqchi’ name for c. winterianus. the status of these plants as native or introduced and their corresponding spanish or q’eqchi’ local names indicate and affirm the dynamism of ilk in this village. villagers incorporate new plants and knowledge of their uses into ilk, likely because of their increasing integration into local market economies and globally interconnected agriculture (maass 2008, wilson 1995). we found a similar pattern among native and introduced medicinal trees in this village (thiel and quinlan 2020). that r. chalepensis has a q’eqchi’ name may indicate that villagers have incorporated its use into local ethnomedicine longer or more completely than c. winterianus, which lacks a name of q’eqchi’ origin. thiel and quinlan. 2022. ethnobiology letters 13(1):41–48 46 research communications this would support the assertion that ethnobotanical consensus (including nomenclature) develops over time (stepp 2016). home remedies remain the first treatment choice in health care practice in guatemala (pers. obs.; weller et al. 1997) and local medicinal plants are one of the most common home remedies (adams and hawkins 2007, cosminsky 2016). of the three plants discussed herein, comparable regional ethnomedical uses and extant pharmacological research indicate the herbs’ efficacy for similar ailments. traditional medicinal plant uses warrant further pharmacological inquiry of these therapeutic resources, particularly respiratory uses of c. winterianus, salient here and cross -culturally, yet lacking pharmacological investigation (which we suggest happen in collaboration with local people to ensure equitable benefit sharing). how rural, indigenous guatemalans care for their health with accessible local resources (e.g., homegarden medicinals) that they value as pharmacologically active may influence public health in guatemala and elsewhere (caceres 1996; michel et al. 2007). understanding the context of guatemalan maya cultivation and medicinal plant uses is necessary for cultural revitalization and successful integration of diverse regional health care models as western biomedicine expands (adams and hawkins 2007; caceres 1996) and local fears of ethnobotanical knowledge erosion increase (cosminsky 2016). the threats to indigenous and local knowledge (ilk) require active dismantling so this resilient biocultural knowledge may contribute to local and global flourishing (fernández-llamazares et al. 2021). we hope that our documentation of these three recurring remedies helps valorize and preserve this practical knowledge for local and global benefit. acknowledgments bantiox (thank you) to our guatemalan collaborators for generously sharing their knowledge; especially the tox family and don ricardo yaat. thanks to lic. julio morales for facilitating connections in the field and dr. armando medinaceli for field support and collaboration. declarations permissions: washington state university’s institutional review board approved this research. we followed the international society of ethnobiology (2006) and the latin american society of ethnobiology (cano contreras et al. 2016) codes of ethics. we followed local customs (see medinaceli 2018 for our detailed protocol) for conducting research and returning results to the community. we obtained free, prior, and informed consent for each interview and complied with guatemalan biodiversity conventions per our agreement with the guatemalan national council for protected areas. sources of funding: grants from the society of economic botany, the society of ethnobiology, and the garden club of america/missouri botanical garden (to thiel). conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited adams, w., and j. p. hawkins. 2007. health care in maya guatemala. university of oklahoma, norman. al-said, m. s., m. tariq, m. a. al-yahya, s. rafatullah, o. t. ginnawi, and a. m. ageel. 1990. studies on ruta chalepensis, an ancient medicinal herb still used in traditional medicine. journal of ethnopharmacology 28:305–312. doi:10.1016/03788741(90)90081-4 anderson, e. n. 2003. those who bring the flowers. ecosur, san cristobal de las casas, chiapas, mexico. avoseh, o., o. oyedeji, p. rungqu, b. nkehchungag, and a. oyedeji. 2015. cymbopogon species; ethnopharmacology, phytochemistry and the pharmacological importance. molecules 20 (5):7438–7453. doi:10.3390/molecules20057438. balick, m., and r. arvigo. 2015. messages from the gods. oxford university, oxford, uk. berger, i., c.m. passreiter, a. cáceres, and w. kubelka. 2001. antiprotozoal activity of neurolaena lobata. phytotherapy research 15:327–330. doi:10.1002/ptr.782 cáceres, a. 1996. plantas de uso medicinal en guatemala. editorial universitaria, guatemala. cáceres, a., b. lópez, s. gonzález, i. berger, i. tada, and j. maki. 1998. plants used in guatemala for the treatment of protozoal infections, i. journal of ethnopharmacology 62:195–202. doi:10.1016/s03788741(98)00140-8 cano contreras, e., a. medinaceli, o. sanabria, and a. argueta. 2016. código de ética para la investigación, la investigación-acción y la colaboración etnocientífica en américa latina. et n o b io lo g ía 14 ( s u p lem en t o l) : 22 27. doi:10.18542/ethnoscientia.v3i2.10239 thiel and quinlan. 2022. ethnobiology letters 13(1):41–48 47 research communications cosminsky, s. 2016. midwives and mothers. university of texas, austin, tx. dutta, s., s. munda, m. lal, and p. r. bhattacharyya. 2016. a short review on chemical composition, therapeutic use and enzyme inhibition activities of cymbopogon species. indian journal of science and technology 9(46):1–9. fernández-llamazares, á., d. lepofsky, k. lertzman, c. g. armstrong, e. s. brondizio, m. c. gavin, p. o. b. lyver, g. p. nicholas, p. pascua, n. j. reo, v. reyes-garcía, n. j. turner, j. yletyinen, e. n. anderson, w. balee, j. cariño, d. m. davidchavez, c. p. dunn, s. c. garnett, s. greening, s. jackson, h. kuhnlein, z. molnár, g. odonne, g. b. retter, w. j. ripple, l. sáfián, a. s. bahraman, m. torrents-ticó, and m. b. vaughan. 2021. scientists' warning to humanity on threats to indigenous and local knowledge systems. journal of ethnobiology 41 (2):144–169. doi:10.2993/0278-0771-41.2.144 gonzalez-trujano, m. e., d. carrera, r. venturamartinez, e. cedillo-portugal, and a. navarrete. 2006. neuropharmacological profile of an ethanol extract of ruta chalepensis l. in mice. journal of ethnopharmacology 106:129–135. doi:10.1016/ j.jep.2005.12.014 gupta, m. p., n. g. solis, m. e. avella, and c. sanchez. 1984. hypoglycemic activity of neurolaena lobata (l.) r. br. journal of ethnopharmacology 10:323– 327. doi:10.1016/0378-8741(84)90020-5. hay, y. o. 2002. estudio etnofarmacológico de plantas utilizadas en la medicina tradicional para el tratamiento de leishmaniasis cutánea, del paludismo y de la mordedura de serpientes, en tres departamentos de guatemala. universidad de san c a r l o s d e g u a t e m a l a , s e r v i c e de coopération au développement, and institut de recherche pour le développment, guatemala city. international society of ethnobiology. 2006. ise code of ethics. available at http:// ethnobiology.net/code-of-ethics/. accessed on october 11, 2021. khoury, m., d. stien, n. ouaini, v. eparvier, n. arnold apostolides, and m. el beyrouthy. 2014. chemical composition and antimicrobial activity of the essential oil of ruta chalepensis l. growing wild in lebanon. chemistry and biodiversity 11:1990– 1997. doi:10.1002/cbdv.201400109. kufer j., h. förther, e. pöll, and m. heinrich. 2005. historical and modern medicinal plant uses—the example of the ch'orti' maya and ladinos in eastern guatemala. journal of pharmacy and pharmacology 57:1127–1152. doi:10.1211/ jpp.57.9.0008 kumar, b. m., and p. k. r. nair. 2006. tropical homegardens. springer, dordrecht. lewis, w. h., and m. p. f. elvin-lewis. 1977. medical botany. john wiley & sons, hoboken, nj. maass, p. 2008. the cultural context of biodiversity conservation: seen and unseen dimensions of indigenous knowledge among q’eqchi’ communities in guatemala. universitätsverlag göttingen, göttingen, germany. martin, g. j. 2010. ethnobotany. routledge, abingdon, uk. medinaceli, a. 2018. taking an early step in ethnobiological research. ethnobiology letters 9: 76– 85. doi:10.14237/ebl.9.1.2018.1054. michel, j., r. e. duarte, j. l. bolton, y. huang, a. caceres, m. veliz, and g. b. mahady. 2007. medical potential of plants used by the q’eqchi maya of livingston, guatemala for the treatment of women's health complaints. journal of ethnopharmacology 114:92–101. doi:10.1016/j.jep.2007.07.033. molina-garza, z. j., a. f. bazaldúa-rodríguez, r. quintanilla-licea, and l. galaviz-silva. 2014. antitrypanosoma cruzi activity of 10 medicinal plants used in northeast mexico. acta tropica 136:14–18. doi:10.1016/j.actatropica.2014.04.006. munda s., and m. lal. 2020. cymbopogon winterianus jowitt ex bor, a hub for various industrial and pharmaceutical applications. in botanical leads for drug discovery, edited by b. singh. springer, singapore. doi:10.1007/978-981-15-5917-4_19. musante, k., and b. r. dewalt. 2010. participant observation: a guide for fieldworkers. altamira press, lanham, md. oliveira, w. a. d., f. d. o. pereira, g. c. d. g. d. luna, i. o. lima, p. a. wanderley, r. b. d. lima, and e. d. o. lima. 2011. antifungal activity of cymbopogon winterianus jowitt ex bor against candida albicans. brazilian journal of microbiolog y 4 2 : 4 3 3 – 4 4 1 . d o i : 1 0 . 1 5 9 0 / s 1 5 1 7 83822011000200004. orellana ayala, r. 1997. salud familiar y plantas medicinales en la sierra de las minas. fundacion defensores de la naturaleza, guatemala. ouerghemmi, i., i. bettaieb rebey, f. z. rahali, s. bourgou, l. pistelli, r. ksouri, b. marzouk, and m. thiel and quinlan. 2022. ethnobiology letters 13(1):41–48 48 research communications saidani tounsi. 2017. antioxidant and antimicrobial phenolic compounds from extracts of cultivated and wild-grown tunisian ruta chalepensis. journal of food and drug analysis 25:350– 359. doi:10.1016/j.jfda.2016.04.001. saravia-otten, p., r. hernández, n. marroquín, j. a. pereañez, l. m. preciado, a. vásquez, g. garcía, f. nave, l. rochac, v. genovez, m. mérida, s. m. cruz, n. orozco, a. cáceres, and j. m. gutiérrez. 2022. inhibition of enzymatic activities of bothrops asper snake venom and docking analysis of compounds from plants used in central america to treat snakebite envenoming. journal of ethnopharmacology 283:114710. doi:10.1016/ j.jep.2021.114710. sharma, a., r. c. flores-vallejo, a. cardoso-taketa, and m. l. villarreal. 2017. antibacterial activities of medicinal plants used in mexican traditional medicine. journal of ethnopharmacology 208:264–329. doi:10.1016/j.jep.2016.04.045. standley, p. c., and j. steyermark. 1945. the vegetation of guatemala, a brief review. in plants and plant sciences in latin america, edited by f. verdoorn, pp. 275–278. waltham, ma: chronica botanica. stepp, j.r. 2016. transmission, sharing, and variation of medicinal plant knowledge and implications for health. in plants and health, edited by e. a. olson and j. r. stepp, pp. 163–170. springer. stepp, j. r. 2018. ethnoecology and medicinal plants of the highland maya. springer, cham, switzerland. stepp, j. r., and d. moerman. 2001. the importance of weeds in ethnopharmacology. journal of ethnopharmacology 75:19–23. doi:10.1016/s03788741(00)00385-8. thiel, a. m., and m.b. quinlan. 2020. maya medicinal fruit trees: q’eqchi’ homegarden remedies. economic botany 74(4):464–470. doi:10.1007/ s12231-020-09506-z. thiel, a. m., and m. b. quinlan. 2022. homegarden variation and medicinal plant sharing among the q’eqchi’ maya of guatemala. economic botany 76 (1):16-33. doi:10.1007/s12231-021-09537-0. vandebroek, i. 2013. intercultural health and ethnobotany: how to improve healthcare for underserved and minority communities? journal of ethnopharmacology 148(3):746–754. doi:10.1016/ j.jep.2013.05.039. vogl, c.r., b.n. vogl-lukasser, and j. caballero. 2002. homegardens of maya migrants in the district of palenque, chiapas, mexico. in ethnobiology and biocultural diversity, edited by j.r. stepp et al., pp. 631–647. u. georgia press, athens, georgia, usa. walshe-roussel, b., c. choueiri, a. saleem, m. asim, f. caal, v. cal, and j.t. arnason. 2013. potent anti -inflammatory activity of sesquiterpene lactones from neurolaena lobata (l.) r. br. ex cass., a q ’ e q c h i ’ m a y a t r a d i t i o n a l m e d i cine. phytochemistry 92:122–127. doi:10.1016/ j.phytochem.2013.05.004. weller, s. c., t.r. ruebush, and r.e. klein. 1997. predicting treatment‐seeking behavior in guatemala. medical anthropology quarterly 11:224– 245. doi: 10.1525/maq.1997.11.2.224. wilson, r. 1995. maya resurgence in guatemala. norman, ok, university of oklahoma. the skarù·ręʔ (tuscarora) food forest project—reconciliation in sustainable agriculture research and education through cross-cultural agroforestry demonstration bosco and thomas. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):56–71 56 perspectives special issue on diverse conservations and is in the ancestral homelands of the haudenosaunee confederacy. archaeobotanical and historical ecological evidence demonstrate the presence and cultural use of nut trees since at least 2500 bce in this biocultural landscape (gerard-little 2017, ritchie 1980; schaefer 2011, tulowiecki et al 2020; yarnell 1984). through photosynthetic carbon capture and storage in plant biomass and soils, agroforestry has a global carbon (c) sequestration potential of up to 5.7 gigatons c yr-1 (mbow et al. 2019). as such, it ranks introduction agroforestry is the intentional inclusion of woody perennials within crop and/or livestock systems to meet livelihood and ecological needs. it has long existed globally in landscapes stewarded by indigenous traditional ecological knowledges (fajardo cavalcanti de albuquerque 2020). the subject of this manuscript occurred at the skarù·ręʔ (tuscarora) nation, a federally recognized indian reservation in so -called lewiston, new york (ny), united states (us), the skarù·ręʔ (tuscarora) food forest project—reconciliation in sustainable agriculture research and education through cross-cultural agroforestry demonstration samantha bosco 1* and bradley thomas 2 1 u.s. forest service, national agroforestry center, ithaca, usa. 2 tuscarora (snipe clan). forester, oneida nation of wisconsin, oneida, usa. * sfb42@cornell.edu abstract temperate nut trees have long been utilized in eastern north america, providing high quality food, durable materials, and contributing to multispecies relationships across geographic and cultural landscapes. while not widely consumed today, renewed interest in temperate nuts such as hybrid chestnuts and hazelnuts, are part of efforts to realize nature-based solutions to climate change, which include multifunctional agroforestry systems. indigenous peoples’ contributions to agroforestry and climate resilience are substantial, however sustainable agricultural research often overlooks critical social justice implications underlying the history of colonization in settler nations, including dispossessed land and appropriated indigenous crops. as one of the most nutritionally dense plant-based foods, nuts were important components of haudenosaunee foodways. archaeological, ethnographic, and historical-ecological evidence indicate that the haudenosaunee subsistence and settlement dynamics transformed cultural landscapes favoring such nut trees. the skarù·ręʔ (tuscarora) food forest was a community-based project demonstrating contemporary contributions of nut trees to indigenous food systems in ancestral haudenosaunee territories, today known as new york state. while domesticated crop polycultures (i.e., the three sisters) are iconic of haudenosaunee horticultural ingenuities, temperate nuts are lesserknown woodland foods that can additionally contribute to food and language revitalization efforts within contemporary haudenosaunee territories. here we discuss theories and praxes informing community engaged approaches at the skarù·ręʔ nation. by addressing social justice concerns within agricultural science, we demonstrate how the skarù·ręʔ food forest project can provide a methodological testing ground for reconciliation-based and decolonial participatory action research that expands ongoing food sovereignty, community health, and education initiatives. received august 9, 2022 open access accepted february 7, 2023 doi 10.14237/ebl.14.2.2023.1840 published may 31, 2023 keywords food forests, decolonial participatory action research, knowledge co-production, reconciliation science copyright © 2023 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. bosco and thomas. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):56–71 57 perspectives special issue on diverse conservations highly amongst nature-based solutions (nbs) to climate change, which together are estimated to deliver 30–40% of global greenhouse gas mitigation by 2030 (arneth et al. 2019; griscom et al. 2017). agroforestry also enhances ecosystem services, biodiversity, and sustainable food production (munsell and chamberlain 2019). despite accounting for 4% of the global population, indigenous peoples currently manage, own, and/or steward 40% of critical protected areas worldwide and 22% of tropical and subtropical carbon resources (garnett et al. 2018; frechette et al. 2018). recognition of indigenous contributions to nbs and climate resilience were outlined in the paris climate agreement (united nations 2015), the ipcc special report on climate change and land (arneth et al. 2019), and elsewhere (townsend, moola, and craig 2020). however, claims that agroforestry (and nbs) can contribute to transformational change often fail to consider aspects of social justice, colonization, and sovereignty. for example, it has been argued that scaling-up the extent of agroforestry to help global agroecosystems align with sustainable development goals needs to critically support resurgent indigenous governance (artelle et al. 2019), transdisciplinary action-research for multifunctional forestry (ojha et al. 2019), inclusive knowledge co-production discursive to settler colonial human-nature divides (woroniecki et al. 2020), and account for limitations in the nbs approach. reconciliatory & community engaged research in the haudenosaunee context the united nations declaration on the rights of indigenous peoples (undrip), detailing the freedoms and human rights standards entitled to indigenous peoples worldwide, recognizes treaties as the basis for strengthening relationships between indigenous and state entities and asserts the state’s responsibility for providing public education therein for its non-indigenous citizens (un general assembly 2007). in 2015, the truth and reconciliation commission (trc) of canada not only bolstered undrip’s assertions regarding the central role of education (truth and reconciliation commission of canada 2015:298–290), but also highlighted the role of cross-cultural research partnerships as “vital to reconciliation” (ibid. 293). while social science and humanities disciplines were particularly called in by trc, natural and physical sciences have often been central in colonial conquests of land and the subjugation of indigenous peoples (smith 2012). on the other hand, indigenous peoples not only have made numerous contributions to scientific disciplines but can also help advance shared goals and objectives regarding environmental sustainability (turner, cuerrier, and joseph 2022). given the fraught history and political implications of land, biodiversity, and ecosystem research, natural scientists need a heightened awareness of how their work does, or does not, contribute to reconciliation (dawson et al. 2021; wong et al. 2020). the skarù·ręʔ food forest project (sffp) is a collaboration between a non-indigenous cornell university (cu) phd graduate (samantha bosco, phd ’22, horticulture) and skarù·ręʔ (tuscarora nation) members. the project was a component of bosco’s dissertation research about the past, present, and future contributions of temperature nut trees to haudenosaunee food sovereignty and climate smart agriculture in new york state (bosco 2022 forthcoming; bosco and thomas 2019). emerging in the contemporary us context, where states and institutions have shown much greater inertia to undrip, this project sought to enact anti-oppressive praxes called for in the declaration and elsewhere in critical indigenous literature. “land education” (tuck, mckenzie, and mccoy 2014)— placed-based indigenous futurities as an intervention to settler colonial assumptions in education—and “decolonial participatory action research (dpar) (tuck and guishard 2013)— centering indigenous relationality and protocols when conducting community-based research with indigenous peoples—broadly informed sffp. as a cross-cultural collaboration, the kaswentha (two row wampum, or covenant chain treaty) was centered to ensure that haudenosaunee treaty rights, cultural identity, values, and traditional knowledge were respected (ransom and ettenger 2001). the two row wampum has also been used as a guiding framework for cross-cultural authorship (hill and coleman 2019) and following this philosophy, this paper was primarily authored by samantha bosco with contributions from bradley thomas (skarù·ręʔ; snipe clan). skarù·ręʔ are one of six sovereign indigenous nations comprising the haudenosaunee confederacy in the united states (figure 1), whose territories, customary laws, and governance structures, precedes the establishment of cu, new york, and the united states by millennia. cornell university was established bosco and thomas. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):56–71 58 perspectives special issue on diverse conservations through the 1862 land grant under the morrill act of 1862, enabling the sale of nearly one million acres of stolen indigenous land (lee and ahtone 2020). the smith lever act of 1914 mobilized a national cooperative extension service (referred to as simply “extension”) that extended outreach programming of land grant institutions through county-based association offices— expanding and entrenching settler agriculture agendas throughout the state. the ithaca, ny-based campus presently resides on the ancestral territory of the gayogo̱hó꞉nǫ’ (cayuga nation); the university owns and operates several thousands of acres across the haudenosaunee homelands and beyond (jordan 2022). cornell’s academic horticulture program, within the college of agriculture and life sciences (cals), has been central to the land grant charter since its establishment and has achieved global eminence in agriculture research and education today. an official response, list of demands, and further analysis related to the “land-grab universities” report is maintained by the american indian and indigenous studies program (aiisp) at cu (ibid.). aiisp is administratively based in cals and officially began in 1983 (then the american indian program; american indian and indigenous studies program 2022). it was sparked by indigenous student activism a decade earlier finding that cu’s negligence in actively recruiting indigenous students was in violation of the 1964 civil rights act. today, over 400 indigenous undergraduate and graduate students are affiliated with aiisp, with one of the highest figure 1 archaeologically and historically documented locations of the haudenosaunee confederacy and other northern iroquoian nations (reproduced from birch and hart 2018). the approximate location of cornell university is indicated by a red star () and the approximate location of the tuscarora federal indian reservation is indicated by a purple star (). bosco and thomas. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):56–71 59 perspectives special issue on diverse conservations indigenous student retention rates in the us. dr. professor emeritus jane mt. pleasant (tuscarora), who was bosco’s phd committee chair until her retirement in 2018, served as the aiisp director from 1995–1999 and 2002–2008, and advised bosco during the initiation of sffp. professor jolene rickard (skarù·ręʔ, turtle clan), served as aiisp director from 2011–2019 and in 2017 invited bosco to the tuscarora reservation to discuss sffp with tuscarora title holders. professor kurt jordan serves as the current aiisp director and was also on bosco’s phd committee advising her graduate minor in american indian and indigenous studies. acknowledging the deeply rooted colonial histories of the university and new york state, and as a student benefiting from this, sffp sought to collaboratively center haudenosaunee people and perspectives to: (1) interrupt ongoing silence and apathy of this settler colonial legacy within cu, and (2) offer an example of agriculture research and education that integrates social justice aspects of sustainability (klinsky et al. 2016). many new yorkers (and us citizens) assume haudenosaunee peoples are remnants of the past and no longer present in the region. in fact, haudenosaunee are vigorously rebuilding and expanding their communities across new york and canada (simpson 2014). along with language revitalization, direct actions, self-governance, and economic development, many communities are highlighting the importance of food (adams 2020; delormier et al. 2017; mt. pleasant 2016) and forests (francis 2019). indigenous food sovereignty (ifs) is the expansion of political rights discourse and action around food production and consumption to include indigenous cultural, social, and governance resurgence (grey and patel 2014). further, ifs accounts for the interdependent relationships between indigenous peoples, the places of their territories, and the sacred responsibilities that give rise to the enactments of particular practices (martens et al. 2016). haudenosaunee food sovereignty in a nutshell intercropped annual plants including maize (zea mays), beans (phaseolus vulgaris), squash (curcubita pepo)— collectively referred to as the “three sisters”—as well as sunflower (helianthus annuus) are foundational to haudenosaunee food sovereignty as well as to the food sovereignty of their iroquoian speaking neighbors in territories north of haudenosaunee homelands (see schillaci et al. 2017 for a spatiotemporal review of iroquoian languages) and their anishinaabe neighbors in the upper great lakes region. this cropping system was decisively important to the regional size and political strength of the haudenosaunee leading up to colonial invasion (mt. pleasant and burt 2010). these plants’ role in haudenosaunee cosmology further underscore deep cultural and ontological ties (adams 2020). by 1300 ce, archaeological evidence suggests that haudenosaunee and other northern iroquoian peoples established agriculturally based villages that were relocated in cycles lasting up to 40 years (birch et al. 2021) forming landscape relationships beyond the cleared fields and into forests edges. trees are important parts of haudenosaunee biocultural lifeand foodways. for example, black ash (fraxinus nigra) was and is commonly used for constructing baskets (francis 2019), shagbark hickory (caya ovata) is prized for dehoñtjihgwa’és (lacrosse) sticks and hunting bows, while red oak (quercus rubra), white cedar (thuja occidentalis), and american elm (ulmus americana) were used for longhouse construction (gerard-little 2017). trees also offer important teachings in haudenosaunee ontology, axiology, and relationality. depending on the orator, the thanksgiving address/words that come before all else may include references to white pine (pinus strobus) as the tree of peace—symbolizing the 1,000-year-old teachings of the peacemaker that formed the haudenosaunee confederacy—and how sugar maple (acer saccharum) sap flow marks the beginning of the yearly cycle of ceremonies (dolan 2016; francis 2019). ethnohistoric accounts of nuts in haudenosaunee food and medicine are well documented (parker 1910; waugh 1916). forest clearing for domestic centers and agricultural fields, wood harvesting for infrastructure and firewood, and forest management for the maintenance of vital plant and animal communities resulted in long lasting changes to individual species and forest communities at distances of 5–15 km from village centers, detectable even centuries later (fulton and yansa 2020; gerard-little 2017). for example, the presence of black walnut (juglans nigra) in association with haudenosaunee settlement and village sites well outside its so-called natural range offers compelling evidence that the species was at least managed and to some extent cultivated and/or transplanted (coladonato 1991; wykoff, 1991). recent spatial models of late pre-colonial seneca, bosco and thomas. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):56–71 60 perspectives special issue on diverse conservations cayuga, and onondaga homelands (western and central ny) demonstrates that hyper-dominance of fire-adapted mast taxa (including oak, hickory, walnut, and chestnut species) in 18th century land surveys, again indicating an association between species distribution and recursive practices of haudenosaunee subsistence and settlement (fulton and yansa 2020). haudenosaunee settlement establishment and subsequent village relocations were importantly cradled and deeply nourished by dynamic relationships with ethnoforests rich in nuts and other wild foods. by the 18th century, haudenosaunee communities had selectively adopted european fruit trees into the food systems, including the tending and orcharding of native plums (prunus americana) and nonnative domesticated apples (malus domestica [suckow] borkh) and peaches (prunus persica var. persica), which were brought to the western hemisphere by europeans but also acquired through inter-indigenous trade (kerrigan 2008). during the revolutionary war, american forces targeted british-allied haudenosaunee nations, burning thousands of acres of maize and fruit orchards during the scorched earth sullivan campaign of 1779. haudenosaunee–us relations continued to decline into the 19th century. treaties with the now united states promised less and less land for the nations of the haudenosaunee confederacy. residents of the newly formed new york state, aided by transportation projects such as the building of the erie canal, moved aggressively to settle newly dispossessed land that had been vacated through violence and bribery (hauptman 1999; palmer 2020). the contemporary tuscarora reservation is located in the historic holland land company, morris reserve, and phelps and gorham purchases (tulowiecki, robertson, and larsen 2020), which wrested 3 million acres from haudenosaunee sovereignty, leaving only 56,550 acres in federally recognized reservation lands. throughout the mid-19th and early 20th century, life confined to the reservations was further under attack with attempts to culturally assimilate haudenosaunee youth and disrupt indigenous family systems through residential schools operated by state and religious organizations, in some cases operating well into the 20th century (nichols 2006; palmer 2020; tiro 2006). by the first half of the 20th century, the effects of us indian termination policies, political meddling by ny , and the ongoing effects of reservation life forced haudenosaunee communities into destitute conditions, with some nations extirpated to other us states or across the us-canada international border. continued expansion of us federal and ny state development projects, such as the kinzua dam, the niagara falls “tuscarora reservoir”, and the st. lawrence seaway further eroded the land bases of haudenosaunee territories, even affecting federally recognized reservations (hauptman 1986). despite centuries of occupation by colonists and settlers, almost complete loss of languages and cultural traditions, denial of sovereignty, and the systematic dispossession of over 99% of their traditional land, the haudenosaunee have maintained important components of their traditional food ways. today, haudenosaunee-led initiatives are actively seeking to restore traditional foods to their diets and multiple food-focused initiatives are active across haudenosaunee territories including: iroquois white corn project (friends of ganondagan 2015); oneida community integrated food systems (oneida tribe of indians of wisconsin 2017); kanien'kehá:ka (mohawk nation) akwesasne community food assessment (saint regis mohawk tribe 2016) and efforts in kahnawà:ke (delormier et al. 2017); six nations healthy roots (de souza et al. 2021); seneca nation of indians gakwi:yo:h farm (pietrorazio 2021); gayogo̱hó꞉nǫ’ (“cayuga share farm” 2022; forstadt 2021); and seed saving and rematriation at the onondaga nation farm (lisjak 2018). while traditional corn is often the focus, relationships with forests and particular tree taxa— indigenous agroforestry— are a less prominent dimension of haudenosaunee ifs. attention to temperate nut trees, either currently in forests or intentionally planted, can further expand ongoing food sovereignty initiatives, add to language revitalization efforts, and greatly contribute to indigenous well-being in the face colonial interruptions to indigenous food ways (dennis and robin 2020). many haudenosaunee currently gather nuts or remember their parents and grandparents collecting nuts for home consumption. community members have identified nuts as a significant source of healthy fats, important for people with diabetes, which are limited due to the contamination of local freshwater fish by industrial pollution in their territories (personal communication, jolene rickard; skarù·ręʔ, turtle clan). skarù·ręʔ nation history — by bradley thomas bosco and thomas. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):56–71 61 perspectives special issue on diverse conservations “we were burned down three times and are still here today!” – wendy bissell before colonization, tuscarora people or skarù·ręʔ lived in what is now called north carolina, in the areas ranging from the roanoke, neuse, taw and pamlico rivers. much of our historical diet came from living within these systems which had rich agriculture soils, prime fishing water, and forests to hunt and a variety of areas to collect medicine. archaeological evidence found tree crops such as oak acorns and hickory nuts in middens that prove agroforestry has been a tuscarora custom for centuries. in our entire history we relied on the forest as a source of food and tended to settle in places with a high number of nut producing trees. in 1713, we were burned down for the first time in the events that followed the tuscarora war and the battle of neyuherú·kę. the survivors were welcomed by the haudenosaunee and stayed in oneida territory along the susquehanna river near modern day brisbane ny. the area was flush with everything that was familiar to us, and we were able to provide for ourselves but unfortunately only a couple of generations enjoyed this area until the sullivan campaign in 1789. we were gifted land from the seneca for the current territory in niagara county, ny within the niagara river watershed, with good soil to plant and “great quantities of butternuts and walnuts and a nice stream (johnson 2006:34)”. despite continual encroachment from new york state, there are many of the 1100 tuscaroras who still carry on the agricultural traditions on the remaining 24 km2 territory. tuscarora, at one point, was home to successful fruit orchards and tuscarora white corn is still planted and harvested every year. in recent history, there has been a resurgence of tuscaroras returning to our original way of life and a need to regain food sovereignty through our traditional diet. skarù·ręʔ food forest is one initiative that has helped tuscarora people of all ages begin to realize the importance and relevance of forest food crops. skarù·ręʔ food forest project — by samantha bosco project overview skarù·ręʔ food forest project was developed and conducted in three phases from 2016–2021. these phases were modeled after the akwesasne good research model (akwesasne task force on the environment research advisory committee 1996, figs. 1, 2), discussed further below. phase 1 consisted of project development based on literature review, presentation to skarù·ręʔ for approval, and then following approval, articulated in grant proposals for project funding. once initial funding was secured, institutional review board (irb) approval was applied for and granted, and phase 2 consisted of a two-year period of relationship building between bosco and skarù·ręʔ in advance of project implementation. phase 3 included planning and conducting a three-part workshop series in collaboration with hired and volunteer skarù·ręʔ community partners, as well as the co-compilation of a sffp booklet and the co-authorship of this publication. as an outsider-researcher and guest at skarù·ręʔ, i often felt a tension between the imperative to collect data and the desire to build genuine relationships. this tension was informed by personal observations during phase 2 that skarù·ręʔ peoples seemed less interested in filling out forms, being recorded, or being formally (or semi-formally) interviewed. in recognizing their right to refusal (simpson 2014; tuck and yang 2014), i made a conscious effort to prioritize relationship building at the expense of formal data collection. one result of this is that i now refer to this as a community-based “project”, rather than “research”. methods for allied and reconciliatory approaches in sustainable agriculture projects when i began developing my dissertation research in august 2016, i was interested in focusing on temperate nut trees to advance both agroforestry research in ny and, in recognition of ny and cu’s ongoing role in haudenosaunee dispossession (lee and ahtone 2020), contribute to reconciliatory and reciprocal practices as an allied researcher and educator in sustainable agriculture (more recently articulated by wong et al 2020). there were no similar past or present projects at cu to draw on, however, i was fortunate that my faculty advisor, dr. jane mt pleasant (skarù·ręʔ)— was a (the only) haudenosaunee (tuscarora) agronomist at cu. she connected me with the american indian and indigenous studies program (aiisp) graduate minor where i began engaging with decolonial discourse (smith 2012, wilson 2006), traditional ecological knowledges (escobar 2008; kimmerer 2013), critical indigenous and place-based studies (betasamosake simpson 2014; calderon 2014; furman and gruenewald 2004; tuck and gaztambide-fernández 2013; tuck, mckenzie, and mccoy 2014), and decolonial participatory action bosco and thomas. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):56–71 62 perspectives special issue on diverse conservations research (tuck 2009; tuck and guishard 2013). the sffp sought to exemplify a collaborative, community -based, and action-science project that demonstrated the indigenous roots and future of agroforestry— something that had never been done in the history of cu. haudenosaunee historical (hauptman 1999; 1986) and emic perspectives (akwesasne task force on the environment research advisory committee 1996; benedict 2004; committee research advisory 2000; holmes, lickers, and barkley 2002; lickers, n.d.; ransom and ettenger 2001; story and lickers 1997; tarball and arquette 2000) were most critical in informing this project. the akwesasne mohawk “good research agreement” (figure 2), while not specific to skarù·ręʔ, was the best approximation for cross-cultural collaborations in haudenosaunee territories. i used this model to guide how the sffp was developed, implemented, and assessed. phase 1: skennen (peace) included the literature review described above, as well as a pitch to skarù·ręʔ title holders from several clans in late 2016, describing the ways in which nut trees could help expand food sovereignty efforts delivered. the idea for the project was accepted, and during 2017 and 2018, the project entered phase 2: kariwiio (good mind). i focused on relationship building and familiarity at the reservation by providing interactive and educational table displays focusing on nut trees and foods at the annual tuscarora history day and the tuscarora community fair. during this time, dr. mt pleasant and i wrote a federal grant proposal specifically detailing funding for this project, including funding for a tuscarora community partner (tcp), which we budgeted at $20/hour for 20 hours/week over three years. the grant was awarded in late 2017, and in early 2018 the project welcomed mia mckie (turtle clan) as tcp and phase 3: kasastensera (strength) began. together we co-designed a three-part workshop series that took place between august 2018–june 2019 (figure 3). while mia began her doctoral studies in fall 2018 and stepped away from the project, vince schiffert (turtle clan), teacher at both the nation’s elementary school and the settler niagara-wheatfield middle school, became a significant volunteer and collaborator through the duration of the project. bradley thomas (snipe clan) was hired as the tcp in early 2019 through the duration of the project. project outcomes part i—tree walk and talk. on 3 august 2018, bosco and mckie facilitated a sixhour introductory workshop for which mckie designed the flier (figure 3a), advertised through word of mouth and posting at the nation building. the first half of the workshop included a walking tour of a nearby and commonly used grove of trees where participants engaged in dialogue about tree identification, botanical uses, and personal stories— focusing primarily on nut tree species (figure 3b). the second half of the event included a provided lunch while i presented the scope of the sffp, highlighting the intersections of food sovereignty, community health, and youth education. we provided some participatory hickory nut tea making opportunities (figure 3c) and textual information about nut tree ecology and production. over 20 skarù·ręʔ nation members whose ages ranged from 5 –95 participated (figure 3d). here, voluntary media release consent forms were presented and signed by consenting participants. at the end, attendees of this event were given the opportunity to sign up to receive native fruit and nut tree seedlings in the following spring at part iii of the series. part ii—nut processing workshop. figure 2 the akwesasne “good research model” schematic, principles, and tools (reproduced from akwesasne task force on the environment research advisory committee 1996; figs. 1, 2). bosco and thomas. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):56–71 63 perspectives special issue on diverse conservations vince schiffert and i collaborated on advertisement design, with vince bringing the skarù·ręʔ word for nuts (figure 4a). vince helped advertise the event through word of mouth. on 16 december 2018, 12 participants gathered in the skarù·ręʔ nation house’s community room for a six-hour interactive and communal nut processing and cooking workshop, with lunch was provided. schiffert, other nation members, and i, brought nuts collected from that season including black walnuts (juglans nigra), various hickories (carya spp.), and chinese chestnuts (castanea mollissima). we split into groups and worked together cracking and sorting nuts. one elder nation member even brought his own custom-welded drill-powered nutcracker (figure 4b), which proficiently assisted black walnut processing. through social network figure 3 skarù·ręʔ food forest project. part i: initial nut tree walk and talk flier (a) and pictures (b – d). photo credits: samantha bosco and waylon wilson (skarù·ręʔ). figure 4 skarù·ręʔ food forest project workshop series part 2: nut processing flier (a) and pictures. (b–d). photo credits: samantha bosco and bradley thomas. bosco and thomas. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):56–71 64 perspectives special issue on diverse conservations promotion, traditional mohawk seedkeeper, terrylynn brant, who operates the mohawk seedkeeper network at the six nation territory in ontario canada, made a surprised and welcomed visit (figure 4c). we made a variety of traditional and modern skarù·ręʔ recipes, including nu:yah cookies (figure 4d), hickory nut “milk”, and chestnut-corn mush. vince and i both compiled printed resources of nut processing recipes, journal articles, fact sheets, and haudenosaunee stories about nuts, which were bound in three ring binders and gifted to participants. part iii—seedling giveaway and planting. by this phase of the project in 2019, bradley thomas had been hired as community partner. during the winter, we generated further interest in the project through a sffp facebook group that brad created and made short posts about significant native food trees. we collaborated on the event flier (figure 5a) to share in our facebook group and contacted the nation members that signed up for trees during part i. over 300 fruit, nut, and medicine plants were brought from the greater ithaca area to the skarù·ręʔ nation on 25 may 2019 (figure 5b). i grew roughly one-third of the plants using cu greenhouses, with the remainder provided by donation from local permaculture nurseries and farms. nation members who had signed up for trees during part i and other nation members who saw the social media post collected their order. what was not taken was then planted on nation school grounds and included chestnuts, pecans, elderberries, raspberries, and a variety of medicinal and culinary herbs (figure 5c). additional events based on the success of the previous three workshops, a second nut processing workshop was held 15 december 2019, which expanded the repertoire of nut processed to also include acorns as well as supplies for nut-themed arts and crafts. owners of the tuscarora woodworks business (www.tuscarorawoodworks.com) made custom shirts for the event with the skarù·ręʔ language word, nwęhrarúhčręh, meaning “we gather nuts”, and black walnut husks were used to tie-dye the shirts. a second plant giveaway and school planting on 1 april 2021 transferred nearly 200 plants to nation members and bolstered existing plantings at the nation school. challenges two major challenges i encountered were project relevance to life at skarù·ręʔ and the longevity or continuance of interest in nut trees beyond the project timeline. while haudenosaunee food sovereignty efforts are primarily focused on three sisters cultivation, the sffp sought to expand this work to figure 5 skarù·ręʔ food forest project workshop series part iii: seedling give away and food forest planting flier (a) and photos (b, c). photo credits: samantha bosco. bosco and thomas. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):56–71 65 perspectives special issue on diverse conservations also include nut trees. in haudenosaunee cosmology, nut trees do not share the same revered status that the three sisters and other plants do (e.g., white pine [tree of peace], maple tree [leader of the trees]). engaging skarù·ręʔ people’s interest required drawing on less well-known haudenosaunee–forest relationships and appealing to the nutritional benefits of consuming nuts (barbour et al. 2014; chen, wan, and qin 2016; zhou et al. 2014). globally, nut consumption falls below dietary recommendations due to misinformation about healthy fat content in nuts and high price of purchasing nuts, among other reasons (neale, tran, and brown 2020). educational and economic inequities are likely more pronounced on federal indian reserves, such as skarù·ręʔ, following centuries of attempted genocide and forced assimilation, obscuring even older histories of indigenous-forest relationships. being of settler descendance, i had to ensure that the sffp was inclusive, expansive, and in service to existing skarù·ręʔ foodways— not proselytizing or replacing them with a myopic interest in nut trees. though sffp was grounded in historically documented foodways that are the heritage of skarù·ręʔ and haudenosaunee peoples, it did not seem to be ‘top of mind’ regarding important land use projects. this engages the meta-question: what is the relationship of indigenous food projects to the larger political project of ifs if they are stimulated and carried by outsider entities? in reflection of this, sffp occupied somewhat of an in-between place: it resonated with the interests of particular individuals (younger and elder) at skarù·ręʔ but was predicated on, and needed, my (outsider) input to take shape. in sum, sffp was aspirationally decolonial: it substantively demonstrated anti-oppressive education and research praxes, rather than materially contributing to resurgent enactments of sovereignty. transforming such allied research into more subversive “action” and “activist” moieties requires much longer, deeper, and professionally riskier social contracts (armstrong and mcalvay 2019). examples of how the related ethnobiology and archaeology fields can and have interrupted settler colonial encroachments can be found in the journal of ethnobiology special issue on action ethnobiology (ibid.). the question of project impact longevity is a tough nut to crack (pun intended), especially when based on the ephemeral nature of grant cycles and student tenure. when mia parted ways to begin her doctoral studies, she offered pointed feedback that i still reflect on, “even though sam was able to come to tuscarora and participate in the community fair and history conferences over the course of two years, was this enough to establish ethical and reciprocal relationships? the short answer is no. in order to break this (still in use) model, sam committed to longer engagement with the community over the course of this project, that doesn’t always work in [her] own best interest. which brings us back to the question of reciprocity and the undeniable necessity to bring something to the table when conducting research. both parties are engaging in an exchange, however for many researchers once their “interests” shift or a site becomes unproductive, these relationships are ultimately dismissed or forgotten.” while the plants we planted and gave away may live on for decades, mia’s critique will serve as a touchstone for evaluating this and other projects into the future. collecting and measuring specific project outcomes was deemphasized to reduce transactionbased relations in favor organic and relational approaches. thus, it is difficult to objectively assess the success of the sffp. however, by the end of the project, nearly 500 plants (valued at approximately $5000) found new homes at skarù·ręʔ, a living compendium of culturally relevant nut resources was compiled and distributed, program activities expanded food sovereignty conversations amongst a wide audience, accommodated various levels of participation, and enriched the territory with edible and medicine plants. furthermore, nation members experienced culturally relevant forest foods and new relationships were built on shared interests in how nuts contribute to food sovereignty, community health, and youth education. brad thomas offered this in reflection of our work together: “you have at least started a conversation of contemporary agroforestry amongst groups of people on the rez so i would call that a success”. conclusion the skarù·ręʔ food forest project is an example of cross-cultural, interdisciplinary, and community-based bosco and thomas. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):56–71 66 perspectives special issue on diverse conservations research intentionally designed to center indigenous ingenuities and futures. based on upholding treaty relationships (kaswentha) and principles of reconciliation, the project prioritized reciprocal relationships over data extraction. we focused on temperate nut trees as ecologically prevalent plants that provide nutritive crops and have been an integral part of haudenosaunee land management spanning several millennia. this type of project is atypical of cornell university research and required specific attention to notions of justice inherent to sustainable agriculture. the sffp found its success in stepping away from traditional research protocols and instead focused on community-based education, hands-on projects, and knowledge co-creation. projects and relationships such as those demonstrated by the sffp may be better suited for the cornell cooperative extension (cce) system, which are county-based associations that focus on community work. one benefit of cce is that staff often maintain long term employment, which better serves lasting relationship building. however, cce, as part of the cornell university land grant system, needs to overcome the institutional values, rules, and knowledge inherited from cu’s “land grab” legacy. calls for reimagining extension have been raised elsewhere (peters, 2014) and highlight extension’s community-oriented, democratic, and nature-based origins (ostrom, 2020) as facultative to larger social transformations through agroforestry and nbs. attending to the equity outcomes of transformative change requires reckoning and repairing the origins of cu and cce as beneficiaries of indigenous dispossession and actively cultivate social justice as integral to nbs approaches (nightingale, 2017; seddon et al., 2021; townsend et al., 2020). liberation extension (copeland, 2022) is an emerging framework that re-envisions extension away from neutrality and toward facilitating collective responsibility for just and sustainable responses to emerging and urgent problems. within agriculture, liberation extension not only supports agroforestry and nbs land management, but also climate resilience and food sovereignty efforts. given cornell’s history as an institution built on anti-indigenous settler colonialism and the indigenous roots of nut tree integrated afs, we recommend that liberation extension, in what is today ny, specifically attend to indigenous food sovereignty. indigenous led and allied conservation efforts demonstrate enormous potential in aligning conservation and sovereignty goals, thus making progress on nbs that enhance justice. the sffp was an example of the kinds of methods, relationship building, and outcomes that engendered cross-cultural collaborations specifically in the skarù·ręʔ/haudenosaunee context. acknowledgments special thank you to dr. jane mt pleasant for your guidance and mentorship which helped initiate this project. thank you to lena rickard (skarù·ręʔ, turtle clan mother), dr. jolene rickard (skarù·ręʔ, turtle clan), and tim mckie (skarù·ręʔ, deer clan) for welcoming me to the tuscarora reservation and offering consent and interest in the sffp. thank you to mia mckie (skarù·ręʔ, turtle clan), for your pivotal contributions and useful critiques as the first community partner. thank you, waylon wilson (skarù·ręʔ, deer clan), for helping to inform, organize and take pictures for part i of sffp. thank you, anni ditto (skarù·ręʔ), for welcoming me into your summer school classes and teaching me about working with tuscarora youth. many thanks to vince schiffert (skarù·ręʔ, turtle clan) for all your support and enthusiasm throughout the entirety of the sffp, it would not have been possible without you! declarations permissions: the skarù·ręʔ food forest project was granted exemption from cornell university irb review (protocol id#: 1705007154) and was approved according to cornell irb policy #2 and under paragraph(s) 2 of the department of health and human services code of federal regulations 45cfr 46.101(b). sources of funding: funding for this work was made possible by usda-nifa smith lever and mcintyre stennis grant #1014031, the cornell university american indian and indigenous studies program, and the phipps conservatory botany in action fellowship. many additional thanks to edible acres, ort family farm, and wellspring forest farm for donating additional plants. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited adams, a. m. 2020. yotsi’tsishon and the language of the seed in the haudenosaunee story of earth’s creation. english language notes 58(1):111–131. doi:10.1215/00138282-8237454. bosco and thomas. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):56–71 67 perspectives special issue on diverse conservations akwesasne task force on the environment research advisory committee. 1996. protocol for review of environmental and scientific research proposals. hogansburg, ny. american indian and indigenous studies program. 2022. history [web page]. 2022. https:// cals.cornell.edu/american-indian-indigenousstudies/about/history. accessed on january 5, 2023. armstrong, c. g., and a. c. mcalvay. 2019. introduction to special section on action ethnobiology. journal of ethnobiology 39(1):3. doi:10.2993/0278-0771-39.1.3. arneth, a., f. denton, f., agus, a. elbehri, k. erb, b. osman elasha, m. rahimi, m. rounsevell, a. spence, and r. valentini. 2019. framing and context, in climate change and land: an ipcc special report on climate change, desertification, land degradation, sustainable land management, food security, and greenhouse gas fluxes in terrestrial ecosystems, edited by p.r. shukla, j. skea, e. calvo buendia, v. masson-delmotte, h.-o. pörtner, d.c. roberts, p. zhai, et al. https://www.ipcc.ch/srccl/ chapter/chapter-1/ artelle, k. a., m. zurba, j. bhattacharyya, d. e. chan, k. brown, j. housty, and f. moola. 2019. supporting resurgent indigenous-led governance: a nascent mechanism for just and effective conservation. biological conservation 240 (december):108284. doi:10.1016/ j.biocon.2019.108284. barbour, j. a., p. r. c. howe, j. d. buckley, j. bryan, and a. m. coates. 2014. nut consumption for vascular health and cognitive function. nutrition research reviews 27(01):131–158. doi:10.1017/ s0954422414000079. benedict, s. m. k. 2004. made in akwesasne. in a passion for the past: papers in honour of james f. pendergast, edited by j. v. wright and j. l. pilon. mercury series, 435–453. ganiteau, quebec: canadian museum of civilization. betasamosake simpson, l. 2014. land as pedagogy: nishnaabeg intelligence and rebellious transformation. decolonization: indigeneity, education & society 3(3):1–25. doi:10.1055/s-0035-1567078. birch, j., and j. p. hart. 2018. social networks and northern iroquoian confederacy dynamics. american antiquity 83 (1):13–33. doi:10.1017/ aaq.2017.59. bosco, s. 2022. the past, present, and future importance of temperate nut trees in haudenosaunee food sovereignty and climate smart agriculture in new york state. cornell university. dissertation (order no. 29997417). available from: sfb42@cornell.edu or proquest dissertations & theses global. (2768713546). https://www-proquestcom.proxy.library.cornell.edu/dissertations-theses/ past-present-future-importance-temperate-nut/ docview/2768713546/se-2 bosco, s., & b. thomas. (2019). the skaru:rę food forest [web page]. forage! the society of ethnobiology blog. https://ethnobiology.org/forage/blog/skarurfood-forest. accessed on february 16, 2022. calderon, d. 2014. speaking back to manifest destinies: a land education-based approach to critical curriculum inquiry. environmental education research 20(1):24–36. doi:10.1080/13504622.2013.865114. cayuga share farm [webpage]. 2022. https:// cayugasharefarm.org/. accessed on june 17, 2022. chen, g.-c., z.x. wan, and l.q. qin. 2016. nut consumption, lipid profile, and health outcomes. american journal of clinical nutrition 103(4):1185– 1186. doi:10.3945/ajcn.115.128272. coladonato, m. 1991. juglans nigra. fire effects information system. https://www.fs.fed.us/database/ feis/plants/tree/jugnig/all.html#14. committee research advisory. 2000. akwesasne good mind research protocol. akwesasne notes new series 2(1):94–99. copeland, n. (2022). liberation extension: building capacities for civilizational transition. agriculture and human values 1(3). doi:10.1007/s10460-02210295-5 delormier, t., k. horn-miller, a. m. mccomber, and k. marquis. 2017. reclaiming food security in the mohawk community of kahnawà:ke through haudenosaunee responsibilities. maternal & child nutrition 13(december):e12556. doi:10.1111/ mcn.12556. dennis, m. k., and t. robin. 2020. healthy on our own terms: indigenous wellbeing and the colonized food system. journal of critical dietetics 5 (1):4–11 dolan, j. m. 2016. the restorative ecology of peace: haudenosaunee environmental knowledge and bosco and thomas. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):56–71 68 perspectives special issue on diverse conservations philosophies of stewardship. dissertation, montréal: mcgill university. dewbury, a., and b. boradrose. 2011. structural barriers to collaboration: lessons from the field. archaeological review from cambridge 26(2):105–17. escobar, a. 2008. territories of difference: place, movements, life, redes. durham: duke university. fajardo cavalcanti de albuquerque, m. 2020. linking agrobiodiversity and culture through the adoption of agroforestry practices: the agroforestry indigenous agents. parks stewardship forum 36(1). doi:p536146395 fulton, a. e., and c. h. yansa. 2020. characterization of native american vegetation disturbance in the forests of central new york state, usa during the late 18th century ce. vegetation history and archaeobotany 29(2):259–275. doi:10.1007/s00334019-00741-6. forstadt, j. 2021. cayuga nation raises funds to repurchase share farm. wskg, march 8, 2021. https://wskg.org/cayuga-nation-raises-funds-torepurchase-share-farm/. accessed on june 17, 2022. francis, a. 2019. haudenosaunee forest stewardship. master’s thesis, cornell university, ithaca, ny. doi:10.7298/m5hy-bf32 friends of ganondagan. 2015. iroquois white corn project [webpage]. 2015. http:// www.iroquoiswhitecorn.org/. accessed on june 13, 2017. furman, g. c., and d. a. gruenewald. 2004. expanding the landscape of social justice: a critical ecological analysis. educational administration quarterly 40(1):47–76. doi:10.1177/0013161x03259142. garnett, s. t., n. d. burgess, j. e. fa, á. fernándezllamazares, z. molnár, c. j. robinson, j. e. m. watson, k. k. zander, b. austin, e. s. brondizio, n. f. collier, t. duncan, e. ellis, h. geyle, m. v. jackson, h. jonas, p. malmer, b. mcgowan, a. sivognxay, and i. leiper.2018. a spatial overview of the global importance of indigenous lands for conservation. nature sustainability 1(7):369–374. doi:10.1038/s41893-018-0100-6. gerard-little, p. 2017. ‘a pleasure garden in the desert, to which i know no comparison in this country’: seneca iroquois landscape stewardship in the 17th and 18th centuries. doctoral dissertation, cornell university, ithaca, ny. doi:10.7298/x4rr1wcr grey, s., and r. patel. 2014. food sovereignty as decolonization: some contributions from indigenous movements to food system and development politics. agriculture and human values 32(3):431–444. doi:10.1007/s10460-014-9548-9. griscom, b. w., j. adams, p. w. ellis, r. a. houghton, g. lomax, d. a. miteva, w. h. schlesinger, d. shoch, j. v. siikamäki, p. woodbury, c. zganjar, a. blackman, j. campari, r. t. conant, c. delgado, p. elias, t. gopalakrishna, m. r. hamsik, m. herrero, j. kiesecker, e. landis, l. laestadius, s. m. leavitt, s. minnemeyer, s. polasky, p. potapov, f. e. putz, j. sanderman, m. silvius, e. wollenberg, and j. fargione.2017. natural climate solutions. proceedings of the national academy of science 114(44):11645–11650. doi:10.1073/pnas.1710465114 hill, r. w., and d. coleman. 2019. the two row wampum-covenant chain tradition as a guide for indigenous-university research partnerships. cultural studies critical methodologies 19(5):339–359. doi:10.1177/1532708618809138. hauptman, l. 1986. the iroquois struggle for survival: world war ii to red power. syracuse, ny: syracuse university press. hauptman, l. 1999. conspiracy of interests: iroquois dispossession and the rise of new york state. 1st ed. syracuse: syracuse university press. johnson, e. 2006. “legends, traditions, and laws of the iroquois, or six nations, and history of the tuscarora indians.” legends, traditions, & laws of the iroquois, or six nations, & history of the tuscarora indians, 119. holmes, e., h. lickers, and b. barkley. 2002. a critical assessment of ten years of on-theground sustainable forestry in eastern ontario’s settled landscape. the forestry chronicle 78(5):643– 647. doi:10.5558/tfc78643-5. jordan, k. 2022. cornell university and indigenous dispossession project [webpage]. https:// blogs.cornell.edu/ cornelluniversityindigenousdispossession/. accessed on june 21, 2022. kerrigan, w. 2008. apples on the border: orchards and the contest for the great lakes. michigan historical review 34(1):307–308. bosco and thomas. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):56–71 69 perspectives special issue on diverse conservations kimmerer, r. 2013. braiding sweetgrass. minneapolis, mn: milkweed editions. klinsky, s., and a. golub. 2016. justice and sustainability. in sustainability science, edited by h. heinrichs, p. martens, g. michelsen, and arnim wiek pp. 161–173. springer. doi:10.1007/978-94017-7242-6_14 lee, r., and t. ahtone. 2020. land-grab universities. high country news, march 30, 2020. https:// www.hcn.org/issues/52.4/indigenous-affairseducation-land-grab-universities. accessed on february 16, 2022. lickers, h. n.d. haudenosaunee environmental action plan. akwesasne notes new series. lisjak, s. 2018. thousands of historical seeds preserved by the onondaga nation farm. indian country today, november 28, 2018. https:// indiancountrytoday.com/lifestyle/thousands-ofhistorical-seeds-preserved-by-the-onondaga-nationfarm. martens, t., m. env, j. cidro, m. a. hart, and s. mclachlan. 2016. “understanding indigenous food sovereignty through an indigenous research paradigm” journal of indigenous social development. 5 (1):18-37. mbow, c., c. rosenzweig, l. g. barioni, t. g. benton, m. herrero, m. krishnapillai, e. t. liwenga, p. pradhan, m. g. rivera-ferre, t. sapkota, f. n. tubiello, y. xu. 2019. food security. in climate change and land: an ipcc special report on climate change, desertification, land degradation, sustainable land management, food security, and greenhouse gas fluxes in terrestrial ecosystems, edited by p. r. shukla, j. skea, e. calvo buendia, v. masson-delmotte, h.-o. pörtner, d.c. roberts, p. zhai, r. slade, s. connors, r. van diemen, m. ferrat, e. haughey, s. luz, s. neogi, m. oathak, j. petzold, j. portugal pereira, p. vyas, e. huntley, k. kissick, m. belkacxemi, j. malley. https://doi.org/10.1017/9781009157988.007. mt. pleasant, j., and r. f. burt. 2010. estimating productivity of traditional iroquoian cropping systems from field experiments and historical literature. journal of ethnobiology 30(1):52–79. doi:10.2993/0278-0771-30.1.52. munsell, j. f., and j. l. chamberlain. 2019. “agroforestry for a vibrant future: connecting people, creating livelihoods, and sustaining places.” agroforestry systems 93 (5): 1605–8. doi:10.1007/s10457-019-00433-0. neale, e. p., g. tran, and r. c. brown. 2020. barriers and facilitators to nut consumption: a narrative review. international journal of environmental research and public health. mdpi ag. doi:10.3390/ ijerph17239127. nichols, m. a. 2006. a little school, a reservation divided: quaker education and allegany seneca leadership in the early american republic. american indian culture and research journal 30(3):1– 21. ojha, h., t. maraseni, a. nightingale, b. bhattarai, and d. khatri. 2019.rescuing forests from the carbon trap. forest policy and economics 101 (april):15–18. doi:10.1016/j.forpol.2019.01.007. oneida tribe of indians of wisconsin. 2017. about oneida community integrated food systems [webpage]. 2017. https://oneida-nsn.gov/ resources/oneida-community-integrated-foodsystems/about-oneida-community-integrated-foodsystems/. accessed june 13, 2017. palmer, m. a. 2020. rendering settler sovereign landscapes: race and property in the empire state. environment and planning d: society and space 38 (5):793–810. doi:10.1177/0263775820922233. parker, a. c. 1910. iroquois uses of maize and other food plants. albany: university of the state of new york. peltier, c. 2018. an application of two-eyed seeing: indigenous research methods with participatory action research. international journal of qualitative methods 17(1):doi:10.1177/1609406918812346. pietrorazio, g. 2021. the seneca nation is building food sovereignty, one bison at a time. civil eats, january 14, 2021. https:// civileats.com/2021/01/14/from-bison-to-syrup-the -seneca-nation-is-making-strides-in-foodsovereignty/. accessed on february 17, 2022. ransom, j. w., and k. t. ettenger. 2001. ‘polishing the kaswentha’: a haudenosaunee view of environmental cooperation. environmental science & policy 4:219–228 saint regis mohawk tribe. 2016. agriculture program receives $20,000 food sovereignty grant. saint regis mohawk tribe [webpage]. https://www.srmtnsn.gov/news/2016/ agricul bosco and thomas. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):56–71 70 perspectives special issue on diverse conservations ture_program_receives_20000_food_sovereignty_g rant. accessed february on 16, 2022. frechette, a., c. ginsburg, and w. walker. 2018. a global baseline of carbon storage in collective lands. rights and resrouces. washington, d.c. available at: https://rightsandresources.org/wpcontent/uploads/2018/09/a-globalbaseline_rri_sept-2018.pdf. accessed on april 11, 2023. ritchie, w. a. 1980. the archaeology of new york state. revised edition. harrison, ny: harbo hill books. schaefer, k. a. 2011. prehistoric subsistence on the coast of north carolina: an archaeobotanical study. dissertation, chapel hill: university of north carolina at chapel hill. schillaci, m. a., c. kopris, s. wichmann, and g. dewar. 2017. linguistic clues to iroquoian prehistory. journal of anthropological research 73 (3):448–485. doi:10.1086/693055. simpson, a. 2014. mohawk interruptus. duke university press. doi:10.1215/9780822376781. smith, l. t. 2012. decolonizing methodologies. second edition. london: zed books souza, r. j. de, n. m. bilodeau, k. gordon, a. d. davis, j. c. stearns, m. cranmer-byng, k. gasparelli, l. d. hill, and s. s. anand. 2021. entsisewata’karí:teke (you will be healthy again): clinical outcomes of returning to a traditional haudenosaunee diet. international journal of indigenous health 16(2). doi:10.32799/ijih.v16i2.33098. story, p. a., and f. h. lickers. 1997. partnership building for sustainable development: a first nations perspective from ontario. journal of sustainable forestry 4(3–4):149–162. doi:10.1300/ j091v04n03_14. tarball, a., and m. arquette. 2000. akwesasne: a native american community’s resistance to cultural and environmental damage. in reclaiming the environmental debate: the politics of health in a toxic culture, pp. 93–111. cambridge, ma: mit press. tiro, k. m. 2006. ‘we wish to do you good’: the quaker mission to the oneida nation, 1790–1840. journal of the early republic 26(3):353–376. doi:10.1353/jer.2006.0057. townsend, j., f. moola, and m.-k. craig. 2020. indigenous peoples are critical to the success of nature-based solutions to climate change. facets 5(1):551–556. doi:10.1139/facets-20190058. truth and reconciliation commission of canada. 2015. honouring the truth, reconciling for the future. summary of the final report of the truth and reconciliation commission of canada. winnipeg, manitoba. tuck, e. 2009. re-visioning action: participatory action research and indigenous theories of change. urban review 41(1):47–65. doi:10.1007/ s11256-008-0094-x tuck, e. and k. w. yang. 2014. unbecoming claims: pedagogies of refusal in qualitative research. qualitative inquiry 20(6):811–818. doi:10.1177/1077800414530265. tuck, e., and m. guishard. 2013. uncollapsing ethics: racialized sciencism, settler coloniality, and an ethical framework of decolonial participatory action research. in challenging status quo retrenchment: new directions in qualitative research, edited by t. m. kress, c. malott, and b. j. porfilio, pp. 3–27. information age publishing, inc. tuck, e., m. mckenzie, and k. mccoy. 2014. land education: indigenous, post-colonial, and decolonizing perspectives on place and environmental education research. environmental education research 20(1):1–23. doi:10.1080/13504622.2013.877708. tuck, e., and r. a. gaztambide-fernández. 2013. curriculum, replacement, and settler futurity. journal of curriculum theorizing 29(1):72–89. turner, n. j., a. cuerrier, and l. joseph. 2022. well grounded: indigenous peoples’ knowledge, ethnobiology and sustainability. people and nature 4 (3):627–651.doi:10.1002/pan3.10321. united nations. 2015. paris agreement. paris: framework convention on climate change. united nations general assembly. 2007. united nations declaration on the rights of indigenous peoples. united nations. a/res/61/295, issued october 2, 2007. waugh, f. w. 1916. iroquois foods and food preparation. ottawa: government printing bureau. https:// archive.org/details/cu31924101546921. wilson, s. 2008. research is ceremony: indigenous research methods. blackpoint: fernwood publishers. wong, c., k. ballegooyen, l. ignace, m. j. (gùdia) johnson, and h. swanson. 2020. towards bosco and thomas. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(2):56–71 71 perspectives special issue on diverse conservations reconciliation: 10 calls to action to natural scientists working in canada. facets 5(1):769– 783. doi:10.1139/facets-2020-0005. woroniecki, s., h. wendo, e. brink, m. islar, t. krause, a.-m. vargas, and y. mahmoud. 2020. nature unsettled: how knowledge and power shape ‘nature-based’ approaches to societal challenges. global environmental change 65 (november):102132. doi:10.1016/ j.gloenvcha.2020.102132. wykoff, m. w. 1991. black walnut on iroquoian landscapes. northeast indian quarterly, (summer):4– 17. yarnell, r. a. 1984. the mcintyre site: late archaic plant remains from southern ontario. in the mcintyre site: archaeological, subsistence, and environment, edited by r. johnston, pp. 87–112. national museums of canada. zhou, d., h. yu, f. he, k. h. reilly, j. zhang, s. li, t. zhang, b. wang, y. ding, and b. xi. 2014. nut consumption in relation to cardiovascular disease risk and type 2 diabetes: a systematic review and meta-analysis of prospective studies. american journal of clinical nutrition 100(1):270–277. doi:10.3945/ajcn.113.079152. prescribed fire use among black landowners in the red hills region, usa perkins et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(1):36–48 36 perspectives were established from the 1860s into the 1950s to offer sharecroppers the opportunity to manage parcels as a cohort and were places to get financial assistance and credit to buy and maintain farmland (seals 1991; siby, 2013). black people rebuilt their communities decimated by the civil war, and by 1910 there were approximately 240,000 or more blackowned farms in the states of alabama, florida, and georgia alone (usda census 1910). many property owners possessed lands on former plantations. eighty -nine years later in 1999, a usda agricultural economics and land ownership survey stated that african american landowners accounted for approximately 68,000 farms covering 7.8 million acres, approximately 2% of all private landowners in the united states (usda ers 1999). in 2017, these already dismal figures had dropped further: there were only 28,000 black landowners, and these individuals introduction alabama, florida, and georgia are the center of prescribed burning in the united states (melvin 2018). the red hills region of north florida and southern georgia, known for its rolling hills and red clay soils, is considered the birthplace of fire ecology. however, the dominant narrative establishing how this region has flourished economically and ecologically as a result of prescribed fire has excluded the stories of black people1 who helped to implement it. in the post-civil war period, black sharecroppers, tenant farmers, and wage workers stewarded these lands and opened opportunities for landownership. the freedmen’s bureau of beaufort (1865), the federation of southern cooperatives (1867), and the farmers home administration (1946) prescribed fire use among black landowners in the red hills region, usa la’ portia j. perkins 1 , t. adam coates 1* , j. kevin hiers 2 , cynthia t. fowler 3 , and seth w. bigelow 4 1 department of forest resources and environmental conservation, virginia tech, blacksburg, usa. 2 natural resources institute, texas a&m university, college station, usa. 3 department of sociology and anthropology, wofford college, spartanburg, usa. 4 tall timbers research, tallahassee, usa. * acoates4@vt.edu abstract the red hills region of southern alabama, northern florida, and southwestern georgia is one of the most prominent areas in the united states for conducting prescribed fire research and is the birthplace of fire ecology. the culture of prescribed burning in the red hills has been influenced by multiple ethnic groups, including the seminole and creek nations, black landowners, and white researchers. given the distinctive reliance of the region on prescribed fire, it is noteworthy that the combined issues of black land loss, underrepresentation, and incentives for using prescribed fire on private lands in the southeastern united states have generated questions about diversity and inclusion in landowner outreach. to increase understanding about black landowner historic and current use of prescribed fire for land management in the red hills region, formal and informal interviews were conducted from may through august 2019 with 21 black landowners and tenants to document the perspectives and thoughts of black landowners and tenants of southern alabama, northern florida, and southwestern georgia. the results of this research show that black landowners, tenants, and fire experts, have been, and continue to be, influential in the development and sustainment of fire traditions in the red hills and in the resilience of the longleaf pine ecosystem. received december 28, 2022 open access accepted may 16, 2023 doi 10.14237/ebl.14.1.2023.1855 published august 4, 2023 keywords discrimination, heirs’ property, longleaf pine, southeastern us, tenant copyright © 2023 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. perkins et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(1):36–48 37 perspectives owned 2.4 million acres (usda census of agriculture 2017) (figure 1). from 1910 to 2017, an 88.3% plummet was heavily facilitated by discriminatory practices, particularly those related to land tenure. a portion of the black-owned land that still exists today in much of the south previously existed as acres of plantation land for agriculture, hunting, or estate living that depended on slaves and eventually wage laborers. all these practices involved fire use. postenslavement, the pervasive cloak of racism deeply impacted displaced black people and led to things like vagrancy charges being written into state legislatures as “black codes” (morris 2017). historians assert that this shift and the lack of safe livelihoods depleted resources for black landowners as they began to acquire properties. there was not much legal counsel given on how to leave or share their land assets. this led black landowners to have land passed down to the next generation through verbal agreements that typically did not include written documentation, like a last will and testament. land in this situation is known as “heirs’ property.” thus, these properties were left without a single, dominant landowner. as more generations joined the shared ownership, the number of owners grew, and land tenure became less secure for each individual landowner (bailey et al. 2019). of the laws and loopholes governing this legal issue, black landowners are among the highest population to lose land due to the inconsistency of rights for tenants in common, foreclosure, and adverse possession (mitchell 2001). in this article, we present information from interviews that were conducted by l. perkins with black landowners in alabama, florida, and georgia in 2019. the research team consisted of l. perkins who is a fifth-generation descendant of the red hills region, and they interviewed landowners, provided the concept, methodology, analysis, and original writing. their graduate advisor, t. coates, contributed equally as a southeastern fire ecologist to the concept, writing, and editing. j. hiers hosted the research at tall timbers as a southeastern fire ecologist and equally contributed to the concept, writing, and editing. c. fowler contributed to the formal analysis, writing, and editing as an ethnographer, and s. bigelow contributed to funding, editing, and writing. some of the interviewees featured in this research inherited their property, others purchased it, and others entered into lease-to-own agreements with family members or acquaintances (table 1). their stories featured connections in the community and in the shift from plantation culture to widespread landownership and the struggles to maintain it. black landowners shared their knowledge about prescribed figure 1 black-owned acreage in the united states in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. perkins et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(1):36–48 38 perspectives p a rti ci p a n t c o u n ty a cr e a g e y e a rs o f o w n e rsh ip a cq u is iti o n u se o f p re sc ri b e d f ir e o rg a n iz a ti o n s, c o -o p e ra ti v e s, o r o th e r a ffi li a te d g ro u p s p 1 0 5 2 8 2 0 1 9 je ff e rs o n c o u n ty , a l 3 3 0 p u rc h a se d n o n e , b u t a w a re o f th e p ra cti ce n /a p 2 0 6 0 3 2 0 1 9 d o u g h e rt y c o u n ty , g a 1 0 3 p u rc h a se d ( le a se t o o w n f o llo w in g 5 y e a rs o f w o rk in g t h e la n d ) a n n u a l b u rn in g f o rt v a ll e y s ta te u n iv e rs it y , n a tu ra l r e so u rc e s c o n se rv a ti o n s e rv ic e , s o u th e a st e rn a fr ic a n a m e ri ca n f a rm e rs ' o rg a n ic n e tw o rk p 3 0 6 1 2 2 0 1 9 t h o m a s c o u n ty , g a < 1 a cr e n /a p u rc h a se d n o n e , b u t a w a re o f th e p ra cti ce ja ck h a d le y b la ck h is to ry m u se u m p 4 0 6 1 2 2 0 1 9 g ra d y c o u n ty , g a 3 7 > 1 0 0 h e ir s' p ro p e rt y ( sp li t b e tw e e n si b li n g s) a n n u a l b u rn in g u n iv e rs it y o f f lo ri d a p 5 0 6 1 4 2 0 1 9 m o b il e c o u n ty , a l 3 0 1 6 p u rc h a se d ( fr o m p re vi o u s o w n e r) a n n u a l b u rn in g n a tu ra l r e so u rc e s c o n se rv a ti o n s e rv ic e , u s f o re st s e rv ic e p 6 0 6 1 4 2 0 1 9 m o b il e c o u n ty , a l 2 2 1 1 0 0 in h e ri te d ( p ro p e rt y f ro m g re a tg ra n d m o th e r) b u rn e d o n ce a la b a m a f o re st ry c o m m is si o n , lo ca l m a n a g e m e n t p ro g ra m s p 7 0 6 1 9 2 0 1 9 ja ck so n c o u n ty , f l 1 5 8 6 0 p u rc h a se d (c a sh s a le ; d e e d f ro m f a th e r) a n n u a l b u rn in g f lo ri d a f o re st s e rv ic e , u s f o re st s e rv ic e , n o rt h f lo ri d a c o -o p p 8 0 6 1 9 2 0 1 9 t h o m a s c o u n ty , g a 3 6 5 1 3 6 in h e ri te d ( o ri g in a l p u rc h a se ca . 1 8 8 0 ) a n n u a l b u rn in g f e d e ra ti o n o f s o u th e rn c o o p e ra ti v e s, n a tu ra l r e so u rc e s c o n se rv a ti o n s e rv ic e p 9 0 6 2 0 2 0 1 9 b a k e r c o u n ty , g a 2 n /a p u rc h a se d c o n d u ct s b u rn s a t th e j o n e s c e n te r a t ic h u a w a y t h e j o n e s c e n te r a t ic h u a w a y p 1 0 0 6 2 0 2 0 1 9 b a k e r c o u n ty , g a 1 n /a p u rc h a se d c o n d u ct s b u rn s a t th e j o n e s c e n te r a t ic h u a w a y t h e j o n e s c e n te r a t ic h u a w a y p 1 1 0 6 2 0 2 0 1 9 b a k e r c o u n ty , g a 0 n /a li ve s a t th e j o n e s c e n te r a t ic h u a w a y c o n d u ct s b u rn s a t th e j o n e s c e n te r a t ic h u a w a y t h e j o n e s c e n te r a t ic h u a w a y t a b le 1 i n te rv ie w e e c o u n ty o f re si d e n ce , a cr e a g e , ti m e o f la n d o w n e rs h ip , p ro ce ss o f la n d o w n e rs h ip , a n d e vi d e n ce o f p re sc ri b e d fi re u s e . (c o n ti n u e d o n n e xt p a g e ) perkins et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(1):36–48 39 perspectives p a rti ci p a n t c o u n ty a cr e a g e y e a rs o f o w n e rsh ip a cq u is iti o n u se o f p re sc ri b e d f ir e o rg a n iz a ti o n s, c o -o p e ra ti v e s, o r o th e r a ffi li a te d g ro u p s p 1 2 0 6 2 0 2 0 1 9 d o u g h e rt y c o u n ty , g a 5 5 7 in h e ri te d ( fr o m f a th e r) n o n e , b u t la n d o w n e r cu rr e n tl y a ss is ts w it h b u rn s a t th e j o n e s c e n te r a t ic h a u w a y t h e j o n e s c e n te r a t ic h u a w a y p 1 3 0 6 2 1 2 0 1 9 g ra d y c o u n ty , g a 5 4 3 8 -3 9 p u rc h a se d b ie n n ia l b u rn in g t a ll t im b e rs r e se a rc h s ta ti o n a n d la n d c o n se rv a n cy , n a tu ra l r e so u rc e s c o n se rv a ti o n s e rv ic e , f e d e ra ti o n o f s o u th e rn c o o p e ra ti ve s p 1 4 0 6 2 6 2 0 1 9 g ra d y c o u n ty , g a 7 5 -8 0 5 0 p u rc h a se d , (s ta rt e d o ff i n g re a t g ra n d m o th e r’ s p o ss e ssi o n ) a n n u a l b u rn in g f a rm s e rv ic e a g e n cy p 1 5 0 6 2 7 2 0 1 9 t h o m a s c o u n ty , g a 1 4 0 3 9 p u rc h a se d ( fr o m f a th e r' s e m p lo y e r) p re vi o u sl y b u rn e d , b u t n o t a cti ve n /a p 1 6 0 6 2 9 2 0 1 9 g a d sd e n c o u n ty , f l 1 .5 7 9 h e ir s' p ro p e rt y p re vi o u sl y b u rn e d , b u t n o t a cti ve t a ll t im b e rs r e se a rc h s ta ti o n a n d la n d c o n se rv a n cy p 1 7 0 7 0 2 2 0 1 9 ja ck so n c o u n ty , f l 5 3 8 -3 9 p u rc h a se d ( fa th e r a n d s o n ) a n n u a l b u rn in g f lo ri d a f o re st s e rv ic e p 1 8 0 7 0 3 2 0 1 9 je ff e rs o n c o u n ty , a l 1 7 .5 5 5 p u rc h a se d ( p ro p e rt y i n t w o d iff e re n t co u n ti e s) p re vi o u sl y b u rn e d , b u t n o t a cti ve 4 h , a u b u rn c o o p e ra ti ve e xt e n si o n p ro g ra m , n a tu ra l r e so u rc e s c o n se rva ti o n s e rv ic e p 1 9 0 7 0 8 2 0 1 9 le o n c o u n ty , f l 1 5 8 0 > 1 0 0 in h e ri te d ( fr o m g ra n d m o th e r) a n n u a l b u rn in g lo ca l fi re d e p a rt m e n t p 2 0 0 7 1 9 2 0 1 9 e a rl y c o u n ty , g a 2 0 5 3 5 h e ir s' p ro p e rt y ( p u rc h a se d fr o m d is ta n t co u si n s) a n n u a l b u rn in g lo ca l g ro u p , n a tu ra l r e so u rc e s c o n se rv a ti o n s e rv ic e p 2 1 0 8 0 8 2 9 1 8 je ff e rs o n c o u n ty , f l 6 4 0 p u rc h a se d p re vi o u sl y b u rn e d , b u t n o t a cti ve f lo ri d a f o re st s e rv ic e (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re vi o u s p a g e ) perkins et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(1):36–48 40 perspectives fire while discussing the changes in its use and persistence over time. to provide better context for the stories gathered through these interviews, there needs to be an understanding of the shift that occurred in the economic and social structure of the red hills. in this place, much knowledge about fire in the southeast had been learned from the work of black individuals. their experiences helped develop modern fire science. the interviews provide insight into the factors that limit black prescribed fire use today: access to educational and financial resources, land legacy, and underrepresentation. fire in the red hills region transfer of knowledge between indigenous and black communities there is little published evidence of direct person-toperson transfers of knowledge between members of indigenous communities of alabama, florida, and georgia and enslaved or freed black people prior to the twentieth century. nevertheless, some fire knowledge exchange likely occurred throughout the past 300 years (foster and cohen 2007). the initial implementers of prescribed fire in the red hills were indigenous americans who used fire to manage plants, obtain medicines, promote game hunting, ease travel, and conduct ceremonial or religious practices (ryan et al. 2013). fire was considered an essential, divine element in indigenous health, both natural and spiritual. the muskogee (creek) and seminole, two indigenous nations who live in the red hills and surrounding regions, upheld practices aligned with nature's duality. common town fires or talofas were shared by muskogee people along rivers and creeks in alabama and georgia for ceremony, celebration, and cooking (haveman 2009). muskogee and seminole people believe the universe is divided into the opposing forces of order and chaos, represented by female and male, with fire representing the divine masculine. the indigenous communities of the red hills region lost land at the hands of spanish, french, and english colonists. even in times of displacement, the creek practiced “carry[ing] the fire” and keeping the “eternal flame” (fischer 2013). the indian removal act of 1830, upheld by president andrew jackson, attempted to extirpate indigenous ways of life, allowing attacks not only on indigenous tribes but also on fleeing slaves (green 1982; herbert 2014; jackson 1830). some escaped slaves became warriors alongside indigenous allies and fought against removal from the land, sometimes using fire as a tool in warfare (herbert 2014). in addition to forming alliances in the war against colonizer-enslavers, interactions between indigenous and black peoples included enslavement of black people by some creek indians and conjugal relationships whose offspring are referred to as black seminoles. enslaved black people may have been knowledgeable about prescribed fire prior to the forced migration across the atlantic. in western african countries where many enslaved black people originated, subsistence burning continues to be used today (shaffer 2010). for example, the loma people of northwestern liberia and guinea use swidden agriculture to produce rice, ground nuts, and beans (fraser et al. 2015; leopold 2006). in the palm oil belt of southeastern nigeria, bush fallow was a system of agricultural burning and crop rotation in the 1970s (awanyo 2010). this method was believed to enhance long-term soil fertility. another method commonly utilized in eastern nigeria is ley farming. this method ensures that planted grasses and legumes are rotated for hay production (lagemann 1977). based upon these examples, one may assume enslaved blacks possessed and shared similar applied knowledge and skills as they entered a new frontier. indigenous people may have shared knowledge with enslaved africans, formerly enslaved black people, and freed persons. we hypothesize that this shared, combined knowledge survives amongst all landowners in the red hills today, including black landowners (herbert 2014). their african heritage, combined with native culture in the red hills, presented new opportunities for black people in the post-civil war south to transfer knowledge about fire. centennial landownership black landownership began to skyrocket in the late 1800s to 1930s when access to life-changing educational resources increased for black sharecroppers and tenant farmers. the morrill acts of 1862 and 1890 created agricultural and mechanical universities, like the tuskegee institute in alabama and the florida agricultural and mechanical university in florida. the smith-lever act of 1914 instructed rural landowners on the scientific nature of farming and helped stabilize agriculture across the nation (brown and davis 2009; seals 1991). perkins et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(1):36–48 41 perspectives interviewees with centennial land-ownership, one hundred years or more within a single family, are likely descendants of the first black landowners to establish agriculture and fire culture within the region. one interviewee was a former agency employee turned hay farmer (table 1). this interviewee’s family legacy and fire knowledge shared through land stewardship and ownership was critical to his survival. the property was split among himself (37 acres), a brother (14 acres), and a sister who eventually gave her share to his brother. he stated that a home on his property had been owned by his family for over 100 years. standing at the edge of his hay field he pointed and said: so, this is the property line here. the land that my dad owned came from here all the way back over to those trees over there. the 60 acres up to the road and that was the 60 acres, and we subdivided that up between the siblings. but when i was growing up, that was owned by black folks, and up in the corner owned by black folks. this owned by black folks. but now it’s changed hands. his parents who purchased the property lived on it when most of the surrounding properties were black-owned. community members shared resources through a co-op managed by his dad, wrote petitions for proper equipment, and advocated for one another. however, things started to change as northerners throughout the midto late 1900s continued to take interest in the heavily wooded landscapes surrounding u.s. route 319 between thomasville, georgia and tallahassee, florida. they bought many properties, increasing land prices. this increased challenges for retaining ownership and fragmented the community so much that few large black landowners exist there today. it led to changes from row agriculture to hay farming for this landowner. even with social changes, the management goals of the hay farmer continued to require fire annually. he noted, “well [his brother] and i burn this whole place right here,” pointing to a few acres of longleaf pine (pinus palustris) on their property in front of the four-wheeler we drove around that day. there was a focus on avoiding structural burns, like of the equipment barn and house. his pine stand previously was 10 to 12 years old when he cut and sold it. he planted new seedlings and hoped to avoid a disease that had damaged his previous stand. regular prescribed fire use had maintained the new stand for several years. early fire science and black crew members’ work with prescribed fire people of european descent, generalized as white, contributed to the construction of knowledge about prescribed burning by formalizing knowledge and skills related to fire into a science. two founders of fire ecology, ellen call long and herbert l. stoddard, were based in the red hills region. both of these advocates of prescribed fire understood its essential role in longleaf pine management. long and stoddard’s work led to a socio-political and scientific transformation in prescribed burning for longleaf pine maintenance. they saw utility in burning regardless of the fire suppression legacy in many parts of the new world since the early colonial era, rooted in fears of wildfire outbreaks (varner et al. 2005). long was one of the first women to speak on the benefits and ecological necessity of prescribed fire in her address to the american forest congress in 1888. long’s (1888) report expressed concern for fire suppression’s devastating effects on longleaf pine and was the first article in a national forestry publication to advocate for controlled burning (waber 2016). in the 1920s, herbert l. stoddard began to interpret the patterns of fire that benefit longleaf pine and that were required to create a pine savanna. his findings and implementation of prescribed fire fostered life for not only the trees, but also unique flowers, gopher tortoises (gopherus polyphemus), and northern (bobwhite) quail (colinus virginianus). the same ecosystems that long and stoddard’s work highlighted have been maintained by the practices passed down through generations of black people. their land management methods protected crops, livestock, and wildlife, kept the forest floor clear enough for turpentining, and promoted timber production. black people’s knowledge and skills were also indispensable to the success of white landowners’ operations in the twentieth century and into the twenty-first century. this claim is illustrated by interviews conducted at tall timbers research station (tallahassee, florida) and the jones center at ichauway (formerly known as ichauway in newton, georgia). both institutions are in the red hills region. in july of 2019, three individuals were interviewed and were connected to ichauway by birth or through family members who were employed there (table 1). of these the most memorable was “frog,” the eldest interviewee, whose wife was seated near him when we spoke. frog was perkins et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(1):36–48 42 perspectives rife with knowledge on setting prescribed fire at ichauway. frog was born on the river near ichauway while the owner and founder, mr. robert w. woodruff, also lived there. frog recreated on woodruff’s land and worked on his property beginning at age 13. he eventually advanced to the burn team and became known for training hunting dogs. he learned burning primarily through experience. as frog remembered, well pretty much you are there on your own. they’ll show you a spot. ... we would wanna burn a certain spot in there. we wouldn’t burn it all at that one time. he revealed that instruction on fire was not always free of oppressive behavior or attitudes; in fact, it often highlighted issues of race, class, and labor relations. frog was a member of an all-black burn team at ichauway where stark gaps existed between the livelihoods of black people and their mostly white supervisors. frog and i (l. perkins) sort of chuckled after hearing his remarks because we each encountered racism and underrepresentation through our lived experiences. frog and the other former members of ichauway’s fire crew who served on burn teams there learned where to watch the wind, how to plant pines, how to set back-fires, and how to build fire lines. as they became experts alongside hunting property owners and researchers, they leveraged their knowledge in a broader community of small landowners who followed suit and were employed to conduct prescribed burns on other properties. frog stated, it uh ... other folks have a lil spot ‘bout 5 or 6 acres. we had a get it burnt. we would burn it large while we was burning. so we wouldn’t mess up they hunting. because of their roles in managing fire, the black men who worked at ichauway and other estates in the region influenced burning practices of local community members off of the plantation grounds. one former burn team member from ichauway who continues to volunteer there said, they [neighbors around the property] see you burning, they gone light a fire. that's the way it was. they go in there and light a match down, let it burn, then they call somebody. ‘we got a fire over here,’ so and so a say. ‘oh watch at that fire. let it burn.’ well they didn’t believe in no permit back in them days. just go and set a spot on fire. black “firelighters,” those that use prescribed fire for management purposes, comprised landowners, tenants, and firefighters who nourished the red hills acre by acre with the application of fire. in the early 1900s, black landowners and firelighters valued land for food, religion, play, familial abundance, and promise for the future. unfortunately, over the course of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, the extent of black-owned lands has decreased due to land loss, residential development, increased liabilities, and burdensome permitting. yet the methods black firelighters applied are not forgotten, and instead live on in the present policies and ecosystems. among the black landowners interviewed, 71.4% (15 individuals) used prescribed fire on their property and 14.3% (3 individuals) used prescribed fire as tenants (figure 2). only 14.3% (3 individuals) did not use prescribed fire. forty-three percent of landowners (9 individuals) described using prescribed fire annually or biennially. twenty-eight percent (6 individuals) reported infrequent use of prescribed fire ranging from once every 5 years to over 40 years ago. the black firelighters interviewed possessed similar knowledge and used similar practices as prescribed burners elsewhere, including knowledge of wind patterns; burning in the spring for wildlife management or in the early winter for fuels reduction; and working towards conserving native ecosystems and species. the sentiments of black firelighters may have been lost over time, at many communities like the one at ichauway. fire had been used on these lands for generations and users of fire knew both the benefits of frequent, low intensity fire as well as the consequences of fire exclusion, which at the time was largely ignored by agency officials (brenner and wade 2003). black-owned land in the past, present, and future black people in the u.s. south have long maintained a strong connection to farming. the usda census of agriculture (2017) found that 30,339 out of 32,910 black-owned farms were located within the 15 southern states (92% ). southern black farmers participate in row cropping, cattle farming, and timber management (adams 2010). however, little is known about the techniques black farmers use to manage their properties in the red hills region and throughout the south (j. k. hiers pers. observation 2019). black landowners and tenants living within tall perkins et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(1):36–48 43 perspectives timbers research station’s conservation planning area are spread out among 52 counties across southeastern alabama, northwestern florida, and southwestern georgia. in thomas county, georgia, a family has managed their farm through row crop agriculture, raising cattle, and annual prescribed fire since 1883 (over 139 years) (table 1). regarding fire, they said, “[we] just did it ... and it helps maintain undergrowth and keeps the veg./fuel [vegetative fuels].. you know you get too many leaves in pine it gets built up. too much fuel. so, you try to keep that from happening. that way if a fire happens it just won't get out of control.” safety, long-term maintenance, and land legacy were the focus of this family’s land stewardship practices. over time, rapid development had taken a toll on a practice they suggested at one time, “everybody did.” when asked if other people in the area still burned, they noted, they've been burning here lately, yes. but if you note there is a lot of deforestation going on. but i think for the most part we still, if you look around here, it’s probably one of the most forested areas. they do burn, i noticed. on the plantation sometimes they burn. i noticed they burn. they've been burning a lot more often here lately than they have in a minute. now they burn pretty much every year or two. this family briefly made note of the shifts in black and plantation owners’ prescribed fire practices and roles in wildfire mitigation. their oral histories tell us that burning woody debris on agricultural lands has been entrenched in southeastern fire-adapted ecosystems for generations. the transition from the past into the present is best captured in the resilience of the black landowners and tenants. a cattleman, whose father was a retired firefighter who died tragically in an equipment fire, was a great representation of this resilience. he discussed his continuous search for knowledge to maintain the land he now came to value. he said, i’d like to get around more african americans and see how they go about managing and funding, keeping everything going. i realized when my daddy passed. i realized the value of the land and not just figure 2 prescribed fire frequency of interviewees in alabama, florida, and georgia. perkins et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(1):36–48 44 perspectives money-wise. what it was symbolic of and just keeping it going. you just hate to see something go to waste that he put so much time in, and that’s what i really been focused on. carolyn finney (2014:xv-–xvi) states, “black people have laid it all down to feed their children, plant their dreams, and share their experience and history with the environment.” the land exists as a symbol of life and ancestral love (crook 2008). this may be due to the discriminatory practices black people in america have faced since being enslaved or the simple trials of taking on the management of 0.5 to 365-acre properties. those landowners who live, work, and love through their land seem to retain it longer and gain more reward from their ownership (adams 2010). these connections may be expressed recreationally through hunting and fishing, spiritually through their religious perspectives, or economically through commodity production (gordon et al. 2013). since many black people have subsisted on their lands, currently or in their ancestral lineage, it is reasonable to assume they have maintained unique connections with their lands, including a love of fire. as one black firelighter put it, “fire is my love, so that’s what i did. ... i was a firefighter for like 28 years.” this same message was echoed in different forms from interviewees who wanted to hold on to the land, the legacy, and the specific land management practice of fire that kept them going. black landowners in the red hills have a variety of management goals. of these, most were like the management goals for landowners of other ethnic groups while including conservation practices required to protect native species within their region. historically, black landowners have participated in the usda conservation reserve program (crp)— a program that allows landowners to remove environmentally sensitive land from agricultural production and plant species that will improve environmental health and quality—more than other minority groups (gilbert et. al 2002). within their range of management goals, there were limitations that affected their use of prescribed fire and, vice versa, affected their tenure as landowners. black landowners frequently identified the need for a next of kin to carry land management into the next generation. they also identified a need for better access to prescribed fire resources and improved collaborations with organizations. as one young innovative farmer noted, if forestry [usda, usfs, or other local/state forestry groups] did more programs promoting, like having to go to different counties and say, ‘we’re hosting a training on forestry management,’ that way they can just go around or people who wanna get into it [can go]. that’s how farmers learn about different programs so, you can’t just look for them to come to you, you have to ... [go to them]. education and its limitations were brought up in 57% of the interviews. black landowners mentioned the desire for more information about safety, permitting, long-term management planning, and landowner assistance programs. they also inquired about working within natural resource organizations. ninety percent of the interviewees were over age 50 and felt insecure about the continuation of their landownership legacy. underrepresentation in land management agencies and organizations was mentioned in 33% of the interviews as a third potential limitation to fire use by black landowners. better community-based outreach, more financial incentives or tax breaks, safety assurances, liability protections, and the protection of legacies are necessary for the viability of prescribed fire on blackowned land and for the security of black landownership. a landowner who serves as part of a local farm collective noted the need for additional education and advocacy efforts related to managing timber for small acreage farmers when he said, it’s just unmanaged. they don’t manage their timber. if you don’t manage your timber, you have no use for prescribed burning. so ... when i came back, there was actually other farmers local farmers that [suggested] i should manage my timber and no one knew the [answers to] the questions [i had]. so that’s how i got involved. so i started attending these little seminars. he mentioned having to travel over 200 miles north to attend seminars held by the longleaf alliance which gave him more knowledge on using prescribed fire as a management tool. even so, he had struggled to have fruitful conversations with neighboring farmers in his county about the use of this practice. he surmised that his neighbors did not use or delayed perkins et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(1):36–48 45 perspectives burning because of uncertainties about the dynamics of fire use, worries about wildfire risk, and a mismatch with their set management goals. knowledge and practices related to fire use within the community of black landowners some black landowners burn because of the history of fire and its interconnected history with black people. a female landowner, who had managed prescribed burns on a centennial farm owned and occupied by her family, reminisced on their burning as an alternative to mowing, saying, ... the central part of the property, which is between my house and my brother’s house and where my grandparents’ original house was and still part of, it still is [burned]. my mom, they would actually [burn] each year. ... they like to keep burning off because it’s not a place you can really mow because of the trees. ... it’s kind of hard to get the mower in there. so every year she would like burn it off just to keep the brush down, but it’s not near the property line so no danger of getting to you know [someone] else’s property. fuel treatments varied by the landowners’ intended management goals. several landowners noted more focus on row crop agriculture or soil health and would mention mowing and tilling agricultural lands. timber and crop production were reasons for burning as farmers and foresters noticed increases in the growth of oaks, pines, hardwoods, sugar cane, peanuts, fruit trees, hemp, and medical marijuana. burning revolved heavily around a focused approach to wildlife management, fuels management, and pest reduction, all conducted with respect to structural and human safety. black landowners used similar tools and equipment as the neighboring plantation owners, such as matches or drip torches, for fire ignition. black landowners with smaller holdings who work among family members shared mules, tractors, and fourwheelers, which they used to conduct backing fires, strip burning, and windrow burns. landowners’ understanding of their land did not always originate from an ancestral source. some landowners had previously moved out of the region and returned to the community where they noticed differences in people and their approaches to land management. seventy-six percent of interviewees had a connection to at least one governmental agency or nongovernmental organization (table 1). among the organizations that interviewees interacted with were the u.s. department of agriculture’s natural resource conservation service (nrcs) and farm service agency (fsa), tall timbers research station and land conservancy, the jones center at ichauway, the southeastern african american farmers’ organic network (saafon), the north florida co-op, state and local forestry commissions, volunteer fire departments, fire and rescue services, auburn cooperative extension, and 4h. these organizations have contributed to debt relief, legal protections, mechanical and technical assistance, and relationshipbuilding with private landowners. the federation of southern cooperatives stood out as a leader in the commitment to support and advocate on behalf of the almost 20,000 black farmers and farmers of color taxed with financial and technical support issues. some landowners participated in committees, workshops, and leadership roles within agencies or organizations, often as the only people of color working to make space for their communities' voices and concerns. closing the culture of prescribed burning in the red hills has been constructed by multiple ethnic groups: seminole, creek, enslaved west africans, and white researchers. because white contributors, like stoddard, receive an elevated credibility as fire experts, we looked to the black landowners of the red hills region to show how historically deep and profoundly knowledgeable and skilled they are with prescribed burning. this, coupled with the skills of indigenous peoples who have lived in this region for thousands of years, is why prescribed fire in the red hills has fostered strong, resilient ecosystems. we found that a majority of the black landowners and tenants in this study conduct prescribed fire (figure 2; table 1). black people’s life stories in the red hills are intertwined in their ownership and management of land, many of which include the longleaf pine ecosystem. to support prescribed burning among black landowners, policymakers, and fire scientists should focus on improving access to education, securing landowning legacies, and increasing the representation of black people as landowners, foresters, and fire experts. state and federal legislation providing debt relief, environmental justice, and securing heirs’ property has been proposed. in 2021, federal legislation like, the justice for black farmers act and perkins et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(1):36–48 46 perspectives environmental justice for all act, sought to provide relief for long-term issues facing farmers. while these specific acts have not passed, others have. the emergency relief for farmers of color act of 2021 was a part of the inflation reduction act of 2022, which passed and promised over 4 billion dollars to black farmers. unfortunately, many black farmers have been delayed in their receipt of this aid due to resistance from white landowners, who have pursued lawsuits accusing these programs or relief of being a form of discrimination toward white landowners. at the state level, as of 2022, 21 states enacted and passed the uniform partition of heirs' property act created to alleviate the devastating effects of partition sales on heirs by ceasing buyouts and providing opportunities and legal education for shareholders to purchase or negotiate land sales. black landowners’ roles as farmers and foresters affect us greatly as a nation, and black landowners are a cornerstone to the viability of fire-adapted ecosystems in the red hills. policies that atone for historical losses, increase financial security, and encourage conservation among black landowners and firelighters should be encouraged. government agencies will benefit as they establish rapport with their constituency, help reduce legal burdens, and mitigate potential financial losses. when we understand the management objectives of black landowners and the unique obstacles they face within the broader historical and social contexts, we can implement more equitable solutions for nature and people. notes 1the terms of reference for different ethnic groups used here (black people/landowners, white people/ researchers, seminole, muskogee (creek), black seminoles) are those employed by the individuals interviewed and are most commonly employed by people in the red hills region today. acknowledgments we thank jerome golden and additional black landowners who opened their homes, lands, and stories to the research team. we thank karen kovaka, mike sorice, cassandra johnson-gaither, carolyn copenheaver, kathie hollandsworth, sarah hitchner, and julia defeo for manuscript reviews. declarations permissions: informed consent was obtained from all subjects involved in this study, and this study was approved by the institutional review board of virginia polytechnic institute and state university (protocol code fwa00000572), may 4, 2019. sources of funding: this research was made possible by the edna sussman foundation and virginia tech’s multicultural academic opportunities program. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited adams, k. 2010. a study of african american forest landowners in south carolina: implications for land ethic and forest stewardship. doctoral dissertation, department of forestry and environmental conservation, clemson university, clemson, sc. awanyo, l. 2010. bush fallow farming. in encyclopedia of geography, edited by b. warf, p. 302. sage publications, inc., thousand oaks, ca. bailey, c., b. barlow, and j. dyer. 2019. practical constraints to timber management among african american owners of heir’s property. landscape and urban planning 188:1–8. doi:10.1016/ j.landurbplan.2019.03.008. brenner, j., and d. wade. 2003. florida’s revised prescribed fire law: protection for responsible burners. in proceedings of fire conference 2000: the first national congress on fire ecology, prevention, and management, miscellaneous publication no. 13, edited by k. e. m. galley, r. c. klinger, and n. g. sugihara, pp. 132–136. tall timbers research station, tallahassee, fl. brown, m. c., and j. e. davis. 2009. the historically black college as a social contract, social capital, and social equalizer. peabody journal of education 76:31–49. doi:10.1207/s15327930pje7601_03. crook, r. 2008. gullah-geechee archaeology: the living space of enslaved geechee on sapelo island. african diaspora archaeology newsletter 11:2–29. finney, c. 2014. preface. in black faces, white spaces: reimagining the relationship of african americans to the great outdoors, pp. xv–xvi. university of north carolina press, chapel hill, nc. perkins et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(1):36–48 47 perspectives fischer jr., w. 2013. creek nation council oak memorial. the historical marker database. available at: https://www.hmdb.org/m.asp?m=68043. accessed on may 18, 2021. foster, h. t., and a. d. cohen. 2007. palynological evidence of the effects of the deerskin trade on forest fires during the eighteenth century in southeastern north america. american antiquity 72:35–51. doi:10.2307/40035297. fraser, j. a., v. frausin, and a. jarvis. 2015. an intergenerational transmission of sustainability? ancestral habitus and food production in a traditional agro-ecosystem of the upper guinea forest, west africa. global environmental change 31:226–238. doi:10.1016/j.gloenvcha.2015.01.013. gilbert, j., s. d. wood, and g. sharp. 2002. who owns the land?: agricultural land ownership by race/ethnicity. rural america 17:55–62. doi:10.22004/ad.econ.289693. gordon, j. s., a. barton, and k. adams. 2013. an exploration of african american forest landowners in mississippi. rural sociology 78:473– 497. doi:10.1111/ruso.12014. green, m. d. 1982. the politics of indian removal: creek government and society in crisis. university of nebraska press, lincoln, ne. haveman, c. d. 2009. the removal of the creek indians from the southeast, 1825–1838. doctoral dissertation, department of history, auburn university, auburn, al. herbert, j. 2014. rapid approximation: african americans and the transformation of muskogee society, 1700-1819. fairmount folio journal of history 15:36–57. jackson, a. 1830. on indian removal. message to congress, december 6, 1830. available at: https:// www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/jacksonsmessage-to-congress-on-indian-removal. accessed on november 1, 2022. lagemann, j. 1977. traditional african farming systems in eastern nigeria: an analysis of reaction to increasing population pressure. hurst and company publishers, london, uk. leopold, r. 2006. a brief history of the loma people. liberian studies journal 31:3–30. long, ellen call. 1888. notes on some of the forest features of florida with items of tree growth in that state. in proceedings of the 7th annual meeting of the american forestry congress, pp. 38–41. atlanta, georgia. december 1888. melvin, m. 2018. 2018 national prescribed fire use survey report. coalition of prescribed fire councils inc. 3:1–23. mitchell, t. w. 2001. from reconstruction to deconstruction: undermining black landownership, political independence, and community through partition sales of tenancies in common. northwestern university law review 95:505–577. morris, j. b. 2017. yes, lord, i know the road: a documentary history of african americans in south carolina, 1526-2008. university of south carolina press, columbia, sc. ryan, k. c., e. e. knapp, and j. m. varner. 2013. prescribed fire in north american forests and woodlands: history, current practice, and challenges. frontiers in ecology and environment 11:15 –24. doi:10.1890/120329. seals, r. g. 1991. the formation of agricultural and rural development policy with emphasis on african americans: ii. the hatch-george and smith-lever acts. agricultural history 65:12–34. shaffer, l. j. 2010. indigenous fire use to manage savanna landscapes in southern mozambique. fire ecology 6:43–59. doi:10.4996/fireecology.0602043. siby, r. 2013. social equity in public administration: the work of the federation of southern cooperatives/land assistance fund. internship paper, department of political science and international affairs, kennesaw state university, kennesaw, ga. usda census. 1910. chapter 3: race, nativity, and tenure of farmers. census of agricultural history archive. available at: https://bit.ly/3brq8gw. accessed april 2, 2019. usda census of agriculture. 2017. usda census of agriculture: selected farm characteristics by race and black or african american producers. available at: https://bit.ly/3f1ro7l. accessed on november 15, 2018. usda ers. 1999. all private agricultural landowners, acres owned, and value of land and buildings, by race and ethnicity. usda agricultural economics and land ownership survey. available at: https://bit.ly/2skdt37. accessed on april 2, 2019. perkins et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(1):36–48 48 perspectives uniform law commission. 2010. partition of heirs property act [web page]. available at: https:// www.uniformlaws.org/committees/communityhome?communitykey=50724584-e808-4255-bc5d8ea4e588371d. accessed on 2, 2019. varner, j. m., d. r. gordon, f. e. putz, and j. k. hiers. 2005. restoring fire to long-unburned pinus palustris ecosystems: novel fire effects and consequences for long-unburned ecosystems. restoration ecology 13:536–544. doi:10.1111/j.1526100x.2005.00067.x. waber, a. 2016. sounding the first discordant notes: ellen call long and her legacy in the field of fire ecology. tall timbers ejournal 3:24. microsoft word shaw_young_final.docx         1    research communication   ethnobotany of tl’azt’en nation: plant use and gathering  site characteristics    leona r. shaw, jane p. young    author addresses:  ecosystem science and management program university of northern british columbia, 3333 university  way, prince george, bc v2n 4z9.  lshaw@unbc.ca     received: june 8, 2011                                                       volume 3:1‐12  published: march 7, 2012                                                     © 2012 society of ethnobiology    abstract: aboriginal people have  intimate and venerable relationships with the environment, and plants were and still are  important for food, medicine, and cultural purposes.  the present research is a collaborative project between tl’azt’en nation  (located in northcentral british columbia, just north of fort st. james) and the university of northern british columbia (unbc).   the objectives of the study were to collect traditional ecological knowledge (tek) to gain an understanding of the criteria for  gathering individual plants for food or medicine use, and to understand why traditional plant gathering sites may fall out of  use.  multiple methods were used to gather information from knowledgeable tl’azt’enne community members including focus  groups,  interviews, and field trips.   community members possess deep understandings of plants and their gathering sites.   people’s concerns  include the  loss of tek and changing  landscapes due to the effects of disturbances on their  lands.   the  knowledge  gathered  and  documented  throughout  the  study  can  be  used  to  promote  the  preservation  of  the  culture  and  language of tl’azt’en nation.      key words:  traditional ecological knowledge (tek), ethnobotany, ethnobiology, tl’azt’en nation, plant gathering sites    introduction the dakelh, or carrier, people of northcentral british columbia (bc) see the forest as an integral part of their history and tradition, and several plants from the spruce forest are medicinally important to them (ritchkrc et al. 1996). sophie thomas, who passed away in march of 2010, was a beloved and renowned healer and elder of the sai’kuz first nation that is part of the dakelh located near vanderhoof. her knowledge of medicinal plants and medicines is part of a vast traditional knowledge about the environment and its people. sophie was always a keen observer of the natural world, and had seen changes in that world over her lifetime. she was concerned about the destruction of habitat and the accumulation of contaminants (young and hawley 2010). the present study further documents the ethnobotany of the dakelh people and the traditional ecological knowledge (tek) of tl’azt’en (shaw 2010). the objectives of this research are to gain an understanding of the criteria for gathering individual plants for food or medicine, and to identify reasons why traditional plant gathering sites may fall out of use. over the last several decades, the land and people of tl’azt’en nation have been considerably affected by industrial developments, such as the establishment of a mercury mine at pinche lake in the 1940s, the construction of a railroad line by pacific great eastern railway company in the 1970s, and the development of the forestry industry (morris and fondahl 2002). this study provides ethnobotanical data that can be incorporated into protection and measurement as strategies necessary for ensuring the continuation of plant gathering activities and conservation of sites. it was important to all involved in this research to document quotes by tl’azt’en community members (in addition to providing data in tabular form), in efforts to present their knowledge in its cultural context. methods this research was part of a larger communityuniversity research alliance (cura) project made up of team members from tl’azt’en nation and the university of northern british columbia (unbc) (fondahl et al. 2009). tl’azt’en (people by the edge of the bay) are athapaskan-speaking people (brown 2002). the name “carrier” was introduced through a european explorer, but in their own language, they         2    research communication refer to themselves as dakelh (we travel by water) (cstc 2007). they inhabit approximately 6500 km² of land in northcentral bc, about 65 km north of fort st. james (tl’azt’en nation 2009). tl’azt’en nation is now comprised of thirty-five reserves, ranging between 0.4 and 817 ha in size, that are scattered throughout their traditional territory (morris 1999). tache is the administrative centre and the most populated reserve (karjala 2001). most of their on-reserve population resides in the three main settlements of tache, binche, and dzitlainli (grainger, sherry and fondahl 2006). tl’azt’en nation is located in the northern part of the interior plateau region, bounded on the west by the coast mountains, on the north by the omineca mountains, and on the east by the rocky mountains (brown 2002). the region is dominated by the subboreal spruce (sbs) biogeoclimatic zone with some areas covered by mountain hemlock (mh) and engelmann spruce-subalpine fir (essf). upland coniferous forests dominate the sub-boreal landscape. the nechako-fraser basin is in the south and the finlay, parsnip and peace rivers in the north, with the watersheds of the nass and skeena rivers lying along the western edge. this region contains a number of large natural lakes (babine, stuart, and takla) and human-made reservoirs (cheslatta/murray and williston). the climate is continental with long, cold winters and short summers with relatively long, warm days. overall, the region has relatively low precipitation (brown 2002). before we began our study, the tl’azt’en nation’s band council resolution (bcr) and the unbc research ethics board (reb) agreed that our research was ethical. each of the research participants granted their written consent and approved of the research methods, recordings and publication of the results, in accordance with the procedures outlined in the ethics approval. in the initial phase of the study, shaw (the lead researcher) attended several community events and activities such as language and culture meetings, community day events, an elder’s retreat, and a children’s science camp. this allowed tl’azt’en nation community members to become familiar with her, and for her to gain some understanding of tl’azt’en nation culture. we held two meetings prior to interviews and asked community members what they thought the project goals, outcomes, and products should be; this ensured that the research would be beneficial and relevant for tl’azt’en nation. ten participants (6 women and 4 men) were selected for this study based on a systematic, peer-reference method (davis and wagner 2003). these participants chose thirty-two plants that they thought were important for food/medicine uses; this list was reduced to fifteen plants by the participants to make the project more manageable (supplementary table). before the interviews began, a detailed “survey” was prepared and acted as a template or type of questionnaire for shaw to use when interviewing the participants. questions were related to the uses of plants for food and medicine, information about the plant gathering sites, and any concerns participants may have about traditional plant use and their gathering sites. dakelh names were used first as a methodological consideration, as there may not be a one to one correspondence between scientific botanical taxa and indigenous plant taxa (johnson gottesfeld 1993). the survey questions were pre-tested before the interviews were conducted (halcomb et al. 2007). one-on-one interviews with each participant were held in tache or at the john prince research forest (jprf) office in fort st. james. shaw asked openended, informal interview questions in english following the surveys. the responses were given in either english or dakelh, whichever was more comfortable for the participant. a researcher, who was also fluent in dakelh, attended each of the interviews. during the interviews, participants were shown pictures of each of the plants; this was done to help trigger participants’ memories and to ensure that both the researcher and participants were referring to the same species (miranda et al. 2007). shaw held two field sessions during which she went out into tl’azt’en territory with participants and other interested community members. voucher specimens were collected for each plant and samples were gathered to distribute to community members who were unable to attend the field interviews. all focus group meetings and interviews were audio and video recorded. researchers discussed the recording devices at each event, and asked participants if they were comfortable with the recording methods. the audio recordings were used to create verbatim transcripts. as per tl’azt’en community norms, team members expected research events to be recorded for archival and educational purposes. during the interviews, the researchers filled out the “survey” by hand and additional notes were taken. the field sessions were not video-recorded, but shaw took field notes. all audio and video recordings, and hand-written notes, are         3    research communication figure  1.  an  important  medicinal  plant,  ludi  musjek  (ledum groenlandicum).    figure  2.  an  important  food  plant,  duje  (vaccinium  membranaceum).    presently archived with tl’azt’en nation and at unbc. shaw transcribed interviews manually with the assistance of a tl’azt’en research assistant. transcripts included contextual information such as pauses, interruptions (such as cell phones), and emotions (such as laughing, etc.). when dakelh was spoken, the dakelh words and english translations were included in the transcript (the research assistant spoke dakelh fluently and was capable of all translations). all transcripts were edited for accuracy by shaw or tl’azt’en research assistants before they were returned to each participant for verification. the participants either reviewed their written transcripts independently or orally with a research team member, and changes were incorporated. as with any community-based research project, it is important to create products that are culturally important and useful to the community. we produced a community booklet, a brochure, three community updates, posters, and herbarium specimens. some participants asked to remain anonymous, therefore, their names have been excluded from all products and deliverables, including this article. plants and their gathering sites all fifteen plants identified by tl’azt’en nation as being culturally important were considered to be important medicinally, for example, ludi musjek (ledum groenlandicum oeder ericaceae) (figure 1). ten of them were also considered important as food sources, for example, duje (vaccinium membranaceum douglas ex torr. ericaceae) (figure 2) (supplementary table). fourteen of the plants are currently being used in the community by at least one of the participants. the only plant which was not actively gathered during this study was chunach’ulh (black birch, latin name unknown). when shaw asked one participant, “what other plants were used for medicine?” the response was, “daja ts’iyawh yoo ‘unt’oh.” (“well, they are all medicine”) (anonymous). pierre john, one of the tla’zt’en participants, explains how plant medicines have been used in the past. one guy he fell off the cliff up on the mountain, he tried to hang on to the rock, but he started rolling with the rock down the mountain. he rolled right down to the bottom, broke every bone in his body. he had to use balsam (abies lasiocarpa (hook.) nutt. pinaceae) pitch and red willow (cornus stolonifera michx. cornaceae) for two weeks. they take the pitch out with spoon, and put it in his mouth and swallow it the way it is. they use the red willow as a poultice and over a hole with hot rocks. it took the man two weeks to heal; he used a cane to walk back to the river. pierre’s son, simon john, speaks about how plant medicines have helped his dad. when my dad (pierre john) just about died from ulcers in the 1960s, his brother louie, beverly’s dad, they got directions from their grandma to go get these medicines…the doctor said [dad] had no hope. they mix dats’an angut (juniperus communis l. cupressaceae), kinnikinnick (arctostaphylos uva-ursi l. spreng. ericaceae), red willow and ts’ootsun na too’ (a. lasiocarpa blisters). they gave it to him for a whole month and some after that, right ‘til today         4    research communication he is still living, he’s seventy-seven years old. they prove the doctor wrong by mixing these medicines, and one of it was dats’an angut. i think it does a lot to cleanse their blood and their system and probably stop the bleeding in the inner too, we wouldn’t know that…a lot has to do with that ts’ootsun na too’. a lot more of it should be studied i think. participants issac felix and theresa austin share their stories of medicinal use. i use it [ningwus] (shepherdia canadensis nutt. elaegnaceae) lots for medicine. i use it every day if i feel bad or something. i just eat soapberries, and right there i feel better. even if you get heartburn or something you would eat soapberries. (issac felix) a few years ago i made some dunih t’an (a. uva-ursi) for my friend, who was going through the change in life, or hot flashes, and she drank it maybe about a week, three times a day, about one cup, and it really helped. it stopped the hot flashes and cold sweats. (theresa austin) berries are one of the most significant food sources, which is consistent with other studies conducted in bc. they served as an essential winter food source (johnson gottesfeld 1993; lantz and turner 2003; turner 1995) and were also considered to be extremely important in trade and potlatch ceremonies (thornton 1999; turner 1995). berries are also important cultural indicator species for other traditional practices such as fishing for salmon according to tl’azt’en participant, paul williams. they say the more berry flowers you see in the bush then you know more salmon is going to come. but if you don’t see very many white flowers in the bush, like blackberries (amelanchier alnifolia (nutt.) nutt rosaceae) always got real lots of nice white flowers, you just get a few here and there, that means the salmon is not going to be that great of a run. but now-a-days, with the climate, everything is changing. several participants, including mary lebrun (quote below), state that most of the plants can be gathered all year round, but are best gathered in the spring (see also supplementary table). i think for most of the plants a good time is spring time. you can gather probably year round, most of the medicine is good year round. if a person really needs it they all go out in the bush and get some. bring a shovel and like if it’s a very sick person that really needs it, they’ll go out in the bush until they find it. when asked where plants were selected from, many tla’zt’en participants, spoke about the importance of their traditional territory. parlee et al. (2006) found similar results among the teetl’it gwich’in (who live in the northwest territories). there were extended family ownership developed around many berry patches, and community members stated that these areas can only be accessed if you are invited. simon john and theresa austin discuss this important rule. if you want the medicine to work, it should come from your traditional territory (keyoh). my father and grandfather always said, “if you want medicine to work, you have to believe in it, and the person that’s making it has to believe it’s going to help you”. and i strongly believe in that and it’s just like permission to go into another man’s keyoh (traditional territory), you know. they’re the ones that make the medicine and help you out; they know their area more than you do. (simon john) long ago when we used to go out, the last day of school usually or the first weekend after school is done, our family and my aunts and uncles with their families would go up to dzitl’ainli. because we used to just go to our keyoh to pick whatever grows in our territory. i have never gone onto another person’s traditional territory to pick berries, unless we had already asked them for permission (theresa austin). tl’azt’enne also believe that it is important to gather plants where they are the least disturbed. the trails leading to all our lakes behind the village are all logged out. we don’t go there anymore. we tend to stay away from where it’s been logged out. we go further away, if we have to, where it hasn’t been logged or sprayed or anything. (simon john) if you are picking for medicine it has to be away from people, where they don’t walk around or use the area. most of the medicines are supposed to be like that—away from where people walk around. a few miles out of town or something like that. (mary lebrun) they usually say just where the creek, where the creek’s running down on the hillside. and some they pick it up on the mountainside, where’s there’s nobody around, if you’re gonna heal with it. (helen johnnie)         5    research communication when asked what type of site characteristics tl’azt’enne select for when gathering food or medicine plants, broad areas of “open” and “forested” were mentioned (supplementary table). for example, ‘ut’ankal (rubus idaeus l. rosaceae) and latalba (achillea millefolium l. asteraceae) are gathered in open areas. dunih t’an (a. uva-ursi) is taken from forest floors. similar results were found in research with several dene nations who inhabit the canadian northwestern boreal forests in bc (johnson 2008). when talking about the various plants, participants would often mention the animals and were aware of the animals’ needs as well. ts’ootsun (a. lasiocarpa) is a food source for moose and k’us (alnus tenuifolia nutt. betulaceae) is food for moose, rabbit and deer (supplementary table). johnson (2008) found that when speaking about habitats that aboriginal people were greatly aware of the relationships of animals to plants and place. some dene described the significance of habitats to animals such as caribou, moose, rabbits and ptarmigan in that there were seasons of animal activity and particular plants were food sources for the animals. isaac felix speaks about his awareness of other plant users in the following quote. and it is not only us who are using it, it’s the bears too. every year there’s bears there, and they pick right beside us and they don’t bother us. especially grizzly bears, they don’t bother us, they just make funny noises but they don’t bother us. we just stay on our own side and they stay on their own side. participants often described the location of different plant species as “among [plant name].” for example, dats’an angut (j. communis) is found with dunih t’an (a. uva-ursi), and tsalhtse’ (viburnum edule (michx.) raf. caprifoliaceae) is found among t’ughus (populus tremuloides michx. salicaceae) (supplementary table). johnson (2008) found a common pattern occurring in more than one athapaskan language. for example, a kaska elder is aware of the association of berry species with other vegetation. the speaker places himself in the landscape by referring to a spruce forest as “among the trees” instead of using an abstracted classification that separates environment and speaker (johnson 2008). a common theme that arose during the interviews was related to respect for plants and their powers. even though no direct questions were asked about traditional rituals or prayers, the following statements were made by participants. everything that they [the elders] use to tell us is true. they tell us we have to be careful of what we’re going to say when we’re going out. tell us not to say anything to hurt the animals or to hurt the indian medicine what we going to make. just like a human being we talk to it: “we want you for medicine and to heal who we are going to make it for.” we just talk to them and not laugh about anything like that. (helen johnnie) before we gather our plants we have to make an offering and talk to it. give [the plant] an offering of tobacco or, if you don’t have tobacco, whatever you have that is handy. some elders say even a strand of your hair, you could use that to give to the plant as an offering of thanks for helping. “[i] believe that you are going to help me.” talk to the plant. we tell the plant, “we are going to use you for medicine,” and usually what we do is put tobacco on the east side of the plant. (theresa austin) first thing we got to do before they take [the plant], you got to say a little prayer. right at the bottom of it, they offer tobacco. that’s how you have to take it. can’t take it without praying, because people believe that, if you do not pray, it won’t help us. so that’s how we pick berries or anything like food. (anonymous) if i take [a plant] i put tobacco there to pay for it. just not to take the plants unless i have something to replace it with. (doreen austin) turner, ignace, and ignace (2000) state that it is the respect for all life forms more than any other single concept that distinguishes north american aboriginal belief systems. many believe that plants are entities having their own intrinsic power to help or heal, or to withhold help, therefore, attitude is important when gathering plants (johnson 2006). tl’azt’enne believe in similar values, as communicated by sophie monk. well, we like to respect all the plants and the little animals. respect all animals, even if they see a frog. them young kids, they go fool around with it. respect everything. then none of it will ever bother them. loss of plants and plant knowledge the traditional way for a tl’azt’enne to learn was through verbal stories and lessons from family, other community members, and elders out on the land. they believe that the only way to truly learn about tl’azt’enne traditional knowledge is to connect with the land, know the dakelh language, and practice the         6    research communication culture of tl’azt’en nation in the forms that were passed down through generations of ancestors. simon and pierre john reflect upon the importance of these connections. we need to reconnect ourselves and our people with the land. a lot of people forget about it and just don’t do it anymore. our elders don’t get around as much as they used to. it’s harder for them to go out and teach us, but there’s not enough young people willing to learn. if they don’t learn now it’s going to be forgotten. they need to get out there [on the land] and learn. (simon john) i don’t know what it is but i know people are going to suffer, certain way. bad time is coming. that’s what makes me feel bad. i’m not worrying about the people. i am worried about the kids. like me, i had my life. but the younger kids, what are they going to do? they don’t know how to set net, how to hunt, how to pick berries, and how to make indian medicine. (pierre john) sherry et al. (2005) said that the transmission of traditional knowledge and cultural values, restoration of the role of elders as teachers, increased observational/experiential learning opportunities, and respect for the oral tradition were all important to tl’azt’enne. decreased rates of skill and knowledge transmission seen in many aboriginal communities may be due to the fact that the traditional mode of education that involved learning by watching and apprenticeship is not fully operational in the present day, european educational system. in addition, social changes caused by sedentarization, schooling, and the introduction of television have caused changes in values among younger generations (ohmagari and berkes 1997). tl’azt’enne also expressed concerns for loss of traditional knowledge. they fear that fewer people are spending time in their keyoh and less time learning from the elders, which are points simon john conveys in the following statements. before it’s too late we really need to get all these younger people to reconnect with the land and reconnect with the elders. half of it is doing research and the damage that has been done in our area. the new plants that are coming, what kind of effect do they have on ours? we don’t know that as a nation because it’s new to us. logging is new to us. europeans are new to us. a lot of this stuff our people are getting sick on, we don’t know about. it’s only by trial and error that they know how to deal with certain things like ulcers and that. they overcome things like that. and another big one is arthritis. that’s why they learn how to use devil’s club (oplopanax horridus (sm.) miq. araliaceae). it’s a learning process even for me and some of our elders. a lot of it has to do with alcoholism, you know. a lot of the damage was done to their stomach and they turn a lot of their attention to how to help their innards. there’s no answer to it, not in the near future anyway. we need to learn from the elders as fast as we can so we wouldn’t lose touch with the land. we will never get it back. an example of lost traditional ecological knowledge can be directly seen in this project with chunach’ulh (black birch) (supplementary table). the participants selected this plant as one of the most important medicine plants to focus this study on. it is known to be a powerful medicine, but not many people currently use it. most participants recalled stories of the use of chunach’ulh and the strong medicinal properties it possesses, but did not actually use it themselves. this was because most of participants could not positively identify the plant in the field or from pictures and those that could were no longer able to go into the field. even though the remaining fourteen plants are currently being used in the community, tl’azt’enne stressed their concern that the knowledge about them is being lost. another concern among tl’azt’enne is that landscapes are changing in their traditional territory. this is due to disturbances such as logging, but the effect this may have on the plants and gathering sites is unknown. karjala and dewhurst (2002) found that tl’azt’en members perceive that forest management practices over numerous past decades have had significant impacts on the forest ecosystem; these concerns include cleanliness of drinking water and moose meat, and negative effects of clear-cut areas. mary lebrun expresses her worry over use of plants near the mercury mine at pinche lake: especially if the mining is going to come, you have to fence everything off. look at that pinche mine they had long time ago, the mercury mine. you can’t make medicine anywhere near there. it is still going to affect us because the streams are coming from there. look at pinche mine, all the streams they go down to the lake and look at all the people that are dying of cancer.         7    research communication “the new plants that are coming, what kind of effect do they have on ours?” this concern of simon john is not uncommon as some invading species negatively affect human health and wealth directly, while others influence the structure and functioning of ecosystems and the maintenance or restoration of native biological diversity (vitousek et al. 1997). although there were no documented invasive species affecting the chosen fifteen plants and their gathering sites, tl’azt’enne are aware that invasive species exist in the area and that these species can seriously impact their traditional territory’s biodiversity. participants also expressed concern about the effects of climate change on their lands and plants. indigenous populations of canada are often more vulnerable to climate change because of their close relationships with the environment (furgal and sequin 2006). as mentioned earlier, the industrial development affecting traditional tl’azt’en territory includes the establishment of a mercury mine, the construction of a railroad line, and the development of the forestry industry (morris and fondahl 2002). most medicinal plants, as well as animals, have restricted habitats, usually confined to geographic sites like seasides, riversides, highlands and forest zones. alteration of local ecosystems due to human activities has resulted in severe constraints on the availability and accessibility of plant and animal species used for medicinal purposes (anyinam 1995). according to the testimony of many elders who have witnessed tremendous change in bc landscapes over their lifetimes, most of these species are not as productive or as common as they once were (austin et al. 2008). recommendations for protection of traditionally important plants and their gathering sites knowledgeable tl’azt’enne who use plants for food and medicine do not seem to have many specific sites where plants must be gathered, as long as they are available in tl’azt’en territory in an undisturbed area away from people. however, some plants are gathered in preferred areas, for example, dats’an angut (j. communis) on rock bluffs or hillsides at higher elevations in the mountains and ningwus (s. canadensis) in open areas in valleys or near water (supplementary table). this site information will give guidance to foresters when deciding upon best management practices, or more importantly, can provide tl’azt’en nation with a set of directives for licensees that operate in their territory so that tl’azt’enne values are protected. the fifteen culturally important plants identified by the tl’azt’enne could be incorporated into landscapelevel or site-level criteria for tl’azt’en criteria and indicators (c&i), and then be measured using indicators of health, abundance, and habitat. tl’azt’en c&i may be used for evaluation of existing or future management practices in order to develop management scenarios and for incorporation of alternative perspectives (sherry et al. 2005). the fifteen plants can be used as values in community-based environmental monitoring studies (cbem) in an effort to maintain biodiversity in tl’azt’en nation’s traditional territory. whatever the formula, forest management activities should be planned and implemented so as to protect or enhance sites of ecological, cultural, and social significance to tl’azt’en nation. tek of tl’azt’en nation documented in this study, including plant use data and concerns of loss of plants and gathering sites, will be invaluable in environmental decision making and creating policy. many challenges lay ahead for the incorporation of tek in management decisions (e.g. houde, 2007), but the inclusion of this knowledge and wisdom will undoubtedly aid in understanding environmental issues facing the world today. conclusions identifying and recognizing the fifteen plants described in this study as important to tl’azt’en nation people. the knowledge of plant gathering criteria will lead to better appreciation of ecological systems, and aid in the preservation of culture, language, and biodiversity. tl’azt’enne plant gatherers have many concerns about plants, gathering sites, and traditional knowledge about them. it is important to note that, although tl’azt’enne community members are concerned about the loss of tek, they realize that the tek system it is adaptable, as are other knowledge systems. by having tek recorded in “non-traditional” methods, such as in research projects like this, they are controlling the future and the preservation of their knowledge. finally, it is crucial to undertake further studies, like the present one, to help preserve and perpetuate tek of the dakelh people. acknowledgements we would like to acknowledge all of the tl’azt’en community members whose knowledge and patience contributed to this paper. snalchailya (thank you) to the elders, community members, and project assistants who shared their time, energy and support throughout this project. in particular, we would like to thank doreen austin, theresa austin, isaac felix, pierre john, simon john, helen johnnie, mary lebrun, sophie monk, paul williams, and those participants         8    research communication who wish to remain anonymous. we are also grateful to beverly john for her guidance and support throughout the project, and to beverly bird and alex pierre who assisted in the initial design of the research. we would also like to thank the social sciences and humanities research council of canada (sshrc) for generously funding this research and the unbc faculty and staff for their support and resources. tl’azt’en nation was invited to review this article as per tl’azt’en guidelines for conduction of research in tl’azt’en territory. references cited anyinam, c. 1995. ecology and ethnomedicine: exploring links between current environmental crisis and indigenous medical practices. social science medicine 40:321-329. austin, m. a., d. a. buffet, d. j. nicolson, g. g. e. scudder and v. stevens, eds. 2008. taking nature’s pulse: the status of biodiversity in british columbia. biodiversity bc, victoria, bc. brown, d. 2002. carrier sekani self-government in context: land and resources. western geography 12:2167. cstc (carrier sekani tribal council). 2007. a cstc background. available at: http://www.cstc.bc.ca/cstc/7/about+cstc. accessed on january 15, 2012. davis, a. and j. r. wagner. 2003. who knows? on the importance of identifying “experts” when researching local ecological knowledge. human ecology 31:463488. fondahl, g., p. wright, d. yim, e. sherry, b. leon, w. bulmer, s. grainger and j. young. 2009. co-managing research: building and sustaining a first nationuniversity partnership. the community development institute at unbc. prince george, bc, canada. furgal, c. and j. seguin. 2006. climate change, health, and the vulnerability in canadian northern aboriginal communities. environmental health perspectives 114:19641970. grainger, s., e. sherry and g. fondahl. 2006. the john prince research forest: evolution of a comanagement partnership in northern british columbia. the forestry chronicle 86:1-12. halcomb, e. j., l. gholizadeh, m. digiacomo, j. phillips and p. m. davidson. 2007. literature review: considerations in undertaking focus group research with culturally and linguistically diverse groups. journal of clinical nursing 16:1000-1011. houde, n. 2007. the six faces of traditional ecological knowledge: challenges and opportunities for canadian co-management arrangements. ecology and society 12:34. johnson, l. m. 2006. gitksan medicinal plants cultural choice and efficacy. journal of ethnobiology and ethnomedicine 2:29. doi:10.1186/1746-4269-2-29. johnson, l. m. 2008. plants and habitats – a consideration of dene ethnoecology in northwestern canada. botany 86:146-156. johnson gottesfeld, l. m. 1993. plants, land and people, a study of wet’suwet’en ethnobotany, master’s thesis, department of anthropology, university of alberta, edmonton, ab, canada. karjala, m. k. 2001. integrating aboriginal values into strategic-level forest planning on the john prince research forest, central interior, british columbia, unpublished master’s thesis, department of natural resources and environmental studies, university of northern british columbia, prince george, bc, canada. karjala, m. k. and s. m. dewhurst. 2002. including aboriginal issues in forest planning: a case study in central interior british columbia, canada. landscape and urban planning 64:1-17. lantz, t. c. and n. j. turner. 2003. traditional phenological knowledge of aboriginal peoples in british columbia. journal of ethnobiology 23:263-286. miranda, t. m., m. c. amorozo, j. s. govone and d. m. miranda. 2007. the influence of visual stimuli in ethnobotanical data collection using the listing task method. field methods 9:76-86. morris, p. k. 1999. negotiating the production of space in tl’azt’en territory, 1969-1984. unpublished master’s thesis, department of geography, university of northern british columbia, prince george, bc, canada. morris, p. and g. fondahl. 2002. negotiating the production of space in tl’azt’en territory, northern british columbia. the canadian geographer 46:108-125. ohmagari, k. and f. berkes. 1997. transmission of indigenous knowledge and bush skills among the western james bay cree women of subarctic canada. human ecology 5:197-222.         9    research communication parlee, b. f. berkes and teetl’it gwich’in renewal resource council. 2006. indigenous knowledge of ecological variability and commons management: a case study on berry harvesting from northern canada. human ecology 34:515-528. ritch-krc, e. m, s. thomas, n. j. turner and g. n. h. towers. 1996. carrier herbal medicine: traditional and contemporary plant use. journal of ethnopharmacology 52:85-94. shaw, l. r. 2010. the ecology of food and medicine plants and their gathering sites as defined by tl’azt’en nation. unpublished master’s thesis, department of natural resources and environmental studies, university of northern british columbia, prince george, bc, canada. sherry, e., r. halseth, g. fondahl, m. karjala and b. leon. 2005. local-level criteria and indicators: an aboriginal perspective on sustainable forest management. forestry 78:1-27. thornton, t. f. 1999. tleikw aani, the “berried” landscape: the structure of tlinglit edible fruit resources at glacier bay, alaska. journal of ethnobiology 19:27-48. tl’azt’en nation. 2009. about us. available at: http://www.tlc.baremetal.com/about%20us.htm. accessed on january 15, 2012. turner, n. j. 1995. food plants of coastal first peoples. royal british columbia museum, vancouver, bc. turner, n. j., m. b. ignace, and r. ignace. 2000. traditional ecological knowledge and wisdom of aboriginal peoples in british columbia. ecological applications 10:1275-1287. vitousek, p. m., c. m. d’antonio, l. l. loope, m. reimanek and r. westbrooks. 1997. introduced species: a significant component of human-caused global change. new zealand journal of ecology 21:1-16. young, j. and a. hawley. 2010. plants and medicines of sophie thomas. based on the traditional knowledge of sophie thomas, sai’kuz elder and healer. 3rd ed. available at: http://sophiethomas.org/. accessed on january 15, 2012. biosketches leona  r. shaw  has  a  masters  of  natural  resources  and  environmental  studies  degree.   her  studies  focused  on  ethnobotany and traditional ecological knowledge.  jane p. young is an assistant professor in the ecosystem  science  and  management  program  at  the  university  of  northern british columbia.  10    plant uses/parts used plant characteristics site characteristics time of year notes ts’ootsun abies lasiocarpa (hook.) nutt. (pinaceae) balsam, subalpine fir food – sap eaten as an energizer medicine – sap/pitch used to treat lung ailments, colds, and as an antibiotic; bark boiled and used to treat lung ailments (coughs and tuberculosis) and itchy throats; branch tips (buds) used to treat pneumonia; needles used to heal sores or burned to freshen the air and prevent colds small to medium sized younger trees with red bumps/blisters preferred (easy to peel); older trees with smooth bark are also selected preference to gather at higher elevations (where smaller trees found) or closer to water spring is best (bark peels more easily), but can gather all year round food source for animals, such as moose dats’an angut juniperus communis l. (cupressaceae) juniper food – female cones (bluish berries) used as a spice, similar to clove medicine – whole branch boiled and used to treat stomach ailments, coughs, ulcers, tuberculosis, bronchitis, lung disease, and chest infections most effective when branches and berries are used together; branches should be green, and red and brown branches should be avoided gathered on rock bluffs or hillsides at higher elevations in the mountains; often found with dunih t’an (kinnikinnick) spring is best for branches and fall for berries, but can be gathered all year round k’entsi cornus stolonifera michx. (cornaceae) red willow, redoiser dogwood medicine – whole branch boiled and used as a pain killer, aspirin, hair wash, to treat burns, open sores and cuts, arthritis, tuberculosis and chest infections; however, outer red bark peeling is most commonly used; branches can be placed over hot rocks to assist in healing broken bones; buds used to treat arthritis smaller plants with red bark are preferred for medicine and are the most effective; the “cleaner” branches with the least limbs are also used; plants with old brown branches are avoided best to gather on sunny hillsides near creeks spring is best, but can be gathered all year round tsalhtse’ viburnum edule (michx.) raf. (caprifoliaceae) cranberry food – berries eaten raw and made into jam medicine – berries or branches used to treat stomach ailments, kidney infections, and the flu; berries used to treat constipation and clean out your stomach and kidneys best to gather branches when berries are present gathered along shores in lower elevations; often found among t’ughus (poplar) best to gather branches in spring and berries in late summer ningwus shepherdia canadensis (l.) nutt. (elaegnaceae) soapberry food – berries eaten raw, dried, or made into indian ice cream; berries are a good source of vitamin c medicine – berries eaten to treat heart conditions, heartburn, diarrhea, constipation, stomach ailments (such as ulcers and cancer), and to cleanse the blood and kidneys; berries can be put best to gather plants with red ripe berries; older branches should be avoided gathered in open areas in valleys or near water; often gathered among forests that have mix of pine and poplar best to gather berries in summer or late summer; best to gather branches in spring, but can be gathered all year round table 1: plants of tl’azt’en nation: plant use and gathering site characteristics. 11    into eyes to treat cataracts ludi musjek ledum groenlandicum oeder (ericaceae) labrador tea food – leaves boiled to make tea medicine – leaves boiled and used as a relaxant or sleeping aid and to treat high blood pressure and angina (chest pains) plants that have large, green, fresh leaves are preferred gathered in swampy, mossy area at lower elevations best to gather in spring when plants are flowering, but can be gathered all year round ‘ut’ankal rubus idaeus l. (rosaceae) raspberry food – berries eaten raw and made into jam medicine – whole branch (including the leaves) boiled and used to treat diarrhea, stomach ailments, ulcers, the flu and to prevent hemorrhaging after child birth younger ‘fresher’ looking plants are preferred gathered in open areas best to gather the berries in summer; branches can be gathered all year round hoolhghulh oplopanax horridus (sm.) miq. (araliaceae) devil’s club medicine – outer bark or roots used as a pain killer and to heal broken bones; roots ground and used as a muscle rub please note: hoolhghulh is for external use only and should not be left on a person for too long younger plants are preferred, as the older ones are too ‘woody’ gathered in cooler, damp areas of ridges that are close to water best to gather in spring, but can gather in summer or fall as well dunih t’an arctostaphylos uvaursi (l.) spreng. (ericaceae) kinnikinnick food – berries eaten raw medicine – whole branch boiled and is good for the lungs and to clean out your system, and can treat colds, tuberculosis, stomach bleeding and the flu; whole branch with the roots boiled and used to treat menopausal symptoms (the change in life), such as hot flashes and cold sweats green branches with ripe berries are preferred; plant is most potent with berries, but can be used without them gathered in rocky area on forest floor or on mountain or hillsides; often gathered with dats’an angut (juniper) best to gather in summer when the berries are ripe, but can be gathered in spring and fall as well latalba achillea millefolium l. (asteraceae) yarrow medicine – whole plant boiled and used as a diuretic, to treat a sore throat, stomach ailments, and arthritis; plant can be rubbed directly onto the skin as a bug repellant plants with white flowers are selected and brownish ones are avoided; any plant that turns brown when boiled is removed from the pot gathered in any open area best to gather in summer when flowers are white k’us alnus tenuifolia nutt. (betulaceae) alder medicine – bark ground into a powder and used for stomach ailments; inner bark boiled and used to treat ulcers; all of bark boiled and used to treat sores, asthma, and chest colds; bark also chewed to treat the flu younger, medium-sized plants with catkins are preferred gathered in any open area best to gather in spring when bark is easier to peel, but can be gathered all year round food source for wildlife such as moose, rabbit, and deer chundoo pinus contorta douglas ex loudon food – pitch (chun ts’a’) eaten; black tree lichens found on chundoo are edible as well medicine – pitch used to treat burns and younger small or mediumsized trees are preferred gathered anywhere best to gather pitch in spring and bark in spring or summer severely damaged by the mountain pine beetle infestation 12      (pinaceae) jack pine, lodgepole pine sores and a pain killer and cold rub; bark and buds boiled and used for stomach ailments or as an antibiotic t’ughus populus tremuloides michx. (salicaceae) poplar, trembling aspen food – sap eaten medicine – bark chewed and applied to open wounds to stop bleeding; bark also boiled and used to treat pinworms, eczema, and ulcers young, smaller trees are preferred best to gather in lower elevations, as bark tends to be too dry in higher elevations best to gather in spring or summer, but can be gathered all year round food source for beavers duje vaccinium membranaceum douglas ex torr. (ericaceae) huckleberry food – berries eaten raw and made into jams and jellies; berries also boiled with water and used as a syrup for pancakes, ice cream or cake medicine – berries eaten as an energizer or used to clean out your system plants with green leaves and newer growth are preferred as berries tend to grow bigger on these best to gather in open areas on hillsides in higher elevations best to gathered in summer when berries are ripe food source for wildlife such a rabbit, deer, elk, and bear chunach’ulh (latin name unknown) black birch medicine – bark boiled and used to treat pneumonia; bark also chewed raw to relieve chest pains or to treat colds unknown unknown unknown unable to find it in the field and positively identify it; not many people presently use it; very difficult to find and not many people can positively identify it fruit from the sands: the silk road origins of the foods we eat. by robert n. spengler iii. 2019. university of california press, berkeley. 392 pp. anderson. 2019. ethnobiology letters 10(1):109–110 109 reviews perspectives from gene anderson’s bookshelf in eastern europe and much of central asia throughout early history. at some obscure but quite recent time, it was replaced by rye in eastern europe—a major agricultural revolution that seems to have gone little noticed, though tax and farm rolls from tsarist russia would surely reveal the details. high-yield, heat-adapted wheats replaced it in central asia quite recently. spengler provides up-to-date information on the genetics, origins, and spread of both broomcorn and foxtail millet, as well as rice, wheat, and barley. foxtail millet never amounted to much in central asia; it needs china’s hotter, wetter climate. rice, however, was grown where there was warmth and ample water, though that limited it to a few river valleys. apples originated in what is now eastern kazakhstan, near the city of almaty, formerly almaata, “father of apples.” the name commemorates a local johnny appleseed, though, not the original domestication events. once again, genetics, origin, and spread are well described. apricots originated in central asia, somewhere between turkey and china—wild ones are widespread. wine grapes, originally from the east black sea coastal areas, spread and flourished. most of the common fruits and nuts of the near east and eastern europe became established and important. central asia’s oasis cities today consume incredible quantities of them. stall after stall in any market is taken up with dried ones, and fresh ones in season. one wonders how even cities of a million or more could eat so many strawberries, cherries, apricots, and the rest. tashkent writings in english on central asian food have tended to emphasize meat and dairy, because of the romantic identification of the region with herders and nomads. yet central asia has an ancient and highly developed agricultural sector, and was the source of apples, apricots, and other plants, including varieties of carrots, melons, and nuts. robert spengler, a young archaeobotanist with much experience in the region, has produced an excellent guide to the plant foods and their history. he personally excavated and identified many of the remains he describes. the book focuses on genetics and archaeology, but also covers history, as well as modern production. sections cover grains, legumes, grapes and apples, other fruits and nuts, vegetables, spices, oils, and tea. the book begins with a description of central asia and its plants, quoting many arab geographers as well as european explorers. spengler points out that “until the first millennium bc, much of southern central asia was a lush expanse of short, shrubby forest, which included wild pistachio, almond, cherry. …the piedmont of central asia was once covered in forests of sea buckthorn (hippophae rhamnoides)…” (pp. 12–13) and other fruit trees. emphasized also is the role of irrigation, always important, but developed in the medieval period to an extremely high standard, with innovations now used worldwide. the first plant discussed is broomcorn millet, which spread slowly from china, where it was domesticated around 6000 bce; by 2000 bce, it had reached europe. long unsung, it was the staple food fruit from the sands: the silk road origins of the foods we eat. by robert n. spengler iii. 2019. university of california press, berkeley. 392 pp. eugene n. anderson 1* 1 department of anthropology, university of california, riverside, usa. * gene@ucr.edu received august 9, 2019 open access accepted november 8, 2019 doi 10.14237/ebl.10.1.2019.1636 published december 4, 2019 copyright © 2019 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. anderson. 2019. ethnobiology letters 10(1):109–110 110 reviews perspectives from gene anderson’s bookshelf has so many fruit trees planted as yard and street trees that it is almost a food forest. no one seems to mind the staining of pavement and cars by the thousands of mulberry trees that drop varicolored fruit in may. quite the reverse; the trees develop a pronounced browse line at the height of an average person’s reach. spices are less abundant and important, but the silk road (or silk routes—there were parallel tracks) was as important for them as it was for silk. tons of spices and medicinals—originally the same category— traveled by camel across the vast deserts, sky-reaching mountains, and lush oases. almost half a century ago, i watched a camel caravan crossing an 11,000-foot pass in afghanistan, an impressive sight. such was trade until very recently. there are a few errors in this book. the most obvious, unfortunately and mistakenly cited to me, translates the chinese word fan as “rice” (p. 89). fan means any cooked grain used as a staple food or substrate for other food (made dishes, cai). in south china, fan is virtually synonymous with cooked rice, but rice has its own species name, dao, and fan originally applied largely to cooked millet. another error occurs on p. 13, where those fruit forests are said to have given way to “lizards, snakes, and desert saxaul trees (haloxylon).” this is not the case. saxaul grows in the hottest, driest deserts, where fruit and nut trees do not survive. far from replacing food trees, saxaul is itself threatened, by firewood cutting and the like. what has replaced the fruit and nut groves is rough grazing. the forests have been cleared, mostly long since the first millennium, for pasture. i have seen isolated fruit trees standing in otherwise sheep-cropped grass in several central asian countries. one more error worth noting is the idea that the chinese word usually translated “wine” really means, basically, grape wine (p. 262). jiu has always meant any sort of alcoholic liquid. for the first few thousand years of its career as a word, it meant ale, mostly made from millet. grape wine reached china around 2000 years ago, and was duly called “grape jiu.” similarly for other liquors, and even for medicinal alcohol; tincture of iodine is “iodine jiu.” aside from these points, the book is highly scientific and accurate, and very valuable. it corrects the imbalance of lore in western food literatures, and brings to the world an extremely rich and productive agricultural tradition. the photographs, largely taken by the author, are revealing and important. robert spengler was a student of michael frachetti and the society of ethnobiology’s former editor naomi miller, and his work is top-flight archaeobotany. the ecology of pastoralism. edited by p. nick kardulias. 2015. university press of colorado, boulder. 272 pp. rokpelnis. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(1):28–29 28 reviews as chang demonstrates, the reinterpretation and adaptation of past identities to today’s circumstances in central asia is highly ideological, both politically and intellectually, which creates further hurdles to a unified interpretation of pastoralism in space. the same applies to historical experience, as erik g. johannesson shows in his discussion of mortuary practices in late bronze and early iron age mongolia, where pastoralism carried a particular symbolic weight that, according to the author, far exceeded its livelihood role. michelle negus cleary provides counterarguments to a different kind of exaggeration—that of the strict separation and enmity between steppe pastoralists and settled oasis dwellers in late iron age central asia. using analysis of fortification typologies, negus cleary maintains that at various times pastoralists as well as agriculturalists would use the same fortifications, and thus settling down behind walls might as well be yet another expression of pastoralist adaptation. in the case of navajo herders, lawrence a. kuznar presents a more conventional route of adaptation away from agricultural settlement towards pastoralism driven by encroaching colonial interests and amplified by emergent global market forces. similar colonial and post-colonial adaptations among fulbe pastoralists in the chad basin are described by mark moritz, who calls for a nuanced understanding of the neo-patrimonial state government in which individuals in governmental agencies (rather than an abstract state) make decisions that the pastoralists have to reckon with. moritz argues that pastoralists seek integration into the patrimonial networks that permeate the state in order to ensure access to rangeland. the case for a careful adaptation one might compare academic and popular writing on pastoralists with that on geishas in japan. these two groups are routinely described as remnants of the past and are often pitied for the hardship of their daily lives and their livelihoods’ spiritual and economic incongruence with modernity. however, these groups capture imaginations and seemingly offer insights into the processes that construct societies through time. throughout the history of social sciences, pastoralists (broadly referring to people who rely on animal husbandry for a living) have been at the center of a range of heated debates on social arrangements and human use of natural resources. those debates would most definitely benefit from a more nuanced and clearer understanding of the ways pastoral communities function. the ecology of pastoralism, edited by p. nick kardulias and dedicated to the other initial editor, the prematurely deceased mark t. shutes, addresses various aspects of the highly flexible and adaptive human-ecosystem interaction cluster that is pastoralism. time and space are two fundamental challenges for the synthesis of a general theory of pastoralism: debates on the emergence of animal herding out of sedentary farming versus an evolutionary path from gathering to herding are complicated by the fact that herding takes different forms and possibly has had diverging development paths in different parts of the world. claudia chang’s personal account of her life’s work, from archaeology and participant observation of contemporary herding in greece to studying pastoralists in today’s kazakhstan, elegantly illuminates why we cannot take for granted that the motivations and actions of pastoralists have remained constant through time and space. the ecology of pastoralism. edited by p. nick kardulias. 2015. university press of colorado, boulder. 272 pp. kārlis rokpelnis 1* 1 school of life and environmental sciences, minzu university of china, beijing, china. * karlisr@yahoo.com received october 19, 2015 open access accepted january 8, 2016 doi 10.14237/ebl.7.1.2016.499 copyright © 2016 rokpelnis; licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attributionnoncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. rokpelnis. 2016. ethnobiology letters 7(1):28–29 29 reviews and flexibility-focused understanding of pastoralism is further strengthened with examples of hunza vertical transhumance in pakistan presented by homayun sidky and kardulias’ description of island pastoralists in greece. nikolay n. kradin argues that flexible species assortments and opportunistic grazing approaches historically allowed for the formation of the amorphous hierarchies that could mount challenges to the strongest agricultural empires and then vanish seemingly overnight. mark t. shutes complements this notion by demonstrating that adaptations through animal husbandry continue to play a crucial role in community and individual identities in increasingly industrialized rural economies. shutes’ discussions of farmers’ adaptation to new realities in ireland show how transnational regulation and subsidy systems become additional, hardly predictable, factors to be added to the bundle of uncertainties that herd owners face as individuals who must maintain status and a community role. a world-systems analysis comes closest to serving as a unified theoretical framework for the volume. it seems that pastoralists’ ability to derive value and livelihood from lands unsuitable, or to borrow from james scott, unreadable to the state, serves well for collective and individual responses to marginalization and resource extraction. thomas d. hall synthesizes the chapters in this volume into a case for an understanding that living with herds, among other forms of adaptation and social organization, “can only be explained when embedded in a larger, inter-societal context” (p. 275; emphasis in the original). such a conclusion will hardly satisfy a reader looking for rules of thumb in understanding pastoralists today or in the past. but it truthfully reflects the confusing complexity researchers of pastoralists encounter on a daily basis. with no hint of idyllic musings, the volume brings the reader well beyond facile generalizations of pastoral life or any equivalent geisha romanticizing. those with a keen eye for ecological nuance, particularly detailed environmental indicators and ecosystem measurements, might call foul on using ‘ecology’ in the title since the focus of the volume is societal. the relatively limited attention paid to climate change comes as a surprise but can be understood as an editorial choice to pick a focus and stick with it. the omission of equilibrium versus nonequilibrium debate, however, significantly dents the ecological credibility and usefulness of the volume. regardless of this shortcoming, the ecology of pastoralism brings out nuances and at times can be a captivating read for anyone who enjoys piecing together complex puzzles. kinship in action: self and group 26 book review imposed on siblings due to their order of birth. then we learn about ways of marking birth events, such as the introduction of newborns to social families through naming of children and religious practices. the rest of the chapter discusses how an individual goes step-by-step from one age-set to the next level, i.e. puberty, growth, maturation, and death. the authors show us how gifts, other payments, and wealth are exchanged between paternal and maternal lines of kin at birth to encourage the growth of children, and how, at incidents of death, kin might claim the body to be buried on their land. in the third chapter, the topic of parent-child bonds is investigated. the authors compare euro-american concepts of reproduction with trobriand islander concepts. the absence of a belief in the father’s contribution in fetus conception among trobriand islanders’ understandings of reproduction results in a social structure in which matrilineal clans control land and resources. strathern and stewart also discuss kinship after the emergence of new reproductive technologies and problems that might emerge due to the separation of mothers’ eggs and surrogacy. also, they discuss different dimensions of adoption and fosterage with examples from the pacific region showing the formative role of adoption in social structure. the fourth chapter discusses that aspect of kinship which connects an individual to the people surrounding him and the aspect in which “kin ties build up into whole groups in accordance with rules and practices of social affiliation, or group membership” (p.58). the authors discuss the history of scottish highland clans as an example for investigating kinship ties linked to group notions. but instead of defining kinship patterns, the authors go through historical kinship in action is a descriptive and comprehensive investigation of family, marriage, and other kinship related notions that provides us with ethnographic accounts from many different parts of the world. the text also provides us with a historical background of kinship studies and an appreciation of the importance of kinship. through this book, andrew strathern and pamela j. stewart support their explanations of kinship-related phenomena with colorful examples from a variety of field sites such as papua new guinea, scotland, ireland, austronesian southeast asia, china, and taiwan. kinship in action investigates the question of how individuals relate to one another in group contexts from an anthropological point of view. “understanding of the basic processes in the domain of kinship is therefore vital to the understanding of the wider domains of politics and history” (p.76). in the first chapter, strathern and stewart define kinship related concepts and highlight the importance of an individual’s relation within a group. they state, “it is the intertwining of self and group that interests us and this intertwining can imply conflict as well as cooperation” (p.1) and suggest how kinship broadens from merely a biological phenomenon to a factor building up and affecting social and political relations. in the second chapter, the authors investigate the “events related to creation, development, maintenance, and termination of kin ties” (p.7) which are elementary structures of kinship in the forms of birth, maturation, marriage, reproduction, and death. the importance of these events could be seen in different rituals as the “prime indicators of social processes and cultural values” (p.18). we learn about the importance of the firstborn child as the beginning of a new nuclear family and the social influences that are kinship in action: self and group andrew strathern and pamela stewart. 2011. prentice hall publishing, upper saddle river, n.j. pp. 224. us $39.60 (paper). isbn 100131844849. reviewed by farid pazhoohi reviewer address: 2nd floor, baharan street-moali abad street, shiraz, iran. pazhoohi@gmail.com received: november 17, 2011 volume: 4:26-27 published: february 14, 2013 © 2013 society of ethnobiology 27 book review accounts of the origin and formation of scottish highland clans, which seems more appropriate for the sixth chapter. after the discussion of scottish highland clans, strathern and stewart explain the basis of social structure in duna society in papua new guinea and how genealogies of a group are recited to prioritize the deployment of wealth and authority to agnates over other members of a group. next the authors discuss some other pacific islanders, such as inhabitants of mount hagen area, to show the arrangements of their social structures in comparison to the duna. strathern and stewart show how the australian colonial period affected urbanization and social structure and resulted in sociopolitical change. after discussing patrilineality in these regions, the authors turn to the communities where matrilineal descent is practiced, such as the tolai of the mainland of papua new guinea, and mention derek freeman’s records on bilateral descent among the iban. in chapter five the authors justify the importance of marriage to kinship, saying it has functions beyond just sex and reproduction. marriage, they write, is a tool for, “creating or reinforcing alliances between networks of groups of people” (p.87). marriage maintains the balance in group relationships and could be used as a tool for managing property and inheritance. in mount hagen “marriages are arranged outside of the sphere of recognized kinship around the degree of third cousins” (p.87) to reinforce more distant familial bonds. the authors explain the historical background for mount hagen marriage practices to point out the influence of colonial administration on native social structure. in kinship in action, the relations of people to property, land, and resources are emphasized as fundamental factors in kinship. because of this constellation of concern, the authors tend to stray from their discussions of kinship structures and focus more on the economics. for example, the authors introduce us to the marriage conditions in telefomin, a small village in which marriage is endogamous, and show how telefomin marriage arrangements were affected by colonialism. strathern and stewart, in their discussion of marriage, filiation, and descent in na communities, show how officials encouraged na to adopt monogamy and the nuclear family model instead of continuing their matrilineal residential practices. in the seventh chapter strathern and stewart review diverse family and kinship arrangements in the appalachian valleys of north america, newcastle of australia, tory island in ireland, and sarakatsani of greece as examples of kinship studies in america and europe. and in the last chapter, using an analytical approach, the authors review changes that have occurred due to new practices such as homosexual marriage or surrogacy regarding kinship. also showing difficulties for specification about relatives, they suggest transaction in substances, food, land, and biological procreation as important notions for relatedness. kinship in action is full of examples from diverse societies. each chapter finishes with a short conclusion section. the main shortcoming of book is a lack of recognizable and general theoretical conclusions. however, this could be due to the number and diversity of topics that the authors try to cover in just one volume. crafting wounaan landscapes: identity, art, and environmental governance in panama's darién. by julie velásquez runk. 2017. university of arizona press, tucson, az. 313 pp. french. 2021. ethnobiology letters 12(1):19–20 19 reviews america, culminating in the creation of the panama canal many years later. it is this political and social climate of military action, trade, and cultural mixing, that forms the backdrop to velásquez runk’s study. chapter 3 focuses on indigenous cosmologies/ ontologies, which revolve around local riverways, which are used for social exchanges, trade, and are the home to local spirits. images of riverine wildlife decorate local basketry and carvings, reinforcing the importance of these landscapes. in wounaan culture, landscapes are marked by their own topography of spirits: they inhabit different ecosystems but also organic and inorganic objects, and can affect those who come in contact with them both negatively and positively. the result of this worldview is a charged landscape. where outsiders might view an empty, silent forest, the wounaan view the same space as teeming with spirits. chapters 4 and 5 focus on forest use and craft traditions. many indigenous carvings are made of cocobolo (dalbergia sp.), a tropical rosewood that produces heavy, hard wood in multiple colors. artisans primarily use roots and branches from fallen trees, preserving the living forests where possible. in the past artisans mostly created domestic objects (e.g., tools and utensils) but have shifted to pieces that might appeal to tourists (e.g., animal sculptures) in recent years. the wounaan are also known for their how does the environment shape cultural identity and how can this knowledge be used to inform conservation activities? julie velásquez runk takes us on a unique journey to panama’s darién, weaving together anthropology, history, and ecology to understand the central role of landscape to the wounaan people and to argue for a more culturally conscious form of biodiversity management. the wounaan people live along the chucunaque, sambú, and tuira rivers; their livelihoods are based on a mix of subsistence fishing, swidden agriculture, and crafts (mainly baskets and tagua figurines) made from forest products. velásquez runk has a unique expertise on the area; she previously conducted conservation work in the region (1996–2001) followed by two stints of ethnographic fieldwork (2001–2005 and 2006–2016). this experience of both the land and people make her an expert on the subject and lends nuance to her calls to shift conservation practices in the region. chapters 1 and 2 provide historical and geographic background to the region. archaeological evidence suggests that indigenous people have occupied the area for at least 3,800 years, cultivating maize (zea mays) and practicing swidden agriculture, until subsequent occupation by the spanish 350 years ago changed the region. population levels declined and the panama canal region became a hotspot for international trade in gold and minerals from south crafting wounaan landscapes: identity, art, and environmental governance in panama's darién. by julie velásquez runk. 2017. university of arizona press, tucson, az. 313 pp. editor's note: this book has also just been published in spanish, by bogotá's instituto colombiana de antropología e historia with the title: los wounaan y la construcción de su paisaje: identidad, arte y gobernanza ambiental en la frontera panamá colombia. 2020. katherine e. french 1* 1 department of plant and microbial biology koshland hall, berkeley, usa. * katharine.e.french@gmail.com received august 23, 2020 open access accepted september 11, 2020 doi 10.14237/ebl.12.1.2021.1727 published february 1, 2021 copyright © 2021 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. french. 2021. ethnobiology letters 12(1):19–20 20 reviews basketry, which are made from the fibers of the chunga or black palm (astrocaryum standleyanum). these goods are an important source of income where informal wage labor is scarce. wounaan young men also collect the seeds from the tagua palm to produce carvings of local wildlife (e.g., hummingbirds) for tourists. finally, chapter 6 delves into scientific paradigms and political motivations driving conservation activities in the region and how indigenous communities have used international conservation paradigms like redd+ (reducing emissions from deforestation and forest degradation) to express their agency in managing and using their local landscape/natural resources. the text is rich in wounaan language and contains a glossary of terms at the end of the book. numerous black and white photos of the landscape and inhabitants complement the text and give the reader a sense of place. velásquez runk’s book touches upon a topic not usually covered in conservation: the role of indigenous ontologies in setting conservation priorities and managing landscapes with both local and global importance. the anthropological study of ontology focuses on how world views are constructed, expressed and passed on from generation to generation. in the case of the wounaan, myths about the surrounding forests and rivers shape their ontologies of life, health and community and permeate their art. how they conceive, value, and engage with the natural world is intimately connected to these beliefs. velásquez runk notes that conservation objectives are often driven by scientific goals (preserving biodiversity) or political agendas (controlling access to land/resources). this process has the potential to disenfranchise the people who inhabit these landscapes; it also threatens their identity, culture, and livelihoods. velásquez runk demonstrates that integrating indigenous ontologies can help direct which resources are protected and how in a manner that benefits local communities as well as conservationists. this echoes the work of other anthropologists who note integrating ontology into conservation can strengthen local adoption of and active participation in conservation polices (fernández‐llamazares and cabeza 2018; schroeder and gonzález 2019), develop more nuanced conservation programs based on local ecological knowledge (rist and dahdouh-guebas 2006), and promote indigenous decision‐making authority and self‐governance while decolonizing environmental management (muller et al. 2019). overall, this book would appeal to those interested in central and south american ethnobiology and new ways of conducting conservation. references cited fernández‐llamazares, á., and m. cabeza. 2018. rediscovering the potential of indigenous storytelling for conservation practice. conservation letters 11:e12398. doi:10.1111/conl.12398. muller, s., s. hemming, and d. rigney. 2019. indigenous sovereignties: relational ontologies and environmental management. geographical research 57:399–410. doi:10.1111/1745-5871.12362. rist, s., and f. dahdouh-guebas. 2006. ethnosciences––a step towards the integration of scientific and indigenous forms of knowledge in the management of natural resources for the future. environment, development and sustainability 8:467–493. doi:10.1007/s10668-006-9050-7. schroeder, h., and n. c. gonzález. 2019. bridging knowledge divides: the case of indigenous ontologies of territoriality and redd+. forest policy and economics 100:198–206. doi:10.1016/ j.forpol.2018.12.010. wild cultures: a comparison between chimpanzee and human cultures 73 book review in the first two chapters, boesch reviews approaches to the study of animal culture and definitions of culture. he goes on to suggest that our greatest limitation in understanding culture, as well as observing and describing similarities and differences between homo sapiens and other primate species, is our tendency for ethnocentric and anthropocentric thinking. in other words, we admit our close evolutionary heritage but do not think of ourselves as primates. we consider ourselves far from nature, and we have a “superior” position due to culture (garcía raso 2013; haslam et al. 2009). in order to make valid comparisons, boesch argues that cultural phenomena are the result of interactions between ecological conditions and actions of group members. therefore, culture in humans and chimpanzees is reflected in material, symbolic, and social domains. he criticizes the research and validity of experimental studies on cognition without a social context – “culture outside of culture” – because cultural behaviors are best observed in natural habitats during normal social interactions. he explains that through an ethnographic field approach it is possible to witness, observe, experience, and describe these behavioral processes among chimpanzees. this approach has the potential to further enrich our understanding of chimpanzee cultural diversity and facilitates comparison with human culture. in the third chapter, boesch describes the material culture domain among chimpanzees by comparing different populations. he demonstrates how the creation and use of tools broadens access to new food sources and shapes their physical world, which in the end plays a crucial role in the survival of individuals. he suggests that successive generations may socially in wild cultures: a comparison between chimpanzee and human cultures christophe boesch, professor and director of the department of primatology at max planck institute of evolutionary anthropology in germany, employees a comparative ethnographic approach to discuss the controversial topic of animal culture in apes and its diversity in comparison to human culture. through the nine chapters of this book and based on his long research experience in côte d´ivoire and gabon, boesch makes compelling contributions to the ongoing debate about human and animal culture. although the book is written for professional experimental psychologists, it will also be of interest to students in psychology, anthropology, primatology, and biology, as well as professional social and biological scientists. indeed, the author’s style makes thorny issues more accessible to a general audience such as our uniqueness as human beings, the nature of our close chimpanzee relatives, and the definition of culture. in my view, this book provides both a methodological twist and a new point of departure for thinking about the theoretical opposition between the notions of human/animal and culture/nature among western scholars. in proposing a holistic perspective, boesch questions the closed groups in which we have enclosed ourselves as social scientists and biologists in regard to discussions about what makes us human, what we share with other primates, and how we obtained our unique characteristics (morin 1973). he also points out that the question of “what makes us humans” entails such complexity in the definition of culture in nature that it can only be answered by admitting that both humans and animals have culture. wild cultures: a comparison between chimpanzee and human cultures christophe boesch. 2012. cambridge university press. pp. 276, 68 b & w illustrations, 11 tables. £60 (hardback). isbn 9781109025370. reviewed by diana rocío carvajal contreras reviewer address: facultad de estudios de patrimonio cultural, carrera de arqueología, universidad externado de colombia. diana.carvajal@uexternado.edu.co received: may 27, 2013 volume: 4:73-75 published: july 9, 2013 © 2013 society of ethnobiology mailto:diana.carvajal@uexternado.edu.co 74 book review learn and improve techniques that build on earlier achievements through a cumulative evolutionary process. this is similar to human material cultures even though humans face a greater diversity of environments and therefore have a greater diversity of tools. in the next chapter, boesch discusses the importance of social culture for chimpanzees. their social culture expresses itself in various social behaviors long assumed to be unique to homo sapiens, such as hunting cooperation, altruism, and sharing food. the differences in social behaviors among chimpanzee populations are related to ecological differences and are decisive to the survival of individuals of each group. in chapter five, boesch reveals that different populations of chimpanzees—taï, mahale, and bossu—invent symbols and adhere to cultural conventions. using selected examples, boesch argues that none of these are uniquely human characteristics. according to boesch, basic aspects of this symbolic domain are shared by humans and chimpanzees. after reviewing chimpanzee achievements in the three cultural domains (material, social, and symbolic), boesch focuses on how chimpanzees teach and acquire cultural traits. he emphasizes the importance of imitating behavior for juvenile individuals, not only from their mothers but from other members of the group as well, and how vital such learning is for their survival as adult group members. according to the author, this pattern is similar to how humans acquire culture, but the parallels include the diversity of teaching styles. the teaching style is in accordance with the task in either material or symbolic domains and varies according to the particular population. chapter seven addresses how chimpanzees react to death and injuries of group members. boesch presents compelling evidence that ivorian and tanzanian chimpanzees, like elephants, dolphins, whales, gorillas, and humans, share an understanding of the notion of death and strong empathy toward individuals in need. in the next chapter, boesch compares chimpanzee and human culture and cognition. however, due to the scarcity of studies in other chimpanzee communities and the destruction of their habitats, data are insufficient to make meaningful comparisons. boesch suggests that such comparisons require future research. the author also questions whether the divergence between findings from captive and wild chimpanzees may be related to the social and natural environments. in other words, chimpanzees in captivity are not representatives of all species. as in humans, the conditions in which they develop have important effects on their cognitive development. in the last chapter, the author reviews the themes of the book with an emphasis on the uniqueness of human and chimpanzee cultures, rather than on their similarities. he argues that human uniqueness is related to the diversity in material culture, a mixture of learning mechanisms, complex social culture, and a greater degree of symbolic culture. the author adds that uniqueness is even more marked by the language skills of our species and the different environmental challenges that humans faced during their evolution. in comparison, chimpanzee culture has the same three cultural domains but to a lesser degree. chimpanzees use learning mechanisms such as teaching and imitation. i found boesch´s arguments appealing for his intended audience. his use of tables, diagrams, and pictures encourages reflection about the separation between chimpanzees and humans, the dichotomy between nature and culture, and the perceptions of the social and biological sciences with regard to the status of chimpanzees (strier 2003). the initial comparison proposed by boesch is a meaningful contribution to our understanding of human evolution and distinctiveness and towards a redefinition of our dualistic point of view about human-animal boundaries. the numerous examples presented in this book are clear indications that primatology from the methodological point of view is not going back and forth from ethnography to ethology. both perceptions and methodologies will work in an integrative way to understand behavioral variation between humans and chimpanzees. references cited garcía raso, d. 2013. los otros hijos de efesto: uso y fabricación de herramientas en animales no humanos. jas arqueología, madrid. haslam, m., a. hernandez-aguilar, v. ling, s. carvalho, i. de la torre, a. destefano, a. du, b. hardy, j. harris, l. marchant, t. matsuzawa, w. mcgrew, j. mercader, r. mora, m. petraglia, h. roche, e. visalberghi, and r. warren. 2009. primate archaeology. nature 460:339-344. morin, e. 1973. el paradigma perdido, ensayo de 75 book review bioantropología. editorial kairos, barcelona. strier, k. 2003. primate behavioral ecology: from ethnography to ethology and back. american anthropologist 105:16-27. microsoft word rick (review).docx         16    book review   when the killing’s done    t. coreghessan boyle. 2011. viking press, new york, ny. pp. 384. isbn10: 0143120395. isbn13: 978‐0143120391    reviewed by torben c. rick    reviewer address: program in human ecology and archaeobiology, department of anthropology, national museum of  natural history, smithsonian institution, washington d.c. 20013‐7012  rickt@si.edu     received: february 20 th  2012                                                   volume 3:16‐17  published: march 14 th  2012                                                   © 2012 society of ethnobiology  a review of a novel is not what you generally expect to read in ethnobiology letters, but when the killing’s done brings important topics—namely invasive species and conservation biology—into the heart of popular culture. using examples of invasive species eradication on california’s channel islands and tensions between conservation biologists and animal rights activists, boyle thrusts human environmental interactions, island ecology, and restoration ecology into a dramatic narrative (see a cinematic trailer for the book here: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ryfvrjhi3pk). this book has all the makings of a good novel from death to shipwrecks and dramatic chases. unlike most novels, these occur because of conflict and disagreement over how best to manage invasive species, the ecological problems invasive species cause, and the concerns of animal rights activists about the fate of invasive species facing eradication. although the book is a work of fiction, its core elements are based on real events, including the eradication of introduced black rats (rattus rattus) from anacapa island by the national park service (nps) in 2001-2002 and wild pigs (sus scrofa) from santa cruz island by the nps and the nature conservancy (tnc) in 2005-2007. the book begins with a brief historical account of a shipwreck that left a fictitious nps biologist alma takesue’s grandmother shipwrecked on anacapa island decades ago, and already invaded by rats. the book then jumps ahead to the present day with takesue presenting at a public hearing on the nps proposal to eradicate rats from anacapa because of the major impact they are having on island birds, deer mice, and other species. the writing is vivid and descriptions of the lecture hall, parking lot, and landscape will be easily recognizable to anyone familiar with the region. at this hearing we meet dave lajoy, an arrogant, well to do, animal rights activist who deeply opposes rat eradication, asking takesue at one point, “and who exactly was it appointed you god, lady?” (p. 64). here lajoy makes an important point that is at the core of conservation biology and one that many archaeologists, anthropologists, historians, ecologists, and other researchers are working to understand. lajoy asks, “those rats have been there for a hundred and fifty years!…what’s your baseline? a hundred years ago? a thousand? ten thousand?” (p. 63). this is a key question for restoration ecologists: what are the baselines and targets that should be used for restoration and management, especially since ecosystems change over time (lyman 2006; jackson et al. 2011)? more simply, lajoy asks, what is natural? what is anthropogenic? why should we care? lajoy ends up sailing with two others to anacapa island during rat eradication to spread vitamin k, an antidote to the poison being used to kill the rats. after dealing with the rat issue and additional details of lajoy and takesue’s life, the book focuses on pig eradication on santa cruz island. lajoy and his group find themselves working to thwart the eradication of pigs, with their efforts spiraling downhill with exciting plot twists. through all of the excitement and fantasy, boyle provides an important account of modern conservation biology and human environmental interactions. often called a north american galapagos, california’s channel islands are home to numerous endemic mammals, land birds, and rare plants, many of which are the subject of ongoing conservation and restoration efforts by the nps, tnc, us navy, catalina island conservancy, and other groups (schoenherr et al. 1999). while boyle correctly has lajoy ask about baselines for ecological restoration and conservation, we are later led to believe that the islands were largely         17    book review free from human influence prior to the rapid alteration of the 19th and 20th centuries when commercial ranching operations and other groups introduced numerous animal and plant species and dramatically altered island ecosystems. unfortunately, the book unwittingly takes a view common among some researchers and members of the public by failing to discuss the legacy of long-term influence that native americans had on island ecology during their 13,000 year history on the channel islands (erlandson and rick 2010). it is hard to fault boyle here, but this is a challenge for archaeologists, historical ecologists, and other researchers as we work to more firmly place our research on ancient and modern human environmental interactions into broader scientific, public, and popular discourse on conservation. when the killing’s done offers many items for reflection. what is natural or pristine? are humans part of or separate from nature? given deep time (centuries, millennia, or more) interactions between people and the environment around the world, how do we best manage earth’s ecosystems for the future? should the goal be to erase people from the system and harken back to pre-human environments, such as the pleistocene in the americas and australia, but as early as the miocene in africa? is there middle ground, where people are not divorced from the ecosystems they inhabited for centuries, millennia, or more and modern management efforts account for different temporal ecological baselines? what about animal rights concerns and the eradication of invasive species? there are no clear answers to these questions, but there is need for continued collaboration between social scientists, ecologists, biologists, resource managers, and others. ethnobiologists are at the forefront of this endeavor (lepofsky 2009; wolverton et al. 2011), but we need to continue to transcend disciplinary boundaries and confront difficult questions about human environmental relationships (past and present). as ethnobiology demonstrates, creating a sharp separation between the natural and anthropogenic worlds is problematic on many levels and is a topic worthy of scientific discussion, as well as public and popular dialogue. boyle’s book demonstrates that these issues are making their way into popular culture. when the killing’s done is worth a read and discussion with friends, colleagues, and students. the book is not the first popular medium to explore conservation biology and human environmental interactions, and it will not be the last. a key for ethnobiologists and other researchers is to help shape popular discourse and continue to demonstrate the importance of our deep temporal and cross-cultural perspectives for managing contemporary ecosystems and organisms. references cited erlandson, j. m. and t. c. rick. 2010. archaeology meets marine ecology: the antiquity of maritime cultures and human impacts on marine fisheries and ecosystems. annual review of marine science 2:231-251. jackson, j. b. c., k. a. alexander and e. sala, eds. 2011. shifting baselines: the past and the future of ocean fisheries. island press, new york, ny. lepofsky, d. 2009. the past, present, and future of traditional resource and environmental management. journal of ethnobiology 29:161-166. lyman, r. l. 2006. paleozoology in the service of conservation biology. evolutionary anthropology 15:1119. schoenherr, a. a., r. c. feldmath and m. j. emerson. 1999. natural history of the islands of california. university of california press, berkeley, ca. wolverton, s., c. r. randklev and a. barker. 2011. ethnobiology as a bridge between science and ethics: an applied paleozoological perspective. in ethnobiology, edited by e. n. anderson, d. m. pearsall, e. s. hunn and n. j. turner, pp. 115-132. wileyblackwell, hoboken, nj.   feeding the people: the politics of the potato. by rebecca earle. 2020. cambridge university press, cambridge, united kingdom. 306 pp. anderson. 2021. ethnobiology letters 12(1):55–57 55 reviews perspectives from gene anderson’s bookshelf by james scott [2018]). landlords and, above all, taxdemanding governments worked to get farmers to grow grain rather than root crops. from about this point, earle increasingly focuses on the british isles, especially england. she harks back to an older school of english historians, who wrote (and still write) books with very general titles and some worldwide coverage but actually focused tightly on their own country. even a chapter on “global potatoes”—which gets ahead of her story to bring china into the twentieth century—largely covers british empire outposts. by the eighteenth century, land and food were getting scarce in much of europe, and the potato was seen as a godsend. governments promoted it. worthy benefactors created recipes for feeding armies on potato soup with bits of meat (see recipe, p. 89). she repeats the old story (from a contemporary source) of parmentier popularizing the potato by having a royal garden of potatoes, guarded by gendarmes ordered to look the other way at night; of course, the potatoes were stolen as fast as the local farmers could dig, and were soon growing everywhere. she does not repeat the folktale about catherine the great of russia popularizing potatoes by wearing a wreath of potato flowers in her hair. either way, elite devices to popularize potatoes worked well, and the plant spread widely. parenthetically, potatoes were also introduced about this time to the northwest coast of america by spanish voyagers and by the late eighteenth century the indigenous people there were selling them in quantity to sailing ships. heirloom varieties have developed. in the northwest, showing how fast and thoroughly potatoes get adopted even in rather the potato has inspired many books, this being the latest. rebecca earle, a british historian, focuses on the potato in english and worldwide political history. earle begins with the origin and ancestry of the potato in the andes. she quickly moves to its introduction to europe. this involved early confusion with sweet potatoes and jerusalem artichokes. clearly such lack of differentiation is not entirely a thing of the past, since on page 32 she provides a very clear picture of a jerusalem artichoke (from 1630) but identifies it as a sweet potato (the two plants look quite different). here and throughout the book, earle gives only brief discussions of the differences between white and sweet potatoes, and their very different biology and requirements. she goes on to dismantle classic myths of the rejection of the potato in premodern europe. it was only rarely and tentatively blamed for causing leprosy. it was not rejected for being unmentioned in the bible, and neither were dozens of other crops not mentioned therein. it was not rejected for being in the family of deadly nightshade. (in fact, potato greens are poisonous, but that has never stopped anyone from eating the tubers.) it was, in fact, not rejected at all; it spread slowly, because of difficulties acclimatizing, but it was adopted locally in the sixteenth century and widely in the seventeenth century. this was well before the eighteenth century window when it became well known in elite literature. peasants and free farmers were eagerly growing and eating potatoes; the rich were more conservative. farmers found that potatoes are easy to grow, easy to hide (one can just leave them buried), hard for governments to store, and hard to tax (points made feeding the people: the politics of the potato. by rebecca earle. 2020. cambridge university press, cambridge, united kingdom. 306 pp. eugene n. anderson 1* 1 department of anthropology, university of california, riverside, usa. * gene@ucr.edu received january 1, 2021 open access accepted january 4, 2021 doi 10.14237/ebl.12.1.2021.1745 published march 15, 2021 copyright © 2021 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. anderson. 2021. ethnobiology letters 12(1):55–57 56 reviews perspectives from gene anderson’s bookshelf unlikely settings; the northwest coast people had no previous agriculture, though they were “preadapted” by cultivating wild root crops. earle then shifts to more modern times. before malthus, european countries wanted to increase their populations, and the potato was a godsend. after malthus, and not just because of his writings (anyone could see trouble building), concern for overpopulation grew, and the potato appeared more and more as a way of allowing too many people to live on too few resources. a family could survive on a fraction of an acre, living on a minimalist diet of potatoes and buttermilk, and could avoid raising grain too. potato eaters were famed for poverty and want, as in van gogh’s famous early painting (shown on p. 208). workers rebelled against being forced to depend on the plant. of course, earle has to give some account of the irish potato famine of 1846–1850, but keeps it rather brief, presumably because so many good books have been written about it (e.g., woodham-smith 1962). like most writers, she barely mentions the fact that this famine also devastated germany, russia, and eastern europe. meanwhile, the british empire promoted potatogrowing from new zealand (where the maori already had sweet potatoes in abundance) to india and to america. earle casts a cynical eye on this enterprise: “such schemes were concerned far more with legitimating particular forms of governance than with reducing hunger. britain’s track record in hunger prevention in india [and elsewhere] was in fact extremely poor” (p. 114). earle sees potato promotion abroad as largely a cold-blooded attempt to look virtuous while alienating food and other products from local populations. without denying some reality to this image, one has to question the lack of any qualifications in earle’s narrative. surely there were well-meaning potato introducers, and there most certainly were colonialists who did not make even the pretense of being moral about their work. this is the clearest case of earle’s tendency to ascribe a single, uniform mentality to everyone in a particular era, as if everyone rapidly came into perfect agreement. potatoes took on a virtuous mien again in world war i, and subsequently, as still-increasing populations became ever more dependent on them. in the twentieth century, potatoes have increasingly appeared essential to world food security with more and more effort devoted to breeding high-yield, disease-resistant forms. the food and agriculture organization (fao) propagated them widely. earle does not discuss the potato’s role in the green revolution, which was more modest than that of the famous high-yield wheat and rice varieties, but was less subject to criticism for promoting industrial agriculture. the potato maintained its reputation as a smallholder, low-tech crop. outside her purview, also, are recent innovations in potato-growing: new and improved varieties and breeding methods (stokstad 2019), potatoes with vitamin a value (knapp 2008), and even tomatoes and other solanaceae grafted onto potatoes to produce double-value crops (mccann 2020). the great center of potato diversity, including diversity of closely related species, is still the andes, as well as chiloe island in chile, where mapuche descendants keep countless varieties alive. these centers remain sources of genes for resistance to disease and for better growth. i recall the late potato expert hugh iltis (personal communication) often advocating that farmers in the andes be paid not to modernize. in fact, something like this is now being done, with many programs in the andes and chiloe island to help local people save local varieties and to share at least a small bit of the enormous profits that are generated when genes go worldwide. among major earlier works on the potato in society, redcliffe salaman’s (1985) classic the history and social influence of the potato stands out. it is a far more ambitious work than earle’s, combining biology, history, economics, and social science with brilliant success. james lang’s (2001) notes of a potato watcher adds personal research, while john reader’s (2008) propitious esculent more or less recaps salaman and brings his book up to date. salaman’s classic was the first of many books that thoughtfully explore the ramifications of a particular crop in world commerce, and especially the ways that unique biological qualities and unique world-economic situations interact to produce vast profits but also unexpected catastrophes. sidney mintz’ (1985) famous work on sugar, sweetness and power, is probably the best -known of these. more specialized and thus less wellknown, but a superb work, is sucheta mazumdar’s (1998) sugar and society in china. sven beckert’s (2014) recent work empire of cotton, which i reviewed in ethnobiology letters (anderson 2017), deserves equal fame with salaman and mintz. this work is now joined by andrew flachs’ (2019) study of cotton in india, cultivating knowledge; some readers of this journal anderson. 2021. ethnobiology letters 12(1):55–57 57 reviews perspectives from gene anderson’s bookshelf may recall that this book started life as andy’s prizewinning student paper at a society of ethnobiology meeting some years ago. many more such books could be listed, covering everything from soybeans (du bois et al. 2008) to chiles, coffee, tea, chocolate, and other commercial plants. oddly enough, there are no comparable books on grain crops. many technical books on wheat, rice, barley, oats, rye, millets, sorghum, and other grains are available, but there is not a single book on any grain comparable to salaman, mintz, or beckert. maize is a partial exception, with good books including betty fussell’s (1992) the story of corn, but more is needed. if i were starting on my career now, i would certainly devote a considerable part of my life to researching a grain, preferably wheat, and writing a major biography of it. i strongly recommend such activity to aspiring ethnobotanists. references cited anderson, e. n. 2017. empire of cotton: a global history. by sven beckert. 2014. vintage, new york, ny. 615 pp. ethnobiology letters 8:97–100. doi:10.14237/ebl.8.1.2017.1068. beckert, s. 2014. empire of cotton: a global history. vintage, new york. du bois, c. m., t. chee-beng, s. mintz, eds. 2008. the world of soy. university of illinois press, urbana, il. flachs, a. 2019. cultivating knowledge: biotechnology, sustainability, and the human cost of cotton capitalism in india. university of arizona press, tucson, az. fussell, b. 1992. the story of corn. knopf, new york. knapp, s. 2008. celebrating spuds. science 321:206– 207. doi:10.1126/science.1159278. lang, j. 2001. notes of a potato watcher. texas a & m press, college station, tx. mazumdar, s. 1998. sugar and society in china: peasants, technology, and the world market. harvard university press, cambridge, ma. mccann, m. c. 2020. chimeric plants—the best of both worlds. science 369:618–619. doi:10.1126/ science.abd1641. mintz, s. w. 1985. sweetness and power: the place of sugar in modern history. penguin books, new york. reader, j. 2008. propitious esculent: the potato in world history. william heinemann, london. salaman, r. 1985. the history and social influence of the potato, 2nd edition, edited by j. hawkes. cambridge university press, cambridge, united kingdom. scott, j. c. 2018. against the grain: a deep history of the earliest states. yale university press, new haven, ct. stokstad, e. 2019. the new potato. science 363:574– 577. doi:10.1126/science.363.6427.574. woodham-smith, c. 1962. the great hunger. harper and row, new york. secwépemc people, land, and laws. by marianne ignace and ronald e. ignace. foreword by bonnie leonard. 2017. mcgill-queen’s university press, montreal and kingston, canada. 588 pp. anderson. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(2):166–168 166 reviews perspectives from gene anderson’s bookshelf enough like “shuswap”—leaving off the ending -emc, “people”—to explain the alternative name. secwép comes from cwep, “spread out” (as explained on p. 121). an important feature of the book is the many long accounts and stories provided by elders, in the secwépemc language, with translations. these greatly increase the value of the work. the book begins with mythic beginnings, then moves to archaeology (with mike rousseau). a great deal of research is now available, showing long, steady development of technologically more complex cultures without dramatic changes. salish speakers may have moved in from the coast about 5,000 years ago. there is then a very detailed account of the language. secwépemctsín is one of the interior salish languages, members of a language family that dominates southern british columbia and western washington. it broke up into component languages over 5,000 years ago, with interior salish taking shape by 4,500 years past and secwépemctsín separating from its neighbors about 2,000 years back. their following chapters are on land use and management, transportation, and sense of place. the secwépemc, like other northwest coast peoples, managed the land intensively, taking care of resources. roots were harvested in such manner that the roots multiplied instead of being depleted. root and berry management was, in effect, cultivation. fire was carefully and strategically used to keep root and berry areas clear. fish were allowed to escape in numbers great enough to assure return. the fraser river sockeye runs in the early twentieth century were as secwépemc people, land, and laws continues the tradition of monumental ethnographies that characterizes the north american northwest. franz boas, his native consultants such as george hunt and william beynon, and his students and co-workers including john swanton, james teit, and edward sapir, produced major early works. more recent landmarks include eugene hunn and james selam’s (1990) n’chi-wana, the big river, nancy turner’s fivefoot shelf of books, and john alan ross’ (2011) the spokan indians. the northwest has seen a long succession of ethnographies that are not only comprehensive but are also innovative. moreover, they are based on particularly tight working relationships between ethnographers and native american consultants. sapir not only worked closely with tom sayach’apis, but wrote his biography (sapir 1922); partly in result, sayach’apis’ greatgranddaughter charlotte coté is now a respected professor of native american studies at the university of washington (see coté 1910). in the present case, the link led to marriage and to ron ignace’s subsequent phd. it also led to one of the best ethnographies in the anthropological field. the authors recount the story of the secwépemc, with help from many elders, and on some chapters from mike rousseau, nancy turner, and kenneth favrholdt. the secwépemc were previously known to canada as the shuswap. a recent video by ron ignace teaches hearers to pronounce the newer name as if spelled according to normal english rules, “sekweh-pemk,” but one traditional pronunciation sounds secwépemc people, land, and laws. by marianne ignace and ronald e. ignace. foreword by bonnie leonard. 2017. mcgill-queen’s university press, montreal and kingston, canada. 588 pp. eugene n. anderson 1* 1 department of anthropology, university of california, riverside, california, usa. * eugene.anderson@ucr.edu received august 7, 2018 open access accepted august 16, 2018 doi 10.14237/ebl.9.2.2018.1380 copyright © 2018 by the author(s) licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. anderson. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(2):166–168 167 reviews perspectives from gene anderson’s bookshelf high as 160 million fish (footnote, p. 514); compare that with the dismal situation today. the largest run in recent years was 20 million in 2014 (lazaruk 2018). the worst was a miserable 853,000 in 2016. warming of the fraser river may kill most of the large run coming home in 2018 (johnson 2018). game was not overhunted; the effects of overhunting were well known. as elsewhere, myths, folktales, reminiscences, prayers, songs, and personal stories were used to teach and support the ideology of taking care of the people’s life sources. further chapters explain kinship, authority, boundaries, lands, and neighbors. the secwépemc had a well-defined land base, with known boundaries, but within it the various bands or local communities had a more fluid and negotiable tenure. secwépemc land belonged to the secwépemc as a whole, and theoretically anyone could fish, hunt, gather, and travel anywhere, though bands had some authority over their key resources. chapter 11 discusses the old religion and its survival through reinterpretation and fusion with christianity. traditional powers such as healing are slow to fade. beliefs in transformers, spirit sites and powers, and transformative events attenuate gradually. subsequent chapters describe the mounting disasters attendant on white settler invasion. lands were appropriated till there is almost nothing left. resources were destroyed. finally came the horrors of compulsory residential school attendance in the midtwentieth century, with its legacy of language and culture loss and appalling personal abuses. the authors are too merciful to go into details on this latter problem or on its effects. i shall respect their silence; most readers of this review will have some sense of the results of what we now recognize as a genocidal fascist policy. the secwépemc had their own ways of commenting. on pages 481–489, the ignaces recount several stories that gently but pointedly satirize the settler world and cut it down to size. the stories are largely adaptations of old forms of critical narration. the most interesting is a fusion of secwépemc folklore with a “jack tale.” jack tales are a widespread genre of folk fiction in which poor but clever jack wins the king’s daughter, usually by managing to perform three tasks that the king sets him, sure that jack will not accomplish it, but the king’s daughter falls in love with the lowly but clever lad and helps him win. these stories are french in origin (“jack” was originally jacques), though common in angloamerican folklore, and i suppose the secwépemc learned them from french-canadians. in the case related here, it is not jack but the secwépemc culture hero tllí7sa who gets the better of the “great chief red-cap” (a metaphor of the english). the story is a masterpiece of cultural fusion—secwépemc setting, french-originated tale. the last chapters are more hopeful, chronicling the indian rights movement among the secwépemc and the new plans for the future. the ignaces are modestly quiet about their enormous accomplishments in teaching the language to new generations and establishing a secwépemc museum and garden. their work in the cause of preserving and propagating secwépemc culture has been tireless, effective, and heroic. it deserves full recognition. this book is only the latest in a long series of major triumphs in the realm of cultural protection. they have also worked hard, along with thousands of other first nations people, to get land title recognized and get some return of land to groups callously robbed—whether at gun point or in law offices—by too many of the settlers. many of their calls for fairness echo those of james teit a century ago (see thompson 2007); depressingly, the land tenure situation has not greatly improved since his time. this ethnography is a full account of secwépemc life and culture, destined to become a classic in northwest coast studies. it is also a long and detailed demonstration of the value of secwépemc culture and the need to preserve that culture and the land and resource base that sustains it. references cited coté, c. 2010. spirits of our whaling ancestors: revitalizing makah and nuu-chah-nulth traditions. university of washington press, seattle, wa. hunn, e., and j. selam. 1990. nch’i-wana, the big river. university of washington press, seattle, wa. johnson, l. 2018. fraser river is now so warm it may kill migrating sockeye salmon [web page]. cbc news. available at: https://www.cbc.ca/news/ canada/british-columbia/sockeye-salmon-watertemperature-1.4771607. accessed on august 3, 2018. lazaruk, s. 2018. fraser river sockeye salmon fishing bonanza to start next week [web page]. vancouver sun. available at: https:// anderson. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(2):166–168 168 reviews perspectives from gene anderson’s bookshelf vancouversun.com/news/local-news/fraser-riversockeye-salmon-fishing-bonanza-to-start-next-week. accessed on august 3, 2018. ross, j. a. 2011. the spokan indians. michael j. ross, spokane, wa. sapir, e. 1922. sayach’apis, a nootka trader. in american indian life, edited by e. c. parsons, pp. 297 –323. b. w. heubsch, new york. thompson, j. 2007. recording their story: james teit and the tahltan. canadian museum of civilization, ottawa, douglas and mcintyre, vancouver, and university of washington press, seattle, wa. ethnoornithology and bird conservation in afro-descendant communities in the brazilian caatinga veras et al. 2022. ethnobiology letters 13(1):1-15 1 research communications because the irregular (according to brazilian law) establishment of traditional communities (both indigenous and quilombos) becomes complicated when the government establishes types of conservation units that prohibit human presence as a condition for their establishment (chacpe 2014). ramos (2019), a popular educator and resident of a quilombo, recalls that in the african tradition the spoken word has power. today, oral traditions and interactions are important for the construction, maintenance, and perpetuation of traditional knowledge and social relationships. colonization in the americas included the dehumanization of indigenous and african peoples by the dominant white european culture that withheld respect for their traditional knowledge. this “civilizing” transformation was carried out by erasing the knowledge of those peoples of their origins and customs, which distanced them from their spiritual and physical relationships with land and their ecological belief systems (lugones 2019). here, one goal is to recognize traditional knowledge in quilombo communities. introduction brazilian afro-descendant rural communities, called quilombos, formed when escaped enslaved people or formerly enslaved people gathered on lands that were either donated, inherited, received as payment for services, purchased, or simply occupied before and after slavery was abolished. regulation of such lands began in 2003, including the identification, delimitation, and titling of land. quilombo territories have faced challenges from collective resistance; conflicts with other communities and political organizations; and most of all, a history of oppression (castilho 2011). when enslaved africans fled, they searched for freedom and dignity, maintaining the culture and lifestyle they were torn away from when they were enslaved. the exploitation of enslaved africans and erasure of their cultures were typical of the racist european practice at that time. these practices denied enslaved peoples' rights that were guaranteed to people of european descent. the lack of those rights, especially of land ownership, even today results in conflicts when lands occupied by the quilombos are designated for protection. this is ethnoornithology and bird conservation in afro-descendant communities in the brazilian caatinga aurea palloma bezerra barbosa veras 1 , cauê guion de almeida 1 , lorena lima de moraes 1 , and alexandre m. fernandes 1* 1 federal rural university of pernambuco, serra talhada campus, pernambuco, brazil. * alexandre.mendesfernandes@ufrpe.br abstract this paper investigates relationships between birds and the inhabitants of afro -descendant communities in the caatinga of northeastern brazil, paying particular attention to conservation. near the refúgio de vida silvestre da serra do giz wildlife reserve, we interviewed 55 residents using semi-structured forms combined with free interviews and informal conversations. residents reported 121 species in 43 families and 21 orders. they recounted what they knew about nesting, reproductive and social behaviors, diet, and bird conservation. the lack of reporting on several species of birds known from the serra do giz was probably because those birds are absent due to hunting and habitat destruction. this study demonstrates the importance of conducting ethnobiological studies for bird conservation and to record local traditional knowledge. received february 27, 2021 open access accepted november 18, 2021 doi 10.14237/ebl.13.1.2022.1753 published january 29, 2022 keywords birds, ethnobiology, quilombolas, semiarid copyright © 2022 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. veras et al. 2022. ethnobiology letters 13(1):1-15 2 research communications conservation biology tends to not address communities that live in conservation areas, often viewing them as potential sources of conflict with conservation, especially under the assumption that local communities are incapable of developing rational use of their natural resources (diegues 2000). however, local communities are often the repository of considerable knowledge pertaining to the local ecosystem that can strengthen and inform conservation sciences (sayago and bursztyn 2006). traditional communities often have strong ties to their natural resources because they depend on them, and their relationship often figures largely in the symbolism they use when describing their community, jobs, resources, and resource management and even influences how their knowledge is taught to subsequent generations (colchester 2000). ethnoornithological studies are being carried out around the world in recognition of contributions of traditional knowledge as tools for conservation (alves et al. 2013; barman et al. 2020; lima et al. 2014). in brazil, the first studies including ethnoornithological information were carried out when early colonizers began noting bird names and stories told to them by indigenous peoples (farias and alves 2007). around 1985, jensen was the first to apply scientific methods to ethnoornithology in brazil. jensen (1985) found similarities between the bird classification systems of four groups of indigenous peoples of the amazon and the linnean system of classification. early ethnoornithology in northeastern brazil began with observations and collections of 52 species in pernambuco (forbes 1881). other ethnoornithological studies followed in northeastern brazil, with themes such as ethnotaxonomy, ecology, conservation, hunting, illegal trade, bird omens, zootherapy, bird use (food, religion, pets), and beliefs and perceptions about birds (alves et al. 2013; araujo et al. 2005; barbosa et al. 2010; bezerra et al. 2013; farias and alves 2007; galvagne-loss et al. 2013, 2014). in brazil, there are still few studies that examine traditional knowledge about birds of quilombo communities, of which a few focused on northeastern brazil. diniz et al. (2012) examined local ecological and taxonomical knowledge, habits, and customs of a quilombo community in pernambuco focusing on local bird community structure. others examined ethnozoological knowledge overall, including the avifauna. costa-neto (2000) examined reproduction, social interactions, ecology, medicinal use, and hunting activities of a quilombo community in bahia. in that same community, moura and marques (2008) studied zootherapy based on local fauna and identified therapeutics prepared using local birds. this study aims to build on this scholarship by further documenting quilombola bird knowledge. to better understand how people of the quilombos interacted with their local bird species, we asked participants about bird biology, conservation, and sociocultural importance of birds in northeastern brazil. additionally, we asked: 1) to what do the quilombolas attribute the loss of bird species? 2) is knowledge of the quilombolas useful for developing effective conservation strategies? methods quilombola communities from the state of pernambuco included in this study are leitão da carapuça in the municipality of afogados da ingazeira and brejo de dentro in the municipality of carnaíba. both are near the refúgio de vida silvestre da serra do giz state conservation unit (310 ha, hereafter “reserve”) the region is predominantly semiarid savanna (santos et al. 2006; veloso et al. 1991; figure 1). we collected information using semi-structured questionnaires, free-form interviews, and conversations (huntington 2000). one member of each participating household was questioned, who selfidentified as the most knowledgeable about the local fauna. questionnaires included the socio-demographic profile of the participant and information about birds including their natural history (reproduction, diet, migratory, sociality), aesthetics, cultural significance, uses, species that remain and those that have been lost, and their conservation. participants freely consented to the interviews. bird species were identified during the interview by comparisons with animals and samples, photographs taken during the study, a photographic guide that was prepared for this study, and with help from specialists familiar with the local avifauna and their vernacular names (alves and rosa 2006). qualitative information was analyzed by the individual-based unity model, and included all information provided by the participant (marques 1991). information provided by the participants was compared with information available in the scientific literature of the region (silvano and jørgensen 2008). twenty-five men and 30 women were interviewed, veras et al. 2022. ethnobiology letters 13(1):1-15 3 research communications with 32 in leitão da carapuça, and 23 in brejo de dentro. all participants, except one, were farmers. socio-demographic profiles of the participants are provided in table 1. ethnoornithological information as reported by the quilombolas participants identified 120 species (43 families, 21 orders). families most often cited were tanagers (thraupidae), doves and pigeons (columbidae), tyrant flycatchers (tyrannidae), typical antbirds (thamnophilidae), tinamous (tinamidae), and blackbirds (icteridae) (table 2). most participants (82%) knew a bird was nesting by its behavior, which may include having observed them carrying nesting material and duet singing. participants (78%) said birds tended to not re-use a nest, but rather build each nest in a new location. some stated that the pileated finch (lanio pileatus) and southern rough-winged swallow (stelgidopteryx ruficollis) defend their nests when a person approached. participants indicated two unidentifiable species: a hummingbird that nests on spiny branches for protection, and another, probably a flycatcher, that nests close to bee or wasp nests. several (73%) stated that breeding occurred during the rainy season (january to june), when resources were abundant (poulin et al. 1992), as is typical in the caatinga (hau et al. 2004). most participants (91%) said 14 species migrate (seasonal movement to and away from an area) (rappole 1995; stotz et al. 1996; table 2). when resources become scarce as summer begins, the birds leave. participants (45%) said that during the rainy season, the eared dove (zenaida auriculata) travels in search of water and food, returning when beans (phaseolus vulgaris) and croton (croton blanchetianus) (euphorbiaceae) ripen. euphorbiaceae (common in northeastern brazil) are among the most important food plants for the dove (antas 1987). the lined seedeater (sporophila lineola) migrates during the dry season and may go as far as the llanos of venezuela figure 1 location of the refúgio da vida silvestre serra do giz, where we conducted the study . veras et al. 2022. ethnobiology letters 13(1):1-15 4 research communications (silva 1995). only one person said that the plainbreasted ground dove (columbina minuta) is apparently nomadic. nomadic species simply move around and stay where they find food (winkler et al. 2016). most participants recognized territoriality in the great kiskadee (pitangus sulphuratus) and the southern lapwing (vanellus chilensis). they consider the great kiskadee to be aggressive because it attacks other birds when defending its nest and will even chase much larger birds (marchini and ferraz 2014). the southern lapwing was said to often attack animals, including people, if they get too close to a nest (costa 2002). most participants (73%) said birds sing more in the early morning (after 05:00 h), and they suggested that they do so when the day is still cool (andrade 1997; nishida et al. 2012). a quarter of participants said mornings and afternoons provided the same opportunity for hearing birds, and 2% said the afternoon was best. all said that early mornings and late afternoons were the best time to observe birds. the most difficult birds to see were the smallbilled tinamou (crypturellus parvirostris) and the whitetipped dove (leptotila verreauxi). tinamous are always hard to see because they are well camouflaged and only their songs are heard. the dove is seldom observed, but when startled it flies away, making considerable noise while flapping its wings (lima 2004). many participants remarked about birds imitating others, including the turquoise-fronted parrot (amazona aestiva), the blue-winged macaw (primolius maracana), the white-naped jay (cyanocorax cyanopogon), the variable oriole (icterus pyrrhopterus), the ultramarine grosbeak (cyanoloxia brissonii), the whitecharacteristics category age group participants (%) age men 20-30 2 (3.6) 31-40 7 (12.8) 41-50 5 (9.1) 51-60 6 (10.9) 61-70 1 (1.8) 71-80 2 (3.6) 81-92 2 (3.6) women 20-30 4 (7.3) 31-40 7 (12.8) 41-50 6 (10.9) 51-60 6 (10.9) 61-70 1 (1.8) 71-80 4 (7.3) 81-86 2 (3.6) marital status married 35 (63.7) single 12 (21.8) widow(er)s 8 (14.5) schooling never studied 3 (5.4) functionally illiterate 9 (16.4) incomplete elementary and middle school 27 (49.1) complete elementary and middle school 2 (3.6) incomplete high school 9 (16.4) complete high school 4 (7.3) mobral 1 (1.8) length of residence < 05 years 5 (9.1) 05 – 10 years 5 (9.1) > 10 years 45 (81.8) monthly income < minimum salary (~us$200) 46 (83.6) > minimum salary 9 (16.4) table 1 socio-demographic parameters of residents of the community surrounding serra do giz. veras et al. 2022. ethnobiology letters 13(1):1-15 5 research communications t a b le 2 l is t o f b ir d s p e ci e s re co rd e d d u ri n g t h e i n te rv ie w s in t h e q u il o m b o la c o m m u n iti e s n e a r th e s e rr a d o g iz r e se rv e . (c o n ti n u e d o n n e xt p a g e ) s c ie n ti fi c n a m e c o m m o n n a m e i n s e rr a d o g iz n e s ti n g d ie t t in a m if o rm e s t in a m id a e c ry p tu re ll u s n o c ti v a g u s z a b e le 1 ,2 z a b e lê c ry p tu re ll u s p a rv ir o s tr is 3 ,4 ,6 l a m b ú -d e -c a p o e ir a , la m b ú -d o -p é v e rm e lh o o n t h e g ro u n d g ra s s a n d l e g u m e s e e d s c ry p tu re ll u s t a ta u p a 3 ,4 ,6 l a m b ú -d o -p é -r o x o o n t h e g ro u n d g ra s s a n d l e g u m e s e e d s r h y n c h o tu s r u fe s c e n s c a ti n g a e 1 p e rd iz n o th u ra b o ra q u ir a 6 c o d o rn iz o n t h e g ro u n d e u p h o rb ia c e a e , a n a c a rd ia c e a e , b u rs e ra c e a e a n d p o a c e a e s e e d s n o th u ra m a c u lo s a 6 c o d o rn a o n t h e g ro u n d a n s e ri fo rm e s a n a ti d a e d e n d ro c y g n a v id u a ta m a rr e c o g a ll if o rm e s c ra c id a e p e n e lo p e s u p e rc il ia ri s a la g o e n s is 2 j a c u p e m b a f ru it s ( r h a m n a c e a e , b ig n o n ia c e a e , m y rta c e a e ), s e e d s ( p o a c e a e ), l ia n a f lo w e r p e n e lo p e j a c u c a c a 1 ,2 ,3 ,6 j a c u f ru it s ( r h a m n a c e a e , b ig n o n ia c e a e , m y rta c e a e ), s e e d s ( p o a c e a e ), l ia n a f lo w e r p o d ic ip e d if o rm e s p o d ic ip e d id a e t a c h y b a p tu s d o m in ic u s 7 m e rg u lh ã o in s e c ts c o lu m b if o rm e s c o lu m b id a e p a ta g io e n a s p ic a z u ro 3 ,7 a s a -b ra n c a g ra s s s e e d c o lu m b in a m in u ta 3 ,4 ,6 ,7 r o li n h a -c a fo fa s e e d s c o lu m b in a t a lp a c o ti 3 ,4 ,6 r o li n h a -r o x a , ro li n h a -c a ld o -d e -f e ij ã o , ro li n h a -v e rm e lh a b ra n c h e s a n d g ra s s p o a c e a e , f a b a c e a e , e u p h o rb ia c e a e a n d c o n v o lv u la c e a e s e e d s a n d i n s e c ts c o lu m b in a s q u a m m a ta 3 ,4 ,6 r o li n h a -f o g o -p a g ô , ro li n h a -c a s c a v e l c o lu m b in a p ic u i3 ,6 r o li n h a -b ra n c a s ta lk s o f g ra s s a n d c o tt o n e u p h o rb ia c e a e a n d f a b a c e a e s e e d s c la ra v is p re ti o s a 3 ,4 ,6 ,7 r o li n h a -a z u l l e p to ti la v e rr e a u x i3 ,4 ,5 ,6 ,7 j u ri ti o n t h e g ro u n d f a b a c e a e , e u p h o rb ia c e a e , c o n v o lv u la c e a e , a n a c a rd ia c e a e , b u rs e ra c e a e a n d p o a c e a e s e e d s z e n a id a a u ri c u la ta 3 ,7 r ib a ç ã , re b a ç ã , a rr ib a ç ã o n t h e g ro u n d f a b a c e a e a n d e u p h o rb ia c e a e s e e d s a n d c a c ta c e a e f ru it s 1 e n d e m ic t o t h e c a a ti n g a 2 t h re a te n e d w it h e xti n cti o n 3 f o rm s fl o ck s 4 in p a ir s 5 s o li ta ry 6 a tt ra ct a tt e n ti o n f o r a p p e a ra n ce o r so n g 7 m ig ra to ry https://www.google.com.br/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=1&cad=rja&uact=8&ved=0ahukewjxjod1p8vyahwrsn8khtxjc4sqfggrmaa&url=http%3a%2f%2fwww.wikiaves.com.br%2fcodorna-do-nordeste&usg=aovvaw0a3cenharxso7n9gaqsipr veras et al. 2022. ethnobiology letters 13(1):1-15 6 research communications (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re v io u s p a g e ) (c o n ti n u e d o n n e xt p a g e ) s c ie n ti fi c n a m e c o m m o n n a m e i n s e rr a d o g iz n e s ti n g d ie t c u c u li fo rm e s c u c u li d a e g u ir a g u ir a a n u m -b ra n c o t w ig s , th o rn s , p ie c e s o f fa b ri c a n d g re e n e g g s . in s e c ts , s tr a w b e rr ie s , s n a k e s , a n d t ic k s c ro to p h a g a a n i a n u m -p re to , a n u m -d e -e n x u rr a d a t w ig s in s e c ts , s tr a w b e rr ie s , s n a k e s , a n d t ic k s t a p e ra n a e v ia p e it ic a p ia y a c a y a n a a lm a -d e -g a to c o cc y zu s m e la co ry p h u s p a p a -l a g a rt a , la g a rt ã o c a te rp il la r c a p ri m u lg if o rm e s c a p ri m u lg id a e n y c ti p o lu s h ir u n d in a c e u s 1 ,4 ,5 b a c u ra u o n t h e g ro u n d a n d u n d e r ro c k in s e c ts n y c ti d ro m u s a lb ic o ll is 4 ,5 b a c u ra u o n t h e g ro u n d a n d u n d e r ro c k s in s e c ts h y d ro p s a li s t o rq u a ta 4 ,5 b a c u ra u -r a b o -d e -t e s o u ra o n t h e g ro u n d a n d u n d e r ro c k s n y c ti b ii d a e n y c ti b iu s g ri s e u s m ã e -d a -l u a in s e c ts a p o d if o rm e s t ro c h il id a e p h a e th o rn is r u b e r b e ij a -f lo r p la n t fi b e rs , a n im a l fu r/ h a ir (c a tt le , g o a ts , a n d s h e e p ) c a c ta c e a e f ru it s c h lo ro s ti lb o n l u c id u s b e ij a -f lo r w o o l, g ra s s , c o tt o n , a n d a n im a l h a ir ( c a tt le , g o a ts , a n d s h e e p ) c a c ta c e a e f ru it s e u p e to m e n a m a c ro u ra b e ij a -f lo rra b o -d e -t e s o u ra , te s o u rã o , b iz u n g a , b iz u n g ã o w o o l, g ra s s , c o tt o n , a n d a n im a l h a ir ( c a tt le , g o a ts , a n d s h e e p ) c a c ta c e a e f ru it s g ru if o rm e s r a ll id a e a ra m id e s c a ja n e u s 3 s a ra c u ra , s ir ic o ra , tr ê s -c o c o , p a ta n g u s e e d s g a ll in u la g a le a ta 7 g a li n h a -d ’á g u a in s e c ts , ta d p o le s , a n d f ro g s p h o rp h y ri o m a rt in ic a 7 g a li n h a -d ’á g u a in s e c ts , ta d p o le s , a n d f ro g s a ra m id a e a ra m u s g u a ra u n a c a rã o c h a ra d ri if o rm e s c h a ra d ri id a e v a n e ll u s c h il e n s is t e té u , q u e ro -q u e ro o n t h e g ro u n d j a c a n id a e j a c a n a j a c a n a j a ç a n ã https://www.google.com.br/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=1&cad=rja&uact=8&ved=0ahukewjokdyw68tyahulssykhz8mbn0qfggnmaa&url=http%3a%2f%2fwww.wikiaves.com.br%2falma-de-gato&usg=aovvaw2arllkcum3nxshwedjpgyhttps://www.google.com.br/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=1&cad=rja&uact=8&ved=0ahukewjg2z6kxcnyahwn0vmkhznld8yqfggomaa&url=http%3a%2f%2fwww.wikiaves.com.br%2fpapa-lagarta-acanelado&usg=aovvaw3b-kvthqizgirwhq1lsof2 veras et al. 2022. ethnobiology letters 13(1):1-15 7 research communications s c ie n ti fi c n a m e c o m m o n n a m e i n s e rr a d o g iz n e s ti n g d ie t p e le c a n if o rm e s a rd e id a e a rd e a a lb a 7 g a rç a b u b u lc u s i b is 7 g a rç a c a th a rt if o rm e s c a th a rt id a e s a rc o ra m p h u s p a p a 2 u ru b u -r e i r o c k c a v it ie s c h ic k e n a n d r o o s te r c o ra g y p s a tr a tu s u ru b u -d e -c a b e ç a -p re ta r o c k c a v it ie s d e a d a n im a ls c a th a rt e s a u ra u ru b u -d e -c a b e ç a -v e rm e lh a r o c k c a v it ie s c a th a rt e s b u rr o v ia n u s u ru b u -d e -c a b e ç a -a m a re la r o c k c a v it ie s a cc ip it ri fo rm e s a c c ip it ri d a e e la n u s l e u c u ru s 5 g a v iã o -p e n ê ra , g a v iã o -p e n e ir a s m a ll r o d e n ts a n d l iz a rd s b u te o g a ll u s m e ri d io n a li s 5 g a v iã o -c a b o c lo s m a ll r o d e n ts a n d l iz a rd s r u p o rn is m a g n ir o s tr is 5 g a v iã o -p e g a -p in to , g a v iã o -r ip in o , g a v iã o -m iú d o , g a v iã o -c h a m a -v is it a p in to , c h ic k e n , m o u s e , a n d s m a ll l iz a rd s s tr ig if o rm e s t y to n id a e t y to a lb a r a s g a -m o rt a lh a o n t h e g ro u n d s tr ig id a e m e g a s c o p s c h o li b a c o ru jã o , c o ru ja -b o i b e e tl e , b u tt e rf ly , m o u s e , a n d s m a ll l iz a rd s g la u c id iu m b ra s il ia n u m c a b o ré , c o ru ja -c a b o ré in s e c ts a te n a c u n ic u la ri a c o ru ja -b u ra q u e ir a o n t h e g ro u n d b e e tl e , b u tt e rf ly , m o u s e , a n d s m a ll l iz a rd s c o ra c ii fo rm e s a lc e d in id a e c h lo ro c e ry le a m e ri c a n a p e s c a d o r g a lb u li fo rm e s b u c c o n id a e n y s ta lu s m a c u la tu s f u ra -b a rr e ir a , c o lo lô , c o c h il ã o c li ff s . g a lb u li d a e g a lb u la r u fi c a u d a p a v ã o z in h a -d o -m a to p ic if o rm e s p ic id a e d ry o b a te s p a s s e ri n u s p ic a -p a u , p in ic a -p a u t re e c a v it ie s p ic u lu s ch ry so ch lo ro s p ic a -p a u , p in ic a -p a u t re e c a v it ie s c o la p te s m e la n o c h lo ro s p ic a -p a u , p in ic a -p a u , fu ri b a t re e c a v it ie s (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re v io u s p a g e ) (c o n ti n u e d o n n e xt p a g e ) http://www.avesderapinabrasil.com/lista.htm#accipitriformes https://www.google.com.br/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=1&cad=rja&uact=8&ved=0ahukewi79s7bzsnyahveu1mkhqskaowqfggomaa&url=http%3a%2f%2fwww.wikiaves.com.br%2fpica-pau-dourado-escuro&usg=aovvaw0y6etuosdgmgrkb_2lxng3 veras et al. 2022. ethnobiology letters 13(1):1-15 8 research communications s c ie n ti fi c n a m e c o m m o n n a m e i n s e rr a d o g iz n e s ti n g d ie t c a ri a m if o rm e s c a ri a m id a e c a ri a m a c ri s ta ta s a ri e m a , s ir ie m a f a lc o n if o rm e s f a lc o n id a e c a ra c a ra p la n c u s c a rc a rá c h ic k e n s h e rp e to th e re s c a c h in n a n s 6 c a u ã , a c a u ã s m a ll m a m m a ls a n d r e p ti le s p s it ta c if o rm e s p s it ta c id a e a m a z o n a a e s ti v a 2 ,3 p a p a g a io t e rm it e m o u n d s a n d t re e c a v iti e s p o a c e a e s e e d s f o rp u s x a n th o p te ry g iu s 3 ,6 p a c u , p e ri q u it o p o a c e a e a n d a s te ra c e a e s e e d s a n d f ru it s e u p s it tu la c a c to ru m 2 ,3 ,6 g a n g a rr a , m a ri ta c a , g ri g u il im , ja n d a ia t e rm it e m o u n d s a n d o th e r n e s ts p o a c e a e a n d e u p h o rb ia c e a e , p it o m b a a n d g u a v a s e e d s . in c a p ti v it y , m e a t p ri m o li u s m a ra c a n a 2 m a ra c a n ã t e rm it e m o u n d s a n d t re e c a v iti e s p a s s e ri fo rm e s t h a m n o p h il id a e t a ra b a m a jo r5 c h o rr ó , c h o rr ó -v e rm e lh o t w ig s a n d c o tt o n m y rm o c h il u s s tr ig il a tu s s tr ig il a tu s 1 p in to -d o -m a to , te m -f a ri n h a -a í, fa ri n h e ir o h e rp si lo ch m u s sp .5 c h o rr ó f o rm ic iv o ra g ri s e a 5 c h o rr ó f o rm ic iv o ra m e la n o g a s te r b a h ia e 1 g a ti n h a -p re ta , fu ra -e s tr e la t h a m n o p h il u s c a p is tr a tu s 1 c h o c a g ra ll a ri id a e h y lo p e z u s o c h ro le u c u s 1 ,2 p o m p e u f u rn a ri id a e c a m p y lo rh a m p h u s t ro c h il ir o s tr is f u rn a ri u s l e u c o p u s 6 j o ã o -d e -b a rr o c la y n e s t, w it h t w o e n tr a n c e s p s e u d o s e is u ra c ri s ta ta 1 ,4 c a s a c a -d e -c o u ro b ra n c h e s , b a ra u n a t h o rn s , m e s q u it e , b ir d f e a th e rs , c o tt o n , s n a k e s k in , p ie c e s o f fa b ri c , p la s ti c , p a p e r, a n d b ro o m s ta lk in s e c ts s y n a ll a x is h e ll m a y ri 1 j o ã o -x iq u e -x iq u e , m a rá , c a ja ra n a o n t h e g ro u n d s y n a ll a x is f ro n ta li s t io to n h o , m a n é -t io to n h o , e s p a n ta v e a d o (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re v io u s p a g e ) (c o n ti n u e d o n n e xt p a g e ) http://www.wikiaves.com.br/thamnophilidae https://www.google.com.br/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=1&cad=rja&uact=8&ved=0ahukewjg_7-sx8nyahumfvmkhc6rchaqfggomaa&url=http%3a%2f%2fwww.wikiaves.com.br%2fchorozinho-da-caatinga&usg=aovvaw18dgplk5ofxso0kfubzq8b veras et al. 2022. ethnobiology letters 13(1):1-15 9 research communications s c ie n ti fi c n a m e c o m m o n n a m e i n s e rr a d o g iz n e s ti n g d ie t t y ra n n id a e h e m it ri c c u s m a rg a ri ta c e in v e n te r l e lé , c e g u in h o , c e g u in h o -d e -c a p o e ir a t o d ir o s tr u m c in e re u m s ib it o , fe rr e ir in h o , m a n te ig u in h a , p a ti n h a , c o q u in h o t o lm o m y ia s f la v iv e n tr is c a n á ri o -d a -m a ta e la e n ia f la v o g a s te r t o n ti n h a , m a ri a -t o n ta , jo a n a -t o n ta s ti g m a tu ra n a p e n s is b a h ia e 1 t ri n ta -e -c in c o , s ib it o , p a p a -m o s c a f lu v ic o la n e n g e ta 6 l a v a n d e ir a b ra n c h e s , g ra s s , le a v e s , b ir d fe a th e rs , c o tt o n , a n im a l h a ir (t a il , m a n e ) b u tt e rf ly m y ia rc h u s t y ra n n u lu s b e m -t e -v ib o i, b e m -t e -v ip e q u e n o m a c h e to rn is r ix o s a b e m -t e -v id e -r e m e la p it a n g u s su lp h u ra tu s b e m -t e -v i b e a n s o n t h e f a rm a n d i n s e c ts e m p id o n o m u s v a ri u s b e m -t e -v id a -m a ta t y ra n n u s m e la n c h o li c u s s u ir ir i, m a ri c a v ir e o n id a e c y c la rh is g u ja n e n s is b ic o -d u ro c o rv id a e c y a n o c o ra x c y a n o p o g o n 3 ,6 c a n c ã o h a rd t o f in d . t h e f e m a le l a y s e g g s h id d e n f ro m t h e m a le , w h ic h m a y d ri n k t h e e g g s . it c a n o c c u p y o th e r n e s ts . p o a c e a e a n d e u p h o rb ia c e a e s e e d s , fr u it s , in s e c ts , s tr a w b e rr ie s , a n d s m a ll b ir d s . in c a p ti v it y , m e a t. h ir u n d in id a e s te lg id o p te ry x r u fi c o ll is a n d o ri n h a -d o -c e rr a d o p o li o p ti li d a e p o li o p ti la p lu m b e a s ib it o , m a n te ig u in h a , s ib it o -m a g ro , ti in h a , c a g a -s e b o , g a ti n h a f ru it s t ro g lo d y ti d a e t ro g lo d y te s m u s c u lu s g a rr in c h a , ri c h in ó o n r o o fs a n d s a te ll it e d is h e s m im id a e m im u s s a tu rn in u s a re n a c e u s 1 s a b iá -c a g a -s e b o , s e b e ir o , s a b iá s e b e ir o f ru it s a n d i n s e c ts t u rd id a e t u rd u s l e u c o m e la s s a b iá -b ra n c o , s a b iá -d a -m a ta , s a b iá -d o -c a m p o , s a b iá -b ic o -d e -p ra ta p in e c o n e a n d b u tt e rf ly t u rd u s r u fi v e n tr is 6 s a b iá -l a ra n je ir a , s a b iá -g o n g a , s a b iá -d e -p a p o -a m a re lo , s a b iá -d e -i n v e rn o , s a b iá -j a m a ic a l e a v e s a n d p ie c e s o f fa b ri c p in e c o n e a n d b u tt e rf ly t u rd u s a m a u ro c h a li n u s s a b iá -b ic o -d e -o s s o (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re v io u s p a g e ) (c o n ti n u e d o n n e xt p a g e ) https://www.google.com.br/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=1&cad=rja&uact=8&ved=0ahukewjxl-3l6styahwk5yykhq3hdteqfggnmaa&url=http%3a%2f%2fwww.wikiaves.com.br%2fbem-te-vi&usg=aovvaw00p6p29xgcsymkgj6f5n07 veras et al. 2022. ethnobiology letters 13(1):1-15 10 research communications s c ie n ti fi c n a m e c o m m o n n a m e i n s e rr a d o g iz n e s ti n g d ie t e s tr il d id a e e s tr il d a a s tr il d 3 b ic o -d e -l a c re p a s s e ri d a e p a s s e r d o m e s ti c u s p a rd a l b ir d f e a th e rs s e e d s f ri n g il li d a e e u p h o n ia c h lo ro ti c a v im -v im f a b a c e a e s e e d s a n d l o ra n th a c e a e h e rb s s p in u s y a rr e ll ii 2 ,3 ,4 ,6 ,7 p in ta s s il g o b ra n c h e s , g ra s s , g ra s s r o o ts a n d c o tt o n . n e s t m a d e i n a c a th o li c c o c o n u t tr e e . p o a c e a e s e e d s a n d f ru it s p a s s e re ll id a e z o n o tr ic h ia c a p e n s is s a lt a -c a m in h o , j e s u s -m e u -d e u s , ti c o ti c o , c h iq u in p o a c e a e s e e d s ic te ri d a e ic te ru s p y rr h o p te ru s 6 x e x é u -d e -b a n a n e ir a , p ê g a b a n a n a p la n t fi b e rs b a n a n a , m a n g o , c a s h e w , p in e c o n e , b a b y b e e s i n h iv e s a n d a re c a c e a e f ru it s ic te ru s j a m a c a ii 1 ,6 c h o fr é u , c o n c ri z p ie c e s o f fa b ri c , li tt le s tr in g s , a n d f ib e r c a c ta c e a e f ru it s , p u lp a n d s e e d o f g u a v a , p in e c o n e , a n d b a n a n a m o lo th ru s b o n a ri e n s is p a s s a ri n h o -p re to g n o ri m o p s a r c h o p i c ra ú n a , g ra ú n a c h ry s o m u s r u fi c a p il lu s p a p a -a rr o z , a c o rd a -n ê g o p o a c e a e s e e d s c a rd in a li d a e c y a n o lo x ia b ri s s o n ii 6 a z u lã o , a z u lã o -d e -u rt ig a , a z u lã o -d e fa v e la s e e d s t h ra u p id a e p a ro a ri a d o m in ic a n a 1 ,3 ,4 ,6 g a lo -d e -c a m p in a , c a b e ç a -v e rm e lh a b ra n c h e s , g ra s s , g ra s s r o o ts a n d c o tt o n f a b a c e a e , e u p h o rb ia c e a e a n d c o n v o lv u la c e a e s e e d s , c a c ta c e a e , c a s h e w a n d p in e c o n e f ru it s c o m p s o th ra u p is l o ri c a ta 1 s a n g u e -d e -b o i, p a s s a ri n h o -d a -m a ta t a c h y p h o n u s r u fu s s a b in o t h ra u p is s a y a c a s a n h a ç u , s a n h a ç u -a z u l f ru it s t a n g a ra c a y a n a s a n h a ç u -d e -m a c a c o , s a n h a ç u -d e g o ia b e ir a f ru it s s ic a li s l u te o la m a n é -m a g ro , c a n á ri o -v a g a b u n d o , c a n á ri o -f u le ir o , c a n á ri o -p ir ri ta s ic a li s f la v e o la 4 ,6 c a n á ri o -d a -t e rr a v o la ti n ia j a c a ri n a 7 n ê g o -t iz iu , ti z iu , p á s s a ro -d e -a ra ç ã o s e e d s s p o ro p h il a l in e o la 6 ,7 b ig o d in h o p o a c e a e s e e d s s p o ro p h il a a n g o le n s is c u ri ó s p o ro p h il a n ig ri c o ll is 6 p a p a -c a p im s p o ro p h il a a lb o g u la ri s 3 ,4 ,6 g o li n h a t w ig s , c o tt o n , g ra s s r o o ts , p ie c e s o f fa b ri c a n d n y lo n th re a d p o a c e a e s e e d s a n d f ru it s c o ry p h o s p in g u s p il e a tu s 3 ,6 m a ri a -f it a , c ra v in a , ti c o -t ic o -d a -c a a ti n g a f ru it s (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re v io u s p a g e ) veras et al. 2022. ethnobiology letters 13(1):1-15 11 research communications throated seedeater (sporophila albogularis), and the rufous bellied thrush (turdus rufiventris). all these species are known to imitate other bird species (lima 2004; sick 1997). use and factors that led to the disappearance of the birds most interviewees in the quilombos believed that hunters caught birds for their song, beauty, and intelligence; and so, the best singing birds and birds that talk (and presumably are smart) tend to be the most captured (songbirds and parrots) (franco et al. 2012). having pets was the main reason reported for capturing birds and we observed that this was common in rural communities throughout brazil during this project. birds are often captured for the pet trade as well (alves et al. 2010). thus, most participants stated that illegal hunting (for the pet trade or for food) was the main cause of bird declines, and which causes concern among the quilombolas because they recognize the ecological importance of the species, and that continued hunting can cause their demise. many participants knew of some species that were much more common in the past, nine of which are also threatened or endangered according to the red book of endangered brazilian fauna (icmbio 2018). six species seen in the past are almost never seen today by the interviewees. of these, one regional subspecies, (cr), the rusty-margined guan (penelope superciliaris alagoensis), is critically endangered. two parrots are near threatened (nt): locally, the turquoise-fronted parrot (amazona aestiva) and globally, the blue-winged macaw (primolius maracana). three are vulnerable (vu): the white-browed guan (penelope jacucaca), yellow-legged tinamou (crypturellus noctivagus), and forbe’s blackbird (anumara forbesi). t h r e e o t h e r s p e c i es ar e s e ld o m s e en b y t h e interviewees. of these, two are nt, the king vulture (sarcoramphus papa) and the white-browed antpitta (hylopezus ochroleucus), and one is vu, the yellowfaced siskin (spinus yarrellii). some stated that the yellow-faced siskin is only seen in the rainy season, while others said it was last seen about four years ago. some more common birds that are not threatened are seldom seen. a participant stated that they last saw the tataupa tinamou (crypturellus tataupa) eight years ago. they last saw the chopi blackbird (gnorimopsar chopi) five years ago during the rainy season. the saffron finch (sicalis flaveola) disappeared due to being captured for the pet trade. on the other hand, other birds they saw in the past, such as the campo troupial (icterus jamacaii) and variable oriole (icterus pyrrhopterus), were recently seen again. five interviewees said they thought their return was because the area was fenced in, and hunting was prohibited. another 26 said that a strong, long, dry period (5–6 years) caused the population decline in those birds due to a lack of food and water. beginning in 2018, rainfall increased again and so the birds returned. participants knew that hunting native birds is illegal, but hunting is not uncommon. landowners often prohibit hunting. some hunters avoid hunting in the reserve because they were concerned about being caught by enforcement officials. while hunting is less common than in the past, participants knew that hunting in the reserve continues. importance of birds most participants (71% ) agreed that birds are important. importance was classified as aesthetic (59%), ecological (20%), conservationist (15%), and cultural (7%). participants felt that bird beauty and song brought joy to the caatinga. participants knew that birds were important for environmental services including pollination, seed dispersal, and consuming insects like crop pests or ticks on cattle and horses. one participant noted that some birds eat snakes and so help protect people from snake bites. participants felt that conservation was important simply because birds have the right to freedom and life, just as people do. participants said that birds were important culturally because birds figure into their belief systems and communities. they also stated that they knew stories that included birds and that they believed that birds are often associated with luck (both good and bad), tragedy, death, when people are arriving, and changing weather. conservation initiatives the refúgio de vida silvestre serra do giz reserve, created in 2019, still has no management plans and there are no reserve rangers or guards that patrol the reserve. that being the case, involvement of the people of the local communities is very important for the protection of the reserve. today, a single community member is responsible for guiding tourists and researchers within the reserve. also, local residents observe hunters and outsiders (those not known to the local communities) within the reserve. they often report these infractions to the instituto veras et al. 2022. ethnobiology letters 13(1):1-15 12 research communications brasileiro do meio ambiente e dos recursos naturais renováveis (ibama), the brazilian natural resources agency, which visited the region once during our study and recovered illegal captive birds in afogados da ingazeira and other nearby communities. most interviewees were concerned about hunting and so they were interested in converting the area into a formal conservation unit to protect local biodiversity. they were also concerned about the preservation of ancient rock wall paintings that made the region archaeologically interesting and attracts tourists. when we asked the participants in these quilombos what actions might be useful for conservation in the refuge, they provided a variety of answers: 1) ibama, military police, and public prosecutors should coordinate to catch and prosecute poachers (19 citations) 2) hunting and capturing should be expressly forbidden (9 citations) 3) a law should be enacted to prohibit bird hunting (9 citations) 4) education programs should teach community members that catching, killing, and illegal wildlife trade which are all detrimental to the existence of birds (3 citations) 5) community members should take responsibility themselves and request that hunters cease their activities (2 citations). yet, no suggestions were forthcoming about how this action could be carried out, nor how this might result in personal danger in attempting to prohibit hunting. the following were recommended by one participant each. 6) deforestation should be prohibited. 7) pollution (in general, with no particular mention of kind) should be prohibited. 8) state and municipal governments should demand that the federal government install a wildlife unit in a nearby municipality and should take an active part in monitoring the refuge. 9) trees should be planted to attract birds. 10) remote (drone) monitoring should be used. 11) signage should be used around the refuge to state that hunting is prohibited. 12) hunting limits should be created rather than a complete ban. nine of the participants had no particular suggestions for protecting birds. surprisingly, quilombolas seldom visit the conservation unit despite its accessibility, while the main visitors come from more urban regions of the municipality or from nearby cities and other states. interviewees also stated that they seldom visited the area to hunt or for agriculture or logging. cultural transmission of ethnoornithological knowledge oral transmission of information is important for ethnoornithology as in all traditional ecological knowledge transmission. vertical transmission of information about birds was reported by 62% of the participants (n = 34), with fathers (n = 24) reporting more than mothers (n = 9) or grandparents (n = 9 for each sex). horizontal transfer was less important as reported by the community (24% , n = 13), with people reporting spouses (n = 2), siblings (n = 1), neighbors (n = 1) and other contemporaries (n = 10). oblique transmission (15% , n = 8) was usually mentioned by older, non-relatives (n = 5) and teachers (n = 3). several (n = 16, 29%) reported that they learned about birds at least partly on their own through daily observations of their natural environment. many of the participants (69%) said that they shared their avian knowledge with others (n = 38). conclusion we found that the people of the quilombo communities near the refuge had some knowledge and interest in birds. most were concerned with bird conservation and thought of a variety of reasonable plans to protect birds. conservation measures should include the quilombolas so that they can help manage and become more knowledgeable about avian communities. understanding that small communities know about birds and are concerned about their conservation can encourage management to include them, and other local communities, in their actions and strategies, and thereby also validate the local knowledge of these communities. declarations permissions: this study was carried out under the university of pernambuco ethics committee (caae 89888018.2.0000.5207) and registered in the brazilian sistema nacional de gestão do patrimônio genético veras et al. 2022. ethnobiology letters 13(1):1-15 13 research communications e do conhecimento tradicional associado (sisgen) under the registry number a6a6d4d. sources of funding: none declared. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited alves, r. r. n., and i. l. rosa. 2006. from cnidarians to mammals: the use of animals as remedies in fishing communities in ne brazil. journal of ethnopharmacology 107:259–276. doi:10.1016/j.jep.2006.03.007. alves, r. r. n., e. e. g. nogueira, h. f. p. araujo, and s. e. brooks. 2010. bird-keeping in the caatinga, ne brazil. human ecology 38:147–156. doi:10.1007/s10745-009-9295-5. alves, r. r. n., r. c. l. leite, w. m. s. souto, d. m. m., bezerra, and a. loures-ribeiro. 2013. ethnoornithology and conservation of wild birds in the semi-arid caatinga of northeastern brazil. journal of ethnobiology and ethnomedicine 9:1–12. doi:10.1186/1746-4269-9-14. andrade, m. a. 1997. a vida das aves: introdução à biologia e conservação. acangaú/líttera, belo horizonte, brazil. antas, p. t. z. 1987. a nidificação da avoante, zenaida auriculata, no nordeste do brasil, relacionada com o substrato fornecido pela vegetação. revista brasileira de zoologia 3:467–470. doi:10.1590/s0101-81751986000300006. araujo, h. f. p., r. f. p. lucena, and j. s. mourão. 2005. prenúncio de chuvas pelas aves na percepção de moradores de comunidades rurais no município de soledade pb, brasil. interciencia 30:764–769. available at: http://ve.scielo.org/ scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=s037818442005001200008. accessed on september 8, 2020. barbosa, j. a. a., v. a. nobrega, and r. r. n. alves. 2010. aspectos da caça e comércio ilegal da avifauna silvestre por populações tradicionais do semiárido paraibano. revista de biologia e ciências da terra 10:39–49. available at: https:// www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=50016922004. accessed on september 8, 2020. barman, p. d., d. k. sharma, j. cockrem, m. malakar, b. kakati, and t. melvin. 2020. saving the greater adjutant stork by changing perceptions and linking to assamese traditions in india. ethnobiology letters 11:20–29. doi:10.14237/ ebl.11.2.2020.1648. bezerra, d. m. m., h. f. p. araujo, a. g. c. alves, and r. r. n. alves. 2013. birds and people in semiarid northeastern brazil: symbolic and medicinal relationships. journal of ethnobiology and ethnomedicine 9:1–12. doi: 10.1186/1746-4269-9-3. chacpe, j. f. 2014. territórios quilombolas e unidades de conservação de proteção integral: desafios da conciliação na administração federal. master thesis, university of brasília, brasília, brazil. available at: https://repositorio.unb.br/ handle/10482/15878. acessed on november 10, 2021. castilho, s. d. 2011. quilombo contemporâneo: educação, família e culturas. edufmt, cuiabá, brazil. colchester, m. 2000. resgatando a natureza: comunidades tradicionais e áreas protegidas. in etnoconservação: novos rumos para a proteção da natureza nos trópicos, edited by a. c. diegues, pp. 225–256. hicitec/nupaub-usp, são paulo, brazil. costa, l. c. m. 2002. o comportamento interespecífico de defesa do quero-quero, vanellus chilensis (molina, 1782) (charadriiformes, charadriidae). revista de etologia 4:95–108. available at: http://pepsic.bvsalud.org/scielo.php? script=sci_arttext&pid=s151728052002000200002. accessed on september 5, 2020. costa-neto, e. m. 2000. conhecimento e usos tradicionais de recursos faunísticos por uma comunidade afro-brasileira. resultados preliminares. interciencia 25:423–431. available at: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=33905105. accessed on september 7, 2020. diegues, a. c. 2000. etnoconservação da natureza: enfoques alternativos. in etnoconservação: novos rumos para a proteção da natureza nos trópicos, edited by a. c. diegues, pp. 1–46. hicitec/nupaubusp, são paulo, brazil. veras et al. 2022. ethnobiology letters 13(1):1-15 14 research communications diniz, w. j. s., c. n. lima, r. m. lyra-neves, and w. r. t. júnior. 2012. estudo etnoornitológico no remanescente quilombola estivas, garanhuns, pernambuco. paper presented at the xxix congress of the brazilian society of zoology. salvador, ba, brazil. available at: https:// cbznabahia2012.files.wordpress.com/2012/04/ livro-de-resumos.pdf. accessed on september 7, 2020. farias, g. b., and a. g. c. alves. 2007. aspectos históricos e conceituais da etnoornitologia. biotemas 20:91–100. doi:10.5007/%25x. forbes, w. a. 1881. eleven weeks in northeastern brazil. ibis 23:312–362. doi:10.1111/j.1474919x.1881.tb06589.x. franco, m. r., f. m. câmara, d. c. c. rocha, r. m. souza, and n. j. f. oliveira. 2012. animais silvestres apreendidos no período de 2002 a 2007 na macrorregião de montes claros, minas gerais. enciclopédia biosfera 8:1007–1018. available at: https://www.conhecer.org.br/enciclop/2012a/ ambientais/animais.pdf. accessed on september 5, 2020. galvagne-loss, a. t., e. m. costa-neto, and f. m. flores. 2013. ornitoáugures no povoado de pedra branca, santa teresinha, estado da bahia, nordeste do brasil. etnobiología 11:45–53. available at: https://dialnet.unirioja.es/servlet/articulo? codigo=5261788. accessed on september 8, 2020. galvagne-loss, a. t., e. m. c. neto, and f. m. flores. 2014. aves silvestres utilizadas como recurso trófico pelos moradores do povoado de pedra branca, santa teresinha, bahia, brasil. gaia scientia volume especial populações tradicionais:1 –14. available at: http://periodicos.ufpb.br/ojs2/ index.php/gaia/index. accessed on september 8, 2020. hau, m., m. wikelski, h. gwinner, and e. gwinner. 2004. timing of reproduction in a darwin's finch: temporal opportunism under spatial constraints. oikos 106:489–500. doi:10.1111/j.00301299.2004.13206.x. huntington, h. p. 2000. using traditional ecological knowledge in science: methods and applications. ecological applications 10:1270–1274. doi:10.1890/1051-0761(2000)010[1270:utekis] 2.0.co;2. instituto chico mendes de conservação da biodiversidade (icmbio). 2018. livro vermelho da fauna brasileira ameaçada de extinção: volume iii – aves. icmbio/mma, brasília, brazil. jensen, a. a. 1985. sistemas indígenas de classificação de aves: aspectos comparativos, ecológicos e evolutivos. ph.d. thesis, university of campinas, campinas, brazil. available at: http:// repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/ reposip/316048. accessed on september 5, 2020. lima, j. r. b., r. r. florêncio, and c. a. b. santos. 2014. contribuições da etnozoologia para a conservação da fauna silvestre. revista ouricuri 4:48 –67. available at: https://www.revistas.uneb.br/ index.php/ouricuri/article/view/1121. accessed on september 8, 2020. lima, p. c. 2004. aves da pátria da leari. atualidades ornitológicas, salvador, brazil. lugones, m. 2019. rumo a um feminismo decolonial. in pensamento feminista: conceitos fundamentais, edited by h. b. hollanda, pp. 357– 377. bazar do tempo, rio de janeiro, brazil. marchini, s., and k. m. p. m. b. ferraz. 2014. bichos da esalq: quais são, como vivem e como lidar com os animais silvestres no campus. esalq, piracicaba, brazil. marques, j. g. w. 1991. aspectos ecológicos na etnoictiologia dos pescadores do complexo estuarino-lagunar mundaú-mangaba. ph.d. thesis, university of campinas, campinas, brazil. available at: http://repositorio.unicamp.br/handle/ reposip/315947. accessed on september 5, 2020. moura, f. b. p., and j. g. w. marques. 2008. zooterapia popular na chapada diamantina: uma medicina incidental? ciência & saúde coletiva 13:2179–2188. doi:10.1590/s14138123200800090002. nishida, s. m., f. k. ubaid, r. s. o. carvalho, and m. m. quinalha. 2012. que bichos vivem no jardim botânico do ib? guia de aves. silvia mitiko nishida, botucatu, brazil. poulin, b., g. lefebvre, and r. mcneil. 1992. tropical avian phenology in relation to abundance and exploitation of food resources. ecology 73:2295–2309. doi:10.2307/1941476. veras et al. 2022. ethnobiology letters 13(1):1-15 15 research communications ramos, f. 2019. saberes tradicionais como fortalecimento da comunidade. revista observatório quilombola 4:11–20. available at: http:// www.koinonia.org.br/oq/uploads/arquivo/ artigo%2003%20-%20fabiana% 20padronizado.pdf. accessed on september 5, 2020. rappole, j. h. 1995. the ecology of migrant birds: a neotropical perspective. smithsonian institution press, washington, dc. santos, h. g., p. k. t. jacomine, l. h. c. anjos, v. a. oliveira, j. b. oliveira, m. r. coelho, j. f. lumbreras, and t. j. f. cunha, eds. 2006. sistema brasileiro de classificação de solos, 2nd edition. embrapa-spi, rio de janeiro, brazil. sayago, d., and m. bursztyn. 2006. a tradição da ciência e a ciência da tradição: relações entre valor, conhecimento e ambiente. in dimensões humanas da biodiversidade: o desafio de novas relações sociedade-natureza no século xxi, edited by i. garay, and b. k. becker, pp. 89–109. editora vozes, petrópolis, brazil. sick, h. 1997. ornitologia brasileira. nova fronteira, rio de janeiro, brazil. silva, j. m. c. 1995. seasonal distribution of the lined seedeater sporophila lineola. bulletin of the british ornithologistis’ club 115:14–21. available at: https://www.biodiversitylibrary.org/part/76851#/ summary. accessed on september 5, 2020. silvano, r. a. m., and j. v. jørgensen. 2008. beyond fishermen's tales: contributions of fishers' local ecological knowledge to fish ecology and fisheries management. environment, development and sustainability 10:657–675. doi:10.1007/s10668-0089149-0. stotz, d. f., j. w. fitzpatrick, t. a. parker iii, and d. k. moskovits. 1996. neotropical birds: ecology and conservation. university of chicago press, chicago, il. veloso, h. p., a. l. r. rangel filho, and j. c. a. lima. 1991. classificação da vegetação brasileira, adaptada a um sistema universal. ibge, rio de janeiro, brazil. winkler, d. w., j. shamoun-baranes, and t. piersma. 2016. avian migration and dispersal. in handbook of bird biology, 3rd edition, edited by i. j. lovette, and j. w. fitzpatrick, pp. 452–492. wiley, chichester, england. khawa karpo: tibetan traditional knowledge and biodiversity conservation   book review  ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 89‐90. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.187. 89  and, although not highlighted in the book, is another demonstration of the significant commitment to conservation and dialogue about conservation that salick and her team have. lastly, the value of this work in terms of documenting climate change and local responses to it cannot be under-estimated. some of the innovative aspects of research that has been done in this region by salick and colleagues and which are discussed in the book include the use of photographs, both as a form of documentary analysis about climate change (comparing current photos to photos taken of the same area 100 years ago to see changes in the landscape over time) and as a form of ethnographic data aimed at highlighting the emic perspective on related issues (this is a technique used by anthropologists since the early days of selfreflexive ethnographic film, but has over the past decade or so become more widely used in other fields). as a tibetologist but also an ethnobiologist from the anthropological lineage that works in the same region (as well as on related topics), the weaknesses of the book for me mainly revolve around shortfalls in understanding (or simplifications of) tibetan language, culture, and the contemporary state of tibetan medicine. somewhat ironically (given the interest in dialogue with tibetan communities), there are few tibetan names for plants and animals given. while translation between different taxonomic systems can be challenging, they are not impossible and seem woefully lacking in this monograph. there are some errors as well: confusion of wade-giles and wylie systems of transliteration (sman ri is in fact wylie, not wade giles); the translation of sman as “medicinal it is for good reason that jan salick will be receiving the distinguished economic botanist award (awarded by the society for economic botany) this month at the joint society of ethnobiology and society for economic botany conference in cherokee, nc. the work by salick and robert moseley, which benefits from additional collaborating authors in several chapters and appendices, is impressive, especially in its breadth. this publication demonstrates the significant contributions that salick and others have made to our understanding of the ecology and biodiversity, as well as local knowledge of this, in the greater khawa karpo area in china’s southwest, or the southern reaches of cultural tibet. the overall strengths of the work include establishing a baseline for conservation agendas, as little research has been done on this topic in this area of the world and even a smaller amount is published in english; this the authors recognize as a main goal of the publication. additionally valuable are the appendices, which contain important information on flora and fauna in the region; the compilation of a comprehensive list of vascular plants in the region is especially inclusive. also essential is the discussion of local tibetan knowledge, particularly although not exclusively from doctors of tibetan medicine, in the context of conservation. the authors urge that such local knowledge, in addition to local ideas of sacred sites, needs to be recognized as the important resource that it is for conservation efforts. to ethnobiologists, this is hardly news, but unfortunately to some conservation biologists this point needs repeating—and who better to bring this home than salick and her team? the time-depth of the research (spanning close to a decade) is very important as well khawa karpo: tibetan tradi onal knowledge and biodiversity conserva on jan salick and robert k. moseley. 2012. missouri botanical garden, st. louis. pp. 273. us$55 (paperback). isbn  978‐1‐935641‐06‐3  reviewed by denise m. glover reviewer address: department of sociology and anthropology, university of puget sound, tacoma, wa, usa.   dglover@pugetsound.edu received: may 7, 2014  volume 5:89‐90  published:  may 30, 2014  © 2014 society of ethnobiology   book review  ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 89‐90. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.187. 90  herb” is somewhat misleading, since sman in tibetan refers to many types of materia medica (not just botanicals); the elision of “fraternal” to describe the kind of polyandry practiced in this area. other problems include the repeated use of pinyin romanization for tibetan names (i am very aware of the difficulties of this in sw china especially but effort must be made to avoid this); the fact that the authors appear to have used indian sources (and not tibetan ones) to discuss the history of tibetan medicine (use of the name vairotsana for the historic figure that tibetans call yuthog yonten gonpo suggests this); and several statements about the state of tibetan medicine in the people’s republic of china seem simplistic and outdated: saying that traditional tibetan medicine is recognized by the government only if from lhasa does not acknowledge the contemporary central role of tibetan medicine practice, teaching, research, and production in the amdo (qinghai) region and in chamdo, two main hubs of activity in tibetan medicine. there is some conflation of bön and buddhist concepts of the sacredness of land, and the characterization of bön as being about good and evil is simplistic. the last issue i have with the monograph is that it does not directly cite sources (although acknowledged in a bibliography); this is likely my bias as an academic, and clearly the audience that the book hopes to reach is not restricted to academics alone. nonetheless, regardless of these few shortcomings, the book is well worth the read and is a significant contribution to the field. the mix of accessiblywritten text and beautiful color photos makes this a valuable asset not only to scholars of conservation studies, ethnobiology, and tibetan studies, but also to anyone interested in learning more about this very special part of the world, the area surrounding the impressive and sacred khawa karpo mountain.  the great fossil enigma: the search for the conodont animal 37 book review specialized field. scholars debated whether to give the forms special form-class names (as trackways and burrows are named in latin) or whether to stick to proper linnaean names and hope an animal turned up to go with the teeth. of course, with nothing but minute teeth to go on, scientists could not be sure whether they were dealing with genera, species, families…. mammal paleontology experts will find this somewhat familiar, but with mammal teeth there are at least many living homologues. the conodonts were quite different from the teeth of any living animal. finally, in the 1980s, shadowy traces of condont animals began to appear, and by the early 1990s there were many of these, showing a small worm-shaped segmented animal with a notochord and something like a skull. it was clearly a primitive chordate, possibly an early vertebrate (there is still debate about whether to count it as a true vertebrate). it had rather large eyes, and swam around seizing prey with its savage little fangs. the interest of this to ethnobiologists lies in the story of scientists coming slowly to understand an animal known only from very strange teeth. no anatomical dissection, no bone measurements, no physiological studies—let alone dna. in other words, the scientists were pretty much on all fours with the maya or haida or pintupi of a thousand years ago. they did the best they could: they interacted constantly with the fossils and their contexts, and then with other scholars studying same. they then came up with tentative plans, ideas, guesses, hypotheses, and tested them against data that emerged with painful slowness. they developed labels-of-convenience, and fought over even those. they argued over every new revelation. this book on page 356, simon knell admits: “i positioned myself, like an anthropologist, on the edge of this scientific community….” no wonder the book is of interest to ethnobiologists. it is, in fact, something of an ethnobiology, or ethnopaleontology, of the world of conodont studies. knell is a museum studies specialist, and presents an account of a major mystery solved by paleontologists in field and museum. i remember telling my wife, many years ago, “they found the conodont animal!!” she said something like, “huh?” when i explained, her eyes glazed over and she found something else to attend to. the world is probably divided into those few hundred who worried about this animal and the other seven billion who did not. but the story makes fascinating reading for anyone interested in the classic ethnobiological question of how people classify life-forms and give names to them. conodonts first appeared as microscopic or nearmicroscopic fossils that looked like (what else?) little cone-shaped teeth. they first turned up in the mid19th century. more and more appeared, and knell says there are now literally millions of them in collections around the world. conodonts are extremely valuable to oil geologists and others who must give exact geological positions to specific strata. but the conodonts were not attached to anything. they were disembodied presences. this led to enormous speculation. were they from fish, primitive chordates, worms? one school even held that they were plant products (like overgrown phytoliths). more and more conodonts turned up, some simple, some fantastically elaborate in shape. whole schools of conodont studies appeared, with their journals and learned volumes, and “conodontology” became a the great fossil enigma: the search for the conodont animal simon j. knell. 2012. indiana university press, bloomington. pp. 440. $45.00 (cloth), 25 b & w illustrations. isbn 9780253006042. reviewed by e. n. anderson reviewer address: department of anthropology, university of california riverside. eugene.anderson@ucr.edu received: february 14, 2013 volume: 4:37-38 published: march 10, 2013 © 2013 society of ethnobiology 38 book review shows very clearly what scientists do when they cannot use their full range of laboratory techniques and manipulations. what they do is very similar to what skilled persons in traditional small-scale societies do. the differences between “bioscience” and “ethnoscience” are erased, or nearly so. this is certainly thought-provoking. as a former biology student, i have always been struck by the basic uniformity of science. the many obvious differences between a modern dna lab scientist and a maya woodsman labeling a new bird seem to me quite superficial. what matters is that both are interacting with the biotic world to come to increasingly good understandings. both use the same technique: interactive observation, with manipulation when possible. one has more specialized equipment, but both have basically the same eyes, hands, and brain. on the other hand, they come to quite different understandings in the end, because they have different scientific traditions. similarly, different schools of conodont studies in different countries (or states of the us) produced very different ideas about the condont animal. bioscience has its own cultures, and nationality affects these. knell grounds this understanding in the philosophy and history of science, with appropriate citations to edmund husserl, thomas kuhn, and the rest, but it is a point that can also be reached from cognitive psychology, as it has been in ethnoscience studies. this book has been criticized for lack of illustrations and lack of much detail about the people involved. it is also rather a mixed bag in terms of intended audience: sometimes knell appears to be writing for the masses, sometimes he assumes the reader knows paleontology quite thoroughly. these problems should not stop a determined reader interested in finding out how people classify lifeforms as they slowly learn more and more about them. possibilities for multispecies approaches in coffee landscapes becerra vera. 2021. ethnobiology letters 12(1):115–118 115 short topical reviews and compare the economic botany between genetically modified and organic cotton (gossypium hirsutum) farms (flachs 2015, 2016); and folk taxonomic studies of plant diversity (heindorf et al. 2020) and traditional plant use (loko et al. 2018). similarly, ethnobiological research around coffee (coffea spp.) includes work that highlights traditional and indigenous cultivation knowledge (beaucage 1997; bandeira et al. 2002; juárez-lópez et al. 2017), features coffee as an important regional cash crop to contextualize the bioecocultural heritage of other plants (mekbib 2009), and explores coffee farm contributions to biological diversity (bandeira et al. 2002; juárez-lópez et al. 2017). these studies teach us how crops meet human needs and influence human social worlds. multispecies approaches open doors to investigate the social and biological contact zones of humans, plants, and other more-than-humans in agrarian worlds (galvin 2018). building from ethnobiological insights into the interactions between biota, environments, and people, multispecies approaches draw attention to the social dimensions that result from these relationships. researchers can investigate the co-creation of ecological landscapes through and with crops by paying attention to this introduction ethnobiologists draw from social and natural science methods to build scientific understanding around the relationships between plants and people. while ethnobiologists collect various forms of evidence, there continues to be an emphasis on quantitative studies (da silva et al. 2014) with recent calls for “hypothesis-driven ethnobiology” (gaoue et al. 2021). multispecies researchers collect qualitative, humanistic, and other artistic evidence (e.g. https:// feralatlas.org) suitable to expand knowledge around the social roles of plants in relationship to humans. both communities of research reach across disciplinary boundaries to study plants. while ethnobiologists more often incorporate quantitative elements in their studies (e.g. bocinsky and varien 2017; flachs 2015; juárez-lópez et al. 2017), multispecies researchers lean toward qualitative approaches in their investigations (e.g.; dove 2019; guthman 2019; kumpf 2020). ethnobiologists take versatile approaches to investigate economically and culturally important crops. examples include: experimental farming studies of maize (zea mays) to determine how past farming communities adapted to climate challenges (bocinsky and varien 2017); studies that document possibilities for multispecies approaches in coffee landscapes jose r. becerra vera 1* 1 department of anthropology, purdue university, west lafayette, indiana, usa. * becerra4@purdue.edu abstract multispecies approaches can increase our knowledge around the social and ecological dimensions of coffee landscapes. ethnobiologists combine the social and natural sciences to study the relationships between humans, the environment, and biota. multispecies approaches can build from these strategies to further explore the social and biological elements that humans together with more-than-humans contribute to ecological landscapes. using co-constitutions as a key concept, i highlight multispecies studies into agrarian worlds, review ethnobiological studies around coffee, and suggest potential research areas. received may 25, 2020 open access accepted september 28, 2021 doi 10.14237/ebl.12.1.2021.1706 published november 18, 2021 keywords multispecies, co-constitutions, coffee, more-than-human, crops copyright © 2021 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. becerra vera. 2021. ethnobiology letters 12(1):115–118 116 short topical reviews collective sociality (flachs and orkin 2019). in this short topical review, i outline multispecies approaches in agricultural crop studies, ethnobiology of coffee, and highlight the potential advantages of multispecies approaches in coffee research. agrarian contact zones in this paper, i borrow from the concepts of contact zones and assemblages to define co-constitutions as spatial and temporal locations of world-making (wilson 2019), where the relational context of all constituents shapes a system (robinson and remis 2018). co-constitutions result from entangled human and more-than-human social and biological elements that together also participate in the production of social and ecological change. instances of multispecies approaches in crop studies that highlight coconstitutions include julie h. guthman's (2019) work with strawberries (fragaria spp.), michael r. dove's (2019) historical analysis with black pepper (piper nigrum), rubber (hevea brasiliensis), and sword grass (imperata cylindrica), and desirée kumpf's (2020) investigation of tea production (camellia spp). guthman (2019) describes the strawberry industry as an assemblage, for this topical review, otherwise known as a co-constitution. for guthman, the coconstitution includes elements of political economy, scientific knowledge, migrants and labor, pathogens and chemicals, and other humans and more-thanhumans that together play a role in the fragility of the strawberry industry. dove (2019) outlines how the introduction of black pepper, tea, and sword grass into agrarian co-constitutions expanded small holders' imaginations and cultivation strategies, often at odds with settler-colonial production regimes. kumpf (2020) demonstrates how the lack of compensation for tea workers results in them ignoring tea tasting during production, which leads to lower quality tea. these studies highlight the role plants have on transforming human worlds. refocusing attention to co-constitution in ecologies, where “organisms, elements, and forces cannot be considered in isolation but must always be considered in relation,” (o’gorman and gaynor 2020). ethnobiology of coffee coffee is the second most traded commodity worldwide and is recognized for its cultural value among producers and consumers (west 2012). ethnobiological studies on coffee have explicitly focused on the negative economic and environmental impacts that result from neglecting indigenous knowledge (beaucage 1997), as well as investigated the insights from indigenous and traditional knowledge in maintaining agroforests (bandeira et al. 2002) and biodiversity (juárez-lópez et al. 2017). other ethnobiological studies include coffee grounds in investigations of folk remedies for injuries from stingrays (da silva et al. 2020). in the related field of ethnomedicine, researchers examine coffee leaves for potential human health benefits (chen 2019). collectively, these studies demonstrate how people make use of coffee to meet economic, biodiversity, and human health goals. multispecies approaches can expand these strategies to gain further insight into the nuances of co-created coffee ecological and social worlds. for example, anna l. tsing, andrew s. mathews, and nils bubandt (2019) outline how coffee rust fungus (hemileia vastratrix) only became an epidemic due to multispecies histories that involve capital, ecology, humans, and more-than-humans together transforming a landscape. multispecies openings following the examples of agrarian co-constitutions help to outline essential areas of multispecies coffee research. like guthman's (2019) analysis with strawberries, the coffee industry results from the coconstitutions between political, social, economic, and biological elements. dove’s (2019) studies with pepper highlights the role of cash crops with colonial histories of displacement and local innovation, as also seen with coffee. kumpf's (2020) investigation with tea sheds light on how coffee ecologies connect to labor and production regimes that influence multispecies co-constitutions that affect coffee quality and taste. coffee agriculture includes various cultivation strategies linked to political, social, colonial, economic, biological, and ecological histories. more-than-humans are inseparable from these histories and have an active role in shaping coffee landscapes. similarly, cultivation strategies impact more-than-humans. multispecies approaches can provide the platform to observe these different dimensions. studying coffee landscapes as multispecies co-constitutions presents opportunities to enhance our understanding of the biological and social dimensions of human, plant, pathogen, chemical, and other more-than-human ecologies. becerra vera. 2021. ethnobiology letters 12(1):115–118 117 short topical reviews conclusion in sum, ethnobiological studies provide insight into how plants meet human needs and interests. multispecies approaches offer researchers the opportunity to expand on these studies to include how the interactions between humans, plants, and more-than-humans together shape and transform landscapes. applying a multispecies approach to crop studies highlights the effects of more-than-humans on ecological and social elements in agrarian worlds. this offers a view beyond ecological change as an effect of human manipulation over the environment. studying coffee co-constitutions has theoretical and methodological implications for humans and morethan-humans. while climate change discourse centers humans as the main drivers in environmental change, it also draws attention to the interlinked elements of the social and biological world. multispecies studies of coffee can provide insight into these interlinked elements and relationships that together form ecological landscapes. this can expand knowledge around the relational contexts in coffee ecologies and help identify what multispecies collaborations are impacted by climate change. as scholars from different disciplines incorporate a multispecies approach to coffee research, they must also expand methodological toolkits to address the social and biological elements that form coffee ecologies. in this aspect, studying coffee co-constitutions can benefit from the ethnobiological skill of linking the social and natural sciences (quinlan and quinlan 2016). acknowledgments thank you, dr. andrew flachs, for the continued support and valuable feedback on my drafts for this manuscript. i would also like to thank dr. maria bruno, the editor, who has been extremely helpful throughout this process. i am especially grateful for the comments and feedback from the anonymous reviewer. their suggestions were truly instrumental for improving this manuscript, thank you. declarations permissions: none declared. sources of funding: none declared. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited bandeira, f. p., lopez, b.j. and toledo, v. m. 2002. tzotzil maya ethnoecology: landscape perception and management as a basis for coffee agroforest design. journal of ethnobiology 22(2):247–272. beaucage, p., and taller de tradición oral, cepec. 1997. integrating innovation: the traditional nahua coffee-orchard. sierra norte de puebla, mexico. journal of ethnobiology 17(1):45–67. bocinsky, r. k., and varien, m. d. 2017. comparing maize paleoproduction models with experimental data. journal of ethnobiology 37(2):282–307. doi:10.2993/0278-0771-37.2.282. chen, x. 2019. a review on coffee leaves: phytochemicals, bioactivities and applications. critical reviews in food science and nutrition 59 (6):1008–1025. doi:10.1080/10408398.2018.1546667. da silva, g. a., poscai, a. n., and da silva casas, a. l. 2020. injuries caused by freshwater stingrays in the western amazon. ethnobiology letters 11(1):1–13. doi:10.14237/ebl.11.1.2020.1586. da silva, v. a., do nascimento, v. t., soldati, g. t., medeiros, m. f. t., and albuquerque, u. p. 2014. techniques for analysis of quantitative ethnobiological data: use of indices. in methods and techniques in ethnobiology and ethnoecology, edited by u. p. albuquerque, l. v. f. cruz da cunha, r. f. p. de lucena, and r. r. nobrega alves, pp. 379– 395. springer protocols handbooks, humana press, new york, ny. doi:10.1007/978-1-4614-86367_24. dove, m. r. 2019. plants, politics, and the imagination over the past 500 years in the indomalay region. current anthropology 60(s20):s309– s320. doi:10.1086/702877. flachs, a. 2015. persistent agrobiodiversity on genetically modified cotton farms in telangana, india. journal of ethnobiology 35(2):406–426. flachs, a. 2016. the economic botany of organic cotton farms in telangana, india. journal of ethnobiology 36(3):683–713. doi:10.2993/02780771-36.3.683. flachs, a., and orkin, j.d. 2019. fermentation and the ethnobiology of microbial entanglement. ethnobiology letters 10(1):35–39. doi:10.14237/ebl.10.1.2019.1481. galvin, s. s. 2018. interspecies relations and agrarian worlds. annual review of anthropology 47:233–249. doi:10.1146/annurev-anthro-102317-050232. becerra vera. 2021. ethnobiology letters 12(1):115–118 118 short topical reviews gaoue, o. g., moutouama, j. k., coe, m. a., bond, m. o., green, e., sero, n. b., bezeng, b. s., and yessoufou, k. 2021. methodological advances for hypothesis‐driven ethnobiology. biological reviews 96(5):2281-2303. doi:10.1111/brv.12752. guthman, j. 2019. wilted: pathogens, chemicals, and the fragile future of the strawberry industry (vol. 6). university of california press, berkeley, ca. doi:10.2307/j.ctvp7d4bc. heindorf, c., van‘t hooft, a., reyes-agüero, j. a., and martínez, j. f. 2020. folk taxonomy of the inter-and intraspecific edible plant diversity of huastec mayan farmers in mexico. journal of ethnobiology 40(4):552–568. doi:10.2993/02780771-40.4.552. juárez-lópez, b. velázquez-rosas, n., and lópezbinnqüist, c. 2017. tree diversity and uses in coffee plantations of a mixe community in oaxaca, mexico. journal of ethnobiology 37(4):765–778. doi:10.2993/0278-0771-37.4.765. kumpf, d. 2020. organic taste and labour on indian tea plantations. social anthropology 28(4):789 –802. doi:10.1111/1469-8676.12951. loko, l. e. y., toffa, j., adjatin, a., akpo, a. j., orobiyi, a., and dansi, a. 2018. folk taxonomy and traditional uses of common bean (phaseolus vulgaris l.) landraces by the sociolinguistic groups in the central region of the republic of benin. journal of ethnobiology and ethnomedicine 14(1):1 –15. doi:10.1186/s13002-018-0251-6. mekbib, f. 2009. folksong based appraisal of bioecocultural heritage of sorghum (sorghum bicolor (l.) moench): a new approach in ethnobiology. journal of ethnobiology and ethnomedicine 5(1):1–19. doi:10.1186/1746-4269-519. o’gorman, e., and gaynor, a. (2020). more-thanhuman histories. environmental history 25(4):711– 735. doi:10.1093/envhis/emaa027. robinson, c. a. j., and remis, m. j. 2018. engaging holism: exploring multispecies approaches in ethnoprimatology. international journal of primatology 39(5):776–796. doi:10.1007/s10764-018 -0036-8. quinlan, m. b., and quinlan, r. j. 2016. ethnobiology in one health. ethnobiology letters 7(1):59–61. doi:10.14237/ebl.7.1.2016.680. tsing, a. l., mathews, a. s., and bubandt, n. 2019. patchy anthropocene: landscape structure, multispecies history, and the retooling of anthropology: an introduction to supplement 20. current anthropology 60(s20):s186–s197. doi:10.1086/703391. west, p. 2012. from modern production to imagined primitive: the social world of coffee from papua new guinea. duke university press, durham, nc. wilson, h. f. 2019. contact zones: multispecies scholarship through imperial eyes. environment and planning e: nature and space 2(4):712–731. doi:10.1177/2514848619862191. bedouin ethnobotany: plant concepts and uses in a desert pastoral world 71 book review after a concise introduction describing the scope of the research, previous work, and research chronology, the authors present a description of research consultants, features of najdī arabic dialect, and working procedures. the reader is greeted with an indepth description of the area of study, starting with geology and topography. throughout his orographic sketch, mandaville manages to sprinkle in facts on cultural change among bedouins, a style all ethnobiologists might benefit from. i appreciated encountering narrations on bedouin use of off-road vehicles and deep water oil wells, especially in the section devoted to geology and topography. these ethnographic treats help incorporate the essence of today’s bedouins into the author’s description of the local landscape and thereby demonstrate its relevance to them. in chapter 2, the author describes the people briefly but comprehensively, touching on various aspects that include political organization, land property regimes, gender-based administration of dwellings, the household economy, and market relationships with towns and cities. one thing i find problematic is that the author explains government policies towards bedouins only superficially and in apolitical terms. for example, mandaville organizes all reasons behind forced settlement under the term “modernization” without further discussion of the implications, motivations, and results of these policies for “modernizing” bedouins. i found chapter 3, a section on stars, land, and plants, to be one of the best parts of the book, as it situates the reader inside a nomadic expedition, whose success depends on the members’ abilities to know, recognize, and anticipate the sprouting and blooming of desert vegetation throughout their territories. this dry heat, tremendous temperature fluctuations, and the access to and availability of water, are some of the common challenges that humans face in arid and desert ecosystems. yet, human societies that have lived in these ecosystems lessened these adversities through diverse and ingenious cultural strategies. regardless of how impressive these strategies are, they would be ineffective without a vast reservoir of knowledge on the utilization of plants and animals. amongst the vast number of peoples that have adapted to arid and desert environments, it is my opinion that few cultures are as iconic to the collective imaginaries as middle eastern bedouins. however, the conjuring of this rich and exotic image as a contemporary phenomenon lacks verisimilitude. presently, a majority of the bedouin tribes in the middle east share the common problems of a changing world: forced settlement, displacement, encroachment, and range shrinkage. with the former in mind, it is easy to appreciate the value of the book james p. mandaville has prepared with data collected over 15 years starting in 1960 when bedouin lifestyle started shifting from semi-nomadic pastoralism to urbanism. the book is divided into 7 chapters: 1) the study area, with an explanation of the features of land climate and vegetation; 2) the people, with a description on the livelihoods of 9 different bedouin tribes; 3) a section on the functional aspects of plant knowledge; 4) a list of plants and their uses; 5) plants as concepts and names; 6) generics and subgenerics, with a descriptive section on folk categories; and 7) plant lore in space and time, with a section discussing the temporal and geographic stretch of bedouin plant lore. bedouin ethnobotany: plant concepts and uses in a desert pastoral world james p. mandaville. 2010. the university of arizona press, tucson. pp. 352, 33b/w photos, 2 maps, 5 tables. $55.00 (hardcover + cd). isbn 978-0-8165-2900-1. reviewed by nemer e. narchi reviewer address: departamento de relaciones sociales, universidad autónoma metropolitana-unidad xochimilco, calzada del hueso 1100, mexico city, mexico 04960. nenarchi@gmail.com received: february 14, 2013 volume: 4:71-72 published: june 24, 2013 © 2013 society of ethnobiology 72 book review is a compelling effort that highlights the most important components of ethnobiological knowledge – its practical and operational aspects. chapter 4 presents a large compilation of culturally important plants. the list includes those used as livestock feed, fuel, food, and medicine. among these descriptions, i found the accounts of plants used in children’s play to be the most interesting. what could be called the cultural domain of ludic plants is not very large, but is markedly diverse as it encompasses plant collections, sources of pigments for young girls, and, the one i liked the most because it reflects the incisive nature of play, farsetta aegyptia turra brassicaceae, which is used as “itching powder.” the descriptions of plants are complemented by a supplementary cd with outstanding color images of many of the taxa presented in the book. i found mandaville’s most remarkable contribution to be his discussion in chapter 5 of plants as concepts and names. his conclusions align with the biological and nomenclatural features that would be expected for hunters, foragers, and pastoralists based on brent berlin’s models. that is, bedouin generics are overwhelmingly monotypic with the exception of taxa with particularly important cultural salience. in chapter 6, mandaville contributes to the continuing debate about intellectualist versus utilitarian notions of the nature of ethnotaxonomies by supporting berlin’s intellectualist approach with an interesting utilitarian twist. i wish that these arguments had been available when ethnoclassification was the main focus of ethnobiology. however, these data remain relevant to this debate. james p. mandaville has integrated all of his experience and narrative brilliance in a volume that is much more than just another ethnobotanical inventory. it is a well balanced monograph touching on many aspects of a culture that is transforming with dramatic speed and in many directions, as noted in chapter 7. ethnobiologists interested in cultural change among arabic bedouins, as well as ethnologists willing to revisit the wonderful subject of ethnotaxonomies, should consider keeping a copy of bedouin ethnobotany nearby. the book makes a valuable contribution because it provides a written record of many ethnobotanical practices that have no present equivalent. however, the book’s most important achievement is its blending of the chapter topics into a conceptual whole which communicates bedouin relations with the vegetation of a territory to which they are deeply attached emotionally and outstandingly adapted to culturally. finally, as a researcher with a deep interest in arid livelihoods but only tangential interests in arabic culture, i found the book to be amusing, the narrative to be deeply vivid, and the pictures to be excellent. it is worth reading just for the pleasure of doing so. beyond nature and culture ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):208-211. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.481. 208 book reviews perspectives from gene anderson’s bookshelf is the latest stage in our field’s history of paying serious attention to what “the natives” say, as opposed to writing it off as mere myth or error. indigenous and traditional people are at least as good at thinking as anyone else, and ignoring their philosophy is as foolish as ignoring their now-famed knowledge of plants and animals. some of the conclusions reached in traditional societies may seem strange, but some philosophers in the european tradition have rather different ideas too, after all. it is the underlying perceptions and basic principles that matter, and they are what descola studies. (by contrast, postmodernism appears in its full racist and neocolonialist light; postmodernists rarely had any interest in finding out what the locals thought; they were interested only in elite french or german thinkers.) the ontological turn is, i believe, the first worldwide anthropological movement to begin in the “global south.” it has emerged from south america: from south american researchers like gerardo reichel-dolmatoff, eduardo viveiros de castro, mario blaser, eduardo kohn (and from a related tradition arturo escobar), and “global north” researchers who have spent their careers studying south american indigenous peoples. philippe descola, a lévi-strauss student and leading french ethnographer, is in the latter category. his book is a major study of traditional ontologies. for him, “anthropology that seeks to be consequential has no choice but to gain an understanding of the logic of this work of composition [of culture and its shared schemas], by lending an ear to the themes and harmonies that stand out from the great hum of the world and concentrating on emerging orders whose regularity is detectable behind the proliferation of different customs” (p. 111). recently, anthropologists have been concerned with the “ontological turn,” a recent term for an old tendency in the field. anthropologists have always looked at local worldviews, cosmologies, philosophies, and knowledge systems. recently, a deeper and more philosophical concern for such things has led to wider use of the term ontology, which is the field of philosophy concerned with what is, what is not, and what might be. closely related fields include epistemology—the study of what we can and can’t know, and how we know it—and phenomenology, the study of what we think we know: what “phenomena” we see in the world and how we come to see those particular things rather than other things. anthropologists have taken indigenous ontologies seriously since the days of lewis henry morgan. the first book to refer explicitly to traditional and indigenous peoples as philosophers was paul radin’s book primitive man as philosopher (1927—and please note those first two words were not pejorative or sexist when he wrote). he had discovered with the winnebago that indigenous people have perfectly sophisticated and elaborated systems of philosophy and religion, and he was one of the first to pay these full respect as worthy of serious study. he was followed by a. irving hallowell (1955), who put serious study of traditional worldviews on the map, getting psychological and cognitive anthropologists interested in the whole agenda and starting a whole generation of work on canadian first nations (hallowell’s specialty). hallowell was one of the first to use the term “ontology” for this field (hallowell 1960). there followed a great deal of research in this area, but it failed to catch on as mainstream anthropology. it has finally done so. unlike postmodernism and other recent fads, ontology is probably here to stay. it beyond nature and culture philippe descola. translated by janet lloyd. 2013. university of chicago press, chicago. xxii +463 pp. $35.00 (paperback), $65.00 (hardcover). isbn 978-0-22621-236-4 (paperback), 978-0-22614-445-0 (hardcover). reviewed by eugene n. anderson reviewer address: department of anthropology, university of california, riverside, ca 92521, usa. email: eugene.anderson@ucr.edu received: april 8, 2015 volume: 6(1):208-211 published: december 19, 2015 © 2015 society of ethnobiology ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):208-211. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.481. 209 book reviews perspectives from gene anderson’s bookshelf in it, he classifies ontologies according to a lévistraussian type of structural matrix. he sets up a twoby-two table setting interiority (soul, essence, spirit, mind) against physicality (body, physical stuff) and shared against nonshared. for him, animism involves humans sharing their interiority with other lifeforms but not their physicality. animals and plants are people, with souls and minds similar to ours, and with their own societies and shamans. it is widespread among hunter-gatherers and horticulturalists, and characterizes the views of the achuar and their neighbors, whom descola studied in the upper amazon region. totemism, found mostly in australia but somewhat in native north america, is the view that we humans share both physicality—or some of it—and interiority with many other lives (and even with rocks and landscapes). analogism holds that humans differ both physically and spiritually from other lives, but that there are countless interpenetrating essences, flows, or qualities that link us all into a vast web. examples are found in traditional china and among the nahuatl of mexico. finally, naturism is the view that we are all subject to the same physical laws and made out of the same stuff, but that humans are sharply separated from nature by having a totally different interiority: soul for descartes, language for chomsky and others, consciousness for some modern philosophers (who apparently cannot tell whether their dog is asleep or awake). these are complemented by six modes of transaction: exchange, predation, gift, production, protection, and transmission (see table, p. 334). theoretically, we could thus have 24 combinations, but descola says many of these (unspecified) do not exist in the real world. he also discusses different modes of interaction. most of the book consists of discussion of the four basic ontologies, with many examples. descola is widely read and a careful scholar. naturally, his knowledge is fullest when it comes to the upper amazon, but he is quite aware of ontologies from mongolia and siberia to mexico and canada. animists are the people so familiar in anthropological accounts, who tell us that trees are people, rocks are people, and even the wind and the sky are people who can be humanoid or at least act socially as humans. animals often have spaces to which they can repair to shed their animal skins, appear as human or humanoid, and act like humans, with leadership systems, language, culture, songs, dances, and all. they also help humans, often as predators or prey or helpers in the hunt. they have various relationships of their own. “the swallow-tailed kite is the father of edible insects: the shaman pays regular visits to its wife to ask her to allow her children—who are regarded as the shaman’s brothers—to accompany him so that humans can feed on them” (p. 353). to understand this, you have to know that the swallowtailed kite is a particularly conspicuous feeder on those same insects, and this recapitulates the family relationship of hunter and prey. humans, similarly, can shapeshift, at least if they have shamanic power. it is never easy to tell whether a bear/human is usually a bear shaman or usually a bear. totemism is more complex. humans share some physical and spiritual traits, essences, or attributes with nonhumans, but the relationship is complex. an australian aboriginal man may have a dreaming from his father’s clan, another from his mother’s, another from his birth spot, another from life encounters, and so on; or he may have several dreamings from each of these sources. totemism usually involves essences manifested from dreamtime beings, in original times, so that shape-shifting is less common today (though it may occur, and also the original times of the dreamings are still going on now, in something like a parallel universe). analogism is most familiar from premodern european cosmology and from traditional chinese thought. humans are separate from natural kinds, and groups of humans from each other. but in europe, spiritual connections, astrological influences, the qualities (hot, cold, wet, dry) of galenic medicine, and other subtle links wove the universe into one vast order. in china, flows of qi, the force fields mistranslated “elements” in western literature, and other spiritual connections link everything in highly complex ways. analogistic thinking shows itself in “transmigration of souls, reincarnation, metempsychosis, and, above all, possession” (descola, p. 213) and also in macrocosm/microcosm parallels, so typical of china. “analogical collectives are thus alone in having veritable pantheons, not because they are polytheist (a more or less meaningless term), but because…the organization of their little world of deities extends that of the world of humans with no break in continuity” (p. 275). naturalistic ontologies seem limited to the modern technological world. they are our familiar cartesian views. ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):208-211. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.481. 210 book reviews perspectives from gene anderson’s bookshelf it will not have escaped the anthropological reader that these types sort with socioeconomic formations: animism and totemism with huntergatherer and horticultural societies, analogism with traditional agrarian civilizations, naturalism with modern industrial civilization. descola is aware of this linkage but avoids speculating on it, let alone concluding it shows any economic determinism. a partial exception is noting a link between hunting and the animistic view; hunters with simple weaponry personalize their game. (i note this among my hunting friends even in our “naturalistic” world.) all this is impressive and exciting, but a hardened veteran of anthropological debate must raise a few flags. first, descola seems to believe, genuinely, that these four are completely separate and watertight categories. for instance, when modern euroamericans pick up chinese medicine, shamanistic practice, or yoga: “this does not mean…that they have become animist, analogical, or totemic, for the institutions that provide the framework for their existence and the automatic behavior patterns acquired over the passing of time are sufficiently inhibiting to prevent such episodic slippage...from… endowing them with an ontological grid that is completely distinct…” (p. 233). i cannot agree. i see the four types of ontology as weberian ideal types— useful for thinking, but hard to turn into iron boxes. for one example, the chinese certainly and the nahuatl probably were shamanistic well into their civilized centuries, and changed slowly from animism to analogism. then they had to change from analogism to naturalism as modernization hit. this produced countless “hybrid” or mixed forms, as i know from spending years in chinese communities during key transitional times. similarly, my maya friends in mexico preserve large amounts of animism while adopting both mexican and premodern european analogism and, much more recently, naturalism. i cannot fit their ontology into a box. and of course europe transitioned from analogism to naturalism, with accompanying fireworks. even earlier, much of europe transitioned from animism to analogism, and we have some literary monuments to this, especially in celtic and finnish traditions. also, descola, like many french thinkers, is a solid rationalist. he gives little place to emotion or feeling. this leads him to ignore aesthetics and aesthetic sources. his profound knowledge of animism (from his south american work) allows him to manage well with that, but his knowledge of totemism would have been improved by knowledge of australian aboriginal song, dance, and visual art. much of their ontology is carried in those media. for instance, he has missed the all-important role of “country”—mythologized, inhabited landscape—as the great integrating and unifying theme in aboriginal thought. he has also missed the all-important role of power (or words that translate so) and respect among animistic peoples, and the ways that power flows link everything together—a trait he seems to consider diagnostic of analogism. he has missed the value of art in understanding chinese thought, also; knowledge of chinese literature and painting (elite or folk) would have led him to see chinese thought as more unified than he allows. more specific criticisms are few, but his discussion of the origins of european landscape art is out of date (p. 57). his knowledge of china is derived largely from marcel granet’s classic accounts from the early 20th century. if one must consult one old source, granet is the one to use; he was amazingly balanced, judicious, and perceptive for his time. but using later sources would have shown descola how much early chinese thought is informed by animism and even by an early-day sort of naturalism. all the above leads me to think that descola has done a masterful job of discussing and synthesizing ontologies, and of bringing ontology (worldview, cosmology…) back into the anthropological mainstream, but i do not see this as the final word (nor is it claimed to be). we will have to refine classifications of ontologies, and see how these modes of thought change from one to the other over time and space, how they interact, how they can blend. there will be much more to say about ontologies and types thereof. one idle question for summer musing is: which one is closest to modern scientific knowledge? i submit that it is totemism. we know we are consubstantial with plants and animals—as the naturalist ontology points out. but the great fallacy of naturalism is its separation of humans (souls! minds!) from “brute beasts” that are “mere machines.” we now know that animals think as well as feel, and that “instinct” is not the automatic pilot we used to believe it was. even plants communicate with each other (by chemicals excreted by their roots and leaves; trewavas 2014) and of course they cleverly lure their pollinators in with carefully chosen cocktails of volatile oils. there is a gradual decline in similarity to us, not a sudden watershed. “language,” more or less by ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):208-211. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.481. 211 book reviews perspectives from gene anderson’s bookshelf definition, is strictly human, but then the song of the bell’s vireo is specific to the bell’s vireo, and the particular cocktail of volatiles that tomatoes use to lure moth pollinators is specific to the tomato. what matters is that we all get the message out. totemism wins. i may not be a kangaroo (descola quotes baldwin spencer’s deathless line from an early consultant who was one) but i share basic brain and other functions with kangaroos. descola closes with a final page—only one—on how all this might inform our troubled time. one might wish he had speculated more. the other three types of ontology all allow humans to live in harmony with nature (to use a cliché) in ways that we seem unable to do within a naturalist framework. speculation on whether we can, and how to refine our ontologies to allow us to preserve the world ecosystem is in order. i submit that such refining would have to take fuller account of emotions, feelings, aesthetics, and broad patterns and linkages than does the book under review, but no one book can do everything, and this book is overwhelming enough as it is. all in all, this is a very long, detailed, densely written book, and much of the real excitement lies in the ways descola works out the ontologies and supplies excellently detailed examples. this is an important book that deserves careful reading. references cited hallowell, a. i. 1955. culture and experience. university of pennsylvania press, philadelphia. hallowell, a. i. 1960. ojibwa ontology, behavior, and world-view. in culture in history: essays in honor of paul radin, edited by stanley diamond, pp. 19-52. columbia university press, new york. radin, p. 1927. primitive man as philosopher. d. appleton and company, new york. trewavas, a. 2014. plant behaviour and intelligence. oxford university press, oxford. mentoring is an intellectual pillar of ethnobiology flachs et al. 2019. ethnobiology le ers 10(1):104–108 104 editorial issues with discrimination and abuses of power. but more than other academic disciplines, contemporary ethnobiology is practiced with and strengthened by close, respectful working relationships. indeed, our society’s most popular recent work (e.g., bonta et al. 2017; randrianandrasana and berenbaum 2015) showcases scientific research designed and led by indigenous and female scholars. there is no ethnobiology without elders or diverse voices. their absence would doom some of our best scholarship, particularly that based in ethnobiology 5 (wolverton 2013), in which research builds socioecological theory while addressing the moral and political need to strengthen coalitions that support local knowledge and sovereignty to live with rapid shifts in ecological, political, and economic opportunities for communities around the world. to do ethnobiology requires field research, respectful exchanges of knowledge, team-based collaboration, and, above all, careful mentoring. discussions regarding collaboration and ethics are cornerstones of contemporary ethnobiology (medinaceli 2018; solae ethics committee et al. 2018). as such, we offer our thoughts on the lessons ethnobiology brings to mentorship and accountability while outlining some of the specific steps we are taking as an academic and practicing community. codes are important ethnobiology as a discipline is increasingly and rightfully concerned with ethical collaborations between researchers and knowledge-holding communities, as discussed in a recent special issue of ethnobiology letters edited by cynthia fowler and scott herron (2018), to name one of many discussions. authors in that collection and a recent review of anthropology field experiences (nelson et al. 2017) note the value of strict codes of conduct and oversight that give students and faculty clear direction for their behavior and practice. spurred by these external and internal concerns, the society of there is a lot being written right now, and rightfully so, about bad mentorship. like media companies and the government, academic researchers also abuse the power they hold. personal relationships can be leveraged, established figures can face little oversight for inappropriate behavior toward junior colleagues, and these hurtful and harmful interactions are written off by administrations as the singular deeds of bad actors rather than a systemic power imbalance that requires systemic change. victims are frequently gaslighted and forced to continually question their own feelings. there are several reasons why this should trouble ethnobiologists. the prevalence of mentors who discriminate, abuse, or otherwise discourage researchers of all career stages with whom they collaborate damages the field for years to come. abuse in academia is pervasive, with 948 resolved and ongoing cases in the academic sexual misconduct database (libarkin 2019). bestselling authors such as robin kimmerer reflect on being told that science is “not for them” (kimmerer 2015), while a recent and wellpublicized survey of anthropology field research experiences noted that an unacceptable 72.4% of participants directly observed or heard about inappropriate sexual remarks or harassment at their most recent or notable field site (clancy et al. 2014). each time that major research institutions systematically marginalize female researchers (wadman 2018), academic conferences struggle to expel serial abusers (wade 2019), laboratory leaders dismiss gender imbalances as states of nature (conradi 2019), and senior faculty use tenure to defend themselves against transgressions that have nothing to do with their intellectual freedom (anderson 2018), we lose promising and valuable perspectives in favor of an abusive status quo. ethnobiology relies on community partnerships and relationships between elders or other knowledge keepers and students. our society of ethnobiology (society), like all academic organizations, has its own mentoring is an intellectual pillar of ethnobiology open access doi 10.14237/ebl.10.1.2019.1656 copyright © 2019 by the author(s) licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open‐access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution‐noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by‐nc/4.0), which permits non‐commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. flachs et al. 2019. ethnobiology le ers 10(1):104–108 105 editorial ethnobiology recently drafted a code of professional conduct for its members. the discussion of how our society might craft an appropriate code of conduct for our members began around the time of the 2018 combined annual conference of the society of ethnobiology and the society for economic botany (seb) in madison, wisconsin. in preparation for the joint conference, we circulated the recently adopted seb code of conduct to conference registrants in may 2018 (society for economic botany 2018). the code of conduct was discussed at the society board meeting in madison, as it was throughout the conference, and continued as a priority for the society’s board in the months that followed. the society president at the time, cynthia fowler, led a subcommittee on the task of constructing the “society of ethnobiology code of professional conduct for meetings and other soe events” during the following months. at the 2019 annual conference in vancouver, canada, fowler and vice president sarah walshaw held open forum workshops, which allowed conference attendees to share ideas, concerns, and suggestions for the society of ethnobiology code of conduct. in the process of preparing and drafting the code of conduct, society members also explored ways of creating safe spaces and inclusivity at our meetings and events. the code of professional conduct remains a work in progress, as the committee continues to solicit input and advice from members. we hope it will be ready for ratification by the membership at the 2020 annual conference in cedar city, utah. as social and ecological researchers, we recognize that our institutions are built through daily practices. that is, our codes and ethical programs must be lived and modeled by senior and junior members. unlike many of the larger disciplinary conferences our members attend, the panel discussions at the annual conference of the society tend to have large audiences, in part because they are not overscheduled, but also because there is an institutional culture of attending talks and listening to sessions. thus, emeriti professors can learn about cutting-edge research by students and students can learn professional expectations from senior colleagues. through this atmosphere, we aim to foster a sense of sharing and respect that encourages audience members to attend entire sessions. the society conference invites a diversity of voices, ranging from academic to non-academic, industry, and indigenous, with the understanding that many people fall into several of these categories. because ethnobiology is inherently interdisciplinary, field research teams share training and expertise, and the resulting academic writing shares credit and authorship. this helps to maintain the understanding that everyone’s contributions are valuable in our discipline. we see the results of this practice in our publications, and over the last five years research articles published in regular issues of ethnobiology letters have had an average of three authors, including many students. demystifying academic progress academic achievement is dominated by the quest for ever more publications, grants, and scholarly products that establish our voices in the field. published peerreviewed research and grant success, or at least the potential to achieve such, is a requirement to attain most academic and research positions, and yet many students and junior scholars have little experience with peer review or the publication process. in many cases, this is because students and junior scholars are still exploring new approaches in their research agendas. mentors have a responsibility to step in and encourage mentees to pursue their interests along a more focused academic path by emphasizing the importance of clear deliverables, i.e., publications or conference presentations. as qualitative social science warms to the idea of multiple authorship, mentors can take pride in second-authorship that results from these collaborations. outside of academia, many ethnobiologists communicate with a broad audience that may include specialists across a wide range of disciplinary backgrounds. collaborative projects build in feedback systems where speakers can hone the art of communicating with different audiences. writing pedagogy is becoming an increasingly important part of students’ training through the spread of writing labs, revision-based course assignments, and professional development training at universities. often, junior faculty credit writing groups as essential to their dissertation process, and the national center for faculty diversity and development recommends writing groups as a way to reinforce accountability and achievable goals at the faculty level as well (national center for faculty diversity and development 2019). writing groups not only help researchers organize their data, they create a space to build comradery and provide a framework to support ongoing writing at all stages (silvia 2019). through these groups, writers learn how to give and flachs et al. 2019. ethnobiology le ers 10(1):104–108 106 editorial receive peer review that is specific, actionable, and constructive. as with the larger craft of writing itself, this process eases some of the initial stress that junior scholars experience in submitting articles to peerreviewed journals, presses, and other venues. to promote the type of writing often done more readily by early-career scholars, ethnobiology letters publishes “short topical reviews” that are particularly friendly to well-focused studies such as those often completed by students, and the society blog “forage!” has developed a list of best practices and prompts for interested new writers. similarly, journal clubs play well to the interdisciplinary strength of ethnobiology as an academic field, because ethnobiological researchers must become comfortable explaining their work to an audience outside that of their disciplinary training. when such a group reads work by ecologists, an audience that may include taxonomists, botanists, and political ecologists learns to bring their particular perspective to the issues at hand. such groups foster interdisciplinary collaboration by providing the initial space for new cross-disciplinary discussions to emerge. in such settings, the space itself is critical. mentors have a special role in these groups by ensuring that group members feel comfortable giving and receiving critiques. this may mean that mentors have to coach group members on respectful dialogue, and it will require mentors to model this behavior themselves. through deeply personal gestures, mentors may ease some of the vulnerabilities in a writing group by sharing their own process and some of their own setbacks—no senior faculty member has been unscathed by an unkind review. the opposite circumstance, in which mentors fail to make the group a comfortable space, where criticism is vague, or where junior members are punished in their institutions for a low number of publications or grants without being assisted by senior colleagues to join projects or working groups, is sure to discourage innovation and curb the field’s intellectual growth. just showing up to these events is an expenditure of time and resources by mentors and junior members. by creating comfortable spaces in which to grow intellectually, we achieve academic benchmarks without the mystery and stress than can surround career advancement. hopefully, this creates a richer, more positive experience for everyone involved. promoting positive field experiences much ethnobiological research and practice is done within communities, with groups of nonethnobiologists, and at the intersection of natural and social science approaches. ethnobiological field schools, disciplinarily focused on sharing ecological knowledge, empowering local communities, and expanding academic understandings of humanenvironmental relationships, can be an invaluable way to recruit future ethnobiologists and cement ongoing partnerships. students benefit from the chance to try new methods and approaches, while partner communities have the opportunity to complete laborintensive projects or assess ongoing programs. by modeling what community partnerships, professional behavior, and responsible research look like, mentors shape both student and community visions of ethnobiology. many faculty and senior research members of our society take students into the field with them where they collaborate on research projects. these trips typically include between one and four graduate students who are collecting data either as part of the advisor’s larger research program, or for their own research for a thesis or publication as part of the team. the funding sources for smaller research trips with a mentor can come through existing research grant funds, soliciting institutional research or student-mentoring grants, student-solicited research grants, or pre-existing institutional funds. the national science foundation has offered a series of field-school programs and methods workshops to enhance and supplement the training provided in the traditional graduate school setting. by taking junior scholars and students into field experiences in places as diverse as the bolivian amazon or rural namibia, they give hands-on and direct mentoring of the utility of various anthropological field research techniques while also being exposed to the ways that responsible and ethical community relationships are established and maintained. various universities and institutions also sponsor summer field schools, such as the annual ethnographic field school in belize led by douglas hume. in kampsville, illinois, the center for american archaeology has introduced a combined ethnographic and archaeological field school where students ask similar questions about human-environmental relationships in past and present contexts. this field flachs et al. 2019. ethnobiology le ers 10(1):104–108 107 editorial school is fully funded for participants and kept small to encourage hands-on learning and introduce students to research as a profession. here, farmers are invited to the research and students are trained to see them as partners in historical preservation and ongoing ecological stewardship. research on student experiences with field schools is unambiguous (clancy et al. 2014; nelson et al. 2017): mentors must provide clear rules of conduct, have a chain of accountability, and treat all participants with respect, in order for the field school to run successfully. however, students can have a positive experience even while community partners desire different kinds of interaction, as described in guthman’s (2008) study of well-meaning college students working to improve community gardens and food options in california. as facilitators, mentors have a responsibility to ensure both that students learn and that community leaders are active collaborators in creating a research plan that meets their needs. planting seeds much of this editorial has focused on the important role that mentors play in creating spaces: spaces where ideas can germinate, people with different disciplinary assumptions can talk to one another, and where partner communities trust the people with whom they share their knowledge. like planting seeds, this work must be active, in which some of the emphasis is removed from students by asking mentors to volunteer space, time, and recruitment to diversify the academy. one such model comes from the santa fe institute, which gives space and freedom for people of many disciplines to work through research plans, and to collaborate and discuss with one another. if a goal of contemporary ethnobiology is to bridge traditional academic boundaries, broaden the community of ethnobiologists, and put that knowledge to use to solve pressing environmental and social crises (wolverton 2013), then mentors have an outsized responsibility in facilitating this work. in modeling how to conduct research and speak across disciplines, ethnobiology mentors can provide an umbrella under which a range of interdisciplinary scholars work toward conservation and human rights. the society’s recent distinguished ethnobiologist honorees, including nancy turner, gary nabhan, gene hunn, gene anderson, steve emslie, steve weber, and jan salick, have all worked to create such spaces at the intersection of social and ecological inquiry. furthermore, their acceptance speeches have credited their own mentors, including both formal academic researchers and elders and other knowledgeholders with whom they have worked. although this has been a largely celebratory editorial, the creation of sustainable mentoring infrastructure remains extremely important if we are to make good on the promise of diversity and inclusion in the scholarly umbrella of ethnobiology. codifying, institutionalizing, and, yes, funding mentoring activities is essential to sustaining these gains in the age of neoliberal university education that values particular metrics of productivity while devaluing other activities as wasted time. it is not enough to simply remember the mentors who helped us. let us build the systems to pay it forward. references cited anderson, n. 2018. academia’s #metoo moment: women accuse professors of sexual misconduct. washington post, may 10, 2018, sec. education. available at: https://www.washingtonpost.com/ local/education/academias-metoo-moment-womenaccuse-professors-of-sexualmisconduct/2018/05/10/474102de-2631-11e8874b-d517e912f125_story.html. accessed on december 1, 2019. bonta, m., r. gosford, d. eussen, n. ferguson, e. loveless, and m. witwer. 2017. intentional firespreading by “firehawk” raptors in northern australia. journal of ethnobiology 37:700–718. doi:10.2993/0278-0771-37.4.700. clancy, k. b. h., r. g. nelson, j. n. rutherford, and k. hinde. 2014. survey of academic field experiences (safe): trainees report harassment and assault. plos one 9:e102172. doi:10.1371/ journal.pone.0102172. conradi, p. 2019. alessandro strumia: the data doesn’t lie—women don’t like physics. the sunday times, march 24, 2019, sec. news review. available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/ alessandro-strumia-the-data-doesnt-lie-women-dontlike-physics-jl0bpfd9t. accessed on december 1, 2019. fowler, c. t., and s. herron. 2018. the long program for ethics in ethnobiology. ethnobiology letters 9:1–3. doi:10.14237/ebl.9.1.2018.1356. guthman, j. 2008. bringing good food to others: investigating the subjects of alternative food flachs et al. 2019. ethnobiology le ers 10(1):104–108 108 editorial practice. cultural geographies 15:431–47. doi:10.1177/1474474008094315. kimmerer, r. w. 2015. braiding sweetgrass: indigenous wisdom, scientific knowledge and the teachings of plants. milkweed editions, minneapolis, mn. libarkin, j. 2019. academic sexual misconduct database. academic sexual misconduct database [web page]. available at: https://academic-sexualmisconduct-database.org/. accessed on december 1, 2019. medinaceli, a. 2018. taking an early step in ethnobiological research: a proposal for obtaining prior and informed consent from indigenous peoples. ethnobiology letters 9:76–85. doi:10.14237/ebl.9.1.2018.1054. national center for faculty diversity and development. 2019. faculty diversity [web page]. available at: https://www.facultydiversity.org/. accessed on december 1, 2019. nelson, r. g., j. n. rutherford, k. hinde, and k. b. h. clancy. 2017. signaling safety: characterizing fieldwork experiences and their implications for career trajectories. american anthropologist 119:710– 22. doi:10.1111/aman.12929. randrianandrasana, m., and m. r. berenbaum. 2015. edible non-crustacean arthropods in rural communities of madagascar. journal of ethnobiology 35:354–83. doi:10.2993/etbi-35-02-354-383.1. silvia, p. j. 2019. how to write a lot: a practical guide to productive academic writing. second edition. apa lifetools, washington, dc. society for economic botany. 2018. code of conduct [web page]. available at: http://www.econbot.org/ home/governance/code-of-conduct.html. accessed on december 1, 2019. solae ethics committee, armando medinaceli, eréndira j. cano, arturo argueta, and olga lucia sanabria. 2018. latin american society of ethnobiology’s code of ethics. ethnobiology letters 9:86–89. doi:10.14237/ebl.9.1.2018.1121. wade, l. 2019. #metoo controversy erupts at archaeology meeting. science, april 15, 2019. doi:10.1126/science.aax7037. wadman, m. 2018. salk institute settles last of three gender discrimination lawsuits. science, november 21, 2018. doi:10.1126/science.aaw1383. wolverton, s. 2013. ethnobiology 5: interdisciplinarity in an era of rapid environmental change. ethnobiology letters 4:21–25. doi:10.14237/ ebl.4.2013.11. december 4, 2019 andrew flachs department of anthropology, purdue university, west lafaye e, usa. aflachs@purdue.edu elizabeth a. olson department of history, sociology, and anthropology, southern utah university, cedar city, usa. elizabetholson@suu.edu john m. marston department of anthropology, boston university, boston, usa. marston@bu.edu andrew gillreath‐brown department of anthropology, washington state university, pullman, usa. andrew.d.brown@wsu.edu diversity and demographics of zooarchaeologists: results from a digital survey ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(2):276‐284. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.2.2015.469. 276 research communication special issue on digital zooarchaeology there were more women than men in the field of zooarchaeology – aka “bone people.” in fact, 50% of respondents to the initial survey—drawn from the subscribership pool of zooarchaeology research news,1 which included students and non-professionals—were women. the american anthropological association anthroguide,2 in contrast, listed all active anthropology departments, their faculty members, and other professional members of the american anthropological association. thus, the anthroguide told a different story: only 36% of zooarchaeologists were women, a figure that gifford-gonzalez noted reflected the same relative proportion of female archaeology phds for the previous decade. these figures represent a ‘gap’ of roughly 15% between degree attainment and professional status for women in zooarchaeology in the us and canada in the 1990s. when compared against the current anthroguide numbers, 48% of listed zooarchaeologists are men, while 52% are women (n=126) (american anthropological association 2015). for archaeology in general, by the mid-1990s, a survey conducted for the society for american introduction as specialists in the study of human-animal relationships in the past, zooarchaeologists are often concerned with determining the diversity of animal taxa, reconstructing population demographics, and evaluating species richness. this paper turns those concepts around on zooarchaeologists themselves, discussing the diversity and demographics (and yes, even “richness”) of those who identify as part of this community. the study was motivated by the nearly 25 year-old “zooarchaeology practitioner survey,” which was mailed to individuals in the usa and canada in 1991 and received approximately 122 responses over a period of several months. (giffordgonzalez, 1993, 1994). during the 1980s and early 1990s in the us, it was generally perceived that fewer women than men were professional archaeologists and that women who did work in archaeology tended to hold more laboratory and specialist positions, an assumption that carried a negative connotation (gero 1985, gifford-gonzalez 1994). in gifford-gonzalez’s 1991 survey, multiple respondents took the opportunity in the comments section to wonder whether diversity and demographics of zooarchaeologists: results from a digital survey suzanne e. pilaar birch author address: department of anthropology, university of georgia, 250 baldwin hall, jackson street, athens, ga 30602, usa. email: sepbirch@uga.edu received: september 10, 2015 volume: 6(2):276-284 published: december 18, 2015 © 2015 society of ethnobiology abstract: nearly 25 years ago, a “zooarchaeology practitioner survey” was distributed via conventional mail to individuals in the usa and canada and received 122 responses over a period of several months in 1991. now, a revised “demographics in zooarchaeology survey” provides an update to those data and assesses the current state of the field. the 2014 survey remained open for 3 months and received 288 responses from practitioners worldwide. global participation was made possible by hosting the survey online. key findings of the 1991 survey included disparities in employment rank for women despite similar levels of degree level attainment as men, a point which the 2014 survey sought to investigate. this trend appears to persist for those without the phd and at the highest levels of income for those holding a phd. in addition, the recent survey asked participants about their racial or ethnic identity in order to evaluate the demographic diversity of the discipline beyond sex, age, and nationality. data regarding topical and geographic research area were also collected and reflect a subtle bias towards working with mammals and a focus on research questions grounded in prehistory in europe and north america, followed by australia and southwest asia. results are compared with those of the earlier survey and membership information from the international council for archaeozoology. keywords: demographics, archaeology, diversity, gender, zooarchaeology ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(2):276‐284. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.2.2015.469. 277 research communication special issue on digital zooarchaeology archaeology (saa) showed that while slightly more than 50% of graduate students in archaeology were female (n=250), that number dropped to around 35% in the category of professional (n=1634) with a significant trend towards more women in younger age cohorts (zeder 1997) revealing a similar 15% gap in the transition from student to professional for women in archaeology. ten years later, a 2004 salary survey by the saa showed that these numbers had shifted only slightly, with 40% of professionals identifying as female (n=2143) (association research 2005) and continued disparities in career advancement and income levels for women. according to the national science foundation (2015), from 2006 to 2012, the proportion of women completing a phd in anthropology (including archaeology) in the united states increased by just over 10% (from 53% to 64%, n=625 in 2012). this trend of growth beginning in the region survey icaz region survey icaz africa 4 12 europe 128 207 botswana 0 1 austria 4 1 egypt 1 2 belgium 4 4 south africa 3 9 bulgaria 0 1 cyprus 0 1 asia 6 45 czech republic 0 2 armenia 1 1 denmark 2 7 china 0 8 estonia 0 1 india 0 8 finland 1 1 iran 0 3 france 12 34 israel 1 5 germany 8 20 japan 0 7 greece 5 1 lebanon 0 1 hungary 1 4 republic of korea 1 4 iceland 1 0 russia 2 4 ireland 1 3 sri lanka 0 1 italy 2 10 turkey 1 3 netherlands 1 7 norway 2 1 north america 100 195 poland 1 5 canada 16 29 portugal 5 3 mexico 0 9 romania 2 3 panama 0 2 serbia 2 4 puerto rico 0 1 spain 4 16 united states 84 154 sweden 5 3 switzerland 3 8 south america 13 81 united kingdom 62 67 argentina 10 55 bolivia 0 5 other brazil 2 3 multiple countries 3 chile 0 9 no response 15 colombia 1 5 peru 0 4 australia & oceania 19 29 australia 16 21 new zealand 3 8 table 1. distribution of zooarchaeologists by continent and country showing the number of survey respondents and 2014 icaz members. ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(2):276‐284. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.2.2015.469. 278 research communication special issue on digital zooarchaeology 1990s—and in some cases, a growing majority in the 2000s—has also been noted in the uk (aitchison and rocks-macqueen 2013) and europe (lazar et al. 2014) but not australia (ulm et al. 2005). as of december 2014, membership of the international council for archaeozoology (icaz) included both students and professionals, and stood at about 60% women. how are broader temporal and field-wide trends in education and employment reflected in the makeup of practicing zooarchaeologists? to address these questions, i designed and circulated an online survey in early 2014, which remained open for 3 months. the survey received 288 responses from practitioners worldwide, including large numbers of responses from the united states and canada. this enabled detailed assessment and comparison with the 1991 survey data for these countries of these disciplinary settings. based on the findings and interpretations of gifford-gonzalez (1993, 1994) the primary purpose of this updated survey was to assess the current numbers of women in the field, their educational attainment level, their rank, and their career satisfaction. responses were evaluated in relation to those expected based on earlier surveys and membership records as noted above, thereby providing a 23-year window into zooarchaeological demographics. in particular, this survey sought to investigate the previous finding that women had equal levels of education to men but did not hold an equal percentage of professional or senior positions, and therefore, that women earned less despite having a similar educational attainment level. however, interesting patterns also emerged in the comments section regarding job satisfaction and in evaluating racial and ethnic self-identification as well as attitudes towards this question. methods for this survey, the widespread use and availability of the internet and online data collection allowed for global participation. the survey was distributed using professional email listservs, websites, and social media outlets such as twitter and facebook. respondents completed one anonymous online survey via google forms, comprised of 20 questions. due to the anonymous nature of responses, an institutional review board exemption was granted by the brown u n i v e r s i t y r es e a r c h p r o t e c t i o ns o f f i c e (#1309000919). a number of survey fields allowed for anecdotal responses or comments. following the survey period, data were tabulated and the results analyzed as percentages. the survey instrument is available as a supplementary file and can be accessed online on bonecommons (http://www.alexandriaarchive.org/bonecommons/ items/show/1986). participants agreed to a statement of consent that made clear that individual anonymous comments regional expertise first choice all first choice us & canada second choice all second choice us & canada africa 7 2 8 3 australia 45 0 1 0 central asia 0 0 3 0 europe 108 7 38 19 mesoamerica 4 3 4 4 north america 77 66 0 0 oceania 10 1 2 0 south america 13 0 5 3 south asia 0 0 3 2 southeast asia 2 0 9 1 southwest asia 40 17 5 3 other 5 3 5 5 table 2. geographical expertise for all respondents as well as those in the us & canada. figure 1. distribution of work placement (n=288). ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(2):276‐284. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.2.2015.469. 279 research communication special issue on digital zooarchaeology might be included in final publication of the survey. the survey was published in english only with the option to use google translate and targeted a global, professional audience (18 years and older). many of the survey questions derived directly from giffordgonzalez’s 1991 survey (gifford-gonzalez pers. comm.) to allow for comparison of the results and the potential identification of long-term trends. results respondents overall, a majority of the 288 survey respondents (57%) are women; this represents a shift from the 1991 results, which had a nearly equal number of responses from both men and women. the ratio of women to men in the sample closely resembled that of the membership in icaz (60%, n=563), although current membership status of respondents as of 2014 was not ascertained as part of the survey. in the us and canada, 61% of the respondents were women (n=100). participants hailed from 35 countries across 6 continents (table 1). the geographic distribution of respondents appears to be more representative for some regions than others; for example, while 62 survey participants listed their country of residence as the uk compared to 67 uk icaz members, some countries such as mexico (with 9 icaz members) are not represented in the survey. not all respondents gave a reply for each question. work placement and research focus based on survey responses, nearly half of zooarchaeological practitioners are based in higher learning institutions (45%), followed by research institutions such as museums (20%) (figure 1). approximately 11% work in non-governmental agencies (including cultural resource management firms) and 9% in government agencies. around 8% are self-employed, usually characterized as “freelance consulting” in the comments section. finally, a small number of respondents (6%) were either retired, hobbyists, or no longer pursuing zooarchaeology as a major career focus. the scenario is similar for the us and canada, with the most notable difference between research and teaching institutions; education made up 56% of work placement and research institutions only 13% (n=100). in addition, participants were queried as to whether their zooarchaeological employment was full time, part time, or intermittent. based on the us and canadian sample, about 27% of respondents carried out zooarchaeological work full-time, 29% part-time, and 44% intermittently (including field season and periodic work; n=97). of those, about 80% of full time and 60% of part time zooarchaeologists were women, while the intermittent category was evenly split. this suggests that a higher proportion of women are based in technician or research-only positions that tend to dedicate more time to faunal analysis but are also associated with lower pay rates and perceived status. the survey also documents trends in the geographical distribution of zooarchaeological research, including certain regions that have traditionally received more attention than others (table 2). for example, a majority of analyses focus on faunal material derived from sites in europe and north america and are carried out by researchers based in those regions, followed by australia and southwest asia. central asia, south and southeast asia, and the african continent as a whole are less well represented. figure 2. research topics among zooarchaeologist (n=288), predominantly focused on prehistory. figure 3. age of survey respondents in the us and canada. ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(2):276‐284. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.2.2015.469. 280 research communication special issue on digital zooarchaeology topical research areas followed categories set out in gifford-gonzalez’s 1991 question. the study of prehistoric mobile hunter-gatherers was the most common topical area of research focus among respondents, followed by prehistoric cultivators, historic economies, and then prehistoric sedentary hunter-gatherers; most zooarchaeologists work in prehistory (figure 2). some of the responses in the category of ‘other’ included those working on skeletal morphology, paleobiology, systematics, breeds, and pathology. there were no significant differences in research topics between women and men. survey respondents indicated that their analyses tend to focus on either mammals (50%) or a combination of mammals, birds, fish, and molluscs (40%), with small numbers specializing in each alternative category listed. this stands in contrast to giffordgonzalez’s earlier results, in which about 50% of respondents worked with combinations of animal classes and only 40% on mammals; there are less people working primarily on fish remains (3% from 6%) and more on birds (2%) and molluscs (3%) (from 1%). it did not appear that men or women tended to specialize more in any given taxa. degree level and age the majority of respondents hold phds or other advanced degrees. of the 57% of worldwide respondents who hold a phd, 53% are female and 42% are male (5% of respondents did not provide an answer). only 2% of practicing zooarchaeologists did not hold higher degrees, with 13% having at least a baccalaureate degree and 27% completing a master’s. for the us and canada, 58% of individuals had completed a phd, and those holding a phd were 57% female and 43% male. this presents a notable shift from giffordgonzalez’s 1991 results, where 68% of phds among zooarchaeologists were held by men and just 32% by women in the us and canada. of respondents in the us and canada, 33% of women and 20% of men are currently students-out of 28 total students, 20 were women and only 8 were men. there are also higher numbers of younger women in the profession today, particularly in their 20s and 30s, a likely reflection of the high proportions of female students. despite the lack of men in their 50s in the sample, there are more men in their 60s than women, individuals who were likely early to mid-career in the early 1990s. in general, the survey had a larger number of responses by younger individuals potentially caused by the higher tendency for younger respondents to participate in online surveys. this bias may be reflected in some of the degree attainment and salary data as well as a higher tendency for younger respondents to participate in online surveys. income if more women are now earning phds in (zoo) archaeology as documented above, are they entering professional positions at the same rates as men and are they getting paid the same? a majority responded to this question (figure 4, n=271) and of individuals in the lowest income bracket (earning $0-20,000 usd per year), 70% are women and 30% are men (n=104). the ratio of women to men for income brackets between $20,000-$80,000 are roughly equivalent, with slightly more women in each category, though overall numbers of individuals in these categories decreases with higher rates of pay. there are more men (55%) than women in the third highest category ($80,000100,000, n=29) but an equal number earning over $100,000 (n=14). because income levels and standards may vary substantially between the many countries represented, it is difficult to interpret the significance figure 5. percentages of men and women within each income bracket for the us and canada (n=98). figure 4. percentage of men and women within each income bracket (n=271). ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(2):276‐284. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.2.2015.469. 281 research communication special issue on digital zooarchaeology of these data as a whole. in the us in 2014, women in higher education earned an average of 21% less than men for equivalent positions (aauw report 2015). when data from this survey are parsed to include the us and canada only (figure 5, n=98), there remain more women than men in the lowest income category (72% and 28%, respectively, n=25). however, there is apparently more parity at median income levels, with an even 50% split in the $40,000-60,000 (n=16) and the $80-100,000 (n=10) income brackets. there are slightly more women at the highest income level (60%, n=10). these data indicate that the majority of the highest earners are located in the us and canada (10 out of 14 individuals), while the majority of the lowest earners (79 out of 104 individuals, or around 75%) are located outside these countries. because the survey documents more women in the field of zooarchaeology as a whole, it is logical to expect proportionally more women in each category. the fact that the lowest income bracket has the most women is problematic. does this discrepancy correspond with high numbers of low-paid (female) students or are women with higher degrees on average, more likely to be paid less than men for similar positions? when annual earnings are parsed by degree of education, it is possible to consider whether women and men at the same degree level earn the same. figures 6 and 7 indicate that regardless of sex, individuals with advanced degrees earn more than those with less advanced degrees, both globally and in the us and canada. extrapolating these results across the discipline, there are slightly more women with phds than men in the lowest earning category, and figure 6. comparison of salaries of women and men with the same degree attainment level worldwide (n=267). ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(2):276‐284. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.2.2015.469. 282 research communication special issue on digital zooarchaeology significantly more in the master’s, bachelor’s, and student levels. at the median income level of $4060,000, there appears to be parity for those individuals with a phd, bachelor’s, and among students, but not for those with a master’s degree. there are more women with phds earning in the $60-80,000 bracket than men. within the bracket of $80-100,000, however, there are still more men with phds both worldwide and the us and canada. gifford-gonzalez’s 1991 survey did not ask specifically about yearly earnings, but inferred that since more men held higher ranking positions, this presumably correlated with higher salaries. the shift to increased salaries for women is likely related to demographic changes occurring throughout the 1990s and early 2000s, as female students entered professional positions. however, considering the higher numbers of women overall, there is still a disproportionately greater number of women with advanced degrees earning at the lowest income bracket. it would seem that this inequity arises not from differential payment for individuals with phds, but from more unequal distribution at the lower degree levels, with men more often being paid more than women. on the related subject of job satisfaction, 16 out of 26 written comments submitted by women further figure 7. comparison of salaries of women and men with the same degree attainment level in the u.s. and canada (n=98). ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(2):276‐284. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.2.2015.469. 283 research communication special issue on digital zooarchaeology detailed their economic situation and touched on issues affecting their ability to conduct faunal analysis, such as childcare, lack of employment opportunities, and lack of pay, with many having to choose an alternate career path or volunteering their skills. in contrast, only two out of 19 comments written by men related a similar tone of job dissatisfaction; the majority tended to add more details about their research interests and work focus. this disparity may be a result of the a larger number of women who occupy lower-earning and freelance positions despite apparent parity at mid-income levels. race and ethnicity this survey response field did not offer a predefined set of choices in recognition of the fact that individuals of many different nationalities with different conceptions of race and ethnicity would be completing the survey. for instance, the u.s. census uses the terms white, black, american indian or alaskan native, asian, native hawaiian or pacific islander for race; hispanic or latino/a are defined as a category of ethnicity regardless of race (u.s. census 2013). i provide a breakdown of the most common answers using the conventions of the us census (table 3). responses that included white or caucasian are tallied together here as “white” (55%). a large percentage of europeans repeated their country of origin for the race/ethnicity category or stated “european” (19%). very few people identified as asian (2%) and latino/a regardless of country of citizenship (1%). no individuals self-identified as african-american or black, american indian or alaskan native, or native hawaiian or pacific islander. three individuals identified as having mixed asian-american heritage. in addition to not providing answers (18%), a small number of respondents (4%) took umbrage at the question, making statements like “i don't believe in this” and “really? sorry, i thought an anthropologist was doing this survey” or wrote “homo sapiens” or “human;” one response included “neanderthal.” race and ethnicity are social constructs, they matter and have real-life implications for millions of people who are systemically or individually discriminated against every day. to deny the existence of these socially constructed categories is a privilege in itself. it is relevant to consider the racial and ethnic diversity of zooarchaeologists as a group because such self-identification likely influences practices and perceptions in the field. discussion and conclusion opening the survey to global participation means that there are different norms across countries to be considered, but there are a number of trends in the data that can be compared with gifford-gonzalez’s previous survey as well as the data from the society for american archaeology in 1994 and 2004 (zeder 1997, association research 2005). it now does seem that a majority of the “bone people” are women; at least in us and canada, while there are still larger proportions of female students and women tend to be younger than men, the comparison of salary levels suggest that the situation has improved substantially over the last 20 years. though the number of countries represented in the current survey is exciting, the comparatively low representation of the global south in general is problematic, as is the underrepresentation of zooarchaeologists who are residents of certain regions of high research activity (e.g., southwest asia). icaz does support the development of local communities of zooarchaeologists in currently less well represented regions, and there are some discrepancies in geographic representation between the survey and icaz membership data as noted above and in table 1. though difficult to gauge across international borders due to differences in historical circumstance and population numbers, the general lack of racial and ethnic diversity in zooarchaeology, particularly in the us and canada sample, is also troubling. though zooarchaeologists have tended to focus less on the study of animal remains from historic periods, the growth of interest in human-animal studies within the humanities presents an intellectual opportunity that should not be overlooked. finally, while the online format of the survey made it accessible, with a higher response rate than the 1991 survey and an internationrace/ethnicity all us and canada european descent, no further information 56 0 white 157 85 asian and pacific islander 5 3 latino/a 4 0 no answer 52 9 other 14 3 table 3. self-identified race and ethnicity among zooarchaeologists. ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(2):276‐284. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.2.2015.469. 284 research communication special issue on digital zooarchaeology al scope, this work should not be considered exhaustive nor all-inclusive. rather, it should stand as part of an ongoing conversation about equity, representation, and inclusivity within and beyond the discipline of zooarchaeology. acknowledgements i would like to thank diane gifford-gonzalez for providing the original survey questions along with a copy of her initial report in zooarchaeology research news. sarah whitcher kansa and iain mckechnie provided valuable feedback on this manuscript, as did two anonymous reviewers, for which i am grateful. finally, i would also like to thank all those in the zooarchaeology community who responded and made this a successful survey. declarations permissions: an institutional review board exemption for this research was granted by the brown university research protections office (#1309000919). sources of funding: survey results were presented as a poster at the 2014 conference of the international council for archaeozoology with financial support from the foreign travel assistance program grant, office of the vice president for research, university of georgia. conflicts of interest: none declared. references aitchison, k., and d. rocks-macqueen. 2013. archaeology labour market intelligence: profiling the profession 2012-13. landward research. available at: http://www.landward.eu/2013/10/archaeologylabour-market-intelligence-profiling-the-profession2012-13.html. american association of university women (aauw). 2015. the simple truth about the gender pay gap. american association of university women. available at: http://www.aauw.org/resource/thesimple-truth-about-the-gender-pay-gap/. american anthropological association. 2015. 20152016 anthroguide. available at: http:// new.aaanet.org/publications/guide.cfm. association research, inc. 2005. 2005 salary survey. society for american archaeology. available at: http://www.saa.org/careers/2005salarysurvey/ tabid/253/default.aspx. gero, j. m. 1985. socio-politics and the woman-athome ideology. american antiquity 50:342-350. gifford-gonzalez, d. 1993. report on the zooarchaeology practitioner survey. zooarchaeology research news 12:3-15. gifford-gonzalez, d. 1994. women in zooarchaeology. archeological papers of the american anthropological association 5:155-171. lazar, i., t. kompare, h. van londen, and t. schenk. 2014. the archaeologist of the future is likely to be a woman: age and gender patterns in european archaeology. archaeologies 10:257-280. national science foundation. 2015. survey of earned doctorates. available at: https://ncses.norc.org/ nsftabengine/#welcome. ulm, s., s. nichols, and c. dalley. 2005. mapping the shape of contemporary australian archaeology: implications for archaeology teaching and learning. australian archaeology 61:11-23. u.s. census bureau. 2013. race. available at: http:// www.census.gov/topics/population/race/ about.html. zeder, m. 1997. the american archaeologist: a profile. altamira press, walnut creek. ca. notes 1zooarchaeology research news was an independent quarterly print newsletter edited and published by pam crabtree and doug campana between 1987 and 1994. 2the aaa guide to departments of anthropology was published by the american anthropological association beginning in 1962 and was titled the aaa guide between 1989-2010. it is now available online and in print as the anthroguide. biosketch suzanne e. pilaar birch is joint assistant professor in the departments of anthropology and geography and directs the quaternary isotope paleoecology laboratory at university of georgia. human impacts on seals, sea lions, and sea otters: integrating archaeology and ecology of the northeast pacific 32 book review may have had significant negative impacts on wildlife populations. this book became quite controversial in ethnobiological circles (i addressed this topic at length in chapter 8 of my 2011 book, indigenous knowledge, ecology, and evolutionary biology). as a result, there is a range of opinions concerning possible negative impacts of indigenous hunting of pinnipeds. the pinniped species involved are four species of otariid pinniped: the steller sea lion (eumetopias jubatus schreber otariidae), northern fur seal (callorhinus ursinus linnaeus otariidae), california sea lion (zalophus californianus lesson otariidae), and guadalupe fur seal (arctocephalus townsendi merriam otariidae). the book’s authors discuss two phocid pinnipeds: harbor seal (phoca vitulina linnaeus phocidae) and northern elephant seal (mirounga angustirostris gill phocidae). the pacific walrus (odobenus rosmarus divergens linnaeus odobenidae) is also a species of interest. as an undergraduate and larval graduate student i participated in studies involving all of these species but the guadalupe fur seal and the pacific walrus, working on southeast farallon, año nuevo, and santa barbara islands, and the monterey bay area in general. handling and observing these species gives me some insight into the experiences involved in hunting such creatures without the benefit of firearms. most of these species are strongly sexually dimorphic, with males weighing from 300 (northern fur seal) to 2000 kg (northern elephant seal). this means that there is potential for a lot of meat, but it also suggests that there is potential danger in taking on large and aggressive males, who are most vulnerable, but also at their most dangerous, during breeding seasons, which occur during spring and early summer exploitation of wildlife populations by indigenous peoples typically involves exploitation of herbivores, such as bison, deer, or elk, or of fishes, such as salmon or halibut. it is unusual for hunting societies to focus much of their attention on top carnivores in an ecological system. this unusual state of affairs and its long term ecological consequences are the topic of this collection of papers. in the marine environments along the pacific coast of north america and the bering sea, pinnipeds (seals, sea lions, and walrus) and sea otters are among the top predators. in addition, sea otters are considered to be a keystone predator responsible for structuring nearshore benthic communities. these species are the largest warm-blooded animals that come onshore, and are thus available for hunting by humans along these coasts. one reason that it is possible for humans to hunt predators is that marine food chains are very different than terrestrial ones, because in marine systems predators are always larger than their prey, whereas in terrestrial systems prey, especially mammalian prey, can be as large or larger than their predators. as with any edited collection, the individual chapters vary widely in both theme and quality. one important subtheme in this collection is the question of the impact of humans upon populations of marine mammal carnivores. some of the papers in this collection are written by adherents to ideas developed by brown university anthropologist shepherd krech. these individuals, principally hildebrandt and jones, follow a tradition established by krech, who became famous (or notorious) for his 1999 book, the ecological indian, which argued that the native peoples of north america were not “good ecologists” and human impacts on seals, sea lions, and sea otters: integrating archaeology and ecology of the northeast pacific edited by todd j. braje and torben c. rick. 2011. university of california press, berkeley. pp. 328. $65.00 (hardcover). isbn 9780520267268. reviewed by ray pierotti reviewer address: ecology and evolutionary biology, university of kansas. lawrence, ks 66045-2106. pierotti@ku.edu received: february 8, 2013 volume: 4:32-36 published: march 7, 2013 © 2013 society of ethnobiology 33 book review in the otariids and december through february in northern elephant seal. this winter breeding season also means that winter seas must be dealt with to exploit elephant seals, so it is not surprising that elephant seals, especially males, are the species taken least often as reported in the studies in this collection. the species taken least often after northern elephant seal is steller sea lion, where the males can weigh up to a ton, which makes them one of the largest carnivores that ever lived. they have teeth the size of grizzly bears, a protective thick mane which gives them their name, plus they are very aggressive towards humans: an “experiment” conducted by some of my colleagues on año nuevo using a human dummy resulted in the dummy being thrown into the ocean and torn apart by a bull steller sea lion, after which everyone became much more cautious around male steller sea lions. another factor that must be considered is the role of climate change and accompanying variation in environmental conditions over historical time. some of the studies in this collection, e.g. hill (chapter 3) and crockford and frederick, (chapter 4) describe hunting regimes associated with ice cover, which came down as far as the aleutians during the last 5000 years. at ice maxima this would have prevented northern fur seal from breeding on the pribilof islands, which are their major breeding colonies today, because they would have been ice choked, even in midsummer, during the neoglacial period (47002500 ybp). hill’s chapter is the only contribution that addresses exploitation of walrus. its major finding is that peoples of the bering strait area probably exploited walrus preferentially over bowhead whales for much of the last thousand years, and that whaling may have arisen largely as a response to declines in walrus populations. evidence of contemporary whaling in the western arctic is found primarily in areas that seemed to have previously been most dependent upon walrus. this finding may have profound impacts upon the future hunting patterns of these peoples, because both walrus and bowheads (along with ringed seals and bearded seals [erignathus barbatus erxleben phocidae]) are strongly ice dependent, and may no longer be available to indigenous populations as arctic ice retreats under current conditions of climate change. crockford, the senior author of chapter 4, has become a controversial figure, considered to be a climate change denier in canada. this seems to be primarily because as an archaeologist, she believes that climates change constantly and that current variations might be considered natural variation in global conditions. this approach can be seen in her chapter where she argues that colder climates resulted in a major expansion of sea ice in the north pacific and bering sea; that altered conditions led to changes in distribution and life history features of pagophilic pinnipeds; and that more temperate pinniped species, like sea lions and fur seals, were effectively excluded from this environment for a considerable period of time, which in turn had a major impact on patterns of human exploitation during this period. a more comprehensive approach to studying exploitation patterns between humans and pinnipeds is shown in chapters 5 and 6 by betts, meschner, and lech, who examine a 4500 year time series of otariid and sea otter take on an island in the western gulf of alaska in relation to both climate change and human activities. i found this to be one of the most interesting articles, even though the authors have a tendency to present graphs using straight lines to connect data points, e.g., from 2500 to 1750 to 590 bc as if conditions changed at a constant rate between those widely separated dates. despite this issue with data presentation, the authors present a credible interpretation, i.e., that a combination of climatic variation and human exploitation on both the local and metapopulation level explain the observed fluctuations, which over a period of two thousand years evolved into a sort of natural predator-prey equilibrium. they argue that human predation does have significant impact upon otariid populations. unlike the concepts developed by the krech/martin school of over exploitation and use of blitzkrieg metaphors, however, these scholars argue that pinnipeds quickly developed significant behavioral responses that allowed them to minimize negative impacts. in addition, it appears that exploitation increased when population sizes increased in response to colder, more productive conditions, and declined during warmer, less productive conditions, which is what would be expected from a natural predator-prey dynamic. in chapter 5 betts et al., rely heavily upon methods and concepts developed by r. lee lyman, author of the overview of paleoecological research provided in chapter 2 of this book. lyman is critical of the krechian perspective, arguing that it is hard to 34 book review estimate historical population sizes based solely upon taphonomic remains. he points out that many archaeologists have difficulty identifying marine mammal remains to species level (ancient dna has apparently been useful in revising earlier assessments). lyman also points out that few major museums have good collections of marine mammal skeletal material for comparative purposes. for example walrus skeletal material of varying antiquity shows up all over the north pacific, but that walrus are never found in many of these areas today, so we should be skeptical of modern biogeography when identifying recent remains. the role of historical biogeography is more important than is generally realized. for example, the two species of fur seal (northern fur seal and guadalupe fur seal) show complex histories over the last few centuries and millennia. northern fur seals are found today primarily in subarctic waters during the breeding season, except for a small breeding population that exists on california’s san miguel island and may be the relict of a metapopulation that ranged from alaska to california. northern fur seal probably consisted of two or more distinct forms, possibly even distinct species: the current northern population and a second “species” that ranged from coastal washington southward. the guadalupe fur seal, as implied by its name, until recently was found breeding exclusively south of the u. s.-mexico border, however historically it ranged at least as far north as the farallon islands (25 miles west of san francisco) where it was extirpated by euroamerican sealers in the 19th century (busch 1987), and lyman reports archaeological specimens from as far north as coastal washington. the basic structure of the book after lyman’s chapter is to move down the coast from alaska and the bering sea through coastal canada and then down the pacific coast of the us from washington to california’s channel islands, although there is a large gap in that southern and southeastern alaska and northern british columbia are not covered at all. for example the cultures of haida gwai are not even mentioned, although these may represent the most intact first nations cultures along the entire coast and could thus provide considerable insight into historical phenomena. these gaps create some interesting complications, because not all of the investigators use the same approaches or come from the same philosophical perspectives. in a way this makes the book more compelling because it does not really come to any obvious consensus. as one example, some of the authors make periodic stabs at applying optimal foraging theory, usually in that odd way that anthropologists employ concepts from behavioral ecology. in chapter 6, which has the same authors as chapter 5, but in different order, they make the argument that, “the prey choice model predicts that as the availability of large bodied taxa decline, predation of smaller bodied and lower-ranked taxa increases” (p. 111). what goes unacknowledged is that this theorem was developed after watching great tits choose mealworms of various sizes off a conveyer belt. this means that search and handling times were not assessed, which suggests it may not be applicable as to whether human foragers preferentially select 300-1000 kg otariids as opposed to 100 kg phocids or 30 kg sea otters as food. although this point may seem trivial, it is crucial to understanding the krech–influenced mindset, because individuals adhering to such beliefs employ models from optimal foraging theory to explain how indigenous hunters are not typical predators and are thus, according to their thinking, not ecologically conservationist (pierotti 2011). in the organisms under study in this collection, sea otters are the least palatable, being mustelids, but sea lions and fur seals represent much more formidable prey, with teeth and jaws the size and strength of their ursid relatives, especially in the case of steller sea lions. thus, many indigenous hunters probably concentrated on the medium sized, sexually monomorphic phocids, such as ringed seals (pusa hispida schreber phocidae) and harbor seals which are less aggressive and dangerous than otariids and more palatable than otters. a more profitable approach is in the use of isotopic analysis, which can reveal whether food is primarily obtained from terrestrial or marine environments, where carbon/nitrogen ratios are markedly different. interestingly several of these studies reveal that humans, especially in british columbia were taking primarily terrestrial prey (deer, moose, etc.) even though they lived in a coastal environment (chapter 7 by mckechnie and wigan). this chapter is dominated by a ten page table that allows the reader to assess the data in considerable detail. from this table and accompanying figures it is clear that pinnipeds and otters (they include river otters as marine prey) were important prey items only on the outer coast of vancouver island, and that most of these 35 book review were smaller species like harbor seals, northern fur seals, and otters. the authors do not include cetaceans, which may have been an important food source in this area. one of their most compelling findings is that as europeans invaded their ranges, the first nations peoples apparently abandoned taking marine mammals. this could be either because their own populations were decimated by disease or because of european exploitation patterns, which extirpated populations of fur seals and sea otters. moss and losey (chapter 8) examine human exploitation of the same set of species in the estuaries of southern washington and northern oregon. these authors critique the use of optimal foraging theory models, pointing out that size alone may not be an important component of prey choice, especially when accessibility is factored in. this is a more sophisticated use of optimal foraging theory, which incorporates search and handling times into prey selection. they point out that harbor seals, although relatively small (100-150 kg), are the most consistently available prey, being year-round residents that use regular haulouts, and that they are slow on land. sea otters are also year-round residents. these two species make up the preponderance of the prey taken in these areas. one interesting aspect of this chapter is that they also assess the availability of various species of fishes, which were probably a more important component of overall diet of indigenous peoples. chapter 9 by whitaker and hildebrandt is equivocal, seeming to want to both critique and endorse the krechian perspective. their data suggest that early human hunters had little impact upon the fur seal populations in northern california that were subsequently extirpated by europeans, but they close by contending that this was because exploitation of fur seals was an example of “prestige economy”, in which males were taken preferentially because this conferred higher status on the hunters who took males primarily so their teeth could be used in necklaces, as opposed to being a conservation tactic in which females in a highly polygynous species were not exploited because of management strategies to maintain high population numbers. hildebrandt and his regular co-author jones (primary author of chapter 11) are the primary krech disciples represented in this collection. these two coauthored a 1992 study where they argued that indigenous californians created a “tragedy of the commons” that led to over exploitation of pinniped populations, even though there is little evidence that a collapse of these populations ever took place. hildebrandt showed a similar ambivalence in a volume of decidedly krechian cast (kay and simmons 2002) where he argued that, even though aboriginal hunters had eliminated mainland rookeries of pinnipeds, they may not have had much of a negative impact because of the ability of these populations to establish offshore rookeries that were harder to access. this of course ignores that possibility that the main problem for mainland rookeries may have been the presence of wolves and grizzly bears, which were themselves extirpated after the arrival of european invaders in the 1600s. this means that recent evidence of mainland breeding colonies may not be related to human exploitation. this is typical of the krechian approach in which aboriginal human exploitation is to blame for any identified problem while ignoring 1) the presence and possible impacts of nonhuman predators, and 2) that any evidence of “overexploitation” is played up, even when there is no evidence of a population decline of the exploited prey (white 2000; pierotti 2011). gifford-gonzalez (chapter 10) assesses the history of fur seals around central california, including monterey bay, arguing that these populations were probably established because the breeding colonies in the bering sea and surrounding waters may not have been available during the neoglacial as discussed by crockford et al. above. this suggests that the disappearance of these colonies may have been related to climatic factors, rather than human exploitation. she also points out that even though there is evidence of aboriginal exploitation, especially on año nuevo island, which was connected to the mainland until at least the 19th century, the world metapopulation of this species seem to have been quite stable over the last few thousand years. only the advent of the european and japanese sealing industries led to complete extirpation of populations until the establishment of the north pacific fur seal commission. in chapter 11, jones et al. review the prehistory of the southern sea otter, a subspecies that was almost completely extirpated by europeans starting with the russian fur trade in the 1600s. as noted above, jones was hildebrandt’s co-author on the 1992 paper and the paper in kay and simmons (2002). as a krech disciple, he shows a similarly equivocal view of the role of aboriginal exploitation, arguing that even 36 book review though hunting of sea otters, especially females, was intense, that it did not depress populations to such a degree that subsequent commercial exploitation by europeans was precluded. in the final two chapters, the editors summarize and comment on the data based chapters. in the penultimate chapter (12), they collaborate with the pinniped biologist bob delong, who brings considerable knowledge of the behavior and ecology of these mammals to the discussion. i regard this chapter as a model of interdisciplinary work, where archaeologists and marine mammal ecologists work together to produce genuine insights into long term processes. this chapter emphasizes that pre-contact human hunting did impact marine mammal populations, especially in driving rookeries to offshore islands, which are less accessible to humans, even though they make it clear that pinniped populations on san miguel island have remained large until recent commercial exploitation by european invaders, despite continued hunting pressure over the last ten thousand years. this provides little support for the krechian “tragedy of the commons” argued by hildebrandt, in fact hildebrandt’s own chapter (9) demonstrates that northern fur seal populations did not decline during this period. another point made in chapter 12 is that the predominant species found in middens throughout much of the channel islands are guadalupe fur seal, which today are the only species that is found year round in these islands. other supposedly vulnerable species, like northern elephant seal, are found only rarely and may represent scavenging events. this is important, because as delong points out, northern elephant seal weanlings are left unprotected by adults for several months following the breeding season from february through may, yet they are not found in large numbers in the archaeological sites. in the final chapter (13) the editors summarize the results of this symposium in relation to a set of questions they posed in the opening chapter. this allows them to address the points of contention without being openly critical, even though it may be inferred that they do not think that holocene exploitation had serious negative impacts upon marine mammal populations, except for some local impacts and possibly forcing rookeries onto smaller less accessible islands and rocks. they never address the grizzly bear-wolf issue, which also could have forced rookeries and haulouts offshore. the overall consensus is that a complex mix of human impacts and climate/environmental changes have shaped marine carnivore populations along the pacific coast of north america over the last several millennia. once european invaders arrived, there was a precipitous decline in all of these species, with extirpation of sea otters and guadalupe fur seal from many areas. thus, the implication in my estimation is that archaeologists should not assume that human hunting is the primary driver of changes in prehistoric marine mammal population sizes and habitat use patterns. in a way, this comes down to an issue raised in the last few pages of the book, i.e., that archaeological data do not provide the same detailed insights into previous environments and population dynamics that ecological investigations can provide into contemporary ecological and exploitation systems. this volume shows that this should not prevent interdisciplinary approaches where scholars from different disciplines can provide information that is relevant to interpreting the processes involved in human and nonhuman interactions. references cited busch, b. c. 1987. the war against the seals: a history of the north american seal fishery. mcgill-queens’ university press, montreal. kay, c.e. and r.t. simmons, eds. 2002. wilderness and political ecology: aboriginal influences and the original state of nature. university of utah press, salt lake city. krech, s. iii. 1999. the ecological indian: myth and history. w. w. norton and co., new york. pierotti, r. 2011. indigenous knowledge, ecology and evolutionary biology. routledge, taylor and francis group, new york & london. examining fuel use in antiquity: archaeobotanical and anthracological approaches in southwest asia ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):192-195. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.416. 192 mini-review analyses of wood, seeds, and dung spherulites from sites where dung is used as fuel. socially conditioned use and preservation of fuel plant remains can be preserved archaeologically through a number of processes, but are routinely preserved through charring, thereby providing an ideal means for preserving plant-based fuels. studies of ancient fuel have generally been restricted to specialist studies of wood and shrubby plant remains by anthracologists (asouti and austin 2005; chabal 1997) and seed assemblages preserved via burned dung fuel (and to a lesser degree wood remains) by archaeobotanists (deckers and riehl 2007; miller and marston 2012). less common are fossil fuels such as peat (braadbaart et al. 2012), burned bone from hearths (théry-parisot et al. 2005), and ftir or micromorphological analysis of archaeological sediments (matthews 2010). recent discussions examining the social and environmental factors associated with fuel use such as those organized by ethel allué martí, llorenç picornell gelabert, and marie-agnés courty at the recent 2014 uispp (international union of prehistoric and protohistoric sciences) meeting may signify a positive shift towards a more unified approach. in recent years, increased attention has been paid to ancient fuel economies within the archaeological literature. veal (2013) provides a compelling argument for the central importance of fuel to the regional economy of the mediterranean during the roman period. this viewpoint can reasonably be extended to underscore the major significance of fuel to all pre-modern societies across the globe. picornell gelabert et al. (2011:375) argue that “firewood collection constitutes one of the most enduring categories of routine landscape practices on par with food procurement and dwelling” and that in order to fully appreciate the potential of archaeological charcoal assemblages, greater emphasis needs to be paid to socio-economic and cultural aspects of firewood to pre-modern societies (2011:382). despite the importance of fuel in shaping and enabling cultural and socio-economic choices, relatively little attention has been paid to the use and management of fuel compared with research on subsistence and technology. this article provides a brief review of studies from the old world highlighting behavioral, social, and functional insights that can be gained through archaeological analyses of fuel. we consider how the archaeological study of fuel use in southwest asia can build upon these studies by integrating examining fuel use in antiquity: archaeobotanical and anthracological approaches in southwest asia alexia smith *1 , krista dotzel 1 , joyce fountain 1,2 , lucas proctor 1 , and madelynn von baeyer 1 author addresses: 1 department of anthropology, university of connecticut, 354 mansfield road unit 1176, storrs, ct 06269, usa. 2 department of archaeology, university of sheffield, northgate house, west street sheffield s1 4et, united kingdom. * corresponding author: alexia.smith@uconn.edu received: june 7, 2015 volume: 6(1):192-195 published: november 8, 2015 © 2015 society of ethnobiology abstract: this article considers the study of wood and dung fuel use in antiquity across southwest asia by anthracologists and archaeobotanists. in recent years, the socially conditioned nature of fuel use has been highlighted and many scholars are stressing the central importance of fuel to pre-modern societies as on par with subsistence and tool use. by elevating and unifying the study of ancient fuel through anthracological, archaeobotanical, geochemical, and micromorphological studies, detailed insights into cultural practices, decision making, and resource use in the past can be gained. we provide a brief review of studies examining ancient fuel use and reflect on the integration of wood and seed data where seed assemblages are indicative of dung fuel use. keywords: archaeobotany, anthracology, dung and wood fuel economy, southwest asia mailto:alexia.smith@uconn.edu ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):192-195. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.416. 193 mini-review throughout prehistory the nature and intensity of fuel use and management changed in a dynamic relationship with shifting cultural and economic practices, settlement patterns, and population levels. anthracologists, who traditionally identified charred wood to examine paleoecology, are now broadening their attention to the culturally conditioned nature of fuel use to consider communal choices, economic practices, and woodland resource exploitation and management (théry-parisot et al. 2010). the types of fuels selected generally reflect combined consideration of availability, ease of access, intended use, burning properties, as well as economic considerations and cultural preferences and prohibitions. prehistoric hunter-gatherers used wood fuel for cooking and heating, protection against predators, smoking meats, and processing hides, and sometimes relied heavily upon the collection of fallen dead wood rather than procured green wood (asouti and austin 2005). the ability to identify dead or rotten wood archaeologically allows for wood procurement strategies and fuel-related activities to be understood. in their ethnographic study of fuel use among evenk siberian reindeer herders, henry and théry-parisot (2014) observed morphological differences between charred healthy, dead, and rotten pinus sylvestris wood, allowing for hearth or site function to be considered. the physical characteristics and moisture content of wood determines its heating qualities as well as its suitability for smoking hides and repelling insects. consequently, ethnographic studies of fuel use, and experimental studies that attempt to replicate preservation and document features that are discernible archaeologically, are broadening the range of questions that can be asked through observations of fuel (braadbaart et al. 2012; henry and théryparisot 2014; picornell gelabert et al. 2011; théryparisot et al. 2005). settled agriculturalists intensified wood fuel use to prepare plaster floors, heat baths, make glass, tiles, and bricks, and (from the chalcolithic onward) to smelt metals. these practices increased the demand for high quality fuel dramatically, variably impacting forest cover and succession patterns (asouti and austin 2005; veal 2013). smelting often requires the combustion of prepared charcoal that yields higher temperatures. distinguishing between the charred remains of untreated wood versus intentionally prepared charcoal remains important given the economic implications of this shift. studies examining the reflectance of charred wood fragments demonstrate much potential for distinguishing between the two by estimating the temperatures reached within a fire (veal 2013). examining dung fuel in southwest asia in contrast to anthracology, archaeobotanists have traditionally focused on questions of subsistence but since the publication of miller and smart’s (1984) study of dung fuel use at ancient malyan, iran, increasing attention has been paid to identifying dung fuel and assessing the relative importance of dung versus wood fuels across southwest asia. not all seeds consumed by ruminants are digested and, once excreted in fresh dung, become charred and preserved when dung is burned as fuel; charles (1998) provides guidelines for identifying burned dung. while archaeobotanists generally agree that both dung fuel and crop-processing activities contributed plant remains to many archaeological assemblages in southwest asia, opinions vary on the relative contribution of each. miller and marston (2012) argue that dung fuel remnants contribute heavily to post-neolithic deposits across southwest asia. they reason that increases in seed:wood mass ratios are associated with elevated dung fuel use and diminished wood availability. researchers who adopt this view often focus on questions of changing landscapes and pasturing or foddering practices. others argue that the presence of burned cereal grains, crop-processing debris, and small weed seeds predominantly reflect deposition of on-site crop processing activities. they often rely on ethnographic observations of crop processing and analyses of weed assemblages to determine whether discrete stages of crop processing are present, since physical characteristics of weed seeds (size, headedness, and weight) determine when in crop processing various weed species are selectively removed (jones 1984). such researchers focus on the nature, spatial patterning, and social implications of crop processing. many accept that an intermediary view is also possible, whereby both depositional processes occur in tandem, since crop processing debris is often intentionally mixed with dung to prepare fuel cakes and fuel debris is likely to be mixed with household waste for disposal or reuse as a fertilizer. ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):192-195. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.416. 194 mini-review teasing apart the precise contribution of these depositional processes remains difficult but is essential in any archaeobotanical consideration of fuel choice and use. a clear understanding of archaeological context is critical to this debate: secured, sealed storage contexts, for example, are more likely to contain stored crops, whereas refuse pits are more likely to contain discarded fuel-related and/or household debris. lessons from micromorphology combined with routine, rigorous analysis of weed assemblages to determine whether discrete processing stages may be present could help disentangle the processes. matthews (2010:104) notes from her micromorphological analysis of sediments from early urban settlements across southwest asia that “dung can be unequivocally identified by the morphology, comminution and distribution of plant remains and groundmass in intact dung pellets” as well as the presence of distinctive calcareous spherulites excreted in dung which “can be readily identified, with little training, in smear slides under cross-polarised light at ×100” (matthews 2010:105). through the routine collection of small grab samples f r o m s edim e n t in t e n ded f o r f lo t at i o n , archaeobotanists could use this approach to support claims for the presence or lack of dung alongside considerations of archaeobotanical data. this sampling method would have the added advantage of providing phytolith and starch grain samples for future subsistence studies. considering the relative use of dung and wood fuels once the presence of dung fuel has been demonstrated, the factors that shape fuel selection can be considered. miller has convincingly argued that increasing dung use often relates to increased aridity or phases of decreased wood availability (e.g., miller and marston 2012), but as deckers (2011) rightfully argues, dung and wood fuel offer different heating properties and may be selectively chosen for practical rather than environmental reasons, complicating interpretations to some degree. exploring this issue in more detail is important. few researchers have integrated anthracological and archaeobotanical data (naomi miller, katleen deckers, and simone riehl being notable exceptions). considering the two datasets side-by-side allows for a fuller understanding of fuel selection practices, but also presents methodological difficulties on how best to consider relative abundance and how to compare wood data from hand-picked samples to remains recovered via flotation. currently weight measures of wood and seeds provide a simple and effective way to quantify and compare assemblages at the site level either regionally or between phases (miller and marston 2012). it remains difficult, however, to estimate the precise extent to which each fuel source contributed to individual burning events. there is no simple solution, but this does not mean that the endeavor should be abandoned entirely. experimental studies that examine the differential preservation of wood and dung under comparable conditions, similar to those conducted by braadbaart et al. (2012), would be useful, as would the regular integration of micromorphological analyses, assuming that the density of dung spherulites within a unit of sediment serves as a proxy for dung fuel use intensity. since archaeobotanical and anthracological studies are complementary, the detailed consideration of archaeobotanical data within the current anthracological framework has the potential to enhance our understanding of the complexities and culturally conditioned nature of ancient fuel management in both domestic and industrial spheres. by building a more unified approach to the study of ancient fuel and elevating the level of inquiry, the ability to understand ancient societies globally will be greatly enriched. acknowledgments this review developed out of discussions within an anthracology course led by alexia smith. we are very grateful to naomi miller for stimulating our conversation though an earlier anthracology workshop and to two anonymous reviewers for their excellent comments. declarations funding: we gratefully acknowledge an nsf early faculty career award (1054938) awarded to alexia smith that helped build the anthracology focus within the archaeobotany laboratory at the university of connecticut. conflict of interest: none declared. ethical approval: none declared. references asouti, e., and p. austin. 2005. reconstructing vegetation and its exploitation by past societies, based on the analysis and interpretation of ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(1):192-195. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.416. 195 mini-review archaeological wood charcoal macro-remains. environmental archaeology 10:1–18. doi:10.1179/ env.2005.10.1.1. braadbaart, f., i. poole, h. d. j. huisman, and b. van os. 2012. fuel, fire and heat: an experimental approach to highlight the potential of studying ash and char remains from archaeological contexts. journal of archaeological science 39:836–847. doi:10.1016/j.jas.2011.10.009. chabal, l. 1997. forêts et sociétés en languedoc (néolithique final, antiquité tardive): l'anthracologie, méthode et paléoécologie. maison des sciences de l’homme, paris, france. charles, m. 1998. fodder from dung: the recognition and interpretation of dung-derived plant material from archaeological sites. environmental archaeology 1:111–122. doi:10.1179/ env.1996.1.1.111. deckers, k. 2011. the “dung-as-fuel” model tested at two syrian jezirah sites. in holocene landscapes through time in the fertile crescent, subartu 28, edited by k. deckers, pp. 143–156. brepols, turnhout, belgium. deckers, k., and s. riehl. 2007. an evaluation of botanical assemblages from the 3rd to 2nd millennium bc in northeastern syria. varia anatolica 19:481–502. henry, a., and i. théry-parisot. 2014. from evenk campfires to prehistoric hearths: charcoal analysis as a tool for identifying the use of rotten wood as fuel. journal of archaeological science 52:321–336. doi:10.1016/j.jas.2014.09.005. jones, g. e. m. 1984. interpretation of archaeological plant remains: ethnographic models from greece. in plants and ancient man: studies in palaeoethnobotany, edited by w. van zeist and w. a. casparie, pp. 43–61. balkema, rotterdam, the netherlands. matthews, w. 2010. geoarchaeology and taphonomy of plant remains and microarchaeological residues in early urban environments in the ancient near east. quaternary international 214:98–113. doi:10.1016/j.quaint.2009.10.019. miller, n. f., and j. m. marston. 2012. archaeological fuel remains as indicators of ancient west asia agropastoral and land-use systems. journal of arid environments 86:97–103. doi:10.1016/ j.jaridenv.2011.11.021. miller, n. f., and t. l. smart. 1984. intentional burning of dung as fuel: a mechanism for the incorporation of charred seeds into the archeological record. journal of ethnobiology 4:15–28. picornell gelabert, l., e. asouti, and e. allué martí. 2011. the ethnoarchaeology of firewood management in the fang village of equatorial guinea, central africa: implications for the interpretation of wood fuel remains from archaeological sites. journal of anthropological archaeology 30:375–384. doi:10.1016/ j.jaa.2011.05.002. théry-parisot, i., l. chabal, and j. chrzavzez. 2010. anthracology and taphonomy, from wood gathering to charcoal analysis. a review of the taphonomic processes modifying charcoal assemblages, in archaeological contexts. palaeogeography, palaeoclimatology, palaeoecology 291:142– 153. doi:10.1016/j.palaeo.2009.09.016. théry-parisot, i., s. costamagno, j. p. brugal, p. fosse, and r. guilbert. 2005. the use of bone as fuel during the paleolithic, experimental study of bone combustibe properties. in the zooarchaeology of fats, oils, milk and dairying. proceedings of the 9th conference of the international council of archaeozoology, durham, august 2002, edited by j. mulville and a. k. outram, pp. 50–59. oxbow books, oxford, united kingdom. veal, r. 2013. fuelling ancient mediterranean cities: a framework for charcoal research. in the ancient mediterranean environment between science and history, edited by w. v. harris, pp. 37–58. brill, leiden, the netherlands. biosketches alexia smith is an associate professor in the department of anthropology at the university of connecticut and heads the archaeobotany laboratory. krista dotzel, lucas proctor, and madelynn von baeyer are ph.d. students in archaeology in the department of anthropology at the university of connecticut. joyce fountain is a m.sc. student in environmental archaeology at the university of sheffield. medicinal plants of tecopatlán, jalisco, mexico: description of the uses and environmental availability gutiérrez alonso et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):118–127 118 research communications and processes of humans’ interaction with the surrounding environment. ethnobiologists are interested in the ways that humans interact with their environments, including their perceptions of the environment, their own conservation priorities, and uses of natural resources. the environment, in this analytic context, should be understood as a biocultural landscape, made up of biotic and abiotic factors, creating a complex system of interactions and flows of energy (zonneveld 1989). biocultural landscapes are comprised of both internal and external relationships, so understanding the factors that affect those relationships is important for conservation or development programs. today, contemporary mexican communities in rural areas are not indigenous communities alone. many are also mestizo. the individuals who live in rural areas may not have the same historical-cultural relationship to the landscapes that they occupy, but this does not mean that they do not value the land or introduction culture plays an important role in attempts to conserve natural environments and promote sustainable development. human societies actively modify their environments, and likewise environments impact and help shape human societies. traditional knowledge refers to the accumulation of empirical knowledge, obtained through observations, experiences, and practical activities, and has developed over time allowing indigenous societies and horticulturalists to survive, and even flourish, in diverse environments. such knowledge is often called traditional ecological knowledge (tek) and has been studied by ethnobiologists including toledo (1992:6), who defined the field as "the study of relations between cosmos (beliefs and symbolic representations), corpus (environmental awareness) and praxis (the behaviors that lead to the appropriation of nature).” much of the tek and landscape features that we encounter today are products of these long histories medicinal plants of tecopatlán, jalisco, mexico: description of the uses and environmental availability adrian gutiérrez alonso 1 , elizabeth anne olson 2* , judith cevallos espinosa 1 , and jesús juan rosales adame 1 1 natural resources and ecology department, university of guadalajara, south coast campus, autlán, mexico. 2 department of history, sociology, and anthropology, southern utah university, cedar city, usa. * elizabetholson@suu.edu abstract the non-indigenous, mestizo, ejido (communal agricultural land) tecopatlán is located in the municipality of autlán de navarro, jalisco, in the influence zone of the sierra de manantlán biosphere reserve (smbr). the primary purpose of this research was to characterize traditional knowledge of medicinal plants held by residents of tecopatlán in relationship to the land use patterns of the ejido. we interviewed 34 people, selected by convenience sampling, to identify their knowledge of medicinal plants and the local environment. informants reported a total of 72 medicinal species, belonging to 45 botanical families, distributed across 67 genera. of the plants recorded, 55 were exogenous and 19 were native species. informants were surveyed regarding common ailments and the plants used to treat those ailments. the most common ailments reported include diabetes, coughs, kidney problems, nerves, stomach pain, insomnia, cancer, and stroke. the land use patterns described by community members reveal specific areas of the local environment that have the most commonly used medicinal plants. received june 27, 2019 open access accepted march 16, 2020 doi 10.14237/ebl.11.1.2020.1614 published september 29, 2020 keywords traditional ecological knowledge, medicinal plants, ethnobotany, mexico copyright © 2020 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. gutiérrez alonso et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):118–127 119 research communications have unique knowledge about the sustainable management of rural areas where they reside. in this era of globalization and the rapid transmission of ideas and resources, we must acknowledge the multidirectional flows of tek, as well as the accompanying flow of people. in mexico, a lack of viable economic opportunities in rural communities often leads to rural-to-urban migration (wilson 2010). furthermore, cano and colleagues (2016) point out that scholars have shown the links between migration and the alteration of local ecosystems, including a decrease in ecosystem integrity. in the sierra of manantlán region of mexico, traditional knowledge has been eroding due to processes of acculturation and out-migration. these processes are byproducts of governmental policies in the region that do not adequately consider cultural heritage and local values associated with tek and plants (benz et al. 1994; olson 2014). national policies are not alone responsible for the social and cultural changes in mexico, since globalization puts incredible pressure on rural and small-scale landholders to produce high yields with low overhead costs. when faced with global market competition, migration to local, regional, and even international urban centers becomes a viable alternative. through the political, social, and economic processes associated with colonization, modernization, and globalization in mexico, much of the tek has been eroded (gomez 1993). a clear example of this is the loss of indigenous languages, which comes about with acculturation and the extensive outmigration that frequently accompanies government policies and programs which are not in tune with the needs of indigenous communities (benz et al. 1994; olson 2014). the loss of tek is facilitated by the outmigration from rural areas to urban regions, changes in consumption patterns (such as use of drugs and alcohol; zitnow 1990), and habitat destruction and modification. in this context, it is important to identify and support tek to inform communities’ use and management of natural resources. documentation of tek is an essential part of the process of improving conservation and development programs for mexico, as it provides critical information and promotes awareness of tek through the research process (ituarte lima 2007; jardel and benz 2004). while figure 1 location of the ejido of tecopatlan and sierra of manantlán biosphere reserve. gutiérrez alonso et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):118–127 120 research communications research has been conducted to demonstrate the wealth of tek held in indigenous communities, we know considerably less about tek in rural mestizo communities of mexico (casas et al. 2016). the research presented in this article was carried out in the mestizo town of tecopatlán, jalisco, which is located in the influence zone of the sierra of manantlán biosphere reserve (smbr). the smbr has explicit goals related to natural resource conservation, community development, and the safeguarding of local cultural heritage (olson 2014). the purpose of this research was to document tek and land use strategies in tecopatlán, and through the research process augment awareness of pathways to sustainable development that are community-based in this region of mexico. the research is communitybased, included the community throughout the stages of the research process, sought an equitable relationship between researchers and participants, and was reflective of a community need to identify current land use strategies and tek (olson 2014). being a community-based research project, we sought to produce information on land use patterns that can inform future land management strategies. in this article, we report and describe the tek held by community members in tecopatlán in relationship to land use patterns. research site the ejido of tecopatlán is located approximately 20 km southeast of the city of autlán, which is the municipal seat of autlán de navarro, jalisco, within the smbr. it is a community that is not indigenous, but rather of families who identify as mestizo. tecopatlán is located in the influence zone of the smbr, and also in the municipality of autlán – a major urban market center. this means that there is simultaneously pressure to conserve biodiversity and work toward community development, whilst community members are also implicated in the market economy of autlán (figure 1). the vegetation in tecopatlán is characterized by oak forest (55%) and pine-oak forest (32%) (rzedowski 1978; vazquez et al. 1995). the climate ranges from warm-subtropical to temperate and semihumid climate zones, and the average annual rainfall ranges from 900 mm in drier parts of the north, to 1800 mm in areas of higher elevation (vazquez et al. 1995). the total population of the ejido of tecopatlán is 58 people. the main road is unpaved, and there is no public transportation. the primary economic activities in the ejido are livestock tenure and seasonal agriculture for sale and consumption within the household. public services were severely limited at the time of the research, with only electricity being available in the ejido and no access to potable water or a sewage system. due to the remote location of the ejido, there was no local school, and children travelled to a neighboring community (el chante), where the nearest primary school was located (instituto nacional de estadística y geografía 2010). materials and methods prior to beginning the data collection, the permission of the local governing body and the community was obtained. the consulate of the tecopatlán ejido granted permission to conduct the research, after which an informational meeting was held for the entire community. the primary data collection was conducted by gutiérrez (2015), who held the community meeting to explain the purposes of this research, including the type of data that would be collected, and to answer questions from the community members. there were two primary components of data collection: (1) semi-structured interviews and guided hikes with informants to identify tek and record knowledge of medicinal plants, and (2) a participatory workshop in the community wherein data were collected to characterize the landscape zones and their uses in the ejido. participants were recruited by convenience and snowball sampling since we were interested in finding key informants who do have knowledge of medicinal plants. key informants were recruited by word-ofmouth at the introductory community meeting to which the entire community was invited, where gutierrez made a presentation about this research project. later, convenience sampling was used but gutierrez found greater success recruiting participants by snowball sampling, taking referrals to individuals who were suggested by interviewees because of their reported knowledge of medicinal plants. qualitative data were obtained via semi-structured interviews that lasted between fifteen and thirty minutes. guided hikes were frequently undertaken by gutierrez after the semi-structured interview, adding between forty-five minutes to two hours, depending on the distance hiked to find the plants. interviewees were asked, "what medicinal plants do you know?," gutiérrez alonso et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):118–127 121 research communications which was followed-up with questions about whether or not they had used each plant, and if so, for what purpose. then, at the conclusion of the semistructured interview, gutierrez went on a hike with the interviewee during which the interviewee would identify specific plants that had already been mentioned during the interview. not all participants agreed to go on the guided hike. sometimes, during the walk, interviewees were able to identify more plants than previously mentioned, adding additional information regarding the names and uses of plants. some plant samples were collected during the guided hikes for the purpose of identification at the botany laboratory at the university of guadalajara, south coast campus (cucsur). there were no voucher specimens collected for the purposes of this research (due to limited local capacity and resources for housing them). all of the interview data were entered into a database, which was used to generate a complete list of the plants identified, the common and scientific names, and the reported uses. other individual characteristics of each informant were also recorded in the database and were used to generate descriptive statistics regarding the distribution of medicinal plant knowledge in the community of tecopatlán. during the semi-structured interviews, the various uses of local flora, landscape management strategies, and landscape usage were also recorded. interviewees were asked to characterize the different areas of land that are found throughout the ejido and to characterize it and the primary uses for each land area. no maps were used during this time, but informants used geographical and landmark references to describe different terrains in the ejido. later, after collecting the initial information about the different zones from community members, a participatory community workshop was held (to which the entire community was invited) and ten adults attended. during the participatory community workshop, a map was sketched on a drawing board and community members delineated the various types of landscape zones found throughout the ejido, which was also linked to the potential uses of each zone (table 1). there were five principal landscape zones identified by the community members: (1) household gardens, (2) rangelands, (3) slash and burn fields in the forest, (4) agricultural fields, and (5) firebreaks, or buffer zones between landscape types. results altogether, 34 community members participated in this study, of which 13 were women and 21 were men, with an average age of 52.4 years. almost all of the women (12) are housewives, and only one woman works in retail; most of the men (17) are farmers. most of the study participants (29) are from tecopatlán, and only 5 were born elsewhere. a total of 72 plants were reported for having medicinal or healing uses by the study participants (table 2). when asked how frequently they use medicinal plants, the main response was once a month (29%), followed by daily (21%), and weekly (12%; figure 2). of the 72 species recorded, 54% are herbaceous, 38% are trees, and 8% are shrubs (table 3). in zone altitudinal range (m) vegetation characteristic vegetation type soil type environmental condition low 1000–1300 thin tdf sandy hot gf beach wet-hot half 1400–2000 thick of compact temperate of-pf mud cold high 2000–2500 pf mud cold-wet table 1 local classification of environmental conditions and soil type of each space. tdf, tropical deciduous forest; gf, gallery forest; of, oak forest; pf, pine forest. figure 2 frequency of use of medicinal plants by informant. gutiérrez alonso et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):118–127 122 research communications table 2 list of 72 medicinal plants identified by informants with scientific names. common name (spanish) familia scientific name no. of informants listing plant salvia labiatae hyptis albida 16 conguerán phytolaccaceae phytolacca icosandra 12 campanillo rubiaceae hintonia latiflora 11 cola de caballo equisetaceae equisetum arvense 9 garañona labiatae satureja macrostema 9 chintuza asteraceae guardiola tulocarpus 8 encino colorado fagaceae quercus ssp. 8 madroño ericaceae arbustus xalapensis 7 hierbabuena lamiaceae mentha piperita 6 espinosilla polemoniaceae loeselia mexicana 6 gordolobo asteraceae gnaphalium bourgovii 4 caña de indio costaceae costus pictus 4 capulin rosaceae prunus serotina ehrenb. subsp. capuli 4 cuatalaca salicaceae caesaria arguta 4 flor de tila o sirimo theaceae ternstroemia lineata 4 lechuguilla agavaceae agave maximiliana 3 hierba del arlomo asteraceae baccharis trinervis 3 peyote de cerro asteraceae roldana sessilifolia 3 guamuchil fabaceae pithecellobium dulce 3 huevos de zopilote solanaceae solanum ferrugineum 3 palo santo anacardiaceae amphipterygium adstringens 2 estafiate asteraceae artemisia ludoviciana subsp. 2 palo mulato euphorbiaceae jatropha platyphylla 2 tabardillo fabaceae calliandra ssp. 2 aguacate lauraceae persea americana 2 guayaba myrtaceae psidium guajava 2 fresno oleaceae fraxinus udhei 2 jenjibre zingiberaceae zingiber officinale 2 palo maria clusiaceae calophyllum brasiliense 2 cirguelilla/ciruela anacardiaceae spondias purpurea 1 cola de iguana o espada asparagaceae sansevieria trifasciata 1 palo rosita apocynaceae stemmadenia tomentosa 1 prodigiosa asteraceae brickellia cavanillesii 1 retama o amargosilla asteraceae calea urticifolia 1 arnica asteraceae heterotheca ssp. 1 hierba del venado asteraceae porophyllum punctatum 1 gabardillo asteraceae piqueria triflora 1 anis asteraceae tagetes filifolia 1 begonia begoniaceae begonia ssp. 1 berro palmita boraginaceae phacelia platycarpa 1 papaya caricaceae carica papaya 1 tuna blanca cactaceae opuntia ssp. 1 epazote chenopodiaceae chenopodium graveolens 1 laurel clethraceae clethra rosei 1 cazahuate (or bejuco) convolvulaceae ipomoea bracteata 1 siempre viva de castilla crassulaceae sedum ssp. 1 berro cruciferae rorippa nasturtium-aquaticum 1 cedro crupressaceae cupressus ssp. 1 huizache fabaceae acacia farnesiana 1 (continued on next page) gutiérrez alonso et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):118–127 123 research communications addition, 74% are wild and native, 22% are introduced cultigens, and 4% are wild and introduced. the medicinal plants that were most frequently used by informants were sage (hyptis albida), button pokeweed (phytolacca icosandra), yellow quina or copalchi (hintonia latiflora), té de monte (tea of the mountain, satureja macrostema), chintuza (guardiola tulocarpus), and horsetail (equisetum spp.). we also had informants report the medical problems they encountered. of the health problems most commonly encountered, we asked informants specifically which ones were treated with medicinal plants. the most commonly reported ailments treated with the various medicinal plants included: diabetes, cough, kidney problems, nerves, stomach pain, insomnia, cancer, and strokes. regarding the parts of the plant that are used, informants reported that the leaves are used from 56% of the species, bark is primarily used from 19% of the species, the flower is used from 18% of the species, and for 18% of the species, the whole plant is used (figure 3). the most common methods of preparation were infusions (water-based) and macerations. the other primary area of data collection occurred through a participatory community workshop, during which landscape zones were identified and characterized. through this participatory workshop, it became clear that community members are acutely aware of their surroundings, as they were able to describe the geomorphological units (i.e., the terrain), as well as the classification of coverage and vegetation characteristics (figure 4). the community workshop process is shown in figure 5, depicting the dynamic process of discussion and consensus building that took place. (continued from previous page) common name (spanish) familia scientific name no. of informants listing plant encino blanco fagaceae quercus castanea 1 nogal juglandaceae juglans major 1 oregano lamiaceae origanum vulgare 1 mirto lamiaceae salvia microphyla 1 albahaca lamiaceae ocimun basilicum 1 laurelillo lauraceae litsea glaucescens 1 tepehuaje leguminosae lysiloma acapulcense 1 ortiga o quemadora loasaceae gronovia scandens 1 guacima malvaceae guazuma ulmifolia 1 neem meliaceae azadirachta indica 1 barbudillo moraceae dorstenia drakena 1 suelda opiliaceae agonandra racemosa 1 pasiflora o granada china passifloraceae passiflora edulis 1 hierba del zorrillo phytolaccaceae petiveria alliacea 1 hierba del golpe plantaginaceae scoparia dulcis 1 lanten plantaginaceae plantago australis 1 tachinole plumbaginaceae plumbago scandens 1 tejocote rosaceae crataegus pubescens 1 nispero rosaceae eriobotrya japonica 1 zapote blanco rutaceae casimiroa sapota 1 ruda rutaceae ruta graveolens 1 tomatillo solanaceae solanum ferrugineum 1 sabila xanthorrhoeaceae aloe vera 1 oak forest gallery forest pine forest orchard tropical deciduous forest % herbaceous 10 5 1 13 10 54 trees 8 4 4 5 7 38 shrubs 1 0 1 0 4 8 table 3 distribution of species by vegetation types. gutiérrez alonso et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):118–127 124 research communications during the community workshops, we also sought to identify the primary zones where the medicinal plants were collected and learn how those landscape zones are managed (gutiérrez et al. 2015). characterizations of landscape zones and management as depicted in figure 4, land in the lowlands or grasslands is used primarily for household gardens. in the household gardens, foods and some medicinal plants to be consumed within the household are cultivated. the proximity of these gardens to the house make them perfect for growing a variety of fruits, cooking herbs, medicinal herbs, ornamental plants, and shade trees. of the medicinal plants grown in household gardens, peppermint (mentha piperita) was the most common. rangelands at lower elevation are primarily used for cattle grazing and may or may not be arable. rangelands in lower elevations are plots left to fallow or which have been temporarily converted into pasture areas. for example, as the rainy season begins—but before the farmer plants—cattle may be brought into a low area rangeland to graze and thereby aid in the preparation (clearing) of the plot for planting. similarly, after harvest when the dry season begins, the farmer may reintroduce cattle to consume the surplus of the harvest. there are also rangelands in the mid-range elevation areas where naturally occurring grasses can often endure for several months after the beginning of the rainy season. cattle can stay at the mid-range elevation for approximately eight months, during which time farmers continually manage the herds. figure 3 parts of the medicinal plant used by informants. figure 4 schematic representation of the distribution of natural resources and productive area of each passage of the ejido tecopatlán. diagram based on gerritsen (2010). gutiérrez alonso et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):118–127 125 research communications fallow cultivation fields are part of the rotating seasonal agricultural system where “slash and burn” is utilized. in tecopatlán, the fallow fields are found primarily on the slopes of the hillsides nearest the populated central area. milpa is commonly practiced, wherein corn, beans, and squash are grown together in the field. after harvesting, animals (particularly cattle) are brought in to graze on the leftover plant materials. agricultural plots are located in the lowlands, and are also utilized to grow milpa, of which some of the produce is sold, but most is consumed within the household. finally, the firebreak, or buffer zone, is located in the highlands amidst pine or mixed forests. this landscape zone is managed by community members following the recent guidance of the national commission on forests (conafor). conafor has embarked on national programs that pay for environmental services and have instructed community members to make strategic lines on the hillside and remove vegetative litter and undergrowth to make a barrier to stop wildfires. discussion in this study, we found that participants were very familiar with the landscape zones, including the use and management of the different landscape types. furthermore, we found that individuals held a considerable amount of medicinal plant knowledge when compared to prior studies in this community and region (benz et al. 2000). it seems logical that older individuals would carry more medicinal plant knowledge since they have had more cumulative life experience. in tecopatlán, the older generation is more likely to have lived an agrarian lifestyle (depending directly on the land for subsistence) for their entire life. de niz (1989) recorded 135 species in the same region of the smbr, with species from the taxonomic families labiatae, leguminosae, and compositae being the most common. de niz also found that the tropical deciduous forest, temperate forests, and household gardens were where the highest number of medicinal species were found. by comparison, we documented 72 medicinal plant species, and the three figure 5 photos of the participatory workshop to characterize the landscape zones and management strategies in tecopatlán. photos courtesy of a. gutiérrez. gutiérrez alonso et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):118–127 126 research communications families that were most common were asteraceae, lamiaceae, and rosaceae. the landscape types with the highest number of medicinal plants that we recorded match what de niz reported. the correlation between the types of landscape and vegetation, between our study and de niz’s, could be because individuals tend to visit those landscape zones most frequently. benz and colleagues (1994) showed that these particular vegetation areas have higher plant diversity. additionally, in tecopatlán, these ecosystems are closer to the town. our study findings also resonate with those of garcía valdez and flores (2008), who reported the most common illnesses for which medicinal plants were used included diarrhea, cough, stomach pains, fever and indigestion. the present study reflected the same illnesses, with the exception of fever and indigestion, but the inclusion of bruises and cancer. hyptis albida was the species most frequently common and curing most diseases in both studies our study and that of garcia and flores (2008). the data reported by de niz (1989) and paredesflores and colleagues (2007) indicated the household garden as the source of the largest proportion of medicinal plants species. however, our findings indicate that the household garden was the third-most common landscape area that sourced medicinal plants. conclusions studies such as this, which document traditional knowledge, are key components of strategies to help conservation and promote the sustainable use of natural resources. our findings contribute to the other existing data on tek in the smbr that supports the importance of community-based conservation strategies. by incorporating community members in the process of identifying management strategies for different landscape zones, the biosphere reserve will be able to fulfill the broad mission for which it was formed: advancing sustainable community development, supporting indigenous cultural heritage, and promoting ecological conservation. acknowledgments the authors would like to recognize the contributions of our friend and colleague, francisco javier santana michel, who passed away before this article was written and submitted for press. mr. santana michel gave extensive assistance in identifying the plants for this project, as well as other guidance regarding the trajectory of the fieldwork. the authors are very grateful to the community of tecopatlán, who have participated in this research through their generosity of time, knowledge, and spirit. declarations permissions: local community was consulted and agreed to participate (verbal assent). sources of funding: none declared. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited benz, b. f., f. j. santana m., r. pineda l., j. cevallos e., l. robles h., and d. de niz l. 1994. characterization of mestizo plant use in the sierra de manantlán, jalisco-colima, méxico. journal of ethnobiology 14:23–41. benz, b. f., j. cevallos e., f. santana-michel, j. rosales a., and s. graf-montero. 2000. losing knowledge about plant use in the sierra de manantlán biosphere reserve, mexico. economic botany 54:183–191. doi:10.1007/bf02907821. cano, m., b. de la tejera, a. casas, l. d. l. barrientos, and r. garcía-barrios. 2016. conocimientos tradicionales y prácticas de manejo del huerto familiar en dos comunidades tlahuicas del estado de méxico, méxico. revista iberoamericana de economía ecológica 25:81–94. casas, a., j. vázquez, and r. lira. 2016. mexican ethnobotany: interactions of people and plants in mesoamerica. springer press, new york. de niz, l. d. 1989. contribución al conocimiento de las plantas medicinales de la sierra de manantlán, jalisco. bachelor’s thesis, department of biology and environment, universidad de guadalajara, guadalajara, mexico. garcía valdez, a., and i. flores elías. 2008. plantas medicinales en cuatro comunidades del ejido ayotitlán, municipio de cuautitlán, jalisco. bachelor’s thesis, department of biology and environment, universidad de guadalajara de la costa sur, autlán, mexico. gerritsen, p. r. w. 2010. perspectivas campesinas sobre el manejo de los recursos naturales: un acercamiento teórico–empírico. in abordajes regionales: formas de concebir, maneras de interpretar, edited by g. hernández and l. e. castañeda r., pp. gutiérrez alonso et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):118–127 127 research communications 29–44. universidad de guadalajara de la costa sur, autlán, mexico. gutiérrez, a. a. 2015. plantas medicinales de tecopatlán, municipio de autlán, jalisco: descripción del uso y su entorno natural. bachelor’s thesis, department of natural resources and agriculture, universidad de guadalajara de la costa sur, autlán, mexico. gutiérrez, a. a., j. c. espinosa, e. a. olson, j. j. r. adame, and f. j. s. michel. 2015. medicinal plants of tecopatlán, jalisco, mexico: description of the uses and environmental availability. poster presented at the 38th annual meeting of the ethnobiology society. santa barbara, ca. available at: https://ethnobiology.org/conference/ abstracts/38. accessed june 13, 2017. instituto nacional de estadística y geografía. 2010. censo de población y vivienda. available at https://www.inegi.org.mx/programas/ccpv/2010/ default.html. accessed on june 8, 2014. ituarte lima, c. 2007. conocimientos tradicionales de la biodiversidad y derechos de los pueblos indígenas. report of instituto nacional de ecología, méxico. jardel, f., j. cevallos e., and b. f. benz. 2004. el conocimiento tradicional del manejo de los recursos naturales y la diversidad biológica. in el patrimonio nacional de méxico, ii, edited by e. florescano, pp. 193–231. fondo de cultura y económica, consejo nacional para la cultura y las artes, méxico. olson, e. a. 2014. indigenous knowledge and development: livelihoods, health experiences, and medicinal plant knowledge in a mexican biosphere reserve. lexington books, lanham, md. paredes-flores, m., r. lira saade, and p. d. davila aranda. 2007. estudio etnobotánico de zapotitlan salinas, puebla. acta botanica mexicana 79:13–61. rzedowski, j. 1978. vegetación de méxico. editorial limusa, méxico. toledo, v. m. 1992. what is ethnoecology? origins, scope, and implications of a rising discipline. etnoecologica 1:5–21. vázquez g., j. a., r. cuevas g., t. s. cochrane, h. h. iltis, f. j. santana m., and l. guzmán h. 1995. flora de manantlán. sida, botanical miscellany, fort worth, tx. wilson, t. 2010. the culture of mexican migration. critique of anthropology 30:399–420. doi:10.1177/0308275x10382728. zitnow, j. d. 1990. a comparison of time ojibway adolescents spent with parents/elders in the 1930s and 1980s. american indian and alaska native mental health research 3:7–16. zonneveld, i. s. 1989. the land unit. a fundamental concept in landscape ecology and these applications. landscape ecology 3:67–86. microsoft word fujisawa_proof.doc.docx     18    data, methods, & taxonomies     utilization of non‐timber forest products based on traditional  culture: a case study of iban dyeing in sarawak, borneo, malaysia    natsuho fujisawa 1 , tohru nakashizuka 2    author addresses:  1 graduate school of agricultural and life sciences, university of tokyo, japan, 2graduate school of life  sciences, tohoku university, aoba, sendai, japan  nacuho.f@hotmail.co.jp      received: march 7, 2011                                                     volume 3:18‐22  published: april 6, 2012                                                      ©2012 society of ethnobiology    introduction in this brief report, we describe four plant species that iban weavers use for dyes and six ingredients that they use in mordants (supplementary table). from september to november 2009, we interviewed four weavers and observed additional persons collecting and processing dye plants in three iban villages whose names are rumah engkang, rumah ejon, and rumah nyawai. we also collected twenty-four plant vouchers which are deposited in the sarawak herbarium in the forest research centre of sarawak. the means by which iban acquire dye materials varies by community and by individual weaver within each community. generally, however, iban collect plants when they are abundant in forests and easy to access and cultivate or, alternatively, they purchase plants that are scarce in the wild. women use the yarns that they dye with plants to weave cloths. the values of iban textiles in kuching, the largest city in sarawak, the tun jugah foundation and society atelier sarawak are actively involved in preserving iban weaving traditions in various ways. for example, the tun jugah foundation has a museum and a gallery to publicly exhibit the traditional textiles and folk costumes of the iban. it also supports iban women living near the city who engage in traditional weaving techniques. the foundation provides the rumah engkang people with yarns that have undergone the week-long ngar ceremony performed by a master dyer (linggi 2001; gavin 2004) and which residents of rumah engkang then weave into textiles. the society atelier sarawak highlights ngar rituals as iconic of iban traditions and organizes ecotours for people to experience the rituals. the society sells pua cloths that were used historically for wrapping severed heads in headhunting (gavin 2004) and that were produced from yarns that underwent ngar rituals. the society atelier sarawak works with iban weavers by encouraging them to use new materials such as silk and to make clothes with modern materials and colors while simultaneously preserving the iban patterns. the society organizes fashion shows too. as the number of tourists to malaysia has increased, the demand for iban textiles that are colored with natural dyes has also increased. in sarawak, due to the activities of society atelier sarawak and the tun jugah foundation, iban textiles are recognized as valuable nationally as well as internationally. acknowledgements we wish to express our thanks to members of the research institute for humanity and nature, dr. g. hasegawa of kyoto university, members of the tun jugah foundation, staff of the forest research center of sarawak, dr. m. domyo of the university of shiga prefecture, and members of the earth network for their helpful suggestions. we also thank tuai rumah (village leaders) of rumah ejon, rumah tuan, rumah engkang, and rumah nyawai, as well as other villagers for sharing their knowledge and hospitality during fieldwork, especially tuai rumah ejon and his family. this work was supported by grants (to tohru nakashizuka) from the research institute for humanity and nature (p3-5) and the ministry of education, science, sport and culture of japan.     19    data, methods, & taxonomies references cited gavin, traude. 2004. iban ritual textiles. singapore university press, singapore. linggi, datin amar margaret. 2001. ties that bind. the tun jugah foundation, kuching. supplementary table: ethnobotanical inventory biosketches natsuho  fujisawa,  graduate  school  of  agricultural  and  life sciences. the university of tokyo, japan.
  tohru  nakashizuka,  professor,  graduate  school  of  life  sciences, tohoku university, japan.  engkudu (morinda citrifolia l. rubiaceae) description m. citrifolia is a tall evergreen tree whose root is used for dye. distribution in the three villages and plant availability rumah engkang m. citrifolia is cultivated in cultivated fields. only part of the root is harvested so that the tree can be used repeatedly. cultivation is relatively easy and cultivators use cuttings or seeds to propagate the crop. rumah ejon this plant is not used anymore in this village. however, residents cultivate m. citrifolia to sell to residents in other villagers. rumah nyawai a large number of m. citrifolia trees are cultivated in fields using cuttings for propagation. since only the root is used, the upper part of the tree is trimmed to keep them short. some people purchase the roots from other villages. use m. citrifolia (2 kg) and the mordant called jangau are washed, cut into pieces, mashed well and filtered through a sieve. they are mixed with the mordants p. betel (5 leaves), u. ovalifolia (5 leaves), and slaked lime (1/2 cup), and then boiled in water. pretreated threads are soaked for three days, and then dried in the sun. this is repeated three or four times. color red engkerebai (psychotria aurantiaca wall. and p. viridiflora reinw. ex blume rubiaceae) description p. aurantiaca is a tree whose leaves are used for dye. distribution in the three villages and plant availability rumah engkang p. aurantiaca is cultivated in the same field as engkudu, although some people said that the plant was abundant enough to collect from a forest at one hour’s walking distance. rumah ejon p. aurantiaca grows naturally in the gum forests or in secondary forests where the vegetation has recovered. people collect but do not cultivate it.     20    data, methods, & taxonomies rumah nyawai p. aurantiaca is mostly cultivated by weavers because its natural habitat is remote and its population is small. use p. aurantiaca (2 kg), p. betel (5 leaves), and u. ovalifolia (5 leaves) are cut into pieces, mixed with slaked lime (1/2 cup), and boiled in water. threads soaked in the hot mixture are air dried. color red sebangki (coelostegia spp. benth. bombacaceae) description coelostegia spp. is a large tree whose bark is used for dye. distribution in the three villages and plant availability rumah engkang more than ten coelostegia trees stand in a nearby forest and people collect the bark. otherwise, weavers purchase the bark from elsewhere. rumah ejon historically, many coelostegia trees stood in nearby forests, but now only one tree is left near the river and the weavers ask the owner of the tree for bark. some people ask the villagers who work as timber cutters in upstream regions to bring the plant back or buy the bark from the market in kapit. rumah nyawai several coelostegia trees stand in the village. weavers ask the owners of the trees for bark. use coelostegia spp. (1 kg), p. betel (5 leaves), and u. ovalifolia (5 leaves) are cut into pieces and boiled in water for thirty minutes. slaked lime (1/2 cup) is added and the threads are soaked until the water cools and then dried in the sun. color red renggat (marsdenia tinctoria r. br. apocynaceae) description m. tinctoria is a perennial climber whose leaves are used for dye. distribution in the three villages and plant availability m. tinctoria is cultivated together with other vegetables in all three villages (rumah ejon, rumah nyawai, rumah engkang). m. tinctoria grows in several months to a size sufficiently large for harvesting. only the upper part of the plant is harvested. m. tinctoria can be easily propagated by planting cut stems. use m. tinctoria (1 kg) is mixed and rubbed together with slaked lime (1/2cup), and placed in boiling water. color develops quickly. threads are soaked in for 2 minutes and then dried. color indigo mordants jangau (aporosa confusa gage and a.nitida merr. euphorbiaceae)     21    data, methods, & taxonomies description a. confusa is a tall sub-canopy tree whose bark is used for mordant. distribution in the three villages and plant availability rumah engkang some people collect a. confusa bark from the forest where engkerebai and sbangki grow while others purchase the bark from other villagers. rumah ejon a. confusa trees grow naturally together with engkerebai in the gum forests and the bark is collected. rumah nyawai people also collect a. confusa bark. although cultivation is difficult, some people cultivate by planting the seedlings collected from the forests. use a. confusa is used as a mordant only for engkudu. the bark is chopped and ground before use. effective component aluminum serih (piper betel l. piperaceae) and sede (uncaria ovalifolia roxb. rubiaceae) description p. betel is a climbing herb related to black pepper. its leaves are used for mordant. u. ovalifolia is also a vine whose leaves are used for mordant. distribution in the three villages and plant availability these plants are cultivated in all three villages. use p. betel is used to prepare all of the natural dyes. effective component unknown pretreatment kepayang (pangium edule reinw. flacourtiaceae) description p. edule is a large tree whose seeds are used to obtain oil for the pretreatment of yarns. distribution in the three villages and plant availability rumah engkang p. edule is cultivated and oil is extracted by the villagers. cultivation is done by planting seedlings or cuttings. people used to eat detoxified p. edule nuts by boiling and soaking in water in all three regions, but they stopped eating them because of the tedious detoxification procedure. rumah ejon p. edule is cultivated together with other trees in forests. many families used to extract oil from the seeds after removing a poison, hydrogen cyanide, but only a few do it now for selling to other villagers. rumah nyawai some cultivate p. edule to extract oil, but others buy the oil from other villages such as residents of rumah ejon. effective component     22    data, methods, & taxonomies oil lia (zingiber officinale roscoe. zingiberaceae) description z. officinale is a kind of ground herb whose root is used for pretreatment. distribution in the three villages and plant availability rumah engkang z. officinale is also cultivated in the fields but not in great enough quantities; thus, people purchase it in the market. cultivated z. officinale is also used as seasoning. rumah ejon z. officinale is not used. rumah nyawai z. officinale is sufficiently cultivated in the fields. effective component unknown lengkuas (z. officinale roscoe and alpinia galangal (l.) willd. zingiberaceae) description a. galanga is a kind of ground herb whose root is used for the pretreatment of threads. distribution in the three villages and plant availability z. officinale plant is cultivated in the fields, and utilized for pretreatment only in rumah engkang. in rumah ejon and rumah nyawai nobody described z. officinale as a material in the ngar rituals that are mentioned in the narrative above. effective component unknown bangkon (nypa fruticans wurmb. arecaceae) description n. fruticans is a nipa palm. distribution in the three villages and plant availability since n. fruticans does not exist in the region, people in rumah nyawai and rumah engkang purchase it or a “salty” substitute. n. fruticans is not used in rumah ejon. effective component sodium carbonate or soda ash is obtained from the ashes of burnt and crushed n. fruticans leaves. an interview with roy ellen 31  interview  reassuring me as i fumbled around, making my own unique but comparable mistakes among the insights i gleaned. the following is an edited version of the original interview. i hope it will be as enjoyable to the reader as it was to me working on it. nejm: can you tell us a little about your upbringing, and the influences that brought you to where you are today? did your home environment influence your choices? roy: no, i think my parents were very supportive as far as they could be but i was brought up in a lower middle-class family [with] no previous academic tradition. my interest in anthropology developed fairly early. when i was about 11, i insisted that the thing i wanted most for christmas was a copy of a book called the dawn of creation (mansfield 1952), which was about human origins. and low and behold, this was delivered to me on christmas day! at that stage you wouldn’t expect me to have a knowledge of environmental anthropology or ethnobiology, they were not thought of as separate subjects we’re talking about the early 1960s. but i was interested in what is now called ‘holistic’ anthropology. i had a very strong conviction that the different aspects of anthropology the biological, the sociocultural, and prehistory had something to say to each other. i was very keen on going to university college london (ucl), because what they did then, and what they still do, is what the americans call the ‘four-field’ style of anthropology, which was what appealed to me. but they didn’t let me in. lse, however, accepted me. the irony here is that i took exactly the same undergraduate degree at lse that i would have taken at ucl. at that time at the university of london you could take an inter-collegiate degree, which was the bsc, the nearest you got to a ‘holistic’ anthropology degree. so, although i was registered at the lse and did most of my social anthropology there, a small group of us no more than six used to migrate through the various central roy ellen completed his phd at the london school of economics (lse) in 1973. during the following decade his work was influential in shaping some of the key questions of ecological (later environmental) anthropology (ellen 1982). his work at this time also marked the opening-up of the moluccas as an area for modern ethnographic fieldwork. this early research led in the 1980s to the development of his interests in the regional and historical contexts in which issues relating to production and resource management had to be understood (ellen 1979), culminating in 2003 with the publication of on the edge of the banda zone (ellen 2003). ethnobiological work had throughout this period also been a central feature of his work, particularly the way folk classification and underlying cognitive architectures are influenced by social and ecological conditions (ellen 1993). his contribution to the critical appraisal of the role and form of local environmental (‘indigenous’) knowledge and of ‘nature’ as a comparative concept are reflected in a number of edited and co-edited works (ellen and fukui 1996;  bicker et al. 2000; ellen 2006). he was elected a fellow of the british academy in 2003 and served as president of the royal anthropological institute between 2007 and 2011. i decided to undertake this interview with professor ellen, simply because i thought such a distinguished career deserved to be marked as he was retiring. roy was happy to make time for our interviews, in the form of loosely structured conversation which, like the arabian nights, roy pointed out, could have gone on forever, but i decided to draw the line at three sessions. perhaps it could, and will go on to form part of a more in-depth biography, as i continued to discover other aspects and adventures of roy’s interesting life in the course of other contexts, much as one does in the field. much is known about what ethnobiologists and anthropologists say about another people’s lives; less is known about their own, apart from rare reflections, diaries and memoires. i found roy’s reflections a source of comfort as i embarked on my own phd fieldwork, an interview with roy ellen  nejm benessaiah  author address: school of anthropology and conserva on, university of kent, canterbury, kent, uk ct2 7nz  nejben00@gmail.com    received:  september 12, 2013  volume: 5:31‐39  published: march 20, 2014  © 2014 society of ethnobiology  32  interview  london colleges. we went to ucl for our biological anthropology and to the school of oriental and african studies (soas) for our linguistics, and the institute of archaeology for prehistory. so we were on the move all the time and we got to hear and listen to a whole range of luminaries. if i had simply been at the lse it would have been much more restricted. so i was very happy with my undergraduate programme. that degree was sadly discontinued a few years after i had completed, so you can no longer do this kind of inter-collegiate degree. nejm: what took you to the university of leiden? roy: i had positive interests in terms of the thematic matters that i wanted to pursue, but also had a strong negative motivation. i took the view that if i was to do ethnographic fieldwork anywhere, it would not be in any part of the world that had at any time been part of the british empire [laughs]. we’d been fed the classics of sub-saharan ethnography, the principal diet at the lse, and indeed at ucl, at that time (notwithstanding [raymond] firth [who had worked in malaya and oceania]). everything seemed to get drawn through the matrix of sub-saharan african ethnography. subsequently, we know that british anthropology tried to export some of these models to other parts of the world and they didn’t quite work so well; so all that detailed work on lineage organisation by [edward] evans-pritchard and meyer fortes in africa, when you tried to use it to model kinship in the new guinea highlands, didn’t work [laughs]. i knew that a diet of sub-saharan ethnography had been very good for me, and i cut my theoretical teeth on it, but i thought that if i wanted to do fieldwork i needed to go somewhere else, so it was the dutch empire really. what interested me particularly was that area between island southeast asia and the pacific where there seemed to be a zone of transition, which i subsequently learnt was called wallacea. the interesting thing about wallace’s line is that it not only works for fauna and flora, but it also works with human cultures and populations. there is a break that falls somewhere in that area, which means that there are very different kinds of social and cultural features on either side of the line. the person i worked most closely with at the university of leiden was a man called patrick de josselin de jong, the nephew of j.p.b. de josselin de jong, who is the more famous [of the two] because of his influence on lévi-strauss. lévi-strauss’s work on structuralism as applied to kinship was strongly anticipated by a generation of dutch anthropologists, of which j.p.b. de josselin de jong was one. it was something about the structure of the marriage systems found in parts of eastern indonesia and sumatra that gave rise to these dutch structuralist analyses, and these in turn influenced lévi-strauss. i read that stuff and found it intriguing. indeed, i ended-up working amongst an indonesian people on the island of seram (the nuaulu) who have a classic symmetrical crosscousin marriage system of the kind that would have very much excited de josselin de jong or lévistrauss. part of the problem was that [the work of] the dutch anthropologists wasn’t based on very good (or firsthand) ethnography, mainly missionary accounts. some of the missionary accounts were excellent, but other accounts were a bit dodgy. so, in a way it was the very weaknesses in the data that allowed the construction of these rather grand theories. if they’d had more data they couldn’t have sustained the theories. nejm: what got you into shifting cultivation? roy: well, i knew that i wanted to do something on ecology and environmental relations, being very much influenced by roy rappaport for example, and other people of that generation. i could have worked amongst hunters and gatherers. the literature at that time [for indonesia] wasn’t particularly good, and we didn’t even know that some populations actually still existed. it was much later [in 1976] that i was to personally encounter groups of hunter-gatherers, in south-eastern sulawesi. they’d existed there for years and few people had really known about them. or, i could have worked on maritime issues in that part of the world and done something on fishing. but i suppose, in reading around my southeast asian ethnography on likely themes that i could pursue as a research student in eastern indonesia, shifting cultivation was an obvious contender, because there had had been some very interesting monographic work published on the subject during the early 60s, and before. [harold] conklin’s work, for example, on the mindoro hanunóo. so again it was a current issue. and of course the interesting thing about conklin is that he had developed systematic, some might say obsessively meticulous, methods and checklists for analysing it, which tied in with his particular interest in looking at local environmental knowledge systems (figure 1). 33  interview  and this is where, if you like, the ‘ethnobiological knowledge’ passion begins to kick in. that came in as a secondary consideration for me, through rappaport, who had theorised cognized or home-made models, and through conklin’s interest in exact ethnographic description. ethnographers such as rappaport made shifting cultivation a ‘sexy’ theoretical subject, something that went beyond description of peoples’ equipment and subsistence habits, but introduced exciting new concepts such as carrying capacity and negative feedback, and had a kind of dynamic component. after all, shifting cultivation was something that went in cycles, and these cycles had implications for forest ecology and human settlement patterns. a lot of my ph.d. was about understanding the form that human settlement takes in areas where shifting cultivation is the main form of subsistence. nejm: maybe now would be a good time to get into your fieldwork. roy: everybody says that first fieldwork is formative, but i suppose if you’re that young [i was just 22], it’s even more formative [laughs]. research training existed only in a rather informal way at the lse in the late 1960s. in some sense i suppose i went into the field not quite knowing how i was going to develop my data! there can’t have been any more than 10 [research training] sessions [at lse] overall. and one of them involved telling us how important it was to buy the right kind of shotgun, and how you should buy a land rover that had a winch on the bonnet so that you could pull yourself out of a swamp [laughs]. and that constituted fieldwork training. it is true that they also taught you how to collect demographic data and how to use the international phonetic alphabet to transcribe unwritten languages, things like that, and a little bit on survey design, but it was all pretty basic. nejm: what was it like when you arrived? figure 1. roy ellen with harold conklin, explaining the finer points of his trusty nikkormat at the ‘redefining nature’ confer‐ ence in atami, japan, 1992. hal had been an intellectual hero of roy’s from his  me as a postgraduate student at the lse,  and was over‐awed to find himself sharing a japanese communal bath on their first encounter.  34  interview  roy: although the nuaulu [of central seram] at that time were mostly living on the coast, their entire subsistence orientation was to the inland and upland areas. they moved to the coast in the late 19th century as part of the dutch pacification programme, but nevertheless, they were still extracting from the upland forests, and they’d retained a lot of the institutions and practices that interested me, whereas there had been much depopulation and acculturation in west seram. so i was very pleased to discover the nuaulu after several introductions and recommendations. i hadn’t read anything about them, not that there was much anyway. what was interesting about the nuaulu was less that they were remote and isolated, but that they had a history of contact with the wider world through trade, and contact with the dutch, going back some centuries. and once you get [to seram] you can understand this, because a lot of their social structure is really dependent upon certain kinds of exchange with the outside world. their valuables are chinese porcelain and red cloth, and all kinds of things that could only be obtained through trade. and after all, this had been an area of global production of spices going back centuries, until the 16th century without any direct european contact. so they’d had a lot of contact with the outside world, but they’d sort of retained their independence in many ways. nejm: how were your first few days among the nuaulu? what practical situations were you encountering? how were you received? any embarrassing situations? roy: plenty of embarrassment, of course. some of the embarrassment followed a few months later, as i realised the implications of having accepted the invitation to live in a particular house. i was offered a house [in rouhua] that happened to be vacant (figure 2). at the time i was collecting zoological specimens with kit given to me by the natural history museum in london. this was in support of my work on ethnozoology. i humanely killed the specimens and injected them with a little formalin, and thereafter preserved them in large polythene containers. after about six months in the field, i became a little concerned because when i returned to my house i would find a reticulate python curled up on my sleeping mat or hanging in the rafters. i mentioned this to komisi, the head of clan who owned the house. he explained to me that this was obviously going to happen because the principal totem of his clan was the reticulate python. he explained that i would have to remove the polythene containers with the snakes, and would have to pay a fine. this was a classic lesson in participant observation, because i had to learn how to go through the ritual of paying a fine, a plate and five lengths of red cloth that had to be bought at the local chinese kiosk about 3 or 4 km away. nejm: so the fine was for offending the snake spirit? roy: the fine was for offending the ancestral snake spirit. and everything was alright after that! the thing about doing fieldwork is that because you’re going into an area where you don’t know the people and you certainly don’t know their cultural rules and values, the scope for embarrassment is enormous. and if you are working with a people who are being incredibly tolerant, because they’re being tolerant you probably don’t learn the rules as quickly as you ought to. moreover, nuaulu are always looking for explanations of misfortune. no misfortune is considered random. [have you] read evans-pritchard on azande witchcraft? it’s the same kind of situation, where a concatenation of circumstances are the problem. they can understand fully to their own satisfaction that the reason the bamboo slats inside a house break at a crucial moment is because there are ants eating through them, but they might want to know why it’s happened to them at that particular time! and it will usually be that something they have done previously has angered ancestral spirits. it’s usually the ancestral spirits. so it could be that anything they may have done wrong in the past would be mobilised as a possible explanation. and it’s one of their main preoccupations, trying to prevent these bad concatenations of circumstance and thinking of ways in which they unknowingly have offended the ancestors. it’s a major preoccupation, and they constantly talk about the burden of monne, the burden of custom. they say things like “it’s alright for you christians and muslims, you don’t have the burden of custom. every few minutes ancestors may be interfering in our lives, so we have to make sure they’ve been placated or make sure we’ve done things in the correct way”. so, the important thing about ritual is that it must be done precisely in the correct way. any deviation from the correct way may result in misfortune. nejm: did you find any conflict with your own belief system or lack thereof? 35  interview  hookworm and body lice – you’re not human unless you have hookworm and body lice because everybody there has them. it’s part of being human; they really do think that. nejm: can you describe some impressions of the first few days? roy: i suppose you have to get used to a new environment, and nuaulu villages are different to those of other people on seram. at that time when i first arrived [early 1970] houses were entirely made of timber and sago leaf stalks and so on, and they were incredibly smoky, with a pall of smoke hanging over the village and the house in particular. it was also very humid, oppressively so. and although most nuaulu villages are on or near the coast, they’re highly connected with the forest in a way in which other non -nuaulu villages aren’t. so, if you go to your average coastal muslim village, the village itself is probably surrounded by coconut groves for some distance until you get to the forest, whereas the nuaulu, their gardens, their swiddens, tend to be several kilometres away in the middle of the forest, so the whole orientation is to the forest, the presence of the forest roy: yes, i think there were moments. i had to have some kind of identity, and at least initially my identity was that i was a christian. you know, i had to have that identity, i couldn’t avoid [it]. local people needed to place me within some field of understood religious identities, even though there was a certain amount of tension between indonesian christian and animist groups. but the longer i was there, the more i felt confident i could identify with the nuaulu themselves, and my position as a cultural christian seemed less important to them. i think that whenever you’re a fieldworker, you question some local beliefs and practices, but if things happen you have to enter into the spirit of it. because the alternative would be impossible… it’s easier for them to understand that you are a cultural christian [or a cultural muslim, jew or hindu] than for you to say you don’t have any sort of affiliation at all; they would find that difficult to handle. and for nuaulu certain kinds of belief, like the belief in spirits, are so self-evident that questioning them is extremely difficult. they just assume that if you’re human you must share in these kinds of beliefs. for them it’s absolutely clear, like they believe that everybody has figure 2. roy ellen with anarima and heunaka, near the nuaulu village of rouhua, south seram, 1996.  36  interview  is everywhere. nejm: is there any kind of dualistic division between the forest and the village, or are there more grey areas? roy: absolutely. you can almost say that the nuaulu case presents a defence for the more traditionalist view of how nature is constructed. they don’t have a word for nature, at least they didn’t have, but there is nevertheless a strong conceptual difference between the village and the forest; the forest is a kind of proxy for nature, because the rules governing behaviour in the forest are different from those governing behaviour in the village. so for example, thinking of linguistic rules, there are certain expletives you can use in the village that you can’t use in the forest because they’re considered as mocking animals. so as you pass from the village to the forest you often perform a ritual, make a small offering to the spirits of the forest, so there’s a very clear boundary as you go into the forest. and nuaulu talk about the village as being like an island. and that’s a metaphor that crops up in all kinds of symbolic contexts. so yes, there’s a strong sense of dualism as between the village and the forest, and hence between culture and nature. nejm: did those sort of deeper realisations take a while to conceptualise? roy: well, i don’t know at what point that interpretation suddenly occurred to me. they [nuaulu] certainly didn’t draw a little map and show me how it all worked. of course, one of the things about doing ethnographic research anywhere is that you do a literature survey that has told you about the peoples in this area. and so you do have certain expectations about how things are supposed to work. in the context of, especially, eastern indonesia there is this longstanding dutch structuralist tradition. and so i was expecting these sorts of elaborate conceptual patterns. and so when they came along i was quite pleased! (laughs). one thing it did teach me though, was that you have to be careful because it is terribly easy to make your data fall into some kind of neat system of binary oppositions. and a lot of my professional career, when i haven’t been doing ethnobiology, has really been a critique of this dutch position. although you could say that the nuaulu work with some kind of ‘cognitive geometry’ in which they use different kinds of oppositions to think about the world around them, there is no neat, overarching symbolic structure. it’s a very dynamic kind of situation, and the problem with the dutch structuralists was that they were working with very inadequate ethnographic materials, and they thought there were these rather tight cosmological models where everything neatly slotted together. but that certainly hasn’t been my experience. so if you take the concept of nature: on the one hand certainly, there is this strong contrast between the village and the forest, but then, equally there is a series of symbolic gradations, so the village periphery is more liminal than the village centre, less symbolically charged; and if you go into the forest there are clearly areas that are less ‘part of nature’ than others in the sense that they have been modified by humans: other village sites, sacred groves, all that kind of thing. so there wasn’t an easy neat structuralist interpretation of what was going on. nejm: how about your methodology? i haven’t managed to look at your thesis yet for that section. roy: well, there’s not a separate methodology section in there i’m ashamed to say. those were the days, especially in anthropology, when you weren’t expected to have a methodology section. the methodology was implicit. though i suppose i was more methodologically conscious or literate than some other people, who simply imbued the ethos of participant observation, simply filling their notebooks with anything they found out as they went along. because i had been reading conklin on how to do research on shifting cultivators, and i had been reading some of the early work on the proper way to conduct ethnobiological research, i think i was more methodologically sensitive and explicit in those specific areas, and on the more technical things. even at that stage i had honed-up on particular protocols for doing swidden surveys and transects. but none of that was really part of the anthropology that i’d learned at the lse! that all had to be acquired because i was doing work on ecology and ethnobiology. within my thesis, above the more technical level, the kind of model i was using to try to integrate different kinds of data was in tune with something called ‘generative analysis’, which had been developed by frederick barth. in the way i used it, what it most resembled in retrospect was vayda’s analytic induction. my thesis was called ‘nuaulu settlement and ecology’ – and its objective was to understand the wider nuaulu pattern of settlement as an outcome of the various factors that impacted upon it. so clearly if they [the nuaulu] are conducting shifting cultivation, then the requirements for the effective conduct of 37  interview  shifting cultivation were part of that: you had to have a certain amount of land in fallow, it had to be rotated, and this kind of stuff. and at the same time there were clearly non-ecological factors, almost symbolic factors. we’ve already talked about the symbolic structure of the village, and that’s a very good example. you know, the literal pattern of the nuaulu village, although you can’t always see this when you walk into a village, is dictated in part by these symbolic considerations. so, at the centre, ideally, in every nuaulu village is a big ritual house. and then on the periphery are the menstruation huts for the women. now that’s entirely in accordance with the symbolic expectations. but when you walk into the village you can’t see it as a set of concentric circles of course; but it’s there. such symbolic considerations are quite important when you are explaining the juxtaposition of different components of the settlement pattern. why do particular clans live in particular areas? so the clan matoke is a primus inter pares it provides the ‘lord of the land’, who has certain responsibilities for supervising the matter of land relations, over all other clans. and all their [matoke] houses have to be located in what we would call the northeast corner of the village. you can’t immediately see this, it has to be inferred. i mean, the point of the generative analysis was that somehow the visible pattern you could see, was generated by the interaction of these different kind of factors. and that’s what i was wrestling with. how you would resolve the more mundane economic and ecological factors with the more religious and symbolic things. that’s something else that was connected with my methodological ruminations at the time. nejm: was it an easy place to live in? roy: you mean in terms of things physical? nejm: well yes, but also in terms of friendliness? roy: oh yes, it was. and again, another one of those important truisms about fieldwork is the importance of children. children were very interested in any outsiders. they may be a little scared to begin with but that quickly disappears when they interact with you. and of course they’re much more tolerant than adults and so learning the rudiments of language, and indeed other cultural rules, is so much easier. it’s a good way to do it; i would recommend it. physically, it [life] was different, but i think i was expecting that; in fact, in certain respects i found it more tolerable than i might have had reason to expect. the little hut that they’d given me was no bigger than this room [roy’s office], divided into two. did i tell you about evans-pritchard’s dictum, ‘take two tables?’ nejm: yes! roy: well they’d actually provided me with two tables (figure 3)! and there’s this big slab of wood – that was one, and it was the right height, and i could use my typewriter, and have my tilley lamp hanging up and so on. and then i had one [a table] where i had all my food preparation going on. and it became quite a social centre. during the day i might be out and about, measuring a swidden or attending a ritual figure 3. roy ellen on the coral atoll of geser in south‐ east seram, april 1986, while undertaking work that led  to the publica on of on the edge of the banda zone. the  photograph  might  be  of  some  interest  to  historians  of  field compu ng, as it depicts ellen with a ‘portable’ gi ‐ ed by epson, run on solar ba eries and saving to mini‐ casse es.  38  interview  as one does. and then in the evening i’d come back and start writing up my notes, light the tilley lamp, and have something to eat. and of course the tilley lamp was the brightest lamp in the village and so it attracted everybody. so that was quite productive as well; because people come to you it became a sort of social meeting place. and so i learnt a lot during those evening sessions round my table. people were always very generous with food. i had an arrangement whereby i would buy sacks of rice and sugar and those sorts of things you would get from the stores, salt and so on, and there’d be a rough and ready exchange. people would give me some cassava roots or a bit of meat or something, and i would give them some rice. so that worked very well. i was never short of food or anything. and of course i dispensed minor medical assistance as well. so that was the exchange relationship that made collecting fieldwork data work, really. and i think at that stage people were perfectly happy with that arrangement. on subsequent visits, as i ceased to be a student and became a ‘big man’, they expected more of me, and as indeed the whole area became a great deal more commoditised. from the 1980s the government put through a road, and there were incoming transmigrants, so there was much more contact with the outside world. nuaulu women would go off to the market and sell tubers and stuff. so as it was much more of a cash economy, so their cash expectations of me were probably correspondingly higher (laughs). nejm: so the last question would be… i’ve been going over some of your recent works, and not so recent, such as the 2006 ethnobiology of humankind and other syntheses, and i’d love to hear where you see ethnobiology going, whether in a more quantitative direction, or a more qualitative and social science direction while very much grounded in biology and ecology? roy: i would like to think there’s room for both. there’s certainly a lot of interest in ethnobiology. and i think, intellectually, it’s not going to disappear, and i think it’s certainly going to be driven by some of the applied issues. for example, conservation scientists see that it can augment what they’re trying to do, and there’s the whole indigenous rights issues there, so i think it’s inevitably going to be much more applied. what i was explicitly trying to do in that special issue in the journal of the royal anthropological institute was to bring it back into anthropology where i thought it belonged, because i think ethnobiology as a set of practices, and also the sorts of intellectual issues it raises, can contribute in major ways to those questions we consider to be central to the anthropological project. nejm: anything else in terms of themes? we were talking about drawing things together within anthropology through a co-evolutionary framework. the international society of ethnobiology is doing some important work. roy: what i like about the international society of ethnobiology is that there’s always a tension, and it’s an important tension, a positive tension between the science and the activism. it’s an organisation whereby scientists and researchers can actually get together and share concerns with indigenous activists and people who own and wish to protect knowledge, as well as use it and understand it. ideally you might think these aspects mutually supportive, and to a considerable extent they are, but there are tensions because, inevitably, the project of wanting to protect indigenous knowledge is a highly political one, and it doesn’t always sit comfortably within the scientific context and the ways of trying to understand the world that anthropologists, and perhaps even academic ethnobiologists would prefer. but you need that kind of tension, and i think intellectually the world would be a far less satisfying place to live in if [these kinds of tensions] didn’t exist. references cited bicker, a., r. f. ellen, and p. parkes, eds. 2000. indigenous environmental knowledge and its transformations: critical anthropological perspectives. harwood academic, amsterdam. ellen, r. f. 1979. sago subsistence and the trade in spices: a provisional model of ecological succession and imbalance in moluccan history. in social and ecological systems, edited by r. f. ellen and p. burnham, pp. 43-74. academic press, london. ellen, r. f. 1982. environment, subsistence and system: the ecology of small-scale social formations. cambridge university press, cambridge. ellen, r. f. 1993. the cultural relations of classification: an analysis of nuaulu animal categories from central seram. cambridge university press, cambridge. 39  interview  ellen, r. f. 2003. on the edge of the banda zone: past and present in the social organization of a moluccan trading network. university of hawaii press, honolulu. ellen, r. f., ed. 2006. ethnobiology and the science of humankind. wiley-blackwell, oxford. ellen, r. f., and k. fukui, eds. 1996. redefining nature: ecology, culture, and domestication. berg, oxford. mansfield, j. c. 1952. dawn of creation. george g. harrap, london. biosketch roy ellen is a re red emeritus professor of anthropology  and human ecology with a par cular interest in ethnobi‐ ology, s ll based at the university of kent. his research is  currently  focused  on  the  applica ons  of  cogni ve  anthropology to the history of science, the reproduc on  of nuaulu ritual cycles, and understanding the manage‐ ment and significance of cul var diversity amongst home  gardeners  and  farmers  in  the  bri sh  isles  and  in  the  moluccas.   nejm  benessaiah is a phd candidate in ethnobiology at  the  university  of  kent.  his  research  concerns  how  farming communi es deal with and affect change in arid  ecosystems  of  north  africa  within  the  shi ‐ ing  nego a on  of  knowledge,  power,  and  values  in  rela on to the state and market economy.     world views and the concept of “traditional” pierotti. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(2):299–304 299 perspectives contemporary museum collections with the concept of “type specimens” (pierotti 2011). until very recently, all american university graduates were required to take a two-semester series on western civilization and its traditions, which firmly implanted the idea of static world views into our most educated citizens. a contemporary, albeit extreme, example can be seen in a discussion of how to deal with the alleged “religion of environmentalism” by a group that calls itself capitol ministries, where drollinger (2018) argues, to think that man can alter the earth’s ecosystem — when god remains omniscient, omnipresent and omnipotent in the current affairs of mankind — is to more than subtly espouse an ultra-hubristic, secular worldview relative to the supremacy and importance of man. a factor that often goes undiscussed in the examination of contemporary ethnobiological and environmental discussions involving indigenous peoples is differences in the basic parameters of worldviews, and whether these views are static or dynamic. static worldviews are largely a creation of western civilization, where reliance on a combination of greek philosophy from the socratic tradition with christian, or at least monotheistic, religious precepts means that it is typically assumed that humans cannot make major changes in how the world functions. the roots of this thinking lie in the ideas of plato, particularly the concept of platonic ideals, which assume that the physical world is an illusion from which little reliable information can be gathered. one conclusion of such thinking was that change and variation were only illusions. the only real things were the ideas or forms, which were considered to be ideal or essential, an idea that lives on in world views and the concept of “traditional” raymond pierotti 1* 1 department of ecology and evolutionary biology, university of kansas, lawrence, usa. * pierotti@ku.edu abstract whether individuals hold static or dynamic worldviews underlies a number of contemporary controversies, including evolution/creationist debates, the reality of climate change, and application of treaty rights by indigenous cultures. in this last case the debate is often framed in terms of whether or not indigenous cultures are still using traditional methods when engaged in hunting, fishing, or harvesting. my purpose is to evaluate these issues by arguing that traditional means quite different things in different cultural traditions. in western cultures, whose roots lie in static worldviews, e.g., those put forth by aristotle and descartes, traditional tends to mean unchanged or perhaps timeless. in indigenous cultures, which typically have dynamic worldviews, traditional (a western concept), implies that technologies employed, knowledge bases, and even ceremonial practices can change when conditions require. western thinking assumes that use of the word traditional implies that such concepts or knowledge are of the past and thus unchangeable and irrelevant to the contemporary world. non-indigenous investigators have contended that traditional and change are contradictory concepts and that “[traditional] carries the unacknowledged connotation that the item in question is in decline, thus in need of being preserved.” in indigenous thinking, the term traditional implies primarily that such knowledge and its related concepts have been in existence for a lengthy time, precisely because their ability to incorporate new observations and information has kept them fresh and relevant. i discuss these alternative concepts in the contexts of treaty and land rights and contemporary conservation concepts of biodiversity. received september 3, 2018 open access accepted october 12, 2018 doi 10.14237/ebl.9.2.2018.1394 keywords traditional, indigenous beliefs, western beliefs, world view, static, dynamic copyright © 2018 by the author(s) licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. pierotti. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(2):299–304 300 perspectives such an argument might be considered humorous, if its precepts did not so clearly underlie the thinking of at least one of the major political parties. this dichotomy underlies a number of contemporary controversies, including debates over evolutionary versus creationist thinking, the reality of climate change, and application of treaty rights by indigenous cultures. the first of these is most obvious; darwinian evolutionary thinking obviously involves change that takes place independent of human actions. much of the conflict between western monotheistic religions and evolutionary thinking results from the fact that western monotheism is very much a static worldview compared with the very dynamic view of the world adhered to by evolutionary biologists. the static nature of pre-darwinian scientific thought, along with an obvious link to platonic ideals, can be seen in the “paradigm of ‘natural theology’ (which) held that god displayed both his existence and his attributes of benevolence and omniscience in the optimal design of organic form and the maximal harmony of local ecosystems” (gould 2002:338). gould (2002:338) points out how darwinian thinking introduced a dynamic worldview in opposition to a static one by refuting ‘natural theology’ and that: evolutionary theory fractured this equation of existence with optimality by introducing the revolutionary idea that all anatomies and interactions [among species] arise as transient products of complex histories, [rather than] as created optimalities (emphasis added). in the twenty-first century, human caused climate change has risen to rival evolution as a source of controversy between religion and science, basically for the reasons outlined above. namely this concept of climate change implies clearly that the world can be altered dramatically through the actions of humans, and so if they take such changes seriously, humans might be able to slow or even reverse this process. in contrast, many contemporary climate change deniers no longer deny its existence, but argue that humans are helpless to do anything about it. an example can be seen in the response of a resident of redding, ca, regarding recent massive wildfires in california, where wilson (2018) states, it’s “obvious”… “look at the trees around you right now. the leaves are falling out of the trees when they shouldn’t be. the environment is changing, and it’s changing everywhere.” but that doesn’t mean he thinks it possible to do anything about it. “the good lord has to fix it. we’re not capable of it.” such thinking may be less scholarly in its wording. however in attitude, it is functionally equivalent to the concepts described above by drollinger. a more concrete example of a static world view can be seen in the case of tangier island, a large sandbar in chesapeake bay that is disappearing as a result of sea level rise and resultant erosion. the citizens of tangier are christian conservatives, who refuse to accept that climate change is happening and pray that either god or the government will save them, when neither is likely to happen (swift 2018). such critiques and denial of human as the cause of climate change illustrate clearly that such attacks are clearly rooted in the norms of a static worldview. as an example, drollinger (2018) states, god says he will continually renew the face of the earth until he forms a new heaven and a new earth in the end times (rev. 21:1). in the thousands of years of climate history since these words were recorded, the veracity of god’s promises have (sic) proven to be reliable. so, who then should we trust? it follows that we can all rest assured and wholly rely on god’s aforementioned promises per -taining to his ability and willingness to sustain our world’s ecosystem. most scholars are somewhat familiar with the basic dynamics concerning conflicts of this nature, and may find it surprising that i include controversies over treaty rights invoked by indigenous peoples as fundamentally similar in structure to these debates among euroamericans. my reasoning is that in cases involving treaty rights, it is often argued that, because they have acculturated to some degree with euroamerican values and ways of life, that indigenous peoples are no longer employing traditional methods of hunting, fishing, gathering, and as such their established treaty rights should no longer be applicable. an example i observed personally was the claims that ojibwe people taking walleye outside of euroamerican imposed fishing seasons are not traditional because contemporary ojibwe fishermen use electric lights instead of torches and fiberglass boats rather than birchbark canoes (see also nesper 2002). similar arguments have been made about the makah nation’s request to be allowed to resume taking gray whales after this species was removed pierotti. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(2):299–304 301 perspectives from the federal endangered species list (sullivan 2000). contemporary makah drive cars and watch television, therefore euroamericans who identify as conservationists contend that they are asking for special privileges not available to other citizens (sullivan 2000). arguments often become quite heated over such issues, with death threats being made: environmentalists in washington state left voice-mail messages consisting of firing a revolver on the answering machines of the makah tribal council (sullivan 2000). to evaluate these issues concerning indigenous treaty rights it is crucial to recognize that the concept of traditional means quite different things in euroamerican and indigenous cultures, which relates directly to the thoughts and actions of euromericans’ persistent inclination to hold and defend static worldviews even in the new millennium. i (pierotti 2011:14) have previously written of euroamerican attitudes towards indigenous (native) peoples that, it seems likely that most people of european ancestry assume that traditional describes only those conditions that existed when a tribe was initially visited and first described by europeans. this contains the tacit assumption that indigenous peoples remained essentially unchanged and uninfluenced by any other cultures prior to european contact, (which) is the social equivalent of a creationist perspective. this is clearly the situation with the attacks on ojibwe peoples by walleye enthusiasts in wisconsin and minnesota (nesper 2002). in such situations indian people are apparently assumed to exist in two alternative states: 1) the way they were at first contact by europeans, and 2) some altered state in which they are either disappearing or have changed to some new state in which they are no longer recognizable as the indigenous peoples of the americas. in my experiences with ethnobiologists, i have found that they do not make this mistake, although wildlife and fisheries biologists make such mistakes in a regular manner, along with many euroamericans who identify as conservationists. in western cultures, whose roots lie in static worldviews, traditional is assumed to mean unchanged or perhaps timeless. western thinking assumes that use of the word traditional implies that such concepts or knowledge are of the past, unchangeable, and irrelevant to the contemporary world, although there is still a tendency to employ such terminology when referring to traditional family values or to women’s traditional roles in society. one important issue driving this type of worldview is that within western concepts of reality and their religious traditions, it is always assumed that the ultimate power or goal is external to the earth, i.e., god is to be found in heaven, in “created optimalities” (gould 2002:338), or humans achieving the kingdom of heaven after living a good life. another driving force in western thought is the assumption of progress, which is considered to represent god’s will, which is the only acceptable form of change. human ingenuity is important to driving progress, but this also assumes that humans must exploit nature to progress. thus, western thinking assumes that use of the word traditional implies that such concepts or knowledge are of the past and unchangeable, and probably irrelevant to the contemporary world. most contemporary ethnobiologists have moved well beyond such concepts, although such language can still be found, i.e., the contention that traditional and change are contradictory concepts, and that “[traditional] carries the unacknowledged connotation that the item in question is in decline, thus in need of being preserved” (a. tanner, personal communications in pierotti 2011:11). traditional is a western concept, which has been imposed on indigenous peoples, complete with accompanying baggage. indigenous cultures tend to regard the way they do things as a “way of life” (nadasdy 2003:63). such cultures typically have dynamic worldviews, which allows them to assume that the technology employed, knowledge bases, and even ceremonial practices can change when conditions require (watson-verran and turnbull 1995). in my experience from working with dozens of indigenous people from a multitude of cultures, rather than assuming that power or ultimate goals are external to the earth, power and goals are considered to come from the earth itself and in living well with the earth and its nonhuman residents. progress might take place, especially in the form of new technologies. however, the goal of these cultures is not simply to progress, but to persist and survive in the conditions in which they find themselves (pierotti 2011; taylor et al. 2005). these traditions did not assume a controlling deity, “…they always have and still do recognize the earth as a living being, as a relative, as pierotti. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(2):299–304 302 perspectives generative, as sacred…” (kidwell et al. 2002:54). indigenous peoples recognize both themselves and other species with which they interact as being, “transient products of complex histories” as described by gould (2002:338), because they are aware of having shared those “complex histories” with their fellow beings (pierotti 2011). the absence of a controlling deity, combined with concepts based on long-term relationships with nature and the nonhuman world, allowed these peoples to adjust to changes in the environment, and to assume that humans as part of this world had the ability to alter it or change it on their own terms. indigenous traditions do not assume progress, but are always ready for change in the environment. if it works in the present it is fine, but the environment is always subject to change; because they are part of that environment, these cultures must also be ready to change as needed (pierotti 2011). as a result of their focus on local affairs (deloria 1992: 114–134), indigenous cultures are centered on the earth itself and their relationship with it. they can change the earth or respond to its changes through their powerful connections to the earth and the local ecosystem, e.g., through the use of controlled burning (boyd 1999). if the environment changes they will change with it, while trying as hard as possible to maintain their ways of life. this is actually one method which indigenous people employ to cope with the european invasion. many tribes think that if they outlasted the ice age, they can outlast european civilization and one of their major goals is to keep europeans from exterminating their important relatives, i.e., wolves, bears, salmon, bison, deer (see nadasdy 2003; pierotti 2011). as a result, the way in which indigenous peoples employ the western concept of traditional (as in traditional ecological knowledge or tek) is to recognize that such knowledge and its related concepts have been in existence for a lengthy time, precisely because their ability to incorporate new observations and information has kept them fresh and relevant. not only is individual responsibility paramount in how society is regulated, but individuals can have profound impacts on nature through irresponsible or disrespectful behavior. the gitxsan and wet’suwet’en peoples of british columbia tell a story of how their cultural center was destroyed by landslides after some young men were disrespectful in their treatment of mountain goats (oreamnos americanus), whom they had been hunting (glavin 1998). in response, the goats brought down the side of a mountain on the community of dimlahamid, forcing the people to alter their society. regardless of whether one accepts the literal truth of this story, the important lesson here is that the culture assumed that behavior by individual members could result in devastating environmental change. it is important to emphasize at this point that although i characterize the standard western worldview as being static in nature, i realize this is an oversimplification. in a similar fashion, i also recognize that now that adherence to christianity has become so commonplace within many indigenous groups, many indigenous people have adopted static worldviews through the practice of colonialism and assimilation. given this state of affairs, there are now, and probably always have been, a number of europeans and euroamericans who through education and knowledge have come to accept and endorse dynamic views of how the world functions. in my experience, this last group consists primarily of scientists, climate scientists, geologists, ecologists, and evolutionary biologists, along with a smattering of other academics and professional scholars. surprisingly, i have also learned that there are a large number of academics from a wide range of disciplines who continue to adhere to major aspects of static world views. this of course includes the relatively small number of creationist scientists, who can sometimes be found in departments of molecular biology or biochemistry. a more troubling aspect, however, is how static thinking has crept into conservation biology and environmental science. to many people of european ancestry, conservation means preserving an imagined state of idealized nature, in which no humans have ever set foot. to achieve this goal, conservationists have encouraged the removal of indigenous peoples from lands where these peoples were probably responsible for the diverse conditions and rich ecosystems that exist (dowie 2009). europeans and euroamericans seem to have a perpetual fantasy about the existence of nature untouched by humans (pierotti 2011). this is a classic example of how a static world view is being applied to one of the most important issues of our time. chapin (2004:21) said that, in late 2002, the director of the wwf latin america program told me flatly, in reference pierotti. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(2):299–304 303 perspectives to the amazon basin, “we don’t work with indigenous people. we don’t have the capacity to work with indigenous people…”. a ci [(conservation international)] biologist who works with the kayapó in the lower xingu region of brazil told me: “quite frankly, i don’t care what the indians want. we have to work to conserve the biodiversity.” this last comment may sound crass, but it accurately represents the prevalent way of thinking within the large conservation organizations (see dowie 2009 for detailed examination of this theme). although it may seem that this is a fairly esoteric debate at some levels, i contend that it has serious implications for indigenous peoples, and that we, as ethnobiologists, should work to see that we and our students recognize the harmful impacts of static thinking. at one level, indigenous dynamic world views are treated as if they were primitive, and it is assumed by people holding static world views that these people have not had any new concepts or discoveries since initial contact with europeans. as an example, during a presentation at a symposium on rethinking the ecological indian in 2001 on indigenous relationships to the natural world, i pointed out some sophisticated ecological and microevolutionary concepts contained within statements made by a teton lakota in 1911 (pierotti 2011:78). shepherd krech, author of the controversial book, the ecological indian, questioned me about the likelihood that these concepts had been learned through contact with europeans. my response was to point out that these were relatively modern concepts that had not existed in 1911, when evolutionary thinking was in eclipse, and ecology was not yet a well-developed branch of science. what struck me, however, was that scientific aspects of indigenous knowledge always had to be attributed to european influences, even at times when indigenous understanding of ecological principles was much more sophisticated than that of virtually all euroamericans. even today, a significant majority of euroamericans reject evolutionary thinking; a significant minority also reject climate change, yet these naïve attitudes are considered mainstream views and discussed seriously in public forums. in contrast, if indigenous peoples express sophisticated understanding of relationships among species and wish to re-establish claims over the land they protected and maintained for millennia, it is assumed that they must have learned such thinking from europeans who had no understanding of such concepts, and most of whom still lack such understanding. if indigenous people wish to resume hunting and fishing rights concerning species that they managed carefully, they are told that they are no longer real or true indians if they choose to employ modern technologies that increase their efficiency and reduce suffering of their prey. in addition, their lives, and even their cultures, are threatened by people who think they are protecting biodiversity, when it is the dominant culture whose actions threaten this biodiversity, and many conservationists assume that indigenous people are equivalent in their thinking to their own greed-driven culture. declarations permissions: none declared. sources of funding: none declared. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited boyd, r., ed. 1999. indians, fire, and the land in the pacific northwest. oregon state university press, corvallis, or. deloria, v. 1992. god is red. north american press, golden, co. chapin, m. 2004. a challenge to conservationists. world watch magazine 17:17–31. dowie, m. 2009. conservation refugees: the hundred year conflict between global conservation and indigenous peoples. mit press, boston. drollinger, r. 2018. the bible and policy [web page]. capitol ministries. available at: https://capmin.org/ coming-to-grips-with-the-religion-ofenvironmentalism/. accessed on august 15, 2018. glavin, t. 1998. a death feast in dimlahamid. new star books, vancouver. gould, s. j. 2002. i have landed: the end of a beginning in natural history. harmony books, new york. kidwell, c. s., h. noley, and g. e. tinker. 2002. a native american theology. orbis books, maryknoll, ny. nadasdy, p. 2003. hunters and bureaucrats: power, knowledge, and aboriginal state relations in the southwest yukon. ubc press, vancouver. nesper, l. 2002. the walleye war: the struggle for ojibwe spearfishing and treaty rights. university of nebraska pierotti. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(2):299–304 304 perspectives press, lincoln, ne. pierotti, r. 2011. indigenous knowledge, ecology and evolutionary biology. routledge, taylor and francis group, new york and london. sullivan, r. 2000. a whale hunt: two years on the olympic peninsula with the makah and their canoe. scribner press, new york. swift, e. 2018. chesapeake requiem: a year with the watermen of vanishing tangier island. harper collins publishing, new york. taylor, l., g. k. ward, g. henderson, r. davis, and l. a. wallis. 2005. the power of knowledge, the resonance of tradition. aboriginal studies press, canberra, australia. watson-verran, h., and d. turnbull. 1995. science and other indigenous knowledge systems. in handbook of science and technology studies, edited by s. jasanoff, g. e. markle, j. c. peterson, and t. pinch, pp. 115–139. sage publications, thousand oaks, ca. wilson, j. 2018 surrounded by fire, california politicians question links to climate change [web page]. the guardian. available at: https:// www.theguardian.com/environment/2018/ jul/31/california-wildfire-climate-change-carr-fire. accessed on august 16, 2018. the winged: an upper missouri river ethno-ornithology. by kaitlyn moore chandler, wendi field murray, maría nieves zedeño, samrat miller clements, and robert james. 2017. the university of arizona press, tucson. 129 pp. hooper. 2019. ethnobiology letters 10(1):57–58 57 reviews one of the weaknesses of this volume is the authors’ choice not to incorporate more natural history in their analysis. for example, in the section concerning bird qualities and horticulture, the authors write that the term ‘blackbird’ probably refers to a host of different species that generally resemble one another, such as the brewer’s blackbird (euphagus cyanocephalus), the common grackle (quisalus quiscula), and the brown-headed cowbird (molothrus ater). earlier, the authors describe the role of generic blackbirds with successful horse raiding. of the three species listed, brown-headed cowbirds are the only species that has a strong relationship with grazing mammals. this species is known to forage on insects disturbed by herding mammals. in addition, during the breeding season cowbirds will make daily trips between nesting sites and foraging areas (scott et al. 1992). therefore, it is likely that brown-headed cowbirds are the species associated with success in horse raiding. by incorporating more natural history they could have more thoroughly demonstrated how indigenous knowledge, belief, and practices concerning birds have strong connections to observed phenomena. one of the major claims of this book is that birds are culturally significant as messengers. this role is placed within a spiritual and symbolic perspective and the winged: an upper missouri river ethno-ornithology is a product of research aimed to inform land managers about the relationships between native americans and birds of the northern watershed of the missouri river. the authors use a relational framework to produce an “anthropological inquiry into the society of people and birds.” after the introductory chapter, chapter two describes the geography and ethnic groups of the upper missouri. the authors’ research focused on the blackfoot, assiniboine, mandan, hidatsa, arikara, and crow nations. the rest of the book addresses seven themes: what are birds’ roles in creation stories; the qualities of birds; birds as messengers; imagery of birds; birds’ role in material culture; and hunting/trapping of birds. throughout, the authors successfully connect previously discussed aspects of birds to the current topic. the connection of eagles to thunder gods is discussed in chapter three, and in the following chapters that connection informs the understanding of eagles as messengers, their meaning in art, how their parts are used in ceremony, and how they are hunted. the authors’ success in showing how traditional beliefs and stories inform other aspects of human-bird relationships is impressive. the authors make good use of photos. there are 47 colored plates of the birds. black and white photos of museum artifacts illustrate topics being addressed in the text. the winged: an upper missouri river ethno-ornithology. by kaitlyn moore chandler, wendi field murray, maría nieves zedeño, samrat miller clements, and robert james. 2017. the university of arizona press, tucson. 129 pp. david a. hooper 1* 1 department of anthropology, university of montana, missoula, usa. * david1.hooper@umontana.edu received june 7, 2019 open access accepted july 8, 2019 doi 10.14237/ebl.10.1.2019.1604 published august 6, 2019 copyright © 2019 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. hooper. 2019. ethnobiology letters 10(1):57–58 58 reviews exemplified through traditional stories. the presentation of how biology, ecology, or behavior connects to birds’ roles as messengers is limited. a clear example of how bird behavior conveys messages is how, for the mandan, hidatsa, and arikara, spring migration of water fowl, specifically canada goose (branta canadensis), indicated when to plant, which reflects a correlation between spring migration and favorable conditions for successful agriculture. other forms of communication are clearly more symbolic. according to many tribes, black-billed magpies (pica hudsonia) are the high god’s messenger, because they often come near human habitations and overhear conversations. in my opinion, other examples of birds conveying information presented as symbolic are based on biology. for example, if american robins (turdus migratorius) and meadowlarks (sturnella spp.) are singing nearby, warriors knew that no threat was present. these descriptions remind me of “bird language” — approaches for interpreting birds, and other animals, behaviors to further one’s perceptions of their surroundings (young 2012). by focusing on the symbolic nature of birds as messengers the authors are following a current trend in ethnoornithological research. my limited experience with bird language has increased my perception of individual birds as “non-human agents”, a term the authors use in describing the relational framework they use to structure the book. while it is unclear why there is a relationship between observing bird behavior and acknowledging their agency, i think that if the field were to ethnographically investigate how “bird language” concepts are implemented in different cultures, we might develop a more nuanced understanding of birds as non-human agents. the recent review by wyndham and park (2019) indicates that ethno-ornithologists may include this nuanced approach in future research of birds as messengers, and if this happens the value of the winged will increase. the book would have benefited from additional editing. for me, the most jarring mistake was on page 36, where the heading “doves” is missing, so one paragraph describes the qualities of cranes and the next is about doves. once aware of this possibility, i found it easy to work around. the laws directing how managers address the impacts on cultural and natural resources often cause them to focus on archaeological concerns when addressing native american concerns. managers of the upper missouri river area can use the winged to identify how impacts to birds may affect native american communities, potentially helping improve working relations. part of my interest in reviewing this book was to see how it could be used in a course on the ethnobiology of montana. i found it to be a good way to introduce concepts of ethnobiology and ethno-ornithology using local montana examples. while i raised some concerns about the winged, i found it a valuable resource for managers and educators alike. references cited scott, d. m., p. j. weatherhead, and c. d. ankney. 1992. egg-eating by female brown-headed cowbirds. the condor 94:579–584. wyndham, f. s., and k. e. park. 2018. “listen carefully to the voices of the birds”: a comparative review of birds as signs. journal of ethnobiology 38:533–549. doi:10.2993/0278-077138.4.533. young, j. 2012. what the robin knows: how birds reveal the secrets of the natural world. houghton mifflin harcourt, boston. microsoft word smith_aridland_proof.docx         14    book review   aridland springs in north america: ecology and conservation    lawrence e. stevens and vicky j. meretsky, editors. 2008. the university of arizona press and the arizona‐sonora  desert museum, tucson.pp. 406, 4 black‐and‐white photos, 28 illustrations, 38 tables, 8 maps, bibliography.  $75.00 (cloth). isbn 978‐0‐8165‐2645‐1.    reviewed by kate smith    reviewer address: 421 w north st, fayetteville, ar 72701    teosholo@gmail.com     received: november 1 st  2011                                                                                                                                                volume 3:14‐15                         published: march 9 th  2012                                                                                                                          © 2012 society of ethnobiology  in the words of reviewer r. l. wallace (2009:1535), “this volume is a must read for those interested in oases or the future of water in the western states.” this book represents the combined efforts of twenty-seven authors to holistically address the ecology and conservation of springs in the arid areas of north america. the authors largely meet these goals, gathering their individual expertise and styles to shed light on a greater whole. it is always exciting to see a book truly embrace the interdisciplinary nature of ecology and of conservation efforts, and this book manages to do that. topics covered in the seventeen chapters include, but are not limited to, the history of springs, groundwater hydrology, ecological case studies, conservation efforts, endemic species, anthropogenic alterations, conservation laws, ethnoecology, and paleobiology. the book opens with a foreward by gary paul nabhan, who reminds us of the urgency of protecting water resources and of how unique aridland springs are. the authors of aridland springs have provided an immensely readable summary of current understanding of the springs and the threats to them. the first four chapters serve to introduce the readers to aridland springs: their historical significance, locations, origins, and classification systems. chapters six through eight provide case studies of specific springs ecosystems, while nine through eleven address biogeographic distributions of vegetation and terrestrial productivity. chapter fourteen predicts how the flora and distribution of great basin springs will likely change with groundwater withdrawal, while chapter fifteen examines the recovery of a hanging garden spring after accidental human torching of the vegetation. sixteen examines the legal issues of spring conservation and seventeen summarizes the current research gaps and the conservation challenges still remaining. now, if the reader has been paying attention, he or she will realize that chapters five, twelve, and thirteen were omitted from that brief summary. that is because although the previously mentioned chapters provide excellent information, data, research, arguments, and more, these three specific chapters specifically focus on ethnoecology. chapter five, written by vance haynes, examines the paleoecology and paleontology of springs, with examples of human use of the aridland springs primarily as hunting grounds and many springs likely remaining relatively untouched by humans until recent history. the springs that do show a long archaeological and ethnographic history of human use are addressed in chapters twelve and thirteen, which both examine the quitovac and quitobaquito springs for holocene interactions of humans at the springs. both authors, nabhan and amadeo rea, conclude that the indigenous spring management was likely more effective at preserving spring function and biodiversity than current management practices by the federal government. these conclusions are indirectly supported by the earlier history of conservation issues of the springs provided in chapter two, which stress the difficulties in finding a functioning conservation strategy for the springs that balances the need for disturbance with obliteration of these delicate systems in the xeriscape. for those interested in applied ethnobiology and ethnoecology, books like aridland springs in north america are gems. the book has combined the works of experts in their fields to provide a truly interdisciplinary review of the current understanding and value of the springs. it documents conservation efforts that have been tried, ecological case studies of three types of         15    book review springs, the legalese surrounding the springs, their cultural and archaeological significance, and their responses to human alterations. the authors have reviewed the causes and symptoms of the ongoing decline and destruction of the springs, their biotic and functional importance, and how different groups of people have used the springs in ways that help or hurt them. in sum, this book provides an excellent interdisciplinary window into the aridland springs of north america and is worthy of inclusion in any ethnoecologists’ library. references cited stevens, l.e. and v.j. meretsky, eds. 2008. aridland springs in north america: ecology and conservation. the university of arizona press and the arizona-sonora desert museum, tucson, az. wallace, r.l. 2009. review: aridland springs in north america: ecology and conservation. choice 46:1535. saving the greater adjutant stork by changing perceptions and linking to assamese traditions in india barman et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):20–29 20 perspectives 1990s it was thought that the population was around 400 birds (perennou et al. 1994). reasons for the decline of the greater adjutant population include habitat destruction, felling of nest-trees, drainage and pollution of wetlands, poaching, and environmental contaminants (birdlife international 2019). greater adjutant storks are now found only in assam and bihar in india (choudhary et al. 2011; mandal and saikia 2013), and in cambodia (campbell et al. 2006). the total population was assessed in 2008 to be 800 to 1200 mature individuals (approximately 1200 to 1800 birds in total), with a decreasing population trend (birdlife international 2019). the current population is likely to be less than 1% of the population of 100 years ago. introduction the greater adjutant stork (leptoptilos dubius; see figure 1) is the second rarest stork species in the world and is classified in the iucn red list as endangered (birdlife international 2016). the species has a ranking in the top 100 of 9895 species of birds for evolutionarily distinct and globally endangered (edge) scores (jetz et al. 2014). the greater adjutant was previously widely distributed from pakistan through northern india, nepal, and bangladesh to myanmar, thailand, laos, vietnam, and cambodia (birdlife international 2001). the population has been estimated to be many hundreds of thousands in the late 1800s (birdlife international 2001); however, there was a dramatic decline during the first half of the 20th century, and in the early saving the greater adjutant stork by changing perceptions and linking to assamese traditions in india purnima devi barman 1* , d. k. sharma 2 , john f. cockrem 3 , mamani malakar 1 , bibekananda kakati 1 , and tracy melvin 4 1 aaranyak, guwahati, assam, india. 2 university of science and technology meghalaya, baridua, india. 3 school of veterinary science, massey university, palmerston north, new zealand. 4 department of fisheries and wildlife, michigan state university, east lansing, usa. * purnima.aaranyak@gmail.com abstract the greater adjutant stork (leptoptilos dubius), locally known as hargila (the bone swallower) is an endangered bird with an estimated global population of less than 1200. habitat loss, poisoning, and poaching have caused large declines in populations of this stork in south asia, with the brahmaputra valley in assam in northeastern india now the last stronghold for the species. the stork nests colonially in privately owned trees within thickly populated villages. tree owners would cut down trees to prevent rotten food and excreta of this carnivorous bird from falling into their backyards. a change in attitudes of the nest-tree owners towards keeping their trees and towards greater adjutants has been the key to stork conservation. a conservation project involving community development, education and outreach, interlinking storks with local traditions and cultures, and capacity building of local communities was initiated in 2007. a rural women's conservation group named the hargila army was instituted and strong feelings of pride and ownership for the storks by the villagers have been generated. cash incentives for nest protection were deliberately avoided, with schemes that indirectly contribute to the livelihoods of nest-tree owners and other villagers introduced instead. the success of the conservation program is shown by the increase in the number of nesting colonies in the village area of dadara, pachariya, and singimari in kamrup district in assam from 28 nests in 2007–08 to 208 nests in the 2019–20 breeding season, making this the largest breeding colony of greater adjutant storks in the world. received september 9, 2019 open access accepted april 7, 2020 doi 10.14237/ebl.11.2.2020.1648 published december 4, 2020 keywords women’s leadership, conservation programs, community development, ethno-ornithology copyright © 2020 by the author(s) licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. barman et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):20–29 21 perspectives knowledge of breeding sites of greater adjutants in india was limited to 75 sites found during a survey conducted in 1989 and 1990 in assam (saikia and bhattacharjee 1990a, 1990b). the largest colony had 31 nests, with most of the nests in private forest areas in villages and suburban areas. threats to the species were identified as the killing of storks, felling of nesting trees for wood or to remove storks due to dislike of the noise and smell of nests with young birds, lack of awareness of the species and its status as legally protected, and the loss of wetland foraging habitat (saikia and bhattacharjee 1990b). a survey of greater adjutants conducted in both breeding and nonbreeding seasons from 1994 to 1996 found 573 storks in the brahmaputra valley of assam in the breeding season. almost 75% of the assam population was in the kamrup district, primarily near the city of guwahati (singha et al. 2003). the birds bred in privately owned trees, preferring trees in thickly populated villages. the largest breeding colonies of greater adjutants were in the dadarapachariya-singimari villages of the kamrup district. a survey by the first author and a team in 2007 and 2008 found only 40 nests and 430 birds in all of assam. greater adjutants build nests in tall trees on private land in the home gardens of villagers. the trees were most commonly neolamarckia cadamba, bombax ceiba, artocarpus lacocha, artocarpus heterophylu, pithecellobium monadelphu, and archidendron bigeminum (barman 2018). nesting trees could be located very close to houses, with up to 15 nests in one tree. adult birds bring fish, snakes, waste meat, and bones to their nests to feed the chicks. these food items often fall on the ground along with fecal matter of the birds, so the area underneath the nesting sites often has a foul smell. chicks can fall from the flimsy nests and dead chicks underneath the nests make the area unpleasant. the owners of nest trees often used to disturb the birds to make them leave. nest-tree owners would also fell the nesting trees to earn extra money to support their families, especially during marriages of their daughters and sons. many of the nest-tree owners believed that conservation of the bird was the responsibility of a government forest department and the government should pay the owners if they allowed the storks to make nests in their private trees. this article describes the development of community support for conservation of the greater adjutant stork in the nesting colony in the dadarapachariya-singimari village areas of the kamrup district in assam. the conservation efforts were initiated in 2007. before then the villagers, particularly the tree owners, did not know that the greater adjutant is an endangered bird and that nests in their villages were important for the survival of the storks. the villagers responded to the initiation of the conservation program and became involved in the protection of the trees and in activities to promote the conservation of the storks. this has resulted in a three-fold increase in the number of successful nests in the colony since the conservation program began. study area the authors initiated a holistic community conservation program in 2007 in the dadarapachariya-singimari villages of the kamrup district of assam. dadara, singimari, and pachariya (26°13.31'9” n and 91° 37.58'6” e) are three adjoining small villages approximately 12 km from guwahati city (see figure 2). these villages are situated near poondoba beel, digholi beel, and jeng beel (beel means wetland in assam). the brahmaputra river is about four kilometers from these villages while the deepor beel, a figure 1 greater adjutant stork in assam. photograph by rathin barman. barman et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):20–29 22 perspectives wildlife sanctuary and internationally recognized waterbird site, is about eight kilometers away. the guwahati garbage dump, a feeding area for greater adjutants in the non-breeding season, is about 14 km from the villages. the climate of the area is humid mesothermal brahmaputra with hot, wet summers. reported minimum and maximum temperatures are 7° c and 38.5° c. the annual rainfall in the district ranges from 1500 to 2200 mm. overview of conservation program we started with a pre-campaign survey in dadarapachariya-singimari villages to understand the motivations of the nest-tree owners. the survey results indicated that the villagers were not aware of the importance of the endangered greater adjutant. in many cultures around the world birds are considered to provide omens of the future (hull and fergus 2017; wyndham and park 2018). the stork was treated by the villagers as a bad omen because it feeds on the carcasses of animals and brings bones and debris to its nesting trees. people cut down the nest building trees due to the messy habits of the birds and to clear the land for house expansion. they were also not fully aware of the importance of wildlife conservation in their daily lives. various community conservation activities were designed to motivate nest-tree owners based on the survey results. we identified various key groups in the villages who could influence the nest-tree owners to allow greater adjutants to make nests in their private trees. we approached young students, women, and respected elderly persons from the locality to generate an “ownership feeling” amongst the villagers for having greater adjutants in their villages. a rural women's group named the hargila army was instituted to empower the women and to expand their voices to protect the storks. livelihood tools (approaches that help people gain capabilities to financially sustain their households) were introduced to these women and regular biodiversity classes were organized to empower and enlighten the women. as a result, 10,000 rural women have pledged to be involved in the hargila army and to be voices for unprotected areas. baby showers for stork chicks were regularly organized to encourage the women. looms and yarn were distributed and opportunities for the women to enroll in a diploma in fashion technology were provided. these women were engaged in figure 2 location of study area in kamrup district in assam, india . maps from india map with states clipart (https:// www.clipart.email/clipart/india-map-with-states-clipart-232537.html) and creative commons by planemad/wikimedia (https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/file:india_assam_locator_map.svg). barman et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):20–29 23 perspectives weaving traditional assamese garments called gamosas, with stork motifs incorporated into the traditional decorations. the hargila campaign was integrated with the holy book bhagawat gita procession, a local festival of the community. a conservation campaign was planned involving students, villagers, celebrities, media personalities, and policy makers. regular education workshops were arranged in local schools and community sites to raise the awareness of the villagers and school children living in the vicinity of the breeding colony. meetings were organized between policy makers and local people to understand the local situation for conservation of the bird. information sheets were published in local languages to spread the message of conservation of the stork and were distributed freely to local people, school libraries, and community places. street plays were performed in the vicinity of the breeding colonies to portray the situation of this bird and the need for its conservation. it is not uncommon for chicks to fall out of nests. nylon nets were placed under the nesting colonies to catch fallen chicks. chicks that fell into the nets were taken to the assam state zoo for rehabilitation and hand rearing. chicks that survived were released back into the wild. events were organized when chicks were released so that the conservation needs of the storks could be highlighted. released birds were named after local school children and after renowned conservationists and tree owners’ children. some releases were also celebrated by symbolically naming the birds after women from tree-owning families. seventy-eight chicks have been released. policy makers were enlisted into the program when conducting major field events such as bird releases. a baby shower program for greater adjutants during the breeding season was initiated, an in-kind donations program with awards to nest-tree owners’ children for excelling in examinations was begun, and wetland day celebrations and earth day celebrations were held. a process to formulate a species recovery plan for the greater adjutant was initiated. this was done through a series of workshops where government policy makers were invited along with experts in this field. during these meetings, government decision makers were informed about the facts and figures of this species and made aware of the urgent need for its conservation. the first author donated money which she received from the president of india for her nari shakti purashkar award (the highest civilian award for indian women) to the women of the villages. she has also donated money from several other awards and has donated personal resources to the village women which has led to increased awareness of their responsibilities for conservation of the storks. work with women greater adjutant storks in assam nest in trees that are often in backyard gardens of village houses. the storks were disliked as they were considered to be unclean due to their habits of feeding on garbage and on waste from the slaughter of animals including cows. the birds drop partially eaten animal food and fecal matter into the gardens, thereby creating extra work for village women to keep their gardens clean. a focus of the conservation program for the storks has been to work with women in the villages. village women were initially shy and reluctant to participate in conservation discussions, so programs were organized specifically for the women. we played a “web of life” string game with them to help them understand the importance of each species in their surroundings. we organized cooking, crafts, and folk music competitions for the women who were not comfortable with participating in discussions. a cooking competition held during the assamese bihu festival provided an opportunity for women to spontaneously participate in discussions about conservation of greater adjutants in their own villages. during the discussion, they were amazed to know that this endangered bird had chosen only their villages in which to breed. this knowledge led them to decide that they would not allow any disturbances during the breeding season of this bird. they even celebrated and publicly made wishes to the birds for a successful nesting season in their villages in the same way as they celebrate the first pregnancies of their own female relatives. the hargila army, economic help for women, and traditional linkage through weaving we formed a rural women's group called the hargila army to help empower women to conserve greater adjutants whilst at the same time helping them with their economic livelihoods. the women were primarily from families that own trees with nests, and all had expert weaving skills. we provided weaving looms, yarn, and sewing machines so that the women could create textiles decorated with traditional assamese motifs. training at a local fashion institute barman et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):20–29 24 perspectives was arranged for village women. the gamosa is a traditional assamese scarf which is another reflection of assam culture and this gamosa is highly respected and loved by assamese people. gamosas are made with stork motifs by the hargila army women of the nesting colony. they were very proud to make these gamosas, which were not only sold as tools of livelihoods but also presented to guests, government officials, experts, and media personnel who visited the nesting colony as gestures from the villagers. a communal weaving center was established in 2017 after the project received a whitley award (also called a green oscar) so the women could come and weave together. an internship training program on weaving was also designed so that rural women could learn weaving and get certificates. eighty sewing machines were distributed in 2019 and this facility became stronger. this facility trained and benefited around 1,050 women from the village including women from adjacent areas. the hargila army is a group that not only works for the hargila but is also a voice of women for saving rural and backyard biodiversity in unprotected areas where the government does not have influence. we received requests from villagers to be paid to conserve storks nesting in their village. we consciously avoided offering cash to the nest-tree owners to support the stork nesting colonies. this decision was made as the sustainability of cash offers would be very difficult and this might create bigger problems for the bird in the future. instead, we have provided new economic opportunities for the women so their financial livelihood can be linked with their involvement with conservation. work with school students and young people at the very beginning of the conservation program we created environmental education activities for local school students. rather than going from one school to another, we concentrated on a small private school (sankardeva sisu niketan) located at the heart of the nesting colony villages. the majority of the pupils at this school were children of nest-tree owners. we introduced the students to the importance of biodiversity and wildlife conservation through play and group activities. children were involved through spot drawing competitions and after each competition a presentation was made to them describing the importance of this bird. quizzes and poetry competitions for the students were also held in order to involve the students in conservation of the greater adjutant in their villages. regular environmental education activities with the students of this school gradually introduced them to the greater adjutant. they all were surprised to know that they lived with an endangered bird in their home gardens. as the program developed, local schools were designated as guardians of the storks. apart from these programs, educational materials (posters and leaflets) were published and freely distributed among the local students. work in the first 12 years of the conservation program has educated 12,000 school children in learning about nature, bird watching, and other activities to increase their awareness of the natural environment. we introduced a small scholarship program for local students who secured good marks in board examinations. local students were the beneficiaries and almost all of them were children of nest-tree owners. we organized many group meetings with youth in their twenties. the young people were informed about the importance of the greater adjutant, and it was specifically mentioned that if they successfully conserved this nesting colony, their village could be a destination for bird tourism. a few bird tourism groups were introduced to these young people who served as guides in birding trips to the nesting colony. young people were also taken to the assam state zoo to introduce them to other conservation initiatives. in the nesting colony many young chicks die after falling out of their nests (barman, 2018). although this is a natural process, saving chicks that fall from nests will help the population of an endangered bird. once the groups of young people knew about the importance of this bird, they rescued many nest-fall chicks and handed them over to the assam state zoo for further treatment and rehabilitation. the young people did not previously have any concern for these nest-fall birds which would otherwise have died. released birds were named after young students so that the motivation for conservation of this bird would be taken to another level. work with local police it is always important to have on board law enforcing authorities while implementing any community conservation program in india. we engaged with the local police as stakeholders for conservation of this globally endangered bird. the kamrup police department was invited to participate in the conservation efforts for storks in the local nesting colony. police department staff actively participated barman et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):20–29 25 perspectives in conservation program activities and even voluntarily published a roadside sign with conservation messages about the storks in the area. the involvement of police made a real difference and poachers did not have the courage to disturb or kill storks in the colony. integration with local religious events the story about storks helping in the delivery of human babies was narrated to the local elderly women. they liked the story and decided to include storks in the local religious procession (figure 3). this motivated people greatly and they publicly supported the conservation efforts for this stork in their area. when we started conservation work in 2007, villagers complained about the birds and cut down nesting trees of storks. after some years of active community engagement, the villages have taken ownership of the species and are proud to live with the hargila. incorporation of the conservation campaign into the villagers’ ritual belief system has played a large part in the effort to protect the species. tree and animal species are symbols of gods and goddesses in indian culture (bhatt 2010), and mythology and ritual beliefs can be a major tool for enhancing conservation awareness. the greater adjutant is called garuda (the bird vehicle of lord vishnu) in bihar mythology and people treat this bird as god. we used this mythology to motivate the women’s group. in 2015 an awareness program was held during janmashtami (the birth festival of lord shri krishna) with women of dadara village. the women were motivated to write naam songs (prayer songs) with hargila conservation messages and to perform street drama to motivate others. village womenfolk prayed to god for a better life for their bird called hargila who comes to their villages for breeding year after year. village women composed new prayer songs, for example “hargila, you are safe in our village. come and breed here and grow your family. figure 3 a cultural procession for stork conservation. photograph by rathin barman. barman et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):20–29 26 perspectives we are blessed with your presence in our villages”. publicity media organizations are briefed periodically about the importance of the greater adjutant through many formal and informal meetings. the media play a very positive role and keep publishing information about the conservation program so the general public are made aware of the program activities. outcomes from the publicity include sharing information about the storks with people from very remote areas. publicity has included the preparation of a poster in the local vernacular language. the poster highlighted the importance of the bird and appealed for its conservation. the poster was distributed freely to villagers, students, and community groups in the areas with stork colonies and has been very popular. a leaflet with similar messages was also prepared and presented to government officials. a campaign using social media with a facebook group page “greater adjutant network” has been part of the conservation program. many participants have subscribed to this web page and valuable information and suggestions have been gathered through facebook. the group enables the exchange of information for conservation of the greater adjutant in assam. some participants in the page have volunteered during a survey of the status of greater adjutants throughout assam and have even participated in various campaign field activities. involvement of a local celebrity a popular assamese film actress, ms. prastuti parasar, was invited to visit the nesting colony. she was asked to interact with the local people to encourage the conservation of this bird. local people were overwhelmed by the presence of this celebrity in their own villages, sitting with them and having tea with them. the message from the celebrity had a deep impact, especially in young people. they promised the celebrity to support the endangered greater adjutant in their villages. the celebrity publicly felicitated all the nest-tree owners and photo sessions were arranged for the nest-tree owners with the celebrity. felicitation is a hindu practice to honor someone as a mark of respect by wrapping a shawl around their shoulders. the visit to the nest sites in the villages by the popular assamese film actress was an instant hit and was found to be very effective for spreading the conservation message. the villagers said that because of the storks the film celebrity visited their villages and they felt proud of that. success of the conservation program when the first author visited this nesting colony in 2007–08, there were 28 nests and trees were being cut down in this colony and in other adjacent colonies in assam. she started the conservation campaign and with support from local communities tried to ban the hunting of storks which was done by outsider tribal groups. these groups hunted storks for food and there were reports that stork meat was sometimes sold in restaurants as chicken meat. as a result of the continuous conservation efforts not a single tree has been cut down since 2010 and nest numbers have increased. communities have banned the hunting and killing of this species which was often done by a group of tribal people coming from other villages. the hargila army now has 400 women as tree protectors. four hundred women and their families have received benefits for their livelihoods, and 1,050 rural women have benefitted from schemes to learn new skills. furthermore, 12,000 school children received nature learning opportunities and bird watching training as future conservators. nest numbers at the nesting colony increased eight-fold from 28 nests in 2007 to 208 in 2020 and the kamrup district colony is now the largest greater adjutant colony in asia. nests numbers in assam state have increased from 40 to 270 nests over 12 years. we conducted a survey of greater adjutant storks in 2020 and found 950 birds in assam. communities responded to the conservation program and stopped felling nesting trees in dadara pacahriya village, with no trees cut down since 2010. in 2007 six trees were cut down, in 2008 six big nesting trees were cut down, and in 2009 four nesting trees were cut down, so slowly people stopped cutting down the trees. the stork population has continued to grow (figure 4), and in the 2019–2020 breeding season there were 208 successful nests in this breeding colony. there are about 650 storks in the district in which the colony is located and the colony is the largest known greater adjutant nesting colony. the number of storks at a garbage dumping site near guwahati city, the main feeding ground for the storks in the nonbreeding season, has also increased since the conservation program began. the current population of storks is approximately 50% greater than reported after a survey conducted in the breeding season in 1994–1995 and in the nonbreeding season barman et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):20–29 27 perspectives in 1996 (singha et al. 2003). each year the colony is recruiting into the breeding population an average of 75 birds that had previously fledged from the colony as chicks. furthermore, 85 young birds that had fallen from nests have been rescued and released so far. support from the community and the work of the conservation program led to recognition of these villages by birdlife international as important bird areas (iba site in-as-49 dadara-pachariyasingimari) (rahmani et al. 2016). however, rapid urbanization and unplanned city developments which are expanding to these villages will pose a major threat to this species and its wetland habitats. conclusion our program has focused on involvement of the community through persistent and creative approaches to changing people’s attitudes towards the storks and developing feelings of ownership of the birds. involvement of village women has been crucial, including the provision of economic help for their livelihoods. integration of hargila conservation into local festivals and belief systems, and work with school students and young people have also been important for the success of the program. this model of community conservation has been included in the school curriculum in india. villagers of the kamrup district nesting colony became an example for community conservation of greater adjutants in other districts in assam. conservation groups should visit villages in other districts regularly to make the conservation effort ongoing. community based organizations need to be involved to sustain conservation activities for this figure 4 number of successful greater adjutant stork nests in dadara, pasariya, and singimari villages in assam. the dashed line shows a linear regression (y=13.3x + 34.6, r 2 =0.853, p<0.0001; linear regression conducted using prism [graphpad software, la jolla, ca]), indicating that the increase in the number of nests since 2007 is statistically significa nt. barman et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):20–29 28 perspectives endangered bird in all nesting colonies in assam. bird tourism in these villages might help towards conservation of this species but this needs to be carried out with the active participation of local people and should not be operated for the sole benefit of tour operators. the bird was once hated by local people due to its association with slaughterhouse wastes (against the local religious sentiment), but now the same group of people feels that they are the owners of this bird in their locality. they even symbolically took the birds into their village religious ceremonies. also, in addition to continuing the program the government should carry out a proper planning process so that the greater adjutants and other species which breed in non-protected areas are not adversely affected by unplanned development. our program is a striking example of working with local knowledge and beliefs and incorporating religious events into a successful conservation program for an endangered species of bird. it is rare for ethno-ornithology, the inter-relationships between birds and people that include traditional indigenous knowledge (tidemann et al. 2010), to be included in avian conservation programs (bonta 2010). indeed, the greater adjutant stork program may be the most successful example of such a program. the conservation program for the hargila can be a practical model for other conservation programs for endangered birds that live and breed in rural districts where the nesting and feeding sites are not in protected areas. the program is also a model of work with local communities to change perceptions of birds perceived as unwanted, for example the endangered egyptian vulture (neophron percnopterus) (cortésavizanda et al. 2018) and the griffon vulture (gyps fulvus) (margalida et al. 2014) in spain. in conclusion, the greater adjutant stork program demonstrates the value of an ethno-ornithological approach to avian conservation in which local people and their beliefs are at the heart of work to halt and reverse the decline of a bird species. acknowledgments we extend our heartiest thanks to the conservation leadership program, whitley fund for nature, women in nature network, bombay natural history society, new zealand high commission, new delhi, india, kamrup district administration, and the kamrup police for supporting us in conservation initiatives for greater adjutants in assam. we are greatly indebted to professor simon stuart from synchronicity earth, professor robert elner and professor robert butler (27th international ornithological congress), dr. ashish john from wcs vietnam, and dr. kira mileham from iucn for their immense guidance. we are very thankful to dr. asad rahmani of the bombay natural history society, to mr. b.c. choudhury, scientist (rtd) of the wildlife institute of india and to dr. bibhab kumar talukdar, ceo of aaranyak, for their support and advice throughout the conservation program. we highly appreciate and acknowledge the assam forest department for their support. we are also highly thankful to the iucn ssc stork ibis spoonbill group for their support. we highly acknowledge the villagers of dadara, pachariya, and singimari for their constant support. we thank dr. nicole sault for the invitation to contribute to the avian voices special issue of this journal, and for her comments on the manuscript. declarations permissions: none declared. sources of funding: funding was received from the conservation leadership program, whitley fund for nature, women in nature network, bombay natural history society and the new zealand high commission, new delhi, india. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited barman, p. d. 2018. foraging ecology, breeding success and genetic status of greater adjutant stork leptoptilos dubius (gmelin) in kamrup district, assam. dissertation thesis, gauhati university, guwahati, india. bhatt, p. m. 2010. birds and nature in the stepwells of gujarat, western india. in ethno-ornithology. birds, indigenous peoples, culture and society, 1st edition, edited by s. c. tidemann and a. gosler, pp. 141– 151. taylor and francis, london. birdlife international 2001. threatened birds of asia: the birdlife international red data book. birdlife international, cambridge, united kingdom. birdlife international 2016. greater adjutant leptoptilos dubius. the iucn red list of threatened species 2016: e.t22697721a93633471. available at: http://dx.doi.org/10.2305/iucn.uk.20163.rlts.t22697721a93633471.en. accessed on july 23, 2019. birdlife international 2019. species factsheet: leptoptilos dubius. [web page]. available at: http:// barman et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):20–29 29 perspectives datazone.birdlife.org/species/factsheet/greateradjutant-leptoptilos-dubius. accessed on january 23, 2019. bonta, m. 2010. ethno-ornithology and biological conservation. in ethno-ornithology. birds, indigenous peoples, culture and society, 1st edition, edited by s. c. tidemann and a. gosler, pp. 13–29. taylor and francis, london. campbell, i. c., c. poole, w. giesen, and j. valbojorgensen. 2006. species diversity and ecology of tonle sap great lake, cambodia. aquatic sciences 68:355–373. doi:10.1007/s00027-006-0855-0. choudhary, d. n., j. mandal, and r. rohitashwa. 2011. distribution, and potential breeding records, of lesser—leptoptilos javanicus and greater—l. dubius adjutant-stork in bihar, india. indian birds 7:38–40. cortés-avizanda, a., b. martín-lópez, o. ceballos, and h. m. pereira. 2018. stakeholders perceptions of the endangered egyptian vulture: insights for conservation. biological conservation 218:173–180. doi:10.1016/j.biocon.2017.09.028. hull, k., and r. fergus. 2017. birds as seers: an ethno-ornithological approach to omens and prognostication among the ch’orti’ maya of guatemala. journal of ethnobiology 37:604–620. doi:10.2993/0278-0771-38.4.533. jetz, w., g. h. thomas, j. b. joy, d. w. redding, k. hartmann, and a. o. mooers. 2014. global distribution and conservation of evolutionary distinctness in birds. current biology 24:919–930. doi:10.1016/j.cub.2014.03.011. mandal, j., and p. k. saikia. 2013. greater adjutant storks leptoptilos dubius gemlin 1789: breeding and foraging distribution in kamrup district, assam, india. european journal of zoological research 2:1–5. margalida, a., d. campion, and j. a. donazar. 2014. vultures vs livestock: conservation relationships in an emerging conflict between humans and wildlife. oryx 48:172–176. doi:10.1017/ s0030605312000889. perennou, c., t. mundkur, d. a. scott, a. follestad, and l. kvenild. 1994. the asian waterfowl census 1987–91: distribution and status of asian waterfowl. kuala lumpur: asian wetland bureau publication no. 86. international waterfowl and wetlands research bureau publication no. 24. kuala lumpur, malaysia and slimbridge, united kingdom. rahmani, a. r., m. z. islam, and r. m. kasambe. 2016. important bird and biodiversity areas in india. priority sites for conservation. second edition: revised and updated. volume i. bombay natural history society, indian bird conservation network, royal society for the protection of birds and birdlife international (u.k.), mumbai, india. saikia, p., and p. c. bhattacharjee. 1990a. discovery of greater adjutant nesting colonies outside the protected areas of assam, india. newsletter for birdwatchers 30:3. saikia, p., and p. c. bhattacharjee. 1990b. nesting records of greater adjutant storks in assam, india. icbp/iwwrb/iucnnr specialist group on storks, ibises and spoonbills newsletter 3:2–3. singha, h., a. r. rahmani, m. c. coulter, and s. javed. 2003. surveys for greater adjutant leptoptilos dubius in the brahmaputra valley, assam, india during 1994–1996. forktail 19:146–148. tidemann, s. c., s. chirgwin, and j. r. sinclair. 2010. indigenous knowledges, birds that have ‘spoken’ and science. in ethno-ornithology. birds, indigenous peoples, culture and society, 1st edition, edited by s. c. tidemann and a. gosler, pp. 3–12. taylor and francis, london. wyndham, f. s., and k. e. park. 2018. “listen carefully to the voices of the birds”: a comparative review of birds as signs. journal of ethnobiology 38:533–549. doi:10.2993/0278-077138.4.533. traditional knowledge of stingless bees (hymenoptera: apidae: meliponini) in the peruvian amazon delgado et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(1):1–9 1 research communications enawene-nawe and quilombola classify bees based on their structural, morphological, ecological, ethological, and social characteristics (alves and alves 2011; santos and antonini 2008). in south america, honey is generally obtained from the forest by harvesting it directly from the nest, leaving behind destroyed colonies on the ground (kerr et al. 2001; quezada-euán et al. 2018). certain communities, such as the kayapó in brazil and rural communities in peru, practice a conservation method in which they transfer the nest to locations near their homes to periodically extract honey (alves and alves 2011; camargo and posey 1990; rasmussen and castillo-carrillo 2003). in latin america, in addition to the use of honey, larvae (pauleti et al. 2000; quezada et al 2018), pupae, pollen, cerumen, and propolis are also consumed to a lesser extent (carbalho et al. 2014; costa-neto 2005; introduction meliponiculture—the keeping of stingless bees—to extract honey and wax has been practiced by cultures around the world for thousands of years (costa-neto and ramos-elorduy 2006; crane 1999). before the spaniards arrived in south america in 1492, indigenous groups were well acquainted with stingless bees (crane 1999; medrano and rosso 2010; quezada-euán et al. 2001, 2018). different amerindian cultures attributed multiple properties to stingless bee products, including nutrition, medicine, handcrafts, religion, economy, and mythology (quezada-euán et al. 2018). honey was the single most used product, followed by pollen, wax mixed with plant resins, propolis, and larvae (alves and alves 2011; quezada-euán et al. 2018). in brazil, indigenous communities, such as the kayapó, consider stingless bees as part of their cosmology and a model of social organization (posey 1986), while the traditional knowledge of stingless bees (hymenoptera: apidae: meliponini) in the peruvian amazon cesar delgado 1* , kember mejía 1 , claus rasmussen 2 , and rosa romero 3 1 affiliation programa de biodiversidad amazónica, instituto de investigaciones de la amazonia peruana, iquitos, perú, 2 department of agroecology, aarhus university, tjele, denmark, 3 departamento de lenguas extranjeras y nativas, universidad nacional de la amazonía peruana, iquitos, perú. * cdelgado@iiap.gob.pe abstract this paper describes the traditional knowledge on the management of stingless bee colonies and the use of honey by indigenous and non-indigenous communities of the department of loreto, in the peruvian amazon. semi-structured interviews and collection of voucher bees were carried out from june to august 2016 and from november to december 2017. the informants were selected through intentional non-probabilistic sampling (snowball sampling). during the study, 21 communities were visited, of which some of the community members in thirteen communities kept stingless bees. a total of 17 species of stingless bees are reported as used in the communities for either rearing or harvesting of honey from the forest with melipona eburnea being the most common species. the way communities classify, manage, and use bees depends on how they perceive these insects, informed by knowledge processed and incorporated from other communities. in these communities, they use honey and pollen, with honey being the main product. fourteen health conditions are treated with honey, with the most treated conditions being related to respiratory ailments, fertility, and reproduction. the study provides a basis for incorporating stingless bees into conservation and sustainable production policies. received june 4, 2021 open access accepted july 1, 2022 doi 10.14237/ebl.14.1.2023.1772 published march 8, 2023 keywords melipona, ethnoknowledge, amazon, peru, sustainable development copyright © 2023 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. delgado et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(1):1–9 2 research communications vit et al. 2014). propolis and cerumen, in particular, are used in the manufacture of hunting and fishing tools, musical instruments, handicrafts, etc. (quezada et al., 2018). bees also have mythological, religious, cosmological, spiritual meanings (cappas and souza 1995, rodrigues 2006; santos et al. 2008) and are used as a model of social organization (camargo and posey 1990; quezada et al. 2018). from peru, more than 175 different species of stingless bees are known (rasmussen, personal observation), a number that has increased with recent studies (baumgartner and roubik 1989; castillocarrillo et al. 2016; pedro and camargo 2003; rasmussen and castillo-carrillo 2003; rasmussen and gonzales 2009). in the latest survey, rasmussen and delgado (2019) reported 69 species alone for the loreto region of northeastern peru. the first peruvian account of stingless bee management included surveys from indigenous and non-indigenous communities (rasmussen and castillo-carrillo 2003). later reports described honey consumption and beekeeping practices in more detail (e.g., castillo-carrillo et al. 2016; elizalde vilela et al. 2016; perichon 2013). this study aims at documenting the current state of traditional knowledge on how indigenous and nonindigenous communities in the department of loreto use stingless bees, to establish the scientific bases that allow defining policies for the preservation of stingless bees and the use of honey from these bees. methods study area the study was conducted from june to august 2016 and again from november to december 2017 in 21 different lower basin river communities in the department of loreto, peru, including: eight communities in the ucayali river, six in the marañón river, four in the napo river, and three in the nanay river (figure 1). the local communities include indigenous kukama-kukamiria and non-indigenous river dwellers (ribereños) whose economies all rely on subsistence activities such as agriculture, fishing, hunting, collection of turtles, honey, raising chickens and, in some cases, pigs and other domestic animals. the nutrient-rich soil of these communities remains under water from three to five months per year. there are two main seasons: one with heavy rainfall from october to april and the other with low rainfall from may to september, which coincides with the lowwater period of the rivers, except in the case of the napo river whose high-water period goes from february to august, while the low-water period ranges from march to september. the area is covered with highly diverse vegetation of primary forests, secondary forests, and cultivated species, which jointly provide a valuable source of food, resins, and nesting habitats for numerous stingless bees. interviews first, we sought and obtained consent for the study from the local authorities. once approved the process of selecting informants in the communities was based on an intentional non-probability sampling technique called snowball sampling (sadler et al. 2010), which started with meeting one family or household of stingless beekeepers that led to further meetings with other known beekeepers. we included only those families that had stingless bee colonies or those who said they kept stingless bees during the past ten years. a semi-structured survey was then handed out to each figure 1 map of the study areas, with distribution of the communities in the four river basins in the peruvian amazon region. delgado et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(1):1–9 3 research communications informant family while visiting their stingless bee colonies if they still had colonies. from each live colony, five bee specimens were collected, and entrance photos were taken for subsequent identification. each family that informed us they had kept stingless bees in the past was shown a 15 x 20 cm photographic plate that illustrated different bee species and hive entrance, to ensure the correct species was recognized and identified by the informant. the survey included eight specific questions: diversity: 1. which types of bees (species) do you keep now? 2. of the species you have kept in the past 1-10 years, why did you stop with those? 3. why do you keep the type (species) of bees you do now? management: 1. where in the house do you keep bees? 2. which colony product or resource do you collect and what do you use it for? 3. how much honey do you harvest and how often? 4. in which phase of the moon do you harvest honey? 5. which human conditions do you cure or treat with honey? the interview was directed at families rather than at a specific household member and no differentiation was made between whether men or women considered bees in similar ways. in the studied areas, river dwellers have coexisted for generations with the indigenous communities and no differentiation was observed in the handling or use. due to the low number of families interviewed and the similarity in the responses across the communities, all data were combined and analyzed together. to determine the importance of honey in the treatment of different conditions or diseases, we used the use value index (uvi) which was adapted from ethnobotanical studies (camou-guerrero et al. 2008). one set of the collected bee samples was incorporated into the biodiversity referential collection of the peruvian amazon research institute (iiap), iquitos, peru and the other part was sent to aarhus university, denmark, for taxonomic identification. table 1 stingless bee species that the inhabitants of the communities of the lower basins of marañon, ucayaly, napo and nanay rivers raise or collect honey from the forest. scientific name local name frieseomelitta trichocerata melipona eburnea “ronsapilla” (which is the diminutive form for “ronsapa” or bumblebee and “boca de sapo” [literally toad’s mouth] for the shape of the hive entrance melipona crinita melipona illota “abeja negra” [black bee] for the color of its body melipona grandis “abeja ceniza” [ash-colored bee] for the color of its body melipona cf. rufiventris “abeja colorada” [red bee] for the color of its body melipona titania “abeja gigante” [giant bee] partamona sp. plebeia kerri ptilotrigona pereneae “pishura abeja” [pishura bee] for the shape of its hive entrance. “pishura” is a regional term used to call the female external genitalia tetragona goettei tetragona truncata “trompa de elefante” “elephant trunk” for the shape of its hive entrance tetragonisca angustula “ramichi”, “angelita” or “niña” [little twig, little angel or little girl] for its small size and delicate appearance trigona amazonensis “arambazo”, “corta pelo” or “abeja brava” [short hair or fierce bee] trigona williana trigona dallatorreana scaptotrigona sp. delgado et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(1):1–9 4 research communications results and discussion diversity we found that in 13 of the 21 (61.9%) communities surveyed 17 families keep stingless bees. families (8) in five (23.8%) additional communities had kept at least one colony in the past 1–10 years but have now abandoned this practice (1-4 colonies in the communities with an average of 2.8 colony per community). interviews represent a total of 25 current of former stingless bee keeping families. the total number of active colonies recorded was 29 distributed among 17 families with each family having one to three colonies. we recorded a total of 17 different species of stingless bees in nine genera that are either kept or harvested for honey from the surrounded forests. the species kept are: 15 colonies (51.7%) of melipona eburnea, five (17.2%) of m. illota, three (10.3%) of m. grandis, two each (6.8%) of m. titania and frieseomelitta trichocerata, and one each (3.4%) of trigona amazonensis and tetragonisca angustula. informants choose to keep specific species of stingless bees based on the quantity of honey they produce (7; 41.2%); the availability of the species near the community (6; 34.1%); and a lower aggression level (2; 11.8%). the local dwellers name the different bee species based on their morphology, color and size, the shape of the nest entrances, the colony’s behavior, or the relation with their surroundings (figure 2, table 1). other indigenous groups of the amazon already know about these ways to classify and identify the species of bees (alves and alves 2011; santos and antonini 2008). unlike other regions in the peruvian amazon (san martín, huánuco, junín, etc.), where commercial agriculture is developed and the keeping of the honeybee apis mellifera is intensifying, dwellers in the loreto region knew of apis mellifera but do not keep them and only use their honey when a tree is cut for purposes other than honey extraction (wood extraction, etc.). although in previous years the peruvian government, research institutes and universities promoted its keeping, it was not successful in the communities. the main factor attributed by the residents is the sting they cause. no other honey producing insects, such as honey wasps, were reported. management tree trunks measuring from 1 to 1.5 m with stingless bee colonies are cut and brought from the forest to the home for bee keeping. here the trunk is attached to the roof (17; 58.6%). in addition, nests are placed under the floor (8; 27.6%; note these are traditionally houses built on 1 to 2-meter-tall wooden stilts) or hung on fruit tree branches near the house (4; 13.8%). for honey harvest on a regular basis, an opening is made in the trunk and a lid sealed with clay is attached once the honey has been extracted. in addition, four of the 17 families are keeping bees in rustic or semirational hives. these people told us that they learned the techniques from other communities. honey is the most used product in the communities, followed by pollen (known locally as bee ‘excrement’), propolis, figure 2 shape of the hive entrances for some of the species recorded in the study; a melipona eburnea “toad’s mouth”; b m. illota “black bee"; c m. grandis “ash-colored bee”; d m. titania, “giant bee”; e tetragona truncata, “elephant trunk”; f trigona cf. hypogea; g ptilotrigona pereneae “pishura bee”; h lestrimelitta cf limao; i tetragonisca angustula “little angel or little girl”. delgado et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(1):1–9 5 research communications and jelly (known locally as bee ‘acidito’) (figure 3). these products may be used in food, cultural activities, and especially medicine (figure 4). larvae serve as human food or as bait for fishing. honey harvesting primarily takes place in the morning: 11 (64.7%) inform that they harvest honey every 12-18 months and six (35.3%) every eight months. the reported quantity of harvested honey ranges from 300 to 1.800 ml. to harvest honey, the tree trunk is initially opened with an ax, extracting, and squeezing the honey containing pots into buckets. this process destroys the honey pots of cerumen and may kill the larvae and adults in brood cells sometimes connected with storage pots. five families (29.4%) stated that the emptied honey pots of cerumen are placed nearby the nest at the end of the harvesting period, so bees could retrieve the cerumen and rebuild the nest. venturieri et al. (2017) in an experiment with melipona fasciculata in brazil demonstrated the importance of this factor in the recovery of the colony and honey production. in latin america, there are indigenous communities that carry out sustainable practices when harvesting from native stingless bees: in peru, members of the kukamas make openings and then cover the trunk after harvest of the honey, or when a colony tree deteriorates, the whole colony is transferred to rustic wooden boxes (rasmussen and castillo 2003); in brazil, the kayapos only extract part of the honey, then close the hive, leaving provisions for the colony in order to revisit and harvest later again (posey and camargo 1985); the quilombola, guarani, and pankararé perform colony division (carvalho et al. 2014; costa-neto 1998; rodrigues 2006). however, the sustainable use and the close interaction with native stingless bees is also vanishing in parts of the range (villanueva-gutiérrez et al. 2005). the informants pointed out four reasons explaining why people are abandoning the ancient practice: 1) loss of knowledge on how to keep and use bees in the younger generation; 2) high bee colony figure 3 management and traditional use of native stingless bees in the studied communities; a bee hive on stick; b bee hive in a rustic box; c hive with the opening to extract the honey and lid sealed with clay; d nest of bee and honey extraction; e cerumen from a nest placed near the hive to be reused by bees; f preserved honey for later use or commercialization. figure 4 harvesting of a the colmenta and b use of honey, in the communities of the lower basins of the marañon, ucayali, napo and nanay rivers. delgado et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(1):1–9 6 research communications mortality caused by extreme floods in the last years; 3) difficulty to locate the now often rare nests in the forest due to selective logging; and 4) low profitability of stingless beekeeping. similarly, perichon (2013) found that the number of keepers of wild bees decreased by approximately 50% between 2002 and 2012 in the northern coast of peru. one of the causes for this decline is the replacement of beekeeping of stingless species for commercial beekeeping with apis mellifera (perichon 2013). the increasing loss of stingless bees may be compromising the preservation of biodiversity, cultural heritage, food safety and health, as well as economic opportunities for these communities. cultural uses we have recorded a total number of fourteen human health conditions that are treated with pure honey or honey mixed with other products from the bee colonies or various plant extracts (table 2). these mixes are prepared from extracts macerated with sugar cane alcohol (spirit). older members of these communities explained that these extracts were done by cooking in the past. the main conditions treated with honey are cough, flu, bronchitis, infertility, and other reproductive issues. the honey use value-index ranged from 0.72 to 0.98 (table 2). some interviewees said that honey from a certain species is better for treating a specific condition. for instance, honey produced by trigona amazonensis and tetragonisca angustula are used to treat red eye and ocular growths; however, when this specific honey is not available, honey from any of the stingless bees is used as a treatment. studies carried out in peru report the use of pure honey or mixed with other products to treat colds, coughs, bronchial tubes, bronchitis, flu, rheumatism, arthritis, vaginal washes, eye infection, fertility of both sexes, anemia, constipation, and wound disinfection (rasmussen and castillo 2003; vileta et al. 2016). in the province of oro in ecuador, it is reportedly also used for bruises, tumors, ocular cataracts, pterygium, inflammation, infections, varicose veins, cleaning blood after childbirth, kidney diseases, wound healing, and as a soothing balm before sleeping (vit et al. 2016). other indigenous communities such as the uwa of colombia also use honey to treat infertility and reproductive issues (falchetti and nates-parra 2002). santos and antonini (2008) report the use of honey from many species of melipona to treat sore throats, bronchitis, erectile dysfunction, diabetes, mycosis, as a worm killer, antidote for snake and dog bites, but most of these were not reported by participants in our study. there is vast scientific literature that provides concrete evidence on the biological and chemical properties of medicinal honey around the world. for example, johnson et al. (2005) reported that australian leptospermum honey is effective “against antibiotic-resistant microorganisms” that are diseases uvi honey products plant species flu 1 pure honey or honey + jelly + pollen ginger zingiber officinale, jatoba hymenaea oblongifolia, rumberry myrciaria dubia, lemon citrus × limon, genipap genipa americana cough 0.9 bronchitis 0.7 asthma 0.2 pertussis 0.2 infertility and reproduction 0.8 pure honey or honey + jelly + pollen “chuchuhuasi” maytenus laevis, jatoba hymenaea oblongifolia, “cumaseba” swartzia polyphylla, clove vine tynanthus panurensis, m. dubia bone pain and rheumatism 0.4 pure honey or honey + jelly + pollen m. dubia, “murure” brosimum acutifolium, “icoja” unonopsis floribunda, “huacapurana” campsiandra angustifólia, “iporuro” alchornea castaneifolia, fever three brunfelsia grandiflora eye infection 0.2 pure honey bushy matgrass lippia alba cuts and other wounds 0.2 eye meatiness 0.1 burned 0.1 stomach pain 0.1 table 2 diseases treated with stingless bee honey, pure or mixed with other products of the colony or plant extracts, in the indigenous and non-indigenous communities of the peruvian amazon (data pooled across communities). delgado et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(1):1–9 7 research communications associated with catheter infections when compared to commercially available mupirocin. research by ahmed et al. (2013) reported that malaysian tualang honey has potent antimicrobial, anti-inflammatory, and antioxidant properties when following randomized control clinical trials. this work also elucidated the chemical profile of this honey that included a high volume of phenols, flavonoids, and 5hydroxymethyl-furfural. furthermore, kato et al. (2012) reported that leptospermum honey harbors two highly abundant molecules including the novel glycoside “leptosin” that was directly linked to the inhibitory activity of myeloperoxidase. this result serves as chemical evidence for the antioxidant activity of this australian honey. conclusions the diversity of stingless bee species raised by local dwellers is broad, but only three are used frequently, melipona eburnea “toad’s mouth”, m. illota “black bee", and m. grandis “ash-colored bee”. indigenous communities of the amazon region have been practicing beekeeping of stingless bees to extract honey and other products for a very long time. particularly valuable colonies are cared for and brought back home for continuous use. however, management techniques are not sophisticated or considered sustainable; therefore, it is necessary to carry out actions to conserve and consolidate their use practices, create new or better transfer techniques, have a higher appreciation of colony products, and develop conservation policies. the number of communities that carry on this practice is decreasing, in part because of the gradual loss of traditional knowledge, deforestation, low production and cost of honey, and extreme climatic events (e.g., flooding, drought) increasingly common in the region. honey and other bee products have a nutritional and often perceived but not validated medical value. honey from stingless bees is used to treat different diseases and conditions and honey from certain species is used to treat specific illnesses. based on the frequency of honey use in the treatment of conditions related to the airways, reproductive system, and fertility, it is recommended to validate those claims by scientific studies. acknowledgments this research was financed by the national council for science, technology and technological innovation (concytec), in agreement with the peruvian amazon research institute (iiap). we want to thank the technician wilson gonzales for his support in the field work. we also thank the authorities of the communities for their consent to the study, and to all the people that took part in the study for sharing with us valuable information and help. declarations permissions: permits to access and carry out research in the communities were obtained prior field work. the peruvian government’s national forestry and wildlife service granted permits to collect biological materials. permit authorization no 0068-2015serfor-dggspffs and rdg-n—141-2016 serfor-dggspffs. sources of funding: the research was funded by the concejo nacional de ciencia y tecnologíaconcytec, agreement no 0185-2015fondecyt. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited ahmed, s., and n. h. othman. 2013. review of the medicinal effects of tualang honey and a comparison with manuka honey. the malaysian journal of medical sciences 20:6–13. alves, r. r. n., and h. n. alves. 2011. the faunal drugstore: animal-based remedies used in traditional medicines in latin america. journal of ethnobiology and ethnomedicine 7:2–43. doi:10.1186/1746-4269-7-9. baumgartner, d. l., and d. w. roubik. 1989. ecology of necrophilous and filth-gathering stingless bees (apidae: meliponinae) of peru. journal of the kansas entomological society 62:11–22. camargo, j. m. f., and d. a. posey. 1990. o conhecimiento dos kayapó sobre as abelhas sociais sem ferrão (meliponidae: apidae: hymenoptera) notas adicionais. boletim do museu paraense emílio goeldi zool 6:17–42. camou-guerrero, a., v. reyes-garcia, m. martinezramos, and a. casas. 2008. conocimiento y valor de uso de especies vegetales en una comunidad raramuri (méxico). human ecology 36:259–272. doi:10.1007/s10745-007-9152-3. cappas e souza j. p. 1995. os maias e a meliponicultura. anales asociacion española de entomologia delgado et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(1):1–9 8 research communications consejeria de agricultura e médio ambiente, cuencas 1995:146. carvalho, r. m. a., c. f. martins, and j. s mourão. 2014. meliponiculture in quilombola communities of ipiranga and gurugi, paraiba state, brazil: an ethnoecological approach. journal of ethnobiology and ethnomedicine 10:1–12. doi:10.1186/1746-4269 -10-3. castillo-carrillo, p., r. elizalde, and c. rasmussen. 2016. inventario de las abejas nativas sin aguijón (hymenoptera: apidae: meliponini) en tumbes perú. paper presented at the 8th congreso mesomericano sobre abejas nativas: biología, cultura y uso sostenibles. heredia, costa rica. contreras-escareño, f., c. m. echazarreta, e. guzmán-novoa, and j. o. macías-macías. 2019. traditional knowledge and potential use of stingless bees (hymenoptera: meliponinae) in the manantlan sierra, jalisco, méxico. sociobiology 66:120 –125. doi:10.13102/sociobiology.v66i1.3396. costa-neto, e. m. 1998. folk taxonomy and cultural significance of "abeia"(insecta:hymenoptera) to the pankararé, northeastern bahia state, brazil. journal of ethnobiology 18:1–13. costa-neto, e. m. 2005. entomotherapy, or the medicinal use of insects. journal of ethnobiology 25:93–114. doi:10.2993/0278-0771(2005)25 [93:eotmuo]2.0.co;2. costa-neto, e. m., and j. ramos-elorduy. 2006. los insectos comestibles de brasil: etnicidad, diversidad e importancia en la alimentación. boletín de la sociedad entomológica aragonesa 38:423–442. crane, e. 1999. the world history of beekeeping and honey hunting. routledge, new york. doi:10.4324/9780203819937. elizalde vilela, r. e., p. castillo-carrillo, and c. rasmussen c. 2016. manual de abejas nativas sin aguijón de la reserva de biósfera del noroeste del perú. universidad nacional de tumbes, tumbes, perú. falchetti, a. m., and g. nates-parra. 2002. las hijas del sol: las abejas sin aguijón en el mundo uwa. in rostros culturales de la fauna: las relaciones entre los humanos y los animales en el contexto colombiano, edited by a. ulloa, pp. 175–224. instituto colombino de antropología e historia y fundación natura, bogota, colombia. johnson, d. w., c. eps, d. w. mudge, k. j. wiggins, k. armstrong, c. m. hawley, s. b. campbell, n. m. isbel, g. r. nimmo, and h. gibbs. 2005. randomized, controlled trial of topical exit-site application of honey (medihoney) versus mupirocin for the prevention of catheterassociated infections in hemodialysis patients. journal of the american society of nephrology 16:1456– 1462. doi:10.1681/asn.2004110997. kato, y., n. umeda, a. maeda, and d. matsumoto. 2012. identification of a novel glycoside, leptosin, as a chemical marker of manuka honey. journal of agricultural and food chemistry 60:3418–3423. doi:10.1021/jf300068w. kerr, w. e., g. a. carvalho, a. c. da silva, and m. d. g. p. de assis. 2001. aspectos pouco mencionados da biodiversidade amazônica. parcerias estratégicas 6:20–41. medrano, m. c., and c. n. rosso. 2010. otra civilización de la miel: utilización de miel en grupos indígenas guaycurúes a partir de la evidencia de fuentes jesuíticas (s xviii). espaço ameríndio 4:147–171. doi:10.22456/19826524.17362. nogueira-neto, p. 1997. vida e criação de abelhas indígenas sem ferrão. ed. nogueirapis. sao paulo, brazil. paoletti, m. g., e. buscardo, and d. l. dufour. 2000. edible invertebrates among amazonian indians: a critical review of disappearing knowledge. environment, development and sustainability 2:195–225. doi:10.1023/a:1011461907591. pedro, s. r. m, and j. m. f. camargo. 2003. meliponini neotropicais: o gênero partamona schwarz, 1939 (hymenoptera, apidae). revista brasileira de entomologia 47:1–117. doi:10.1590/ s0085-56262003000500001. perichon, s. 2013. de l'élevage des abeilles mélipones à l'apiculture moderne: une enquête ethnozoologique réalisée dans des forêts tropicales sèches au pérou. cahiers agricultures 22:96–103. doi:10.1684/agr.2013.0618. posey, d. a. 1986. etnoentomologia de tribos indígenas da amazônia. in suma etnológica brasileira, edited by d. ribeiro, pp. 251–271. vozes/finep, petrópolis, brazil. delgado et al. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(1):1–9 9 research communications quezada-euán, j. j. g., m. j. may-itzá, and j. a. gonzález-acereto. 2001. meliponiculture in mexico: problems and perspective for development. bee world 82:160–167. doi:10.1080/0005772x.2001.11099523. quezada-euán, j. j. g., g. nates-parra, m. m. maús, d. w. roubik, and v. l. imperatriz-fonseca. 2018. the economic and cultural values of stingless bees (hymenoptera: meliponini) among ethnic groups of tropical america. sociobiology 65:534– 557. doi:10.13102/sociobiology.v65i4.3447. rasmussen, c., and p. s. castillo-carrillo. 2003. estudio preliminar de la meliponicultura o apicultura silvestre en el perú (hymenoptera: apidea, meliponini). revista peruana de entomología 43:159–64. rasmussen, c., and v. h. gonzalez. 2009. abejas sin aguijón del cerro escalera, san martín, perú (hymenoptera: apidae: meliponini). sistemas agroecológicos y modelos biomatemáticos 2:26–32. rasmussen, c., and c. delgado. 2019. abejas sin aguijón (apidae: meliponini) en loreto, perú. instituto de investigaciones de la amazonía peruana (iiap), lima, perú. rodrigues, a. s. 2006. até quando o etnoconhecimento sobre as abelhas sem ferrão (hymenoptera, apidae, meliponinae) será transmitido entre gerações pelos indios guarani m'byá da aldeia morro da saudade, localizada na cidade de são paulo, estado de são paulo, brasil? sitientibus série ciências biológicas 6:343–350. doi:10.13102/ scb8201. sadler, g. r., h. c. lee, r. s. lim, and j. fullerton. 2010. recruitment of hard-to-reach population subgroups via adaptations of the snowball sampling strategy. nursing & health sciences 12:369– 374. doi:10.1111/j.1442-2018.2010.00541.x. santos, g. m., and y. antonini. 2008. the traditional knowledge on stingless bees (apidae: meliponina) used by the enawene-nawe tribe in western brazil. journal of ethnobiology and ethnomedicine 4:1–9. doi:10.1186/1746-4269-4-19. venturieri, g. c., k. l. leão, e. s. rêgo, and g. a. venturieri. 2018. honey production of the “uruçucinzenta” stingless bee (melipona fasciculata) after offering cerumen in natural form or as artificially made pots. journal of apicultural research 5:129–134. doi:10.1080/00218839.2017.1339520. villanueva-gutiérrez, r., d. w. roubik, and w. colliucán. 2005. extinction of melipona beecheii and traditional beekeeping in the yucatán peninsula. bee world 2:35–41. doi:10.1080/0005772x.2005.11099651. vit, p., o. vargas, t. lópez, and f. maza. 2015. meliponini biodiversity and medicinal uses of pothoney from el oro province in ecuador. emirates journal of food and agriculture 27:502–506. doi:10.9755/ejfa.2015.04.079. a quantitative method for evaluating contemporary cultural uses of birds: a case study from mexico ávila-nájera et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):5–19 5 research communications and beliefs of local communities (alves and souto 2015). ethno-orthithology considers the relationship between humans and birds. in the americas, areas of high cultural and biological diversity frequently coincide (costa-neto et al. 2009) and are reflected in arts, beliefs, knowledge, cuisine, musical instruments, and clothing (toledo and barrera-bassols 2008). wild birds often feature in human diets, and their plumage and body parts are prized for aesthetic reasons and they are appreciated for their song (anderson and introduction wildlife can have an economic value, but habitats and species also possess distinctive social, ecological, psychological, and ethical values (cuéllar soto 2017). studying the close associations and interactions between people and animals can demonstrate the values and cultural significances that different communities place on particular species (alves et al. 2018). such ethnozoological knowledge is useful when developing long term conservation plans that not only protect wildlife, but also sustain the practices a quantitative method for evaluating contemporary cultural uses of birds: a case study from mexico dulce maría ávila-nájera 1 , barbara j. tigar 2* , zaira zavala-sánchez 3 , pedro zetina-cordoba 4 , and ricardo serna-lagunes 5 1 departamento de investigación, universidad intercultural del estado de méxico, san felipe del progreso, méxico. 2 school of pharmacy and biomedical sciences, university of central lancashire, preston, uk. 3 facultad de ciencias agropecuarias y ambientales, universidad autónoma de guerrero, iguala, méxico. 4 universidad politécnica de huatusco. unidad académica de biotecnología y agroindustrial. huatusco, méxico. 5 unidad de manejo y conservación de recursos genéticos. facultad de ciencias biológicas y agropecuarias, peñuela, méxico. * btigar@uclan.ac.uk abstract this study evaluates the relationship between people and birds in mexico, a country where high cultural and biological diversity are reflected in the close associations between people and natural resources, recorded since pre hispanic times. it systematically reviews 1041 records of cultural use of wild birds in mexico published between 1996–2017 and analyzes patterns of contemporary use of avifauna. it classifies information for 252 birds by grouping uses of species and families into 11 categories and quantifies overall use with a cultural value index (cvi). the data show that birds have a high cultural value as food, pets, and for medicinal uses (312, 235, and 119 records, respectively), particularly in the stat e of chiapas. large edible birds had the highest cvis and included plain chachalacas (ortalis vetula; 9.72), black-bellied whistlingducks (dendrocygna autumnali; 6.65), crested guams (penelope purpurascens; 6.25), and great currasows (crax rubra; 6.23), with the cracidae family recorded as favored gamebirds. conspicuous, brightly-colored birds had high cvis, including keel-billed toucans (ramphastos sulfuratus; 6.50), red-lored amazons, (amazona autumnalis; 6.03), and allied species, which were traded or kept as pets despite legal protection. the high cvis of barn owls (tyto alba; 5.45) were related to medicinal uses, and mourning doves (zenaida macroura; 5.69) were mainly used as gamebirds. wild bird populations face increasing pressure from habitat loss and overexploitation. we propose that evaluating the ethnological significance of wildlife with indices like cvis can quantify the distinctive needs of rural communities, which when combined with information on conservation status can develop more sustainable species management plans. received august 28, 2019 open access accepted july 18, 2020 doi 10.14237/ebl.11.2.2020.1644 published december 4, 2020 keywords wildlife, ethnozoology, ethno-ornithology, psittacidae copyright © 2020 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. supplementary files available at https://doi.org/10.14237/ebl.11.2.2020.1644 ávila-nájera et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):5–19 6 research communications medina-tzuc 2005). birds also feature in myths, rituals, art, and architecture relating to cycles of rebirth and renewal (anderson 2017; hull and fergus 2017; sault 2016). in latin america, birds are considered highly symbolic—especially hummingbirds and vultures, which are thought to predict life and death events (sault 2016)—with magical powers believed to be conferred to anyone eating or possessing particular species or products (anderson and medina-tzuc 2005). for centuries, indigenous americans have made ceremonial regalia from feathers not only for their decorative qualities but also for their supposed connection to the spirit world. those wearing feathers were thought to be able to fly, sing, and display like a bird, and could serve as sacred deities between human and other worlds (costa-neto et al. 2009). in prehispanic aztec culture brightly-colored iridescent feathers were highly prized, and hummingbird, quetzal, and male mallard plumage was incorporated into cloaks and shields of elite warriors, and pasted onto skin at festivals (riedler et al. 2012). however, long-held cultural attitudes that traditionally prevented the overexploitation of natural resources are being lost, including beliefs by the ch'orti' maya in guatemala about supernatural powers of birds (hull and fergus 2017), and traditional maya ideology in the yucatan that encouraged a shared responsibility for sustainably managing communally-held natural resources such as game birds (anderson and medinatzuc 2007). mexico is highly biodiverse with about 11% (n=1,115–1,150) of extant global bird species, including 194–212 endemic species (navarro-sigüenza et al. 2014). much of its avifauna is threatened, with 26–44% of bird populations (berlanga et al. 2017) and up to 57% of bird species (n=655) considered to be at risk (ortiz-pulido 2018). avian species richness is highest in the inter-mountain habitats along the gulf of mexico and the yucatan peninsula, with endemism peaking in the western mountain ranges and sierra madre oriental (navarro-sigüenza et al. 2014). many bird populations are in decline owing to recent human activities (ortiz-pulido 2018), and endangered bird populations considered both at risk and possessing high cultural significance are considered to be especially vulnerable to over-exploitation (tábara 2006). this study aims to evaluate the relationship between people and birds in mexico by analyzing patterns of contemporary cultural use of avifauna. this is achieved by quantifying the extent of cultural use of birds using a cultural value index (cvi) developed for ethnobotanical studies (turner 1988) and recently applied to ethnozoology (ávila-nájera et al. 2018). cvis synthesize the detailed ethnological knowledge contained in multiple sources and generate a quantitative indicator of a species’ or taxa’s cultural relevance, which can indicate its risk of exploitation. cvis can be used to incorporate cultural attitudes into conservation management of endangered wildlife populations, and for comparative studies of use and exploitation of species from different regions or following environmental or demographic changes. methods we carried out a systematic search for relevant journal articles, books, theses, and online publications in scopus, the web of science, and the national consortium of scientific and technological information resources (conricyt). we used english and spanish search terms relating to the cultural value or significance of, attitude towards or specific use of, wild birds in mexico and extracted records and relevant information for the 20-year period 1996–2017. we stored records in ms excel and corrected synonyms using berlanga et al. (2017), and extracted species’ mexican conservation status from the nom-059-semarnat-2010 (semarnat 2010). records were assigned to one or more of 11 categories of cultural use as used by ávila-nájera et al. (2018). these were: food, pets, trade, ornamental, artisanal, magic-religious (including belief in spiritual power [anderson 2017]), medicinal purposes, killed for sport or recreation (hunted for pleasure), considered harmful or dangerous, or considered to have other benefits. we quantified the overall cultural significance of each species using a cultural value index (cvi) (figueroa–solano 2000, derived from the index of cultural significance [turner 1988]) via the equation: cvi = σ (iu + fm + vut), where  iu (intensity of use) = (number of uses for each species from all sources / total number of uses for all species from all sources) x 100,  fm (frequency of use) = (number of records [times a species is mentioned] of all uses for each species from all sources / total number ávila-nájera et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):5–19 7 research communications of records of all uses for all species from all sources) x 100,  vu (use value) = (number of records for each species of a single use from all sources / total number of records of a single use for all species from all sources) x 100, and  vut (total use value for each species) = sum of vu for all uses / total uses. we also calculated cvis for bird families by substituting the data for species in the equations above with the combined data for all species in a family. results we found 56 publications documenting cultural uses of birds from over 300 sites in 21 mexican federal states, based on more than 500 interviews (figure 1, and supplementary table 1). most records of cultural use originated from chiapas (n=212), followed by oaxaca (n=79), and the estado de méxico (n=51) (figure 1). there were records for 252 bird species figure 1 location of the 21 mexican federal states (labelled 1–21) with records of cultural uses used to calculate cultural value indices (cvi) for 252 bird species. shading indicates the number of independent sources used to calculate the cvi, where light gray is <5 (1, aguascalientes; 3, ciudad de méxico; 4, colima; 6, durango; 7, estado de méxico; 8, guerrero; 9, guanajuato; 10, jalisco; 11, michoacán, 12, morelos; 13, oaxaca; 14 puebla; 15, quintana roo; 16, querétaro; 17, san luis potosí; 18 sinaloa; 19, tabasco; 20, veracruz; 21, yucatán). dark gray is nine (2, campeche). black indicates 12 sources (5, chiapas). ávila-nájera et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):5–19 8 research communications table 1 names and classification (order and family of bird species) with their national conservation status (where e = endangered, t = threatened, p = subject to special protection measures and i = insufficient data [semarnat 2010]), and iucn status (where nt= near threatened; lc= least concern; vu= vulnerable; en= endangered), the total number of uses reported and total number of records for each species in mexico (from 1996–­2017) and the cultural value index (cvi). spe­ cies with a cvi >5 are highlighted in light gray. (continued on next page) order conservation status nom-ecol-059 conservation status iucn number of reported uses number of records of cultural uses cvi family species tinamiformes tinamidae tinamus major t nt 6 14 3.24 crypturellus boucardi t lc 1 5 0.79 crypturellus cinnamomeus p lc 5 11 2.64 anseriformes anatidae dendrocygna autumnalis i lc 9 22 6.65 dendrocygna bicolor i lc 3 6 1.78 branta canadensis i lc 1 1 0.29 aix sponsa i lc 3 3 1.15 anas acuta i lc 1 1 0.29 anas platyrhynchos i lc 1 3 0.54 cairina moschata e lc 6 18 4.33 bucephala albeola i lc 2 2 0.84 lophodytes cucullatus i lc 1 1 0.34 oxyura jamaicensis i lc 2 4 1.35 galliformes cracidae ortalis vetula i lc 9 47 9.72 ortalis poliocephala i lc 3 5 1.84 ortalis leucogastra p lc 2 2 0.60 penelope purpurascens e lc 7 27 6.25 penelopina nigra e vu 3 4 1.12 oreophasis derbianus e en 3 3 0.99 crax rubra t vu 7 33 6.23 odontophoridae dendrortys macroura t lc 1 3 0.54 philortyx fasciatus i lc 2 6 1.34 colinus virginianus i nt 6 12 2.94 colinus nigrogularis i lc 4 7 1.96 callipepla squamata i lc 2 2 0.63 callipepla gambelii i lc 2 2 0.69 callipepla douglasii i lc 1 1 0.29 cyrtonyx ocellatus t vu 2 2 0.60 cyrtonyx montezumae p lc 2 3 0.76 dactylortyx thoracicus p lc 1 1 0.29 odontophorus guttatus p lc 2 5 0.97 phasianidae phasianus colchinus i lc 3 4 1.12 meleagris ocellata t nt 7 25 5.44 meleagris gallopavo i lc 2 3 0.81 ávila-nájera et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):5–19 9 research communications (continued on next page) (continued from previous page) order conservation status nom-ecol-059 conservation status iucn number of reported uses number of records of cultural uses cvi family species phoenicopteriformes phoenicopteridae phoenicopterus ruber t lc 1 1 0.40 podicipediformes podicipedidae tachybaptus dominicus p lc 1 1 0.40 podilymbus podiceps i lc 1 1 0.29 columbiformes columbidae columba livia i lc 3 9 1.88 patagioenas flavirostris i lc 5 11 2.62 patagioenas fasciata i lc 1 3 0.54 patagioenas nigrirostris p lc 1 1 0.29 streptopelia roseogrisea i lc 1 1 0.30 columbina inca i lc 4 14 2.68 columbina passerina i lc 4 6 1.64 columbina talpacoti i lc 3 5 1.19 clavaris pretiosa i lc 1 2 0.42 geotrygon montana i lc 1 1 0.29 leptotila verreauxi i lc 6 11 2.85 zenaida asiatica i lc 5 10 2.45 zenaida macroura i lc 7 26 5.69 cuculiformes cuculidae crotophaga sulcirostris i lc 5 8 2.64 morococcyx erythropygus i lc 1 1 0.29 geococcyx velox i lc 4 7 1.99 geococcyx californicus i lc 3 4 1.06 piaya cayana i lc 2 2 1.08 caprimulgiformes caprimulgidae nyctidromus albicollis i lc 2 3 1.13 antrostomus badius i lc 1 1 0.34 antrostomus salvini i lc 2 2 2.02 antrostomus vociferus i nt 3 3 1.04 apodiformes apodidae cypseloides niger i vu 1 1 0.74 streptoprocne zonaris i lc 1 1 0.40 aeronautes saxatalis i lc 1 1 0.70 trochilidae archilochus colubris i lc 1 1 0.34 atthis ellioti t lc 1 1 0.48 amazilia beryllina i lc 2 2 0.82 amazilia tzacatl i lc 2 2 0.70 amazilia violiceps i lc 1 1 0.39 ávila-nájera et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):5–19 10 research communications (continued on next page) (continued from previous page) order conservation status nom-ecol-059 conservation status iucn number of reported uses number of records of cultural uses cvi family species gruiformes rallidae aramides cajanea 4 6 1.83 gallinula chloropus i lc 1 1 0.29 fulica americana i lc 1 2 0.42 charadriiformes recurvirostridae himantopus mexicanus i lc 1 1 0.29 charadriidae charadrius semipalmatus i lc 1 1 0.29 jacanidae jacana spinosa i lc 1 1 1.27 scolopacidae numenius phaeopus i lc 1 1 0.29 limosa fedoa i lc 1 1 0.29 calidris minutilla i lc 1 1 0.29 actitis macularius i lc 1 1 0.34 tringa semipalmata i lc 1 1 0.29 laridae thalasseus sandvicensis i lc 1 1 0.29 ciconiiformes ciconiidae mycteria americana p lc 1 2 0.53 suliformes phalacrocoracide phalacrocorax brasilianus i lc 2 2 0.60 pelecaniformes pelecanidae pelecanus occidentales i lc 1 1 0.29 ardeidae tigrisoma mexicanum p lc 2 2 0.70 ardea alba i lc 6 8 3.41 egretta thula i lc 3 4 1.56 egretta caerulea i lc 3 3 1.00 bubulcus ibis i lc 2 2 0.95 butorides virescens i lc 2 2 0.69 nycticorax nycticorax i lc 1 1 0.34 nyctanassa violacea i lc 2 2 0.69 cathartiformes cathartidae coragyps astratus i lc 5 19 4.61 sarcoramphus papa e lc 2 3 0.99 cathartes aura i lc 5 13 3.29 accipitriformes pandionidae pandion haliaetus i lc 1 1 0.55 ávila-nájera et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):5–19 11 research communications (continued on next page) (continued from previous page) order conservation status nom-ecol-059 conservation status iucn number of reported uses number of records of cultural uses cvi family species accipitridae harpia harpyja e nt 3 3 1.24 accipiter striatus p lc 1 1 0.29 buteogallus anthracinus p lc 1 1 0.30 rupornis magnirostris i lc 7 11 4.32 parabuteo unicinctus p lc 1 1 0.30 pseudastur albicollis p lc 1 1 0.55 buteo jamaicensis i lc 3 3 1.33 strigiformes tytonidae tyto alba i lc 9 13 5.45 strigidae megascops trichopsis i lc 4 4 1.52 megascops guatemalae i lc 1 1 0.48 megascops barbarus e vu 1 1 0.48 megascops cooperi p lc 1 1 0.48 pulsatrix perspicillata t lc 1 1 0.29 bubo virginianus i lc 2 3 1.54 glaucidium brasilianum i lc 7 8 4.25 athene cunicularia i lc 1 1 0.74 strix virgata i lc 3 3 1.18 strix fulvescens t lc 1 1 0.74 aegolius ridgwayi e lc 1 1 0.74 trogoniformes trogonidae pharomachrus mocinno e nt 3 3 1.18 trogon caligatus i lc 2 2 0.70 trogon mexicanus i lc 2 2 0.78 trogon collaris p lc 3 4 1.23 coraciiformes momotidae momotus mexicanus i lc 3 3 1.10 eumomota superciliosa i lc 1 1 0.34 alcedinidae megaceryle torquata i lc 2 2 0.69 chloroceryle amazona i lc 1 1 0.40 piciformes ramphastidae aulacorhynchus prasinus p lc 3 3 1.09 pteroglossus torquatus p lc 5 15 3.47 ramphastos sulfuratus t lc 7 32 6.50 picidae melanerpes formicivorus i lc 2 2 0.69 melanerpes pygmaeus i lc 2 2 0.74 melanerpes aurifrons i lc 3 6 1.50 dryobates scalaris i lc 1 2 0.51 ávila-nájera et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):5–19 12 research communications (continued on next page) (continued from previous page) order conservation status nom-ecol-059 conservation status iucn number of reported uses number of records of cultural uses cvi family species dryocopus lineatus i 4 6 1.75 campephilus guatemalensis p lc 3 5 1.24 colaptes auratus i lc 1 1 0.34 falconiformes falconidae micrastur semitorquatus p lc 6 7 2.41 herpethoteres cachinnans i lc 4 5 1.76 falco sparverius i lc 2 2 0.64 psittaciformes psittacidae bolborhyncus lineola t lc 2 2 0.80 myiopsitta monachus i lc 1 1 0.30 brotogeris jugularis t lc 3 5 1.47 amazona auropalliata e en 3 3 1.14 amazona oratrix e en 4 11 2.82 amazona autumnalis i en 8 26 6.03 amazona albifrons p lc 5 17 3.76 aamazona xantholora t lc 5 14 3.12 amazona farisona e nt 5 11 2.82 eupsittula canicularis p lc 5 10 2.65 eupsittula astec p lc 4 5 1.53 eupsittula nana p nt 4 8 1.98 ara militaris e vu 3 3 1.00 ara macao e lc 5 18 3.94 rhynchopsitta pachyrhyncha e lc 1 1 0.40 rhynchopsitta terrisi e en 1 1 0.40 forpus cyanipygius p nt 1 1 0.40 psittacara strenuus t 2 4 1.07 psittacara holochlorus t lc 3 3 1.10 passeriformes tyrannidae attila spadiceus pr lc 1 1 0.74 myozetetes similis i lc 2 2 0.82 megarynchus pitangua i lc 1 1 0.48 myarchus tuberculifer i lc 1 1 0.48 myarchus yucatanensis i lc 1 1 0.48 pyrocephalus rubinus i lc 1 1 0.48 pitangus sulphuratus i lc 3 3 1.13 myiodynastes luteiventris i lc 1 1 0.30 tyrannus melancholicus i lc 2 2 0.74 tyrannus couchhi i lc 2 2 0.82 tityridae pachyramphus aglaiae i lc 1 1 0.30 cotingidae cotinga amabilis t lc 1 1 0.34 ávila-nájera et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):5–19 13 research communications (continued on next page) (continued from previous page) order conservation status nom-ecol-059 conservation status iucn number of reported uses number of records of cultural uses cvi family species pipridae chiroxiphia linearis p lc 2 3 0.84 corvidae calocitta colliei i lc 1 2 0.44 calocitta farmosa i lc 3 3 1.00 psilorhinus morio i lc 7 9 4.05 cyanocorax yucatanicus i lc 3 3 1.03 cyanocorax yncas i lc 3 3 1.10 cyanocorax beecheii e lc 1 1 0.30 cyanocitta stelleri i lc 3 3 1.25 aphelocoma californica i lc 5 5 1.82 aphelocoma ultramarina i lc 1 1 0.39 corvus corax i lc 3 4 1.39 hirundinidae petrochelidon fulva i lc 1 1 0.34 hirundus rustica i lc 1 2 0.51 turdidae sialia mexicana i lc 1 1 0.39 sialia sialis i lc 2 2 0.70 myadestes occidentalis p lc 1 3 0.57 myadestes unicolor t lc 1 1 0.30 catharus mexicanus p lc 1 1 0.30 catharus dryas t lc 1 1 0.30 turdus rufopalliatus i lc 2 2 0.70 turdus rufitorques t lc 2 2 0.70 turdus migratorius i lc 3 4 1.47 turdus infuscatus t lc 1 1 0.30 turdus grayi i lc 3 4 1.23 mimidae melanotis caerulescens i lc 2 2 0.70 toxostoma curvirostre i lc 2 3 0.83 toxostoma crissale i lc 1 1 0.30 toxostoma longirostre i lc 1 1 0.30 mimus gilvus i lc 3 4 1.58 mimus polyglottos i lc 1 3 0.57 sturnidae sturnus vulgaris i lc 1 1 0.30 bombycillidae bombycilla cedrorum i lc 1 3 0.57 ptiliogonatidae ptiliogonys cinereus i lc 2 2 0.70 phainopepla nitens i lc 1 1 0.30 passeridae passer domesticus i lc 1 1 0.30 fringillidae chlorophonia occipitalis i lc 1 1 0.30 ávila-nájera et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):5–19 14 research communications (continued on next page) (continued from previous page) order conservation status nom-ecol-059 conservation status iucn number of reported uses number of records of cultural uses cvi family species euphonia affinis i lc 1 1 0.30 euphonis elegantissima i lc 1 1 0.39 coccothraustes vespertinus i vu 1 1 0.30 coccothraustes abeillei i lc 1 1 0.30 haemorhous mexicanus i lc 2 2 0.70 spinus psaltria i lc 2 2 0.70 spinus tristis i lc 1 1 0.30 spinus pinus i lc 1 1 0.39 spinus notatus i lc 2 2 0.70 passerellidae aimophila ruficeps i lc 1 1 0.39 chondestes grammacus i lc 1 1 0.39 junco phaeonotus i lc 1 1 0.30 zonotrichia leucophrys i lc 1 1 0.30 icteridae amblycercus holosericeus i lc 3 3 0.72 psarocolius montezuma p lc 5 6 3.00 icterus gularis i lc 4 4 1.49 icterus mesomelas i lc 1 1 0.30 icterus galbula i lc 1 1 0.30 icterus bullockii i lc 1 1 0.30 icterus spurius i lc 1 1 0.30 icterus parisorum i lc 2 2 0.70 agelaius phoeniceus i lc 2 2 0.70 molothrus aeneus i lc 4 5 1.66 molothrus ater i lc 2 2 0.70 molothus bonariensis i lc 1 1 0.30 dives dives i lc 3 4 1.39 quiscalus mexicanus i lc 5 14 3.26 parulidae geothlypis poliocephala i lc 1 1 0.30 basileuterus rufifrons i lc 1 1 0.39 cardinalidae piranga bidentata i lc 1 1 0.39 piranga rubra i lc 1 1 0.39 cardinalis cardinales i lc 5 12 3.03 cardinalis sinuatus i lc 1 1 0.30 pheucticus ludovicianus i lc 1 2 0.44 pheucticus melanocephalus i lc 1 1 0.30 pheucticus chrysopeplus i lc 2 2 0.70 amaurospiza concolor e lc 1 1 0.30 cyanocompsa parellina i lc 3 3 1.10 passerina ciris p lc 1 2 0.44 passerina caerulea i lc 2 2 0.70 passerina leclancherii i lc 1 1 0.30 passerina versicolor i lc 2 2 0.70 ávila-nájera et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):5–19 15 research communications representing 22 avian orders, 52 families, and 179 genera. populations of 72 species (28.4%) listed in table 1 are endangered, but for the majority of species (71.6%) there is insufficient data to ascertain their current conservation status in mexico. birds with the highest cvis (cvi in parentheses) were the plain chachalaca (ortalis vetula; 9.72), blackbellied whistling-duck (dendrocygna autumnalis; 6.65), keel-billed toucan (ramphastos sulfuratus; 6.51), crested guan (penelope purpurascens; 6.25), great curassow (crax rubra; 6.23), red-lored amazon (amazona autumnalis; 6.03), barn owl (tyto alba; 5.45), mourning dove (zenaida macroura; 5.69), and ocellated turkey (meleagris ocellata; 5.44). four of these species, c. rubra, p. purpurascens, m. ocellata, and r. sulfuratus, also have the highest number of cultural uses (table 1). families with notably high cvis were psittacidae (29.2), cracidae (24.9), and columbidae (19.7), followed by anatidae (16.5) and ramphastidae (11.6) (figure 2). the most common reasons for catching birds were for food (312 records), pets (235 records), and medicinal uses (119 records) (figure 3). the most frequently taken food species, o. vetula (24 records), c. rubra (20 records), and p. purpurascens (17 records), all belong to the family cracidae. the most common pets were o. vetula, r. sulfuratus, and a. autumnalis (all with 9 records). the highest number of records of medicinal use were for the black vulture (coragyps astratus; 13 records), turkey vulture (cathartes aura; 9 records), great-tailed grackle (quiscalus mexicanus; 5 records), and common pigeon (columbina livia; 5 records). species belonging to three genera in unrelated families, passerina (cardinal birds), icterus (new (continued from previous page) order conservation status nom-ecol-059 conservation status iucn number of reported uses number of records of cultural uses cvi family species passerina amoena i lc 2 2 0.70 passerina cyanea i lc 2 5 1.10 passerina rositae a nt 1 1 0.30 thraupidae thraupis episcopus i lc 1 1 0.30 volatinia jacarina i lc 2 2 0.70 cyanerpes cyaneus i lc 1 1 0.30 tiaris olivaceus i lc 1 2 0.44 sporophila torqueola i lc 2 3 0.83 saltator atriceps i lc 1 1 0.40 world orioles), and amazona (parrots), experienced high levels of use (7, 6, and 6 species from each genus, respectively). avian families with high patterns of use were corvidae (10 uses, but no beneficial use); anatidae, ardeidae, columbidae, cracidae, icteridae, strigidae, and tytonidae (all 9 uses); accipitridae, cuculidae, falconidae, odontophoridae, and psittacidae (all 8 uses); and picidae, phasianidae, ramphastidae, and tinamidae (7 uses, figure 2). discussion overall, this study emphasizes the incredibly high diversity and ongoing cultural significance of birds in mexico. nearly a quarter of the bird species we evaluated were valued for at least one cultural use, and some had multiple uses. a quarter of species of notable cultural value are considered endangered in mexico, but the conservation status of many mexican species probably underestimates their vulnerability because we lack sufficient data to determine whether their populations are in decline (semarnat 2010). indeed, ortiz-pulido et al. (2016) express concern about the conflicting information that informs the conservation status of many mexican birds, which means that many species probably lack adequate legal protection. the high cvis of some birds reflect extensive levels of use (total number of records) as well as a variety of cultural applications for species such as o. vetula, r. sulfuratus, and p. purpurascens, of which two species are known to be endangered in mexico (semarnat 2010). the data for the cvis originated from 21 of the 33 mexican states, with high levels of cultural use particularly in tropical areas that also have high biodiversity and avian endemism ávila-nájera et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):5–19 16 research communications (navarro-sigüenza 2014). however, the limited nature of the available literature means that our analyses do not cover all mexican regions to the same extent, indicating the need for further ethnozoological research. the most frequent cultural uses of birds were for food, pets, or medicines, which together far outnumber the records for other cultural uses. documented records of wild birds as everyday foodstuffs have existed in mexico since the aztec codices (valadez 2003); they continue to have high dietary significance for rural communities like those in the yucatan, where large birds like c. rubra and m. ocellata are the most valuable and frequently-consumed game after large mammals (anderson and medinatzuc 2005). the major food species we identified are all large cracids (o. vetula, c. rubra, and p. purpurascens), and although c. rubra is listed in the iucn red list status as “of least concern,” it is believed to be under pressure from the international pet trade and human consumption (birdlife international 2018). this observation emphasizes how indices of conservation status depend upon the availability of reliable population data which may differ at national or regional levels. we suggest that cvis can help identify species that appear to be widely distributed and relatively abundant across their range, but which are in need of further study and/or protection on a regional or national level. more species were valued as pets than for food, including 19 psittacidae (parrot) species, echoing the global popularity of parrots, parrotlets, and macaws. a. autumnalis was the most frequently mentioned pet and is another mexican bird for which we lack accurate population data. however, overcollection for the pet-trade has resulted in severely depleted populations of rarer, higher-value psittacids across much of their ranges (alves et al. 2013). in mexico, 13 of the 20 endemic psittacid species are under threat (pires 2012), and parrots, including species listed in table 1, are sold in rural mexican markets despite their protected status (roblero-morales 2008) and are exposed to high levels of risk during capture and transport. this suggests that cvis can identify the species and groups most at risk of overexploitation for particular purposes, and draw attention to species whose populations are not currently considered to be endangered. other popular pets with high cvis include o. vetula, keel-billed toucans, r. sulfuratus, and several small brightly-colored cardinals and songbirds. many of these birds are regularly traded in rural mexican markets, including those that are colorful (cardinalis cardinalis, passerina cyanea, and passerina ciris) and songbird species (spinus psaltria, sporophila torqueola, and tiaris olivaceus) (gonzález-herrera et al. 2018). roldán-clará et al. (2017) report that trade in passerines (orden passeriformes) is focused on the mexican domestic market. pet trade-driven figure 2 cultural value index (cvi) (black-filled bars) and total number of uses (unfilled bars) for bird families using information from total records of cultural uses of species belonging to each family, published between 1996–2017 in mexico. ávila-nájera et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):5–19 17 research communications extinctions of tropical birds have been reported elsewhere and are linked to the demise of at least 13 indonesian species (eaton et al. 2015). this suggests that the pet trade needs to be more closely monitored, particularly for species where legal protection is not being enforced (anderson and medina-tzuc 2005; roblero-morales 2008). high levels of medicinal use were recorded for two vultures (c. astratus and c. aura), as well as greattailed grackles (q. mexicanus), barn owls (t. alba), mourning doves (z. macroura), and common pigeons (c. livia). this probably stems from ancient beliefs about vultures and owls as bearers of bad omens (anderson and medina-tzuc 2005; jacobo-salcedo 2011), and from the ubiquity and abundance of doves and pigeons, making them readily available for ritual and other purposes. birds are extremely popular study subjects, so we know more about their ecology and conservation status than other terrestrial vertebrate taxa, making the state of avifauna a good indicator of overall ecosystem condition (birdlife international 2018). local knowledge and attitudes towards natural resources are factors behind the success or failure of many conservation initiatives (alves et al. 2018; white et al. 2011). this suggests that cvis could be particularly useful for species where we lack population data (like many mexican birds) because they indicate a level of demand and identify cultural uses linked to the collection or culling of wild species. cvis are also figure 3 number of species of birds (unfilled bars) and number of records for each category of use of birds (black bars) in mexico grouped into 11 classes (food, pet, trade, ornamental, artisanal, magical religious, harmful, medicinal, sport hunting, recreational, or other beneficial use) from records published between 1996 and 2017. ávila-nájera et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):5–19 18 research communications relevant to species that historically benefitted from the protection offered by communally-held lands such as traditional mexican ejidos, where communities operated a system of access rights and tenure that prevented overuse. there is considerable concern that such practices are being lost or ignored (anderson and medina-tzuc 2005). in addition to the spatial or countrywide approach used here, cvis could be applied to make temporal comparisons among species or taxa, particularly following demographic change or habitat loss in an area. therefore, use-value estimates can help inform decisions concerning the sustainable management of well-studied taxa whilst also benefitting the wider ecosystem and supporting local community efforts to sustainably manage natural resources (alves and souto 2015; anderson and medina-tzuc 2005). declarations permissions: not declared (based on secondary data extracted from publications in the public domain). sources of funding: dulce maria ávila nájera, postdoctoral research scholarship (uam-x-ca-24) from the secretaria de educación pública, mexico. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited alves, r. r. n., r. c. l. leite, w. m. s. souto, d. m. m. bezerra, and a. loures-ribeiro. 2013. ethnoornithology and conservation of wild birds in the semi-arid caatinga of northeastern brazil. journal of ethnobiology and ethnomedicine 9:14. doi:10.1186/1746-4269-9-14. alves, r. r. n., j. s. silva, l. da silva chaves, and u. p. albuquerque. 2018. introduction— ethnozoology animals in our lives. in ethnozoology and animal conservation, edited by r. r. n. alves and u. p. albuquerque, pp. 1–7. academic press, london, uk. alves, r. r. n., and w. m. s. souto. 2015. ethnozoology: a brief introduction. ethnobiology and conservation 4:1–13. doi:10.15451/ec2015-14.1-1-13 anderson, e. n., and f. medina-tzuc. 2005. animals and the maya in southeast mexico. university of arizona press, tucson, az. anderson, e. n. 2017. birds in maya imagination: a historical ethno-ornithology. journal of ethnobiology 37:621–636. doi:10.2993/0278-0771-37.4.621. ávila-nájera, d. m., e. j. naranjo, b. j. tigar, o. villarreal, and g. d. mendoza. 2018. an evaluation of the contemporary uses and cultural significance of mammals in mexico. ethnobiology letters 9:124– 135. doi:10.14237/ebl.9.2.2018.1106. berlanga, h., h. gómez de silva, v. m. vargascanales, v. rodríguez-contreras, l. a. sánchezgonzález, r. ortega-álvarez, and r. calderónparra. 2017. aves de méxico: lista actualizada de especies y nombres comunes. méxico d.f, conabio. available at: https:// www.biodiversidad.gob.mx/especies/scripts_aves/ docs/lista_actualizada_aos_2017.pdf. accessed on august 26, 2019. birdlife international. 2018. state of the world’s birds. taking the pulse of the planet. [web page]. available at: https://www.birdlife.org/sites/ default/files/attachments/ bl_reporteng_v11_spreads.pdf. accessed on august 26, 2019. costa-neto, e. m., m. vargas clavijo, and d. santos fita. 2009. manual de etnozoología. una guía teóricopráctica para investigar la interconexión del ser humano con los animales. tundra ediciones valencia, spain. cuéllar soto, e. 2017. el aspecto humano de la conservación: algunos conflictos, desafíos y acciones en argentina. mastozoología neotropical 24:9 –5. available at: https://www.sarem.org.ar/ mastozoologia-neotropical-vol-24-no1/. accessed on august 26, 2019. eaton, j. a., c. r. shepherd, f. e. rheindt, j. b. c. harris, s. b. van balen, d. s. wilcove, and n. j. collar. 2015. trade-driven extinctions and nearextinctions of avian taxa in sundaic indonesia. forktail 31:1–12. figueroa–solano, e. 2000. uso agroecológico, actual y potencial, de especies arbóreas en una selva baja caducifolia perturbada del suroeste del estado de méxico. unpublished master’s thesis, colegio de postgraduados, montecillo, mexico. gonzález-herrera l. r., j. chablé-santos, w. aguilarcordero, and p. manríque-saide. 2018. el comercio de aves silvestres en la ciudad de mérida, yucatán, méxico. ecosistemas y recursos agropecuarios 5:271–281. hull, k., and r. fergus. 2017. birds as seers: an ethno-ornithological approach to omens and ávila-nájera et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):5–19 19 research communications prognostication among the ch'orti' maya of guatemala. journal of ethnobiology 37:604–620. doi:10.2993/0278-0771-37.4.604. jacobo-salcedo, m. r., a. j. alonso-castro, and a. zarate-martínez. 2010. folk medicinal use of fauna in mapimi, durango, méxico. journal of ethnopharmacology 122:902–906. doi:10.1016/ j.jep.2010.10.005. navarro-sigüenza, a. g., m. f. rebón-gallardo, a. gordillo-martínez, a. t. peterson, h. berlangagarcía, and l. a. sánchez-gonzález. 2014. biodiversidad de aves en méxico. revista mexicana de biodiversidad 85:s476–495. doi:10.7550/ rmb.41882. ortiz-pulido, r. 2018. ¿qué especies de aves están en riesgo en méxico? huitzil, revista mexicana de ornitología 19:237–272. doi:10.28947/ hrmo.2018.19.2.348. ortiz-pulido, r., j. l. alcántara-carbajal, h. de la cueva, j. martínez-gómez, p. escalante pliego, s. parra-martínez, t. p. feria arroyo, and s. albert. 2016. conservación de aves en méxico, una instantánea de 2015. huitzil, revista mexicana de ornitología 17:234–238. doi:10.28947/ hrmo.2016.17.2.252. partasasmita, r., j. iskandar, and n. malone. 2016. karangwangi people’s (south cianjur, west java, indonesia) local knowledge of species, forest utilization and wildlife conservation. biodiversitas 17:154–161. doi:10.13057/biodiv/d170123. pires, s. f. 2012. the illegal parrot trade: a literature review. global crime 13:176–190. doi:10.1080/17440572.2012.700180. riedler, r., e. pearlstein, and m. gleeson. 2012. featherwork: beyond decorative. studies in conservation 57 (supplement 1):s244–249. doi:10.1179/2047058412y.0000000052. roblero-morales, m. 2008. la relación hombrenaturaleza entre los lacandones de nahá, ocosingo, chiapas. estudios sociales y humanísticos 6:125–140. doi:10.29043/liminar.v6i1.271. roldán-clará, v., v. m. toledo, and i. espejel. 2017. the use of birds as pets in mexico. journal of ethnobiology and ethnomedicine 13:1–18. doi:10.1186/s13002-017-0161-z. sault, n. 2016. how hummingbird and vulture mediate between life and death in latin america. journal of ethnobiology 36:783–806. doi:10.2993/0278-0771-36.4.783. semarnat. 2010. norma oficial mexicana nom059-semarnat-2010. protección ambiental, especies nativas de flora y fauna silvestres de méxico, categorías de riesgo y especificaciones para su inclusión, exclusión o cambio, y lista de especies en riesgo. diario oficial de la federación. s. d. m. a. and r. n. (semarnat, mexico). available at: http://dof.gob.mx/ normasoficiales/4254/semarnat/semarnat.htm. accessed on august 26, 2019. tábara, j. d. 2006. las aves como naturaleza y la conservación de las aves como cultura. papers: revista de sociología 82:57–77. doi:10.5565/rev/ papers.2049. toledo, v. m., and n. barrera-bassols. 2008. la memoria biocultural. la importancia ecológica de las sabidurías tradicionales, 1st edition. icaria, barcelona, spain. turner, n. j. 1988. the importance of a rose: evaluating the cultural significance of plants in thompson and lillooet interior salish. american anthropologist, new series 90:272–290. doi:10.1525/ aa.1988.90.2.02a00020. valadez, a. r. 2003. domesticación y zootecnia en el méxico antiguo. imagen veterinaria 3:32–45. white, t., a. johnson-camacho, t. bloom, p. lancho -diéguez, and r. sellares. 2011. human perceptions regarding endangered species conservation: a case study of saona island, dominican republic. revista latinoamericana de conservación 2:18–29. using linked open data to improve data reuse in zooarchaeology ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(2):224‐231. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.2.2015.467. 224 perspective special issue on digital zooarchaeology research community using linked open data (lod) methods. the perils of current data sharing practices the zooarchaeological community has long recognized that data sharing is a critical part of communicating research outcomes (see clason 1972; driver 1992; grigson 1978). however, while comprehensive datasets used to commonly accompany monographs, in particular, print has become an increasingly difficult format for accommodating the complexity and size of today’s datasets (marwick 2015). the fact that most journals and books are unable to accommodate datasets in full has led to the gradual loss of vast amounts of information, and has prevented “computational reproducibility that might lead the work to have greater impact and reuse” (marwick 2015). researchers select (whether by necessity or by choice) what they see as the most important data to disseminate or provide summarized data tables to support arguments. this has done a disservice to archaeology (and anthropology and ethnobiology, more generally) by permitting only certain kinds of reuse, bounded by the reporting format chosen by the introduction access to rich, well-described datasets can enable large-scale analysis, drawing on multiple data sources to address “big picture” research questions. recognizing the research potential of multiple datasets, many public and private funders of archaeology now mandate data management plans as part of the research they fund.1 as digital data increasingly play a key role in all forms of archaeological observation and recording, professional practice must emphasize rigorous and effective data management. unfortunately, without examples of how standards, metadata, and data quality impact research outcomes, field archaeologists will have little motivation to improve their data creation and management practices. furthermore, if scholars only see data sharing as a matter of bureaucratic compliance, there is the risk of filling data repositories with poorly documented, poor quality, and nearly useless data. to avoid this, researchers need clear examples of how to align data creation and management with reuse and understanding. this paper discusses one such approach by describing how zooarchaeology can benefit from linking faunal data with data curated by a much wider using linked open data to improve data reuse in zooarchaeology sarah whitcher kansa author address: the alexandria archive institute & open context, 125 el verano way, san francisco, ca 94127, usa. email: skansa@alexandriaarchive.org received: august 20, 2015 volume: 6(2):224-231 published: december 18, 2015 © 2015 society of ethnobiology abstract: the inability of journals and books to accommodate data and to make it reusable has led to the gradual loss of vast amounts of information. the practice of disseminating selected sub-sets of data (usually in summary tables) permits only very limited types of reuse, and thus hampers scholarship. in recent years, largely in response to increasing government and institutional requirements for full data access, the scholarly community is giving data more attention, and solutions for data management are emerging. however, seeing data management primarily as a matter of compliance means that the research community faces continued data loss, as many datasets enter repositories without adequate description to enable their reuse. furthermore, because many archaeologists do not yet have experience in data reuse, they lack understanding of what “good” data management means in terms of their own research practices. this paper discusses linked open data (lod) as an approach to improving data description, intelligibility and discoverability to facilitate reuse. i present exampl es of how annotating zooarchaeology datasets with lod can facilitate data integration without forcing standardization. i conclude by recognizing that data sharing is not without its challenges. however, the research community ’s careful attention and recognition of datasets as valuable scholarly outputs will go a long way toward ensuring that the products of our work are more widely useful. keywords: annotation, data publishing, integration, data modeling, zooarchaeology ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(2):224‐231. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.2.2015.467. 225 perspective special issue on digital zooarchaeology original author. data tables in print format require manual transcription for reuse, leading to a high rate of error (dibble, this issue). furthermore, printed data tables, even if complete, cannot be searched or sorted, and thus lead to a painfully slow process of transcription by the person seeking to use them. finally, this work is done by one person, and all other researchers seeking to use the data will have to transcribe it themselves, again potentially making errors, and again spending hours of precious research time on a tedious task. in some cases, full data tables are provided on dvds that accompany a print publication. while easier to manipulate, these datasets are still problematic because dvds degrade over time and are often broken, scratched, or lost. another persistent data sharing practice in zooarchaeology involves the one-to-one exchange of information, usually over email (faniel et al. 2013). for example, a colleague contacts me indicating interest in a subset of data, and i share that data with him, often over several emails explaining the nature of the dataset, the methods, errors, etc. this type of oneto-one transaction leads to information loss because data description and clean up is not formally documented (if it occurs at all). the dataset is shared with one person, and any future sharing requires the same process. handing out batches of data piecemeal in such a manner does not lead to full data preservation and does not enable reuse. these practices also promote “choosing favorites” by allowing sharing with only certain people, and lead to fears of “scooping” because of the informal nature of the communication. another entrenched data sharing practice is through summary tables in the published literature. while summary tables are an acceptable and effective approach to support the interpretive perspective being advanced in the paper in which they appear, they are of limited analytical use to those who want to reuse these data. table 1 is an example of data presentation that may sufficiently support an author’s argument, but leaves the reader with no means to leverage that data in future research. for instance, a researcher may like to know which specific skeletal elements were burned, or which were fused. what is the basis for calling a skeletal fragment “juvenile”? what was the nature and location of the cut marks on the bone surface? there are infinite future research questions that this dataset could inform, but the data are not shown when in summary form. unless the full dataset is available elsewhere (ideally, in an institutional archive), such data presentation is not sufficient stewardship because reuse of the data is extremely limited. it is important to note that table 1 is not necessarily a poorly constructed table, it may suit an argument built in the paper; this example simply illustrates the limitations not reporting datasets in ways that make them available for future use. several recent studies have used summary tables in the published (and gray) literature to explore new research questions that may be better addressed with access to large corpora from multiple sites (among others, see conolly et al. 2011; mackinnon 2004, mckechnie et al. 2014, sasson 2010, thomas et al. 2013). though useful for addressing certain questions, these meta-analyses run the risk of leading to misinterpretations simply because comparing summary data across a large number of sites requires finding such a broad basis for comparison (“present / absent”, “many / few” or, as above, “juvenile / adult”) that researchers are unable to see or incorporate any higher -resolution observations that may be very important to the broad interpretations. in short, when primary data and detailed documentation about how the data were collected and analyzed are not available, considerable caution must be taken in aggregating data from multiple studies (jones and gabe 2015). part of the greater public policy interest in research data management comes from recognition that researchers do a poor job as stewards of their own data, where many datasets maintained by individual researchers are lost entirely after only a few years, while others are useless because of a lack of detailed data description (vines et al. 2014). clearly, we need to identify better data management practices and find incentives to encourage zooarchaeologists to adopt better practices. the sections below discuss how current technologies and emerging data sharing practices promise to change common out-dated practices to make data more useful to others. table 1. a hypothetical summary data table. sheep (ovis aries) juvenile adult nisp 238 459 mni 6 11 burned 3% 5% cut 12% 22% gnawing (rodent) 1% 1% gnawing (carnivore) 2% 4% ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(2):224‐231. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.2.2015.467. 226 perspective special issue on digital zooarchaeology a linked open data approach to zooarchaeological data sharing and integration advances in technology now offer opportunities to share and document data in full. however, “sharing data” is not simply a matter of dropping a spreadsheet onto a website or into an archive. i participated in a recent study that explored issues in data access and reuse by working directly with researchers to gain first -hand experience of the challenges data reuse presents (arbuckle et al. 2014). this study, funded by the encyclopedia of life and the national endowment for the humanities, brought a group of scholars together to integrate data from one dozen archaeological sites (figure 1) and to collaborate on a research topic using those data. this group, led by benjamin arbuckle (unc chapel hill) represents a rare collaborative effort to publish and integrate open data in archaeology. project participants shared faunal datasets in the open access data publishing platform, open context. these datasets, from archaeological sites in turkey that span the epipaleolithic through the chalcolithic, were used to explore how integrated datasets can inform archaeologists about the spread of early domestic animals westward across turkey. the project highlighted a complex regional picture in the spread of agriculture, with particularly notable differences between different coastal and inland regions (arbuckle et al. 2014). it also highlighted critical differences in the way different zooarchaeologists describe data (kansa et al. 2014). figure 1. participants in the central and western anatolia neolithic working group, who collaborated to integrate and analyze multiple faunal datasets from archaeological sites in turkey (see arbuckle et al. 2014). ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(2):224‐231. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.2.2015.467. 227 perspective special issue on digital zooarchaeology part of my role in this project, as editor for open context, was to work with data authors to clean up and document their datasets in preparation for publication and for integration for analysis by the group. data clean up proved to be challenging, but it was not without its rewards. some datasets documented over 100,000 specimens, sometimes using more than 100 fields. each dataset used a largely idiosyncratic system of organization and terminology. integrating these diverse datasets entailed making sure terms were consistent and all fields and terms were clearly described. to complicate matters, many of the datasets were either fully or partially coded, requiring specialist knowledge and ten times the effort to clean up and decode than other datasets. in one case, the project codebook was a 90-page pdf; in another, codes had been added later and not included in the codebook, making contact with the data author critical to making the dataset intelligible. this exercise convinced me that clean-up and additional documentation through a formal editing process creates datasets that are of far greater quality and that have vastly increased potential for reuse than simply uploading a spreadsheet to an archive. though this documentation requires substantial time and effort, it is a one-time job that benefits from direct interaction with other analysts to create a more robust and appropriately described dataset. once the datasets were cleaned and richly documented, the next editorial step was to prepare them for integration by annotating them with linked open data (lod). essentially, lod boils down to using stable web identifiers or “uris” (uniform resource identifiers) to reference shared concepts and other information resources.2 lod can help zooarchaeologists aggregate data at larger scales without necessarily forcing everyone to adopt the same predetermined recording standards. in the anatolian example above, we used lod to annotate data to relate different idiosyncratic terminologies to common controlled vocabularies. the example in figure 2(a-c) shows the different ways various analysts might describe ovis orientalis linnaeus bovidae in their database. rather than require analysts to change the way they document their data, the data publication process can add links to shared concepts to help describe data and relate different terminologies across datasets. this example shows how the encyclopedia of life (eol) can be used to integrate taxonomic descriptions across datasets. eol publishes a webpage, with a stable identifier and address, for every taxonomic group defined by the life sciences. a researcher can go to their page that describes the concept of “wild sheep,” grab that address and paste it into a spreadsheet. this tells everyone “this is the animal my term is describing.” by linking all the different ways the analysts describe o. orientalis to the authoritative concept, different datasets are integrated around taxonomic concepts. furthermore, this provides a common point of reference for all other data on the web that reference this concept, allowing for discovery and large scale integration. another example of the benefits of a linked open data approach to zooarchaeological data management can be structured around the “adult / juvenile” problem mentioned in the previous section. though “adult” or “juvenile” may be the only terms that serve as the “least common denominators” across multiple projects, annotating the epiphyseal fusion data with these terms enables linkages across datasets while still maintaining the original researcher's descriptions. this allows for a much more transparent research process, where the annotations allow for integration across multiple datasets, but the original data can still be seen. that is, more refined categories (e.g., “newborn”, “old adult”, “fusing”, etc.) present in certain datasets will remain visible, allowing for more nuanced interpretations. given the exponential growth of lod on the web (see figure 3), the potential of lod in facilitating the discovery and use of relevant, quality research data is vast. the pioneering efforts of the perseus digital library3, pleiades4, pelagios5, arachne6, dinaa7, fasti online8, and the portable antiquities scheme9, to name a few, as well as increasing openness of museums in sharing collections data and metadata (especially the british museum) creates many research opportunities for digitally enabled scholarship. zooarchaeology is “low-hanging fruit” in the world of lod and data integration. several authoritative sources of lod already exist, including the eol described above and uberon, an anatomy ontology that can be used to describe skeletal elements. lod is extremely easy for zooarchaeologists to build into their data collection protocols: in many cases, one can simply add a field to a databases or spreadsheets where they insert a link (uri) to the taxon or skeletal element referenced. this immediate disambiguation of terms will begin to consolidate more intelligible and reusable data that will have wide benefits to zooarchaeologists. however, in order for this to work, the community as a whole must change expectations ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(2):224‐231. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.2.2015.467. 228 perspective special issue on digital zooarchaeology around data. while data archiving is needed, we should also encourage additional steps toward contextualizing our data, such as the lod approaches introduced above. linking data is about networking data across datasets, across systems, and across communities. as the network grows and diversifies, it offers more opportunities not just for larger scale forms of analysis, but also for new collaborations that may result from linking our data to the data curated by other expert communities. while lod offers many exciting and open-ended possibilities, as discussed in the next section, realizing these opportunities requires that we make important changes in our research practices even before we begin data collection. data sharing is not without its challenges while it is clear that linked data annotation was invaluable in the data sharing project described above, the participants were surprised to note how certain limitations in source datasets themselves impeded annotation and thus limited comparative analysis. zooarchaeological taxa and skeletal elements were easy to align because most people find these characteristics easy to model and represent in a spreadsheet, usually with fields for “taxon” and “element.” certain other characteristics proved more difficult to align. for example, all participants took measurements according to guidelines provided by von den driesch (1976). however, since von den driesch gives many different measurements for different elements, these are difficult to represent in a single-table spreadsheet which many zooarchaeologists use. as a result, open context’s editors needed to expend significant editorial effort to align bone measurements to a common measurement ontology so that they could be compared. figure 2. a) a small sample of the many terms analysts may use to describe a specimen from ovis orientalis in their databases and spreadsheets. entrenched data collection practices, different data description conventions, and a reluctance to adopt standards, mean that researchers will continue to collect disparate data. linked open data approaches allow us to embrace the diversity of our data collection practices by offering an external source of data integration. b) the eol uri for the term “ovis orientalis” provides an authoritative and unambiguous description of this species, as well as additional descriptive content from authoritative resources across the web. linking terms that mean “ovis orientalis” to this uri provides a common language to integrate many data sets without forcing analysts to adopt standard terminology. c) linking data in this way is an essential step to enable future research that draws on multiple data sets. ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(2):224‐231. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.2.2015.467. 229 perspective special issue on digital zooarchaeology similarly, tooth eruption and wear data recorded by project participants proved very difficult to integrate and compare. though all participants used the system for recording tooth eruption and wear developed by payne (1973), the manner by which they recorded observations varied greatly. again, the limitations of spreadsheets to organize and model complex data played an important role in impeding data reuse. for example, one analyst noted the tooth number in the column heading (“molar 1”) and listed the tooth wear stage in the cell. another analyst noted the tooth number in a “tooth number” column and the wear stage in a “wear stage” column. though both approaches record information according to payne’s system, the splitting of data across different fields, including free-text comments fields, makes integration very labor-intensive. although these two examples are near eastspecific (where researchers tend to use the two recording systems discussed), they illustrate more generally how data modeling (data organization), plays an important and largely ignored role in interpretation. even small differences in recording, or in the structure of databases and spreadsheets, can have significant impacts on interpretation. these recording and modeling discrepancies become apparent when data authors begin looking “under the hood” at each other’s datasets. data sharing is important, then, not only in terms of getting access to data, but also in terms of getting access to each other's data models and systems of organization. data modeling issues play a huge role in how data can be interpreted, especially in integrative studies, and this issue needs more attention. thus this discussion of data modeling illustrates how zooarchaeologists need to invest more thought and effort in describing and modeling their data, well before data collection, if they are to create data of lasting value to a wider community. while lod offers powerful methods, lod needs to be coupled with improved data modeling practices. conclusions data management in the 21st century is still a new frontier, and considerable research and perspectives are needed on how to integrate data dissemination and preservation meaningfully into the research process. a good starting point is to avoid perceiving data management as only as a byproduct or a residue of research, to be quickly filed away in an archive to comply with a grant requirement. if researchers want to unlock new opportunities with data, data need to be treated as “first class citizens” in scholarly communication. achieving this requires several things. one is a shift in perspective on archiving practices. most digital repositories focus on the quality of the metadata, with an end goal being archiving. however, from working first-hand with data reuse and integration, we have learned that investing more effort into the figure 3. the growth of linked data on the web, from 2009 (a; 89 data sets) to 2014 (b; 570 data sets). these images show datasets from all domains (i.e. not just archaeology) that have been published in linked data format by contributors to the linking open data community project and other individuals and organizations. [linking open data cloud diagram 2014, by max schmachtenberg, christian bizer, anja jentzsch and richard cyganiak. http://lod-cloud.net/] for information about the colors and text, see the web versions of the diagrams: 2009 here: http://lod-cloud.net/ versions/2009-03-05/lod-cloud.png ; 2014 here: http:// lod-cloud.net/versions/2014-08-30/lodcloud_colored.svg. ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(2):224‐231. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.2.2015.467. 230 perspective special issue on digital zooarchaeology individual data themselves is essential to understanding and reuse. meaningful data preservation also means providing access to full datasets, not just summary tables. though summary tables are useful to support the theoretical perspective being advanced in a given paper, their summarized format precludes many uses that address a number of vital research questions. sharing summary tables without sharing the original, ungrouped data, often means immediate loss of information. finally, researchers must commit a level of intellectual effort to data. such a level of effort entails professionalism and dedicated expertise on par with current print publication practices. unless data dissemination sees similar rewards, with regard to professional recognition and advancement, as conventional publishing, scholars will not find the time or motivation to share their data, and datasets amounting to years of work and (often public) funding continuing to languish on hard drives and in file cabinets around the world. acknowledgments the research reported would not have been possible without funding from the encyclopedia of life and the national endowment for the humanities, as well as hard work on the part of the project participants, ben arbuckle, and eric kansa. i would like to thank iain mckechnie for working with me so enthusiastically in organizing another icaz session on the theme of digital data in zooarchaeology. heartfelt thanks also to the conference organizers and sponsors for a very successful icaz 2014 in san rafael, argentina. declarations permissions: none declared. sources of funding: the encyclopedia of life and the national endowment for the humanities. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited arbuckle, b. s., s. w. kansa, e. kansa, d. orton, c. çakırlar, l. gourichon, l. atici, a. galik, a. marciniak, j. mulville, h. buitenhuis, d. carruthers, b. de cupere, a. demirergi, s. frame, d. helmer, l. martin, j. peters, n. pöllath, k. pawłowska, n. russell, k. twiss, and d. würtenberger. 2014. data sharing reveals complexity in the westward spread of domestic animals across neolithic turkey. plos one 9:e99845. doi: http://doi.org/10.1371/ journal.pone.0099845. clason, a. t. 1972. some remarks on the use and presentation of archaeological data. helinium 12:139-53. conolly, j., s. colledge, k. dobney, j. -d. vigne, j. peters, b. stopp, k. manning, and s. shennan. 2011. meta-analysis of zooarchaeological data from sw asia and se europe provides insight into the origins and spread of animal husbandry. journal of archaeological science 38:538-545. doi: http:// dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jas.2010.10.008 driver, j. c. 1992. identification, classification and zooarchaeology. circaea 9:35-47. von den driesch, a. 1976. a guide to the measurement of animal bones from archaeological sites, peabody museum bulletin 1, cambridge, ma. faniel, i., e. kansa, s. w. kansa, j. barrera-gomez, and e. yakel. 2013. the challenges of digging data: a study of context in archaeological data reuse. jcdl 2013 proceedings of the 13th acm/ ieee-cs joint conference on digital libraries: 295 -304. new york, ny: acm. doi: http:// doi.org/10.1145/2467696.2467712 . [preprint available online at http://www.oclc.org/content/ dam/research/publications/library/2013/fanielarchae-data.pdf]. grigson, c. 1978. towards a blueprint for animal bone reports in archaeology. in research problems in zooarchaeology, edited by d. r. brothwell, k. d. thomas, and j. clutton-brock, pp. 121-128. institute of archaeology occasional papers 3, london. jones, e. l. and c. gabe. 2015. the promise and peril of older collections: meta-analyses and the zooarchaeology of late prehistoric/early historic new mexico. open quaternary 1:art. 6. doi: http:// doi.org/10.5334/oq.ag. kansa, e., s. w. kansa, and b. arbuckle. 2014. publishing and pushing: mixing models for communicating research data in archaeology. international journal of digital curation 9:57-70. doi: http:// doi.org/10.2218/ijdc.v9i1.301. marwick, b. 2015. geoarchaeology of aboriginal landscapes in semi-arid australia. s. j. holdaway and p. c. fanning. 2014. geoarchaeology 30:459-461. doi:10.1002/gea.21522. ethnobiology letters. 2015. 6(2):224‐231. doi: 10.14237/ebl.6.2.2015.467. 231 perspective special issue on digital zooarchaeology mackinnon, m. 2004. production and consumption of animals in roman italy: integrating the zooarchaeological and textual evidence. journal of roman archaeology, supplement 54. mckechnie, i., d. lepofsky, m. l. moss, v. l. butler, t. j. orchard, g. coupland, f. foster, m. caldwell, and k. lertzman. 2014. archaeological data provide alternative hypotheses on pacific herring (clupea pallasii) distribution, abundance, and variability. proceedings of the national academy of sciences 111:e807-e816. doi: http:// doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1316072111. payne, s. 1973. kill-off patterns in sheep and goats: the mandibles from aşvan kale. anatolian studies 23:281-303. sasson, a. 2010. animal husbandry in ancient israel: a zooarchaeological perspective on livestock exploitation, herd management and economic strategies. equinox, london. thomas, r., m. holmes, and j. morris. 2013. “so bigge as bigge may be”: tracking size and shape change in domestic livestock in london (ad 1220–1900). journal of archaeological science 40:33093325. vines, t. h., a. y. k. albert, r. l. andrew, f. débarre, d. g. bock, m. t. franklin, k. j. gilbert, j. -s. moore, s. renaut, and d. j. rennison. 2014. the availability of research data declines rapidly with article age. current biology 24:94-97. doi: http://doi.org/10.1016/j.cub.2013.11.014. notes 1see recent policies by us national science foundat i o n ( h t t p : / / w w w . n s f . g o v / s b e / b c s / a r c h / archaeom.jsp) and us national endowment of the humanities (http://www.neh.gov/files/grants/ data_management_plans_2015.pdf) 2unlike most urls, web uris not only serve as addresses to retrieve content, but uris also as globally unique and unambiguous identifiers, backed by an institutional commitment for long-term curation. while urls are simply addresses that can point to changing content (and those addresses themselves can come and go), using well curated and institutionally backed web uris provides much greater stability and clarity in identifying (and usually accessing) data across the web. this makes it possible to network together widely distributed data, curated in different systems by different professional communities and different disciplines. 3http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/ 4http://www.pleiades.stoa.org/ 5http://www.pelagios-project.blogspot.com/ 6http://www.arachne.uni-koeln.de/drupal/ 7http://ux.opencontext.org/archaeology-site-data/ 8http://www.fastionline.org 9https://www.finds.org.uk/ biosketch sarah whitcher kansa directs the non-profit alexandria archive institute, working with researchers to publish open access data with open context. collecting food, cultivating people: subsistence and society in central africa. by kathryn m. de luna. 2016. yale university press, new haven. 332 pp. whitney. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(2):321–322 321 reviews relationships to plants, animals, and material objects that these cultures depended on. her story covers the history of south central africa across nearly three millennia up to the recent pre-colonial past. in de luna’s work we learn how political innovation in pre-colonial african farming societies depended on developments in food collection. farmers' investment in food collection spurred the spread of crops in the savannahs of central africa, as in many other parts of the ancient world. she gives a compelling argument against a linear understanding of the history of food production and politics. hunting and fishing were not the remnants of a primitive economy that supplemented agricultural diets. rather, agriculture supported innovations in hunting and fishing technology. in this way, new categories of fame and prestige (mainly for men) were established and the culture changed over time. the first part of the book presents a useful summary of literature that demonstrates the persistence of evolutionary models in historical discussions of subsistence. it outlines the use of comparative linguistics in reconstructing the deeper history of oral societies. chapters two through five provide a chronological history of the first bantuspeaking peoples in the region, starting some three thousand years ago. we learn of the social and political lives of the proto-botatwe speakers, the first occurrences of cereal agriculture and metallurgy around 750 ce, the role of cultural standing gained from fishing, hunting, and wild collecting from 750 to 1250 ce, and that the region became a central frontier from 750 to 1700. kathryn de luna is an assistant professor in the department of history at georgetown university and faculty member in the african studies program in the school of foreign service. her recent work collecting food, cultivating people: subsistence and society in central africa stitches together her long-term and in-depth linguistic and ethnographic research of the botatwespeaking ancestors of the tonga people of zambia. the study draws on the findings of archaeologists, climate and ecological historians, and historical linguists (including de luna’s own rich work). in her book she uses reconstructed proto-vocabularies, ethnography, archaeological artifacts, genetic maps, and studies of past climates and related shifts to provide new interpretations of linguistic and archaeological history. this makes for a fascinating read and an important contribution to the field. de luna pieces together a rich historical narrative of botatwe-speaking people and their linguistic predecessors, specifically the way they spoke about society, work, each other, and their role in hunting, fishing, wild-collection, and agriculture. her story shows how innovation and adaptation helped the botatwe to thrive in their changing social and environmental conditions. de luna’s work tells of the links between many social and ethnoecological phenomena such as the ecological landscape, hunting and wild collection, fame, talent, political authority, gender, language, and personhood. in particular, she describes the role of masculinity (in individual distinction and group association) and the role that it played in the development of cultural and political practices. she also outlines the importance of the collec ng food, cul va ng people: subsistence and society in central africa. by kathryn m. de luna. 2016. yale university press, new haven. 332 pp. cory w. whitney 1* 1 university of bonn, department of hor cultural sciences, bonn, germany *cory.whitney@uni‐bonn.de received august 20, 2018 open access accepted october 5, 2018 doi 10.14237/ebl.9.2.2018.1384 copyright © 2018 by the author(s) licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open‐access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution‐noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by‐nc/4.0), which permits non‐commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. whitney. 2018. ethnobiology le ers 9(2):321–322 322 reviews de luna’s book may be of interest to language historians as well as those who study modern social and political movements. other readers with more diverse interests may be left with a hunger for linkages between these historical findings and the modern day. reference to modern day descendants of the botatwe speakers and the issues that they face would have been useful for grounding the work in current affairs. perhaps there are lessons for modern society from these ancient stories. currently the region is experiencing unprecedented loss of food culture and traditional foods, which many international agreements and development policies do not seek to address. poverty and the damaging nature of modern capitalism and post-colonialism upend the lives of the descendants of botatwe-speakers. given de luna’s indepth knowledge of the region and the topic it would be useful to have her input on current development perspectives and the role of present day masculinity and “anti-subsistence” development agendas. one can only hope that this will be the subject of some of her future formal or informal writing. traditional ecological knowledge: learning from indigenous practices for environmental sustainability. edited by melissa k. nelson and dan shilling. 2018. cambridge university press, new york, ny. 276 pp. stiegler. 2019. ethnobiology letters 10(1):111–112 111 reviews chapters and a total of 18 authors. the authors consider tek’s practical applications to sustainability and ultimately human evolutionary prosperity. while this book has relevance to ethnobiology and ecological anthropology, it will also resonate with general anthropologists, including scholars of paleoanthropology. in schilling’s introductory chapter, he suggests that during the pleistocene era, hominins lived sustainably because they sensed their existence was linked to the environment’s well-being. it seems reasonable to me that hominin populations who were successful at transmitting ecological knowledge would share an evolutionary advantage over populations unable to do so. from prehistoric lithics to modern industrial technology, schilling suggests sustainability is a moral rather than technological concern that depends on homo sapiens’ views of the natural environment. in the chapter by cajete and the chapter by whyte, these authors argue the differences between native science and western science rest primarily in understanding the relationship between humans and nature. they state that some indigenous peoples consider themselves born as members of reciprocal and local human and nonhuman biological communities. within these communities, humans develop relationships with other organisms and learn from them adaptive ecological knowledges. many western scientists do not consider these knowledges, nor do they have access to them when they engage in their studies. ecological knowledge guides sustainable behaviors and outcomes within human cultures and promotes human survivability. works in this edited volume seek to understand how non-western traditional human knowledge systems enable cultures to perceive their world in effective and ultimately productive ways. the editors, melissa k. nelson and dan schilling, are well-qualified to examine traditional ecological knowledge (tek) given their more than sixty years combined experience as ecologists, indigenous activists, environmental historians, and scholars of environmental ethics. this book arrives at a time when sustainable behaviors and diverse cultural worldviews are vital for the mitigation of climate change and other imminent ecological crises. there is a growing need for human-environment reciprocity that distances itself from western commodification of and detachment from nature. this volume presents views of environmental sustainability from authors from different backgrounds to deeply explore perspectives on environmental ethics that promote human survivorship. specifically, this volume considers the relationship between western and native science. native science is a participatory, “indigenous relationship to land, plants, animals, community, self, cosmos spirit, and the creative animating processes of life” (p. 15), whereas western science tends to view humans as separate from nature. within the western paradigm, nature is considered a commodity to be used for human consumption. the goal of this book is to understand the relations between these worldviews. there are 14 traditional ecological knowledge: learning from indigenous practices for environmental sustainability. edited by melissa k. nelson and dan shilling. 2018. cambridge university press, new york, ny. 276 pp. christopher d. stiegler 1* 1 department of anthropology, university of arkansas, fayetteville , usa. * cstiegle@uark.edu received june 18, 2019 open access accepted november 15, 2019 doi 10.14237/ebl.10.1.2019.1606 published december 4, 2019 copyright © 2019 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. stiegler. 2019. ethnobiology letters 10(1):111–112 112 reviews in his chapter, whyte suggests that understanding tek has practical applications. regarding the everpresent threat of climate change, an array of different knowledge systems is needed. knowledges of how to live adaptively with nonhumans and the environment can lead to sustainable development and proper management of the natural world. he accurately claims that the western worldview in fact contributes to climate change because it ultimately facilitates the destruction of environments. in my mind, another way of thinking of this is that the cultural knowledge of people inhabiting ecosystems for thousands of years transmits effective and consistent ecological knowledge that may not rest within western scientific explanatory parameters. the dichotomous, materialistic, and commercial view of the scala naturae existing in western judeo-christian doctrines does not understand the reciprocal human-environment relationships associated with emotional and spiritual responses toward nature. the view of humans as part of nature switches nature from commodity to, as martinez calls it, a kincentric ecology, where all life exists in symbiotically mutualistic and phylogenetically relevant ways with all other lifeforms. in the chapter written by kimmerer, she argues tek is an alternative to western materialism. the living world is not to be viewed as a collection of extractable resources, but as a relationship with responsibilities that humans have to non-human persons. for example, if humans view plants as teachers rather than commodities, then they can learn evolutionarily adaptive knowledge, such as which plants should be used for medicine and food, and why. one could argue from a functionalist viewpoint that plants of high cultural salience, such as sweetgrass for the anishinaabe people, are teachers most willing to assist human cultures and their survival by acting as resources. additionally, salient resources are often linguistically recognized, as stated in the chapter authored by armstrong. he explains that the syilx people have a word, tmixw, that refers to the ecology of the land and all lifeforms that are culturally important. mcgregor also takes a critical view of materialistic western science and suggests the future of ecological sustainability depends on ecofeminism. unlike western masculine materialism, ecofeminism calls for a perspective where women and ecology are not subordinate to men and materialism; no ideology is dominant. while these previous authors focus on the differences between tek and scientific ecological knowledge (sek), the chapter by nelson and vucetich tries to reconcile the two knowledge systems. they claim the central focus of sek is taken to be that knowledge is valuable for its own sake in order to manipulate the world for human material gain, whereas tek seeks to better understand nonhuman persons for the knowledge of how best to care for one another in sustainable ways. long term ecological research is their answer to merging the two. it considers the assignment of personhood to nonhuman organisms as a means to instill values for these creatures in people and promote humanenvironment sustainability. these chapters masterfully achieve an understanding of the importance of the relationship between cultural conservation and ecologically related behaviors. indeed, this book indicates to the readers the immediate importance of tek conservation. for example, in their chapter, wolfgramm et al. suggest scientists may use indigenous botanical knowledge to innovate new pharmaceuticals or new strands of drought-resistant crops. looking to the future, human sustainability necessitates worldviews which implement and advance traditional ecological knowledge extensively. as a student of anthropology and ethnobiology, this volume helps me to understand humans and their evolutionary path more fully. knowledges, like genes, are transmitted from generation to generation, and knowledges which promote human survivability are selected for through the generations creating systems of information that, while not scientifically rigorous, are every bit as ecologically informative. like a part of human physiology, these knowledges allow humans to successfully navigate their ecological habitats. truly, this volume illuminates the adaptiveness of traditional ecological knowledge as humanity tries to survive in a world plagued by climate change and radically unraveling ecosystems. do indigenous american peoples’ stories inform the study of dog domestication? mech. 2019. ethnobiology letters 10(1):69–75 69 perspectives such information by examining the relationships between indigenous american peoples and wolves. these authors synthesized published stories and historical accounts about the interactions between indigenous american peoples and wolves. the authors believed that these stories “…provide insights into the process of domestication of wolves, and such stories may indicate at what stage different peoples were in their relationship with wolves” (fogg et al. 2015:262). in addition, pierotti and fogg (2017) and fogg et al. (2015:263) argue that indigenous peoples continued to interact similarly with wolves until recent times and that these people’s stories from the last few centuries might inform our investigations about ecology and evolution of “culturally important species.” dog domestication did not take place in north america, however, so whatever these north american stories actually portrayed would not necessarily have applied to the eurasian cultures within which dogs were domesticated (shannon et al. introduction details about many aspects of dog domestication from wolves (canis lupus) are regularly debated, and the application of molecular genetic methodology has recently fostered these debates (janssens et al. 2018). information about dog domestication is important to studies of human history because the dog was the first domesticated animal. determining when, where, and how dog domestication began provides valuable insight into the evolution of human culture. an important gap in the question of how dogs were domesticated from wolves focuses on the nature of the relationship between early humans and wolves. although much is known about the nature of current relationships (fritts et al. 2003), little is known about such relationships 14,500 yrs bp (pierotti 2012), when the earliest dogs are known (janssens et al. 2018, 2019). thus, any information that might shed more light on the subject would be valuable. fogg et al. (2015) and pierotti and fogg (2017) attempted to add do indigenous american peoples’ stories inform the study of dog domestication? l. david mech 1 * 1 u.s. geological survey, northern prairie wildlife research center, jamestown, usa. 2 u.s. geological survey, the raptor center, university of minnesota, st. paul, usa. * mechx002@umn.edu abstract i discuss the article “relationships between indigenous american peoples and wolves 1: wolves as teachers and guides” (fogg et al. 2015) and the book “the first domestication: how wolves and humans coevolved” (pierotti and fogg 2017). the article proposed that published stories about interactions between indigenous american peoples and wolves (canis lupus) provide insight into wolf-human relationships as humans began domesticating wolves. in the book, the authors offer a theory of how wolves and humans coevolved by building on the information in the article and the authors’ long experience with captive and pet wolves, wolf-dog hybrids, and dogs. i (1) present arguments and evidence that question the value of indigenous american stories for drawing conclusions about the relationship between early humans and wolves 14,000 yrs bp; (2) demonstrate how indigenous american stories contradict documented information about wolf biology, behavior, and known interactions with humans; and (3) point out important information not considered by the authors about wolf attacks on humans and the importance of rabies in the wolf-human relationship. open access doi 10.14237/ebl.10.1.2019.1474 received december 18, 2018 accepted april 9, 2019 published september 2, 2019 keywords american indians, canis lupus, dog domestication, indigenous peoples, myths, wolves copyright © 2019 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. mech. 2019. ethnobiology letters 10(1):69–75 70 perspectives 2015; thalmann et al. 2013; vonholdt et al. 2010; wang et al. 2013). the stories and accounts that fogg et al. (2015) and pierotti and fogg (2017) included all feature regular, positive interactions between indigenous people and wolves, with the wolves teaching the humans how to hunt, caring for injured humans, feeding them, etc. (see below). based on the assumptions that such positivity between wolves and early humans existed, and relying considerably on non -peer-reviewed literature (haber and hollerman 2013; jans 2015 marshall 1995; smith 1978), pierotti and fogg (2017) proposed details of how dogs were domesticated. if these offerings are to truly inform us, it is important to determine the degree to which both the fogg et al. (2015) stories and historical accounts, and other information presented by pierotti and fogg (2017) evince the view that some 14,000 yrs bp wolves and humans had a similar type of positive relationship. the objective of this article is to critically examine the stories and accounts of fogg et al. (2015) and the other information presented by pierotti and fogg (2017) in view of what has been documented about wolf ecology, behavior, and interactions with humans. wolf interactions with humans the wolf regularly feeds on all species of animals within its range (peterson and ciucci 2003) except on humans, of whom it is usually afraid (fritts et al. 2003; karlsson et al. 2007; mech 1970). the wolf’s fear of humans, even though the animal is capable of killing them, must have resulted from selection acting on the wolves’ enduring competition and negative interactions with humans (shipman 2015). the animal has long had a reputation for being dangerous to humans, however, both in the old and new worlds, at least in part because it can carry rabies (mech 1970; mech and boitani 2003; young and goldman 1944). indigenous american peoples’ fear of rabid wolves is well documented (fritts et al. 2003; lopez 1978; young and goldman 1944), although pierotti and fogg (2017) do not discuss this point. even non-rabid wolves are capable of killing humans and in recent times non-rabid wolves have killed many children in india (jhala and sharma 1997; rajpurohit 1999; shahi 1983) and even a few adults in some areas (butler et al. 2011; linnell et al. 2002; mcnay 2002). in at least some of these cases wolves have eaten the humans. historically, wolves in most areas have been persecuted by humans (fritts et al. 2003; lopez 1978; mech 1970; young and goldman 1944). this duality that wolves were generally afraid of humans but sometimes attacked and ate them also pervaded into the period during the settlement of north america by europeans (lopez 1978; young and goldman 1944 and references therein). given this long-standing danger of wolves to hominids and the necessary animosity between the two, any proposal that a friendly relationship developed requires extraordinary evidence. the evidence summarized by pierotti and fogg (2017:34) is “…thirty years of research experience watching wolves and their interactions with humans and with one another…” combined with material collected by pierotti (2011a, b) and by fogg et al. (2015). the 30 years of experience cited, however, involved not free-ranging (wild) wolves, but captive and pet wolves, wolf x dog hybrids (some of which were castrated), and dogs (pierotti 2011a, b). besides the obvious problem of extrapolating behavior of captive and pet wolves and dogs to wild wolves, two other issues arise about observing wolf x dog hybrids. one is that many claimed hybrids are really dogs sold fraudulently to obtain higher prices (dogster 2014). the second is that claimed wolf x dog hybrids are often erroneously thought to contain higher amounts of wolf than they actually do. this is because breeders erroneously believe, for example, that backcrossing a 50% wolf and 50% dog with a 100% wolf yields a 75% wolf, and so on with further backcrossing. however, the actual amount of wolf in any individual hybrid can only be known in the f1 generation. purported amounts of wolf in individual backcrosses are based on average amounts for populations rather than individuals. it is possible in any individual backcrossing that the 50% genes coming from the hybrid could be 100% dog in the backcross. in this respect, pierotti and fogg (2017:252) write of an 11/16 hybrid without mentioning that such a claim cannot be validly made. thus, observations of such animals or any other wolf x dog hybrid might only be reflecting the behavior of dogs. nevertheless, pierotti and fogg (2017) spend much of their book discussing hybrids. it is true that at least some wolves raised as pets can be friendly and endearing (fentress 1967; mech 1970; pierotti and fogg 2017). especially endearing are wolf pups. however, pups hand-raised by humans must be obtained before four weeks old (fentress 1967), preferably before three weeks old, for them to mech. 2019. ethnobiology letters 10(1):69–75 71 perspectives be tractable enough for humans to handle (klinghammer and goodman 1987; kubinyi et al. 2007). older wolves are impossible to tame (woolpy and ginsburg 1967). wild wolves at three weeks old have just begun to come outside the den, and at four weeks old still spend much of their time in the den. occasionally an individual wild wolf will begin frequenting human campsites or dwellings, attracted by food, garbage, or dogs. in some of these cases, humans will then leave food for them and eventually begin throwing food to them. in one case, a wild wolf was attracted to dogs and people walking their dogs and became tamer and tamer (jans 2015). although the details are unknown, this wolf was also certainly fed as it became tamer. when such wild wolves become conditioned to feeding from humans, they also habituate to them and seem friendly. however, in many cases, those wolves having lost their innate fear of humans are often the ones that attack people (fritts et al. 2003; linnell et al. 2002; mcnay 2002). neither fogg et al. (2015) nor pierotti and fogg (2017) reported on these studies. considering the fogg et al. (2015) stories, no explanation was offered as to why the relationships between indigenous americans and wolves featured in them were exceptions to the way wolves and humans have interacted as enemies and competitors for millennia (shipmen 2015), and for why these peoples were not afraid of the rabies wolves carried. rabies was pervasive on every continent except antarctica for all of recorded history (hatami 2012), so hominids likely would have had a tradition of fearing, avoiding, and killing wolves for that reason alone. as discussed above, indigenous americans were affected by rabid wolves and feared them because of it. young and goldman (1944:158) indicated that “the indians were fully cognizant of the disease and greatly feared it.” lopez (1978:123) wrote about a blackfeet man that “rabies was a real reason to fear wolves, for there were few more horrible deaths.” according to fritts et al. (2003: 291), “wolves were hunted and trapped by many native american tribes, often with rituals and apologies to the spirit of wolves, but rarely with rancor or guilt.” reasons for skepticism thus, as a biologist who has studied wolf biology, behavior, interactions with humans, and conservation for 60 years, it is hard for me to understand how wolves could have been so unafraid and friendly toward humans and vice versa during the period and in the region covered by fogg et al. (2015). or were the animals named as wolves really dogs? fogg et al. (2015) did indicate that some tribes considered the two animals as the same. if the accounts in question did involve dogs rather than wolves, then what value would the stories in question provide for inferences about how early humans interacted with wolves? only where a wolf population lived without exposure to hominids for centuries and then was gradually exposed to them, such as in north america’s high arctic during the past few centuries, could wolves perhaps lose their fear of humans. even then or there, wolves would have remained competitors, potential prey, and rabies carriers when they did encounter humans. regarding the high arctic, the vast region generally north of 75o north latitude, few people inhabited the million km2 area for centuries, so most wolves in that area would never have seen a human. during the past several decades, when scientists and weather-station personnel visited or lived in a few scattered communities in this region, many had very close encounters with wolves (mech 1988, 2017; miller 1978, 1995; munthe and hutchinson 1978; parmalee 1964). the wolves were curious but did not recognize humans as prey, behavior that attests that the species must have so consistently been harassed by humans that only those that did not recognize humans as prey survived. however, the more-or-less fearless behavior of this wolf population toward humans has not been documented at any other time or place. everywhere else, evidence is strong that wolves and humans feared each other. other reasons to conclude that the stories related by fogg et al. (2015) do not reflect reality is found by comparing the stories’ details with what is known about basic wolf biology. for example, some of the accounts in fogg et al. (2015) involve wolves teaching humans how to hunt. the methods that wolves use to hunt vary considerably depending on type of prey, habitat, and season, but most wolf hunts are failures and most successful hunts depend greatly on wolves running down their prey at speeds of up to 56 km/hr (mech 1970; mech et al. 2015). except for a few isolated cases of wolves possibly ambushing hares (lepus arcticus) chased by packmates, there is little evidence that wolves employ particular strategies that might be useful to humans (mech et al. 2015; peterson and ciucci 2003). mech. 2019. ethnobiology letters 10(1):69–75 72 perspectives regarding cooperation with others that wolves allegedly taught the tsitsistas of the great plains (schlesier 1987:35, cited by fogg et al. 2015), it is true that wolves hunt cooperatively. that cooperation, however, consists primarily of the whole pack chasing prey until they catch up, often single file. then, especially with the largest prey, such as moose (alces americanus) or bison (bison bison), one wolf grabs the prey by the nose while the others tear at its rump. even with smaller prey such as deer (odocoileus spp.), multiple wolves attack at once (mech et al. 2015). it is hard to understand what about this approach would be new or innovative to human hunters that wolves would be teaching them. it is true that in cases where wolves only wound prey, hominids perhaps could have finished them off sooner than the wolves. however, of the hundreds of observations of wolves hunting, only one resulted in wolves only wounding their prey and leaving, and that case involved one of the largest wolf prey, moose (mech 1966). another friendly wolf behavior featured in some of the stories or historical accounts related by fogg et al. (2015) is wolves taking care of humans in trouble. one such account based on grinell (1926) and hampton (1997, cited by fogg et al. 2015:268) related to the sand creek massacre in 1864 in the colorado territory: . . . two cheyenne women and their children escaped and took refuge in a cave under a bluff. after night fall, a male wolf entered the cave and lay down beside them. afterwards, the wolf traveled with them, stopping to rest wherever they did, showing that its behavior was not simply coincidental. one woman addressed the wolf, telling it of their need for food, after which the wolf led them to a freshly-killed buffalo. for several weeks, the wolf remained, catching food and protecting them from potential human and nonhuman enemies. including the communication between the woman and the wolf, the behavior of this single wolf fits nothing we know about such wolves. if this animal were an individual pack member, it would have returned within a few days to its pack (demma and mech 2009). if it were a true lone wolf, it would have been traveling far and wide seeking a mate (mech and boitani 2003). the above examples typify the numerous stories that fogg et al. (2015) relate about indigenous american peoples’ interactions with wolves. from these narratives, the authors drew several conclusions. for example, fogg et al. (2015:279) state that “… through much of the evolution of human hunting practices, wolves took the lead in initiating hunts.” knowing what we do about wolf hunting behavior from biological studies, humans following wolves on hunts would not have been very efficient because prey often detect wolves early and flee, and most wolf hunts are unsuccessful (mech et al. 2015). fogg et al. (2015:278–279) also state that humans served as pupils in need of instruction, casting different light on the idea of how domestication may have proceeded, in that humans are at best partners, or students, of wolves and…the process of domestication in all human societies involved long running respectful relationships with free-living wolves. the last statement is not documented, and the contention of respectful relationships itself during domestication has been challenged above. further, the all-inclusive aspect of the statement, “in all human societies,” would require considerable documentation, none of which was provided. pierotti and fogg (2017) also concluded that wolves acted as sentinels, but it is unclear how they could have done so. wolves do bark in alarm, but primarily in defending their dens or rendezvous sites (harrington and mech 1978). lastly, the authors accepted hyde’s (1968) claim of villages guarded by hundreds of wolves, even though the largest wolf pack ever documented included 42 wolves, and such a large pack is extremely rare (mech and boitani 2003). because wolf packs are basically territorial families that defend their territories lethally (cassidy et al. 2015; mech 1994; mech and boitani 2003), it would be highly unnatural for there to be an assemblage of hundreds. fogg et al. (2015:262) summarized the conclusions they reached from the stories they collected, arguing for “…a co-evolutionary reciprocal relationship between homo sapiens and canis lupus that existed from the early days of tribes until at least the nineteenth century.” however, in view of the discrepancies pointed out above, these conclusions should be regarded as speculative at best, and the notion that american indigenous peoples’ stories provide information about dog domestication must be viewed with much skepticism. mech. 2019. ethnobiology letters 10(1):69–75 73 perspectives conclusions pierotti and fogg’s (2017) book is based primarily on the material presented by fogg et al. (2015), as well as by pierotti and fogg’s (2017) experience with nonwild wolves, wolf x dog hybrids, and dogs. however, this current article (1) presents arguments and evidence that question the value of such information for drawing conclusions about the relationship between early humans and wolves 14,000 yrs bp, (2) demonstrates how indigenous american stories contradict documented information about wolf biology, behavior, and interactions with humans, and (3) points out important information not considered by the authors about wolf attacks on humans and the importance of rabies in the wolf-human relationship. thus, it is difficult to accept pierotti and fogg’s (2017:280) conclusion that “as long as humans considered themselves fellow predators of wolves, we lived comfortably with them,” or that a “… coevolutionary relationship developed between two species that found one another compatible and was probably initiated by the wolves, to whom the humans eventually responded in a cooperative fashion” (pierotti and fogg 2017:3–4). acknowledgments i thank luc janssens for suggestions to improve an early draft of this article, and to the anonymous reviewers who kindly provided valuable advice on the appropriate style for this article. declarations permissions: none declared. sources of funding: u.s. geological survey. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited araya, j. j., k. kindscher, and b. n. timmermann. 2012. cytotoxic cardiac glycosides and other compounds from asclepias syriaca. journal of natural products. 75:400–407. doi:10.1021/np2008076. butler, l., b. dale, k. beckmen, and s. farley. 2011. findings related to the march 2010 fatal wolf attack near chignik lake, alaska. wildlife special publication, adf&g/dwc/wsp-2011-2, palmer, ak. cassidy, k. a., d. r. macnulty, d. r. stahler, d. w. smith, and l. d. mech. 2015. group composition effects on interpack aggressive interactions of gray wolves in yellowstone national park. behavioral ecology 26:1352–1360. doi:10.1093/ beheco/arv081. demma, d. j., and l. d. mech. 2009. wolf use of summer territory in northeastern minnesota. journal of wildlife management 72:380–384. doi:10.2193/2008-114. dogster. is it responsible to breed or buy wolf dog hybrids? 2014. available at: https:// www.dogster.com/lifestyle/wolf-dog-breedsbreeding-hybrid-dogs-rescue-adoption. accessed on april 17, 2019. fentress, j. c. 1967. observations on the behavioral development of a hand-reared male timber wolf. american zoologist 7:339–351. fritts, s. h., r. o. stephenson, r. d. hayes, and l. boitani. 2003. wolves and humans. in wolves: behavior, ecology, and conservation, edited by l. d. mech and l. boitani, pp. 289–316. university of chicago press, chicago. fogg, b. r., n. howe, and r. pierotti. 2015. relationships between indigenous american peoples and wolves 1: wolves as teachers and guides. journal of ethnobiology 35:262–285. doi:10.2993/etbi-35-02-262-285.1. grinnell, g. b. 1926. by cheyenne campfires. university of nebraska press, lincoln, ne. haber, g., and m. hollerman. 2013. among wolves: gordon haber’s insights into alaska’s most misunderstood animal. university of alaska press, fairbanks, ak. hampton, b. 1997. the great american wolf. henry holt and company, new york. harrington, f. h., and l. d. mech. 1978. wolf vocalization. in wolf and man: evolution in parallel, edited by r. l. hall and h. s. sharp, pp. 109–132. academic press, new york. hatami, h. 2012. history of rabies in traditional medicine’s resources and iranian research. studies: on the occasion of the world rabies day (september 28, 2012). international journal of preventive medicine 3:593–595. hyde, g. e. 1968. a life of george bent, written from his letters. edited by s. lottinville. university of oklahoma press, norman, ok. jans, n. 2015. a wolf called romeo. mariner books, new york. mech. 2019. ethnobiology letters 10(1):69–75 74 perspectives janssens, l., l. giemsch, r. schmitz, m. street, s. van dongen, and p. crombe. 2018. a new look at an old dog: bonn-oberkassel reconsidered. journal of archaeological science 92:126–138. doi:10.1016/j.jas.2018.01.004. janssens, l., a. perri, p. crombe, s. van dongen, and d. lawler. 2019. an evaluation of classical morphological and morphometric parameters reported to distinguish wolves and dogs. journal of archaeological science: reports 23:501–533. doi:10.16/j.jasrep.2018.10.012. jhala, y. v., and d. k. sharma. 1997. child-lifting by wolves in eastern uttar pradesh, india. journal of wildlife research 2:94–101. karlsson, j., m. eriksson, and o. liberg. 2007. at what distance do wolves move away from an approaching human? canadian journal of zoology 85:1193–1197. doi:10.1139/z07-099. klinghammer, e., and p. a. goodmann. 1987. socialization and management of wolves in captivity. in man and wolf, edited by h. frank, pp. 31–59. dr. w. junk publishers, boston. kubinyi, e., z. viranyi, and a. miklosi. 2007. comparative social cognition: from wolf and dog to humans. comparative cognition and behavior reviews 2:26–46. doi:10.3819/ccbr.2008.20002. linnell, j. d. c., r. andersen, z. andersone, l. balciauskas, j. c. blanco, l. boitani, s. brainerd, u. breitenmoser, i. kojola, o. liberg, j. loe, h. okarma, h. c. pedersen, c. promberger, h. sand, e. j. solberg, h. valdmann, and p. wabakken. 2002. the fear of wolves: a review of wolf attacks on humans. norsk institutt for naturforskning, trondheim, norway. available at: https:// mobil.wwf.de/fileadmin/fm-wwf/publikationenpdf/2002.review.wolf.attacks.pdf. accessed on april 10, 2019. lopez, b. h. 1978. of wolves and men. charles scribner’s sons, new york. marshall, j. 1995. on behalf of the wolf and the first peoples. red crane books, santa fe, nm. mcnay, m. e. 2002. a case history of wolf-human encounters in alaska and canada. wildlife technical bulletin 13. alaska department of fish and game. available at: https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/cgi/ viewcontent.cgi? article=1025&context=wolfrecovery. accessed on april 10, 2019. mech, l. d. 1966. wolves of isle royale. national parks fauna series no. 7. u.s. government printing office, washington, dc. mech, l. d. 1970. the wolf: the ecology and behavior of an endangered species. natural history press, doubleday publishing company, new york. mech, l. d. 1988. the arctic wolf: living with the pack. voyageur press, stillwater, mn. mech, l. 1994. buffer zones of territories of gray wolves as regions of intraspecific strife. journal of mammalogy 75:199–202. doi:10.2307/1382251. mech, l. d. 2017. extinguishing a learned response in a wild wolf. canadian field naturalist 131:23– 25. doi:10.22621/cfn.v131i1.1951. mech, l. d., and l. boitani. 2003. wolf social ecology. in wolves: behavior, ecology, and conservation, edited by l. d. mech and l. boitani, pp. 1–34. university of chicago press, chicago. mech, l. d., d. w. smith, and d. r. macnulty. 2015. wolves on the hunt: the behavior of wolves hunting wild prey. university of chicago press, chicago. miller, f. l. 1978. interactions between men, dogs, and wolves on western queen elizabeth island, northwest territories, canada. musk-ox 22:70–72. miller, f. l. 1995. status of wolves in the canadian arctic islands. in ecology and conservation of wolves in a changing world, edited by l. n. carbyn, s. h. fritts, and d. r. seip, pp. 35–42. canadian circumpolar institute, edmonton, canada. munthe, k., and j. h. hutchinson. 1978. a wolfhuman encounter on ellesmere island, canada. journal of mammalogy 59:876–878. doi:10.2307/1380164. parmelee, d. f. 1964. myth of the wolf. the beaver spring:4–9. peterson, r. o., and p. ciucci. 2003. the wolf as a carnivore. in wolves: behavior, ecology, and conservation, edited by l. d. mech and l. boitani, pp. 104–130. university of chicago press, chicago. pierotti, r. 2011a. indigenous knowledge, ecology, and evolutionary biology. routledge, new york. mech. 2019. ethnobiology letters 10(1):69–75 75 perspectives pierotti, r. 2011b. the world according to is’a: combining empiricism and spiritual understanding in indigenous ways of knowing. in ethnobiology, edited by e. n. anderson, d. m. pearsall, e. s. hunn, and n. j. turner, pp. 65–82. wileyblackwell, hoboken, nj. pierotti, r. 2012. the process of domestication: why domestic forms are not species. wolfdog 2:22–27. pierotti, r., and b. r. fogg. 2017. the first domestication: how wolves and humans coevolved. yale university press, new haven, ct. doi:10.2307/ j.ctt1wc7rbm. rajpurohit, k. s. 1999. child lifting: wolves in hazaribagh, india. ambio 28:162–166. doi: 10.2307/4314869. schlesier, k. h. 1987. the wolves of heaven: cheyenne shamanism, ceremonies, and prehistoric origins. civilization of the american indian series, no. 183. university of oklahoma press, norman, ok. shahi, s. p. 1983. status of the gray wolf (canis lupus pallipes, sykes) in india. acta zoologica fennica 174:283–286. shannon, l. m., r. h. boyko, m. castelhano, e. corey, j. j. hayward, c. mclean, m. e. white, m. a. said, b. a. anita, n. i. bondjengo, j. calero, a. galov, m. hedimbi, b. imam, r. khalap, d. lally, a. masta, k. c. oliveira, l. pérez, j. randall, n. m. tam, f. j. trujillo-cornejo, c. valeriano, n. b. sutter, r. j. todhunter, c. d. bustamante, and a. r. boyko. 2015. genetic structure in village dogs reveals a central asian domestication origin. proceedings of the national academy of sciences 112:13639–13644. doi:10.1073/pnas.1516215112. shipman, p. 2015. the invaders: how humans and their dogs drove neanderthals to extinction. harvard university press, cambridge, ma. smith, g. k. 1978. slave to a pack of wolves. adams press, chicago. thalmann, o., b. shapiro, p. cui, v. j. schuenemann, s. k. sawyer, d. l. greenfield, m. b. germonpre, m. v. sablin, f. lopez-giraldez, x. domingoroura, h. napierala, h.-p. uerpmann, d. m. loponte, a. a. acosta, l. giemsch, r. w. schmitz, b. worthington, j. e. buikstra, a. druzhkova, a. s. graphodatsky, n. d. ovodov, n. wahlberg, a. h. freedman, r. m. schweizer, k.-p. koepfli, j. a. leonard, m. meyer, j. krause, s. paabo, r. e. green, and r. k. wayne. 2013. complete mitochondrial genomes of ancient canids suggest a european origin of domestic dogs. science 342:871–874. doi:10.1126/science.1243650. vonholdt, b. m., j. p. pollinger, k. e. lohmueller, e. han, h. g. parker, p. quignon, j. d. degenhardt, a. r. boyko, d. a. earl, a. auton, a. reynolds, k. bryc, a. brisbin, j. c. knowles, d. s. mosher, t. c. spady, a. elkahloun, e. geffen, m. pilot, w. jedrzejewski, c. greco, e. randi, d. bannasch, a. wilton, j. shearman, m. musiani, m. cargill, p. g. jones, z. qian, w. huang, z.-l. ding, y-p. zhang, c. d. bustamante, e. a. ostrander, j. novembre, and r. k. wayne. 2010. genome-wide snp and haplotype analyses reveal a rich history underlying dog domestication. nature 464:898– 902. doi:10.1038/nature08837. wang, g., w. zhai, h. yang, r. fan, x. cao, l. zhong, l. wang, f. liu, h. wu, l. cheng, a. d. poyarkov, n. a. poyarkov, jr., s. tang, w. zhao, y. gao, x. lv, d. m. irwin, p. savolainen, c. wu, and y. zhang. 2013. the genomics of selection in dogs and the parallel evolution between dogs and humans. nature communications 4:1860. doi:10.1038/ncomms2814. woolpy, j. h., and b. e. ginsburg. 1967. wolf socialization: a study of temperament in a wild social species. american zoologist 7:357–363. young, s. p., and e. a. goldman. 1944. the wolves of north america. american wildlife institute, washington, dc. traditional use of dasylirion acrotrichum in the construction of floral arches for the festival of san jerónimo, in coatepec, veracruz, mexico torres-martínez et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):85–95 85 research communications traditional community institution that originally served as a mechanism to ensure that people were kept at the same socio-economic level by preserving social exchange and cooperation and to strengthen links and commitments within the community (korsbaek 1987). the mayordomo is a male of moral prestige in the community; he must show appreciation and respect for the church and its patron saint. it is also necessary for him to have access to sufficient economic resources to meet the costs incurred by this responsibility. offerings in the form of arches allude to the european triumphant arches that marked the entrance of a noble or deity (madrazo and urdapilleta 2008). in mexico, the floral arches of today are the result of syncretism between catholicism and pre-hispanic introduction many mexican religious festivals use plants to make offerings. they have been offered since pre-hispanic times as a tribute to the nobility. they symbolized prestige and represented the wealth of the indigenous high society (mendoza-zaragoza 2010). these offerings consisted of carpets, garlands, crowns, collars, and arches, which were made with leaves of maize, and wild and cultivated flowers, as well as bird feathers. with the spanish conquest and adoption of the catholic faith, the tradition was modified, and thus the offerings began to be made in honor of catholic saints in religious festivals (mendozazaragoza 2010). the priests organized groups of the faithful into mayordomías, or “people’s commissions,” to collect the donations required to financially support the organization of the festivities. the mayordomía is a traditional use of dasylirion acrotrichum in the construction of floral arches for the festival of san jerónimo, in coatepec, veracruz, mexico guadalupe torres-martínez 1 , citlalli lópez binnqüist 1 , evodia silva rivera 1 , and noé velázquez-rosas 1* 1 centro de investigaciones tropicales, universidad veracruzana, xalapa, veracruz, mexico. * nvelazquezro@gmail.com abstract in mexico, floral arches are commonly constructed as offerings in religious festivals. the plants required for fabrication of these arches are currently in great demand, which could affect the species involved. the objective of this study was to document the traditional management of dasylirion acrotrichum (cucharilla) as used in the construction of floral arches during a festival of great religious and community significance held every year in coatepec, veracruz, mexico. the construction method of floral arches was documented, and the possible repercussions of this practice on the wild populations of this species were analyzed. in coatepec, the mayordomía is a non-rotational traditional organization system, through which each arch is produced. this system guides the construction activities of the floral arch, which are shared among different actors with various degrees of experience and responsibility. we reveal that between 250 to 270 plants (ultimately using around 60% of this number) are used to produce the main arch. likewise, it was documented that during plant collection there are rules observed to avoid extraction of juvenile specimens, especially those that do not have the quantity or quality of leaves required. the social, ritual, and ecological basis of the mayordomía represent an opportunity to build a strategy aimed at regulating the extraction of culturally relevant plant species, and it can also help to improve collection techniques and to encourage sustainable management. that is why we argue that dasylirion acrotrichum must be understood and studied from a systemic, interdisciplinary perspective. received january 14, 2020 open access accepted july 30, 2020 doi 10.14237/ebl.11.1.2020.1673 published september 15, 2020 keywords culturally significant plant, biocultural resource extraction, religious offerings, traditional community institution copyright © 2020 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. torres-martínez et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):85–95 86 research communications indigenous tradition (chiva-beltrán 2012). for the indigenous and mestizo people, these offerings are a spiritual link between man and the divinities, representing the source of reciprocity between the petitions of mankind and the sacred world (gómezmartínez 2013). at present, in some patronal festivals of central veracruz, floral arches are the main offering made by the people to the saints in gratitude for blessings received during the year. during these patronal festivals, the “mayordomía” system of organization remains in practice. in the annual patronal festival of san jerónimo, which takes place on september 29 in coatepec, veracruz, an arch, known as the arco mayor, is constructed to adorn the main entrance of the parish church (figure 1). this arch is the largest and most important offering of the festival and is constructed using plants collected in the surrounding area, including pine (pinus spp.), bamboo (arundo donax), vine (vitis spp.) and liquidambar (liquidambar styraciflua), which are utilized in the structure of the arch (figure 2a). the adornments of the arch consist of the inflorescences of heliconias (heliconia spp.), bromeliads (tillandsia multicaulis, t. punctulate, and t. usneoides), cypress leaves (cupressus spp.), and the “cucharilla” or great desert spoon (dasylirion acrotrichum) (haeckel 2008; torres-martínez 2016; figure 2b). d. acrotrichum has for decades been extracted from alchichica, puebla, since it grows exclusively in the semiarid regions of mexico. in coatepec, the tradition of the floral arches is a source of pride and identity. this is why it has been integrated as an offering in other churches and chapels during their religious festivals (torresmartínez 2016). tourism in coatepec has increased since 2016, when the town was awarded with the “pueblo mágico” distinction (“a town that, through time and in the face of modernity, has conserved, valued and defended its historical, cultural and natural legacy” [velarde-valdez et al. 2009:81]). motivated by this recognition, in the last few years, the construction of floral arches has spread to schools and to some restaurants during the festival (torres-martínez 2016). this phenomenon has caused an increased demand for the plants used to create the floral arches. for example, in the neighboring municipality of xico, it is reported that more than 30 floral arches are constructed every year (mata-labrada 2011). in 2008, it was recorded that approximately 70 arches were constructed in the municipalities of coatepec, teocelo, acajete, and tlalnelhuayocan (haeckel 2008). the high demand for these resources could diminish the wild populations in the collection sites, as has been suggested by other studies, in which the plants for floral offerings are extracted from increasingly distant locations (beltrán-rodríguez et al. 2012; mata-labrada 2011, 2013). one of the negative consequences of plant shortage is the substitution of natural materials for artificial elements in the ornamentation of the floral arch. in the state of hidalgo, the cucharilla has been substituted with plastic or cloth flowers (lópez-gutiérrez 2010). various authors agree that replacement of elements of the arch detracts from the purity and value of the offering in cultural terms (lópez-gutiérrez 2010; mendozazaragoza 2010). increased extraction of plant resources can have negative effects on natural populations, including alterations to the physiology, vital rates, and genetic diversity (ticktin 2004). this has been recorded in tillandsia macdougallii and t. violaceae (mondragónchaparro and ticktin 2011), sabal yapa (pulido et al. 2007), euphorbia antisyphilitica (martínez-ballesté and mandujano 2013), chamaedorea radicalis (endress et al. figure 1 floral arch adorning the main entrance of the parish church in the annual patronal festival of san jerónimo in coatepec, veracruz. torres-martínez et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):85–95 87 research communications 2006), agave potatorum (torres et al. 2015), agave inaequidens(valenzuela-zapata et al. 2011), and brahea dulcis (pavón et al. 2006). over-extraction has a relatively greater impact on species of slow growth and restricted distribution, as is the case with d. acrotrichum. this study documents the traditional management of d. acrotrichum for production of the arco mayor of coatepec for the patronal festival of san jerónimo. of all the plants used in this offering, d. acrotrichum is the only one endemic to mexico (rzedowski 2006) and is also threatened. construction of the arch under the direction of the mayordomía is described, and an analysis made of how the system of social organization and locally adopted practices can contribute to in situ conservation and sustainable management of wild plant populations in the sites where they are being extracted. methods the process of construction of the arco mayor for the festival of san jerónimo in coatepec, veracruz was studied over three years (2013, 2014, and 2016). the stages followed by the social actors who participate in the management of d. acrotrichum were recorded through participant observation and the application of semi-structured interviews (sensu martin 2000). twenty -five semi-structured interviews were applied to adult men (between 20–70 years old), whose role is to collect materials and to elaborate the floral arch. in addition, three in-depth interviews were made with the mayordomo, padrinos, and the owner of the site of extraction. figure 2 elements that make up the floral arch: a structure (arundo donax [ad], liquidambar styraciflua [ls], and pinus spp. [p]) and b ornamental (leaf and inflorescences of tillandsia spp. [t], leaf of dasylirion acrotrichum [da], vitis spp. [v], and inflorescences of heliconia spp. [h]). torres-martínez et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):85–95 88 research communications study species d. acrotrichum belongs to the family asparagaceae (figure 3); it is a perennial, polycarpic, and dioecious plant of slow growth. it has leaves with spines on the edges, grouped into rosettes, which widen at the base, overlapping each other. each individual can present multiple stems produced through vegetative growth (bloger 1994). it is distributed in the arid and semiarid zones of mexico, found on well-drained gravelly soils, on the slopes of hills and gullies of xerophyllous scrub. it is commonly known as “cucharilla”, due to the fact that the base of the leaves is whitish, broad and concave, similar to a long-handled spoon. d. acrotrichum collection site d. acrotrichum was collected in the locality of alchichica, located on the semiarid high plateau zone of the municipality of tepeyahualco, in the state of puebla (19° 26’ 56.1’’n 97° 22’ 25.4’’ w and 19° 26’ 55.6’’n; 97° 22’ 27.1’’w; 2337-2407 m asl). the zone presents hills of limestone and volcanic rock, sandy soils, and a semiarid and generally extreme climate. the vegetation is xerophyllous scrub with succulent plants with leaves in rosettes or concentrated towards the extremes and aphyllous plants, represented mainly by species of the genera agave, hechtia, yucca, dasylirion, opuntia, and euphorbia (rzedowski 2006). results organization for construction of the floral arch construction of the arco mayor in the patronal festival of coatepec involves three main actors: the mayordomo, the faeneros (all of whom are male), and the padrinos. women participate only in the preparation of food, which is offered to the faeneros during the construction of the arch. the mayordomo is responsible for seeking funds for constructing the arch. he also has to coordinate and organize the collection of plant materials, the design and supervision of faeneros’ tasks, finding padrinos for the arch, and designing the arch together with the most experienced faeneros. this mayordomía has been passed down among the males of a single family, who have taken charge for the last four generations. the current mayordomo has been in charge since 2006. he is distinguished for constructing aesthetically beautiful arches and for producing the arco mayor in time for the festival. this is why each year, the authorities of the local kindergarten have asked him to produce a smaller, simpler arch for the entrance to the school during the festival of san jerónimo. the teachers and parents wish the students to become familiar with the tradition. likewise, other families have requested arches to decorate their restaurants’ entrances to attract tourists attending the festival. the faeneros are men (adults, young men, and boys) who participate voluntarily, without receiving payment in the construction of the arch every year. to make the adornments, they collect, process, and clean the plant materials. their specific activities depend on their experience and abilities. the experienced faeneros oversee collecting the cucharilla and constructing the arch structure and the decoration and design, which depend on the quantity of resources collected. the beginners (generally young men and boys of 10 to 20 years of age) process and clean the plant material and help with the construction of the arch structure. the padrinos are a catholic married couple of good moral standing, known by the inhabitants of the neighborhood los carriles, which is where the arch is built. they help the mayordomo pay for the food of the faeneros during the construction of the arch, sometimes figure 3 dasylirion acrotrichum (cucharilla) at alchichica, puebla. torres-martínez et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):85–95 89 research communications they pay for the gasoline for the vehicles used to collect the plants. they also provide money to buy the aguardiente spirit alcohol offered to the faeneros, to pay for the dancers who participate in the processions and to buy the fireworks that are used during the festival. the padrinos are in charge of blessing the arch and place the first flower to begin its decoration. economic support for these activities is voluntary; however, these are unavoidable commitments of trust and respect that help to maintain the social fabric of the locality. collection of d. acrotrichum the site of d. acrotrichum extraction for the arco mayor of coatepec is a private property in alchichica, puebla, with an area of 10 ha, where the d. acrotrichum presents a density of 349 individuals per ha. the plants have been collected from this site for approximately 80 years, which is the same period that the family of the current mayordomo has been in charge. for all of that time, there has been an agreement between the mayordomo’s family and the owner of the site of extraction, which ensures the supply of “cucharilla” every year. the site owner imposes no limit on the number of specimens collected and does not charge for the extraction (i.e., the mayordomo has free access to the plants). the mayordomo can collect plants to make the arco mayor, as well as the other private arches he is asked for every year. in gratitude, the mayordomo gifts fruits, vegetables, poultry, and large containers of aguardiente to the owner of the land. the quantity of these gifts varies according to the economic resources of the mayordomo and any donations received by the group of faeneros. every year, the landowner authorizes the extraction of this plant by at least nine groups of faeneros from different nearby towns that celebrate different religious festivals (four groups from coatepec, four from teocelo, and one from xico). these groups gain access to the site through the recommendation of other arch makers who are friends with the landowner. the landowner shows the arch makers the collection sites and instructs them not to cut the young specimens. to avoid cutting plants unnecessarily, the landowner advises the mayordomo that they should not cut individuals of less than 12 cm in diameter. each group collects between 100 and 120 specimens, but the group from coatepec extracts a greater quantity (at least 250 specimens every year). the annual mean collection at this site is 1117 (± 42.3) plants. in addition, there are groups of faeneros that have no agreement regarding access to the plants; therefore, they may ask the mayordomo to collect more specimens for them and, in this way, they obtain the cucharilla. other groups of faeneros, having no extraction agreement with the landowner, and conduct clandestine collections in which they cut individuals in the juvenile stage (less than 12 cm in diameter). these plants have narrow, fragile leaves considered unsuitable for adorning the arches and are therefore rejected. clandestine collection of plants has led to other owners of sites in alchichica, puebla, with d. acrotrichum refusing access for extraction to any faeneros, even those that are legitimately organized. in order to collect the d. acrotrichum, the mayordomo and 25 or 30 faeneros travel to alchichica. they are organized into groups formed by a cutter, a tier, and a carrier. only the most experienced select and cut the suitable plants (adults of diameter greater than 12 cm). the cutter must cut the plants from the base of the stem, extracting complete specimens, the tier ties the cut leaves of the plant, and the carrier carries them to the vehicles for transportation to the house of the mayordomo in coatepec. there is a belief that red is an unlucky color and can cause the plants to turn dark brown, losing their characteristic ivory tone; for this reason, it is not permitted to wear red garments during collection. indeed, even the food they eat should not have any ingredients of this color. being subject to menstruation, the women are also thought to cause discoloration of the plants and, this is why, only men participate in this process. after the collection is complete, they make some adornments with cucharilla in the form of a crown that are placed on the vehicles’ hood so that people know that they are bringing plants for the arch on the road back to coatepec. the mayordomo and the faeneros are received with fireworks to announce their arrival. the collected d. acrotrichum plants are unloaded and guarded in the house of the mayordomo. finally, a meal is provided for the faeneros to thank them for their participation in the collection. processing of d. acrotrichum in order to extract the “cucharilla,” it was observed that the mayordomo organized a group of faeneros to be in charge of removing the “heart” (stem of the plant) of each of the individuals (figure 4a). the faeneros tear out the leaves and thus eliminate the spines (figure torres-martínez et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):85–95 90 research communications 4b). from a stem of 16 cm in diameter, 80 or 90 cucharillas can be extracted, while one of 12 cm will produce between 50 and 60. around 60% of each plant is used, corresponding to the external leaves that are thicker and firmer and thus more resistant to the heat and light of the sun. construction of the arco mayor and the patronal festival of san jerónimo the main arch is 12.5 m in height and 3.60 m in width, weighs approximately three tonnes and is constructed in front of the house of the mayordomo. it is constructed from posts of pine and rods of bamboo and liquidambar, which are held in place with vines to form the main structure. the adornments are made from cucharillas (figure 4c–e), bromeliad inflorescences, heliconias, and cypress branches. once all of the materials have been collected and the main structure is complete, on september 24, the padrinos place the “first flower,” which consists of a bouquet made of cucharilla and the inflorescence of a tencho (bromeliad), on a wooden cross that will be fixed to the upper part of the finished arch. afterwards, the padrinos bless the cross and the main structure with flowers so that the next day the faeneros can decorate the offering. this activity is known as “florear el arco.” the most experienced faeneros construct the most complex adornments, while the younger men interweave the other materials onto the main structure. only a decade ago, the design would have determined the quantity of materials to be collected. now, however, the mayordomo designs the arch depending on the quantity of plant materials they were able to collect that year. to construct the offering, the faeneros use nails, wire, and ropes, which are hidden beneath the adornments. in this way, the structure of the arch is firmer and more stable and the decoration more securely fixed. the number of floral arches constructed during the festival of san jerónimo varies. arches of more than two tonnes are constructed, as well as examples that weigh between 60 and 70 kilos (1.20 x 2.20 m), so that they can be carried by groups of children that participate in this activity. in 2013, 14 arches were constructed. in 2015, 11 were constructed, including the arco mayor. in 2016, 15 arches were constructed, of which nine were large and six were small. figure 4 processing of d. acrotrichum plants to decorate the floral arch. a obtaining leaves (cucharilla), b removal of spines from the margin of the leaves, and c–e preparation of ornaments and placement in the arch. torres-martínez et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):85–95 91 research communications finally, on september 29, the arco mayor is completed and a mass is celebrated to bless all the arches during the patronal festival. a procession is then held, known as “la bajada de los arcos,” presided over by an image of san jerónimo. the arco mayor, which is carried on the shoulders of the faeneros to the parish church to frame the main entrance. twenty days later, it is removed and carried back to the mayordomo’s house for dismantling. the pine posts and liquidambar beams are stored to be reused for the arch for the following year. conservation of d. acrotrichum the faeneros and the mayordomo believe that san jerónimo ensures the supply of cucharillas each year for the construction of the arch for the patronal festival. they explained that their extraction practices are appropriate, since the method has not changed in decades and they continue to collect specimens of d. acrotrichum. the mayordomo indicated that they impose internal rules that help maintain the plant populations under extraction; the experienced faeneros cannot extract juvenile plants or those of small diameter (less than 12 cm). in addition, during collection, the mayordomo dictates the number of plants to collect. discussion the mayordomías tradition in mexico commonly consist of a mayordomo, whose responsibility is usually held for one year. the position is rotational, and with no re-election (carrasco 1991; gómez-arzapalo 2010). this system of responsibilities varies among different communities: there can be more than one mayordomo and the duration and functions differ among sites (montalvo-nolasco and heredia barrera 2015). according to the current mayordomo, one family has had the duty for more than 80 years. the reason is that no one else has requested the position on account of the great responsibility it implies. the mayordomo stated that: “it is not easy to find the materials and cover the economic costs of construction of the arch, or to finish the offering in time and look after the physical integrity of the faeneros.” this mayordomía contrasts with the original aim of this type of social organization that, by being rotational, avoids the accumulation of wealth and monopolization of power by distributing the costs of parties and ceremonies, as well as the various obligations (korsbaek 1987). this concurs with other studies, in which some families in mexican villages accumulate wealth or make a greater economic effort in order to keep themselves in that position, excluding other families without losing the political and religious benefits and the reputation that the position offers (korsbaek 1987). concentration of the mayordomía in a single family for such a long period of time can present some risks; for example, there is a danger that the technical knowledge accumulated over such a long time in terms of the traditional management of the plants (including collection methods, forms of construction of the floral arch, and agreements with the owners of sites from which the plants can be extracted) may not be fully transmitted to other families or to new generations. there are three reasons that might explain why the mayordomía is not held on a rotation basis in coatepec: 1) few people are granted access to the collection sites, mainly because it has to do with personal rather than community agreements; 2) the economic costs are high (which demotivates other community members’ participation), and the mayordomo has to assume the social responsibilities derived from administering the money involved, that includes donations, and protecting the materials and the participants, 3) there is a lack of leadership and little skill in the general organization of the people involved (donors, workers, and padrinos). construction of floral arches has increased in recent years in central veracruz; new chapels and churches are built for which these offerings are required. thus, new groups of faeneros are formed, generally of young adults who have not adopted the organization system; nor do they have agreements with extraction site owners to utilize the correct methods of plant selection and extraction (haeckel 2008). these groups are therefore forced to carry out clandestine collection of d. acrotrichum, cutting specimens in the juvenile state with diameters of less than 12 cm that do not provide cucharillas with suitable characteristics. this practice affects the population dynamics of the species by extracting adult and juvenile individuals that have not yet contributed to the maintenance of the wild populations and thus reducing the establishment of seedlings (ticktin 2004; torres-martínez 2016). in extraction sites, torresmartínez (2016) reported a decrease in adult and seedling density. moreover, asexual reproduction has exceeded sexual reproduction, which could in turn lead to a reduction in the genetic variability of populations, as reported in other species (martínezballesté and mandujano 2013; ticktin 2004). for the above stated reason, the faeneros would have to replace torres-martínez et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):85–95 92 research communications the cucharillas for other elements. this has been the case in some of hidalgo’s communities where synthetic materials are used for the floral arches (lópez-gutiérrez 2010). by not using the plant in the traditional way, as has hitherto been the case, the intangible elements of the ritual that act to confer a religious sense of sacredness to nature, could be lost (madrazo and urdapilleta 2008), especially considering that each of the floral elements, like leaves and flowers represents different symbols associated with agricultural cycles and with the sacredness of nature (espejo et al. 1994). although data on the ritual and sacred qualities of this tradition were not expressly collected, it should be noted that both the mayordomo and faeneros explained that replacing any material from the arch would lessen its value. therefore, to alter the composition of the arch would mean eliminating the sacrifice made to collect that materials for the offering. this could indicate that those involved in the ritual give special weight to the floral arches, and this viewpoint has little to do with a modern utilitarian attitude towards biodiversity. the expansion of tourism to coatepec could represent a pressure for an increased fabrication of floral arches, which are now installed not only for ritual purposes, but also to decorate restaurants, schools, and businesses. although the pueblos mágicos program has been considered a success in many places, in others it has caused social, economic, and demographic problems, also affecting the natural surroundings (equihua-elias et al. 2015). the latter undoubtedly receives little attention in the planning and evaluation of the pueblos mágicos, whereby the negative impacts of tourism on natural resources and traditions are not considered or analyzed (equihuaelias et al. 2015). in some of these towns, specific natural resources and derived products are now in great demand with no consideration given to their state of conservation and distribution (pavón et al. 2006). that is why it is argued that population ecological studies are essential to determine extraction rates without putting species’ viability at risk (martínez-ballesté and mandujano 2013). moreover, it draws attention to studies designed to transcend disciplinary barriers, where methods, research tools, knowledge fields, and epistemological approaches coming from areas such as anthropology, economics, politics, sociology, and others, are equally valued. however, it is especially key to address power relations in the way knowledge is produced within modern societies, where citizens and local communities should be more actively engaged, if the aim is to achieve more sustainable management practices (peterson et al. 2010). local actions that ensure biodiversity conservation through sustainable management practices should be part of the pueblos mágicos’ regulations. in this way, tourism and traditions can develop under context-specific, socially and environmentally responsible conservation schemes. in coatepec, from the late 1980s, the shortage of resources used for the arco mayor has been notable (torresmartínez 2016). because of this, the design of the offering has had to be adapted to the availability of the plants they have collected, while still conserving the original elements. despite this, the mayordomo and the faeneros consider that the supply of d. acrotrichum will be ensured by san jerónimo and that their collection techniques are suitable in terms of caring for the wild populations. however, in extraction sites, there is a lower number of reproductive individuals, lower floral production, and reduced recruitment of new individuals per seed compared to sites where no collection takes place (torres-martínez 2016). for this reason, it is necessary to find spaces of discussion and mutual learning where community beliefs converge with scientific knowledge, so that the best decisions associated with the ritual itself and the species’ conservation, can be taken. other studies (garibaldi and turner 2004; infield and mugisha 2013; peterson et al. 2010), highlight the value of considering the biocultural dimension as a mechanism for giving continuity to cultural expressions and favoring the long-term conservation of biodiversity. the floral arch tradition represents a link between culture, social organization, and nature. this scenario strengthens the sense of territory and the heterogeneous use of the landscape; it reaffirms the social fabric, as well as the local and regional identity in a celebration where all can participate. the mayordomías and the patronal festivals reassure and preserve cultural values, identity, and social interaction (wilsey and nelson 2008). for the above stated reasons, it is necessary to find new, more efficient ways to collect d. acrotrichum. collection should be done following fallow periods and rotation of the collection sites. the right amount of plants should be accounted for, to avoid unnecessary waste and the death of reproductive adults. additionally, it is crucial to improve communication among community leaders, faeneros’ torres-martínez et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):85–95 93 research communications groups, independent archers, researchers, technicians, and government decision makers in the forestry department to ensure that decisions will be made collaboratively between everyone involved. a census of all the archers dedicated to this activity can be useful to establish clear regulations around access to the sites as well as to have control over the number of plants extracted. these actions should be oriented towards decreasing the incidence of clandestine collection. finally, in order to achieve recovery of the extraction zones, collaboration networks and educational programs should be developed with the owners of d. acrotrichum distribution sites, with the long-term aim to produce locally relevant, participatory, citizen led restoration plans. acknowledgments this study was carried out thanks to information provided by the mayordomo and the faeneros of the arco mayor of coatepec and the owner of the d. acrotrichum collection site, who kindly responded to all questions asked and allowed observation of the entire process involved in the fabrication of the arco mayor. declarations permissions: this study was conducted during fieldwork and the interviews with permissions from the mayordomo and the faeneros of the arco mayor of coatepec. sources of funding: this work was supported by a scholarship to g. torres-martínez provided by consejo nacional de ciencia y tecnología (conacyt) (294281). conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited beltrán-rodríguez, l. a., b. martínez-rivera, and a. paulo-maya. 2012. etnoecología de la flor de catarina laelia autumnalis (la llave et lex. lindl.) (orchidaceae) en una comunidad campesina al sur del estado de morelos, méxico: conservando un recurso y preservando saberes populares. etnobiología 10:1–17. bogler, d. j. 1994. taxonomy and phylogeny of dasylirion (nolinaceae). doctoral dissertation, the university of texas, austin, tx. carrasco, p. 1991. sobre el origen histórico de la jerarquía político-ceremonial de las comunidades indígenas, in historia, antropología y política. homenaje a ángel palermo, edited by m. suárez, pp. 306–326. universidad iberoamericana y alianza editorial mexicana, méxico. chiva-beltrán, j. 2012. arcos efímeros mexicanos. de la herencia hispana al nacionalismo artístico. ciencias sociais e humanidades 24:193–212. endress, b. a., d. l. gorchov, and e. j. berry. 2006. sustainability of a non-timber forest product: effects of alternative leaf harvest practices over 6 years on yield and demography of the palm chamaedorea radicalis. forest ecology and management 234:181–191. doi:10.1016/j.foreco.2006.07.020. equihua-elias, g. c., s. r. messina fernandez, and j. p. ramírez-silva. 2015. los pueblos mágicos: una visión crítica sobre su impacto en el desarrollo sustentable del turismo. revista fuente 22:2–7. espejo, a., i. ramírez, and n. cuevas. 1994. diccionario mítico-mágico de veracruz. gobierno del estado de veracruz. xalapa, veracruz, méxico. garibaldi, a., and n. turner. 2004. cultural keystone species: implications for ecological conservation and restoration. ecology and society 9:1. doi: 10.5751/es-00669-090301. gómez-martínez, a. 2013. las ofrendas aritméticas entre los nahuas de la huasteca veracruzana. in convocar a los dioses: ofrendas mesoamericanas, edited by j. broda, pp. 171–200. instituto veracruzano de la cultura. xalapa, veracruz, méxico. gómez-arzapalo, r. a. 2010. los santos y sus ayudantes. mayordomías en xalatlaco,méxico. reproducción cultural en el contexto de la religiosidad popular. gazeta de antropología 26:5. haeckel, i. b. 2008. the “arco floral”: ethnobotany of tillandsia and dasylirion spp. in a mexican religious adornment. economic botany 62:90–95. doi:10.1007/s12231-008-9009-8. infield, m., and a. mugisha. 2013. culture, values and conservation: a review of perspectives policies and practices. fauna & flora international, cambridge, uk. korsbaek, l. 1987. el desarrollo del sistema de cargos de san juan chamula: el modelo teórico de gonzalo aguirre beltrán y los datos empíricos. anales de antropología 24:215–242. lópez-gutiérrez, b. n. 2010. etnobotánica de dasylirion acrotriche (schiede) zucc. (nolinaceae), en áreas del centro y sur del estado de hidalgo, torres-martínez et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):85–95 94 research communications méxico. master’s thesis, universidad autónoma del estado de hidalgo, hidalgo, méxico. madrazo, m. m., and m. m. urdapilleta. 2008. la fiesta patronal de xico, veracruz. tradición oral y festividad. universidad autónoma del estado de méxico. ciencia ergo sum 15:9–20. martin, g. j. 2000. etnobotánica, manual de métodos. editorial nordan-comunidad, montevideo, uruguay. martínez-ballesté, a., and m. c. mandujano. 2013. the consequences of harvesting on regeneration of a non-timber wax producing species (euphorbia antisyphilitica zucc.) of the chihuahuan desert. economic botany 67:121–136. doi:10.1007/s12231013-9229-4. mata-labrada, f. 2011. la utilización de la flora y la religiosidad en tequila, veracruz: un estudio etnohistórico e interdisciplinario de un pueblo enclavado en el bosque mesófilo de montaña. master’s thesis, escuela nacional de antropología e historia, méxico. mata-labrada, f. 2013. etnografía y ecología en relación al uso ritual y ceremonial de tres especies botánicas: gaultheria acuminata, dasylirion acrotriche y tillandsia usneoides. in naturaleza-sociedad, reflexiones desde la complejidad, edited by f. a. conde, p. a. ortiz, a. delgado, and f. gómez, pp. 151–158. universidad autónoma de tlaxcala, méxico. mendoza-zaragoza, m. 2010. el arte floral en las crónicas del altiplano central de méxico del siglo xvii (registro documental e iconográfico). master’s thesis, facultad de filosofía y letras. universidad nacional autónoma de méxico, méxico. mondragón-chaparro, d., and t. ticktin. 2011. demographic effects of harvesting epiphytic bromeliads and an alternative approach to collection. conservation biology 25:797–827. doi:10.1111/j.1523-1739.2011.01691.x. montalvo-nolasco, p., and l. heredia barrera. 2015. xochitlalli, mayordomía, todos santos, ritos funerarios y cosmovisión en san juan del rio (hoy rafael delgado), veracruz. instituto veracruzano de la cultura. veracruz, méxico. pavón, n. p., r. i. escobar, and r. ortiz-pulido. 2006. extracción de la palma brahea dulcis en una comunidad otomí en hidalgo, méxico. efecto sobre algunos parámetros poblacionales. interciencia 31:57–61. peterson r. b., d. russell, p. west, and j. p. brois. 2010. seeing (and doing) conservation through cultural lenses. environmental management 45:5–18. doi:10.1007/s00267-008-9135-1. pulido, m. t., t. valverde, and j. caballero. 2007. variation in the population dynamics of the palm sabal yapa in a landscape shaped by shifting cultivation in the yucatan peninsula, mexico. journal of tropical ecology 23:139–149. doi:10.1017/ s0266467406003877. rzedowski, j. 2006. vegetación de méxico. digital edition, comisión nacional para el conocimiento y uso de la biodiversidad, méxico. available at: http://www.biodiversidad.gob.mx/publicaciones/ librosdig/pdf/vegetacionmx_cont.pdf. accessed on october 10, 2015. ticktin, t. 2004. the ecological implications of harvesting non-timber forest products. journal of applied ecology 41:11–21. doi:10.1111/j.13652664.2004.00859.x torres, i., a. casas, e. vega, m. martínez-ramos, and a. delgado-lemus. 2015. population dynamics and sustainable management of mezcal agaves in central méxico: agave potatorumin tehuacáncuicatlán valley. economic botany 69:26–41. doi:10.1007/s12231-014-9295-2. torres-martínez, g. 2016. manejo tradicional de dasylirion acrotrichum (schiede) zucc (asparagaceae) para la elaboración de arcos florales en el centro de veracruz y la evaluación del impacto en sus poblaciones naturales. master’s thesis, centro de investigaciones tropicales, universidad veracruzana, xalapa, veracruz, méxico. valenzuela-zapata, a., i. lopez-muraira, and m. s. gaytán. 2011. traditional knowledge, agave inaequidens (koch) conservation, and the charro lariat artisans of san miguel cuyutlán, mexico. ethnobiology letters 2:72–80. doi:10.14237/ ebl.2.2011.24. torres-martínez et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):85–95 95 research communications velarde-valdez, m., a. v. c. maldonado alcudia, and m. c. maldonado alcudia, m. candelaria. 2009. pueblos mágicos. estrategia para el desarrollo turístico sustentable: caso sinaloa. teoría y praxis 6:79–93. wilsey, d. s., and k. c. nelson. 2008. conceptualizing multiple nontimber forest product harvest and harvesting motivations among balsam bough pickers in northern minnesota. society and natural resources 21:812–827. doi:10.1080/089419207 01651204. 61 book review biocultural diversity conservation: a global sourcebook luisa maffi and ellen woodley. 2010. earthscan, london. pp. 304. $57.95 (paperback). isbn 978-1-84407-921-6. reviewed by jose martinez-reyes reviewer address: department of anthropology, university of massachusetts, boston, ma 02125 received: february 1, 2012 volume 3:61-62 published: september 26, 2012 ©2012 society of ethnobiology conservation of natural resources has increasingly been on the agendas of many governments, global institutions, environmentalists, scholars, and the public in general in recent decades. the focus of conservation, particularly in the tropics, has been overwhelmingly towards biological diversity, or biodiversity. it is precisely this unbalance that maffi and woodley seek to address in ‘biocultural diversity conservation: a global sourcebook.’ they argue that this emphasis on the biological aspects has relegated people, mostly indigenous groups that have interacted with these resources and in many cases have contributed to protecting and regenerating biological diversity, to a symbolic place. by this i mean that this book seeks to rectify the subordinated role that culture and traditional environmental knowledge have played in the world of conservation. this book builds on previous work to confront the problems faced by human populations that have close and interdependent relations with their environments. maffi and woodley have been pioneers in the field, and in many ways this “sourcebook” makes the case for making biocultural research more visible, if not more mainstream, in conservation circles. the book is divided into three sections. the first section has two chapters that focus on the theoretical framework of biocultural diversity. the second section consists of four chapters that engage the readers with examples of projects that integrate biocultural diversity as their core for conservation initiatives. the last part contains two chapters that focus on tying together the loose ends and making sense of the dozens of case studies presented. their objectives—“to connect the dots” between several life projects with similar objectives, to link biocultural conservation projects, to increase public visibility, to create a larger united front—are not only commendable, but more importantly, are urgent. there are projects and ngos, in my experience, that emphasize or claim that they are working with indigenous groups to protect their traditional ecological knowledge, but in reality are only paying lip service and, to the contrary, want to implement a western scientific rationality over traditional ecological knowledge. i do not intend to imply that the case studies presented in this book fall into that category, but it is something that readers should be aware of. from the outset, the authors warn readers about what precisely i thought where the shortcomings: that the surveys are not systematic enough to elaborate on the conflicts or difficulties that occur as a consequence of the interactions between different groups. that probably would be the task of a more in-depth ethnographic analysis. there was a mix of contributors. among them were anthropologists, ngo personnel, and indigenous people. the case studies work well to contextualize the biocultural elements of each community as they provide vivid descriptions of the landscape and the conservation projects. some anthropologists, however, would like to know more of the intimate details about the dynamics between conservation projects and indigenous peoples, principally the contentious issues that surround particular western notions of conservation versus local indigenous point of views. the task of promoting biocultural diversity is immense and, i dare to say, urgent as the threat of loss of languages and connections to land seems to grow as time goes by. this book shows the ways in which it is possible to reverse this trend. connecting local experiences and indigenous groups with each other can reaffirm that, by defending their connection to their land, their language, and by continuing their engagement with their environment, indigenous people are contributing, not only to their ‘life projects’, but to global diversity as well. in spite of the shortcomings 62 book review that the authors themselves point out, this book is a compelling case for reconceptualising conservation through the biocultural perspective. the book should be indispensible for ngos, grassroots organizations, and scholars that intend to, or already works with, the complex connections between indigenous populations and conservation. bird stories from latin america: lessons on change and adaptation sault. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):58-68 58 perspectives underworld, while others are connected with geographical features of the land or specific spirits and deities. these relationships are exemplified in flags, shields, coins, totems, headdresses, and jewelry, as well as songs, dances, and stories. much has been written about bird communication in various forms and contexts, usually in the sense of the meanings attributed to the introduction the sounds birds make include calls and songs, but there are other ways that birds are heard beyond physical utterances and fluttering feathers. human societies from nations to clans recognize birds for their special powers. some groups claim particular bird species as their representatives, hoping to draw upon avian powers. certain species are associated with either war or peace, the heavens or the bird stories from latin america: lessons on change and adaptation nicole sault 1* 1 sally glean center, palo alto, usa. * nicole@sallyglean.org abstract when people hear bird sounds, they understand them on various levels that are interpreted according to cultural context. among indigenous cultures of latin america, avian voices are understood in relation to group identity, kinship affiliation, and personal experience, such as dreams and vision quests. birds are recognized as social actors with their own voices that express intentions, desires, needs, and responsibilities. certain birds may impart messages to specific people, and stories of these personal interactions represent both traditional values as well as individual explanations for what the bird communicated. these experiences are incorporated into the dynamic relationships people have with birds, the ancestors, the landscape, and spirit beings, and assist in addressing both cultural and climatic changes. this essay presents stories from mexico, costa rica, and peru, and shows how individuals interpret bird communications according to cultural values that relate to their personal situation. these avian messages gain new meaning and urgency during periods of dramatic change, like the current climate crisis. as people seek creative responses to survive, relationships with birds provide resiliency. resumen cuando las personas escuchan los sonidos de las aves, los entienden por varios niveles que se interpretan de acuerdo con el contexto cultural. entre las culturas indígenas de américa latina, las voces de las aves se entienden en relación con la identidad grupal, la afiliación de parentesco y la experiencia personal, como los sueños y las búsquedas de una visión. las aves son reconocidas como actores sociales con sus propias voces que expresan intenciones, deseos, necesidades y responsabilidades. ciertas aves imparten mensajes a personas específicas, y las historias de estas interacciones personales representan tanto valores tradicionales como interpretaciones particulares de lo que el ave les comunicó. tales experiencias personales se incorporan a las relaciones dinámicas que las personas tienen con las aves, los antepasados, el paisaje, y los seres espirituales. estas experiencias también se relacionan con cambios culturales y climáticos. este ensayo presenta historias de méxico, costa rica y perú, que muestran cómo las personas interpretan las comunicaciones de las aves de acuerdo con los valores culturales que se relacionan con su situación personal. estos mensajes de las aves adquieren un nuevo significado y urgencia durante los periodos de cambios dramáticos, como la actual crisis climática. a medida que las personas buscan respuestas creativas para sobrevivir, las relaciones con las aves proporcionan resiliencia. received april 1, 2020 open access accepted july 17, 2020 doi 10.14237/ebl.11.2.2020.1689 published december 4, 2020 keywords indigenous peoples, oral tradition, climate crisis, mexico, costa rica, peru copyright © 2020 by the author(s) licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. sault. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):58-68 59 perspectives appearance or behavior of particular bird species, such as eagles, hummingbirds, doves, or owls. yet, research has shown that the meanings conveyed by the appearance and behavior of bird species vary from one culture to another, and can be interpreted in contrasting ways depending on details of the birds’ behavior and the personal history of the observer (forth et al. 2010; hull and fergus 2017; hunn 2008). within a particular culture, avian-human relationships have enduring meanings that are transmitted over generations because they resonate with a group’s history and values. meanwhile, individual human experiences continue to enter oral traditions and writings. when human-avian interactions are narrated to others, the newer stories are heard in reference to past meanings that resonate to recent events, individual encounters, and changing circumstances. new stories of personal experiences build on their antecedents and continue to teach succeeding generations about heeding bird messages that instruct, advise, warn, and guide. rather than a boundary separating traditional stories from more recent ones, there is a continuous flow of meaning that enriches both, for time is recognized as cyclical and round. stories of recent origin gain validity from previous narratives, which in turn are recalled as relevant to contemporary life, as illustrated here by examples from the zapotec of mexico, the bribri of costa rica, and quechua-speaking peoples of peru. these three stories show how birds are still heeded as messengers, harbingers, advisors, teachers, and protectors. as the zapotec poet irma pineda affirms, “our stories will be reborn/ you will not see me die” (sullivan 2012:45). methods while my research in latin america began decades earlier, the focus on ethno-ornithology began in 2002, while i was teaching at the university of costa rica and visiting bribri communities. methods were mainly qualitative and included literature reviews, consultations with local scholars and authorities, visits to museums, photographs, walks with bird guides, participant observation in daily activities and ceremonies, extended interviews, and group discussions. i presented my work in spanish at conferences in costa rica and peru and read early versions of manuscripts to the people i worked with in order to consult with them. permission from local authorities and consultants was obtained whenever possible. for the first story by pedro chávez garcia, who is from a valley zapotec village, when i asked permission to publish his story he agreed and asked that his full name be used. the second story is from ana balma, a bribri woman from the talamanca region of southeastern costa rica. she shared her stories with me and has also published stories in an edited volume (bozzoli et al. 1982). the third story was published previously by the author, cronwell jara jiménez, of piura in northern peru, but the background to the story is based on interviews i conducted with him. he is delighted to have his work recognized and thanked me for acknowledging what he and his wife are doing to encourage storytelling and recover traditional stories. i sought out stories that depict how people relate to birds in reference to cultural traditions and the contemporary context. these three stories were selected because they illustrate how bird meanings are significant for people’s lives and guide their responses to current issues, whether natural disasters related to climate change or socio-cultural changes they are adapting to and/or resisting. the three stories embody ongoing truths that are maintained through oral tradition and still relevant today, addressing a sense of urgency for discerning how to proceed when faced with uncertainty. the stories are exemplars of a larger corpus that provides a context for interpreting personal experience and broader societal events. while the experience of a particular bird’s behavior may be unique, these avian narrations and commentaries show how the three authors perceive each story within a larger context that amplifies their meaning and guides the narrator’s response, as well as influencing family and friends. the past guides us in the present and illumines the future. a fabric of feathers in latin america, birds are woven into the fabric of life. feathers are used in weavings, shields, headdresses, wands, rattles, and prayer offerings (espejo ayca 2015; filloy nadal 2019; giuntini 2006). at the national level birds are represented in flags, such as the eagle on the cactus of the mexican flag. at the local level birds are honored and celebrated, expressing totemic relationships to ancestors belonging to descent groups like clans or as members of extended kin networks. people are also connected to particular birds through personal experience. sometimes people seek sault. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):58-68 60 perspectives out certain kinds of birds for their spiritual meaning, to learn a song or chant, and for guidance in assessing an undertaking or journey. less documented or understood are the relationships established when birds appear to an individual to advise or teach something. such a relationship with a bird may be limited to one occasion that is fleeting or become ongoing, as will be described below. even if the relationship between bird and human is not reenacted beyond the initial event, the relationship may be relived and perpetuated in the stories of the family that enter into the memory of oral tradition as the descendants retell what occurred. when birds are recognized for their spiritual significance, the powers they embody can imbue a family with a sense of the bird’s ongoing presence and protection or assistance. the sound of these birds’ voices reverberates along channels of inter-species communication beyond the limits of human hearing, for these voices are apprehended at a deep level that connects ancestors with their descendants and with the spirit beings of forests, mountains, and waters. bird wisdom among the zapotec of mexico the ancient zapotec civilization honored birds in many forms, such as in the post-classic stone register celebrating the marriage of lady qualaala xopa, which depicts birds carrying jewels in their beaks to represent the sacred knowledge of the ancestor guardians who have “elite knowledge that was vital to the society’s well-being” (flores-marcia 2015:95). the significance of birds continues in songs, omens, poetry, and stories (sault 2016). the zapotec poet antonio lópez pérez refers to his language as a bird “that runs/ in the mountains/ walks upon the feet/ of children, old people” (sullivan 2012:45). my research among zapotec of the oaxaca valley in southeastern mexico provided various accounts of birds that have significance in both positive and negative ways. for example, the vermilion flycatcher (pyrocephalus rubinus)—or, in local spanish, venturilla— figure 1 huipil blouse with bird and animal design. tacuate, mixteca. oaxaca, mexico 2018. sault. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):58-68 61 perspectives means good luck when the male flycatcher shows his day-glow scarlet breast. however, when he shows his black back this is inauspicious. another auspicious bird people often pointed out is the great kiskadee (pitangus sulphuratus) or pecho amarillo (yellow breast). when the bird’s yellow breast is shown this means good luck (buena suerte). in asking people about birds, i was interested in the general meanings for the community, but also individual variation among villagers, as shown by their personal accounts of bird encounters. one story stood out in particular, about a small yellow bird the storyteller called el pájaro cartero (the bird letter carrier). as agency is attributed to birds and this one is referred to by the speaker as “he,” i am translating the reference to the bird as “who” rather than “it.” the same attribution of agency holds for birds in other regions. this story is about faith in the wisdom of a particular bird and was told to me by pedro chávez garcia. (we could not identify exactly which species of bird this was). pedro said: when i was ten years old, in 1962, my grandfather pointed out to me a small yellow bird that hopped about in a tree and called out, drawing attention. my grandfather explained to me that the bird came to announce that a letter for him had arrived. you see, my aunt and the other relatives in mexico city would write to my grandfather and send the letters to a furniture store in oaxaca city, where my grandfather would go to pick them up. there were no telephones then, but the little bird told him whenever a letter arrived, hopping in the tree by the house and singing. each time the bird visited my grandfather, he would go into the city and there would be a letter waiting for him. pedro’s commentary on the story was: “la naturaleza avisa pero no ponemos atención.” (nature tells us, but we don’t pay attention. translation mine.) he noted that all around us there are signs and messages, but often we ignore them, especially nowadays. pedro’s grandfather could not read the letters or write one himself, and there were no telephones. yet by understanding that birds can be messengers, he knew how to “read” the bird’s message, just as others knew how to “read” the moon and the clouds for predicting the weather and earthquakes. for this zapotec family, the story of the bird letter carrier reinforces the belief that if you attend to the world around you and trust in the wisdom of birds—what they are trying to teach you—then you will be rewarded. while the story is unique to this family, their belief in the bird’s powers grows out of an older and broader understanding of other beings having power for both good and bad. this contemporary story echoes past events and demonstrates key values that are reinforced with each narration. the story also illustrates the variation in bird meanings that are dynamic and resilient, adapting to changed conditions through particular meanings that still connect with older traditions. generosity and reciprocity in costa rica the bribri represent the largest indigenous group in costa rica today, with a long and rich history in the talamanca region of the southeast. their respect for birds is reflected in avian images of gold or stone and ancient ceramic pieces. bribri leaders wore headdresses with bird feathers and necklaces with images of birds made of gold (fernández and sánchez 2009). the power of birds continues to be expressed in chants, dances, medicine, clan names, paintings, and stories (bonatti 2003; guevara 2004; sánchez 1996–1997; sault 2016). many people told me stories about birds who can be helpful or harmful, as depicted in the sacred stories of traditional myths or related regarding contemporary events. the stories, songs, and dances show how birds like parrots, hummingbirds, and vultures can advise, protect, or even rescue people. some stories depict how a person is assisted by a bird in a special way. for example, the bribri say that turkey vultures (cathartes aura) can help orphans and honorable people by providing food. ana balma told me her own particular experience of this, which her sons and other relatives corroborated. she said when you are planting seeds in the forest, if turkey vultures fly over or rest in the trees, you can call out to them for help. one day when she was planting corn and beans in a cleared patch of the forest, turkey vultures flew over. as an orphan, she asked the vultures to have pity on her. she called to them and sang: “usted está viajando, usted trae semilla, usted me da su semilla y yo le doy la mía.” (you are traveling. you carry seeds. give me some of your seeds, and i will give you some sault. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):58-68 62 perspectives of mine; author’s translation). as ana told me: “you do an exchange. you ask the turkey vulture, not other vultures, because the turkey vulture migrates and each being carries food along to eat—seeds and water for the journey to faraway places north” (interviewed february 28, 2007, author’s translation). where she planted corn and beans, a month later squash plants appeared, though she had not planted any squash seeds. the squash grew strong and vigorous, giving the family much to eat. her family said they knew the squash were a gift because no one had ever planted there before and ana had sowed only corn and beans. these were the gifts of the turkey vultures to an orphan. due to the current uncertainty in weather patterns, drought, and flooding, both wild and domestic plant foods are not as reliable as once before, so the help of vultures and other animals has greater urgency. this story exemplifies bribri beliefs about the sacred power of vultures, who performed key roles at the time of creation and have healing powers (palmer et al. 1992; sánchez pereira and bozzoli vargas 1997– 1998). ana’s response to the gift of the turkey vultures is in keeping with bribri beliefs and practices that recognize birds as beings with special knowledge and abilities with which sibö (god) has endowed them (bonatti 2003; fernández and sánchez 2009; guevara 2004; sánchez pereira and bozzoli vargas 1997–1998; sault 2010). her story is unusual for outsiders in that we do not associate vultures with seed-eating, but for the bribri vultures are sacred teachers and protectors who are generous in their gifts of song, dance, and seeds. they are messengers or embodiments of sibö (god), and their connection to seeds resonates with the bribri, as their origin myths say the first people came from corn and the bribri still think of themselves as precious kernels of corn. birds guide people in planting and gathering, hunting and fishing, or undertaking journeys. people attend to bird calls, migrations, and absences, for the changes induced by the global climate crisis have affected birds as well as people and plants. when ana beseeched the vultures for help, she was acting upon long-held beliefs that birds and other animals can assist people who are honorable or hinder those who break taboos and otherwise flaunt social norms. she perceived her ability to communicate with the vultures within a larger context of birds as messengers, guides, helpers, healers, and guardians. a story that draws on older traditions guides people today in adapting to changing circumstances, such as unseasonal weather and flooding that affect homes and crops. while circumstances vary over time, the underlying values are maintained and reinforced. this exemplifies how traditions are dynamic, helping to sustain and encourage people in times of dramatic change and conflict. reclaiming voices of wisdom and justice in peru in latin america, of the many birds recognized for their powers and abilities the majestic andean condor (vultur gryphus) is especially honored as a being of great power and wisdom. in keeping with what garibaldi and turner (2004) call “cultural keystone species,” the condor is what one could call a “cultural keystone bird” who represents the central values of many andean cultures and is honored for their ability to mediate, protect, and teach. ornithologists describe condors as having no voice, making only hisses and grunts. however, in the andes the condor is recognized as having a variety of different “voices.” condor feathers produce an airy sound as the birds rise on the thermals. there is also a long tradition of using the feather quills and bones of condors to make musical instruments that create a mournful sound. figure 2 bribri carved gourd with parrot, talamanca, costa rica 2019. sault. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):58-68 63 perspectives condors are prominent in andean songs, dances, dreams, and ceremonies, for they represent the spirits of mountain deities or apus. condors are the embodiment of these deities, sent as their messengers (bastien 1985; jara jiménez 1990; sánchez garrafa 2005:68; sault 2016). from the mountains of machu picchu to the coast of paracas, condors are depicted in textiles, ceramics, carvings, astronomy, medicine, place names, kinship and politics (gordillo 2000; ibarra et al. 2012). through condor rituals, relationships with the mountains are maintained in equilibrium (sánchez garrafa 2005:209). ceremonies are performed for condors because they represent the sacred mountains that can either send rain clouds or detain them. condors have “voices” in many cultural forms— voices that are powerful for their dignity, wisdom, and authority. in some highland communities, the staff of office for a village official is decorated with a silver head of a male condor as the arbiter of justice. the power of condors is recognized and honored not only throughout the andean highlands but also along coastal areas, as condors travel back and forth between these two ecological zones. from their mountain nesting areas, they soar down to the coast to forage on the carcasses of sea mammals, birds, and fish, as well as the afterbirth from seals. people told me the condors also come to skim the foam off the waves, which represent the water that will return to the mountains through clouds and rain. people walk down from the altiplano highlands to the seashore, making pilgrimages to honor and celebrate this connection to the sea, where they gather seaweed and fish eggs to take back home for ritual meals. the condors are part of this watery cycle, as they fly back and forth from high to low through the clouds as harbingers of the precious rains, soaring before the storms that gather in the mountains. given this association of condors with the coastal areas as well as the mountains, it is not surprising that condors play an important role in the coastal region of northern peru in places such as in piura. cronwell jara jiménez, from piura, describes how the condor is the totem of the clan condori (1990). he has written in detail about condors in this region, drawing upon the stories handed down by his grandmother, his mother, and a cousin who lived in the mountains above piura during the 1920s and 1930s. as he told me, “i would listen to their stories and write them down. one day i decided to be a writer” (interview in lima, peru, december 29, 2013). he was twelve years old when he made this decision and was encouraged by his father. he told me that in the past certain men with spiritual power were allowed to catch condors for ceremonies. the condor would then be carried through the streets on an anda (portable platform), and people made offerings of silver and images of tiny deer (interview in lima, peru, december 29, 2013). jara jiménez explained that in piura there was a special group of men who were trained by the grandfathers for organizing and presiding over these condor ceremonies. the condor was later sacrificed (sacrificado) to remove the wing bones and make flutes. some said that it was wrong to kill the condor, who is a divinity (una divinidad), and they released the condor after the procession through the streets. then the condor would fly back to the mountains. jara jiménez said: los apus, allí está la casa del espíritu de la divinidad, el condor (the mountain deities, there is the house of the spirit of the divinity, the condor; author’s translation). figure 3 contemporary rock painting of male andean condor (vultur gryphus) in chaparrí, lambayeque, coastal peru 2014. sault. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):58-68 64 perspectives inspired by the stories from his early life in piura, jara jiménez (1990) depicts the power of condors in his book, don rómulo ramirez, cazador de cóndores (don romulo ramirez, hunter of condors; author’s translation). the story revolves around the dilemma of a traditional condor hunter who is told to capture one for a ceremony, but decides that this would be wrong and refuses. he is incessantly pressured by the community to capture a condor, and what unfolds in the story is the drama around these conflicting forces and the condor’s response. with sadness, jara jiménez told me how people are forgetting the ceremonies and do not practice them anymore. the stories are not always passed down and are lost. this is why he and his wife, cecilia granadino, feel called to gather the stories of the elders, record them in their original languages like quechua, and publish them in these languages as well as in spanish. the goal they have embraced is to recover and share these stories about condors, frogs, spiders, rain, and other personages, as in the book stories of our quechua grandparents: recovering oral tradition (granadino 1993, translation mine). in these stories the cultural values of respect, cooperation, and reciprocity are portrayed and re-valued. while jara jiménez draws on the oral tradition within his community to present the stories and develop dramatis personae, he both honors the cultural values and explores the tensions that modern life presents in the andes. people on the street stop figure 4 condor dancers, universidad nacional del altiplano (students from the national university of the altiplano) in puno, peru, september 15, 2011. the women in black hats represent female condors and the men in red caps represent male condors. sault. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):58-68 65 perspectives him to express how the power of his writing has affected them because they say it represents peruvian reality. meanwhile, he and granadino are using the written word to record and recover the oral traditions of other regions, with the permission and blessing of the spiritual leaders. they exemplify the ways in which oral and literate traditions can enrich and sustain each other. first voices and silences people still share sacred stories of the creation— when birds appeared before humans. many cultures explain that people first learned to talk from birds, and that birds are the intermediaries with the deities. back then people and birds could transform into one another, and humans could still understand the language of birds (march 1898:209). among the ancient cultures of mexico, it was the custom for people to live with birds, especially ones thought to be capable of human speech (aguilera 2001, cited in guirao-cruz et al. 2014:108). there are some who continue to communicate with birds and share bird talk stories. bird talk is recognized on many levels—interpreted for prognosticating weather or death and disease, bearing messages, witnessing solemn occasions, or auguring good luck and well-being (wyndham et al. 2018). for the embera of panama (kane 2015:35), bird songs and calls are located between the invisible and the human worlds as they inform people of new birth and impending death. because songs and calls depart and are distinct from the avian bodies that produce them, they can travel across the space of the imagination as well as physical space. bird talk is not unidirectional from birds to people, as people also talk to birds in various ways. as individuals people communicate with birds on a oneto-one basis, and in groups community members address birds in ritual contexts officiated by local leaders. for example, in the andes it is generally recognized that people talk to condors, hawks, and many other birds through words, songs, dances, and ceremonies (bastien 1985; granadino 1993). in sicily they say that certain people can talk to crows and are privy to their secrets, believing that crows “communicate the latest news on the doings of human beings since they have a clear view—a bird’seye view, in fact—of the whole” (camilleri 2007:129). stories encode the wisdom of birds as to how the world is construed and teach people the ways of right living. stories also connect people with place, reaffirm their connection to the ancestors, and represent spiritual relationships that define their cultural identity (o’brien lyver and moller 2010:242). but as tideman et al. (2010:5) have noted: too often, ethno-ornithological knowledge is reported from the perspective of an outsider and therefore appears to be in some way devalued. the terms legends, fables, tales, myths and stories are frequently used for indigenous knowledge, but not always in a way that engenders respect or an understanding of the place of birds in cultures. yet the power of stories cannot be overestimated. for many indigenous peoples of north america, “renewal ceremonies, the telling and retelling of creation stories, the singing and resinging of the songs, are all humans’ part in the maintenance of creation” (little bear 2019:2). among the mãori of new zealand, oral narrative reinforces the power of the ancestors “to discipline those who do not uphold the correct practices” (o’brien lyver and moller 2010:253). this relationship with birds and other beings involves the practice of what the mãori call kaitiakitanga or environmental guardianship (2010:242, 246). in southeastern mexico, the zoque of tapalapa, chiapas, say that the quetzals (pharomachrus mocinno) are their protectors and companions who provide them with blessings and keep away evil spirits (guirao -cruz et al. 2014:112, 115). these cultures emphasize mutual responsibility with birds and other beings, including the land. birds communicate through calls, songs, feather vibrations, and tapping patterns. they also communicate through silences. bird silences can indicate danger, disapprobation, and loss. silence can also mean the absence of birds, and people interpret this as an indication of the state of the land. for the zoque of mexico, the call of the quetzal is related to the sound of the trees (aguilera 2001, cited in guiraocruz et al. 2014:111). the absence of the sounds of quetzals means that the health of the forest has been harmed (2014:113). around the world the sounds of birds are disappearing, and human beings are a major factor— by killing birds, destroying their habitat, and failing to honor them and perform ceremonies. since 1970 there are nearly three billion fewer birds in north sault. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):58-68 66 perspectives america (lambert 2019). a key factor is the global climate crisis, about which scientists recognize birds as important indicators. worldwide, birds are respected for their ability to warn of such disasters. among the ikoot (huave) of san mateo del mar in oaxaca, mexico, calls of birds announce changes in the climate. such birds include the double-striped thick-knee (b. bistriatus) known locally as the alcaraván or berelele and the calandrias (icterus spp.) (cruz jacinto et.al. 2014:160). in peru the indicators of global climate change, disasters and flooding are swallows, known as vencejos, golondrinas, or santa rosita (sotíl galindo 2008:99). peruvian biologist gilmar vergara explained to me that violeteared hummingbirds (colibri coluscans) announce the arrival of the rainy season. but he has noted disturbing alterations in their behavior, with delays in their arrival and their songs sung out of season. he observes that “there will be no rain. everything is altered by the phenomenon of climate change” (vergara, interviewed on october 20, 2015 in cusco, peru). in 1962, rachel carson warned us of the silent spring. what happens when avian voices are suppressed, like the voices of indigenous peoples in the americas? what are the consequences of knowing birds only through books or videos? what is altered when bird stories are no longer told and shared? at the united nations climate summit, mãori representative from the indigenous peoples organizations, kera sherwood-o’regan (goodman 2019), spoke to the need for hearing stories that have long been ignored: when you silence us, you deny yourselves learning from our ways, and you continue to sideline those who have real solutions for all communities. we are experts on climate. we are the kaitiaki, the stewards of nature. we know the legitimacy of our voices, and it’s about time that you recognized it, too. hear our stories. learn our histories. stop taking up space with your false solutions and get out of our way. birds communicate through both sound and silence, by their presence and by their absence. when birds are understood as an integral part of creation, people recognize that there are consequences for failing to heed these voices and silences. birds are generous, giving us gifts of beauty, sustenance, and wisdom. the role of birds in bearing omens and warnings has long been recognized, and in these times of dramatic climate crisis their messages and teachings carry even greater urgency. rather than ignoring avian voices and indigenous teachings that have been handed down over generations, may we listen to what the birds are trying to tell us through their voices, their silences, and the stories. acknowledgements in gratitude to the original peoples of latin america, in particular the zapotec, bribri, and quechuaspeaking peoples, who shared their knowledge and wisdom with great generosity and patience. in particular i want to thank maría eugenia bozzoli, orlando bedoye, and peter reynolds. thanks also to the organizers of the annual meetings of the society for ethnobiology, held in vancouver, british columbia, canada in 2019. an earlier version of this material was presented at a session i organized for the meetings there on “avian voices in song, story, wisdom, and warning.” all photographs were taken by the author. declarations permissions: permissions obtained. sources of funding: none declared. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited bastien, j. w. 1985. qollahuaya-andean body concepts: a topographical-hydraulic model of physiology. american anthropologist 87:595–611. bonatti, j. g. 2003. el zopilote: caquero y psicopompo. ii congreso sobre pueblos indígenas. universidad de costa rica, san josé, costa rica. camilleri, a. 2007. the patience of the spider: an inspector montalbano mystery. s. sartarelli, trans. penguin, new york, ny. originally published in italian, pazienza del ragno. 2004. sellerio editore, palermo, italy. bozzoli vargas, m., c. cubero venegas, m. sánchez perreira, a. calderón saravia, and j. segundo sánchez. 1982. tradición oral indígena costarricense, relatos bribris de kekoldi, provincia de limón. volumen iv, año ic, número 1–2. universidad de costa rica, san josé, costa rica. cruz jacinto, m. a., m. a. vásquez–dávila, p. colunga garcía–marín, and m. p. jerez salas. 2014. aspectos etnoecológicos de la ornitofauna entre los ikoot de san mateo del mar, oaxaca, méxico. in aves, personas y culturas. estudios de etno–ornitología 1, sault. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):58-68 67 perspectives edited by m. a. vásquez–dávila, pp. 151–167. conacyt/itvo/carteles editores/utch, oaxaca, méxico. fernández, p. e., and j. sánchez. 2009. aves de piedra, barro y oro en la costa rica precolombina/ birds of stone, clay and gold in pre-columbian costa rica. fundación museos del banco central, san josé, costa rica. filloy nadal, l. 2019. de la pluma y sus usos en mesoamérica. arqueología mexicana 159:18–23. flores-marcia, x. m. 2015. a history of guelaguetza in zapotec communities of the central valleys of oaxaca, 16th century to the present. doctoral dissertation, university of california, los angeles, california. available at: https://escholarship.org/ content/qt7tv1p1rr/qt7tv1p1rr.pdf. accessed on april 24, 2020. garibaldi, a., and n. turner. 2004. cultural keystone species: implications for ecological conservation and restoration. ecology and society 9:1. doi:10.5751/es-00669-090301. giuntini, c. 2006. precolumbian and ethnographic featherwork from the andes and amazon in the metropolitan museum of art. nuevo mundo mundos nuevos 1457. doi:10.4000/nuevomundo.1457. goodman, a. 2019. cop25 was a failure, but activists’ collective organizing at the talks was unprecedented. democracy now. [web page]. a v a i l a b l e a t : h t t p s : / / w w w . d e m o c r a c y n o w . o r g / 2 0 1 9 / 1 2 / 1 6 / cop25_failure_as ad_reh man_t asneem_essop. accessed on december 16, 2019. granadino, c., ed. 1993. cuentos de nuestros abuelos quechuas: recuperando la tradición oral (stories of our quechua grandparents: recovering oral tradition (my translation). wasapay, lima, perú. guevara berger, m. 2004. por una epistemología nuestra: política y antropología, desde los bribris. anales de antropología 38:201–228. doi:10.22201/ iia.24486221e.2004.1.16590. guirao-cruz, r. e., l. gamay, and s. l. arriagaweiss. 2014. aproximación a la cosmovisión y al conocimiento zoque sobre el quetzal (pharomachrus mocinno) en tapalapa, chiapas, méxico. in av e s , pe rs o n as y culturas . es tud io s d e etno–ornitología 1, edited by m. a . v ásquez–dávila, pp. 107–117. conacyt/ itvo/carteles editores/utch, oaxaca, méxico. hull, k., and r. fergus. 2017. birds as seers: an ethno-ornithological approach to omens and prognostication among the ch'orti' maya of guatemala. journal of ethnobiology 37:604–620. doi:10.2993/0278-0771-37.4.604. jara jiménez, c. 1990. don rómulo ramirez, cazador de cóndores (don romulo ramirez, hunter of condors). cipca: centro de investigacion y promocion del campesinado, serie: cuentos piuranos no. 5, miraflores, peru. kane, s. 2015. bird names and folklore from the emberá (chocó) in darién, panamá. ethnobiology letters 6:32–62. doi:10.14237/ebl.6.1.2015.226. lambert, j. 2019. we’ve lost 3 billion birds since 1970 in north america. science news. available at: https://www.sciencenews.org/article/3 -billionbirds-lost-since-1970-north-america. published on september 19, 2019. little bear, l. 2019. jagged worldviews colliding. walking together: first nations, métis and inuit perspectives in curriculum. government of alberta, edmonton, canada. available at: http:// www.learnalberta.ca/content/aswt/worldviews/ documents/jagged_worldviews_colliding.pdf. accessed on july 16, 2020. march, c. 1898. the mythology of wise birds. journal of the anthropological institute of great britain and ireland 27:209–232. o’brien lyver, p., and h. moller. 2010. an alternative reality: maori spiritual guardianship of new zealand’s native birds. in ethno-ornithology: birds, indigenous peoples, culture and society, edited by s. tideman and a. gosler, pp. 241–264. earthscan ltd., london, england. palmer, p., j. sánchez, and g. mayorga. 1992. vías de extinción, vías de supervivencia: testimonios del pueblo indígena de la reserva kéköldi, costa rica. editorial de la universidad de costa rica, san josé, costa rica. sánchez, j. 1996–1997. relatos bribris de kekoldi, provincia de limón, costa rica. tradición oral indígena costarricense 4:1–83. sánchez garrafa, r. 2005. apus de los cuatro suyos: construcción del mundo en los ciclos mitológicos de las deidades montaña. doctoral dissertation, department of anthropology, universidad sault. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):58-68 68 perspectives nacional mayor de san marcos, lima, peru. available at: http://cybertesis.unmsm.edu.pe/ handle/cybertesis/2749. accessed on june 15, 2016. sánchez pereira, m., and m. e. bozzoli vargas. 1997– 1998. motivos faunísticos en la cultura indígena costarricense. estudios de lingüística chibcha: tomo 16:113–144. sault, n. 2010. bird messengers for all seasons: landscapes of knowledge among the bribri of costa rica. in ethno-ornithology: peoples, culture and society, edited by s. tidemann and a. gosler, pp. 291–300. earthscan ltd, london, england. sault, n. 2016. how hummingbird and vulture mediate between life and death in latin america. j o u r n a l o f e t h n o b i o l o g y 3 6 : 7 8 3 – 8 0 6 . doi:10.2993/0278-0771-36.4.783. sotíl galindo, r. 2008. iconografia de la cultura nasca. lima, perú. universidad alas peruanas. available at: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2641288. accessed on may 6, 2017. sullivan, c. 2012. the state of zapotec poetry: can poetry save an endangered culture? world literature t o d a y . a v a i l a b l e a t : h t t p s : / / www.worldliteraturetoday.org/2012/january/statezapotec-poetry-can-poetry-save-endangered-culture. accessed on september 22, 2019. tideman, s., s. chirgwin, and j. r. sinclair. 2010. indigenous knowledges, birds that have ‘spoken’ and science. in ethno-ornithology: birds, indigenous peoples, culture and society, edited by s. tideman and a. gosler, pp. 3–12. earthscan, london, england. wyndham, f., k. park, and j. fanshawe. 2018. “listen carefully to the voices of the birds”: a comparative review of birds as signs. journal of ethnobiology 38:535–549. doi:10.2993/0278-077138.4.533. https://www.worldliteraturetoday.org/2012/january/state-zapotec-poetry-can-poetry-save-endangered-culture https://www.worldliteraturetoday.org/2012/january/state-zapotec-poetry-can-poetry-save-endangered-culture https://www.worldliteraturetoday.org/2012/january/state-zapotec-poetry-can-poetry-save-endangered-culture ethnoichthyology of fishing communities in the lower valley of ouémé in benin djidohokpin et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):137–151 137 data, methods & taxonomies knowledge, traditional (ecological) knowledge, and local knowledge (castillo et al. 2018; lima et al. 2017; oishi 2016; seixas and begossi 2001). oberndorfer et al. (2017) highlight the importance of plants to circumpolar peoples and demonstrate the connections between plants, fishing, and people in the inuit community of makkovik, canada. drawing on indigenous methodologies, a local collective narrative traces the links between plants and various fishing activities and demonstrates the power of collective knowledge to connect people to their communities and to their surrounding environments. these studies provide a basis for understanding how the conceptualization of living organisms may be affected by different cultural backgrounds and individual expertise (medin et al. 2006). in such dynamic systems, fishers can detect changes in fish behavior, abundance, and distribution. fishing communities have been shown to have a wellestablished knowledge of fish biology and introduction human populations have always interacted closely with the ecosystems in which they participate, including aquatic resources, and they exhibit a diverse, nuanced, and deep knowledge of them (berkes 2008; turner and berkes 2006). many communities have developed complex systems of resource management and use that have encouraged social and ecological resilience. such local and traditional ecological knowledge can therefore be a source of information on the current status of resources, local ecosystem dynamics and environmental characteristics, species diversity, species behavior, and interactions among components of ecosystems. several terms have been used to describe the knowledge of local ecological systems, which is typically accumulated through a long series of observations and transmitted from generation to generation (berkes 2008; gadgil et al. 1993). these terms include native knowledge, indigenous ethnoichthyology of fishing communities in the lower valley of ouémé in benin, west africa gildas djidohokpin 1* , edmond sossoukpè 1 , richard adandé 1 , juste v. voudounnou 2 , emile d. fiogbé 1 , and anne haour 3 1 laboratory of research on wetlands, department of zoology, faculty of sciences and technics, university of abomey calavi, cotonou, republic of benin. 2 aquaculture school of national university of agriculture, kétou, republic of benin. 3 sainsbury research unit for the arts of africa, oceania and the americas, university of east anglia, norwich, united kingdom. * gdjidohokpin@gmail.com abstract ethno-ichthyological knowledge can improve fisheries management. this study covers interactions between ecological, morphological, and sociocultural aspects pertaining to the fish of the tovè river, which is located in the largest fishing area in the republic of benin (ouémé valley), west africa. in particular, data were collected on fishing methods and techniques, fishing equipment, and ichthyofauna by noting vernacular names followed by identification traits, taste and dietary value, medicinal use, and related knowledge of different species. through data related to names given locally to fish , this paper highlights the manner in which physical or behavioral traits are coded in terminology. most of these species have a high market value, either because they are considered to be delicacies and/or for their medicinal uses. the results suggest that ethno-ichthyological information can successfully be applied to improve fish conservation and fisheries management. received march 21, 2020 open access accepted september 23, 2020 doi 10.14237/ebl.11.1.2020.1686 published october 16, 2020 keywords ethnobiology, artisanal fisheries, indigenous fishing knowledge, tovè river, ouémé river copyright © 2020 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. djidohokpin et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):137–151 138 data, methods & taxonomies classification (see e.g., begossi and garavello 1990, paz and begossi 1996 for studies in brazil; johannes 1981 for a case study in palau, micronesia). such information, if interpreted using a biological sciences framework, may provide fruitful insights to biologists (johannes 1993). researchers have demonstrated that qualitative data from fishers complements scientific information gathered by conventional biological and ichthyological studies (johannes et al. 2000), improves decision-making (bergmann et al. 2004; berkes et al. 2001), and enhances the development of better conservation and management strategies for smallscale fisheries. for example, recently, a team of archaeologists, historical ecologists, and marine biologists used a local fishing community’s knowledge to identify shifting baselines and vulnerable coral reef fish species along the kenyan coast (buckley et al. 2019). another example is provided by the work of johannes (1981) which showed that pacific island fisher’s information regarding marine fish reproduction helped scientists in the management of fish stocks. the relationships of indigenous peoples to the ecosystems they live in not only reflects an intimate knowledge of the ecology of those systems, but the deep structure of their beliefs about their role in the world, their cosmology and values, and their social institutions and relationships (berkes 2008). despite the examples cited above, fisher’s knowledge has not yet been formally incorporated into management policies for marine environments (bergmann et al. 2004; leite and gasalla 2013; silvano and begossi 2010) or in the freshwater realm (allison and badjeck 2004). this is partly because agencies and academics lack appreciation of the importance of such ethno-ichthyological data. in addition, conventional management approaches tend to undervalue fisher’s knowledge in various ways (castillo et al. 2018). research has been limited by a shortage of experts in the field, cultural barriers, and changing political and institutional scenarios (baigún 2015; castillo et al. 2016). this poor level of understanding of biological folk knowledge is problematic, not least because such knowledge is under threat from the disappearance of indigenous people and their customs, as well as from the influence of urbanization and the market economy on resource-use strategies (johannes 1978; posey 1983; wester and yongvanit 1995). in this context, ethno-ichthyological studies can serve as a valuable management tool, bringing to light information that can provide both guidelines for biological research (marques and wanderley 1991; poizat and baran 1997) and as a quick and costeffective way to assess biological data (chapman 1987; johannes 1981). to contribute to this developing set of research, the present paper will focus on the interactions between the ecological, morphological, and sociocultural aspects around the fish of the tovè river in southern benin, west africa. it is the first study of its kind in this region, and one that might be helpful for fisheries management and the wellbeing of fishing communities there. the tovè river is a tributary of the lower valley of the ouémé river, the largest river in benin and today considered the second most fertile valley in the world after the nile in egypt (undp benin 2015). it was chosen as a case study due to its significance to its waterside communities with respect to fishery and agricultural zones. the species in the tovè river are usually harvested by local people using gillnets and represent a high-value food source. this echoes the situation in benin more widely: the resources offered by the various rivers and water bodies are varied (e.g., comprising fish, mollusks, and crustaceans) and these are intensively used by communities. they account for almost 35% of the needs estimated at 113,000 tons per year of animal protein (fao 2008). among these resources, fish alone account for 31.9% (fao 2008). this paper will introduce the study area and data collection strategy, then present the names used to designate fish, their possible origin, fishing techniques, and different uses of fish. the results are then discussed, first within the context of the tovè river and the wider ouémé system of which it is a part of, and then more globally. methodology study area the tovè river is located in southern benin and lies in the lower part of the ouémé river, the largest river basin in benin. with an approximate length of 1km, and an average width of 3m, the tovè river rises in the swamp of tovè at tovègbamè and flows into the ouémé river (figure 1). the tovè river is entirely representative of the much larger ouémé with respect to its specific diversity (djidohokpin et al. 2017). with its vast flood plains, the lower ouémé valley favors an important colonization by fish (lalèyè et al. 2007). fishing in this area has been practiced for thousands of years and is carried out by toffin, wémè, and goun communities. this activity remains artisanal djidohokpin et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):137–151 139 data, methods & taxonomies figure 1 the study area of the project, which is located in the lower valley of ouémé in benin, west africa. djidohokpin et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):137–151 140 data, methods & taxonomies with the use of various gear and fishing techniques (sohou et al. 2009). some portions of the river are intensively and repeatedly exploited for fishing. they were chosen for the present study based on their proximity to fisher’s agglomerations, their accessibility and the existence of a landing stage, and proof of the effectiveness of the fishing activity. three fishing areas (sites 1, 2, and 3) have been identified that met the relevant criteria (figure 1). sampling and data collection fish were collected monthly from october 2015 to september 2016 (djidohokpin et al. 2017). sampling was mainly based on artisanal fishery catches. collected specimens were taken to the laboratory of research on wetlands (lrzh), department of zoology, faculty of science and technology at the university of abomey-calavi and were identified using identification keys (djidohokpin et al. 2017). following the identification process, the species chosen as a focus of this study were those which were abundant in the river (djidohokpin et al. 2017) and were primarily known for their market value. participatory observation was undertaken on fishing activities on the landing stages of selected fishing areas on both long-term and distant fishing expeditions, and daily fishing activities close to the village. during this participation, data was collected on fishing methods and techniques, on fishing equipment, and on ichthyofauna by noting their local name, food and medicinal use, and any the other relevant knowledge of the different species. according to berlin (1973, 1992), folk genera constitute groups of animals or plants that are easily recognized on the basis of a large number of broad morphological characteristics, usually described using primary names (monomials). distinguishing folk species, on the other hand, requires more detailed observation on the basis of very few morphological characters, and they are typically described using binomials (i.e., the generic name is modified by an adjective which usually describes some obvious morphological character) (berlin 1973, 1992). in the present study, the analysis of folk and scientific systems of classification had the scientific species and the folk genus as the basic taxa, as proposed by berlin (1973). interviews were carried out with men and women who fish now or had fished in the past. a standardized questionnaire (see table 1 for an example questionnaire) was developed and the questions were asked in a manner understandable to the fishers interviewed, who were allowed to answer taking as much time as they wanted. the duration of interviews varied, depending on the knowledge and time constraints of the interviewees. the number of interviewees varied slightly according to the different fish species and because some people could not complete the questionnaire. table 1 sample questionnaire. total interviews with fishers = n. table 2 fish species (including family and local names) used in the interviews. scientific name family local name common name parachana obscura channidae hotoun african obscure snakehead clarias gariepinus clariidae asson common catfish brycinus longipinnis characidae agontcha african longfin chrysichthys auratus claroteidae djan golden nile catfish heterotis niloticus osteoglossidae houa african bonytongue sarotherodon melanotheron cichlidae wè blackchin tilapia synodontis schall mochokidae gloé wahrinda malepterurus electricus malapteruridae zègbin electric catfish labeo senegalensis cyprinidae adahoué african carp hepsetus odoe hepsetidae kaka-adou african pike question 1. name of interviewee 2. gender 3. place of residence 4. what is the local name of this fish? 5. what is the origin of the vernacular name? 6. traditional uses of fish a. do you eat this species? b. do you use the species in traditional medicine? djidohokpin et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):137–151 141 data, methods & taxonomies table 3 origins of vernacular names for fish species used for interviews. reasons for local name local name scientific name picture of species denomination motivated by physical appearance denomination motivated by resemblance to the snake hotoun parachana obscura denomination motivated by resemblance to the cat asson clarias gariepinus denomination motivated by the prominence of a fanshaped dorsal fin agontcha brycinus longipinnis denomination motivated by the prominence of a mouth covered with scabies adahoué labeo senegalensis denomination motivated by the prominence of a dented head djan chrysichthys auratus denomination motivated by the presence of electric organs zègbin malepterurus electricus denomination motivated by the presence of a shield on the body gloé synodontis schall denomination motivated by the presence of a black spot on the operculum wè sarotherodon melanotheron (continued on next page) djidohokpin et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):137–151 142 data, methods & taxonomies results the selection criteria listed above enabled the selection of ten species from different families corresponding to 52% of the families, 34% of genera, and 22% of the species reported in the river during previous studies (djidohokpin et al. 2017). the simple random sampling method was used to select to 150 men and 30 women for interviews, corresponding to about 80% of the residents who fished in the eight small villages studied: gouti, assrossa, abalo, zoungbomè, allanzoumè, aname-kindji, lokossa, and agbakon located along the ouémé river and its tributaries. in the ouémé valley, fishers gather in small groups of the same ethnicity, forming small villages. the villages chosen for this study are those with a real impact on the river, considering, among other things, the relative importance of fishing among income-generating activities, the demographic weight of each village, the geographic position in relation to the river, and dominant socio-cultural groups that fish on this river. local fish names the general name for a fish in fon is hwevi. names also exist for broader groups. for example, dò hwevi refers to benthic fish. freshwater resources of the valley of the ouémé are extremely diverse, and so are the ichthyological knowledge systems that are conceived by the indigenous fishers. local names of fish may correspond to biological species or biological families or may include fish of different families and combinations of species. local and scientific names are listed in table 2. only the most commonly spoken dialect in the study area, wémè, a fon language, has been retained for the study. indeed, the fishing community of the study area is mainly made up of wémènu and related ethnic groups (97.3%), with a minority of aïzo and adja (1.4%), and yoruba (1.2%) immigrants (adéoti et al. 2018). origins of vernacular names the processes that explain ethno-ichthyological denominations by traditional populations derive from a detailed knowledge of fish morphology. in general, denominations summarize the physical or behavioral traits of fish. for this reason, fishers recognize or name species according to different characteristics associated with ecological, morphological or biological traits (table 3). fishing methods from simple angling carried out individually to sophisticated dams and platforms built collectively, the fishers of the tovè river have elaborated and sometimes borrowed a valuable diversity of fishing methods from other groups. fishing equipment and techniques are used by these fishers to remove fish and other fish resources from the river for marketing, healing, and/or consumption. nine fishing equipment, techniques and methods were recorded on the tovè river. the fishing equipment and techniques are described in table 4 with special reference to their ecological knowledge. food and medicinal uses of fish fishing work in this area is often gendered. when the fishers land their catch, they, often a male, sell it to the first link in the circuit: his wife or another woman. these women resell the same fish to traders who come to landings very early in the morning or in the reasons for local name local name scientific name picture of species denomination motivated by denomination motivated by its habit of hiding under swamp vegetation houa heterotis niloticus denomination motivated by the sound it emits when caught kaka-adou hepsetus odoe (continued from previous page) djidohokpin et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):137–151 143 data, methods & taxonomies table 4 fishing equipment and techniques frequently used in the study area. fishing equipment local name fishing method and technique picture frequency of use fish-trap owou traps made with palm or split bamboo ribs, arranged along a palm branch palisade to capture fish. the frame is surrounded by a 1.2cm multifilament nylon net of knot -node knots in which 2–4 openings are made laterally. [+++] branch parks acadja device made from branches and floating vegetation which attracts schools of fish that feed on it and hide there. nets are then stretched around the field to enclose the fish. [+++] fish-hook alonouhou fishing rod with a baited hook. it is mostly used by women and children from the bank. [++] (continued on next page) djidohokpin et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):137–151 144 data, methods & taxonomies fishing equipment local name fishing method and technique picture frequency of use looming net tokpokonou nets sunk to the bottom with weights and walked by a group of fishermen. [++] gillnet soovi a rectangular cloth with the lower lines weighted with lead or baked loaves of clay. the mesh varies between 5–30mm and spreads between 35–40m to a depth of between 1– 2m. [++] net hawk assabou flared conical shapes with a rope attached to the top of the cone (5–10m). these are mounted on site using multi-filament nylon thread. the small mesh varies from between 10– 30mm, the larger mesh is between 15–25mm). they are launched into the water and after a few minutes the net is raised. [+] (continued on next page) (continued from previous page) djidohokpin et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):137–151 145 data, methods & taxonomies fishing equipment local name fishing method and picture frequency longline mlin main line of about 80cm, to which branchlines are attached. the lines have a main wire along which many branchlines are attached at regular intervals each with baited hooks on the end. [+] barrels gbadja barrels are 75cm long, pierced with a hole (15cm radius) and covered with a 50mm mesh then baited with a chrysichthys. the sound emitted by the chrysichthys attracts others which then also become trapped. two fishermen will go back 3 days later to remove the contents using a 5–8m rope attached to a stake which holds the barrel. [+] giant landing net dobah this is a large circular landing net mounted on a wooden frame attached to a long handle. it may have small (5–8mm between the knots) or large mesh (20–30mm between the knots). [+] (continued from previous page) [+++]very common. [++]common. [+]rare. djidohokpin et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):137–151 146 data, methods & taxonomies evening. this second group of intermediaries may or may not be wholesalers. either way, they transport the fish to the nearest market, using baskets with a circular lid. as a result of these transactions, the price of fish is increased, because each group wishes to derive the greatest possible benefit. some fishers prefer to eliminate the intermediaries, and entrust the sale to their wives, who reserve a small part for their own consumption and sell part of the fish on the local or regional market, or alternatively transform the goods before the sale to different customers in order to bring in more profits. this fish processing is a necessity for profitability once consumer taste is taken into account; it is not a speculative choice. several methods are used, namely smoking, salting-drying, or frying. although the wémènu capture fisheries serve first and foremost to provide animal protein for their own subsistence diet, they also to a lesser extent take part in this trade and constitute a secondary source of cash income. indeed, the first source of income for local populations is agriculture, and this absorbs most of the available labor. after that, come other secondary activities, such as fishing, especially during the rainy season. in the study area, three categories of fishers share the aquatic resources of the ouémé river and surrounding rivers. we distinguish professional fishers (92%), who devote themselves exclusively to full-time fishing; occasional or seasonal fishers (5%), especially young people, who also engage in other activities in the primary sector; and finally amateurs (3%), consisting of beginners and those who enjoy recreational fishing (adeoti et al. 2018). all fish species in the tovè river are used for subsistence and/or medicinal purposes. listed in table 5 are the species concerned and an indication of their medicinal or food use. discussion this study represents the first assessment of the ethno -ichthyological knowledge of the lower valley of the ouémé (benin) and demonstrates that a large number of binomial names were associated with mostly morphological and ecological attributes. morphology was the most frequent category drawn upon to identify fish at the specific level in the folk nomenclature; specific-level names were dominated by morphological attributes such as color. for example, wè is the local name for sarotherodon melanotheron; wĕ means ‘white’ in fon, and the term here relates to the belly of this fish which is often white (see the picture in table 3). as we discuss below, analogies to things, animals, and, to a lesser extent, shape also occur; names referring to habitat are also important for identifying specific fish. this is comparable with other ethno-taxonomic studies in small-scale fisheries (aigo and ladio 2016; batista et al. 2016; begossi et al. 2008; castillo et al. 2018; clauzet et al. 2007). the most salient phenotypic and behavioral characteristics of a species are usually reflected in taxonomies. for example, regarding parachana obscura, informants compare the livery of this fish with the skin of the reptile. here, they echo ichthyologists who retain the trait “serpentiform” as one of the diagnostic characters of this fish. similarly, clarias gariepinus refers table 5 uses for tovè river fish. scientific name local name food use medicinal use parachana obscura hotoun [+++] [++] clarias gariepinus asson [+++] brycinus longipinnis agontcha [++] chrysichthys auratus djan [+++] heterotis niloticus houa [+++] sarotherodon melanotheron wè [+++] synodontis schall gloé [++] malepterurus electricus zègbin [+++] labeo senegalensis adahoué [+] hepsetus odoe kaka-adou [+] [+++]very common. [++]common. [+]rare. djidohokpin et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):137–151 147 data, methods & taxonomies to a fish called african catfish, and which is often compared to the domestic cat because of its barbels. this resemblance justifies the association with the term asson, or cat, given locally to this fish. brycinus longipinnis is a species that, as its latin name indicates, has a characteristic, almost fan-shaped dorsal fin. this peculiarity lies at the origin of its recognition and its local denomination. informants describe labeo senegalensis as the fish with scabies in the mouth. the inflamed mouth suggests a relationship with the local term adahoué, which designates smallpox, and is characterized by the appearance of pustules on the body. chrysichthys auratus refers to a species of fish that villagers described by reference to its dented head. the particular shape of the head is therefore the characteristic that distinguishes this species from others. the order to which chrysichthys belongs, siluriformes, also indicates a relationship with the skull since, according to froese and pauly (2017), the characteristics that allocate a fish to the order of siluriforms are those of the skull and the swim bladder. the villagers use the term zègbin to refer to malepterurus electricus; this is a species with an electric organ surrounding the whole body. the expression zègbin comes from a group of vernacular words which are zĕ meaning “to rise” and gbìngbán which means “clumsily.” these two associated expressions convey the unpleasant consequences of touching the fish. this description is consistent with that of the ichthyologists who define malepterurus electricus as an electric catfish with a large electrical organ along its body. it is the ability of heterotis niloticus to find refuge under the vegetation of swamps and in fish holes which gives it the name houa, which means hiding. this observation is in line with that of micha and frank (1976) who state that, naturally, this species occurs mainly in the littoral zone where it can find the abundant plant cover necessary for its reproduction. freshwater resources of benin are extremely diverse (lalèyè et al. 2004), and so are the ichthyological knowledge systems of indigenous fishers. the fauna of the wetlands of southern benin consists of a variety of species adapted to the various natural conditions of this biotope. we observed that this induces a high diversity in fishing methods, fishing equipment, and techniques (table 4). similar findings resulted from studies conducted by attingli et al. (2017), chikou (2006), and lalèyè et al. (2007), who presented a comprehensive inventory of fishing gear and techniques in the study area. each site is exploited on a seasonal basis, but the cumulative diversity of fishing areas ensures fish are continuously caught throughout the year. for instance, several catfish of the clariidae family take refuge in temporary burrows as an adaptive response to water deoxygenation during the dry season (chapman et al. 1994), and fishing methods have been devised accordingly. this functional typology puts special emphasis on the water level which is understood by local communities to be the most seasonally varying environmental parameter. ichthyological science puts forward the fundamental role of the water level in the ecology and behavior of inland rainforest fish in search of available habitats that are mediated by seasonal rains (chapman 2001). taking optimal advantage of the watershed, fishers have acquired extensive expertise in adjusting their fishing methods, including diurnal versus nocturnal; permanent versus ephemeral; opportunistic versus controlled; male, female, or mixed; adults versus children; solitary versus pairs; and trinomial or groups including dozens of protagonists. fishers distinguish different nets by the size of the mesh, which is calculated using the finger width as a standard unit of measurement. the majority of gillnet fishers possess nets with a 2.5-finger sized mesh that serves for the capture of smallto mediumsized fish for household consumption; very few fishers have larger mesh nets (3.5 to 4-finger sized), which are more adapted to the capture of large fish with scales for the market economy. the beginning of the rainy season is the optimal time for gillnetting because it offers a compromise between the abundance of fish and the more difficult conditions for net stretching. these are the techniques deployed for the longest period in the fishing areas of the ouémé valley. the barrel gbadja and nasses of are of lesser importance and are used over relatively short periods. these two devices are removed at the latest three days after their installation in order to extract the contents. the appearance of the gbadja, a new type of fishing gear, reveals a dynamic in the sophistication of fisher’s gear and techniques, which is currently directed towards a more random catch. this could be explained by the progressive decline in output reported by some writers in some years (chikou 2006; imorou toko 2007; lalèyè et al. 2007; welcomme 1971). these fishing management practices and adaptation strategies are developed by fishers to cope with the disappearance of certain fish djidohokpin et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):137–151 148 data, methods & taxonomies species, the reduction in the size of the fish taken, the high cost of fish, and the decrease in the abundance of species suitable for processing by drying and smoking. hook fishing mostly occurs alongside other fishing activities. it is a means of catching small fish, which in turn serve as bait for catching larger fish via more substantial methods. for instance, women occasionally hook fish during the dry season as a side activity to dam fishing. whatever the season, longlines are installed in the deep parts of rivers. this is a solitary male activity carried out by fishers who own a canoe. a hundred small gangions are fixed to a long lead rope tied to the branch of an overhanging tree. pebbles serving as ballasts are tied to each gangion, and hooks are baited with the flesh of small fish or crab. during daylight, the fisher visits the longline continuously. when they realize that a gangion has caught a fish, they tie stretches of bamboo to delay hauling in the fish. while desperately trying to swim away, the fish will become tired by the resistance of the floating bamboo. nocturnal longlines are installed at sunset following the same method but are visited only once before sunrise. fishing gear appears primarily linked to the size of the target species and the seasons, although a more focused study in future would allow an exploration of whether there is also any particular association with specific fish species. different types of fishing gear are chosen as fishers plan their fishing activities throughout the year, modulating or combining their various fishing methods in accordance with seasonal water level fluctuations and their incidence on watercourse microhabitats. as stressed by colfer et al. (1999), increased effort should be made to analyze indigenous ways of perceiving time and scheduling activities accordingly. all the fish species in the tovè river are used both for subsistence and for medicinal purposes. the sale of fish may occasionally occur in local markets, but the primary goal of fishing is not aimed at the market economy or at the creation of wealth and income. it is to secure dietary regimes by supplying protein-rich and tasty wild food. preferences and aversions can be explained by cultural and ecological factors: the availability of the resource, the position of the species in the food chain, or through the importance of these species in the economy and social relationships within the community. for example, the catfish (clarias gariepinus) is a preferred food in the fishing community, reflecting a complex interplay of symbolic and cultural factors, as well as materialistic or functional factors, such as the environmental abundance of this resource in the region. although caught primarily as a source of animal protein for their own diet, fishers also take part in this trade to a lesser extent, which constitutes a secondary source of cash income. some species of fish such as malepterurus electricus are not the subject of a specific fishing strategy. most of these species are used in traditional medicine for the treatment of diseases or for occult practices, so it creates great excitement for the fisher who catches them. the fishers sell these fish for a high price to traditional healers. the fish then undergoes a transformation according to the medical or mystical use for which it is intended. for example, investigations indicate that malepterurus electricus is used for the treatment of epilepsy, sexual disorders in men, difficult childbirth, and convulsions. parachana obscura is very often used by traditional healers as a magical tool to prevent women from committing adultery. as neuenschwander et al. (2011) pointed out, the mystical properties attributed to these types of fish can act as an aphrodisiac. conclusion the present study reinforces the argument that folk taxonomy represents a valuable and necessary information source, particularly in a large river domain where fish biodiversity is a relevant issue and governmental agencies often lack the reliable human resources needed to tackle multi-species fisheries management. these results confirm that fishers do retain an important body of knowledge that could support faster and more affordable management initiatives. moreover, fishers could certainly contribute with additional information where there are no official statistics. fishers can enhance our understanding of marine ecosystem dynamics and of fisheries in general, which is not easily or cheaply achieved solely by conventional approaches. the wémènu have elaborated a great variety of fishing techniques that mediatize their extensive knowledge regarding fish ecology, diet, and behavior, in relation to diversified aquatic microhabitats. most fishing methods are performed in very specific time and place. each fishing practice requires a proper choice of fishing ground and an adjusted technique. djidohokpin et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):137–151 149 data, methods & taxonomies it is also imperative to document and interpret fisher's folk knowledge, especially in the tropics, to enable scientists to work together with fishers in devising measures aimed at conserving both fish and fishing cultures. finally, further studies should take a closer look at the differences in ethno-ichthyological knowledge between the generations in order to protect and conserve their history in print. acknowledgments the author is grateful to all who made this study successful. sincere thanks go to the british academy which financed a writing workshop (award ww19 \100199) during which the first author benefited from the mentoring of the editors of journals and academics, in order to prepare this paper. declarations permissions: british academy. sources of funding: none declared. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited adeoti, b. o. e., i. yabi, f. medeou, and e. ogouwale. 2018. caractérisation de la pêcherie continentale dans les communes d’adjohoun et de dangbo au sud-est bénin. afrique science 14:170– 184. aigo, j., and a. ladio. 2016. traditional mapuche ecological knowledge in patagonia, argentina: fishes and other living beings inhabiting continental waters, as a reflection of processes of change. journal of ethnobiology and ethnomedicine 12:56. doi:10.1186/s13002-016-0130-y. allison, e. h., and m. c. badjeck. 2004. livelihoods, local knowledge and the integration of economic development and conservation concerns in the lower tana river basin. hydrobiology 527:19–23. doi:10.1023/b:hydr.0000043314.35885.1e. attingli, a. h., s. ahouansou montcho, e. w. vissin, l. h. zinsou, and p. a. lalèyè. 2017. influence des engins et techniques de pêche sur l’abondance relative des espèces dans la basse vallée de l’ouémé au bénin. african crop science journal 25:47– 70. doi:10.4314/acsj.v25i1.4. baigún, c. 2015. guidelines for use of fishers’ ecological knowledge in the context of the fisheries ecosystem approach applied to smallscale fisheries in south america. in fishers’ knowledge and the ecosystem approach to fisheries: applications, experiences and lessons in latin america, edited by j. fischer, j. jorgensen, h. josupeit, d. kalikoski, and c. m. lucas, pp. 63–83. fisheries and aquaculture technical paper no. 591, fao, rome. batista, l. p. p., j. i. s. botero, and e. p. oliveira. 2016. etnotaxonomia and food taboos of artisanal fishermen in the dams araras and edson queiroz, river basin acaraú, ceará, brazil. entorno geográfico 12:34–49. doi:10.25100/eg.v0i12.3543. begossi, a., and j. c. garavello. 1990. notes on the ethnoichthyology of fishermen from the tocantins river (brazil). acta amazonica 20:341–351. doi:10.1590/1809-43921990201351. begossi, a., m. clauzet, j. l. figueiredo, l. garuana, r. v. lima, p. f. lopes, m. ramires, a. l. silva, and r. a. m. silvano. 2008. are biological species and higher-ranking categories real? fish folk taxonomy on brazil’s atlantic forest coast and in the amazon. current anthropology 29:291–306. doi:10.1086/527437. bergmann, m., h. hinz, r. e. blyth, m. j. kaiser, s. i. rogers, and m. armstrong. 2004. using knowledge from fishers and fisheries scientists to identify possible ground fish ‘essential fish habitats’. fisheries research 66:373–379. doi:10.1016/ j.fishres.2003.07.007. berkes, f. 2008. sacred ecology, 2nd edition. routledge, new york. berkes, f., r. mahon, p. mcconney, p. ponnac, and r. pomeroy. 2001. managing small-scale fisheries: alternative directions and methods. international development research centre press, ottawa, canada. berlin, b. 1973. folk systematics in relation to biological classification and nomenclature. annual review of ecology and systematics 4:259–271. doi:10.1146/annurev.es.04.110173.001355. berlin, b. 1992. ethnobiological classification: principles of categorization of plants and animals in traditional societies. princeton university press, princeton, nj. buckley, s. m., t. r. mcclanahan, e. m. quintana morales, v. mwakha, j. nyanapah, l. m. otwoma, and j. m. pandolf. 2019. identifying species djidohokpin et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):137–151 150 data, methods & taxonomies threatened with local extinction in tropical reef fisheries using historical reconstruction of species occurrence. plos one 14:e0211224. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0211224. castillo, t. i., c. r. m. baigún, and p. g. minotti. 2016. assessment of a fisheries legal framework for potential development of an ecosystem approach to fisheries management in large rivers. fisheries management and ecology 23:510–518. doi:10.1111/fme.12192. castillo, t. i., f. brancolini, m. saigo, j. r. correa, and c. r. m. baigún. 2018. ethnoichthyology of artisanal fisheries from the lower la plata river basin (argentina). journal of ethnobiology 38:406–423. doi:10.2993/0278-0771-38.3.406. chapman, m. d. 1987. women's fishing in oceania. human ecology 15:267–288. doi:10.1007/ bf00888026. chapman, l. j., l. kaufman, and c. a. chapman. 1994. why swim upside down? a comparative study of two mochokid catfishes. copeia 1994:130– 135. doi:10.2307/1446679. chapman, l. j. 2001. fishes of african rain forests. in african rain forest ecology and conservation: an interdisciplinary perspective, edited by w. weber, l. j. t. white, a. vedder, and l. naughton-treves, pp. 263–290. yale university press, new haven, ct. chikou, a. 2006. etude de la démographie et de l’exploitation halieutique de six espèces de poissons-chats (teleostei, siluriformes) dans le delta de l’ouémé au bénin. unpublished doctoral dissertation, university of liège, liège, belgium. clauzet, m., m. ramires, and a. begossi. 2007. etnoictiologia dos pescadores artesanais da praia de guaibim, valença (ba), brasil. neotropical biology and conservation 2:136–154. colfer, c. j. p., r. l. wadley, and p. venkateswarlu. 1999. understanding local people’s use of time: a pre-condition for good co-management. environmental conservation 26:41–52. doi:10.1017/ s0376892999000077. djidohokpin, g., e. sossoukpè, z. sohou, j. l. tamesse, and e. d. fiogbé. 2017. ichthyofauna of tovè river in the south benin: specific diversity and spatial distribution. south asian journal of life sciences 5:19–29. fao. 2008. benin. country profile. available at: http://www.fao.org/countryprofiles/index/en/? iso3=ben. accessed on jun 26, 2020. froese, r., and d. pauly, eds. 2017. fishbase [web page]. available at: https://www.fishbase.se/ search.php. accessed on december 18, 2019. gadgil, m., f. berkes, and c. folke. 1993. indigenous knowledge for biodiversity conservation. ambio 22:151–156. imorou toko, i. 2007. amélioration de la production halieutique des trous traditionnels à poissons (whédo) du delta de l’ouémé (sud bénin) par la promotion de l’elevage des poissons-chats clarias gariepinus et heterobranchus longifilis. unpublished doctoral dissertation, facultés universitaires notre -dame de la paix-namur, namur, belgium. johannes, r. e. 1978. traditional marine conservation methods in oceania and their demise. annual review of ecology and systematics 9:349–364. doi:10.1146/annurev.es.09.110178.002025. johannes, r. e. 1981. working with fishers to improve coastal tropical fisheries and resource management. bulletin of marine science 31:673–680. johannes, r. e. 1993. integrating traditional ecological knowledge and management with environmental impact assessment. in traditional ecological knowledge: concepts and cases, edited by j. t. inglis, pp. 33–39. canadian museum of nature, ottawa, canada. johannes, r. e., m. m. r. freeman, and r. j. hamilton. 2000. ignore fishers’ knowledge and miss the boat. fish and fisheries 1:257–271. doi:10.1111/j.1467-2979.2000.00019.x. lalèyè, a. p., a. chikou, j-c. philippart, g. teugels and p. vandewalle. 2004. étude de la diversité ichtyologique du bassin du fleuve ouémé au bénin (afrique de l’ouest). cybium 28:329–339. lalèyè, a. p., a. ezin., p. vandewalle, j-c. phillippart, g. g. teugels. 2007. caractéristiques de la pêche dans le fleuve ouémé au bénin (afrique de l’ouest). journal of afrotropical zoology (special issue) 137–148. leite, m. c. f, and m. a. gasalla. 2013. a method for assessing fishers’ ecological knowledge as a practical tool for ecosystem-based fisheries management: seeking consensus in southeastern djidohokpin et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):137–151 151 data, methods & taxonomies brazil. fisheries research 145:43–53. doi:10.1016/ j.fishres.2013.02.013. lima, m. s. p., j. e. lins oliveira, m. f. de nóbrega, and p. f. m. lopes. 2017. the use of local ecological knowledge as a complementary approach to understand the temporal and spatial patterns of fishery resources distribution. journal of ethnobiology and ethnomedicine 13:30. doi:10.1186/s13002-017-0156-9. marques, j., and g. wanderley. 1991. aspectos ecologicos na ecologia dos pescadores, do camplexo estuarino-lagunar de mundaumanguaba alagoas. universida de estaduai de campinas, instituto de biologia, campinas, sâo paulo, brazil. medin, d. l., n. o. ross, s. atran, d. cox, j. coley, j. b. proffitt, and s. blok. 2006. folkbiology of freshwater fish. cognition 99:237–273. doi:10.1016/j.cognition.2003.12.005. micha, j. c., and v. frank. 1976. biologie des principales espèces utilisées en pisciculture africaine. cifa tech. paper no. 4, supplement 1, pp. 292-331. symposium aquaculture in africa 1975, accra, ghana. neuenschwander, p., b. sinsin, and g. goergen, eds. 2011. nature conservation in west africa: red list for benin. international institute of tropical agriculture, ibadan, nigeria. oberndorfer, e., n. winters, c. gear, g. ljubicic, and j. lundholm. 2017. plants in a “sea of relationships”: networks of plants and fishing in makkovik, nunatsiavut (labrador, canada). journal of ethnobiology 37:458–477. doi:10.2993/0278-0771 -37.3.458. oishi, t. 2016. ethnoecology and ethnomedicinal use of fish among the bakwele of southeastern cameroon. revue d’ethnoécologie 10. doi:10.4000/ ethnoecologie.2893. paz, v. a., and a. begossi. 1996. ethnoichthyology of galviboa fishermen of sepetiba bay, brazil. journal of ethnobiology 16:157–168. poizat, g., and e. baran. 1997. fishermen's knowledge as background information in tropical fish ecology: a quantitative comparison with fish sampling results. environmental biology of fishes 50:435–449. posey, d. a. 1983. indigenous knowledge and development: an ideological bridge to the future. ciência e cultura 35:877–894. seixas, c. s., and a. begossi. 2001. ethnozoology of fishing communities from ilha grande (atlantic forest coast, brazil). journal of ethnobiology 21:107– 135 silvano, r. a. m., and a. begossi. 2010. what can be learned from fishers? an integrated survey of fishers’ ecological knowledge and bluefish (pomatomus saltatrix) biology on the brazilian coast. hydrobiology 637:3–18. doi:10.1007/s10750-0099979-2. sohou, z., r. c houedjissin, and n. r. a. ahoyo. 2009. la pisciculture: de la tradition à la modernisation. bulletin de recherche agronomique du bénin 66:48–59. turner, n. j., and f. berkes. 2006. coming to understanding: developing conservation through incremental learning in the pacific northwest. human ecology 34:495–513. doi :10.1007/s10745006-9042-0. undp bénin. 2015. rapport national sur le développement humain 2014–2015: agriculture, sécurité alimentaire et développement humain au bénin. le programme des nations unies pour le développement (pnud) et le gouvernement de la république du bénin, cotonou, bénin. welcomme, r. l. 1971. evolution de la pêche intérieure, son etat actuel et ses possibilités. fao/ undp 2938, rome. wester, l., and s. yongvanit. 1995. biological diversity and community lore in northeastern thailand. journal of ethnobiology 15:71–88. sichuan peppercorn and the birth of numbing spices in east asia jacques and d’alpoim guedes. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(1):10–23 10 research communications instance 辛 sin ← *sin), the exact taste it referred to in pre-han china and neighboring areas was quite distinct from modern people’s notion of spicy, which is essentially due to the wide availability of american chili pepper. such a taste was unknown to ancient people of east asia, and the exact meaning of these words in old chinese and proto-languages remains unclear. in this paper, we focus on sichuan peppercorn, the spice that is the best attested in the archaeological record and linguistic data. we review archaeological, genetic, and genetic data and propose a scenario on when zanthoxylum was first cultivated and how it spread to the rest of east and south asia, and what we can learn from it concerning ancient peoples’ linguistic classification of flavors and spices. geographical distribution the genus zanthoxylum (rutaceae) consists of 250 species worldwide, which includes 21 that are endemic to china (zhang and hartley 2008). two different species are referred to as ‘sichuan peppercorn’ (in chinese 花椒 huā jiāo). the most introduction prior to the introduction of black pepper (piper nigrum) from india in the third century, and chili pepper (capsicum spp.) from mexico in the sixteenth century, local spices were considerably more prominent in the food preparation of people of east asia than they have been in the last few centuries. before the han dynasty (202 bce–220 ce), the main food condiments attested philologically and archaeologically were sichuan peppercorn (zanthoxylum bungeanum/ armatum), ginger (zingiber officinale) (liu et al. 2022), angelica (angelica sinensis) (sheng et al. 2020) and chinese cinnamon (cinnamomum cassia), plants that were collected and eventually cultivated in areas within today’s people’s republic of china, rather than introduced from the west. from the point of view of linguistic evidence, although old chinese (the language corresponding to the texts written from 1300-200 bce) and reconstructed proto-languages of comparable age in east asia (proto-hmong mien, proto-tai, protorgyalrongic, proto-lolo-burmese) have words describing ‘pungent/spicy’ taste (in old chinese for sichuan peppercorn and the birth of numbing spices in east asia guillaume jacques 1* , jade d’alpoim guedes 2 1 french national centre for scientific research, paris, france. 2 department of anthropology, university of california, san diego, usa. * rgyalrongskad@gmail.com abstract sichuan peppercorn zanthoxylum sp. is an important food condiment, currently used in east asia and south asia. in this paper, we review genetic, archaeological, and linguistic evidence regarding the use of zanthoxylum by ancient human populations. the evidence from these three disciplines converge to suggest that its earliest attested use dates from the midfourth millennium bce, in western sichuan, making it one of the oldest spices in east asia. the paper also discusses how this spice was supplemented, and even superseded, by the introduction of the american chili pepper (capsicum spp.). in the seventeenth century. we further argue that differences in the biosynthesis of numbing compounds between cultivars of zanthoxylum sp. in northern and southern western china that are due to deep evolutionary processes may have in turn influenced culinary preferences. received august 24, 2022 open access accepted february 1, 2023 doi 10.14237/ebl.14.1.2023.1842 published april 3, 2023 keywords zanthoxylum, capsicum, majiayao, spice, rgyalrongic, tibetic copyright © 2023 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. jacques and d’alpoim guedes. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(1):10–23 11 research communications common of these is zanthoxylum bungeanum, which is endemic to china and is found in a wide range of habitats that are below 3200 meters in altitude and is currently distributed across the provinces of fujian, gansu, guangxi, guizhou, hebei, henan, hubei, hunan, jiangsu, jiangxi, liaoning, ningxia, qinghai, shaanxi, shandong, shanxi, sichuan, se xinjiang, s and se tibet, yunnan, zhejiang and in bhutan (zhang and hartley 2008). western china is the center of genetic diversity of this cultivar (e.g feng et al. 2015, 2020). the second one, zanthoxylum armatum (in chinese 竹叶花椒 zhúyè huājiāo ‘bamboo-leaf peppercorn’), is also, however, referred to as sichuan pepper corn and used in a similar manner. this plant has a wider distribution and is found in habitats below 3100 m and is distributed in the provinces of anhui, fujian, southern gansu, guangdong, guangxi, guizhou, southern henan, hubei, hunan, jiangsu, jiangxi, shaanxi, shandong, southern shanxi, sichuan, northern taiwan, xizang, yunnan, zhejiang [bangladesh, bhutan, india, indonesia, japan (including ryukyu islands), kashmir, ko rea, laos, myanmar, nepal, pakistan, philippines, thailand and vietnam. additional cultivars include z. piperatum which is understood to have been introduced from japan (zhang and hartley 2008). there are several key phenotypic differences between cultivars which correspond to genetic differences. for instance, zanthoxylum bungeanum has (red peppercorn 红花椒 hóng huājiāo) red pericarps and zanthoxylum armatum (green peppercorn 青花椒 qīng huājiāo) has green pericarps, deciduous and lanceolate leaves, and earlier flowering time as well as a distribution that is limited to southwest china, which explains the latter. feng et al. (2020) hypothesize that these two cultivated species, z. bungeanum and z. armatum, originated in yunnan and guizhou provinces during the miocene and then dispersed to other regions via long distance dispersal events. genetics recent genetic studies have helped shed light on where these two populations of sichuan peppercorn may have first been cultivated or domesticated (feng et al. 2015, 2020). an analysis of srap markers from 175 wild and cultivated accessions found that red peppercorn accessions cluster within the z. bungeanum complex, and green peppercorn accessions cluster within the z. armatum (feng et al. 2015, 2016). this study was limited, however, by the numbers of wild accessions they were able to access, which was restricted to specimens from guizhou province. these wild specimens clustered closely with z. armatum, suggesting that they were ancestral to the latter. in a genome wide study, feng et al. (2020) found that z. bungeanum split into four geographic clades that spread across both subtropical and temperate china. they further infer a center of diversity in gansu province, where samples from wududahongpao (wddhp) appears to be the ancestral population of z. bungeanum from which other geographic clades arose. two populations fell within the same clade as the ancestral variety in gansu, which includes samples from maowen in sichuan (mwhj) and a sample from fengxian in shaanxi. each of these experienced very little genetic drift since their divergence from the common ancestor in western gansu. a second clade indicates multiple streams of gansu to north gene flow including a series of back migrations that includes populations moving from shandong to shaanxi and shanxi and back to shandong. a final separate southwest china clade is represented by samples from hanyuan in sichuan (hyhj), qinlong in yunnan (yxhj) and sajizhen in guizhou (gzhj). this last clade appears to have diverged prior to the common ancestor found in gansu, but then experienced introgression from the shandong and shaanxi clades. in sum, this speaks to a center of diversity in western china. some cultivars also formed a separate clade with no genetic introgression either from the ancestral variety in gansu or from later cultivars including hydhp a sample from hanyuan in sichuan, suggesting that these varieties have been cultivated in relative genetic isolation throughout history (feng et al. 2020). it is likely that these genetically isolated clades represent instances of cultivation of plants by farmers who did not exchange seeds with other areas following cultivation. for z. armatum, ancestral populations appear to have been located in frost free southwest china (sichuan, guizhou, and yunnan) (feng et al. 2020; hu et al. 2023). for z. armatum, an analysis of divergence events showed that wild accessions of z. armatum clustered together and possibly diverged from cultivated accessions ~3−5 kya bp (feng et al. 2020). feng et al. (2020) also found that while there were high levels of genetic diversity within z. bungeanum, there was little to no genetic diversity within jacques and d’alpoim guedes. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(1):10–23 12 research communications individual cultivars. while on one hand this high level of genetic diversity within the species is reflective of high adaptiveness to local environments, the local diversity within cultivars is due to its special form of asexual reproduction. zanthoxylum sp. reproduce via facultative sporophytic apomixis (fei et al. 2021), a form of asexual reproduction that produces offspring without the need for combining male and female gametes, and where the offspring have the same genetic makeup as the mother. in sporophytic apomixis there is little to no exchange of pollen to the embryo and pollen is involved only in the formation of the triploid endosperm. only occasionally does sexual reproduction happen in this plant and most figure 1 early archaeological attestation of zanthoxylum (see the complete dataset in the supplementary file peppercorn.xlsx) jacques and d’alpoim guedes. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(1):10–23 13 research communications individuals in the population samples by geneticists were clonal (hu et al. 2023). it is hypothesized that this trait evolved as a suite of anti-herbivory linked traits during the miocene (hu et al. 2023). this contrasts with the co-evolution with pollinators in the example of many other angiosperms, where plants develop traits that encourage dispersal by pollinators. hu et al. (2023) argues that these traits, alongside the biosynthesis of allomones and alkylamides evolved to deter insect herbivory, but also by extension insect pollination. we argue that the long-distance exchange of seeds (that contained genetic material that was identical to the mother plant) contributed to the high levels of genetic diversity seen within z. bungeanum as cultivars adapted to local conditions as they spread geographically. however, once in place, farmers were able to retain high genetic fidelity within the plants they cultivated without the need for grafting (although they may have practiced this) due to zanthoxylum sp.’s asexual form of reproduction. hu et al. (2018) and feng et al. (2020) found that distinct regional demands for different cultivars reflect local idiosyncrasies in consumer tastes; for instance, the cultivars of z. bungeanum distributed within the tropical and subtropical regions south of the qinling mountains contain more numbing components but fewer leaf glandular puncta, which likely evolved because of increased insect herbivory action in southwest china, than those north of the qinling, which also possess a lighter pericarp. generally, selection processes for traits in sexually reproducing long generation perennials take many human generations and domestication traits are generally seen later in arboriculture than for annual plants, like grain crops (fuller and stevens 2019). this is because each plant produces genetically distinct seeds and each seed needs to grow to maturity until its traits are evident, thus requiring substantial selection over generations of farmers. we argue that despite zanthoxylum sp. being a long generation perennial, the emergence of a new trait (such as more numbing components) could have easily been maintained in subsequent generations due to sporophytic apomixis. it is possible that the higher numbers of numbing components in z. bungeanum south of the qinling mountains was a random mutation that evolved in tandem with increased pressure from herbivory, but one that was easily maintained given this plant’s form of reproduction. humans in each area, thus, may have adapted their culinary tastes to the density of numbing compounds of zanthoxylum in their area. sporophytic apomixis also makes zanthoxylum an unlikely candidate to exhibit traits of domestication as asexual reproduction results in offspring that are identical to the mother plant. indeed, there is little to no difference in flower type, seed size, or flowering uniformity between wild and cultivated varieties. archaeology archaeobotanical evidence makes it difficult to distinguish between the green and red varieties of zanthoxylum as pericarps are often found in a carbonized form and color cannot be observed. the earliest finds of zanthoxylum sp. come from the jingtoushan site in zhejiang province which is dated to 6300-5800 bce (sun et al. 2021), but this isolated attestation is not followed by other finds in this area. following this, zanthoxylum sp. is found in neolithic (majiaoyao) layers in the haxiu site in western sichuan dating to roughly 3400-2900 cal. bce (zhijun zhao: personal communication; yáng et al. 2006). a radiocarbon date at haxiu dates the site to 4470 ±30 bp (or 3340-3026 cal. bce; d’alpoim guedes and hein 2018). finds then appear in anhui at yuhuicun 禹会村 by 2500 cal. bce (zhōngguó shèhuì kēxuéyuàn kǎogǔ yánjiūsuǒ bèngbùshì bówùguǎn 2014), and then in the shangtaizi 上台子 site in inner mongolia by roughly 2000 bc (jia et al. 2017). finds appear again at jinsha 金沙 in the chengdu plain by roughly 1400 bce (jiang et al. 2015) and again in northern china (see figure 1). thus, by the second millennium bce it appears that zanthoxylum was already widely distributed across china. following this date, the numbers of finds increase substantially first across northern china and henan (hénánshěng wénwù kǎogǔ yánjiūsuǒ 1986) and then finds center on warring states period tombs in hubei, where they appeared to have a prominent role as a spice in the chu kingdom, particularly in elite tombs (sheng et al. 2020; húběishěng wénwù kǎogǔ yánjiūsuǒ 1996; yao and xu 2008). figure 1 summarizes the sites dated bce where zanthoxylum remains have been discovered (the data on which this map is based can be found in supplementary table 1). linguistics historical linguistics provides important evidence for the knowledge and use of plants and animals by past human societies, and bayesian phylogenetic methods jacques and d’alpoim guedes. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(1):10–23 14 research communications provide dated language phylogenies that can be compared with archaeological evidence (sagart et al. 2019). when several languages have similar words referring to a particular plant or animal, several hypotheses are possible: common inheritance, borrowing, parallel innovation, or chance resemblance. the study of sound correspondences and morphological structure can be used to identify inherited words and borrowings, and exclude chance resemblances, at least in the languages groups for which this knowledge is available. distinguishing between very ancient nativized loanwords and inherited etyma can be difficult. on the other hand, transparent compounds, even if they comply with regular sound correspondences, are not sufficient evidence for reconstructing an etymon, as they could have been coined independently in each language after the split of the protolanguage. in this section, we attempt to determine the earliest proto-language for which an etymon specifically referring to zanthoxylum can be reconstructed, in order to infer the timeline of the use and management of this plant among ancient populations of east asia. overview of the linguistic evidence no less than five language families are spoken in areas where zanthoxylum bungeanum or zanthoxylum armatum are endemic: sino-tibetan, hmong mien, kra-dai, austroasiatic and indo-european. however, reconstructible terms for zanthoxylum species have only been found in subbranches of sino tibetan, while terms attested in other families are either borrowed from chinese or restricted to a particular subbranch. in the following sections, we first present data from non-sino-tibetan families, then focus on sinotibetan, and finally discuss one particular etymon attested in several subbranches of that family and its significance for the history of zanthoxylum domestication. etyma referring to zanthoxylum in non-sino-tibetan families the natural range of zanthoxylum armatum includes parts of south asia where indo-aryan and dravidian languages are spoken. however, no known term for zanthoxylum is found in sanskrit or any ancient language of south asia. some indo-aryan languages use terms for zanthoxylum that are etymologically transparent: for instance, hindi tejphal ‘zanthoxylum’ is a compound from tej ‘sharp’ and phal ‘fruit’. such terms do not provide any evidence for ancient use and familiarity with this plant. family branch language form austro-asiatic vietic vietnamese sẻn ga khmuic khmu dʑɔŋ mangic mang pa³¹ʔa⁵¹ anɡkic kemie ma³¹khɛn³⁵ pakanic bugeng lɯ̠ ²⁴ palaungic wa (masan) ʔa tɕhip wa (yancheng) si giap wa (aishuai) phiɔŋ hmong-mien hmongic qiandong so¹kɑ⁸ xiangxi ʂei³⁷ chuanqiandian tsz³ʂa³ diandongbei tsi⁶sie³ baheng (gundong) tjei²²ljaŋ²²si⁵³ baheng (wenjie) pe³¹tɕɛ³⁵ mienic mien huo²tsiu¹ (from 花椒) kra-dai kra laji min⁴⁴khje⁴⁴ table 1 etyma for zanthoxylum in languages of the austroasiatic, hmong mien and kra-dai families (miáoyáoyǔ yánjiū shìbiān 1987). jacques and d’alpoim guedes. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(1):10–23 15 research communications another widespread form among languages of india is that represented by nepali ṭimur ‘zanthoxylum’, which however is related to terms designating other plants (sanskrit tumburu-, pali timbaru‘diospyros embryopteris’ or ‘strychnos nux-vomica’, turner 1966: 335), and which present irregular correspondences indicative of contact rather than inheritance. in view of the early attestation of zanthoxylum sp. in the jingtoushan site in zhejiang province (sun et al. 2021), one could have expected that either hmongmien, kra-dai or austroasiatic languages (the three language families that potentially originate from the speech of the populations from the early neolithic lower yangtze) could have a reconstructible term for zanthoxylum sp. yet, in kra-dai and hmong-mien, we have no evidence for any native term for this plant, even though recent fieldwork reports provide detailed documentation of terms for cultivated and wild plants. in these two families, most languages use either borrowings from chinese or trans parent compounds. some languages even use the same word to refer to both zanthoxylum sp. and capsicum sp.: in mak (kra-dai) for instance, both plants are designated by the word lə²seu¹ from mandarin làjiāo 辣椒 ‘chili pepper’. in austroasiatic, native terms are found for zanthoxylum sp., but they are unrelated across the family and there is no evidence that any etymon is reconstructible to even lower branches of austroasiatic (table 1). etyma referring to zanthoxylum in sino-tibetan the oldest philological attestation of zanthoxylum sp. in any language comes from the old chinese poem 椒聊 tsjew lew ‘the pepper plant’ from the 8th century bce: (1) 椒聊之實、蕃衍盈升。彼其之 子、碩大無朋。椒聊且、遠條 且。 ‘the clusters of the pepper plant, large and luxuriant, would fill a pint, that hero there, is large and peerless. o the pepper plant! how its shoots extend!’ (translation by legge) the noun 椒 tsjew (reconstructed as *s.tew in old chinese by baxter and sagart 2014) was used to build the name of the black pepper (胡椒 hújiāo, etymologically ‘barbarian zanthoxylum’) and chili pepper (辣椒 làjiāo, etymologically ‘spicy zanthoxylum’), following a new name was devised to refer to zanthoxylum itself (花椒 huājiāo ‘flowery table 2 terms for zanthoxylum in several subgroups of sino-tibetan group language zanthoxylum source sinitic old chinese 椒 tsjew <*s.tew (baxter and sagart 2014) kho-bwa puroik sunuɛ̃ (lieberherr 2017) bodic tibetan kurtöp གཡེར་མ་ gjer.ma chawa (hyslop et al. 2022) ‘olekha çoː karma tshering, gwendolyn hyslop (p.c.) sal jinghpo mă³³tʃa̱ŋ³³si³¹ (huang 1992) guiqiong guiqiong tsɑ́⁵⁵mɑ́⁵⁵ (huang 1992) nungish dulong ɑ³¹dʑɑp⁵⁵ (huang 1992) lolo-burmese achang tɕap⁵⁵ʂə³¹ (huang 1992) rgyalrongic khroskyabs rtsʰɑ́v (lai 2017) para-rgyalrongic zhaba ʂtse³¹shə⁵⁵ smarskad jì.mjə ̂ zhao haoliang (p.c.) naish yongning na dze˩˧ (michaud 2018) tujia tujia tsho⁵⁵pu⁵⁵ (huang 1992) idu-kaman kaman tɕʰap⁵³ (li 2002) gongduk gongduk tshai karma tshering, jacques and d’alpoim guedes. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(1):10–23 16 research communications zanthoxylum’) to distinguish it from the two previous plants. however, old chinese 椒 tsjew (*s.tew) is unrelated to the name of plants belonging to this genus in other languages of the sino-tibetan family. table 2 provides a representative sample of the forms found across the family, excluding branches where the term is borrowed from indic, chinese or tibetan. four of these subgroups, kaman, east bodish, nungish, lolo-burmese and rgyalrongic, share similar forms to designate plants belonging to this genus. in the following, we analyze to what extent the resemblances between these forms are due to common inheritance, language contact, or chance, and what are the implications of these data for the history of the domestication of sichuan pepper. these four subgroups are not particularly close to each other in the phylogeny of sino-tibetan. table 2 illustrates the place of these four subgroups and their respective age according to sagart et al.’s (2019) phylogeny of the sino-tibetan family. contact of inheritance? the apparent resemblance one can observe between the nungish, lolo burmese, rgyalrongic and kaman forms in table 2 is strongly indicative of a historical relationship, but it remains to be shown figure 2 simplified topology of the sino-tibetan phylogenetic tree (terminal nodes in bold). tree topology and ages inferred are based on the relaxed-clock covarion model, data cited from sagart et al. (2019). branch length is irrelevant. jacques and d’alpoim guedes. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(1):10–23 17 research communications whether this etymon reflects inheritance from the common ancestor of all these languages or borrowing between some of them. in addition, we will see below, some rgyalrongic and lolo-burmese languages have similar forms for the noun zanthoxylum and the adjective ‘be spicy’, raising the question of their etymological relationship. in the following, we first discuss the data from the rgyalrongic group, and show that the term for ‘spicy’ derives from the name of zanthoxylum. then, using sound correspondence, we argue that the similar forms found in lolo-burmese, and kaman might reflect common inheritance, while the same is unlikely to be true for dulong. rgyalrongic rgyalrongic languages are spoken in the dkarmdzes and rngaba districts of western sichuan, china (see figure 3). they can be divided into two subbranches, core rgyalrong (situ, japhug, tshobdun and zbu) and west rgyalrongic (stau, khroskyabs and the ancient language tangut, lai et al. 2020). in west rgyalrongic (see figure 2) the term for zanthoxylum presents an obvious resemblance with the adjective ‘be spicy’ (table 3). the two etyma only differ by the voicing of the initial consonant and go back to *rts(ʰ)æˠp¹ and *rndzæˠp¹ in their common ancestor, respectively.1 the semantic link between these two etyma and its significance for the history of taste classifications is discussed below. the data in table 3 show that both the noun ‘zanthoxylum’ and the verb ‘be spicy’ are reconstructible to the macro-rgyalrongic node. the noun ‘zanthoxylum’ is not found in east rgyalrongic, but attested in west rgyalrongic, muya and zhaba. from the point of view of sound correspondences, the first syllable of the zhaba ʂtse³¹shə⁵⁵ ‘zanthoxylum’ is phonologically compatible with khroskyabs rtsʰɑ́v ‘zanthoxylum’. the historical phonology of zhaba is very imperfectly understood, but we find the same onset correspondence in ‘lung’ (khroskyabs rtsʰóz, zhaba ʂtse⁵⁵pe⁵⁵) and the same rhyme correspondence in ‘scoop water’ (japhug kaβ, zhaba tə³¹khe⁵⁵) and ‘needle’ (japhug taqaβ, khroskyabs ʁɑ̂v and zhaba je⁵⁵). the second syllable -shə⁵⁵ is a suffix occurring in plant names. as for muya zɐ¹³, the rhyme correspondence is ascertained by the tibetan loanword thɐ⁵³ ‘method’ (from tibetan thabs ‘method’), and the voicing of the initial is also found in nouns such as zə̱⁵³ ‘shoe’ (cognate of japhug tɯxtsa ‘shoe’). in east rgyalrongic, the terms of ‘zanthoxylum’ are secondary. situ mdzartsá ‘zanthoxylum’ is clearly analyzable: mdzaris a radical that appears in the name of prickly plants such as mdzarwú (circium shansiense petrak.) and -tsa is a diminutive suffix (zhang 2020:110).2 this name, a possessive compound, which literally means ‘(plant having) small thorns’, refers to the thorns of the zanthoxylum. as for japhug tɕɣom ‘zanthoxylum’, it appears to be related to the noun for smɯ-tɕɣom ‘spark’, possibly a metaphor about the fizzy oral sensation of this spice. the etymological relationship between these two etyma raises the question of the directionality of derivation. two hypotheses are possible: 1. adjective to noun: ‘the spicy (one)’ → zanthoxylum 2. noun to adjective: zanthoxylum → ‘be spicy’3 the only way to decide between these two hypotheses is to take morphological alternations into account. voicing alternations are found in rgyalrongic, but only the directionality unvoiced → voiced (or voiced prenasalized) is attested (gates et al. 2022). since devoicing processes are not japhug (tɕɣom) mɤrtsaβ situ (bragbar) (mdzartsá) rdzɑ́v 512 tsar1.80 table 3 comparison of the etyma for ‘zanthoxylum’ and the verb ‘be spicy’ in rgyalrongic languages. jacques and d’alpoim guedes. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(1):10–23 18 research communications otherwise attested, the adjective-to-noun hypothesis is extremely unlikely.4 moreover, the source of voicing in the case of ‘be spicy’ reveals itself when comparing with east rgyalrongic. east rgyalrongic languages preserve presyllables lost in west rgyalrongic (lai et al. 2020), nasal presyllables induce onset voicing. thus, protokhroskyabs *rndzæˠp¹ ‘be spicy’ can come from earlier *n-rts(ʰ)æˠp¹, where *nrepresents any nasal pre syllable. the mɤpresyllable in japhug mɤrtsaβ ‘be spicy’ and other east rgyalrongic languages thus accounts for the voicing in west rgyalrongic and can be analyzed as a mɤdenominal prefix deriving figure 3 burmo-rgyalrongic languages (purple: rgyalrongic and para rgyalrongic; cyan: naish and ersuic; blue: loloburmese). jacques and d’alpoim guedes. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(1):10–23 19 research communications intransitive verbs and adjectives (jacques 2021:10441045). lolo-burmese the rgyalrongic etymon ‘be spicy’ (pre-khroskyabs *n-rts(ʰ)æˠp¹, japhug mɤrtsaβ) directly corresponds to burmese tsap ‘be spicy’, which could originate from either *dzap or *dʒap in proto-burmish (gong and hill 2020). this proto-form is also compatible with the etyma for zanthoxylum in several burmish languages, including zaiwa tʃap²¹ʃi²¹, achang tɕap⁵⁵ʂə³¹, reconstructed as *dʒap-ʃeh (gong and hill 2020). in these nouns, the second syllable (for instance achang ʂə³¹) means ‘fruit’, and they can thus be analyzed as compounds meaning ‘spicy plant’. achang tɕap⁵⁵ʂə³¹ ‘zanthoxylum’ and related burmish forms are not direct cognates of the rgyalrongic etymon for ‘zanthoxylum’ (pre-khroskyabs *rtsʰæˠp¹), but rather represent secondary compounds, built from the adjective ‘spicy’ (see the summary in figure 4). nungish and jinghpo in nungish, the terms for ‘zanthoxylum’ are phonetically similar to the etymon ‘be spicy’ in rgyalrongic and burmish and have a voiced onset (dulong ɑ³¹dʑɑp⁵⁵ ‘zanthoxylum’ and rawang vzvp ‘zanthoxylum armatum’ lapolla and sangdong 2015). due to the discrepancy in voicing, these forms cannot be direct cognates of the rgyalrongic etymon for zanthoxylum and should rather be analyzed as early borrowings from the burmish ‘spicy’ etymon, that took place before burmish languages changed their voiced obstruents to unaspirated unvoiced stops. jinghpo, a language in contact with both burmish languages and dulong, does not have a related etymon for ‘zanthoxylum’, but has the adjective tʃap³¹ ‘spicy’ (huang 1992). this form is compatible with the correspondences of early burmese loanwords into jinghpo (kurabe 2016), and in view of the fact that this etymon is not found in any of the languages that are phylogenetically closest to jinghpo (bodo-garo, northern naga and sak). bodish the tibetan word གཡེར་མ་ gjer.ma for zanthoxylum is retained in most modern tibetic languages (the languages descended from old tibetan). an exception is dzongkha, a tibetic language of bhutan, where ema (from gjer.ma) became the word for chili pepper (capsicum sp.), and was replaced by thiŋŋe in the meaning zanthoxylum, an etymon attested in classical tibetan as tʰiŋ.li referring to pepperweed (lepidium latifolium), from chinese 葶苈子 tínglìzǐ. while tibetic etyma for zanthoxylum are unrelated to the root found in rgyalrongic, the east bodish language kurtöp has chawa ‘zanthoxylum’ (hyslop et al. 2022), whose first syllable could go back to earlier *tɕʰap with a *-(b)a suffix and intervocalic lenition. in polysyllabic tibetan loanwords or cognates with ba as a second syllable, when the first syllable has a coda, it is lost in kurtöp, and the consonant of the suffix is lenited to w, as shown by examples such as phawa ‘dhole, cuon alpinus’ from tibetan འཕར་བ་ ⁿpʰar.ba or sawan ‘seed’ from tibetan ས་བོན་ sa.bon. in this hypothesis, kurtöp preserved the cognate of the burmo-rgyalrongic root for zanthoxylum, while tibetic languages (including old tibetan) lost it. in this verb, the etymon གཡེར་མ་ gjer.ma is an innovation, though its origin meaning is not known (the example of dzongkha in again case leads credence to the idea that semantic shifts can occur with this plant name). figure 4 derivational history of the etyma for ‘zanthoxylum’ and ‘be spicy’ in burmo-rgyalrongic languages. jacques and d’alpoim guedes. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(1):10–23 20 research communications kaman kaman tɕʰap⁵³ ‘zanthoxylum’ (li 2002:258-259) appears to be phonetically compatible with the rgyalrongic etymon for ‘zanthoxylum’ (prekhroskyabs *rts(ʰ)æˠp¹). the historical phonology of kaman has never been thoroughly investigated, and we lack any additional example of rgyalrongic *rts(ʰ) corresponding to kaman tɕʰ-, but given the limited number of examples with this onset, this absence may be fortuitous. thus, the comparison of kaman tɕʰap⁵³ ‘zanthoxylum’ with the previous etyma is plausible. kaman is not in contact with burmo-gyalrongic languages, and unlike in the case of nungish and jinghpo, this etymon cannot be easily explained as a borrowing from burmish. it could reflect inheritance from the common ancestor of kaman and burmorgyalrongic, but this could entail a very early date. another possibility is early borrowing from a nonbodic languages (or from the ancestor of tibetic, before the term གཡེར་མ་ gjer.ma ‘zanthoxylum’ was innovated). zanthoxylum and spicy condiments the etymological relationship between the noun zanthoxylum and verb ‘be spicy’ discussed above is not entirely straightforward. the current meaning of the etymon ‘be spicy’ in rgyalrongic languages (such as khroskyabs rdzɑ́v) refer to the hot sensation of chili pepper, rather than the tingling and numbing oral sensation of zanthoxylum, for which different terms are used. for instance, in japhug, the taste of zanthoxylum is not described by the adjective mɤrtsaβ ‘spicy’, but rather by the ideophonic verb ɣɤzɯβzɯβ ‘have the numbing taste of zanthoxylum’.5 this discrepancy suggests that the meaning of the adjective ‘be spicy’ independently changed in all burmo-rgyalrongic languages in the last four centuries, following the introduction of chili. its original meaning must have rather referred to the oral sensation caused by zanthoxylum, but when chili replaced zanthoxylum as the main food condiment due to its stronger oral sensation, speakers of burmorgyalrongic languages changed their understanding of the notion of ‘spicy’. rather than coining a new word to describe this new flavor, they created new words to refer to that of zanthoxylum, the older, but now secondary, condiment. summary of the linguistic evidence the linguistic data reviewed in this section suggest that an etymon for zanthoxylum is reconstructible to the common ancestor of rgyalrongic, lolo burmese and bodish, dated 4847 bp [3363–6429 bce]) according to the main analysis of sagart et al. (2019). it is possible that a cognate exists in ka man. although this language was not included in sagart et al. (2019), the closely related languages yidu and taraon were, and the common ancestor of rgyalrongic and yidu-taraon would go back to 6009 bp [4124–7834 bce], very close to the root of the sino-tibetan family. outside of the sino-tibetan family, there is no evidence of reconstructible term for zanthoxylum in any other language family, including the kra-dai, hmong-mien and austroasiatic, the three families of southern china and south-east asia that are plausibly originate from the neolithic population of the lower yangtze, where the earliest isolated attestation of zanthoxylum has been found. conclusion archaeobotanical and genetic evidence converge to indicate that zanthoxylum was employed by ancient populations in western sichuan at least in the fourth millennium bce, before its use spread to the central plains of china a millennium later. the mid-fourth millennium is slightly earlier than the approximate date of the common ancestor of tibeto-rgyalrongic, the earliest proto-language in which an etymon for zanthoxylum is reconstructible, as shown by the evidence in this paper. western sichuan is also a fitting localization of the ancestral language of tibetic and rgyalrongic languages: the 哈休 haxiu site where the earliest (although as of yet, not directly dated) evidence of zanthoxylum was found is located in an area where the rgyalrongic language japhug is currently spoken. incidentally, since the chinese name haxiu originates from japhug ɬaɕɯ (whose etymology is unclear, though the first syllable is probably the tibetan word lha ‘god’) an alternative name lhashu based on japhug could be used to refer to this site. the linguistic evidence is thus compatible with the main conclusions of the other disciplines and supports the view that the earliest known use of zanthoxylum could have been by millet farmer populations of western sichuan, around 5000 years ago, although evidence for its wider spread across asia dates to later. jacques and d’alpoim guedes. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(1):10–23 21 research communications although foragers inhabited western sichuan for millennia before the arrival of neolithic farmers, and presumably would have been familiar with zanthoxylum, there is no direct evidence that they used it for food consumption, and in any case, we have no trace of the languages they spoke. the isolated find of zanthoxylum in the jingtoushan site in the lower yangtze in the sixth-seventh millennium bce reflects an independent early use of this plant. however, in view of the paucity of later evidence, and absence of linguistic support for ancient use of zanthoxylum among people of southern china, it may be a deadend, reflecting discontinuity of use among these ancient populations. the american domesticate chili pepper (capsicum spp.) has served as a supplement or even a substitute of zanthoxylum sp. after its introduction in east asia from the seventeenth century, and has completely replaced it in many areas, to the extent that the original terms designating zanthoxylum sp., formerly the main spice condiment, has been lost in many areas. notes 1no systematic reconstruction of proto-west rgyalrongic has been proposed, but these reconstructions are based on lai (2021). the geshiza forms show an unexplained irregularity in the preinitials: rwould be expected in the noun ltsʰəu ‘zanthoxylum’, perhaps a clue that this word has been borrowed from a closely related gyalrongic language. 2although the second syllable of situ mdzartsá ‘zanthoxylum’ superficially resembles that of martsáp ‘be spicy’, no known morphological process could cause a final -p to disappear in word-final position in rgyalrongic, and this resemblance is fortuitous. 3in english for instance, the adjectives ‘spicy’ or ‘peppery’ come from the nouns ‘spice’ and ‘pepper’, not the other way round. 4this hypothesis could only be supported if incontrovertible examples of onset devoicing are found in rgyalrongic. 5in chinese, the adjective 麻 má ‘numbing’ is used to describe this sensation. acknowledgments some of the fieldwork data has been obtained thanks to the project ‘an ethnobotanical study of rgyalrongic languages’ funded by the national social science fund of china (19byy190). declarations permissions: none declared. sources of funding: none declared. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited baxter, w. h. iii, and l. sagart. 2014. old chinese: a new reconstruction. oxford: oxford university press. fei, x. t., y. lei, y. c. qi, s. j. wang, h. c. hu and a. z. wei. 2021. small rna sequencing provides candidate mirna-target pairs for revealing the mechanism of apomixis in zanthoxylum bungeanum. bmc plant biology 21(1):178. doi:10.1186/s12870021-02935-5. feng, s. j., z. s. liu, l. chen, n. hou, t. x. yang and a. z. wei. 2016. phylogenetic relationships among cultivated zanthoxylum species in china based on cpdna markers. tree genetics & genomes 12(45). doi:10.1007/s11295-016-1005-z. feng, s. j., z. s. liu, y. hu, j. y. tian, t. x. yang and a. z. wei. 2020. genomic analysis reveals the genetic diversity, population structure, evolutionary history and relationships of chinese pepper. horticulture research 7(158). doi:10.1038/ s41438-020-00376-z. feng, s. j., t. x. yang, z. s. liu, l. chen, n. hou, y. wang and a. z. wei. 2015. genetic diversity and relationships of wild and cultivated zanthoxylum germplasms based on sequence-related amplified polymorphism (srap) markers. genetic resources and crop evolution 1–12. doi:10.1007/s10722-015-0222 -x. fuller, d. q., and j. s. chris. 2019. between domestication and civilization: the role of agriculture and arboriculture in the emergence of the first urban societies. vegetation history and archaeobotany 28(3):263–282. doi:10.1007/s00334019-00727-4. gates, j. 2021. a grammar of mazur stau: phd dissertation, ehess. gates, j, s. honkasalo and y.cf. lai. 2022. from transitive to intransitive and voiceless to voiced in proto-sino-tibetan: new evidence from stau, geshiza, and khroskyabs. language and linguistics 23 (2):208–236. jacques and d’alpoim guedes. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(1):10–23 22 research communications gong, x. and n. w. hill. 2020. materials for an etymological dictionary of burmish. https:// zenodo.org/record/4311182# .yz-ghdrjlry. d’alpoim guedes, j., and a. hein. 2018. landscapes of prehistoric northwestern sichuan: from early agriculture to pastoralist lifestyles. journal of field a r c h a e o l o g y 4 3 ( 2 ) : 1 2 1 – 1 3 5 . doi:10.1080/00934690.2018.1423830. honkasalo, s. 2019. a grammar of the geshiza language, a culturally anchored description: phd dissertation, university of helsinki. hu, l.cs., z.cp. xu, r. fan, g.cy. wang, f.cq. wang, x.cw. qin, l. yan, x.cz. ji, m.ch. meng, s.cl. sim, w. chen, c.cy. hao, q.ch. wang, h.cg. zhu, s. zhu, p. xu, h. zhao, k. lindsey, h. daniell, j. f. wendel and s. x. jin. 2023. the complex genome and adaptive evolution of polyploid chinese pepper (zanthoxylum armatum and zanthoxylum bungeanum). plant biotechnology journal 21 (1):78–96. doi:10.1111/pbi.13926. hu, y., l. tian, j. w. shi, j. y. tian, l. l. zhao, s. j. feng, and a.-z. wei. 2018. genetic structure of cultivated zanthoxylum species investigated with ssr markers. tree genetics & genomes 14(6): 89. doi:10.1007/s11295-018-1300-y. huang, b. f. 1992. zàngmiǎn yǔzú yǔyán cíhuì 藏缅语 族语言词汇. beijing: zhōngyāng mínzú xuéyuàn chūbǎnshè 中央民族学院出版社. hyslop, g., k. lhendrup, k. tshering and p. chhophyel. 2022. kurtöp/english/dzongkha dictionary. jacques, g. 2021. a grammar of japhug. berlin: language science press. https://langsci-press.org/ catalog/book/295. jia, x. 贾鑫, y. g. sun 孙永刚, j. g. yang 杨金刚, and z. j. zhao 赵志军. 2017. xīliáohé shàngyóu dìqū xiàjiādiàn wénhuà shíqī fúx uǎn jiéguǒ yǔ fēnxī 西辽河上游地区夏家店文化时期浮选结果 与分析 [the analysis of flotation results of plant remains from the upper west liao river region during lower xiajiadian culture]. nóngyè kǎogǔ 农 业考古 6:33–39. jiang, m. 姜铭, x. yan闫雪, and z. j. zhao 赵志军. 2015. jīnshā yízhǐ jìsìqū zhíwù dàyícún fúxuǎn jiéguǒ jí fēnxī 金沙遗址祭祀区植物大 遗存浮选 结果及分析 [flotation results and analysis of plant remains in the sacrifice area of jinsha site]. in chéngdū kǎogǔ fāxiàn 成都考古发现, 295–313. kēxué chūbǎnshè 科学出版社. kurabe, k. 2016. phonology of burmese loanwords in jinghpaw. kyoto university linguistic research) 35:91 –128. lai, y. f. 2017. grammaire du khroskyabs de wobzi. paris: phd dissertation, université paris iii. lai, y. f. 2021. the complexity and history of verbstem ablauting patterns in siyuewu khroskyabs. folia linguistica 55(1):75–126. lai, y. f., xun, g., j. gates and g. jacques. 2020. tangut as a west gyalrongic language. folia linguistica historica 41(1):171–203. lapolla, r., and david s. 2015. rawang-english-burmese dictionary. nanyang technological university. li, d. q. 李大勤. 2002. gémànyǔ yánjiū 格曼语研究 [a study on the geman language]. mínzú chūbǎnshè 民族出版社. lieberherr, i. 2017. a ggrammar of bulu puroik: phd dissertation, universität bern. lin, y. j. 2016. jiāróngyǔ zhuókèjīhuà yǔfǎ biāozhù wénběn 嘉戎语卓 克基话语法标注文本 [cogtse rgyalrong texts: fully analyzed spontaneous narratives with an updated sketch grammar of the language]. beijing: shehui kexue chubanshe. liu, l., j. chen, j. j. wang, y. n. zhao, and x. c. chen. 2022. archaeological evidence for initial migration of neolithic proto sino tibetan speakers from yellow river valley to tibetan plateau. proceedings of the national academy of science 119(51). doi:10.1073/pnas. 2212006119. michaud, a. 2018. na (mosuo)-english-chinese dictionary. paris: projet himalco. miáoyáoyǔ yánjiū shìbiān, 中国民族学院苗瑶语研 究室编. 1987. miáoyáoyǔ fāngyán cíhuì jí 苗瑶语方言 词汇集. beijing: zhōngguó mínzú xuéyuàn chūbǎnshè 中国民族学院出版社. sagart, l., g. jacques, y.-f. lai, r. j. ryder, v. thouzeau, s. j. greenhill, and j. m. list. 2019. dated language phylogenies shed light on the ancestry of sino-tibetan. proceedings of the national academy of sciences 116(21):10317–10322. doi:10.1073/pnas.1817972116 jacques and d’alpoim guedes. 2023. ethnobiology letters 14(1):10–23 23 research communications sheng, p., h. zhou, j. liu and h. jiang. 2020. some like it hot: sichuan pepper (zanthoxylum bungeanum) and other spices from a late bronze age kingdom (chu state) in hubei, china. archaeological and anthropological sciences 12(249). doi:10.1007/ s12520-020-01201-3. sun, g. p. 孙国平, s. w. mei 梅术文 , x.-j. lu 陆雪 姣 , y. l. wang 王永磊 , y. f. zheng 郑云飞, and w. j. huang 黄渭金 . 2021. zhèjiāng yúyáo shì jǐngtóushān xīnshíqì shídài yízhǐ 浙江余姚市井头 山新 石器时代遗址 [the neolithic site of jingtoushan in yuyao city of zhejiang province]. kǎogǔ 考古 (7):3–26. turner, r. l. 1966. a comparative dictionary of indoaryan languages. london: oxford university press. yao, z. y. 姚智远 and c.-f. xu 徐婵菲. 2008. xiān qín liǎng hàn huājiāo de yòngtú jí wénhuà yìyì 先 秦两汉花椒的用途及文化意义 [the usage of sichuan pepper (zanthoxylum bungeanum) and its cultural significance during the pre-qin and han dynasties]. nóngyè kǎogǔ 农业考. yáng, w. c. 杨文成, t.-c. dài 代堂才, f. y. dài 代 福尧 , j. chén 陈剑 , x z. chén 陈学志, y.-g. fàn 范永刚, and x. yáng 杨昕. 2006. sìchuān mǎěrkāng xiàn hāxiū yízhǐ 2003-2005 nián diàochá jiǎngào 四川马尔康县哈休遗址2003-2005年调查 简报. chéngdū kǎogǔ fāxiàn 成都考古发现 1–14. hénánshěng wénwù kǎogǔ yánjiūsuǒ, 河南省文物考 古研究所 (ed.). 1986. xìnyáng chǔ mù 信阳楚墓 [the chu tombs at xinyang]. wénwù chūbǎnshè 文物 出版社. húběishěng wénwù kǎogǔ yánjiūsuǒ, 湖北省文物考 古研究所 (ed.). 1996. jiānglíng wàngshān shāzhǒng chǔ mù 江陵望山沙塚楚墓 [the chu tomb at wangshan and shazhong, jiangling]. beijing: wénwù chūbǎnshè 文物出 版社. zhang, d. x. and t. g. hartley. 2008. zanthoxylum linnaeus. in zhengyi wu and peter hamilton raven (eds.), flora of china vol. 11:52–53. beijing: science press. zhang, s. y. 2020. le dialecte de brag-bar du rgyalrong situ et sa contribution à la typologie de l’expression des relations spatiales: le mouvement associé et l’orientation. paris: phd dissertation, inalco. zhōngguó shèhuì kēxuéyuàn kǎogǔ yánjiūsuǒ bèngbùshì bówùguǎn, 中国 社会科学院考古研究 所、蚌埠市博物馆 (ed.). 2014. bèngbùshì yǔhuìcūn 蚌埠市禹会村 [the yuhui site in bengbu]. kēxué chūbǎnshè 科学出版社. learning about extraordinary beings: native stories and real birds pierotti. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):44-51 44 research communications arguments about deterioration of information (marshall 1995). kelly (2017:10) argues that “outsiders,” i.e., anthropologists, or even ethnologists, are not properly initiated, and “will not be taught the songs nor told the stories that encode the critical information.” “the reason these stories appear simplistic (and overly anthropomorphic) is that they are usually the versions told to children,” and, “as the children are initiated into higher and higher levels of the society, they are taught more details (that build upon) these first stories,” which allows them to function as structures on which to base future learning. according to kelly (2017:11), “taking public indigenous stories as indicative of the depth of knowledge is equivalent to judging western (science) solely (on the basis of) texts found in the children’s section of bookshops.” the same is true of many popular versions of stories told by indigenous peoples around the world including barry lopez’s crow and weasel (1990), or the beautifully illustrated stories by paul goble. these works tell very simplified versions of long, complex, and sometimes brutal and sexually themed stories, one complex issue when working in ethnobiology is determining the empirical bases that underpin oral traditions (basso 1996; kelly 2017; vansina 1985). euro-americans often assume that oral traditions are prone to change with repeated telling to such a degree that any information they contain becomes corrupted; euro-americans could be characterized as treating oral traditions as if they are equivalent to the game of telephone (marshall 1995). a recent study of australian aboriginal oral traditions, however, argues that these are very powerful when employed according to traditional cultural norms (kelly 2017). orality is about “making knowledge memorable,” and uses “stories, songs, and dances to retain vast stores of factual information” (ong 2002). this allows the coding of knowledge about plants, animals, resource use and land management, and geology. “indigenous cultures memorized everything on which their survival—physically and culturally—depended” (kelly 2017:xii). when survival depends upon accurate retention of knowledge, strong selection ensures that mistakes are not made during transmission, which counters learning about extraordinary beings: native stories and real birds raymond pierotti 1* 1 department of ecology and evolutionary biology, university of kansas, lawrence, usa. * pierotti@ku.edu abstract oral traditions of indigenous american peoples (as well as those of other indigenous peoples) have long been discussed with regard to their reliability as metaphorical accounts based upon historical knowledge. i explore this debate using stories to discuss the importance of the role of corvidae in indigenous knowledge traditions and how these stories convey information about important socioecological relationships. contemporary science reveals that corvids important in cultural traditions were companions to humans and important components of the ecology of the places where these peoples lived. ravens, crows, jays, and magpies are identified as having special roles as cooperators, agents of change, trickster figures, and important teachers. canada (or gray) jays serve as trickster/creator of the woodland cree people, wisakyjak. magpies won the great race around the black hills to determine whether humans would eat bison or vice versa. i analyze these stories in terms of their ecological meaning, in an effort to illustrate how the stories employ dramatic settings to encourage respect and fix relationships in the sociocultural memory of the people. received august 20, 2019 open access accepted april 24, 2020 doi 10.14237/ebl.11.2.2020.1640 published december 4, 2020 keywords oral tradition, traditional knowledge, corvids, ravens, magpies, jays, trickster, creator copyright © 2020 by the author(s) licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. pierotti. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):44-51 45 research communications which also contain substantial information concerning ecological themes. there are more complete published versions of such stories (e.g., bright 1993; mourning dove 1990), however, even these stories have often been censored before publication, especially with regard to sexual content. although her work is often identified as authentic, mourning dove was one of the most heavily edited native american authors. her works were changed considerably by her editor, l. v. mcwhorter: “…at times scholars will not know if they are reading mcwhorter or mourning dove…unless they are very familiar with the primary documents” (brown 1993:70). mcwhorter enlisted hester dean guie to help with the shaping of mourning dove’s traditional stories, which they envisioned as a series of children’s bedtime stories. as a result, all mentions of sex and violence were eliminated, and most of the “legends” were simplified and shortened. mcwhorter was an active editor, removing moral points, “superstitions,” and creation stories. mourning dove’s classic book coyote stories (1933) included editing credits to guie and mcwhorter. numerous stories as published in this work were unrecognizable to the colville-okanagan elders who originally told them (nisbet and nisbet 2010). in this paper i argue that stories told as part of these traditions convey important information concerning socioecological relationships between humans and nonhumans (pierotti 2011). in previous work i have concentrated on stories and traditions dealing with large, carnivorous mammals such as wolves and bears (pierotti 2011; pierotti and fogg 2017). here, i concentrate on stories concerning cooperative relationships between humans and birds of the family corvidae. methodology and study group i follow the methodology on interpreting traditional indigenous stories that we employed in assessing stories of indigenous americans and australians in our book the first domestication (pierotti and fogg 2017:8–11), which relies upon methods developed by gould (2003) and anderson (1996:103–104). my goal is not to argue that the stories i include refer to actual historical events. when i refer to historical veracity, the point i am trying to make is that the antiquity of these stories reveals the attitudes that indigenous peoples had towards other species hundreds or even thousands of years ago. western science has only recently acknowledged the extraordinary capabilities of some nonhumans that indigenous knowledge has long taken for granted. when i make reference to megafauna, the purpose is to establish that the peoples had interactions with species that have been extinct for thousands of years, which clearly establishes the antiquity of the story. other stories i recount may only go back several hundred or a few thousand years, but they clearly predate the knowledge and understanding of the western scientific tradition, and the existence of “nations” of any kind on any continent. one of the less appreciated components of oral traditions among native americans is the role of avian contemporaries. among birds, one group stood out for the way they were recognized as important components of many cultural traditions: the family corvidae, which in north america includes ravens and crows (genus corvus: 2–3 species of raven; 4 species of crow), magpies (pica: 2 species), jays (5 genera; 10 species), and the nutcracker (nucifraga columbiana). these species have been characterized by scientists who study them as avian primates (r. balda, personal communication) because of all birds, corvidae seem to show the most complex social behavior and highest intelligence (heinrich 1999; savage 1995), a position held by higher primates among mammals. corvids and some parrots are capable of cognitive feats comparable to those of great apes, and corvid brains contain very large numbers of neurons, at densities considerably exceeding those found in mammals (olkowicz et al. 2016). the corvidae indigenous americans were fully aware of the unusual nature of this group of birds, and granted at least two species (common raven, corvus corax and gray jay, perisoreus canadensis) status as cultural heroes, creators, or tricksters, an honor attributed among mammals only to wolves and bears, the most significant carnivores with which these peoples co-existed (pierotti 2011). raven (corvus corax) ravens are one of the most intelligent and interactive species, both with humans and wolves. heinrich (1999) describes them as “wolf-birds” because of the close association readily observed between these two species, and argues that “as far as raven was concerned, man, the new predator, was probably just pierotti. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):44-51 46 research communications a surrogate wolf who also usually hunted in packs” (heinrich 1999:243). i suspect that, combined with their high intelligence, this cooperative relationship with both humans and wolves lies at the root of the respect shown to ravens by indigenous peoples as illustrated in the following story. an important creation story concerning ravens comes from the apache, and emphasizes a theme of cooperation during difficult times (cordova 2007:11): a long time ago the people were hungry…in the midst of this despair, ravens began to appear among the people…“these ravens know where to find food” said the people. the people initially hatched a plan to capture and force a raven to tell them how to find food. this plan failed, as the captive refused to speak, and grew weak under restraint, forcing the people to release the raven. when they released him, the raven was joined by his entire family, who led the people to a herd of buffalo. at this point it is recounted that “many other ravens rose to greet the people (saying), welcome.” after gathering enough food, the people decide to return to their homeland. on the return trip, cordova (2007:11–13, emphasis added) said that, …they encountered a large raven…[who] spoke to them: “it is our way to share what we have with others. many times we invited you to come with us and you ignored our invitation. our children played among you… they had come to invite you and wanted only that you should follow them. you would not do that. there will come a time…when our peoples will not speak directly to one another. we will have different languages, different homes, but we will always experience hunger. that is the way of beings on this earth. the next time our children come among you, do not ignore them. they have come to invite you to a feast.” this story reveals how indigenous peoples were forced to learn how to communicate with nonhumans by understanding nonhuman forms of communication, e.g., following birds such as ravens who would lead them to places where food was available. it also refers to a time when direct dialog was considered possible between humans and nonhumans, perhaps because humans regarded themselves as more similar to nonhumans in early times. for some tribes and first nations, raven could be considered a creator figure who showed humans who were entering a new habitat, on a new continent, how to survive. what is most significant, however, is that these stories emphasize the same point made by heinrich (above), concerning how ravens interact with cooperatively-hunting species such as wolves and humans because these species may be less skilled at finding food items, but they are much better at killing. such stories effectively counter arguments made by euro-americans that indigenous peoples using “buffalo jumps” to kill bison ended up “wasting” food when more buffalo were killed than could be eaten or processed by humans alone (e.g., krech 1999:135–155). there was waste only if one fails to consider all the participants in the hunt. wolves, ravens, and magpies had all participated in the hunt, and in the case of the wolves even participated in the killing. as a result, they were entitled to feed as well (fogg et al. 2015; pierotti 2011; pierotti and fogg 2017). “waste” as defined by euro-americans seems to mean that persons other than humans were able to feed. to them, only human use of food or other material counts as proper use. for indigenous peoples this food was shared with cooperating relatives, including non-human species, a concept totally alien to europeans. indigenous peoples regarded their cooperators as fellow beings and as relatives who shared the space where they all lived together (anderson 1996; pierotti 2011). ravens may have been even more important to peoples in the arctic and pacific northwest where they guided humans to caribou and other prey (pierotti and fogg 2017), and were considered to function as both creator and trickster figures (pierotti 2011). this dual role emerged because the peoples considered raven to be important, but also a figure of mischief and even clownish behavior. this reflects the playful nature of this species (heinrich 1999), as much or more as their powerful ecological role. the koyukuk people of southwest alaska regard ravens as spiritually powerful, but they are made uneasy by contemporary ravens’ tendency to “penetrate the human sector of the world” (nelson 1983:30). they feel that ravens should be “out on the land, where they belong” (nelson 1983:31). scavenging around human settlements reduces their power and reveals how without traditional shamans, both people and birds become separated from the raven power. this reflects the impact of contemporary living conditions pierotti. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):44-51 47 research communications upon the oral tradition. in koyuk traditions, as with the apache above, ravens helped to find game when they were hunting by flying overhead and “then toward an animal that is visible from above, calling ggaagga (animal)” (nelson 1983:83). as one koyuk (nelson 1983:83) reported: we were hunting along the river…me and a couple of young boys. a raven flew over us real low, and i told the boys to watch closely where it went, so it might lead us to something. it went across to the far bank and flew right along above the edge. we followed it with the boat and, sure enough, we came onto a bear standing on top of the bank. we shot it right there. black-billed magpie (pica pica) magpie is included among honored relatives because this species is credited with a powerful strategy that succeeded in winning an important victory for the two-leggeds (which include both birds and humans) against the four-leggeds (mammals other than humans), in the history of tribes on the great plains. this involves a story about what is referred to as “the great race,” in which humans and bison competed to determine which species would be the predator and which the prey (goble 1991; grinnell 1926). the two-leggeds and the four-leggeds each chose their champions: a young human male for the two-leggeds and a young bison cow, named slim walking woman for the four-leggeds (goble changes the bison to a male). they raced around the paha sapa (black hills) in a valley the cheyenne call the race track, today known as buffalo gap (grinnell 1926). all two-leggeds and four-leggeds were allowed to participate, so the story recounts how all these species were scrambling around the valley that surrounds paha sapa for several days, providing a wealth of ecological and behavioral information about the various participants. bison was well ahead, but failed to realize that magpie had surreptitiously landed on her /his back (goble version), or had gotten into the lead as others tired and won easily (grinnell’s grittier version). as they neared the finish line magpie swooped off bison’s back and beat her/him to the finish line, ensuring that humans could eat bison for the foreseeable future (goble 1991). as compensation for this helpful act, magpies are immune from human harm, and are always allotted a share of kills made by humans (grinnell 1926). this story is obviously metaphorical; however, it is meant to fix in human minds how dependent humans have been upon magpies over their cultural history. one obvious consequence was that after this victory, humans took to wearing feathers as an expression of solidarity with their fellow two-legged relatives. grinnell’s version includes animals collapsing from exhaustion and bleeding from their lungs, which is said to explain why the ground in the valley is stained red to this day. gray jay (perisoreus canadensis) as a young boy, i was fascinated by gray jays, but never could figure out why their common name in the north was whiskyjack. while living in canada, i sought out stories from canadian first nations and learned that canadian cree have a trickster/hero known as wisakyjak (also wisakedjak) (ballantyne 1991). to the cree peoples, wisakedjak is a shapeshifter who frequently appears as the gray jay, a benevolent trickster, teacher, and messenger of the forest. to many northern first nations, the appearance of a gray jay in the morning is a good omen; its chattering and whistles serve as early warnings to hunters of the presence of nearby predators. gwich’in guides in the yukon tell of gray jays singing while flying from tree to tree to lead a lost and starving hunter home. anishinaabe scholar niigaan sinclair (2016) writes about this species, which goes by many names. to the cree, she is wisikejack; to the french, she is mésangeai du canada. to the english, she is gray jay. sinclair (2016) states that “to my people…she is gwiingwiishi” (figure 1): gwiingwiishi lived with us since the beginning. she is a life giver, a trick player and one of the smartest beings in creation. everything she does challenges thought and perception, gifting teachings of responsibility, relationships and life. many say she is a foodstealer, but she is brave in her fearlessness, bright in her mistakes. she is kind to those who are kind back, harder on those who need a dose of humility. she is the best parts of all parts. unlike many birds, she stays among our lodges all year, watching, playing and calling for our attention constantly. she is fierce in her protection of her family and community, travelling only with her relatives and taking care of her young... gwiingwiishi is a great, pierotti. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):44-51 48 research communications wise teacher…there is an old story telling of her abilities to give gifts. one day long ago, our great trickstertransformer nanabozho changed himself into gwiingwiishi and sat in a tree above two blind brothers as they began to share a meal. as the first man reached for a piece of meat, gwiingwiishi flew down and stole it. startled, the man asked his brother if he had taken his meat. the brother replied no, reaching for a piece himself. as he was about to place the food in his mouth, gwiingwiishi flew down and stole it, too, then returned to the tree to watch. the brothers accused one another of stealing, arguing with fear that one was trying to hurt the other. just before they came to blows, gwiingwiishi let out a huge laugh. suddenly, the two men realized that nanabozho was playing a trick, teaching them to not let petty things come between them. nanabozho transformed back into a human but left a spirit of play and gift giving within gwiingwiishi, something she still shares today (sinclair 2016). according to the cree peoples, wisakyjak was clearly familiar with megafauna. in one story he/she avenges the death of his/her brother wolf at the paws of a giant lynx (almost certainly a reference to sabretooths, smilodon spp.). in a connected earthdiver story, he/she kills the last giant beaver, casteroides spp., which threatens the raft on which he and other refugees from a flood (probably referring to the formation of lake agassiz at the end of the last ice age; fisher et al. 2002) are riding. this allows wisakyjak to employ diving mammals to go the bottom of the lake to retrieve soil that could be used to rebuild land for terrestrial organisms to re-inhabit. what should be obvious at this point is that wisakyjak represents more to indigenous peoples of the northern woodlands than just p. canadensis, although this corvid species has become the figure 1 the gray jay—or whiskey jack or canada jay—features prominently in the traditional stories and art of indigenous peoples such as the anishinaabe, to whom it is gwiingwiishi. (sources: artwork, mark nadjiwan; photo, steve phillips/can geo photo club). pierotti. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):44-51 49 research communications contemporary image of this trickster-transformer figure. brightman (1993) describes wisahkichak (there are dozens of alternate spellings) as being able to transform into a fly, a goose, and a moose. sinclair (2016), quoted above, states that the anishinaabeg trickster-transformer nanabozho can transform into the gray jay, gwiingwiishi, when the trick requires the behavioral attributes of this species. this suggests that perisoreus can be considered to be, at the very least, a significant aspect of the wisahkichak identity (figure 2; see also video [treaty6 productions 2018]). the attributes sinclair ascribes are to the bird itself, not the humanoid figure discussed by brightman (1993). nor are these the attributes shown in illustrations by ballantyne (1991). there is conflation of human and nonhuman characters in these stories, with the nonhumans behaving both as their “modern counterparts” and as shapeshifters. brightman (1993:39) states, “cree say that stories with exclusively animal characters describe events that occurred earlier than those in stories of the trickster and other humanoid heroes.” this seems a bit oversimplified, however, because tricksters often interact with animal characters in events supposed to represent very early times, such as the earthdiver story recounted in ballantyne (1991), which is a creation story. brightman’s interpretation seems more in line with the temporally oriented thought patterns of euro-americans, rather than the time-free spatially oriented stories of indigenous peoples (deloria 1992). as i have discussed elsewhere concerning europeans and tricksters: once europeans arrived in north america as residents, a number of the tribes began to associate them with the concept of trickster, apparently because their motivations seemed unclear and because they tended to consider things as being important that indigenous people thought were marginal or peripheral (ballinger 2004; hyde 1998). they were obviously human but seemed trapped between adulthood and childhood, and quite immature in their attitudes and relationship with truthful speaking. this concept seems to have been intended as a mild reprimand, because trickster stories are often told to show how it is proper to live (or not live), as with the discussion about death and reincarnation. nonetheless, dealing with europeans was deadly serious, even if it had humorous overtones. a more subtle and indigenous definition is provided by ramsey (1999:27–29): the trickster is an imaginary hyperbolic figure of the human…whose episodic career is based on hostility to domesticity, maturity, good citizenship, modesty, and fidelity… given to physical disguises and shapechanging; and who in his clever self seeking may accomplish important mythic transformations of reality, both in terms of creating possibility and of setting human limits. from a structural standpoint, tricksters are important mediative figures. ramsey’s use of the term mediative implies a dynamic interposing of the mind between polar opposites, allowing it to hold on to both; this does not mean “compromise or reconciliation,” but a continuing process of the mind, rather than a transitional step towards a conclusion (pierotti and fogg 2017:182). figure 2 illustration of story told in ballantyne (1991) with gray jay replacing humanoid figure of wisakedjak. groove soldier productions, edmonton, alberta, canada. pierotti. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):44-51 50 research communications conclusion the oral tradition is a crucial component of both cultural and physical survival among indigenous peoples around the world. in north america, such traditions make frequent use of birds to exemplify important themes. in the cases i employ, all of the birds are important to the peoples culturally, and are also extraordinary species who teach humans about the value of cooperation between and among species. in addition, all of these stories involve dramatic circumstances, i.e., avoiding starvation and establishing long term ecological relationships. the drama may seem unrealistic, but the relationships and resolutions are not. corvids are recognized by western science for their intelligence and complex behavioral repertoires (heinrich 1999; savage 1995). it is important to recognize that native peoples were very consistent in identifying species with complex social behavior and ecological significance as major figures within their oral traditions. the values these stories teach are not simple lessons, as in aesop’s fables, but they demonstrate connection, respect, and how to live properly in a world filled with nonhuman beings. these stories function in a metaphorical fashion, in that the dramatic settings represent a way of both serving as mnemonic devices, while encouraging their recipients to be respectful and to consider the bird species featured as important individuals with great skills. marshall (1995:8) states: the first peoples…understood that they had a power to understand…likewise they knew that other species (also) had abilities that (made them unique compared to other life forms)…in other words, the first peoples did not see their ability to reason or understand as anything that made them superior; instead it was simply their key to survival. they used this understanding of the skills of nonhumans to craft the stories that made up their oral traditions, as a way to code knowledge and stimulate memory in ways that aided in their survival (kelly 2017). acknowledgments i thank nicole sault for extensive discussion of this topic and guidance. i also thank violet cordova (apache) and niigaan sinclair (anishinaabe) for providing wonderful accounts of important stories. finally, i thank mark nadjiwan (anishinaabe), stephen phillips, and groove soldier productions, edmonton, alberta for granting permission to use their wonderful images as illustrations. declarations permissions: none declared. sources of funding: none declared. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited anderson, e. n. 1996. ecologies of the heart: emotion, belief, and the environment. oxford university press, new york. ballantyne, a. 1991. wisakyjak and the new world. p.g. downes, trans. penumbra press, waterloo, canada. ballinger, f. 2004. living sideways: tricksters in american indian oral traditions. university of oklahoma press, norman, ok. basso, k. 1996. wisdom sits in places. university of new mexico press, albuquerque, nm. bright, w. 1993. a coyote reader. university of california press, berkeley, ca. brightman, r. 1993. grateful prey: rock cree humananimal relationships. university of california press, berkeley, ca. brown, a. k. 1993. looking through the glass darkly: the editorialized mourning dove. in new voices in native american literary criticism, edited by arnold krupat, pp. 274–290. smithsonian institution press, washington, d.c. cordova, v. f. 2007. how it is: the native american philosophy of v.f. cordova, edited by k. d. moore, k. peters, t. jojola, and a. lacy. university of arizona press, tucson, az. deloria, v. jr. 1992. the spatial problem of history. in god is red, edited by v. deloria jr., pp. 114–134. north american press, golden, co. fisher, t. g., d. g. smith, and j. t. andrews. 2002. preboreal oscillation caused by a glacial lake agassiz flood. quaternary science reviews. 21:873–78. doi:10.1016/s0277-3791(01)00148-2. fogg, b. r., n. hernandez, and r. pierotti. 2015. relationships between indigenous american peoples and wolves 1: wolves as teachers and guides. journal of ethnobiology 35:262–285. pierotti. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):44-51 51 research communications goble, p. 1991. the great race. aladdin, division of simon and schuster, new york. gould, s. j. 2003. the hedgehog, the fox, and the magister's pox. harmony books, new york. grinnell, g. b. 1926. by cheyenne campfires. yale university press, new haven, ct. heinrich, b. 1999. the mind of the raven: investigations and adventures with wolf-birds. harper collins, new york. hyde, l. 1998. trickster makes the world: mischief, myth, and art. north point press, new york. kelly, l. 2017. the memory code: the secrets of stonehenge, easter island, and other ancient monuments. pegasus books, new york. krech, s., iii. 1999. the ecological indian: myth and history. w.w. norton and co., new york. lopez, b. 1990. crow and weasel. north point press, san francisco, ca. marshall, j. iii. 1995. voices in the wind. in on behalf of the wolf and the first peoples, pp. 133–152. red crane books, santa fe, nm. mourning dove. 1990. coyote stories. bison books, university of nebraska press, lincoln, ne. nelson, r. 1983. make prayers to the raven. university of chicago press, chicago, il. nisbet, j., and c. nisbet. 2010. mourning dove (christine quintasket). [web page]. available at: h t t p : / / w w w . h i s t o r y l i n k . o r g / i n d e x . c f m ? displaypage=output.cfm&file_id=9512. accessed on august 14, 2019. olkowicz, s., m. kocourek, r. k. lučan, m. porteš, w. t. fitch, s. herculano-houzel, and p. němec. 2016. birds have primate-like numbers of neurons in the forebrain. pnas 113:7255–7260. doi:10.1073/pnas.1517131113. ong, w. j. 2002. orality and literacy: the technologizing of the word, 2nd edition. routledge, new york. pierotti, r. 2011. indigenous knowledge, ecology and evolutionary biology. routledge, new york. pierotti, r., and b. fogg. 2017. the first domestication: how wolves and humans co-evolved. yale university press, new haven, ct. ramsey, j. 1977. coyote was going there: indian literature of the oregon country. university of washington press, seattle, wa. savage, c. 1995. bird brains: the intelligence of crows, ravens, magpies, and jays. sierra club books, san francisco, ca. sinclair, n. 2016. anishinaabe stories about the mischievous, wise gray jay. canadian geographic. [ w e b p a g e ] . a v a i l a b l e a t : h t t p s : / / www.canadiangeographic.ca/article/anishinaabestories-about-mischievous-wise-gray-jay. accessed on august 14, 2019. treaty6 productions. 2018. wisakedjak and the first mother storyhive pitch [video]. november 30, 2018. available at: https://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=idnr8l3xv0q. accessed on april 24, 2020. vansina, j. 1985. oral tradition as history. university of wisconsin press, madison, wi. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/the_hedgehog,_the_fox,_and_the_magister%27s_pox http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/the_hedgehog,_the_fox,_and_the_magister%27s_pox aspects of honeybee natural history according to the solega 78 research communication my hills of karnataka state in southern india, which are home to the solega, a dravidian-languagespeaking tribal community. it is estimated that there are around 24,000 people who identify themselves as ‘soliga’ or ‘sholaga’ (lewis et al. 2013). the solega people who participated in the current study all lived in villages inhabited by no other ethnic group. the solega readily exploit various honeybee species from march to july every year, when honeybees from the lowlands migrate into highland forest areas to take advantage of the seasonal flowering of large rainforest trees. it is also during this time that the solega start to be keenly aware of the presence of bees in their environment, frequently looking up at trees for hives, and exchanging information on the movements of bee colonies in the neighboring forest. types of honeybee the solega recognize and name four types of je:nu ‘bees’, namely hejje:nu (‘giant honeybee’ apis dorsata fabricius hymenoptera: apidae), t(h)uḍuve je:nu (‘asiatic honeybee’ apis cerana fabricius hymenoptera: apidae), kaḍḍi je:nu (‘dwarf honeybee’ apis florea fabricius hymenoptera: apidae) and nesari je:nu (‘stingless bee’ trigona iridipennis smith hymenoptera: apidae) (figure 1). further, two kinds of asiatic introduction in a great many cultures around the world, honeybees and their products play important roles in several aspects of daily life, including food, religion, construction and medicine. much has been written about indigenous peoples’ traditional knowledge of this important group of insects, with studies focusing on issues such as identification and taxonomy (posey 1983; wyman and bailey 1964), methods of obtaining, and the uses of, various honeybee products (nonaka 1996; posey 1978; santos and antonini 2008), and the representation of these insects in folklore and cosmology (posey 2002). while the above publications frequently make reference to indigenous peoples’ knowledge of the natural history of various honeybee species, as far as i can tell, there have been few in-depth studies of such knowledge, especially with regard to honeybee life cycles, reproduction and behavior. in this paper, i present some results of a language documentation project carried out with the solega people of southern india. i focus more on consultants’ knowledge of the fundamentals of honeybee natural history, than on producing an ethnographic account of honeygathering practices. honeybees are plentiful in the biligiri rangaswaaspects of honeybee natural history according to the solega aung si author address: university of melbourne, school of languages and linguistics, babel building, parkville, vic 3010, australia. aung.si@unimelb.edu.au received: april 2, 2013 volume: 4:78-86 published: july 30, 2013 © 2013 society of ethnobiology abstract: honeybees and their products are highly prized by many cultures around the world, and as a result, indigenous communities have come to possess rich and detailed knowledge of the biology of these important insects. in this paper, i present an in-depth investigation into some aspects of honeybee natural history, as related to me by the solega people of southern india. the solega recognize, name, and exploit four honeybee species, and are well aware of the geographical and temporal distributions of each one. in spite of not being beekeepers – as they only forage for wild honey – their knowledge of obscure and complex phenomena such as honeybee gender and reproduction, rivals that of comparable, non industrial beekeeping societies. swarming, another hard-to-understand honeybee behavior, is also accurately explained by solega consultants. i contrast this knowledge to that of european bee keeping cultures, as evidenced by the writings of aristotle an d 18th century european beekeepers. this paper shows that the solega have a reliable and internally consistent body of honeybee knowledge based entirely on brief encounters with these wild, migratory insects that are present in the forest for only part of the year. key words: honeybee, solega, soliga, reproduction, swarming, aristotle file:///c:/users/asb0123/appdata/local/temp/ebl_bee_paper_25-06-2013.docx#_enref_6#_enref_6 file:///c:/users/asb0123/appdata/local/temp/ebl_bee_paper_25-06-2013.docx#_enref_11#_enref_11 file:///c:/users/asb0123/appdata/local/temp/ebl_bee_paper_25-06-2013.docx#_enref_11#_enref_11 file:///c:/users/asb0123/appdata/local/temp/ebl_bee_paper_25-06-2013.docx#_enref_14#_enref_14 file:///c:/users/asb0123/appdata/local/temp/ebl_bee_paper_25-06-2013.docx#_enref_8#_enref_8 file:///c:/users/asb0123/appdata/local/temp/ebl_bee_paper_25-06-2013.docx#_enref_10#_enref_10 file:///c:/users/asb0123/appdata/local/temp/ebl_bee_paper_25-06-2013.docx#_enref_13#_enref_13 file:///c:/users/asb0123/appdata/local/temp/ebl_bee_paper_25-06-2013.docx#_enref_13#_enref_13 file:///c:/users/asb0123/appdata/local/temp/ebl_bee_paper_25-06-2013.docx#_enref_12#_enref_12 https://co1prd0112.outlook.com/owa/redir.aspx?c=6mtmcr4awe6-xa3m8cdnztguim45tdaia-do7_bt7rb_fy2rv8suy4gynreokpvtheh6sml1qa4.&url=mailto%3aaung.si%40unimelb.edu.au 79 research communication honeybee are recognized by the solega: kencu thuḍuve (the ‘red’ variety) and kari thuḍuve (the ‘black’ variety). the implications of the ethnotaxonomy of honeybees are beyond the scope of the current paper, and will be addressed in a forthcoming publication. while there have been no taxonomic surveys of the insect life of the region, it is probably correct to say that there are no other species of social, honey producing bee in the solega’s forests. there are, however, a number of wasps (social and solitary) and bees (solitary) that the solega do not label as je:nu. the term je:nu, as applied to the insect (the word can also mean ‘honey’ or ‘hive’), therefore differs markedly from the western biological concept ‘bee,’ being used by the solega to refer to only those bee species from which honey is harvested. the following information has been collated from around 15 interviews or informal conversations with a total of six male solega consultants from five different villages. the ages of the solega men ranged from 33 to >70. information was collected over the course of four field trips, between 2008 and 2012, either during planned elicitation sessions at the speaker’s village or at the author’s field station, or opportunistically during forest walks on which bees were encountered. on two occasions, consultants stopped to harvest honey from hives of a. cerana and a. florea. the author spoke a mixture of kannada and solega during these sessions, and the solega men were asked to reply only in solega. hejje:nu the name hejje:nu, (in particular, the presence of the prefix he‘largest’) acknowledges the fact that this is the largest type of honeybee known to the solega (the giant honeybee or a. dorsata). colonies of the giant honeybee are common in high-altitude rain forests (male ka:ḍu or ka:nu ka:ḍu), although they may also be found in drier, lowland forest types (na:ḍu ka:ḍu). in evergreen forests, giant honeybees prefer to live on very tall trees, showing a marked preference for the soravilu (acrocarpus fraxinifolius wight & arnott fabaceae) and ba:ge/sele ba:ge (albizia odoratissima bentham fabaceae, albizia lebbek bentham fabaceae) trees. indeed, individual trees of these species may be well known across a range of solega settlements as je:nu mara or ‘bee/honey trees’, due to the fact that they are home to a large number of giant honeybee colonies year after year. for instance, the do:vu ma:vu ba:ge is a single large a. odoratissima found near ko:li ba:vi hill, which attracts up to 50 giant honeybee colonies around the same time every year. several other ‘bee trees’ are known to the solega, and these, along with other locations where bees often nest, are remembered as mental maps of honey harvesting sites. in the following passage, a single consultant (mrm) is asked to recall the important honey harvesting sites known to him, and the directions for getting to these places. if you keep going past doḍḍa sampage (tree), there’s a soravilu tree with bees. [there were] four soravilu trees [initially] – one or two have died, and there are still a couple left. if you keep going, you’ll see another soravilu tree at guṇḍu sikkida waterfall. ten or so bee colonies nest there. if you keep going uphill from there, you get to gombegallu village. if you climb uphill from there, you’ll find sikka sampage (tree). above sikka sampage is aravilu hill. a stream flows from there. it meets both the doḍḍa sampage and sikka sampage streams in the middle. if you keep going upstream of sikka sampage, you’ll find an aravilu kende tree. about twenty colonies come to that tree. we harvest from there. it’s a tree that’s right below aravilu hill. it’s growing out of a rock platform. next, you can go uphill from sikka sampage. there you will see a tekke soravilu tree. about twenty figure 1. the four honeybee species named by the solega: (a) a. dorsata, (b) a. cerana, (c) a. florea and (d) t. iridipennis. scale bars are 5mm long. white arrowheads indicate the heads of two individuals. 80 research communication bee colonies come to that tree. we harvest from that tree as well. if you walk a bit to the right from that tree, you get to iṭṭu bu:di – two or three soravilu trees grow there too. bees nest there. we harvest from those trees as well. when you go up to the road from there, to kambaḷi gadde forest, you find the jo:ḍu [twin/ joint] turuve trees. we harvest from the jo:ḍu turuve. jo:ḍu turuve means the road goes in between, there’s a tree on one side, and a tree on another. we call those two trees the jo:ḍu turuve. they’re big trees – they meet in the middle [overhead]. you need to build a bridge to climb from one tree to the other. the above passage not only contains references to individual trees from which honey is harvested, but also convincingly demonstrates the existence of a mental map of significant harvesting sites. solega men eagerly await the annual migration of bees in february/march, and plan harvesting excursions in small groups of neighbors or relatives to ‘bee trees’ growing near their own village. giant honeybees start arriving in locations familiar to the solega in march, at the time when the flowers of the honne (pterocarpus marsupium roxburgh fabaceae) tree are in bloom. following similar reports of honeybee migration from local communities in many parts of tropical asia, scientists have confirmed that colonies of a. dorsata do embark on annual migrations of up to 200 km, and faithfully return to the same tree the following season (dyer and seeley 1994; neumann et al. 2000). apart from this very obvious annual pattern of appearance and disappearance that the giant honeybees exhibit, there is evidence that the solega are aware of this species’ stepwise migration behavior, which has frequently been reported in the scientific literature. in the following excerpt from an interview recorded in the village bu:ta:ni po:ḍu, the speaker contrasts the ‘arrival’ behavior of giant honeybees and asiatic honeybees on the one hand, which appear to make more than one stop before deciding on a final hive location, and the stingless bee, which appears to choose a final hive location straight away: hejje:nu arrives in the time of the honne flower... then hejje:nu goes to many different places, it goes all over the forest, thuduve also goes all over the forest, it’s only nesari that (remains) exactly where it (first) lands. thuḍuve je:nu thuḍuve je:nu (variously known as the indian, asiatic or eastern honey bee, a. cerana) can be found in both evergreen forests, ka:nu ka:ḍu, or in dryer lowland regions, or na:ḍu ka:ḍu. unlike the giant honeybee, with its preference for particular tree species (or even individual trees), some informants stated that the asiatic honeybee is not picky about its nest site: whenever it finds a home, any tree hollow (will do), they’ll be inside, any tree with such hollows is fine...all of them, i can’t name just one. asiatic honeybees will also readily nest in small rock crevices, even close to ground level. however, when asked to be more specific, some informants replied that this bee can often be found on ne:ri, bejja (anogeissus latifolia guillemette & perrotet combretaceae) and karava:di (persea macrantha kostermans lauraceae) trees, and especially on the koṭṭa:na beṇḍe (kydia sp. roxburgh malvaceae). the kencu thuḍuve (the ‘red’ variety) and kari thuḍuve (the ‘black’ variety) may well be subspecies of a. cerana, as they are said to occupy rather different ecological niches. kencu thuḍuve is to be found primarily in the dryer lowland forests, and on bejja, kaggali and ka:rase trees, whereas kari thuḍuve is said to occur in higher-altitude rainforests, or male ka:ḍu, usually on beṇḍe, bejja, soravilu and puḍu ma:vu trees, and in rocks. kaḍḍi je:nu another bee species whose honey is eagerly sought after is kaḍḍi je:nu (the dwarf honeybee, a. florea). this is the smallest of the apis species known to the solega, and can be found in all forest types. the dwarf honeybee is said to appear around the time that the maruḷi plant (indigofera sp. linnaeus fabaceae) is in flower. when the iṇḍã trees are in bloom, however, the dwarf honeybee appears in the lowland forests, and in particular in the region where hill slopes meet flat land (orrega:ḍu). certain conditions need to be fulfilled, however, for this bee to nest in a particular location: according to the solega, a place needs to be open, i.e. not densely wooded (bailu), and cool (shi:ta), for dwarf honeybees to take up residence there. in locales where such conditions exist, this bee will be found on bushes, on clumps of mistletoe (uppilu) growing on bejja trees, and even on bamboo canes. the name kaḍḍi je:nu recalls the fact that this species’ comb completely encloses part of the small file:///c:/users/asb0123/appdata/local/temp/ebl_bee_paper_25-06-2013.docx#_enref_4#_enref_4 file:///c:/users/asb0123/appdata/local/temp/ebl_bee_paper_25-06-2013.docx#_enref_4#_enref_4 file:///c:/users/asb0123/appdata/local/temp/ebl_bee_paper_25-06-2013.docx#_enref_7#_enref_7 81 research communication twig, or kaḍḍi, to which it is attached. nesari je:nu one species of stingless bee is known to the solega. nesari je:nu (t. iridipennis) is a tiny black bee, which is frequently found in tree hollows. there was some disagreement regarding its preferred habitat, with some solega claiming that it occurred in all forest types, and others stating that it was more common in the dryer, lowland forests, especially at the hill slopeflat land interface, and in less densely wooded areas. stingless bees can be found on bejja and ka:rasa trees in dry, open country (begga:ḍu), as well as on asuvara (commiphora caudata engler burseraceae). it is possible to find several (5-10) colonies on a single tree. the nesari honey, to which powerful diseasecombating properties are ascribed, starts to be available from the time that the te:ku (teak; tectona grandis linnaeus lamiaceae) and beṇḍe trees are in flower (usually november-december): you need to eat five a:la of pure honey, if you eat that, all...the diseases that afflict a person go away. the nests of this stingless bee are difficult to observe directly, because of their small size, and their location within tree hollows and rock cavities. however, the solega maintain that the brood area is separate from the honey and pollen storage areas. aspects of bee life history the most impressive aspect of the honeybee traditional ecological knowledge (tek) of the solega is the detailed and in-depth awareness of the life cycle of honeybees, including, in particular, astonishingly accurate elements of honeybee reproductive biology. it is not an easy task for a lay observer to determine a honeybee’s gender, while the sexual habits of the reproductive members of a honeybee colony are also extremely hard to observe. in the european honeybee a. mellifera at least, mating occurs once in a queen’s lifetime, when she leaves the hive for a ‘nuptial flight.’ during this time, she is eagerly sought out by drones that detect her pheromones, chase her, and mate with her while in flight; the queen may mate with several drones, and stores their sperm within her body for life. knowledge of bee genders in europe – which has a long history of beekeeping – did not emerge until the late 17th century, when dutch biologist jan swammerdam decided to look at the internal organs of the so-called ‘king’ bee under the newly-invented microscope, and discovered that ‘he’ had ovaries. until then, it had been widely accepted that only a male could be the leader of a hive, and the honeybee colony was often used in political and sociological writings of the time as an allegory of kingly power, wise and benevolent rule, loyalty, industry and a unity of purpose (campbell 2006). it is against this backdrop of the western intellectual tradition that i wish to showcase the honeybee knowledge of the solega. honeybee gender and reproduction individual worker honeybees are called kunni in solega, which is also the word for ‘girl,’ while the ‘leader’ of the hive is called ra:ṇi, or ‘queen.’ this is consistent with the fact that at any given time, most, if not all, the insects in a honeybee colony, including the queen, are biologically female. already, it is clear that certain basic facts that eluded the beekeeping societies of europe are known to the honey-gathering solega, even in the absence of technological developments such as microscopes and observation hives – these are hives with a clear glass (or recently, perspex) wall that allows observation of the interior of the colony. as has been made clear previously, the solega are not beekeepers, and are instead totally dependent on the seasonal migration of honeybees. their observations, then, are based on the frequent, but brief, chance encounters they have with bees when out foraging, or the longer, but less frequent periods of scrutiny when the honey from bee-trees is systematically harvested. beekeepers, in contrast, have far more opportunities to tend, examine and manipulate several hives, which would be available year-round. a good example of a non-industrial beekeeping society with which to compare solega tek is the writings of aristotle, widely regarded as the ‘father of natural history.’ in his books, generation of animals and history of animals, one finds sections where aristotle presents the honeybee tek of his greek contemporaries (some of whom are beekeepers), and analyzes this information to deduce certain features of honeybee biology. of course, aristotle had the advantage of being able to lead a life of leisure, and of having beekeepers to consult with. still, it seems reasonable to assume that his observations, and those of his contemporaries, were made with little more than the basic human senses, blended with a healthy dose of deductive reasoning. some relevant aspects of contemporary scientific understanding of honeybee reproduction are first file:///c:/users/asb0123/appdata/local/temp/ebl_bee_paper_25-06-2013.docx#_enref_3#_enref_3 82 research communication presented in brief: as mentioned above, the queen and all the workers (her daughters) are female, while only the drones are male. the queen mates with one or more drones on nuptial flights outside the hive, and produces workers from fertilized eggs, and drones from unfertilized eggs (figure 2a). when a queen leaves the hive, or is lost, the hive will descend into anarchy unless new queens, produced by the old one, start to develop. otherwise, the female workers lose their pheromone-induced physiological inhibitions, and start laying unfertilized drone eggs. the worker population crashes due to a lack of new fertilized eggs, and the colony perishes. aristotle takes it as a given that the leader of a hive is a “king” (figure 2b). he is aware of the existence of two other types of individuals – “bees” (workers) and “drones” – among a colony’s members, but on the topic of gender, aristotle has the following to say about certain hypotheses that were being offered by other commentators: nor is it reasonable to hold that “bees” are female and drones male; because nature does not assign defensive weapons to any female creature; yet while drones are without a sting, all “bees” have one. nor is the converse view reasonable, that “bees” are male and drones female, because no male creatures make a habit of taking trouble over their young, whereas in fact “bees” do (aristotle 1953:12). his rejection of the first hypothesis, we now know, figure 2. the three conceptions of honeybee reproduction and behavior described in this paper. file:///c:/users/asb0123/appdata/local/temp/ebl_bee_paper_25-06-2013.docx#_enref_1#_enref_1 83 research communication was far too hasty. his detailed and accurate descriptions of many aspects of honeybee natural history notwithstanding, aristotle failed to gain a complete understanding of honeybee reproduction, possibly due to the fact that it is very difficult to observe a drone copulate with a queen. hence, he writes: the generation of bees is a great puzzle… either (i) each kind generates its own kind, or (ii) one of the three kinds generates the others, or (iii) one kind unites with another kind (aristotle 1953:10). he adds that “bees” (and possibly also the king, but the language dealing with this point is vague) contain within themselves “the male as well as the female, just as plants do,” and that they are able to generate offspring without recourse to copulation. eventually, however, by eliminating various untenable possibilities, and by drawing heavily on key observations of beekeepers, such as the following, …the brood of the drones is produced even when there is no drone present to start with, whereas young “bees” are produced only if the kings are present… aristotle concluded that: …the leaders generate their own kind and another kind as well, (viz. the “bees”); while the “bees” generate another kind (the drones), but not their own kind… necessity requires that the drones shall have been deprived even of generating some other kind. and this is what is found to be the case in actual fact: they are generated themselves, but generate no other creature… the solega possess detailed information on the breeding schedules of at least some of the four named bee species. moreover, there is a clear understanding that the pollen and nectar gathered by the colony are for the purpose of nourishing new brood. this was made clear by explicit statements from consultants that the intensive collection of honey and pollen tended to accompany the rearing of brood. in fact, it would be unusual to find honey in a hive which did not also contain some amount of brood. unlike the ‘scientific’ and aristotelian conceptions of honeybee reproduction, the solega believe that each honeybee caste is able to generate other individuals like itself (figure 2c). there are complications, however, because the ra:ṇi ‘queen bee’ is above all the awwe ‘mother’ of all the bees, and is responsible for, presumably, the first generation of kunni ‘daughter’ (worker bees) in a newly established colony. moreover, the drones can be generated by another mechanism, namely the transformation of kunni into the fatter, stingless, unproductive counterparts through the loss of a sting. the following six extracts from three speakers sum up the solega position on the origin of honeybee castes: 1) as for the queen bee, she’s like a mother for all the bees…she looks after them carefully. however many bees there are, she never leaves them, she looks after all of them. 2) the small bees [workers] come from the queen. she is their mother. 3) when eggs are laid, the drone bee – it lays on one spot, there, by the side of the hive. the other bees do it in another spot. just like the drones, whatever eggs they lay turn into young bees just like themselves. the young of ordinary bees turn into ordinary bees (like their parents)… when a (new) hive is built, the queen lays eggs in it. the queen’s eggs hatch into queens just like her. 4) the sting breaks off, from its (the worker’s) bottom. when the sting breaks off, it does not have another sting – that’s how it becomes a drone. it loses its poison. 5) the sting of the (worker) bee is lost, it goes away. at that time, some die. some that remain turn into fat workers… once their sting goes away, they no longer have the strength to work. their work slows down. while they possess their sting, they work much faster, because they’re like, “we’re in good health”. 6) new queens will emerge from only those spots (cells of the honeycomb) that the (existing) queen has sat on. the above quotes were offered as explanations of honeybee biology in general, and without reference to any particular species. however, it would be safe to assume that this information was gained mostly through observation of a. dorsata and a. cerana colonies, as these are more frequently encountered, and the larger size of these species makes it easier to note the behavior of individual insects. extract 1, 2 and 3 indicate that while each caste can generate its own kind, the queen is ultimately the progenitor of the hive. extracts 4 and 5, on the other hand, illustrate the belief that since drones are fatter and less active than the workers, and also stingless, they must file:///c:/users/asb0123/appdata/local/temp/ebl_bee_paper_25-06-2013.docx#_enref_1#_enref_1 84 research communication be ex-workers who are transformed after losing their sting (the loss of the sting is almost always observed when a worker bee stings a human). the sting, then, is not only a defensive weapon and a source of the bees’ intensely algesic venom, but also the basis of their motivation to forage. while these statements echo elements of the deductive logic of aristotle, it is in fact the last extract (6) which is the most intriguing, and points to possibly the key observation responsible for the elevated status of the ra:ṇi ‘queen’ in the solega system – the fact that only queens can produce other queens. as a result, it is the queen who is responsible for honeybee reproduction at the level of the hive as a superorganism, a phenomenon which will be discussed in the next section. swarming swarming is a natural process in honeybee colonies, and occurs mainly in response to overcrowding. the existing queen starts to lay eggs in special queen cells, which then develop into new queens. the old queen leaves the hive with about half the workers, and occupies a new nesting site, stopping along the way at various places. when a swarm lands at one of these intermediate sites, scout bees fly off in all directions to locate potential nest sites. they return to the main swarm and perform dances that advertise the locations they have found. when many scouts have agreed on a single nest site, the swarm flies off to the new location, and takes up residence there. aristotle says little about this phenomenon, but he does make note of the facts that the hive’s leaders may sometimes be killed by other leaders, especially during periods of adverse environmental conditions. many of their rulers are also frequently killed, and especially the bad ones, in order that the swarm may be dispersed by the numbers. they are more disposed to kill them when the swarm is not fruitful... (aristotle 1991:26) he does, however, mention occurrences of the ‘king’ leaving the hive in the company of many bees, although he neglects to explain why. the king bees never leave the hives, either for food or any other purpose, except with the whole swarm... they say also that, when king is unable to fly, he is carried by the swarm; and if he perishes, the whole swarm dies with him. (aristotle 1991:27) one of the first discussions of the causes of swarming behavior appears to have been written by the english apiarist john gedde in his monograph the english apiary, or, the compleat bee-master (gedde 1721). here, he blames low food stocks and inclement weather, coupled with overcrowding in the hive, for forcing bees to abandon their old nest. …moist weather gives them two causes of swarming, plenty of bees, and penury of honey; and so neither winds, nor clouds, nor rain can stay them. (p. 40) the solega have quite explicit and accurate knowledge of why a swarm leaves its natal colony, and of the events that occur between departure and arrival at a new nest location. here, too, population increase in the original colony is held responsible for triggering a swarming episode: 1) what does the queen bee do? she has produced lots of offspring, and that family gets a new queen. when there’s a new queen, the rest of the family is divided (into two). but only when the queen reproduces (new queens). if not, it remains as one family. when one of the queens gets a part of the family, it goes away and builds a new house. that queen repeats the process in that family as well. thus, by dividing over and over, you get many bee hives. 2) that’s how bee(hive)s proliferate. however many queen bees there are, that’s how many families you get. when (the queen) wants to grow its family, it makes other bees from the comb. when that happens, you get lots of bees. when the queen lays eggs and produces (queen) offspring, the family divides into two. the second extract presented above contains more or less the same content as the first, but offers, almost in passing, a valuable insight – that ‘reproduction’ in bees really should be understood as two parallel phenomena taking place on two time scales. the first is the growth of a colony’s population, which continues practically every day, and the second is the division of colonies into daughter colonies through swarming, which only happens a few times in a year. knowledge of what happens to a swarm after it leaves its original nest site is arguably the most fascinating and impressive piece of solega honeybee tek. first, it is said, the swarm will often land on a tree, which serves as a temporary resting place. such behavior is also seen after honey has been harvested file:///c:/users/asb0123/appdata/local/temp/ebl_bee_paper_25-06-2013.docx#_enref_2#_enref_2 file:///c:/users/asb0123/appdata/local/temp/ebl_bee_paper_25-06-2013.docx#_enref_2#_enref_2 file:///c:/users/asb0123/appdata/local/temp/ebl_bee_paper_25-06-2013.docx#_enref_5#_enref_5 file:///c:/users/asb0123/appdata/local/temp/ebl_bee_paper_25-06-2013.docx#_enref_5#_enref_5 85 research communication from a hive by humans, and the surviving bees are forced to look for a new nest site: speaker 1: when people go and harvest honey from a hive, the queen and the other bees stay in the same spot for a night or so. speaker 2: (for) one or two days. then the bees do another thing, the bees simply go and sit on a tree (without nesting). those bees are called togaruguḍukã (‘sap drinkers’). then they land there and make inquiries regarding possible locations to nest in. the exact way in which bees “make inquiries” was elucidated by one consultant from bu:ta:ṇi po:ḍu village, who depicted the process as a conversation between a scout bee and a potential host tree. the bees come from elsewhere, and land on an unoccupied tree. let’s take the giant bee. when the giant bee (swarm) comes and sits on a tree, it does not stay there long. it drinks the sap on that tree. that’s when we call it togaruguḍukã. and as it sits on that tree, it also looks for a home on other trees… it finds things out by touch. it’s become fussy. it goes to another tree and sits on a branch in order to find things out through touch. and then it moves on to another tree again. and when it moves, five or six individuals (first) go to a tree to determine whether it would make a good home or not. the bees are smart. they ask the tree, “o tree! there are many in our household; will you have the strength to bear us all? or will you not?” that’s what they need to ask the tree. then the honne tree says, “o bees! i will support all 1,006 of you; come and sit on all my branches, for i will support you.” that’s how it reassures them. as soon as they’re reassured, those bees go back, and say to the rest, “yes, come on, let’s go! let’s go, our home is there!” they all go there (to the new tree). at the new tree, after eight days or so, they start to build new comb. conclusion the aristotelian conception of honeybee natural history consisted of accurate insights based on available evidence, as well as (at the time) logical, educated guesswork, in those instances where key evidence was not readily available. the solega appear to have built up their picture of honeybee biology on similar principles. as a different evidence set was available to them, however (the solega only gather wild honey from the forest; they have never been beekeepers), their final notion of honeybee natural history must necessarily differ from that presented in aristotle’s writings, who frequently cites apiarists’ reports to back up his claims. nevertheless, their interactions with wild honeybees over countless generations have enabled the solega to attain an understanding of this important insect’s behavior, migration, reproduction and ecology, which is totally consistent with their observations and experiences. how might the solega have arrived at their conception of honeybee reproduction? in the absence of longitudinal data of any significant time depth, one might hypothesize that some of the mechanisms described in pereira and gupta (1993) are in play: individuals or groups of individuals innovate (in this case, propose an explanation for a poorly-understood phenomenon, such as swarming), the innovation is shared with and tested by the individuals’ peers, and, if found to be useful, is formalized and accepted by the wider community. more specifically, the development of the idea that the queen and worker bees are female may have been facilitated the solega’s cultural milieu – their belief in powerful female deities, for example – as well as by other domains of ethnobiological knowledge: perhaps the observation that elephant herds tend to be led by a matriarch. some younger solega men have attended beekeeping workshops organized by community-developmentoriented ngos, but for the purpose of this study, it was established at the very outset that none of the consultants interviewed here had attended such a workshop. in any case, all stated unambiguously that the information they were providing me had been passed down from their parents. another, and perhaps the most convincing, piece of evidence in favor of an indigenous origin of the information presented here is the presence of key points of disagreement between the solega’s account of honeybee reproduction and the accepted biological facts – the origin of drones is an illustrative example. the solega explanations taken together, even if not wholly accurate from a biologist’s point of view, form a sophisticated and comprehensive account of the mysterious world of honeybee reproduction. acknowledgements i thank the many solega people who took part in this research, including m. r. madha, heddini basavegowda, tammadi dasegowda and nanjegowda. i am also grateful to professors nicholas evans, adrew pawley file:///c:/users/asb0123/appdata/local/temp/ebl_bee_paper_25-06-2013.docx#_enref_9#_enref_9 86 research communication and alan rumsey for their insightful and valuable comments. declarations permissions: none declared. sources of funding: this research was funded by the australian national university and the hans rausing endangered languages project. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited aristotle. 1953. generation of animals, book iii. harvard university press, cambridge, massachusetts. aristotle. 1991. history of animals, book ix. harvard university press, cambridge, massachusetts. campbell, m. 2006. busy bees: utopia, dystopia, and the very small. journal of medieval and early modern studies 36:619-642. dyer, f. and t. seeley. 1994. colony migration in the tropical honey bee apis dorsata f. (hymenoptera: apidae). insectes sociaux 41:129-140. gedde, j. 1721. the english apiary; or compleat bee master. e. curll, w. mears, and t. corbet, london. lewis, p., g. simons and c. fennig. 2013. ethnologue: languages of the world, seventeenth edition. sil international, dallas. neumann, p., n. koeniger, g. koeniger, s. tingek, p. kryger and r. moritz. 2000. home-site fidelity in migratory honeybees. nature 406:474-475. nonaka, k. 1996. ethnoentomology of the central kalahari san. african study monographs suppl. 22:2946. pereira, w. and a. gupta. 1993. a dialogue on indigenous knowledge. honey bee 4:6-10. posey, d. 1978. ethnoentomological survey of amerind groups in lowland latin america. the florida entomologist 61:225-229. posey, d. 1983. folk apiculture of the kayapo indians of brazil. biotropica 15:154-158. posey, d. 2002. wasps, warriors and fearless men: ethnoentomology of the kayapó indians of central brazil. in kayapó ethnoecology and culture, edited by k. plenderleith, routledge, london. santos, g.d. and y. antonini. 2008. the traditional knowledge on stingless bees (apidae: meliponina) used by the enawene-nawe tribe in western brazil. journal of ethnobiology and ethnomedicine 4. doi: 10.1186/1746-4269-4-19. wyman, l. and f. bailey. 1964. navajo indian ethnoentomology. university of new mexico press, albuquerque. biosketch aung si has training in biology and linguistics, and is currently a mckenzie postdoctoral fellow at the university of melbourne. enciclopédia dos alimentos yanomami (sanöma): cogumelos. edited by resende maxiba apiamö, joana autuori, noemia kazue ishikawa, moreno saraiva martins, nelson menolli jr., carlos sanuma, lukas raimundo sanuma, marinaldo sanuma, oscar ipoko sanuma, and keisuke tokimoto. 2016. instituto socioambiental, são paulo. 108 pp. coimbra and welch. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(2):309–311 309 reviews readers interested in ethnomycology and ethnobiology and with proficiency in written sanöma or portuguese will be introduced to 11 named sanöma edible mushroom ethnotaxa, corresponding to 15 scientific taxa, the majority of which were identified to species level following current mycological nomenclatural conventions. sanöma cultural knowledge is accompanied by careful review of previously published yanomami ethnomycological studies (fidalgo and prance 1976; prance 1973), presented in footnotes throughout the book and a dedicated table comparing different versions of native and scientific names. the book presents 15 botanically recognized taxa pertaining to seven genera. seven of these had not been reported previously in the yanomami literature: lentinula raphanica, lentinus bertieri, panus strigellus, pleurotus albideus, pleurotus djamor, polyporus phillipinensis, and polyporus aff. thailandensis. four species were published by botanists fidalgo and prance between 1976 and 1984: favolus brasiliensis, polyporus aquosos; polyporus tricholoma, and lentinus crinitus. another four species reported by fidalgo and prance (1976) have had their scientific names updated following contemporary nomenclature: hydnopolyporus fimbriatus (= h. palmatus), panus neostrigosus (= p. rudis), panus velutinnus (lentinus velutinus), and lentinus concavus (= pleurotus concavus). these sanöma fungi were identified with such taxonomic precision through the efforts of this is the second book in a series published by the instituto socioambiental that aims to be a comprehensive encyclopedia of sanöma yanomami foods. organized into five chapters, it focuses on the description, dietary uses, and agricultural contexts of wild edible fungi collected by the sanöma, a yanomami subgroup of approximately 3,000 people residing in 19 villages in a federal indigenous reserve in the awaris region, close to the brazilian border with venezuela. the volume’s uniqueness derives from its seamless integration of emic and botanical taxonomic information through rich description and numerous colorful photographs and illustrations exploring the role of mushrooms in yanomami food culture. it was produced by sanöma schoolteachers through a collaboration between the hutukara yanomami association, the instituto socioambiental, and the universidade federal de minas gerais. additional support and partnership were also provided by four brazilian scientific institutions, the tottori mycological institute in japan, and the royal botanical gardens, kew. a preface written by world famous yanomae shaman david kopenawa yanomami also contributed to the publication of this beautifully edited, hardbound, and illustrated volume that appeals to a broad audience. the book is entirely bilingual, with all texts fully reproduced in sanöma (a yanomami language) and portuguese. enciclopédia dos alimentos yanomami (sanöma): cogumelos. edited by resende maxiba apiamö, joana autuori, noemia kazue ishikawa, moreno saraiva martins, nelson menolli jr., carlos sanuma, lukas raimundo sanuma, marinaldo sanuma, oscar ipoko sanuma, and keisuke tokimoto. 2016. instituto socioambiental, são paulo. 108 pp. carlos e. a. coimbra jr. 1* and james r. welch 1 1 escola nacional de saúde pública, fundação oswaldo cruz, rio de janeiro, brazil. * coimbra@ensp.fiocruz.br received september 30, 2018 open access accepted november 9, 2018 doi 10.14237/ebl.9.2.2018.1411 copyright © 2018 by the author(s) licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. coimbra and welch. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(2):309–311 310 reviews knowledgeable yanomami field researchers, precise morphological analyses of voucher specimens by professional mycologists and botanists, and state-ofthe-art biomolecular taxonomic analyses carried out in brazilian and japanese mycology laboratories. in addition to edible fungi, the authors also present detailed information about their garden ecologies and substrate trees (standing, fallen, and stumps). emphasis is placed on the appearance of specific mushroom taxa at different stages of the garden cycle, including after initial felling of trees, after burning, and at different stages of garden management and regrowth. most of the host trees were identified to species or genus level and are presented in a table with native sanöma names and associated mushrooms. human ecologists, ethnobiologists, and ethnographers interested in food ecology will find in this book detailed explanations about the availability and use of wild mushrooms in a local amazonian swidden agricultural system. detailed information is provided for each ethnotaxon about where and when they grow, how they are gathered, and their culinary uses. according to the authors, no cultural dietary prohibition applies to mushrooms, although some are preferred by youth or preferentially collected by women or men, depending whether they grow in gardens, fallows, or forest areas. younger people prefer the more flavorful varieties, which they “...consider as satisfactory and nutritious as meat” (p. 27, our translation). the sanöma distinguish two kinds of hunger, translated as “protein hunger” and “carbohydrate hunger.” mushrooms are classified among foods that satisfy protein hunger, along with fish and game meat. depending on the variety, they are wrapped in leaves and roasted or boiled and thickened into a soup. to prepare a complete meal, they are combined with beiju (manioc) flatbread and cooked plantains. we are not aware of any other contribution to the ethnobiology of food of indigenous amazonian peoples that so effectively communicates the cultural relevance of edible mushrooms. published descriptions of mushrooms in indigenous amazonian diets are sparse, mainly addressing northeastern amazonian groups in colombia and venezuela near the brazilian border region (vargas-isla et al. 2013). for instance, numerous fungi and related ecological relationships are documented for the tukano, witoto, muinane, andoke, and yanomami ethnic groups (prance 1972; vasco-palacios et al. 2008). of particular note are the hoti in venezuela, whose knowledge and use of over 30 folk taxa of fungi made such an impression to ethnomycologists that they came to be described as a “mycophilic society” (zent et al. 2004). while addressing fewer fungus taxa, enciclopédia dos alimentos yanomami (sanöma): cogumelos stands out in comparison to these previous publications by foregrounding the emic culinary and ecological perspectives of its predominantly indigenous team of authors and researchers. another highlight of this publication is the exceptional quality of mushroom photography and illustration, including in loco images and representations of mushrooms in gardens and forests, agricultural settings, and culinary techniques. these features contribute to the book’s value not only as a unique theoretical contribution to amazonian ethnobiology and, more specifically, ethnomycology, but also as a useful field resource for ethnobiologists, human ecologists, anthropologists working among indigenous peoples in the triple frontier zone between brazil, colombia, and venezuela. it will also be appreciated by gourmet cooks and chefs because the instituto socioambiental markets this book in conjunction with the sale of small packets of mixed dry edible fungi collected by the sanöma yanomami in their forests and gardens (15g packets of whole mushrooms and 30g packets of powdered mushrooms). recipes for broths, cream and sauces are printed on the packet labels and published on the instituto socioambiental website, complementing the culinary descriptions included in the book. the book comes out at a particularly sensitive moment in the trajectory of brazilian public policies aimed at protecting biodiversity and traditional peoples’ intellectual property rights. the country’s unsettled stance of protectionism and paternalism towards indigenous peoples overlays its implementation of the convention on biological diversity by federal laws that are bureaucratically overzealous but lacking substantive protections for the people they ostensibly aim to protect. as noted by welch (2015:216), “…the new law may have been enacted through a process marred by major legal oversights, including inadequate previous consultation with indigenous peoples…” thereby frustrating both indigenous representatives and researchers. given this backdrop, the enciclopédia dos alimentos yanomami (sanöma) serves as an example of indigenous coimbra and welch. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(2):309–311 311 reviews intellectual autonomy through collaborative research and scientific communication aimed at promoting conservation awareness and cultural respect in the non-indigenous brazilian public. kopenawa’s preface lucidly and eloquently situates the book’s sanöma authors’ efforts to publish traditional knowledge about local mycological diversity as a tool to address ethnocentrism and environmental degradation. as he (p. 17–18, our translation) explains, this book was also written because we yanomae and sanöma want to teach to nonindigenous people, using this non-indigenous tool, which is writing and paper. … we yanomami have great knowledge of the forest. we are the true experts of the forest. we want to demonstrate to non-indigenous people and make them respect our knowledge. we want to make them listen. this way non-indigenous people will learn, gain wisdom. … you non-indigenous people cut down the trees indiscriminately. you wreck the forest without thinking about the consequences. we yanomami do not do this. and because of this the mushrooms grow in the forest. by connecting the book’s rich ethnomycological detail to larger social and environmental challenges, kopenawa’s written words highlight that one of its greatest strengths is its viewpoint, which is artfully intercultural, reaching through and beyond disciplinary boundaries. references cited fidalgo, o., and g. t. prance. 1976. the ethnomycology of the sanama indians. mycologia 68:201–210. doi:10.2307/3758915. prance, g. t. 1973. the mycological diet of the yanomam indians. mycologia 65:248–250. doi:10.2307/3757814. prance, g. t. 1972. an ethnobotanical comparison of four tribes of amazonian indians. acta amazonica 2:7–27. doi:10.1590/180943921972022007. vargas-isla, r., n. k. ishikawa, and v. py-daniel. 2013. contribuições etnomicológicas dos povos indígenas da amazônia. biota amazônia 3:58–65. doi:10.18561/2179-5746/biotaamazonia.v3n1p5865. vasco-palacios, a. m., s. c. suaza, m. castañobetancur, and a. e. franco-molano. 2008. conocimiento etnoecólogico de los hongos entre los indígenas uitoto, muinane y andoke de la amazonía colombiana. acta amazonica 38:17–30. doi:10.1590/s0044-59672008000100004. welch, j. r. 2015. brazil’s new biodiversity law. ethnobiology letters 6:216–217. doi:10.14237/ ebl.6.1.2015.562. zent, e. l., s. zent, and t. iturriga. 2004. knowledge and use of fungi by a mycophilic society of the venezuelan amazon. economic botany 58:214–226. doi:10.1663/0013-0001(2004)058[0214:kauofb] 2.0.co;2. humans, dolphins, and porpoises: investigations at the par-tee site, seaside, oregon, ad 100–800 loiselle. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):58–66 58 research communications tee site (35clt20) in oregon as a case study. this analysis builds on previous research at the par-tee site investigating whether whales were actively hunted, scavenged, or perhaps both (losey and yang 2007; sanchez 2014; wellman et al. 2017). here, i focus on the use of delphinidae and phocoenidae families (except for the orca, orcinus orca, which has been studied elsewhere [wellman et al. 2017]), placing the data in the broader context of other subsistence and technological remains from the site. i focus on three primary questions: 1) what small cetacean species are present in the par-tee collection?, 2) were the residents of the par-tee site hunting small cetaceans or taking advantage of stranded individuals?, and 3) if hunted, then what technology was used to acquire them? par-tee site background and chronology the par-tee site was a semi-sedentary settlement (colten 2002) located about 15 miles south of the columbia river on the pacific coast (figure 1). partee is located where the clatsop and tillamook tribes overlapped and it is unknown how this boundary may have shifted throughout the occupation of the region, but a report prepared by arbolino et al. (2005) for a introduction archaeological literature on marine mammals, particularly in the pacific northwest and eastern pacific, focuses primarily on the acquisition and use of baleen whales and pinnipeds. systematic hunting of whales and other cetaceans was relatively rare in the human past, requiring specialized tools, complex social organization, and communal or cooperative hunting and processing strategies regardless of acquisition strategy. in north america, outside of the arctic, only a few groups are documented to have hunted large cetaceans (e.g., nuu-chah-nulth, makah [huelsbeck 1988; mcmillan 2015]). pinnipeds are considered some of the highest-ranking prey choices of prehistoric coastal peoples (hildebrandt and jones 1992) and their importance in the diet of coastal groups cannot be overstated (see colten 2002; hildebrandt and jones 2002). however, the extent to which smaller cetaceans (dolphins and porpoises) were hunted or used as a resource is understudied in the pacific northwest, often overshadowed by the research conducted on whales and pinnipeds. to investigate the importance of dolphins and porpoises as a resource in the region, i use the parhumans, dolphins, and porpoises: investigations at the par-tee site, seaside, oregon, ad 100–800 hope loiselle 1* 1 department of anthropology, university of washington, seattle, usa. * hloisell@uw.edu abstract small cetaceans are understudied compared to whales and pinnipeds even though they represent a high -ranking prey choice when available in the environment. building upon previous faunal analyses at the par-tee site, seaside, oregon that investigated whaling, this analysis of dolphin and porpoise remains suggests that people were hunting small cetaceans between ad 100–800 on the oregon coast, especially harbor porpoise, which was found significantly more than any other cetacean species at the site. the quantity of small cetacean bone is unlikely to be the result of only acquiring stranded individuals. while there is no direct evidence of hunting, ethnographic literature and archaeologically recovered hunting technologies like harpoons provide insight into the means by which these species may have been hunted. received november 14, 2019 open access accepted july 1, 2020 doi 10.14237/ebl.11.1.2020.1662 published august 14, 2020 keywords cetaceans, zooarchaeology, whaling, pacific northwest copyright © 2020 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. loiselle. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):58–66 59 research communications repatriation claim determined the par-tee site to be tillamook; inter-marriage, trading, and linguistic mixing were all recorded in the region (arbolino et al. 2005; sanchez 2014). par-tee was excavated, along with the nearby palmrose and avenue q sites, from 1967–1977 by george phebus and robert drucker (phebus and drucker 1979). approximately 256 units were excavated from par-tee, making it one of the largest excavations conducted in the pacific northwest south of ozette (losey and yang 2007). the site was excavated in arbitrary 12-inch (30.5 cm) levels and divided into four quadrants (nw, ne, sw, se). excavated sediments were screened through ¼ inch (6.35 mm) mesh. following excavation, the recovered material was curated at the smithsonian institution’s museum support center in suitland, maryland. the par-tee assemblage has over 7,000 artifacts and over 113,000 faunal remains (colten 2015; phebus and drucker 1979). bilaterally and unilaterally barbed harpoon points were recovered from the site, along with 148 toggling harpoon valves that are similar to those historically used for pinniped or salmon hunting (moss and losey 2011; sanchez 2014). a new bayesian chronology for the site was established by sanchez et al. (2018) using dates obtained from cervid bones throughout the assemblage. the authors concluded that the main occupation of par-tee was over a span of ~700 years figure 1 location of the par-tee site on the pacific coast, south of the columbia river mouth. loiselle. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):58–66 60 research communications from ad 100–800, likely with an intense occupation from ad 400–650 (sanchez et al. 2018). the small cetacean remains analyzed in this paper date to this ~700-year occupation. there is also a later use of the site dated to ~ad 1490–1635 in which it seems the shell midden was used as a burial site; the human burials were shallow inhumations, interred in the shell midden after site abandonment (arbolino et al. 2005; sanchez et al. 2018). previous faunal research at par-tee colten (2015) conducted a faunal analysis of six units at par-tee with near-complete stratigraphic profiles, identifying a large number of species from different taxonomic categories including: marine, aquatic and terrestrial mammals, birds, and fishes. he found that 20.54% of the total nisp was marine mammal and believes that a large portion of the “undifferentiated mammal” category (22.09% nisp) is also marine mammal, indicating the importance of these taxa for subsistence. terrestrial mammals by comparison were only 4.27% of nisp. fish were an important part of the subsistence practices of people at par-tee, making up 39.08% of the nisp. these analyses demonstrate that the people at par-tee were extremely adept at maritime-focused subsistence activities. building on colten’s original analysis, losey and yang (2007), sanchez (2014), and wellman et al. (2017) studied whale exploitation at the par-tee site. a whale phalanx with an embedded bone harpoon point was recovered at the site, and losey and yang (2007) used ancient dna to identify both the whale species and the bone used to manufacture the harpoon point. results indicate the harpoon was made of local elk (cervus elaphus) bone and the whale was a humpback (megaptera novaeangliae) (losey and yang 2007). the elk harpoon point corroborates ethnographic observations by drucker (1951) that the tillamook used elk points to stab whales under the flipper and cut the tail tendons. since the elk point was embedded in a whale phalanx, it is possible that the hunter was aiming for under the flipper and missed, instead striking the flipper itself. based on this locally manufactured elk point, they suggest that opportunistic hunting was occurring at par-tee. the point does not appear to be a specialized whaling harpoon and no definitive evidence of whaling tools were found like those at known whaling sites (i.e., ozette) (losey and yang 2007). wellman et al. (2017) likewise concluded that some opportunistic hunting was occurring at par-tee, but argue that use of stranded individuals may have been more common. using modern stranding records as a point of comparison, wellman et al. (2017) suggest that the proportion of humpback (32.1%) to gray (eschrichtius robustus; 60.7%) whales recovered archaeologically is best explained by the residents of par-tee focusing on scavenging rather than hunting. humpback whales spend more time offshore than species like gray whales, often sinking when dead before they can reach the shore, and thus, this is the species that potentially appeared in the midden from occasional hunting activities since their beaching is a rare occurrence (norman et al. 2004). methods to address the questions posed about small cetacean hunting at par-tee, small cetacean remains were separated from the par-tee mammalian faunal assemblage and cataloged. the six units already analyzed by colten (2015) and the bone artifacts were not reanalyzed here. each element was cataloged and remains associated with the provenience and storage information for replicability. i identified the remains independent of their association with other cetacean remains (following driver 2011), to minimize the potential for identification by association. identifications were made using the department of vertebrate zoology marine mammal collection at the smithsonian institution’s museum support center table 1 nisp and mni of identified small cetacean species. common name species nisp mni dolphin/ porpoise sp. delphinidae/phocoenidae 290 dolphin sp. delphinidae 36 pacific white-sided dolphin lagenorhynchus obliquidens 6 1 bottlenose dolphin tursiops truncatus 15 2 porpoise sp. phocoenidae 71 harbor porpoise phocoena phocoena 895 28 dall's porpoise phocoenoides dalli 27 2 total 1340 33 loiselle. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):58–66 61 research communications following guidelines in porcasi and fujita (2000), glassow (2005), and cooke et al. (2016). i compared each element to multiple individuals of different ages and sexes from each species to account for intraspecies variation. i also examined each element for cut marks, animal gnawing, and other modifications, such as burning. to examine whether the species composition of the archaeological small cetacean assemblage is consistent with species on the landscape today, i compared the archaeological data to modern stranding data. stranding, in this case, refers to the process whereby a cetacean washes up on shore, either dead or alive. sometimes strandings of multiple individuals occur and very rarely, a mass stranding of many individuals will occur. the vast majority of stranding events in oregon and washington are of dead animals (norman et al. 2004). while some argue that stranding records are of little value in evaluating prehistoric whaling activity because of drastic postwhaling-era shifts in populations of species (mulville 2002), dolphins and porpoises were not the direct target of whaling activities, and as such, stranding records can still be a useful starting place for understanding general trends in their stranding occurrences. results zooarchaeological results i identified 1340 elements belonging to the delphinidae and phocoenidae families (table 1). the most common taxonomic categories were harbor porpoise (phocoena phocoena; nisp 895) and dolphin/ porpoise (delphinidae/phocoenidae; nisp 290). dall’s porpoise was also identified (phocoenoides dalli; nisp 27). the majority of identified porpoise elements were vertebrae (nisp 693), followed by cranial fragments (nisp 162; table 2). i also identified elements belonging to bottlenose dolphin (tursiops truncatus; nisp 15) and pacific white-sided dolphin (lagenorhynchus obliquidens; nisp 6), though in much smaller quantities than porpoises. no cut marks or hunting indicators (e.g., embedded harpoons) were found directly on the bone, nor was there evidence of burning. the only noted damage came from trowels or other digging equipment where the bone had been scratched or nicked, probably during excavation. these marks had not had time to accumulate dirt from the ground, indicating their recent occurrence. no animal gnawing marks were observed on the bones, which might have been expected if a stranded individual had remained on a beach for a few days before being brought back to the site. stranding record comparison all four dolphin and porpoise species recovered from the archaeological assemblage are species known to strand along the washington and oregon coasts (norman et al. 2004). the ratio of species in the faunal assemblage closely matches the stranding record, dominated by harbor porpoise with a few dall’s porpoises and the occasional bottlenose or pacific white-sided dolphin (norman et al. 2004). table 2 element distribution. * vertebral epiphyses and fragments. element delphinidae/ phocoenidae delphinidae l. obliquidens t. truncatus phocoenidae p. phocoena p. dalli cranial frag. 107 2 0 0 1 148 0 periotic 0 0 1 1 33 0 0 tympanic 0 0 1 0 37 0 0 mandible 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 maxilla 0 0 0 4 0 8 0 atlas 5 0 0 0 0 28 0 humerus 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 sternum 0 0 0 0 0 3 0 vertebra 131 21 4 10 0 675 24 phalanx 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 premaxilla 0 0 0 0 0 3 0 other* 47 12 0 0 0 26 3 total 290 36 6 15 71 895 27 loiselle. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):58–66 62 research communications there were also no stratigraphic levels with an exceptionally large number of a particular small cetacean or punctuated presence of small cetaceans, ruling out a mass stranding; the stranding record also indicated no mass strandings of these species (norman et al. 2004). diachronic analysis a diachronic analysis of the small cetacean remains from par-tee is not possible at this time. of the four units securely dated by sanchez et al. (2018), only two had intact stratigraphy. the sample size of small cetacean remains in these units is too small to lead to any meaningful interpretation. discussion element distribution of a species in the archaeological record is often used to study whether an animal was hunted or scavenged and whether this occurred nearby or far away from the main residential site. however, the ability to use boats to tow the carcasses of either hunted or scavenged small cetaceans limits the application of ethnoarchaeological studies on the transport of terrestrial mammals (o’connell et al. 1988) as an analog for element distribution in this study (ames 2002). when a terrestrial mammal is hunted far away from the residential site, certain elements may be expected to be left behind during initial processing versus transported back based upon a balance of nutritional value and the effort required to conduct such processing and transport (o’connell et al. 1988). however, with aquatic hunter-gatherers like those who inhabited the columbia river mouth region, most animal processing seems to occur at the residential site because when hunting on the open water it is impractical or impossible to butcher on site, and thus the whole animal is floated or dragged behind the boat home (ames 2002). additionally, a number of features specific to small cetacean skeletons greatly impacts the element distribution found at par-tee. unlike with most terrestrial mammals and pinnipeds, the flipper (forelimb) of small cetaceans is not weight bearing and the bone is mostly cancellous, with the point of articulation between the scapula and humerus the densest part of the limb (cozzi et al. 2009). the survival rate of forelimb elements of small cetaceans was low at par-tee and not necessarily because forelimbs were removed prior to arrival at the site. the vertebrae are dense in many small cetacean species because they are the most important part of locomotion, and as such, need to be able to withstand substantial pressure and movement (cozzi et al. 2009). abundance of vertebrae in the midden then, is probably because of both the abundance in the skeleton as well as especially high survivability due to density. the periotic and the rostrum are also extremely dense in many cetacean species (cozzi et al. 2009). the lack of limb bones, ribs, and sterna in the assemblage is thus probably due to quicker degradation of less dense bones, rather than their original absence in the midden, while high density of the periotic, cranial fragments, and vertebrae allowed for their preservation. element distribution in relation to meat-utility of certain portions of the body can also provide insight into how an animal was acquired and used. savelle and friesen (1996), in a meat-utility study of harbor porpoise, determine that the highest ranked portions of the porpoise’s body are the middle and posterior part of the vertebral column, with the cranium, flippers, and anterior vertebral column comparatively low ranking. the skull especially contains a lot of gristle and mostly consists of inedible material (savelle and friesen 1996), though the bones could potentially be used for manufacturing or other purposes. at partee, elements from both cranial and post-cranial parts of the body were identified, suggesting that whole individuals were butchered at the site (table 2). in their harbor porpoise meat-utility study, savelle and friesen (1996) noted that the meat peeled easily away from the vertebrae, explaining the lack of cut marks on the bone. there may have been meat processing cut marks on ribs or other elements that do not preserve well archaeologically. in differentiating between hunting and scavenging and nearby or far-away acquisition, element distribution is not particularly useful for small cetaceans. instead, the quantity of small cetacean bone provides the most evidence for hunting over scavenging. porcasi and fujita (2000) and glassow (2005) argue that dolphin hunting occurred on the california channel islands, particularly during the middle holocene based upon a significant number of dolphin bones identified from middens on santa cruz island, san clemente island, and santa catalina island. similarly, at the site of playa don bernardo on pedro gonzalez island, panama, a large quantity of dolphin bones was recovered from a shell midden dating to 6200–5600 bp. cooke et al. (2016) argue that they were acquired via hunting. loiselle. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):58–66 63 research communications at par-tee, a large proportion of the faunal assemblage was identified as dolphin or porpoise. while a complete faunal analysis has not been completed, the partial analysis by colten (2015) suggests that small cetaceans were acquired 20% as often as pinnipeds. though they do not outnumber pinnipeds (as dolphins did in some of the channel island assemblages), it seems extremely unlikely that such a substantial proportion of marine mammals exploited would be from stranded individuals. further lending support to the idea that small cetaceans at par-tee were hunted, drucker (1965), though writing about groups further north than the tillamook, notes that numerous cultures along the pacific northwest coast hunted small cetaceans; they were a nutritious food source, containing valuable flesh and oil (mcmillan 2015). analysis by sanchez (2014) of tillamook and clatsop ethnographic records found that 10.3% of accounts mentioned whales and porpoises, while 7.3% mentioned sea lions and seals, indicating the importance of marine mammal resources. ray (1938) states that dolphins and porpoises were common in the chinook region, even going up into the columbia river to pursue fish, and that the people there would spear and eat them when given the chance. in fact, lewis and clark made some of the earliest scientific observations of the harbor porpoise in the northeast pacific ocean at the mouth of the columbia river (osmek et al. 1996). like salmon, the harbor porpoises would swim upriver to follow herring and other fish into the shallow, coastal waters during summer months (osmek et al. 1996). identification of dolphin and porpoise hunting at the par-tee site demonstrates the antiquity of the practice in the region and modern scientific observations of harbor porpoise in the region provide insight into the location and seasonality of the hunting. while it seems likely that dolphins and porpoises were hunted, the question as to how they were hunted remains unanswered. there are no remains of embedded harpoons or other artifacts in the small cetacean remains recovered from par-tee to provide direct evidence of hunting. cooke et al. (2016) hypothesize that the dolphins found at playa don bernardo were driven with sound onto the beach as seen ethnographically in the solomon islands or using nets into a narrower body of water where they may be speared as at mawaki, a late-early to early-middle jomon period site in japan. here, there was an exceptionally large number of dolphin bones compared to other coastal east asian sites (itoh et al. 2011). in the strata with abundant dolphin bones, stone arrows and knives were found, hypothesized to be used for dolphin hunting and butchery. geoarchaeological analysis revealed that the strata containing the dolphin bones also corresponds temporally with the presence of a lagoon and deep inlet that may have been used for driving dolphins ashore (itoh et al. 2011). in the channel islands, the dolphin remains did not appear in punctuated layers, as would be expected from multiple natural mass strandings or driving of large groups, but rather appeared throughout the middle-holocene cultural strata (glassow 2005; porcasi and fujita 2000). though the par-tee dolphin and porpoise remains lack direct evidence of hunting, presence of off-shore and near-shore migratory and resident pinnipeds, like northern fur seals and other large otariids, in the faunal assemblage (colten 2015) suggests that the people of par-tee likely also had the capability to hunt small cetaceans using the same technology and were intimately familiar with their marine environment. the artifact assemblage contains a number of harpoons that, while not large enough for whaling (moss and losey 2011; sanchez 2014), could have been used to hunt smaller marine mammals like seals and porpoises. this idea is supported by later ethnographic literature from the region. in the northern and central nootkan tribes, drucker (1951:26) writes about sealing harpoons: “it served him for hair seal, sea lions, porpoises, and in late times for fur seal hunting.” further north, mcmillan (2015), with reference to the nuu-chahnulth sites of ts’ishaa, huu7ii, and t’ukw’aa, all containing substantial amounts of dolphin and porpoise bone (frederick 2012; frederick and crockford 2005), suggests that the knowledge and expertise acquired in hunting small cetaceans may have helped the development of technologies for hunting large, baleen whales. conclusion in studying the small cetaceans of par-tee, i started with three questions: 1) what small cetacean species are present in the par-tee collection?, 2) were the residents of the par-tee site hunting small cetaceans or taking advantage of stranded individuals?, and 3) if hunted, then what technology was used to acquire them? loiselle. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):58–66 64 research communications the answer to the first question is straightforward. in the par-tee assemblage i identified four species of small cetacean: harbor porpoise, dall’s porpoise, bottlenose dolphin and pacific white-sided dolphin. harbor porpoises were by far the most abundant. bottlenose dolphins are considered rare off the northwest coast today, though were found in this study. interestingly, at the nearby, slightly older site of palmrose, a large number of bottlenose dolphins were also identified (colten 2015). this might suggest a range shift of the bottlenose dolphin through time. the answers to the second and third questions are less straightforward. the abundance of small cetacean remains suggests that while porpoise or dolphin hunting does not appear to have been a specialty at par-tee, as it was at some california channel island sites (glassow 2005; porcasi and fujita 2000) and mawaki (itoh et al. 2011), the residents of par-tee were more frequently hunting than scavenging the small cetaceans. small cetaceans, particularly harbor porpoise, have been known to frequent the mouth of the columbia river to pursue prey (osmek et al. 1996), providing an ideal opportunity for people to hunt them. the presence of harpoons at par-tee and mention of small cetaceans in regional ethnographic literature further lends support for this explanation. while given comparatively little attention in archaeological and ethnographic literature compared to whales and pinnipeds, dolphins and porpoises likely played an important role in the diet of coastal people, potentially providing food security when other marine mammal populations were depleted. when considering the strategies used to hunt small cetaceans and investigating the hunting versus scavenging of them, the frameworks used to understand pinniped hunting are more applicable than those used to understand whaling or terrestrial hunting. future studies should not underestimate the importance of these species in the diet of prehistoric coastal people around the world. acknowledgments i thank teresa hsu and john ososky for help with accessing nmnh collections, hollis miller and ben fitzhugh for their feedback on drafts of the manuscript, barnet pavao-zuckerman and george hambrecht for their advice during the early stages of this analysis, and the anonymous reviewers for their substantial feedback. i am especially grateful to torben rick, whose guidance, patience, and mentorship made this research possible. declarations permissions: none declared. sources of funding: part of my time at nmnh was supported by a smithsonian minority award. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited ames, k. 2002. going by boat: the forager-collector continuum at sea. in beyond foraging and collecting: evolutionary change in hunter-gatherer settlement systems, edited by b. fitzhugh and j. habu, pp. 17– 50. kluwer and plenum press, new york. arbolino, r. d., s. d. ousley, e. bubniak-jones, and national museum of natural history (u.s.) repatriation office. 2005. reassessment of the cultural affiliation of human remains and funerary objects from seaside, oregon at the national museum of natural history, smithsonian institution. repatriation office, national museum of natural history, washington, dc. colten, r. h. 2002. prehistoric marine mammal hunting in context: two western north american examples. international journal of osteoarchaeology 12:12 –22. doi:10.1002/oa.609. colten, r. h. 2015. prehistoric coastal adaptations at seaside, oregon: vertebrate fauna from the palmrose and par-tee sites. journal of island and coastal archaeology 10:253–276. doi:10.1080/15564 894.2014.1001921. cooke, r. g., t. a. wake, m. f. martinez-polanco, m. jimenez-acost, f. bustamente, i. holst, a. larakraudy, j. g. martin, and s. redwood. 2016. exploitation of dolphins (cetacea: delphinidae) at a 6000 yr old pre-ceramic site in the pearl island archipelago, panama. journal of archaeological science: reports 6:733–756. doi:10.1016/j.jasrep.2015.12.001. cozzi, b., s. mazzariol, m. podesta, and a. zotti. 2009. diving adaptations of the cetacean skeleton. the open zoology journal 2:24–32. driver, j. 2011. identification, classification and zooarchaeology. ethnobiology letters 2:19–39. doi:10.14237/ebl.2.2011.32. loiselle. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):58–66 65 research communications drucker, p. 1951. the northern and central nootkan tribes. bureau of american ethnology bulletin 144. smithsonian institution, washington, dc. drucker, p. 1965. cultures of the north pacific coast. chandler, san francisco, ca. frederick, g. 2012. vertebrate fauna from the huuay-aht archaeology project: results from the 2006 huu7ii village excavations and summary of 2004 and 2006 data. appendix a in huu7ii: household archaeology at a nuu-chah-nulth village site in barkley sound, edited by a. d. mcmillan and d. e. st. claire, pp. 115–153. archaeology press, burnaby, canada. frederick, g., and s. crockford. 2005. analysis of the vertebrate fauna from ts’ishaa village, dfsi-16, benson island, bc. appendix d in ts’ishaa: archaeology and ethnography of a nuu-chah-nulth origin site in barkley sound, edited by a. d. mcmillan and d. e. st. claire, pp. 173–205. archaeology press, burnaby, canada. glassow, m. 2005. prehistoric dolphin hunting on santa cruz island, california. in the exploitation and cultural importance of marine mammals, edited by g. monks, pp. 107–120. oxbow, oxford, united kingdom. hildebrandt, w. r., and t. l. jones. 1992. evolution of marine mammal hunting: a view from the california and oregon coast. journal of anthropological archaeology 11:360–401. hildebrandt, w. r., and t. l. jones. 2002. depletion of prehistoric pinniped populations along the california and oregon coasts: were humans the cause? in wilderness and political ecology: aboriginal influences on the original state of nature, edited by c. e. kay and r. t. simmons, pp. 72–110. university of utah press, salt lake city, ut. huelsbeck, d. r. 1988. whaling in the precontact economy of the central northwest coast. arctic anthropology 25:1–15. itoh, y., k. takemura, t. nakamura, s. hasegawa, and h. takada. 2011. paleoenvironmental analysis of the mawaki archaeological site, central japan, in relation to the stratigraphic position of dolphin bones. geoarchaeology: an international journal 26:461– 478. doi:10.1002/gea.20362. losey, r. j., and d. y. yang. 2007. opportunistic whale hunting on the southern northwest coast: ancient dna, artifact, and ethnographic evidence. american antiquity 72:657–676. doi:10.2307/25470439. mcmillan, a. 2015. whales and whalers in nuu-chah -nulth archaeology. bc studies 187:229–261. doi:10.14288/bcs.v0i187.186163. moss, m. l., and r. j. losey. 2011. native american use of seals, sea lions, and sea otters in estuaries of northern oregon and southern washington. in human impacts on seals, sea lions, and sea otters, edited by t. j. braje and t. c. rick, pp. 167–195. university of california press, berkeley, ca. mulville, j. 2002. the role of cetacea in prehistoric and historic atlantic scotland. international journal of osteoarchaeology 12:34–48. doi:10.1002/oa.611. norman, s. a., c. e. bowlby, m. s. brancato, j. calambokidis, d. duffield, p. j. gearin, t. a. gornall, m. e. gosho, b. hanson, j. hodder, s. j. jeffries, b. lagerquist, d. m. lambourn, b. mate, b. norberg, r. w. osborne, j. a. rash, s. riemer, and j. scordino. 2004. cetacean strandings in oregon and washington between 1930 and 2002. journal of cetacean research and management 6:87–99. o’connell, j. f., k. hawkes, and n. b. jones. 1988. hadza hunting, butchering, and bone transport and their archaeological implications. journal of anthropological research 44:113–161. osmek, s., j. calambokidis, j. laake, p. gearin, r. delong, j. scordino, s. jeffries, and r. brown. 1996. assessment of the status of harbor porpoise (phocoena phocoena) in oregon and washington waters. u.s. department of commerce, noaa technical memorandum nmfs-afsc-76, springfield, va. phebus, g. e. jr., and r. drucker. 1979. archaeological investigations at seaside, oregon. seaside museum and historical society, seaside, oregon. porcasi, j. f., and h. fujita. 2000. the dolphin hunters: a specialized prehistoric maritime adaptation in the southern california channel islands and baja california. american antiquity 65:543–566. doi:10.2307/2694535. ray, v. f. 1938. lower chinook ethnographic notes. university of washington, seattle, wa. loiselle. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):58–66 66 research communications sanchez, g. 2014. cetacean hunting at the par-tee site (35clt20)?: ethnographic, artifacts and blood residue analysis investigation. senior honors thesis, department of anthropology, university of oregon, eugene, or. sanchez, g., t. c. rick, b. culleton, d. kennett, m. buckley, j. erlandson, and r. j. losey. 2018. radiocarbon dating legacy collections: a bayesian analysis of high-precision ams 14c dates from the par-tee site, oregon. journal of archaeological science: reports 21:833–848. doi:10.1016/ j.jasrep.2018.08.033. savelle, j. m., and t. m. friesen. 1996. an odontocete (cetacea) meat utility index. journal of archaeological science 23:713–721. doi:10.1006/ jasc.1996.0067. wellman, h. p., t. c. rick, a. t. rodrigues, and d. y. yang. 2017. evaluating ancient whale exploitation on the northern oregon coast through ancient dna and zooarchaeological analysis. journal of island and coastal archaeology 12:255–275. doi:10.1080/15564894.2016.1172382. biosocial synchrony on sumba: multispecies relationships and environmental variations in indonesia. by cynthia t. fowler. 2016. lexington books, lanham. 137 pp. franco. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(2):307–308 307 reviews folk and scientific classification systems are just an example. fowler’s biosocial synchrony on sumba is a subtle reminder for ethnobiologists/anthropologists to view indigenous beliefs and knowledge systems from the perspective of the respective communities. are anthropologists also capable of adopting the perspectives of the non-living? fowler answers her own question by employing what she calls a “manipulation of perspectives” to promote an understanding of biosocial beings from the perspectives of seaworms, their worshippers, the celestial bodies, and human bodies. fowler’s arguments draw strength from the huge volume of data collected since 1997 in collaboration with the kodi people of tana nale or the land of seaworms, effectively interweaving ethnography, astronomy, marine biology, and ecology. the crux of the book is based on ingold’s theory of biosocial becomings, and the author has successfully portrayed how indigenous understandings see no boundaries between the living and the non-living, the close and the distant, or nature and culture. the alignments of the sun, moon, and the earth influence the mating behavior of the seaworms which in turn influence the ritualistic, dietary and agricultural calendar of the kodi people. kodi identity rests on their relationship with the seaworms, who are recognized as “fully realized selves” (p. 21) in contrast to the formal western notion of seeing non-human animals as lower beings. in fact, many kodi believe that they are descendants of entities who were partly we call them dumb animals, and so they are, for they cannot tell us how they feel, but they do not suffer less because they have no words. ― anna sewell, black beauty almost one hundred and forty years after black beauty was published, we have evidence to show that nonhuman animals such as horses can read our facial expressions and also remember our respective emotional state (proops et al. 2018). we are just beginning to understand the role of mycorrhizal networks in sustaining forests (gorzelak et al. 2015), the relevance of folk taxonomy in discovering new species (geissmann et al. 2010), the importance of considering polyherbal formulations instead of principal ingredients (sar et al. 2018), and the influence of lunar cycles on pollination of certain plants (rydin and bolinder 2015), while we are still undecided if lunar cycles have an influence on human psyche and wellbeing (chakraborty 2013; owens and mcgowen 2006). although perhaps none of the above would surprise a member of an indigenous community, any claims related to the above would have been laughed off by most in the scientific fraternity a few decades ago. except, perhaps, for that unique breed of researchers called ethnobiologists who spend their life working with indigenous peoples, understanding their knowledge and way of life. yet, we should remember that a good number of us have been caught in an eternal quest for scientific validation of traditional/indigenous/local knowledge systems—the numerous research articles comparing biosocial synchrony on sumba: multispecies relationships and environmental variations in indonesia. by cynthia t. fowler. 2016. lexington books, lanham. 137 pp. f. merlin franco 1* 1 institute of asian studies, universiti brunei darussalam, brunei darussalam. * merlin.francis@ubd.edu.bn received august 9, 2018 open access accepted september 5, 2018 doi 10.14237/ebl.9.2.2018.1374 copyright © 2018 by the author(s) licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. franco. 2018. ethnobiology letters 9(2):307–308 308 reviews non-human and continue to affirm their connection through kinships. fowler argues that the swarming of kodi at the sumba reefs during seaworm spawning season is a manifestation of their desire to socialize with the polychaetes. the human rhythms run parallel to that of the moon with whom the humans engage in a reciprocal relationship. thus, the various lunar phases are associated with the good and bad of kodi life. the position of the moon signals to the kodi priests the commencement of the spawning season, while the spawning of seaworms indicate that it is time for the young men to woo their lovers on the beaches close to seaworms. the kodi calendar that is based on the moon and the seaworm rhythms determines landscape and seascape modification activities that include agriculture, harvesting of worms, horticulture, arboriculture, animal husbandry, forestry, hunting, gathering, and fishing. thus, kodi and the polychaetes, together with the moon, 384,400 km away, are all ecosystem engineers. the book makes many crucial contributions to ethnobiology beyond biosocial theory. like hoskins (1993), fowler’s work also recognizes the importance of seaworms in the kodi lunar calendar and the institution of calendar keepers (seaworm priests). yet, she does not delve explicitly into the importance of calendars, as hoskins (1993) did, and leaves it to the reader to tease out the significance of calendars from the voluminous data presented. thus, it could be said that the book also adds to the growing volume of literature on indigenous calendars. for ethnobiologists interested in folk taxonomy, transtaxa such as biri koni and mother seaworm will be of immense interest. mother seaworm is a seaworm; she is also a spirit and ancestor with various niches such as near shore, deep water, ocean, atmosphere, or land. biri koni was once a human who was elevated to the rank of spirit through sacrifice. she is also the sum total of all domesticated crops including job’s-tears, maize, leafy greens, sorghum, rice, and cassava. the occurrence of transtaxa that exist fluidly across various categories otherwise considered separate has rarely been studied. the same applies to doublegendered taxa such as great mother great father that are commonly encountered in southeast asia but often overlooked. the positioning of the sun, the moon, and the seaworms along with the kodi as ecosystem engineers will be of interest to ethnobiologists studying human niche construction. fowler’s book is a comprehensive treatise on kodi cosmology, traditional ecological knowledge, folklore, beliefs, and language, which also makes it important for the study of biocultural diversity—a key term that is, however, not used in this book. references cited chakraborty, u. 2014. effects of different phases of the lunar month on humans. biological rhythm research 45:383–396. doi:10.1080/09291016.2013.830508. geissmann, t., n. lwin, s. s. aung, t. n. aung, z. m. aung, t. h. hla, m. grindley, and f. momberg. 2011. a new species of snub-nosed monkey, genus rhinopithecus milne-edwards, 1872 (primates, colobinae), from northern kachin state, northeastern myanmar. american journal of primatology 73:96–107. doi:10.1002/ajp.20894. gorzelak, m. a., a. k. asay, b. j. pickles, and s. w. simard. 2015. inter‐plant communication through mycorrhizal networks mediates complex adaptive behaviour in plant communities. aob plants 7:plv050. doi:10.1093/aobpla/plv050. hoskins, j. 1993. the play of time: kodi perspectives on calendars, history, and exchange. university of california press, berkeley, ca. owens, m., and i. w. mcgowan. 2006. madness and the moon: the lunar cycle and psychopathology. german journal of psychiatry 9:123–127. proops, l., k. grounds, a. v. smith, and k. mccomb. 2018. animals remember previous facial expressions that specific humans have exhibited. current biology 28:1428–1432. doi:10.1016/ j.cub.2018.03.035. rydin, c., and k. bolinder. 2015. moonlight pollination in the gymnosperm ephedra (gnetales). biology letters 11:20140993. doi:10.1098/ rsbl.2014.0993. sar, t. k. s., i. samanta, a. mahanti, s. akhtar, and j. r. dash. 2018. potential of a polyherbal drug to prevent antimicrobial resistance in bacteria to antibiotics. scientific reports 8:10899. doi:10.1038/ s41598-018-28966-x. bad mothers and strange offspring: images of scrubfowl and sea turtles in eastern indonesia forth. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):52-57 52 research communications of their similar reproductive behaviors—both creatures participate in a similar moral symbolism. found throughout flores island, the scrubfowl (specifically the orange-footed scrubfowl, megapodius reinwardt) is a megapode, which, true to its name, has big feet. in all other respects, and in regard to both size and bodily form, this largely ground-dwelling bird resembles a chicken. its most peculiar feature in the eyes of flores islanders is that it is an incubator. that is to say, it lays its eggs—and very big eggs at that— beneath huge mounds of earth, sand, and leaf litter that reach up to 4.5 meters in height and over 9 meters in diameter (jones et al. 1995:225), where it leaves the eggs to incubate. as a result, the young birds hatch without any attention from the mother bird. for this reason, nage describe scrubfowl as “laying eggs (but) not knowing how to sit on them” (telo be’o neke kéwo), or in another interpretation, “laying eggs on the ground, (but) brooding on a tree branch” (telo zale one awu, neke nama da’a kaju). this last specification reflects the local observation that, whenever the scrubfowls are seen—or, more often, heard—the birds are nearly always found in a tree. birds can communicate to humans, other birds, and to a variety of other creatures in their own voices. however, birds also communicate—to humans particularly—through metaphor: by way of their physical forms, activities, and indeed through their songs and cries, providing humans with ways of talking about a variety of topics, but especially other people. in a recent book (forth 2019a) i explore 566 animal metaphors employed by the nage people of flores island in eastern indonesia. nearly 180 of these incorporate 49 categories of birds, all of which are folk-generics corresponding to english terms like “crow,” “eagle,” and “kingfisher.” one finding of the book is that the large majority of nage bird metaphors, like animal metaphors in general, refer to human beings, and that many of these serve to convey moral ideas about proper and improper conduct. another finding is that synonymous or at least very similar metaphors can have very different kinds of animals as their vehicles—for example, a bird and a mammal or a bird and a reptile. the present discussion centers largely on florenese ideas concerning a bird, the scrubfowl, and a marine reptile, the sea turtle, and my aim is to show how—by virtue bad mothers and strange offspring: images of scrubfowl and sea turtles in eastern indonesia gregory forth 1 1 department of anthropology, university of alberta, edmonton, canada. * gforth@ualberta.ca abstract one way birds communicate knowledge to humans and facilitate communication among humans is through metaphors. a recent book discusses animal metaphors, nearly a third of which employ birds as vehicles, used by the nage people of flores island (eastern indonesia). as applied to human beings and human behaviors, bird metaphors reveal considerable overlap with other animal metaphors; thus, a full understanding of these requires additional attention to the metaphoric or more generally symbolic value of other sorts of non-human animals. emphasizing how knowledge of birds is shaped in some degree by an extra-cultural empirical experience of the creatures, the present discussion explores similar representations of a bird, the scrubfowl, and a marine reptile, the sea turtle, among people in several parts of flores. received july 12, 2019 open access accepted october 28, 2019 doi 10.14237/ebl.11.2.2020.1624 published december 4, 2020 keywords animal metaphor, moral symbolism, scrubfowl, sea turtles, flores island, indonesia copyright © 2020 by the author(s) licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. forth. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):52-57 53 research communications these characteristics, all of which are empirically grounded, contribute to an image of scrubfowl hens as bad mothers who do not take sufficient care of their offspring. in accordance with the large size of the eggs (on flores weighing up to 140 grams, jones et al. 1995:226), and therefore the size of the chicks when they hatch, flores villagers say that newborn scrubfowl are large and strong enough to search for their own food. the observation is ornithologically well founded and, though i never heard flores islanders mention it specifically, newborn chicks are sufficiently mature to fly within hours of hatching (jones et al. 1995:8, 22; simpson and day 1993:311). both in nage and in the keo region, immediately to the south of nage, people claimed that, to ensure their independence, the mother birds will chase and peck at newborn chicks, and keo informants further asserted that, in the same context, parent birds will sometimes kill their young. although this last idea appears empirically less likely, it should be seen in relation to a practice of filial infanticide that is surprisingly widespread among a variety of animal species, including many birds. in fact, scrubfowl are better parents than flores people perhaps realize, for usually the males “manage the [nest] mound and control the incubating temperature” (simpson and day 1993:311), something they achieve “by digging a number of holes and testing the conditions” (leseberg and campbell 2015:97). but even if florenese are aware of this behavior (and i have no evidence that they are), they do not characterize scrubfowl males as caring fathers. in addition, several pairs sometimes use the same mound (mackinnon 1991; wallace 1922:120), another practice of scrubfowls that contrasts with the normal nesting behavior of other birds. whatever the truth is of scrubfowl parents attacking their young, all locally recognized behaviors of the bird motivate a nage metaphor referring to women who give birth and then desert or inadequately provide for their offspring. such women are thus described as “like scrubfowl that lay their eggs and just leave them” (bhia koko wodo telo ea telo ea). although observable attributes of the birds would appear to sufficiently account for nage selection of the scrubfowl for this metaphorical role, a certain irony (thus another device of verbal symbolism) is also discernible in the usage. in shape, size, and largely ground-dwelling habit, and its “loud crowing and cackling calls” (leseberg and campbell 2015:96), the bird closely resembles a chicken. yet in contrast to the scrubfowl, domestic hens are represented, particularly in nage metaphor, as the most maternal of birds. at this point a linguistic note is useful. the nage name for the scrubfowl, koko wodo, comprises two parts. the first is koko, an onomatope which replicates the bird’s cries and is almost identical to another onomatope, kako, “to crow (of a domestic cock).” the second, wodo, is the sole name for the bird in several florenese languages, as are cognates in other east indonesian languages, and appears to reflect a central-malayo-polynesian proto-term (forth 2010:238). in nage, wodo further refers to the practice of domestic hens sheltering chicks beneath their wings, a common behavior serving to protect their offspring. although this second meaning may reflect a different protoform, the two senses are nevertheless covered by a single nage word, and in view of their perception of female scrubfowl as bad mothers, it is likely that the irony is not lost on nage and that the birds’ overall resemblance to chickens further motivates the metaphor. apart from the metaphor, there is another symbolic usage, an obviously fantastic local idea concerning scrubfowl that is similarly connected with the birds’ seemingly poor maternal habits and the absence of any evident relationship between mother bird and offspring that becomes apparent from the very moment eggs are laid. on flores, the orangefooted scrubfowl is now considered rare and people describe its numbers as much reduced from perhaps a half century ago, when the birds and their nest mounds were more regularly encountered, and the mounds were exploited for their eggs. even so, people still recognize the birds as occurring both in highland areas and near the coast, where they appear to be more common. nage and other flores islanders further claim that when scrubfowl nest relatively close to the sea some of their eggs will hatch into sea creatures, while others hatch into scrubfowl and other land creatures depending on the direction in which the newborns emerge from the egg. according to one variant, scrubfowl chicks that hatch facing the sea will be sea creatures while those that face towards the land will be scrubfowl. offspring that take a form other than scrubfowl are the strange offspring to which i refer in my title. “strange” because they are alien in relation to their parents, belonging, according to nage forth. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):52-57 54 research communications animal taxonomy, not only to other folk-generics but also to other life-forms (sensu berlin 1992). since snakes and similar creatures are among the animals said to emerge from scrubfowl eggs, some basis for the notion that other animals can hatch from these may be found in the actual occurrence of such creatures in or near scrubfowl nest mounds. in fact, snakes and monitor lizards—including komodo monitors or komodo dragons varanus komodoensis (lincoln 1974), found on flores as well as on komodo and small neighboring islands—are among the animals most likely to prey on scrubfowl eggs. however, another source of this idea may be local knowledge and similar beliefs concerning the nesting and parenting habits of another animal, indeed another reptile—the sea turtle. two species of sea turtle, the hawksbill turtle (eretmochelys imbricata [formerly chelonia imbricata]) and the green turtle (chelonia midas), occur in the waters around flores. both are exclusively marine creatures with flippers instead of legs and therefore move awkwardly on dry land. in fact, the only time sea turtles venture on land is when females leave the sea to lay their eggs in holes they dig in sandy beaches, which they afterwards cover with sand before promptly returning to the sea. exactly like scrubfowl, therefore, turtles are incubators. after laying, they neither brood their eggs, nor do the females attend to newly hatched young which, in the case of sea turtles, will immediately scurry to the sea. in east central flores, lio people mention how turtles are peculiar in this respect, since unlike all other marine creatures they live in the sea but lay their eggs on dry land. (frogs too might be considered similarly inconsistent, because as is generally known, they lay their eggs in water. adult frogs also spend much time in water, although they are equally at home on dry land.) flores islanders themselves are aware of the similar reproductive behavior of turtles and scrubfowl. but they add one more similarity when they claim that the eggs of turtles also do not hatch only young turtles. according to one version of the belief, it is only when a female turtle, after laying, returns to the sea and rests on the ocean floor facing out to sea that her young are eventually born as turtles (in one view, turtles and fish). on the other hand, if she faces in the opposite direction, that is, towards the land, her eggs will produce a variety of land creatures. unfortunately, i did not think to ask whether marine turtles might be among the animals that emerge from scrubfowl eggs when the newly hatched turn towards the sea. however, a man in the sikka region, in the eastern part of flores—and thus well to the east of nage and keo—included scrubfowl (rata wodon) among the land creatures that can emerge from turtle eggs. both turtles and scrubfowl—the eggs of which the females do not brood or protect by sitting on their clutches—are thus thought to produce offspring belonging to what islanders consider different lifeforms. it is as though the attendance of the mother animal is required throughout the period of gestation to ensure that all infants will be of the same folkzoological kind. regarding sea turtles especially, similar ideas are found on various indonesian islands. on flores, land creatures that can hatch from turtles’ eggs include not only snakes, monitor lizards, skinks, and rats, but also birds. the sikkanese notion that young scrubfowl can emerge from turtle’s eggs has already been noted. mentioned far more often than scrubfowl are birds that consume ripening crops, such as crows, quails, and munias (small finches that feed on grain). but the most commonly mentioned of all are cockatoos and parrots, birds which, together with crows, are notorious for ravaging fields of maize. why oviparous reptiles of other kinds might hatch from turtle eggs may seem relatively straightforward, but the birds require more attention. various flores people describe hawksbill turtles as having heads and mouths or snouts that are shaped like birds’ beaks—a resemblance enshrined, of course, in the species’ english name. more specifically, they say turtles have heads like cockatoos, a similarity reinforced for speakers of some flores languages by the fact that words for “turtle” and “cockatoo”, though evidently deriving from different protoforms, are similar or identical. the identity of names is taken furthest in dialects of nage from which the /r/ has disappeared, leaving kea as the word synonymously denoting both marine turtles (elsewhere in languages of the ngadha-lio group named kéra) and the cockatoo, which throughout flores is the yellowcrested cockatoo (cacatua sulpurea). when necessary, nage can distinguish turtles as kea mesi, “sea kea,” or as this is occasionally understood “sea cockatoo”; and cockatoos in central nage can be specified as kaka kéa, a name in some contexts reduced to kaka. nevertheless, the similarity remains, and nage themselves understand the partly identical names as reflecting the physical resemblance between turtles forth. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):52-57 55 research communications and birds, and more specifically the resemblance of a turtle’s head to that of a cockatoo (forth 2016:224225). the precedence of cockatoos over turtles in this last formulation—the fact that turtles are compared to cockatoos rather than the other way round— reflects nage familiarity with cockatoos, birds seen often until they disappeared from many places two or three decades ago. by contrast, as inlanders or highlanders, nage rarely see marine turtles. clearly, the notion that young cockatoos and parrots can emerge from turtle eggs has a basis in the resemblance between the heads of the marine reptiles and the heads of psittacine birds. the idea that other avian crop pests and even rats can also hatch from the eggs might then be attributed to metonymy. that is, cockatoos and parrots, owing to their physical resemblance to turtles, are selected as the part that represents the whole, in this instance a utilitarian category comprising all creatures that do damage to crops. also, of note is a local notion encountered in several parts of flores, that pestilence of all sorts (including plague rats as well as birds) ultimately derives from the sea, so that the antidote must also come from the sea—a principle that finds expression in garden magic. however, this still leaves the question of snakes, monitor lizards, and skinks. as hinted earlier, the association with marine turtles might be traced to these reptiles being, like turtles, mostly oviparous. at the same time, monitors and snakes are great eggeaters, so the association could further be linked to the actual presence of these animals near sea turtle clutches. as mentioned before, snakes and lizards are among creatures florenese say emerge from scrubfowl eggs, and this idea too can be explained by the presence of these reptiles near scrubfowl nests. yet as this similarity should suggest, a more general explanation for creatures other than turtles hatching from turtle eggs and creatures other than scrubfowl chicks hatching from scrubfowl eggs lies in what flores islanders perceive as the poor parenting skills of both animals. in other words, the common theme is female animals, after laying, not sitting on their eggs and moreover giving no apparent care to their young after they are hatched, thus resulting in not all of their eggs producing young of the proper kind. it should also be recalled that young of the wrong kind are believed to hatch either when the mother animal faces in the wrong direction (toward the land for female sea turtles) or when an egg is inappropriately disposed. this incorrect orientation, as it were, adds to the perverse character of the adult creatures. in the case of marine turtles, the incorrect orientation recalls the representation of these reptiles as creatures that live entirely in the sea and yet, perversely in the local view, lay their eggs on land. as i have demonstrated elsewhere (forth 2017, 2019b), in the lio region especially, breaches of a major cosmological principle in which things of the land should be kept separate from the sea illuminate a number of local ideas and attitudes towards animals, including beliefs that associate them with spirits. despite their unusual reproductive behaviors neither marine turtles nor scrubfowl are, as far as i have been able to discover, identified with spirits (for example, earth spirits or sea spirits) in any part of flores. nor do the turtles serve as the vehicle for any metaphor motivated by the creatures’ egg-laying and parenting practices, or at least none that applies to humans— unlike scrubfowls, which provide the nage with a metaphor for bad motherhood. however, the symbolic value of the sea turtle’s peculiar parenting finds a definite expression in agricultural ritual, and in this context, one encounters another kind of verbal metaphor. bound up with their connection with cockatoos and parrots, and more specifically the belief that sea turtle eggs can give rise both to these birds and to other similarly pestilential creatures, the rites in question, mostly of a magical nature, are performed to lend protection to ripening crops. thus, in the lio region, after planting, people burn turtle shell inside a field to keep cockatoos, parrots, and pests of all sorts away. alternatively, they will bury turtle eggs, one each in the four corners of a field and in the center. these magical acts have a verbal component as well, for in accompanying ritual speech, lio cultivators do not refer to parrots and cockatoos by their ordinary names (in lio dialects wéka for cockatoos and tori for parrots [mostly the great-billed parrot tanygnathus megalorhynchos]). rather, they refer to these birds as turtles (kéra), a metaphor that not only alludes to the belief in pestilential animals deriving from turtle eggs, but possibly also suggests that the birds and other creatures are still, in some essential sense, turtles. discussion and conclusions the case of scrubfowls and sea turtles provides yet another illustration of how creatures quite unconnected in folk zoological taxonomy can be closely associated by virtue of their symbolic values. of course, symbolically as well, scrubfowls and turtles forth. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):52-57 56 research communications are by no means completely identical. as seemingly bad parents, only turtles are believed to produce pestilential animals, especially in the shape of psittacine birds linked metonymically with all plague animals. this association is largely explained by an explicit physical resemblance between turtles and cockatoos and parrots. in contrast, scrubfowls have no such negative significance; the strange hatchlings believed to emerge from some of their eggs do not damage cultivated fields, nor do they negatively affect any human endeavor, and evidently as a result the scrubfowl plays no part in ritual. in addition, in flores garden-magic turtles provide their own antidote to the crop depredations they ultimately cause by way of their strange offspring, in the form of fragments of their shells or their eggs— a straightforward case of magical homeopathy. yet scrubfowls arguably do something similar. not only does the scrubfowl provide an identical model of bad parenthood, but like turtles they might be seen as making up for this by providing an antidote in the form of a metaphor, which in effect warns people against going the way of this peculiar bird. i close with remarks on animal transformation. partly because the idea of scrubfowl eggs hatching creatures of quite different species appears to be less well or widely known on flores, it is possible that the belief is derivative of an older and possibly more widespread belief concerning turtles. however that may be, as applied to either species, the notion of creatures laying eggs from which different kinds of animals can emerge suggests a comparison with what i have elsewhere called “transformation beliefs” (forth 2016). by this phrase i refer to the idea that certain animals, at some stage in their lives and usually when they become old, will change permanently into animals of a different kind. among nage, these transformations partly comprise metamorphoses recognized by professional zoologists, including tadpoles changing into frogs and caterpillars into butterflies. however, nage treat members of such pairs not as immature and mature specimens of a single kind but as distinct kinds (that is, different folk generics). with other animals, including mammals, birds (actually bats), several kinds of snakes, and eels (a particular kind of eel considered a transformation from russell’s vipers), the belief reflects morphological and behavioral similarities, recognized by nage themselves, between zoological source and product. with these animals, rather than complete metamorphosis, there is a noticeable continuity between the two creatures. in other cases, the transformation is explained instead by situational connections, also recognized by local people, between the two creatures, as for example the idea that tiny bats (microchiropterans) develop from large grubs found inside bamboo internodes that the bats themselves occupy, after entering through cracks. a comparable observation applies to turtles and scrubfowl insofar as some of the creatures claimed to hatch from their eggs can be found in proximity to scrubfowl nest mounds and buried clutches of turtle eggs. as demonstrated, however, in these instances the beliefs are more fully accounted for by local observation of the egg-laying habit of the mother animal and the lack of care given to their young, and specifically those young that maintain the same form as the parents. expressed another way, the discontinuity in the parent-infant relationship is consistent with the idea that some of the young will be creatures of a different kind, i.e., physically and especially morphologically discontinuous with the parents. again, it is this discontinuity that informs symbolic uses of scrubfowl and turtles—solely as metaphors advertising against poor maternal behavior among human females in the first case and as magical agents in the second. in this respect it is significant that a comprehensive study of nage animal metaphors (forth, 2019a) reveals that animals involved in other reputed transformations (such as grubs into bats, or tadpoles into frogs) do not serve as vehicles of nage verbal metaphors, nor do nage employ any of these creatures, actually or nominally, in ritual performances. ideas about scrubfowl might appear to contravert this generalization. but in fact they do not, for the bird’s value as a nage metaphor of human behavior is exclusively informed by their habit of laying eggs and then deserting them, not by the idea that some of these eggs might hatch as animals of a different kind—itself a belief (as opposed to a metaphor) grounded in the same egg-laying behavior. much the same goes for marine turtles. among the lio, the more prominent part played by this creature’s production of strange offspring motivates ritual activity, not any metaphorical reference to humans. and though in one ritual context the name of the turtle is metaphorically applied to cockatoos and parrots, this too is a usage not found in nage but only forth. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):52-57 57 research communications in lio, where the scrubfowl metaphor appears to be absent. as regards animal metaphors and metamorphosis, it is finally worth remarking how, other than birds, most animals nage regard as laying eggs—including insects, fish, amphibians, and some reptiles (vipers are correctly regarded as bearing young live)—are not observed to brood these. additionally, some of these egg-layers figure in nage transformation beliefs (2016:278). like turtles, these animals too do not serve as vehicles of metaphors for negligent human parents, whereas scrubfowl do. if either scrubfowl or sea turtles appear to participate in a transformation of some sort, the transformation does not involve direct metaphorphosis from a hatched offspring in the way nage conceive of bats developing directly from grubs or frogs from tadpoles, and moreover from individuals they represent as already mature. rather, the creature of a different kind emerges from an egg, in the same way young cuckoos are believed to hatch from crow’s eggs—another nage idea, based on a partly mistaken interpretation of brood parasitism. elsewhere (forth 2016:280–281) i have distinguished the nage belief about cuckoos and crows from animal transformation on the grounds that they conceive of cuckoos as offspring of crows and not as metamorphoses from either crows or their eggs. the same applies to the strange offspring of turtles and scrubfowl, whose peculiar character is explained by the equally peculiar, and discontinuous, way the maternal parent lays and subsequently abandons its eggs. declarations permissions: none declared. sources of funding: none declared. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited berlin, b. 1992. ethnobiological classification: principles of categorization of plants and animals in traditional societies. princeton university press, princeton, n.j. forth, g. 2010. what’s in a bird’s name: relationships among ethno-ornithological terms in nage and other malayo-polynesian languages. in ethno-ornithology: birds, indigenous peoples, culture, and society, edited by s. tidemann and a. gosler, pp. 223–237. earthscan, london. forth, g. 2016. why the porcupine is not a bird: explorations in the folk zoology of an eastern indonesian people. university of toronto press, toronto. forth, g. 2017. ethnographic reports of freshwater turtles on flores island: the possibilities of an undocumented chelonian species. herpetological review 48:304–310. forth, g. 2019a. a dog pissing at the edge of a path: animal metaphors in an eastern indonesian society. mcgill-queens university press, montreal. forth, g. 2019b. ethnographic evidence for the presence of the coconut crab birgus latro (linnaeus, 1767) (anomura, coenobitidae) on flores island, i n d o n e s i a . c r u s t a c e a n a 9 2 : 9 2 1 – 9 4 1 . doi:10.1163/15685403-00003912. jones, d. n., r. w. r. j. dekker, and c. s. roselaar. 1995. the megapodes. oxford university press, oxford. leseberg, n., and i. campbell. 2015. birds and animals of australia’s top end: darwin, kakadu, katherine, and kununarra. princeton university press, princeton, nj. lincoln, g. a. 1974. predation of incubator birds (megapodius freycinet) by komodo dragons (varanus komodoensis). journal of zoology 174:419–428. mackinnon, j. 1991. field guide to the birds of java and bali. gajah madah university press, yogyakarta, indonesia. simpson, k., and m. day. 1993. field guide to the birds of australia, 3rd edition. viking o’neill, ringwood, australia. wallace, a. r. 1922. the malay archipelago: the land of the orang-utan and the bird of paradise. macmillan, london. ethnobotanical study of the mexican laurel in el chico national park, mexico: a quantitative perspective ortega-meza et al. 2019. ethnobiology letters 10(1):1–13 1 research communications used by humans and understanding how local people select, use, and manage plants, and why (gaoue et al. 2017), and documenting the knowledge that human populations have about them. this type of knowledge should be applied in conservation, since it provides real and functional information on the use and management of useful species and vegetation as a whole (shrestha and medley 2017). this information could be used to generate public policy and by decision makers and policy makers (albuquerque et al. 2009). this applies mainly to species with economic and cultural importance (including symbolic importance) that contribute to human welfare (albuquerque et al. 2009). ethnobotany also enables the necessary tools to be generated to promote sustainable use of plant resources (gómez-pompa 2001; lópez-gutiérrez et al. 2014; pío-león et al. 2017). additionally, ethnobotany research potentially introduction the success of human populations has depended in part on their knowledge and manipulation of their environment, an aspect in which plants play a fundamental role (pardo de santayana and gómez 2003). several researchers have studied the importance of plants to rural communities: how the plants are managed, their diverse uses, and the best conservation methods. however, special attention should be given to the uses of species in natural protected areas (npas), as in most cases conservation in protected areas does not take into account the cultural contexts in which these uses have evolved (tuxill and nabhan 2001). ethnobotany has clear applications to conservation science in several aspects. it is fundamental for identifying the diversity of plants ethnobotanical study of the mexican laurel in el chico national park, mexico: a quantitative perspective daniela ortega-meza 1* , maría teresa pulido-silva 1 , joari costa de arruda 2 , and carolina joana da silva 2 1 instituto de ciencias básicas e ingeniería, centro de investigaciones biológicas, universidad autónoma del estado de hidalgo, pachuca de soto, hidalgo, mexico. 2 centro de estudos em limnologia, biodiversidade e etnobiologia do pantanal, universidade do estado de mato grosso, cáceres, mato grosso, brazil. * labetnobiologiauaeh@gmail.com abstract this study was conducted in two villages of el chico national park (ecnp), mexico, to document the uses of litsea glaucescens (mexican laurel) by the local population and to identify actors with knowledge about the species using quantitative ethnobotanical techniques. fifty-five semi-structured interviews were conducted to obtain a free-list about the specific uses of the laurel, to analyze its importance among the social group under study, and to use social networking to identify individuals within the community who had particular knowledge about the plant. we found a total of 25 specific uses for the plant, which have different levels of importance for the people of the ecnp. the most common use was seasoning, while medicinal and cultural uses had a lesser importance. use of the seed of the laurel as a material for handcrafts is recorded for the first time in this study. the social network showed that there was a relationship between the actors interviewed from the two communities. they are identified as having some relationship to the plant or knowledge about it, but the actors who produce it are the most prominent. an analysis of the specific uses of the laurel and those with knowledge about it is considered indispensable for generating specific management and harvesting strategies for the species, which will be able to contribute a local perspective to its conservation. received october 19, 2018 open access accepted january 29, 2019 doi 10.14237/ebl.10.1.2019.1427 published april 15, 2019 keywords free-list, natural protected area (npa), quantitative ethnobotany, social network, mexican laurel copyright © 2019 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. ortega-meza et al. 2019. ethnobiology letters 10(1):1–13 2 research communications encourages conservation from an etic and emic perspective (pío-león et al. 2017). in mexico, a variety of plants are used by communities residing within npas (pulido and cuevas-cardona 2013). these plants provide multiple benefits, as they are grown not only for commerce, but also for daily household use (alexiades and shanley 2004). however, there are few npa management plans that address the conservation of plants that are considered useful or valuable either because of their subsistence value or because of their ceremonial and social importance (tuxill and nabhan 2001). the value and importance of useful plants can be classified according to their contribution within the traditional culture of a given human group and can be evaluated from two perspectives. the first is to determine the number of useful plants in a location overall, and the second is to learn the actual or potential applications of a given plant (turner 1988). there are a number of methods for determining the importance of different species or families of plants. these methods include quantitative techniques; for example, measuring cultural significance through the use of indices (turner 1988), relative importance and use value (phillips and gentry 1993), or the importance of a given use based on its frequency and the order in which it is mentioned, as is the case of smith’s salience index (borgatti 1996). these methods have enabled the relationship between people and plants to be investigated effectively. however, in order to understand the importance of a species from the local perspective, it is also necessary to understand the relationship between the members of the human groups studied, who are the users of these resources. social networks are useful for locating information about the capacity for intercommunication and organization among the members of a group, as well as for finding out individual actors’ perceptions of other members and their own positions within the group (boster et al. 1987). this study evaluates the importance of specific uses of mexican laurel (litsea glaucescens) in two communities (villages) in ecnp. the mexican laurel grows wild in the abies religiosa (“oyamel”) forest of this natural protected area and has been classified as in danger of extinction under the mexican nom-059semarnat-2010 standard (semarnat 2010). ethnobotanical information on the main uses of a plant (in the current case mexican laurel), and the relationship between users of the plant and those with knowledge about it will enable the importance of the species and its specific uses to be determined and interpreted by local residents in terms that they consider significant (turner 1988). of the 7,800 non-timber species identified in mexico's cold temperate forests, mexican laurel is one of the five non-timber forest products considered to have high potential for development (conabio 1998). its uses include medicinal uses, namely infusions for the relief of chest congestion, cough, maladies of the ear, various gastrointestinal diseases, intestinal pain, postpartum uterine contractions, sterility and dysmenorrhea, as well as ceremonial uses (jiménez-pérez et al. 2011). in recent years, the plant has been discovered to have properties for treating stress-related conditions (guzmán-gutiérrez et al. 2014). as a seasoning, it is sold as bundles of dry leaves together with thyme, marjoram, and oregano, and used to flavor pasta, fish, and tomato sauce dishes (dávila-figueroa et al. 2011; jiménez-pérez et al. 2011). while the species is harvested illegally in the ecnp and sold (personal observation and confiscations by environmental authorities), part of the supply is produced legally in two wildlife management units (umas in spanish) in carboneras, where it is financially supported by semarnat. this study is focused on knowledge about the mexican laurel and the traditional and domestic uses given to the species. it is the first detailed study of the uses of this plant in mexico and the first time these uses have been ranked according to the importance they have for the local communities that use them. given the findings of previous research, it was expected that medicinal uses would prevail in the study area since the communities in the studies are rural. religious uses were also expected to predominate, especially easter week festivals, as in other parts of the country. the use of mexican laurel in easter celebrations is one of the most studied (lópez-gutiérrez et al. 2010; montañez-armenta et al. 2011; ortiz-quijano 2016). additionally, this study was carried out in the ecnp, a key area for mexican laurel production at the national level because of the outstanding organoleptic quality of the plants grown here. the objectives of the present study were: 1) to evaluate the most important specific traditional uses of the plant among the study communities, based on ortega-meza et al. 2019. ethnobiology letters 10(1):1–13 3 research communications the free-listing technique and 2) to analyze the social network among the members of the communities to identify the relationships between the people who are recognized for having some type of knowledge about the uses of the mexican laurel. the goal is to contribute to documenting the ethnobotanical knowledge on the species, which will be useful both for making management decisions in the context of npas and for helping maintain traditional knowledge among the local mestizo people. methods study area the ecnp is located in the state of hidalgo, mexico, with an area of 2,739 hectares, covered mostly (62.9%) by “oyamel” forest, which is where most of the mexican laurel populations are located. there are seven towns in the ecnp (conanp 2005; figure 1), with a total population of 6,721. the local population is of mestizo origin (inegi 2010). ethnobotanical information was collected in carboneras and pueblo nuevo. these two towns are different in age. carboneras was one of the first communities founded in the region (1876–1897), during a mining boom, and has a population of 1,226 (inegi 2010). pueblo nuevo was founded between 1965–1980 and has a population of 753 (inegi 2010). it should be noted that the purpose of the study was not to compare them, but to broaden the potential for discovering different uses for the mexican laurel in the study area. the main occupations among the male residents are subsistence agricultural production for selfconsumption, mainly in agricultural plots and figure 1 study locations: carboneras, municipality of mineral del chico and pueblo nuevo, and municipality of mineral del monte, hidalgo. ortega-meza et al. 2019. ethnobiology letters 10(1):1–13 4 research communications common lands, masonry, and trade, in addition to gardening or factory work in the city of pachuca. the women are homemakers or domestic employees in pachuca. fifty-five percent of the interviewees said they worked at more than one job. both communities offer tourism services, but none of the respondents make a living in this industry. data collection before the fieldwork started, a meeting was held with the authorities of the two towns, to obtain consent for the interviews. a total of 55 interviews were conducted, from may to august 2017. the sample size was determined by the collector’s curve (krebs 1989). this curve gives the number of interviews that are needed to have enough information about the topic under consideration. when the curve stabilizes, it indicates that the universe of the sample is not altered even if more interviews are added (figure 2). in this case, the collector’s curve stabilized at interview 54, leading to the decision to conduct a total of 55 interviews. thirty interviews were conducted in carboneras and 25 in pueblo nuevo. twenty-six men and 29 women were interviewed. to ensure anonymity, the interview subjects were identified by initials (bernard 2006). the interview subjects were selected using the snowball method (bernard 2006). the snowball method is initiated by locating a key informant. subsequently, interviews were continued with the actors named in the snowball process. however, in six cases the subjects did not nominate others, and in other cases they nominated people who had already been interviewed, so it was decided to include six more people who had mexican laurel in their gardens, yards, or plots of land, under the assumption that they had knowledge about the plant. in addition, 11 young people under 30 years of age were selected to subsequently investigate knowledge transmission. the interviews were divided into three age ranges (15–30, 31–60, >60), to represent young people, adults, and seniors. it should be noted that although the actors were interviewed on the basis of previously established methods, they were targeted according to specific characteristics, such as originating from the communities and being of either sex. the interviewers did not seek to interview merchants but rather local users of the plant or people who were mentioned as being related to it according to other actors. while the interviews were conducted with local users of the plants, the method applied could potentially include legal or illegal traders of mexican laurel, as did happen. ethnobotanical information about the mexican laurel was gathered using a semi-structured interview (albuquerque et al. 2014; bernard 2006). the interviewer first asked about the socio-economic characteristics of the interview subject, and then elicited a free-list (bernard 2006) of the uses given to the laurel and the parts of the plant used for these purposes. at the end of the interview, the subject was also asked about other actors who could potentially provide information about the topic. the free-listing technique consists in listing all the terms mentioned by the actors interviewed on the domain of interest, which are recorded in the order in which they state them. to ensure that the interviewer and the interview subject were talking about the same object, a branch of mexican laurel was presented as a visual stimulus (bernard 2006). one hundred percent of the informants recognized the plant. data analysis the free-list was analyzed using smith’s salience index by means of the anthropac 4.0 program (borgatti 1996). this index assigns the highest values, close to one, according to the frequency and order by which the terms are mentioned in the list. it enables them to be classified by their importance. notable breaks or discontinuities occur between the numerical figure 2 collector curve. x axis: number of persons interviewed. y axis: number of uses mentioned. ortega-meza et al. 2019. ethnobiology letters 10(1):1–13 5 research communications values of the elements with greater or lesser salience (gravlee 2002). based on the results of the free-list analysis, multidimensional scaling (mds) was applied based on the jaccard index, using the past 3.0 program (hammer et al. 2001). this locates the different uses in a hyperdimensional space as a function of their similarity according to the number of times they are mentioned (romney and weller 1984). the uses of mexican laurel reported in the interviews were classified into four categories modified from castañeda and albán (2016) as follows: seasoning, used to add flavor and aroma to various dishes; medicinal, used to treat or prevent diseases; cultural, used in social or ritual activities; and craft production, in which the seed is used for manufacturing items by hand. information provided by informants about other members of the community was noted, graphed, and analyzed using the ucinet 6.403 and netdraw 2.120 programs (borgatti 2002), which allowed us to draw a social network of the actors. this network shows that the greater the number of mentions of a given actor by other members of the network, then the greater the recognition of that actor in the social group with respect to a particular topic (laumann and pappi 1973). each actor is represented by a symbol whose size represents the degree of recognition that other actors assign them. the lines that join the actors of the network can be unior bi-directional; that is, nomination may or may not be reciprocal. disconnected nodes in the network represent people who were not mentioned by other actors. results uses of mexican laurel in communities in the ecnp of the actors interviewed from the study communities, 100% acknowledged that the plant was used in their homes. the use most mentioned was seasoning (95%); 53% mentioned cultural uses, 42% mentioned medicinal uses, and only 2% of those interviewed mentioned crafts. these results contrast with those given by the quantitative analysis of the smith index. simultaneously taking into account both the order in which a use is mentioned, as well as the frequency, it enables the uses, in this case from a local perspective, to be ranked more precisely. this is the case of cultural uses. although they were mentioned by more than half of the actors (53%), they were often named near the end of the free-list, and the interview often had to be focused (bernard 2006) before the actors could identify, remember, and mention these uses. the actors mentioned 25 specific uses of the mexican laurel, from which the smith index was calculated. five groups could be registered in the freelist, identified by gaps or breaks in the value of the index. use of the plant for pickling chile peppers had the highest value (0.655), indicating that it has the greatest importance in the study localities. the second break is between the use of the laurel in foods based on tomato sauce (0.364), fish (0.351), pasta (0.296), and chicken broth (0.265), suggesting that these are also important uses. less important were its uses for mixiotes (0.210), tinga (0.192), and mole (0.186), as well as medicinal use for teas (0.200) shown by the third break. the first three groups are made up of culinary uses, while the first medicinal use does not emerge until after the third break. the fourth break is between medicinal use in baths to cure espanto and remove bad energy (0.179), as well as postpartum baths (0.176) and in dishes such as picadillo (0.165) and pozole (0.152). the other 12 specific uses in the final group were mentioned infrequently, and in last place on the free-list, indicating that they are not very important in these communities. among these uses are the seven religious uses that are made of the plant in the study communities (table 1). the multidimensional scaling diagram (mds) grouped the uses of the mexican laurel according to the greater frequency of mentions and the similarity of the answers among the interviewees who mentioned them. in this case, the uses as seasoning were grouped together, confirming the importance of the species in this category rather than for medicinal or cultural uses (figure 3). social network of knowledge and uses of mexican laurel the social network identified two individuals with specialized knowledge of the mexican laurel in carboneras and showed that there is a relationship between the informants. the network was made up of the 55 interview subjects. these actors named at least one other person and up to seven (with the exception of the six actors who did not name anyone else), making up the network of relationships between persons who use or know the species in the study localities. the disconnected nodes (15) in the network correspond to people who have some relationship or knowledge about the plant because they have the plant growing in their garden, backyard, or plot of ortega-meza et al. 2019. ethnobiology letters 10(1):1–13 6 research communications land although they were not necessarily mentioned by other actors, in addition to some young people not taken into account by seniors and vice versa (figure 4). the network shows mainly unidirectional relationships; that is, recognition between actors is not always reciprocal. it also demonstrates that there is a relationship between actors in pueblo nuevo and in carboneras. the social network shows a concentration around the actor bbm, who was mentioned by 16 others. this person was the central interviewee of the network, and was followed by the actor vmg, with nine mentions and gfo and pvp with eight mentions each. it should be noted that bbm and vmg are recognized in both towns as experts on the mexican laurel in carboneras, as they are the promoters of the two umas. these actors, were the only ones identified as trading in mexican laurel. in general, the actors with the highest number of mentions were identified as having some relationship with the mexican laurel tree and, therefore, according to the interview subjects, had the most knowledge about the plant. it is notable that of the 40 connected actors in the network, 20 were women and 20 were men, which indicates that both genders have knowledge about the uses of the plant. adults were the age group most mentioned in the social network (19), followed by seniors (13) and eight young people. young people, despite being mentioned less than other age groups, are already identified by other actors as knowing about the plant. discussion local uses of mexican laurel this is the first study focused on investigating the specific uses of litsea glaucescens in mexico, specifically in the ecnp. the quantitative results showed that its uses as a seasoning are the most common and most important (95%) in the ecnp, while medicinal and figure 3 diagram of multidimensional scaling (mds) of reported uses of mexican laurel. each point represents one use: circles = seasoning, triangles = cultural, and squares = medicinal. use in the december 12 festival and as material for handicrafts was not included in the mds, since they behave as outliers. the meaning of the symbols are found in table 1. ortega-meza et al. 2019. ethnobiology letters 10(1):1–13 7 research communications t a b le 1 f re e -l is t a n d s m it h i n d e x o f u se s o f la u re l in c a rb o n e ra s a n d p u e b lo n u e vo . c a te g o ry s p e ci fi c u se a b re v ia ti o n p la n t p a rt u se d f re q u e n cy (% ) n = 5 5 a v e ra g e ra n g e s m it h in d e x d e sc ri p ti o n s e a so n in g p ic k le d c h il e p e p p e rs c v le a v e s 7 6 .4 1 .9 3 0 .6 5 5 w h o le o r le n g th w is e s li ce d c h il e s, u su a ll y j a la p e ñ o s, co o k e d i n v in e g a r w it h o n io n s a n d c a rr o ts , s e a so n in g t o m a to s a u ce c j le a v e s 5 6 .4 4 0 .3 6 4 a b a si c m e xi ca n s a u ce , se rv e d w it h a v a ri e ty o f d is h e s. s e a so n in g f is h p e le a v e s 6 9 .1 5 .3 9 0 .3 5 1 u su a ll y c o o k e d i n b ro th w it h v e g e ta b le s o r g ri ll e d o n co a ls i n a lu m in u m f o il a lo n g w it h o th e r in g re d ie n ts . s e a so n in g p a st a s p a le a v e s 5 6 .4 5 .1 3 0 .2 9 6 m a d e w it h w h e a t fl o u r, c o o k e d w it h h e rb s to e n h a n ce th e fl a vo r. s e a so n in g c h ic k e n s o u p c p le a v e s 6 3 .6 6 .4 0 .2 6 5 b ro th c o n ta in in g p ie ce s o f ch ic k e n a n d a ss o rt e d v e g e ta b le s. s e a so n in g m ix io te s m x le a v e s 4 0 6 .1 4 0 .2 1 m e a t se a so n e d w it h a s p ic y r u b , st e a m e d t o g e th e r w it h n o p a l ca ct u s p a d d le s e n p a p il lo te i n a s h e e t o f m e m b ra n e s tr ip p e d f ro m a p u lq u e m a g u e y l e a f. m e d ic in a l t e a t le a v e s 3 2 .7 4 .7 2 0 .2 in fu si o n o f la u re l le a ve s u se d t o r e li e ve c o u g h o r g a str o in te sti n a l p ro b le m s. s e a so n in g t in g a t g le a v e s 4 3 .6 7 .3 3 0 .1 9 2 s te w o f sh re d d e d c h ic k e n i n a t o m a to , o n io n , g a rl ic a n d c h ip o tl e c h il e s a u ce . s e a so n in g m o le m l le a v e s 3 8 .2 6 .2 9 0 .1 8 6 a m e xi ca n s a u ce c o n si sti n g m a in ly o f ch il e p e p p e rs , sp ic e s, g ro u n d n u ts a n d s e e d s. m e d ic in a l b a th s to c u re e sp a n to a n d e li m in a te b a d e n e rg y . b 1 b ra n ch e s 2 7 .3 4 0 .1 7 9 b a th s in te n d e d t o e li m in a te n e g a ti ve a sp e ct s fr o m t h e b o d y , u si n g a c o m b in a ti o n o f p la n ts t h a t in cl u d e t h e la u re l a n d fl o w e rs . m e d ic in a l p o st p a rt u m b a th s b 2 b ra n ch e s 2 3 .6 3 .3 1 0 .1 7 6 b a th s in te n d e d t o e li m in a te c o ld f ro m t h e b o d y o f a w o m a n w h o h a s g iv e n b ir th , u si n g a c o m b in a ti o n o f p la n ts t h a t in cl u d e t h e l a u re l, s in ce i t is c o n si d e re d a h o t h e rb . s e a so n in g p ic a d il lo p d le a v e s 3 6 .4 7 .1 5 0 .1 6 5 h a sh m a d e w it h g ro u n d m e a t, c a rr o ts , p e a s a n d p o ta to e s. s e a so n in g p o zo le p z le a v e s 4 0 7 .9 1 0 .1 5 2 a t ra d iti o n a l m e xi ca n a n d c e n tr a l a m e ri ca n s o u p m a d e fr o m h o m in y , k n o w n a s ca ca h u a zi n tl e , a n d c h ic k e n o r p o rk m e a t, a lo n g w it h o th e r in g re d ie n ts . c u lt u ra l d a y o f th e d e a d 2 n b ra n ch e s 1 6 .4 2 .2 2 0 .1 3 2 m e xi ca n c e le b ra ti o n , w h ic h h o n o rs t h e d e ce a se d a s th e y r e tu rn t o v is it t h e ir l iv in g r e la ti v e s. n o ve m b e r 1 a n d 2 . s e a so n in g g ri ll e d m e a t/ ra b b it c a le a v e s 1 4 .5 3 .5 0 .1 1 2 m a in ly b e e f o r ra b b it g ri ll e d o n a b a rb e cu e . (c o n ti n u e d o n n e xt p a g e ) ortega-meza et al. 2019. ethnobiology letters 10(1):1–13 8 research communications c a te g o ry s p e ci fi c u se a b re v ia ti o n p la n t p a rt f re q u e n cy (% ) n = 5 5 a v e ra g e ra n g e s m it h in d e x d e sc ri p ti o n s e a so n in g p o rk b ra is e d i n l a rd a n d p ic k le d p ig s fe e t c c le a v e s 1 2 .7 5 .1 4 0 .0 8 2 v a ri o u s p a rt s o f th e p ig a re b ra is e d i n l a rd ; th e p ig ’s fe e t a re b o il e d , a n d v in e g a r a n d v e g e ta b le s a re a d d e d . c u lt u ra l e a st e r w e e k s s b ra n ch e s 1 8 .2 6 .5 0 .0 8 1 c a th o li c fe sti va l th a t co m m e m o ra te s th e p a ss io n , d e a th a n d r e su rr e cti o n o f c h ri st . m a rc h o r a p ri l. b ra n ch e s o f la u re l a re b le ss e d o n p a lm s u n d a y a n d p la ce d i n t h e a rc h e s o f th e c h u rc h e s to s y m b o li ze t h e tr iu m p h a n t e n tr a n ce o f c h ri st i n to j e ru sa le m . c u lt u ra l c a n d le m a s 2 f b ra n ch e s 1 2 .7 6 .7 1 0 .0 6 1 c a th o li c fe sti va l ce le b ra ti n g t h e p re se n ta ti o n o f th e c h ri st c h il d a t th e t e m p le . f e b ru a ry 2 . s e a so n in g b a rb a co a w it h l a m b b lo o d b s le a v e s 1 0 .9 4 .5 0 .0 5 9 m e a t, u su a ll y l a m b , is c o o k e d i n a fi re p it d u g i n to t h e g ro u n d a n d c o ve re d w it h m a g u e y l e a ve s. w h e n t h e c u lt u ra l r e li q u ia s r b ra n ch e s 1 0 .9 6 .1 7 0 .0 5 3 b ra n ch e s o r b o u q u e ts o f d iff e re n t p la n ts a re m a d e f o r ce rt a in r e li g io u s fe sti va ls a n d t a k e n t o t h e c h u rc h t o b e b le ss e d . t h e y a re t h e n t a k e n t o h o m e s a n d p la ce d b e h in d t h e d o o r. w h e n t h e w e a th e r is b a d t h e y a re b u rn e d t o c a lm t h e s to rm o r to a sk f o r g o o d h a rv e st s. m e d ic in a l a ro m a ti ze a n d s a n iti ze . a d le a f 9 .1 4 .8 0 .0 4 8 t h e l e a f is c h e w e d t o f re sh e n t h e b re a th . c u lt u ra l h o ly c ro ss d a y 3 m b ra n ch e s 7 .3 6 .7 5 0 .0 2 9 c a th o li c fe sti va l in w h ic h c ro ss e s a re d e co ra te d w it h fl o w e rs , ri b b o n s a n d o th e r p la n ts i n cl u d in g t h e l a u re l. c u lt u ra l f u n e ra l w re a th s d b ra n ch e s 1 .8 1 0 0 .0 0 6 u se d t o d e co ra te w re a th s a n d a rc h e s p la ce d o n g ra v e s. h a n d ic ra ft n e ck la ce s a t s e e d s 1 .8 3 0 .0 0 6 t h e s e e d s o f th e l a u re l a re p ie rc e d i n t h e c e n te r so th a t th e y c a n b e t h re a d e d o n to a r ib b o n o r th re a d . c u lt u ra l d a y o f o u r la d y o f g u a d a lu p e 1 2 d b ra n ch e s 1 .8 1 1 0 .0 0 4 c a th o li c fe sti va l ce le b ra te d o n d e ce m b e r 1 2 i n v e n e ra ti o n o f th e v ir g in o f g u a d a lu p e , p a tr o n s a in t o f m e xi co . t h e l a u re l is u se d a s a d e co ra ti o n . (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re vi o u s p a g e ) ortega-meza et al. 2019. ethnobiology letters 10(1):1–13 9 research communications religious uses have medium and low importance, respectively, among this social group. this suggests that in the study area, its use as seasoning is the most frequent but also the first to be mentioned by the interview subjects, which could be due to the fact that the mexican laurel plays a part in satisfying basic human needs through its use in food (castañeda and albán 2016), an aspect that supports the idea that food is a cultural element that tends to be strongly maintained. the results again show that religious uses of the mexican laurel are of less relative importance. this result suggests that there may be a lack of interest among the population regarding certain cultural practices, or specifically an influence from other religious practices in which the use of particular elements from nature is not as important (ortizquijano 2016). these results contrast markedly with other ethnobotanical studies that found religious uses during easter week to be among the main uses of mexican laurel. this is the only use described in detail in the ethnobotanical literature (lópez-gutiérrez et al. 2010; montañez-armenta et al. 2011; ortiz-quijano 2016) and in some cases there is even a bias toward investigation of religious uses for this species. in our study, 47% of the actors interviewed did not mention religious uses of the plant. however, our results showed that religious uses are the least important from the viewpoint of the local people, even though there are seven religious uses recorded for the ecnp, which is 28% of the total number of uses. it should be noted that although, as already mentioned, the mexican laurel is used in palm sunday celebrations, its final use is as a culinary seasoning, since the branches are subsequently taken home, stored, and used in the kitchen (field observation). on the other hand, it is notable that the plant is indeed harvested for this purpose not far from the ecnp (13 km). this is for the cabalgata laurelera (the mounted procession of the laurels held annually for more than 100 years), which sets out from nopaltepec (state of mexico) and rides to tezoantla, hidalgo (lópez-gutiérrez et al. 2010). in this particular instance, the plant plays an important role in this easter week festival, and approximately 120 kg of mexican laurel was harvested at 2017 for this figure 4 social network of knowledge about uses of mexican laurel in carboneras (black) and pueblo nuevo (gray). gender: triangle = male and circle = female. the size represents the importance of the actor in the study community with respect to the actor’s knowledge of the study species. ortega-meza et al. 2019. ethnobiology letters 10(1):1–13 10 research communications celebration (field observation). however, it should be noted that there is no comparison between the amount harvested for this festival and the amount confiscated, which was up to 1,200 kg per occasion, harvested for sale in mexico city (exp. pfpa/20.3/8c.17.5/0001-17. procuraduría federal de protección al ambiente, delegación hidalgo). it is clear that the pressure on the species is related to illegal harvesting for trade, while harvesting for easter week is not an important threat in the ecnp. these facts lead us to reject the hypothesis (proposed in this study) that medicinal uses would prevail in the study area since the communities in the studies are rural. religious uses were also expected to predominate, especially easter week festivals, as in other parts of the country. in contrast, the uses as a seasoning were the most common and most important in the study area, while medicinal and religious uses had a marginal importance, according to the quantitative approach applied. medicinal uses had an intermediate level of importance in this study, which would seem to contradict the results of other studies on the use of these plants. previous studies recorded that while indigenous communities use them as sustenance, their medicinal use is more important for mestizo communities (beltrán-rodríguez et al. 2014). our results could be due to the fact that the laurel is not seen as a food in itself. moreover, since the study communities are relatively close to the hidalgo state capital, the residents have access to other health care services. the use of mexican laurel seeds to make handcrafted necklaces is recorded for the first time in this study; however, this use is rare among the people surveyed, and the necklaces are not produced for sale. the food uses of mexican laurel are seen as the most important for the study communities. given this, the people of carboneras and pueblo nuevo should be the main promoters of plant conservation, since it is not only a local species but one that is central to their way of life, especially through food. including local knowledge will enable the generation of techniques for the management and sustainable use of the plant (blancas et al. 2013). specifically, the uma owners are locally recognized as the main actors in the management of the mexican laurel, so they could lead in the implementation of local and federal conservation strategies, interventions, and conservation based on communities and local rules according to the needs of the people for pursuing their livelihoods (berkes 2007). in tehuacán valley, there are people authorized to harvest the leaves, branches, or trees of the mexican laurel, while those who break this rule are fined (blancas et al. 2013). practices and communal regulations of this type are imperative in ecnp to guarantee sustainable use of the species. implications of the social network the importance of the research methods used is also reflected in the structuring of the social network of people involved with the species. they can be identified as those who know about its uses. it can be seen clearly that the actors who received the highest number of mentions were the two people (bbm and vmg) who are responsible for the umas dedicated to the production of laurel. this suggests that the people who directly manage the species are most widely recognized by the other members of this social group, probably because they are closer to the plant. the network also showed that local authorities were mentioned, which suggests that people identify them as having greater access to information about local resources because they are authorities (reyes-garcía et al. 2008), or, as in this case, because they are the ones authorized to provide this information. this shows that these actors play different critical roles in the network and this is why they stand out from the other actors (mesquita 2008). the social network also identifies a relationship between the two villages, which could be due to their proximity and to the high degree of kinship among residents, as well as to similar socioeconomic characteristics. it should be noted that in addition to the fact that there were people who did not nominate anyone else during the interviews, some of the actors were also reluctant to provide information on uses of the plant. this is one of the problems that can arise when social phenomena are investigated using the snowball method (biernacki and waldorf 1981). in this case, it relates to a study of a plant which people are not willing to talk about, as was also the case of montañez -armenta et al. (2011) in their study of the mexican laurel in aguascalientes. people in the study communities identified restrictions on the use of mexican laurel, a species in danger of extinction. they are aware of supervision of the species promoted by national park officials, known to local people as los verdes (the greens) and the ortega-meza et al. 2019. ethnobiology letters 10(1):1–13 11 research communications federal officials, known as los azules (the blues). although prior data indicated that there are actors involved in illegal sales of mexican laurel (field observation), these were not reported by any of the informants; people only talked about others who dealt with the plant legally, through its production in the umas. it should be added that there was little time to build rapport in each interview (bernard 2006). it is necessary to highlight the difference between lists of uses of a given plant (or lists of useful plants) —widely used in ethnobotany—and the results obtained through quantitative tools, particularly because methodological rigor is necessary to make contributions to science (phillips and gentry 1993). a list of uses alone does not make it clear which are more used or whether the uses are current or not. sometimes distinguishing the latter is not the objective and therefore a simple list is a valuable technique. in contrast, quantitative tools such as the smith index order the uses in a natural way, suggesting the importance that they have in the ways of life of a specific social group (morais et al. 2009). with the smith index, the uses cited with greater frequency and those that are mentioned first indicate what is most present in their memory and what is most significant, because it is what they currently use or because it is most important to them (morais et al. 2009). the items located at the end of the list are the least remembered, which shows that they are not as important as the ones that are mentioned earlier, and they might even not be current uses. it may mean that they were probably important for people in the past, but are no longer, so it takes the actors longer to remember them, because they may be in disuse. conclusions this study shows the importance of the uses of mexican laurel and enabled the persons involved with these uses and possessing knowledge about the plant to be identified. the social network shows the relationship between members of the study communities, not only among the members of a single community but also between members of the two communities. the network diagram also shows the actors who are clearly identified as having some relationship with the plant, among them the owners of umas or actors with some authority in the communities, whom the people identify as those with access to information. the uses of mexican laurel as a seasoning stand out in this study, which agrees with studies where it is given great importance because it is a traditional seasoning typically used in mexican cuisine. this is different from other regions, where its uses for religion and traditional medicine are reported as more important. even so, it can be observed that the communities around the national park make use of this species and it is part of their daily life. acknowledgments the authors thank the residents and authorities of the communities of carboneras, mineral del chico, pueblo nuevo, mineral del monte, for the information they provided, as well as maría del consuelo cuevas cardona and adriana gómez aiza for their valuable comments. declarations permissions: none declared. sources of funding: this study was supported by conacyt through the phd scholarship of the first author (no. 594488), and by conacyt project cb271837, 280901, 293914, through the “red temática de productos forestales no maderables: aportes desde la etnobiología para su aprovechamiento sostenible”. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited alburquerque, u. p., t. a. de sousa araújo, m. a. ramos, v. t. do nascimento, r. f. p. de lucena, j. m. monteiro, n. l. alencar, and e. de lima araújo. 2009. how ethnobotany can aid biodiversity conservation: reflections on investigations in the semi-arid region of ne brazil. biodiversity and conservation 18:127–150. doi:10.1007/s10531-0089463-8. alburquerque, u. p., l. v. f. c. cunha, r. f. p. lucena, and r. r. n. alves. 2014. methods and techniques in ethnobiology and ethnoecology. springer, new york. alexiades, m., and p. shanley. 2004. productos forestales, medios de subsistencia y conservación. estudios de caso sobre sistemas de manejo de productos no maderables. centro para la investigación forestal internacional, jakarta, indonesia. beltrán-rodríguez, l., a. ortiz-sánchez, n. a. mariano, b. maldonado-almanza, and v. reyesgarcía. 2014. factors affecting ethnobotanical knowledge in a mestizo community of the sierra de huautla biosphere reserve, mexico. j o u r n a l o f e t h n o b i o l o g y a n d e t h n o m e d i c i n e 1 0 : 1 4 . doi:10.1186/1746-4269-10-14. ortega-meza et al. 2019. ethnobiology letters 10(1):1–13 12 research communications berkes, f. 2007. community-based conservation in a globalized world. proceedings of the national academy of sciences of the united states of america 104:15188– 15193. doi:10.1073/pnas.0702098104. bernard, r. h. 2006. research methods in anthropology: qualitative and quantitative approaches, 4th edition. altamira press, new york. biernacki, p., and d. waldorf. 1981. snowball sampling, problems and techniques of chain referral sampling. sociological methods and research 10:141–163. doi:10.1177/004912418101000205. blancas j., a. casas, d. pérez, j. caballero, and e. vega. 2013. ecological and socio-cultural factors influencing plant management in náhuatl communities of the tehuacán valley, mexico. journal of ethnobiology and ethnomedicine 9:39. doi:10.1186/1746-4269-9-39. borgatti, s. p. 1996. anthropac 4.0 methods guide. analytic technologies, natick, ma. borgatti, s. p. 2002. netdraw network visualization. analytic technologies, harvard, ma. available at: h t t p : / / w w w . a n a l y t i c t e c h . c o m / u c i n e t / download.htm. accessed on october 29, 2017. boster, j. s., j. c. johnson, and s. c. weller. 1987. social position and shared knowledge: actors’ perceptions of status, role, and social structure. social networks 9:375–387. doi:10.1016/0378-8733 (87)90005-0. castañeda, r., and j. albán. 2016. importancia cultural de la flora silvestre del distrito de pamparomás, ancash, perú. ecología aplicada 15:151 –169. doi:10.21704/rea.v15i2.755. conabio (comisión nacional para el conocimiento y uso de la biodiversidad). 1998. la diversidad biológica de méxico: estudio de país. comisión nacional para la biodiversidad, ciudad de méxico, mexico. conanp (comisión nacional de áreas naturales protegidas). 2005. programa de conservación y manejo parque nacional el chico. comisión de áreas naturales protegidas, pachuca de soto, hidalgo, mexico. dávila-figueroa, c. a., f. j. flores tena, f. m. domínguez, r. c. tapia, and e. p. molphe balch. 2011. estatus poblacional y niveles de aprovechamiento del laurel silvestre (litsea glaucescens) en aguascalientes. revista mexicana de ciencias forestales 4:47–59. gómez-pompa, a. 2001. etnobotánica y conservación. revista de geografía agrícola 31:9–15. gaoue, o. g., m. a. coe, m. bond, g. hart, b. c. seyler, and h. mcmillen. 2017. theories and major hypotheses in ethnobotany. economic botany 71:269 –287. doi:10.1007/s12231-017-9389-8. gravlee, l. 2002. the uses and limitations of free listing in ethnographic research. research methods in cognitive anthropology [web page]. available at: http://www.gravlee.org/ang6930/ freelists.htm#comp. accessed on september 02, 2018. guzmán-gutiérrez, s. l., r. reyes-chilpa, and h. bonilla-jaime. 2014. medicinal plants for the treatment of “nervios”, anxiety and depression in mexican traditional medicine. revista brasileira de farmacognosia 24:591–608. doi:10.1016/j.bjp.2014.10.007. hammer, o., d. a. harper, and p. d. ryan. 2001. past: paleontological statistics software package for education and data analysis. paleontología electrónica 4:9. available at: http://www.palaeoelectro nica.org/2001_1/pas t/issue1_01.h tm . accessed on october 30, 2017. inegi (instituto nacional de estadística y geografía). 2010. censo general de población y vivienda 2010. tabulados, población total. instituto nacional de estadística y geografía, ciudad de mexico, mexico. available at: http://www.inegi.org.mx/sistemas/ tabuladosbasicos/default.aspx?c=27302. accessed on october 18, 2017. jiménez-pérez, n.c., f.g. lorea hernández, c. jankowski, and r. reyes-chilpa. 2011. essential oils in mexican bays (litsea spp., lauraceae): taxonomic assortment and ethnobotanical implications. economic botany 65:178–189. doi:10.1007/s12231-011-9160-5. krebs, c. j. 1989. ecological methodology. harper and row, new york. laumann, e. o., and f. u. pappi. 1973. new directions in the study of community elites. a m e r ic a n so c io lo g ic a l r e v ie w 38 :21 2 – 230 . doi:10.2307/2094396. lópez-gutiérrez, b. m., b. e. pérez-escandón, and m. a. villavicencio-nieto. 2010. los laureleros de nopaltepec, estado de méxico y el uso de litsea glaucenscens h.e.k. (lauraceae) de tezoantla, estado de hidalgo, méxico. 1er encuentro hispanoportugués de etnobiología (ehpe 2010): los ortega-meza et al. 2019. ethnobiology letters 10(1):1–13 13 research communications desafíos de la etnobiología en españa y portugal. revista de fitoterapia 10 (s1). lópez-gutiérrez, b. m., b. e. pérez-escandón, and m. a. villavicencio-nieto. 2014. aprovechamiento sostenible y conservación de plantas medicinales en cantarranas, huehuetla, hidalgo, méxico, como un medio para mejorar la calidad de vida en la comunidad. botanical sciences 93:389–404. doi:10.17129/botsci.106. mesquita, r. b., f. l. pinheiro landim, p. m. collares, and c. gilvaní de luna. 2008. analysis of informal social networks: application to the reality of inclusive school. interface – comunicação, saúde, educação 12:549–562. doi:10.1590/s141432832008000300008. montañez-armenta, m., t. e. medina, and s. martín. 2011. aprovechamiento tradicional de una especie protegida (litsea glaucescens kunth) en "sierra del laurel", aguascalientes, méxico. ra ximhai 2:155– 172. available at: http://www.redalyc.org/ articulo.oa?id=46119239001. accessed on february 09, 2018. morais, f. f. de, r. f. de morais, and c. j. da silva. 2009. traditional ecological knowledge about plants cultivated by fishermen at community estirao comprido, pantanal matogrossense, brazil. boletim do museo parense emílio goeldi. ciências humanas 4:277–294. doi:10.1590/s198181222009000200005. ortiz-quijano, d. e. 2016. la pasión de tezontepec. tradición, cultural e identidad. monografía histórica de la festividad de semana santa en tezontepec de aldama hidalgo. secretaría de cultura del estado de hidalgo, pachuca de soto, hidalgo, méxico. pardo de santayana, m., and e. gómez pellón. 2003. etnobotánica: aprovechamiento tradicional de plantas y patrimonio cultural. anales del jardín botánico de madrid 60:171–182. available at: http:// w w w . r e d a l y c . o r g / a r t i c u l o . o a ? i d = 5 5 6 6 0 1 1 2 . accessed on march 03, 2018. pío-león, j. f., f. delgado-vargas, b. murilloamador, j. l. león-de-la-luz, r. vega-aviña, a. nieto-garibay, m. córdoba-matson, and a. ortega -rubio. 2017. environmental traditional knowledge in a natural protected area as the basis for management and conservation policies. journal o f e nv i r o nm e n t al m ana g e m e n t 2 01 :6 3 – 7 1 . doi:10.1016/j.jenvman.2017.06.032. phillips, o., and a. h. gentry. 1993. the useful plants of tambopata, peru ii: additional hypotheses testing in quantitative ethnobotany. economic botany 47:33–43. doi:10.1007/ bf02862204. pulido, m. t., and c. cuevas-cardona. cactus nurseries and conservation in a biosphere reserve in mexico. ethnobiology letters 4:96–104. doi:10.14237/ebl.4.2013.58. reyes-garcía, v., j. l. molina, j. broesch, l. calvet, t. huanca, j. saus, s. tanner, w. r. leonard, t. w. mcdade, and taps bolivian study team. 2008. do the aged and knowledgeable men enjoy more prestige? a test of predictions from the prestigebias model of cultural transmission. evolution and human behavior 29:275–281 doi:10.1016/ j.evolhumbehav.2008.02.002. romney, a. k., and s. c. weller. 1984. predicting informant accuracy from patterns of recall among i n d i v i d u a l s . s o c i a l n e t w o r k s 6 : 5 9 – 7 7 . doi:10.1016/0378-8733(84)90004-2. semarnat (secretaria de medio ambiente y recursos naturales). 2010. norma oficial mexicana nom-059-semarnat-2010, protección ambiental especies nativas de méxico de flora y fauna silvestres categorías de riesgo y especificaciones para su inclusión, exclusión o cambio -lista de especies en riesgo, diario oficial de la federación 30 de diciembre de 2010. secretaria de medio ambiente y recursos naturales, mexico city, mexico. available at: http://www.dof.gob.mx/nota_detalle_popup.php? codigo=5173091. accessed on september 17, 2018. shrestha, s., and k. e. medley. 2017. integrating ecological and ethnobotanical knowledge to promote collaborative conservation planning in the nepal himalaya. mountain research and development 37:97–107. doi:10.1659/mrdjournal-d-15-00081.1. turner, n. j. 1988. the importance of a rose: evaluating the cultural significance of plants in thompson and lillooet interior salish. american a nthro po logis t 90:272–290. doi :10.1525/ aa.1988.90.2.02a00020. tuxill, j., and g. p. nabhan. 2001. people, plants and protected areas: a guide to in situ management. sterling, london. what drives illegal hunting with dogs? traditional practice in contemporary south africa chambers. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):25–28 25 short topical review power, tradition, and dog taxes: a brief history of hunting with dogs in south africa illegal hunting with dogs occurs in a context of systematic removal of hunting rights. restriction of traditional hunting in south africa began by the late nineteenth century, with dogs positioned at the center of those measures. in 1891, tools such as nets, springs, snares, traps, and sticks were banned in modern-day kwazulu-natal, and the game ordinance of 1912 prohibited black south africans from hunting with dogs (couzens and blackmore 2010:313). systematic control of dogs owned by black south africans first occurred in the 1880s, via taxation and mass extermination. culling of dogs continued in waves throughout the twentieth century, intensifying with apartheid and the resurgence of rabies in southern africa in the 1960s (couzens and blackmore 2010:311; tropp 2002:466; van sittert and swart 2008:26–27). these measures fit within broader patterns of oppression and dispossession, feeding cycles of conflict and retaliation for over a century. contemporary illegal hunting is an heir to this history. introduction hunting with dogs has a long history in south africa, tethered to tradition and subsistence. although tightly regulated, today it is practiced outside the law, fueling conflict between rural communities, game reserves, and private landowners. academic literature and mainstream media paint a multidimensional picture of the practice. some sources stress the cultural and economic significance of hunting with dogs, linked to livelihood and tradition (dlamini 2005; hebinck 2018). others emphasize its uncontrolled, inefficient nature, contributing to the decline of key species such as oribi (ourebia ourebi) and serval (leptailurus serval) (couzens 2007:29; grey-ross et al. 2010; manqele et al. 2018). destructiveness is particularly associated with taxi hunters—a term for hunters rumored to transport dogs in minibus taxis, release them illegally on private land in pursuit of wildlife, and place bets on the outcome. in a thicket of competing narratives surrounding illegal hunting, the current gaps call for ethnographic work rooted in environmental history to answer foundational questions: who hunts with dogs illegally, and why do they do it? what drives illegal hunting with dogs? traditional practice in contemporary south africa jaime chambers 1* 1 department of anthropology, washington state university, pullman, usa. * jaime.chambers@wsu.edu abstract illegal hunting with dogs in rural south africa converges around issues of conservation, resource use, and livelihood. hunting with dogs has a long cultural history, tethered to tradition and subsistence. today, it is tightly regula ted but practiced outside the law. academic literature and mainstream media alike paint a multidimensional picture of the phenomenon. some sources portray disenfranchised people practicing a culturally significant livelihood strategy; others emphasize illegal hunting’s destructive nature, severed from traditional context. the drivers of illegal hunting in rural south africa sit at the nexus of multiple gaps of scholarly insight, linked to a history of widespread stratification of land use, prohibition of traditional hunting, and systematic control of african possession of dogs. there is a need for ethnographic work rooted in environmental history to grapple with the complex connections underlying this issue. received august 31, 2019 open access accepted april 17, 2020 doi 10.14237/ebl.11.1.2020.1645 published may 11, 2020 keywords hunting, dogs, wildlife conservation, illegal hunting, south africa copyright © 2020 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. chambers. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):25–28 26 short topical review today, south african national and provincial legislation restricts traditional hunting with dogs directly and indirectly; however, the extent of this control varies by province. kwazulu-natal provides a useful case study, as a 1999 amendment to the kwazulu-natal nature conservation ordinance overturned the province’s outright ban, allowing traditional hunts with paid permits (couzens and blackmore 2010:320–321). the law defines traditional hunters as “a person, on foot, who hunts an animal using a dog or a traditional weapon, but not by means of a firearm” (kwazulu-natal conservation management amendment act, section 1). traditional hunts require a paid permit, valid for a single day in a specified place. current law does not actively ban hunting with dogs, but legal routes involve a relatively complex set of requirements logistically and financially inaccessible to the average rural black south african. academic literature portrays conflicting narratives about the nature of illegal hunting, but recent regulation fails to deter the practice, regardless of its form and participants. game farms, dispossession, and the specter of the taxi hunter the narratives around illegal hunting abound; however, some themes demand closer attention. grey -ross et al. (2010:46–47) specifically probe the taxi hunting narrative in rural settlements where 82% of surveyed men reported hunting illegally. landowners believed gambling and sport to be the primary reason (43%), but hunters themselves reported doing so mostly for meat (42%) or meat in combination with skins (8%). communities where illegal hunting occurs share high rates of unemployment, ranging from 66– 88% (grey-ross et al. 2010; kaschula and shackleton 2009). unemployment and limited protein access represent community-wide challenges in manqele et al.’s (2018:11) study in kwazulu-natal, where hunters reported consuming any prey captured. however, these authors posit that age is the most significant factor in illegal hunting with dogs, suggesting it may be practiced primarily “for sport by young men, possibly with little else to occupy their time” (manqele et al. 2018:14). in umkhuze, imfolozi, and hluhluwe game reserves, observers claim most illegal dog hunting is practiced by “disaffected youths seeking entertainment rather than sustenance” (couzens 2007:29). however, both sources explicitly distinguish taxi hunting as a phenomenon conducted by non-locals, separate from hunting by rural community members. this contrast suggests multi-layered participation in illegal hunting, with different forms involving local and transient actors. south africa’s drift toward urbanization has not been unilateral; rather, the actual movement of people between the urban and the rural ebbs and flows (couzens 2007). the potential distinction between local hunters (rural boys and men) and non-local hunters (taxi hunters) points to the need for research on movement between urban and rural spaces. illegal hunting on privately owned game farms occurs at rates eight times higher than in game reserves (manqele 2018:7). increased privatization of wildlife and the proliferation of game farms postapartheid has heightened the sense of distance between those with and without legal access to hunting (holmes 2007; ‘t sas-rolfes 2017). the perception of traditional hunters with dogs as illegitimate interlopers on a private resource perpetuates an idea with century-deep roots: “only hunting with a rifle on privately owned land, hunting privately owned game, is considered ethical and legal” (pasmans and hebinck 2017:447). despite claims that game farms reduce rural unemployment, some scholars argue they provide fewer job opportunities than ecotourism or traditional farming, while destabilizing regional and national food security, foreignizing land ownership, and stripping local smallholders of access to water and grazing land (pasmans and hebinck 2017; snijders 2012). in rural kwazulu-natal, villagers pool money to pay bail and fines for neighbors caught hunting illegally, offering community-level support in the form of “poachers’ relief funds” (warchol and johnson 2009:150). these issues tap into themes that demand further investigation: divergent perceptions of how wildlife is to be used (or not used) and by whom, in a system of stratified resource access. toward an ethnographic approach ethnographic studies of illegal hunters’ motivations are scarce. in surveys conducted in rural communities, local men and boys between the ages of 7 and 40 are consistently identified as the primary participants in illegal hunting, dogs as the favored hunting tool, and desire for wild meat as a primary motivator (infield 1988; kaschula and shackleton 2009, 2012; manqele et al. 2018). in two studies, over three-quarters of respondents reported hunting primarily in social groups with other men and their dogs (kaschula and chambers. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):25–28 27 short topical review shackleton 2009; manqele et al. 2018). the social dimensions of hunting point to motivation beyond protein alone. dlamini (2005:86) reports that informants in kwazulu-natal emphasized that “we do not hunt because we are hungry,” but rather from the “need to fulfill this cultural and recreational activity.” dlamini (2005:87) reported that another informant stated that inability to hunt lowers the community dignity as well as attachment to tradition, loss of contact with nature and so on. now that we cannot practice our tradition and culture, instead we watch foreign safari hunters slaughtering our wildlife resources; we are now a weak society. these perspectives illuminate the wider significance of hunting with dogs, tethered to a dual inheritance: a deep cultural history alongside a more recent history of dispossession. hunters interviewed by kepe et al. (2001) invoke the concept of ukuloja, a zulu term for locally legitimate stealing of a resource based on historical claim to it. one hunter asks: “how can someone who does not live here with us refer to us as poachers just because we harvest our own resources? we are just good hunters and above all, we have kept these wildlife for many years” (hebinck 2018:279). these voices point to aspects of illegal hunting in south africa that have not been adequately investigated but are crucial to addressing challenges in community-based conservation. holmes (2007) posits that when small actors practice banned traditions, these acts contain wider symbolic meaning, a form of resistance in a political system that does not regard one’s own traditions as legitimate. top-down restrictions in african conservation have had significant collateral effects, leading to more hunting being classified as illegal by being too restrictive of traditional cultural practices (‘t sas-rolfes 2017:3). despite increased interest in probing the role of culture and structural inequality in african conservation, “much of this line of inquiry is nascent and unacknowledged” when it comes to illegal hunting (‘t sas-rolfes 2017:3). duffy et al. (2016) argue that poverty alone does not capture the motivation behind hunting, but that these practices are also driven by demand for satisfaction of cultural needs, enactment of values, and links to identity and agency that subsistence alone does not encompass. contemporary conservation cannot succeed without earnest inclusion of community values and perceptions. ethnographic research on illegal hunting offers a necessary path toward remedying this knowledge gap and addressing challenges to community-based conservation. after over a century of restriction, illegal hunting with dogs occupies a juncture where issues of land use, conservation, and livelihood meet. the relative lack of hunters’ voices in the academic literature points to the need for ethnographic approaches rooted in environmental history to grapple with the drivers of illegal hunting with dogs. untangling the conflicting narratives around illegal hunting will require close examination of its emic threads: into the woven history of dispossession and restriction of cultural traditions, which extend from the past to the present. acknowledgments thank you to dr. rob quinlan for the guidance, encouragement, and editing assistance. thank you to the anonymous reviewers for their constructive feedback and suggestions for improving this manuscript. declarations permissions: none declared. sources of funding: none declared. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited couzens, e. 2007. is conservation a viable land usage: issues surrounding the sale of ivory by southern african countries. in land use law for sustainable development, edited by n. chalifour, p. kameri-mbote, l. h. lye, and j. nolon, pp. 27–44. cambridge university press, cambridge, ma. couzens, e., and a. blackmore. 2010. a millennium overturned: the long history in england and south africa of laws against hunting with dogs, and recent statutory changes in the province of kwazulu-natal. in stella iuris: celebrating 100 years of teaching law in pietermaritzburg, edited by m. kidd and s. hoctor, pp. 298–321. juta, claremont, south africa. dlamini, z. 2005. creating stakeholders in community-based natural resource management through traditional hunting: a comparative study of inhluzani farm and mpembeni community game reserve in kwazulu-natal. master’s thesis, school of environmental sciences, university of chambers. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):25–28 28 short topical review kwazulu-natal, durban, south africa. available from university of kwazulu-natal research space. duffy, r., f. st john, b. büscher, and d. brockington. 2016. toward a new understanding of the links between poverty and illegal wildlife hunting. conservation biology 30:14–22. doi:10.1111/ cobi.12622. grey-ross, r., c. t. downs, and k. kirkman. 2010. an assessment of illegal hunting on farmland in kwazulu-natal, south africa: implications for oribi (ourebia ourebi) conservation. south african journal of wildlife research 40:43–52. doi:10.3957/056.040.0104. hebinck, p. 2018. poaching: between conservation from below, livelihoods, and resistance. in nature conservation in southern africa: morality and marginality: towards sentient conservation?, edited by j. b. gewald, m. spierenburg, and h. wels, pp. 257–292. brill, boston, ma. holmes, g. 2007. protection, politics and protest: understanding resistance to conservation. conservation and society 5:184–201. infield, m. 1988. attitudes of a rural community towards conservation and a local conservation area in natal, south africa. biological conservation 45:21–46. doi:10.1016/0006-3207(88)90050-x. kaschula, s., and c. shackleton. 2009. quantity and significance of wild meat off-take by a rural community in the eastern cape, south africa. environmental conservation 36:192–200. doi:10.1017/s0376892909990282. kaschula, s., and c. shackleton. 2012. how do hiv and aids impact the use of natural resources by poor rural populations? the case of wild animal products. south african journal of science 108:1–9. doi:10.4102/sajs.v108i1/2.549. kepe, t., b. cousins, and s. turner. 2001. resource tenure and power relations in community wildlife: the case of the mkambati area, south africa. society & natural resources 14:911–925. doi:10.1080/089419201753242814. kwazulu-natal nature conservation management amendment act (no. 5 of 1999). food and agriculture organization of the united nations faolex database [web page]. available at: http://extwprlegs1.fao.org/docs/pdf/saf93097.pdf. accessed on november 30, 2019. manqele, n. s., j. a. selier, t. r. hill, and c. t. downs. 2018. drivers of the illegal hunting of serval (leptailurus serval) and oribi (ourebia ourebi) in the kwazulu-natal midlands, south africa. african journal of wildlife research 48:023004. doi:10.3957/056.048.023004. pasmans, t., and p. hebinck. 2017. rural development and the role of game farming in the eastern cape, south africa. land use policy 64:440– 450. doi:10.1016/j.landusepol.2017.03.010. snijders, d. 2012. wild property and its boundaries – on wildlife policy and rural consequences in south africa. the journal of peasant studies 39:503–520. doi:10.1080/03066150.2012.667406. ‘t sas-rolfes, m. 2017. african wildlife conservation and the evolution of hunting institutions. environmental research letters 12:115007. doi:10.1088/1748-9326/aa854b. tropp, j. 2002. dogs, poison, and the meaning of colonial intervention in the transkei, south africa. the journal of african history 43:451–472. doi:10.1017/s0021853702008186. van sittert, l., and s. swart, eds. 2008. canis africanis: a dog history of south africa. brill, boston, ma. warchol, g., and b. johnson. 2009. wildlife crime in the game reserves of south africa: a research note. international journal of comparative and applied criminal justice 33:143–154. doi:10.1080/01924036.2009.9678800. yak domestication: a review of linguistic, archaeological, and genetic evidence jacques et al. 2021. ethnobiology letters 12(1):103–114 103 research communications winters, increased heart and lung size, and increased foraging ability through an adapted tongue that allows them to easily eat the low-lying forage grasses that characterize areas of the plateau. they likely diverged from wild cattle 4.9 million years ago and adapted to the plateau over the course of its uplift (qiu et al. 2012). recent genetic comparisons of the yak to cattle have found that yaks possess unique adaptations to the low oxygen conditions of the plateau: they identified an expansion of protein domains associated with hypoxic stress and nutrition metabolism, both traits that were likely important over the course of its evolution on the plateau (qiu et al. 2012). to date, there is only disparate archaeological evidence of when humans first began to manage and eventually domesticate this animal. below, we review the archaeological, genetic, and linguistic evidence for yak domestication. linguistic evidence reveals that languages which have the most elaborate terminology for yak are tibetic and rgyalrongic, suggesting that its domestication may have taken place somewhere among the speakers of the ancestors of these languages. the speakers of proto-tibetic and protointroduction yaks (bos grunniens) provide important resources for millions of tibetans, not just in the form of meat, but also in the form of secondary products such as milk products, hide, and fur that can be spun into black tents that retain moisture when it rains and prevents the tent from leaking. yak dung provides a vital fuel source (rhode et al. 2007); it also serves as construction material in walls, enclosures, storage houses for frozen meat, dog houses, tethers to which dogs and yaks can be attached, and even for manufacturing toys. yaks are frequently crossbred with domestic cattle, producing a f1 hybrid dzo, which are valued for their increased milk production, and ability to adapt to the lower altitudinal range for yaks (between 2500–3500 masl). rhode et al. (2007) have argued that meeting fuel needs may have led to the integration of the yak into early foragers survival mechanisms on the plateau and eventually its domestication. yaks have a set of traits that have allowed them to adapt to the high-altitude environment of the plateau: a thick coat that keeps them warm in freezing yak domestication: a review of linguistic, archaeological, and genetic evidence guillaume jacques 1* , jade d’alpoim guedes 2 , and zhang shuya 3 1 french national centre for scientific research, paris, france. 2 department of anthropology, university of california, san diego, usa. 3 ilcaa, tokyo university of foreign studies, tokyo, japan. * rgyalrongskad@gmail.com abstract yak, a species of bovid uniquely adapted to high-altitude environments, plays a critical role in the life of the inhabitants of the tibetan plateau and neighboring areas. there is currently no consensus on when these animals may have been domesticated. in this paper, we review the archaeological, genetic, and linguistic evidence relevant to this question, and suggest that the domestication took place following hybridization with taurine cattle from the end of the fourth millennium bce. this study also shows that the original domesticators of yaks included not only the ancestors of the tibetans, but also rgyalrongic speaking people from eastern tibet. received march 4, 2021 open access accepted june 21, 2021 doi 10.14237/ebl.12.1.2021.1755 published october 13, 2021 keywords yak, domestication, tibet, taurine cattle, linguistics, archaeology copyright © 2021 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. jacques et al. 2021. ethnobiology letters 12(1):103–114 104 research communications rgyalrongic appear to have independently cross-bred yaks with cattle, and the breeding of f1 hybrids predates the proto-rgyalrongic split (3221 [2169– 4319] bp, according to sagart et al. 2019), which implies that the inhabitants of the eastern plateau had begun to experiment with cattle/yak hybridization. geographic background the domestic yak is present over a large area, spread over ten countries (afghanistan, bhutan, china, india, kyrgyzstan, mongolia, nepal, pakistan, russia, and tajikistan; joshi et al. 2020) comprising a southern and a northern zone, linked in the west by the pamir mountains, as shown in figure 11. the southern zone corresponds to the entire tibetan plateau from qinghai and sichuan in the east up to baltistan in the west, including the southern slope of the himalayas in india, nepal, and bhutan. this area reflects the maximal extent of the tibetosphere, mainly inhabited by speakers of tibetic languages (i.e., in direct descent from the language of the tibetan empire, 618–842 ce; tournadre and suzuki 2021), but also speakers of burushaski (a language isolate), indo-iranian (indo-european), turkic, mongolic, and sino-tibetan languages that are culturally and linguistically influenced by tibetan. the non-tibetic sino-tibetan languages of this zone mainly comprise either groups that are closely related to tibetic, such as tamangic, east bodish (hyslop 2013) and bragsum (tournadre and suzuki 2021), languages of the na-qiangic branch, in particular naic (jacques and michaud 2011), ersuic (yu 2012), rgyalrongic (sun 2000), as well as muya, zhaba and queyu, and several isolated branches of the family including tshangla (bhutan), kho-bwa (arunachal pradesh, india) and guiqiong (sichuan, china). the northern zone spreads from the pamir mountains up to the hangai mountains in mongolia, north of the taklamakan desert (qi et al. 2008:429), figure 1 geographic distribution of wild and domesticated yak. jacques et al. 2021. ethnobiology letters 12(1):103–114 105 research communications and is inhabited by speakers of mongolic and some turkic languages (tyva, altai). wild yaks (bos mutus) are only restricted to a much smaller range, in several discontinuous refuge zones: the chantang, hoh xil, sanjiangyuan and altun shan national nature reserves, the qilian mountains and an area in ngari district in tibetan autonomous region. genetics and archaeology yaks belong to the bovini tribe, a group of bovids, which have played an important role in human life: a source of milk, meat, hide for leather but also as draft animals where their muscle power was used for moving produce and ploughing fields. several genera are important in understanding the history of domestication in asia: the genus bos which includes taurine cattle (bos taurus taurus), zebu (bos taurus indicus), yak (bos grunniens), and domestic gaur (bos frontalis). the genus bubalus, which includes water buffalo (bubalus arnee), were also important domesticates in asia. cattle archaeological evidence suggests that taurine cattle were introduced to china from west asia between 4500–2000 bp (brunson et al. 2020; cai et al. 2014; flad et al. 2007; lu et al. 2017). ancient dna analysis on mtdna from 53 cattle remains between 4500– 2300 years ago from across northern china showed predominantly taurine cattle, an exotic introduction from the near east (cai et al. 2014), introduced at the same time as other near eastern species like wheat and barley. recent genetic work supports the two introductions of taurine cattle into east asia that took place (chen et al. 2018). zooarchaeological evidence contains evidence for taurine cattle by roughly 5500 cal. bp in gansu/qinghai province, although more secure evidence dates to roughly 1000 years later (4500 cal. bp). lu et al. (2017) point out, however, that the proportions of bos taurus in earlier assemblages are very low and they do not appear to have formed an important component of the diet. on the tibetan plateau and its margins, bones of bovids (bos sp.) which may be bos taurus, have been unearthed at tawendaliha (3350–2750 cal. bp) and talitaliha (3350–2750 cal. bp), xiariyamakebu (3300 cal. bp; dong et al. 2016), ashaonao (2800–200 cal. bp; kaoguxi et al. 2017). bos javanicus (banteng) and bos frontalis (gayal) introgressed with both zebu and taurine cattle in east asia, providing cattle with adaptive traits to high temperatures. likewise, yak was introgressed with taurine cattle on tibet’s margins, conferring adaptive traits to altitude (chen et al. 2018). archaeological evidence for yak domestication unfortunately, there is currently very little concrete evidence for yak domestication in the archaeological record. physical evidence of yak skeletal remains has been found at nuomohong sites on the northeastern plateau, including xiariyamakebu and tawendaliha (3300–2700 bp), however, only their presence is noted, and it is unclear if they show signs of domestication (or what these signs of domestication might look like in yaks). at talitaliha (3000–2700 bp), a clay sculpture of a yak demonstrates the importance this animal may have held for the inhabitants of the site (qinghai sheng wenwu guanli huiyuanhui and zhongguo shehui kexue yuan kaogu yan-jiusuo qinghai dui 1963). at qugong, a yak skull was also unearthed in an ashpit that dates to roughly 3650 bp (zhongguo shehui kexue yuan kaogu yanjiusuo 1999). the authors argued that because of the relatively small size of the horns of the animal, it was likely domesticated (or hybridized with cattle). yak skulls are also present in samdzong 5 dating to 450 ce (aldenderfer and eng 2016). using pollen and charcoal analysis, some scholars have argued that humans may have modified yak’s grazing lands via burning and encouraged the growth of grass and forbs on which these animals rely as early as 8000 bp (huang et al. 2020; miehe et al. 2009, 2014). this agrees with other sources on anthropogenic modification of the landscape as taking place by c. 5900 bp (meyer et al. 2009; schlütz and lehmkuhl 2009). genetic evidence for yak domestication genetic data has not been helpful in resolving this debate: some genetic papers predict a very early domestication (c. 10,000 bp; guo et al. 2006), while other mtdna data suggest that it took place twice roughly 5000 years ago (see discussion in rhode et al. 2007; bailey et al. 2002). qiu et al. (2015) use molecular clocks to date yak domestication to roughly 7300 bp and document a large increase in yak populations corresponding to 3600 bp or the known spread of pastoral economies into the region. jacques et al. 2021. ethnobiology letters 12(1):103–114 106 research communications while there is no evidence for pastoralism as early as 7300 bp, it is possible that the encouragement of the growth of plant species on which yaks rely by foragers may have led to the population expansion and divergence in yak populations. following yak’s domestication on the tibetan plateau, genetic evidence appears to support that it was then moved to mongolia however it is unclear from the current data when this took place (qi et al. 2010). bos taurus has been interbred with a number of other different species across asia. a number of genetic studies have documented the introgression of taurine cattle genomes into yak populations and of yak genomes into taurine cattle on the tibetan plateau and in mongolia (chen et al. 2018; medugorac et al. 2017; qi et al. 2010). medugorac et al. (2017) see an increase in the amount of introgression between yak and cattle populations taking place 1500 years ago with particular peaks around the medieval climate anomaly (897–1121 ce) and the dzungar-qing wars (1687–1758 ce). future genetic analysis on archaeological specimens may help us resolve the timing of the domestication of the yak. linguistic evidence linguistics provide important evidence for the domestication of plants and animals. the study of systematic correspondences between related languages to reconstruct the vocabulary of their common ancestor (a field called linguistic paleontology) allows to constrain the range of hypotheses regarding the origin and way of life of the speakers of that proto-language (hock 1991:573–578). it can be further applied to investigate the date of and place of domestication of plant and animal species (brown et al. 2013). this field of research uses the regular sound correspondences between cognate words in attested languages to reconstruct the proto-language (the comparative method). this procedure can distinguish genuinely related words from chance resemblance, and cognates inherited from the proto-language from loanwords. language phylogenies obtained by bayesian phylogenetic methods (sagart et al. 2019; zhang et al. 2019; zhang et al. 2020)2 on the basis of cognates in the basic vocabulary provide dates for protolanguages which can be compared with archaeological evidence. we use the dates in sagart et al. (2019), which is the only one of the three studies that took borrowing from tibetan and chinese into account. yak terminologies yak-related terminology varies considerably in size and complexity. languages spoken outside of the natural habitat of domestic and wild yaks (see supplementary materials 2) usually lack specific terms for this animal, and with a few exceptions detailed below, employ borrowings from tibetan (like english yak). most of the languages of the southern zone belong to the sino-tibetan family, and the relevant terms are indicated in table 13. the phylogenetic relationship between these subgroups is shown in figure 2, representing the nodes with posterior probability >90% in sagart et al. (2019). the group ‘para-rgyalrongic’ in table 1 is paraphyletic. tibetan also has special names for f2 hybrids, only involving female hybrid yaks, since the males are sterile: མགལ་ mgal and རྟོལ་ rtol, which refer to the offspring of female hybrids with male yaks and bulls, respectively. in addition to tibetan, rgyalrongic languages also have a distinct term for f2 hybrids: kətó in situ and rtsʰæqætû in khroskyabs, whose last syllable could be reconstructed to proto-rgyalrongic. some languages have only one word for both males and females, and do not distinguish between yaks and hybrid yaks, whereas other languages have four different terms, in all cases different from those that designate taurine cattle. among the languages that have distinct terms for male and female animals, some express it by using feminine or masculine suffixes (for instance, the suffix -mo in མཛ་ོམྟོ་ mdzo.mo ‘female yak-cattle hybrid’), while other languages have suppletive forms, i.e., use different roots to designate female and male animals. amdo tibetan is reported to have more than 24 terms for yaks depending on sex and age (tournadre and suzuki 2021:11.7.1), but these terms are transparently analyzable and therefore recent. the tibetan terms have been borrowed by neighboring sino-tibetan speakers who lack native terms for yaks, f1 and f2 hybrids. this is the case of guiqiong in eastern tibet, of kurtoep and other east bodish languages in bhutan (gwendolyn hyslop, p.c.), of bokar among tani languages (the other tani languages lack terms for yaks altogether, mark post, jacques et al. 2021. ethnobiology letters 12(1):103–114 107 research communications p.c.), and kho-bwa languages including puroik and duhumbi (bodt 2020:296). a specific term for wild yak is found in tibetic languages (old tibetan འབྟོང་ broŋ), which has been borrowed into neighboring languages, including japhug ʁmbroŋ and pumi ɖõ ̌ . since the yak is known through products from its fur and horns, terms for yak also exist in sino-tibetan languages spoken outside of the natural range of the animal. in yunnan and burma, languages with native terms for yaks include jinghpo (wāhpò’ ‘yak’), rawang (shvṕè) and some lolo-burmese languages such as lahu (nu 53 mv 33 ‘yak’, nu 53 tɔ 53 ‘yak hybrid’), zaiwa (mau 55 phjap 51 no 21 ‘yak’, no 21 phuʔ 51 ‘yak hybrid’), all involving the native words for ‘cow’ (for instance, the syllable nu 53 in lahu). the yak-related vocabulary is less rich in nonsino-tibetan languages, as shown in table 24. only some mongolic languages, notably khalkha, have native terms for yak hybrids; the other languages, including burushaski and southern mongolic languages, have borrowed the term from tibetic (nugteren 2011:532). in addition, mongghul has innovated a term for ‘wild yak’ se:naġ from an etymon designating bovids or ovids in other mongolic languages (nugteren 2011:486). attested semantic innovations among the language groups discussed in the previous section, only tibetic, chinese, turkic, mongolic, and indic have ancient written records. comparison of the meanings of these words in ancient texts with recent languages offers insight into possible semantic changes. two cases are detailed below. first, the terms for male and female hybrid yaks (མཛོ་ mdzo and མཛ་ོམྟོ་ mdzo.mo in old tibetan) have become ndzɔ̀ ‘bull’ and ndzõː ‘cow’ in cone (by subgroup language yak yak-cattle hybrid male female male female tibetic old tibetan གཡག gjag འབྲི་ n bri མཛ་ོ mdzo མཛ་ོམྟོ་ mdzo.mo lhasa tibetan jâ tʂì tsò tsòmo amdo tibetan hjaχ ndʐə ndzo ndzomo tamangic thakali 545 ja 545 pri rgyalrong japhug qambrɯ qra jla fstoʁ zbu qɐⁿbrúʔ qʰríʔ lɟéʔ ftsʰóʁʔ tshobdun qɐⁿbrúʔ qrê jlê ftsɔ ̂ situ kəmbrû karâ təjliɛ ̂ mbəɕák khroskyabs ʁbrô qʰrí çə̂ vzə́ɣ stau ʁjɑ # qrə xə zʚ para-rgyalrongic smarskad mdʐɔ ̂ râ ʑɔ ̌ zɯ̀.mát # ndrapa ptʂɿ 55 ʑi 55 a 33 ʂko 55 zo 55 rma ʐbə ʁu miɛ khʂɛ khsɛ miɛ muya ndʐõ 53 rə 33 ma 53 ziɣə zi 53 zə 33 ma 53 pumi ɻwɐ ́ ɻwɐmí tɕû naic namuyi bu 53 bu 55 mi 53 zʉ 55 ɣə 31 zʉ 55 ɣə 31 mi 53 naxi bə˞˩ ersuic ersu bv̩˥ lizu f ɹæ kiranti limbu phuŋbit mishmic idu sā pūú kho-bwa puroik çi 33 -be ɹ i 55# hruso-miji hruso fu bzə chinese old chinese 犛 mæw < *mrˁu mandarin 牦牛 máoniú 犏牛 piān niú table 1 terms for domestic yaks in selected sino-tibetan languages of the southern zone. # terms borrowed from tibetan. jacques et al. 2021. ethnobiology letters 12(1):103–114 108 research communications contrast, the terms for ‘yak’ have remained stable). second, in the mongolic languages of gansu and qinghai (shironglic), the inherited ‘hybrid yak’ etymon qayinuɣ has shifted to ‘yak’ as in mongghul χe:naġ (nugteren 2011:532), ousting the etymon sarluɣ ‘yak’. the semantic slot ‘hybrid yak’ was filled by a loanword from tibetan མཛོ་ mdzo (for instance mongghul musu), which may have already been borrowed in the common ancestor of shironglic languages (nugteren 2011:400). these two examples show that semantic shifts between ‘yak’ and ‘yak hybrid’ are bidirectional. etymology and phylogeny in the data presented in 4.1, some languages (for instance, burushaski, uighur, wakhi or rawang) have isolated terms for ‘yak’. two sets of terms with suppletive gender distinction are reconstructible for tibetic and rgyalrongic languages. in tibetic, the terms གཡག་ gjag ‘male yak’, འབྲི་ ’bri ‘female yak’, མཛོ་ mdzo ‘male hybrid yak’ and འབྟོང་ ’broŋ figure 2 simplified topology of the sino-tibetan phylogenetic tree (terminal nodes in bold). tree topology and ages inferred are based on the relaxed-clock covarion model, data cited from sagart et al. (2019). jacques et al. 2021. ethnobiology letters 12(1):103–114 109 research communications ‘wild yak’ are attested in documents from the tibetan empire (laws of hunting, pt 1071, 8th century ce), and have remained stable in most tibetic languages (except isolated cases like cone, see section 4.2). these etyma are not based on the words for taurine cattle (གླང་ glaŋ ‘bull’, བ་ ba ‘cow’), and have been largely borrowed, either partially or as a full set, into neighboring languages (mongolic, burushaski, guiqiong, kho-bwa). genuine cognates of the tibetan etyma for domestic yak are only found in tamangic (*ᴮʰjaː ‘male yak’, *ᴮprit ‘female yak’; mazaudon 1994), the closest relatives of tibetic (figure 2). the term འབྟོང་ ’broŋ ‘wild yak’, on the other hand, has many extra-tibetic cognates, discussed below. the tibetic-tamangic etymon for ‘female yak’ itself is the probable source of the sanskrit word camarī‘female yak’ and its reflexes in modern indic languages (such as nepali cauṃrī ‘yak’), through a series of complex sound changes (jacques 2016). this etymon has been also borrowed into kho-bwa languages as a general term for the animal, early enough to display the same sound correspondences as the noun ‘name’ (illustrated in lieberherr and bodt 2017). unlike tibetic languages, whose common ancestor is attested as a written language, protorgyalrongic is not an attested language, and can only be reconstructed by using the comparative method. the only ancient rgyalrongic language, tangut, only has one term for ‘yak’5, possibly a consequence of the migration of its speakers from north-west sichuan into ningxia and shaanxi (lai et al. 2020). all rgyalrongic languages other than tangut have suppletive terms (table 3), and present the phonetic correspondences expected from cognates: at least ‘male yak’, ‘female yak’ and ‘female yak-cattle hybrid’ are reconstructible to proto-rgyalrongic. other domesticated mammals whose names are reconstructible to proto-rgyalrongic include taurine cattle (two terms, see table 3), sheep, goat, and pigs (sagart et al. 2019). in addition, the reconstructibility of the verb ‘to herd’ (japhug lɤɣ, situ lɐḱ, khroskyabs lɑ̂ɣ) confirms that the common ancestors of rgyalrong-speaking peoples were familiar with cattle herding. outside of rgyalrongic, the etymon for ‘female yak’ is attested with certainty only in ersuic *ra ‘yak’ (yu, 2012, 73, 84). by contrast, the etymon for ‘male yak’ (zbu qɐⁿbrúʔ, khroskyabs ʁbrô) has cognates outside of this subgroup. it seems to correspond to the word for ‘male yak’ in some para-rgyalrongic languages (notably muya ndʐõ 53 ), though this is difficult to prove in the absence of in-depth study of the historical phonology of these languages. it is also cognate to the unique etymon for ‘yak’ in naish (naxi bə˞˩, na bv̩˩˧, laze bv̩˥, proto-naish *bru; jacques and michaud 2011), to xumi (formerly known as shixing) hl bõ (chirkova 2009:17), ersuic *bu ‘male yak’ (yu 2012:100), and to tibetan འབྟོང་ ’broŋ ‘wild yak’. in addition, burmese proŋ ‘gaur’ (bos gaurus) is a likely cognate of this etymon. given the fact that this etymon means ‘yak’ in both tibetic and rgyalrongic on the one hand, and that rgyalrongic and burmese family language male yak female yak yak hybrid indo-european sanskrit camaracamarī nepali cauṃrī wakhi ʣuuɣ ̌ buruskaski hunza bépaỵ zó # yasin bépa sum bépa turkic old uighur ḳotoz tuva sarlïk hainak sarlïk mongolic cl. mongolian sarluɣ qayinuɣ khalkha сарлаг хайнаг mongghul χe:naġ musu # yugur xainaġ omsə # bonan warχan ndʐə # ɵmsə # # terms borrowed from tibetan. table 2 terms for domestic yaks in the non-sino-tibetan languages. jacques et al. 2021. ethnobiology letters 12(1):103–114 110 research communications are closer to each other than either it to tibetan on the other hand (since they belong to the burmorgyalrongic branch, a clade supported by all phylogenetic studies, zhang et al. 2019; sagart et al. 2019; zhang et al. 2020), burmese has undergone a semantic shift from ‘yak’ to ‘gaur’ than the other way round, and the meaning ‘yak’ can be reconstructed back to the common ancestor of tibetic and rgyalrongic. the old chinese term mæw 犛 (first attested in the text guoyu, dating from the warring states period, 475–221 bce) is reconstructed as *mrˁu (in baxter and sagart’s 2014 system). this reconstructed form is compatible with the rgyalrongic-tibetic etymon, and could reflect a borrowing from a rgyalrongic language after the loss of final *-ŋ. two conclusions relevant to the question of yak domestication can be drawn from the evidence presented above. first, one term for ‘yak’ is reconstructible to proto-tibeto-rgyalrongic (4847[3363–6429] bp; sagart et al. 2019)6, without distinction between wild and domesticated animals, and between yaks and yakcattle hybrids. this fact indicates familiarity with the animal but does not necessarily imply domestication. second, at least three etyma for male and female yak and f1 hybrids distinct from those of cattle, are reconstructible in proto-rgyalrongic (3221 [2169– 4319] bp; sagart et al. 2019)7. since all rgyalrongic languages (except tangut, whose migration is documented in historical records) are spoken in the rngaba and dkarmdzes districts of western sichuan (see the map in figure 1), the reconstructibility of these etyma entails that cross-breeding between taurine cattle and yak was already well-established in this part of the eastern tibetan plateau before the split of the rgyalrongic subgroup three millennia ago. discussion our linguistic reconstruction indicates that domestication of yaks took place sometime after the split of tibeto-rgyalrongic (4847[3363–6429] bp), but before that of rgyalrongic (3221 [2169–4319] bp), and that the domestication process possibly took place independently in two places, among the ancestors of rgyalrongic and tibetic, respectively. the timing of yak domestication according to linguistic reconstructions appears to correspond to a period of time that postdates the introduction of taurine cattle to the northwestern china and the margins of the tibetan plateau, as shown in figure 3. given the fact that the name for f1 hybrids is reconstructible to proto-rgyalrongic, it is possible that the introduction of taurine cattle and contact with people who herded cattle may have inspired protorgyalrongic speaking peoples to begin to herd, pen and carry out the more intensive type of management of this animal that led to its domestication. hybridization of taurine cattle with yaks may have further conferred traits that further facilitated human management such as higher quality milk production, lower aggressivity and increased tolerance to human presence. this hybridization process may have resulted from human intervention but could also have taken place between wild yaks and feral cattle, the resulting offspring being more amenable to human management. linguistic evidence further suggests that two yak domestication events may have taken place, one on the western tibetan plateau, associated with the ancestors of tibetan speakers, and one on the eastern plateau, associated with proto-rgyalrongic speakers. cattle yak yak-cattle hybrid male female male female male female japhug mbala nɯŋa qambrɯ qra jla ftsoʁ zbu ⁿboléʔ ŋwéʔ qɐⁿbrúʔ qʰríʔ lɟéʔ ftsʰóʁʔ tshobdun ⁿboléʔ ŋê qɐⁿbrúʔ qrê jlê ftsɔ ̂ situ baliɛ ̂ nəŋiɛ ̂ kəmbrû karâ təjliɛ ̂ khroskyabs bəlé ŋî ʁbrô qʰríʔ vzə́ɣ stau qrə zʚ table 3 cognate sets in rgyalrongic languages. jacques et al. 2021. ethnobiology letters 12(1):103–114 111 research communications this is unsurprising as kham and amdo contain some of the richest biomes for wild forage used by yaks and wild animals would likely have concentrated in this area. the large numbers of lower altitude river valleys which cross-cut this area also likely brought yaks into contact with farmers who had begun to fodder taurine cattle and other domesticates like sheep. as this paper details, we are only beginning to learn about how humans first began to manage and eventually domesticate yaks. future archaeological and genetic research will be important in testing the time frame that the linguistic evidence we presented in this paper suggests for this animal’s domestication. future adna work could help resolve the timing of when hybridization between yak and taurine cattle first took place and the location of where such hybrids were first developed. in order to carry out this work, we require more systematic sampling of animal bones to take place at excavations on the plateau. since the male yak-cattle hybrids are sterile (niayale et al. 2021), and only the female can have offspring, we would expect absence from introgression in the ychromosome (medugorac et al. 2017). for this reason, adna sampling would need to be based on large samples to identify female individuals on which sampling could be carried out. future zooarchaeological work could also help identify how humans managed the yaks that they began to domesticate. do kill off profiles show strategies aimed primarily at meat or milk extraction (vigne and helmer 2007)? we hope that future research in this area will help resolve some of these issues. notes 1in addition, yaks have been more recently introduced in other areas, including yakutia and ossetia, which are not represented here. this map is based on different sources depending on the countries: for mongolia, the official statistics on yak population (http://www.1212.mn/tables.aspx? tbl_id=dt_nso_1001_052v2) were consulted, for china we used an important number of sources to ascertain the existence of yaks in various districts, cited in the supplementary document, and was used for other countries. 2the applicability of phylogenetic methods in historical linguistics is still controversial. however, while these three articles were based on three independent datasets, their results present a high degree of congruence. 3for editorial reasons, the complete dataset and the references cannot be shown here and are included in a supplementary document. 4this table does not include all indo-aryan and mongolic languages spoken in yak-herding areas. the relevant data on mongolic languages can be found in (nugteren 2011:400, 532). 5tangut 1195 kʰie ‘yak’ is cognate with the word meaning ‘female yak’ in other languages. 6 this date reflects the covarion relaxed clock analysis; sagart et al. (2019) obtained 5816 [5007–6715] bp and 5684 [4916–6449] bp in the dollo and covarion strict clock analyses for this branch, respectively. other phylogenetics studies (zhang et al. 2019; 2020) find less support for a tibeto-rgyalrongic branch. the figure 3 comparison of linguistic and archaeological evidence for yak domestication. panel a indicates the archaeological and paleoenvironmental evidence for yak domestication and management. in lines i-ii, the area in red indicates the period during which wild yak population growth may have been encouraged through anthropogenic burning. areas in green indicate potentially domesticated yak. in lines iii-v, areas in green indicate the introduction of taurine cattle. panel b shows the hypothesized date at which terms for wild and domesticated yak are present. jacques et al. 2021. ethnobiology letters 12(1):103–114 112 research communications common ancestor of rgyalrongic and tibetic is thus slightly more ancient in their results. 7with other methods the dates obtained were 4026 [3430–4640] bp for covarion strict clock and 3540 [3540–4063] for dollo. references cited aldenderfer, m., and j. t. eng. 2016. death and burial among two ancient high-altitude communities of nepal. in companion to south asia in the past, edited by g. robbins schug and s. r. walimbe, pp. 374–397. wiley-blackwell, london. doi:10.1002/9781119055280.ch24. bailey, j. f., b. healy, j. han, l. sherchand, s. l. pradhan, t. tsendsuren, j. m. foggin, c. gaillard, d. steane, and d. g. zakharov, i. bradley. 2002. genetic variation of mitochondrial dna within domestic yak populations. in proceedings of the third international congress on yak, pp. 181–189, september 4–9, 2000, lhasa, china baxter, w. h., and l. sagart. 2014. old chinese: a new reconstruction. oxford university press, oxford. bodt, t. a. 2020. grammar of duhumbi (chugpa). brill, leiden. brown, c. h., c. r. clement, p. epps, e. luedeling, and s. wichmann. 2013. the paleobiolinguistics of chili pepper (capsicum spp.). ethnobiology letters 4:1– 11. doi:10.14237/ebl.4.2013.2. brunson, k., l. ren, x. zhao, x. dong, h. wang, j. zhou, and r. flad. 2020. zooarchaeology, ancient mtdna, and radiocarbon dating provide new evidence for the emergence of domestic cattle and caprines in the tao river valley of gansu province, northwest china. journal of archaeological science: reports 31:102262. doi:10.1016/ j.jasrep.2020.102262. cai, d., y. sun, z. tang, s. hu, w. li, x. zhao, h. xiang, and h. zhou. 2014. the origins of chinese domestic cattle as revealed by ancient dna analysis. journal of archaeological science 41:423–434. doi:10.1016/j.jas.2013.09.003. chen, n., y. cai, q. chen, r. li, k. wang, y. huang, s. hu, s. huang, h. zhang, z. zheng, w. song, z. ma, y. ma, r. dang, z. zhang, l. xu, y. jia, s. liu, x. yue, w. deng, x. zhang, z. sun, x. lan, j. han, h. chen, d. g. bradley, y. jiang, and c. lei. 2018. whole-genome resequencing reveals world -wide ancestry and adaptive introgression events of domesticated cattle in east asia. nature communications 9:2337. doi:10.1038/s41467-01804737-0. chirkova, k. 2009. shixing, a sino-tibetan language of south-west china: a grammatical sketch with two appended texts. linguistics of the tibeto-burman area 32:1–90. dong, g., l. ren, x. jia, x. liu, s. dong, h. li, z. wang, y. xiao, and f. chen. 2016. chronology and subsistence strategy of nuomuhong culture in the tibetan plateau. quaternary international 426:42–49. doi:10.1016/j.quaint.2016.02.031. flad, r. k., j. yuan, and s. li. 2007. zooarchaeological evidence for animal domestication in northwest china. in late quaternary climate change and human adaptation in arid china, edited by d. b. madsen, f. h. chen, and g. xing, pp. 167–204. elsevier, amsterdam. doi:10.1016/s1571-0866 (07)09012-4. guo, s., p. savolainen, j. su, q. zhang, d. qi, j. zhou, y. zhong, x. zhao, and j. liu. 2006. origin of mitochondrial dna diversity of domestic yaks. bmc evolutionary biology 6:73. doi:10.1186/1471-2148-6-73. hock, h. h. 1991. principles of historical linguistics. mouton de gruyter, berlin. huang, x., j. zhang, m. storozum, s. liu, j. l. gill, l. xiang, x. ren, j. wang, m. qiang, f. chen, and e. c. grimm. 2020. long-term herbivore population dynamics in the northeastern qinghaitibetan plateau and its implications for early human impacts. review of palaeobotany and palynology 275:104171. doi:10.1016/j.revpalbo.2020.104171. hyslop, g. 2013. on the internal phylogeny of east bodish. in north east indian linguistics 5, edited by gwendolyn hyslop, stephen morey, and mark w. post, pp.91–112. cambridge university press india, new delhi. jacques, g. 2016. sanskrit camara‘yak’ et tibétain nbri ‘yak femelle’. *wékwos 2:87–90. jacques, g., and a. michaud. 2011. approaching the historical phonology of three highly eroded sinotibetan languages: naxi, na and laze. diachronica 28:468–498. doi:10.1075/dia.28.4.02jac. joshi, s., l. shrestha, n. bisht, ning wu, m. ismail, t. dorji, g. dangol, and r. long. 2020. ethnic and cultural diversity amongst yak herding communities in the asian highlands. sustainability 12(3):957. doi:10.3390/su12030957. jacques et al. 2021. ethnobiology letters 12(1):103–114 113 research communications kaoguxi, sichuan daxue, jiuzhaigou fengjing mingxing guanliju, university of washington department of anthropology, and abazhou wenwu guanlisuo. 2017. 九寨沟景区历史文化资 源考察研究报告 jiǔzhàigōu jǐngqū lìshǐ wénhuà zīyuán kǎochá yánjiū bàogào [research report on the history, culture and natural resources of the jiuzhaigou national park]. bashu shushe, chengdu, china. lai, y., x. gong, j. p. gates, and g. jacques. 2020. tangut as a west gyalrongic language. folia linguistica historica 41:171–203. doi:10.1515/flih2020-0006. lieberherr, i., and t. a. bodt. 2017. sub-grouping kho-bwa based on shared core vocabulary. himalayan linguistics 16:26–63. lu, p., k. brunson, j. yuan, and z. li. 2017. zooarchaeological and genetic evidence for the origins of domestic cattle in ancient china. asian perspectives 56:92–120. doi:10.1353/asi.2017.0003. mazaudon, m. 1994. problèmes de comparatisme et de reconstruction dans quelques langues de la famille tibétobirmane. thèse d’etat, université de la sorbonne nouvelle, paris. medugorac, i., a. graf, c. grohs, s. rothammer, y. zagdsuren, e. gladyr, n. zinovieva, j. barbieri, d. seichter, i. russ, a. eggen, g. hellenthal, g. brem, h. blum, s. krebs, and a. capitan. 2017. wholegenome analysis of introgressive hybridization and characterization of the bovine legacy of mongolian yaks. nature genetics 49:470–475. doi:10.1038/ng.3775. meyer, m. c., c. hoffman, a. m. d. gemmel, e. haslinger, h. hausler, and d. wangda. 2009. holocene glacier fluctuations and migration of neolithic yak pastoralists into the high valleys of northwest bhutan. quaternary science review 28:1217 –1237. doi:10.1016/j.quascirev. 2008.12.025. miehe, g., s. miehe, j. böhner, k. kaiser, i. hensen, d. madsen, j. liu, and l. opgenoorth. 2014. how old is the human footprint in the world’s largest alpine ecosystem? a review of multiproxy records from the tibetan plateau from the ecologists’ viewpoint. quaternary science reviews 86:190–209. doi:10.1016/j.quascirev.2013.12.004. miehe, g., s. miehe, k. kaiser, c. reudenbach, l. behrendes, l. duo, and f. schlütz. 2009. how old is pastoralism in tibet? an ecological approach to the making of a tibetan landscape. palaeogeography, palaeoclimatology, palaeoecology 276:130–147. doi:/10.1016/j.palaeo.2009.03.005. niayale, r., y. cui, and f. adzitey. 2021. male hybrid sterility in the cattle-yak and other bovines: a review. biology of reproduction 104:495–507. doi:10.1093/biolre/ioaa207. nugteren, h. 2011. mongolic phonology and the qinghaigansu languages. doctoral dissertation, leiden university, leiden, netherlands. available at: https://www.lotpublications.nl/mongolicphonology-and-the-qinghai-gansu-languagesmongolic-phonology-and-the-qinghai-gansulanguages. accessed on july 28, 2021. qi, x., h. j., g. wang, j. e. o. rege, and o. hanotte. 2010. assessment of cattle genetic introgression into domestic yak populations using mitochondrial and microsatellite dna markers. animal genetics 41:242–252. doi:10.1111/j.13652052.2009.01989.x. qi, x., j. han, r. blench, j. e. o. rege, and o. hanotte. 2008. understanding yak pastoralism in central asian highlands mitochondrial dna evidence for origin, domestication and dispersal of domestic yak. in past human migrations in east asia: matching archaeology, linguistics and genetics, edited by alicia sanchez-mazas, roger blench, malcolm ross, ilia peiros, and mary lin, pp. 427– 442. routledge, london. qinghai sheng wenwu guanli huiyuanhui, and zhongguo shehui kexue yuan kaogu yanjiusuo qinghai dui. 1963. 青海都兰县诺木洪搭里他里 哈 遗 址 调 查 与 试 掘 qīnghǎi dūlánxiàn nuòmùhóng dālǐtālǐhā yízhǐ diàochá yǔ shìjué [a report on the survey and excavations at the nuomuhong culture site of dalitaliha in dulan county, qinghai]. kaogu xuebao 1:7–41. qiu, q., l. wang, k. wang, y. yang, t. ma, z. wang, x. zhang, z. ni, f. hou, r. long, r. abbott, j. lenstra, and j. liu. 2015. yak wholegenome resequencing reveals domestication signatures and prehistoric population expansions. nature communications 6:10283. doi:10.1038/ ncomms10283. qiu, q., g. zhang, t. ma, w. qian, j. wang, z. ye, c. cao, q. hu, j. kim, d. m. larkin, l. auvil, b. capitanu, j. ma, h. a. lewin, x. qian, y. lang, r. zhou, l. wang, k. wang, j. xia, s. liao, s. pan, x. jacques et al. 2021. ethnobiology letters 12(1):103–114 114 research communications lu, h. hou, y. wang, x. zang, y. yin, h. ma, j. zhang, z. wang, y. zhang, d. zhang, t. yonezawa, m. hasegawa, y. zhong, w. liu, y. zhang, z. huang, s. zhang, r. long, h. yang, j. wang, j. a. lenstra, d. n. cooper, y. wu, j. wang, p. shi, j. wang, and j. liu. 2012. the yak genome and adaptation to life at high altitude. nature genetics 44:946–949. doi:10.1038/ng.2343. rhode, d., d. b. madsen, p. j. brantingham, and t. dargye. 2007. yaks, yak dung, and prehistoric human habitation of the tibetan plateau. developments in quaternary sciences 9:205–224. doi:10.1016/s1571-0866(07)09013-6. sagart, l., g. jacques, y. lai, r. j. ryder, v. thouzeau, s. j. greenhill, and j.-m. list. 2019. dated language phylogenies shed light on the ancestry of sino-tibetan. proceedings of the national academy of sciences 116:10317–10322. doi:10.1073/ pnas.1817972116. schlütz, f., and f. lehmkuhl. 2009. holocene climatic change and the nomadic anthropocene in eastern tibet: palynological and geomorphological results from the nianbaoyeze mountains. quaternary science reviews 28:1449–1471. doi:10.1016/j.quascirev.2009.01.009. sun, j. t.-s. 2000. stem alternations in puxi verb inflection: toward validating the rgyalrongic subgroup in qiangic. language and linguistics 1:211– 232. tournadre, n., and h. suzuki. 2021. the tibetic languages, an introduction to the family of languages derived from old tibetan. lacito publications, paris. vigne, j. d., and d. helmer. 2007. was milk a “secondary product” in the old world neolithisation process? its role in the domestication of cattle, sheep and goats. anthropozoologica 42:9–40. yu, d. 2012. proto-ersuic. doctoral dissertation, graduate division, university of california, berkeley, ca. available at: https:// linguistics.berkeley.edu/~dom/proto-ersuic.pdf. accessed on july 29, 2021. zhang, h., t. ji, m. pagel, and r. mace. 2020. dated phylogeny suggests early neolithic origin of sinotibetan languages. scientific reports 10:20792. doi:10.1038/s41598-020-77404-4. zhang, m., s. yan, w. pan, and l. jin. 2019. phylogenetic evidence for sino-tibetan origin in northern china in the late neolithic. nature 569:112–115. doi:10.1038/s41586-019-1153-z. zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo. 1999. 拉萨曲贡 lāsà qūgòng [the qugong culture of lhasa]. zhongguo dabaikequanshu chubanshe, beijing. fermentation and the ethnobiology of microbial entanglement flachs and orkin. 2019. ethnobiology le ers 10(1):35–39 35 short topical reviews microbiopolitics, which focuses on the political ramifications of living with microbes as allies and threats; and multispecies environmental humanities, which views human relationships through and with microbes. neo-cultural ecology, microbiopolitcs, and the environmental humanities neo-cultural ecology approaches, in the spirit of work of julian steward and robert netting, ask about the biological mechanisms by which human-microbe interactions shape and are shaped by diet and environment in an iterative feedback loop. neocultural ecology scholarship indicates how malleable both the human microbiome can be as well as the microbial ecologies that humans influence, citing significant microbiome differences between smallscale rural and industrialized urban human populations (e.g., tyakht et al. 2013; yatsunenko et al. 2012). with increasing attention to biomedical questions of probiotics and health, much fermentation scholarship is dominated by questions introduction fermentation provides a way for ethnobiologists to imagine microbial worlds and question proand antibiotic entanglements with microbes, but the microbial linkages to food, knowledge, health, and heritage remain underdeveloped. kitchens and gardens influence microbial ecology in dramatic and complex ways because humans manage agri-food systems: humans domesticate species, change habitats, and process foods in ways that have distinctive effects on microbial communities in our homes, our foods, and our guts. ethnobiologists have a unique contribution to this growing research into human-microbial relationships. fermentation in particular draws attention to craft food-making, taste and identity, and the practice of traditional ecological knowledge that sustains distinctive microbial ecologies. in this short topical review, we discuss three key themes in the current research around fermentation relevant to ethnobiologists: neo-cultural ecology, which understands landscapes and the human body itself as microbial ecologies shaped by cultural practices; fermenta on and the ethnobiology of microbial entanglement andrew flachs 1 * and joseph d. orkin 2 1 department of anthropology, purdue university, west lafaye e, usa. 2 ins tut de biologia evolu va, csic‐universitat pompeu fabra, barcelona, spain. * aflachs@purdue.edu abstract fermenta on preserves and transforms foods through autochthonous or introduced microorganisms. fermenta on is of special interest to ethnobiologists because it relies on place‐ and prac ce‐based knowledge, local flora and microbial taxa, is sensi ve to cultural and ecological condi ons, and illuminates the interac ons through which communi es shape and are shaped by the world around them. in this short topical review, we discuss recent anthropological and ethnobiological research into fermenta on, arguing that this topic deserves further a en on during the current moment of microbial interest across social and natural sciences. we present a typology of scholarship on human ‐microbial rela onships that delineates three intellectual camps in this literature: neo‐cultural ecology, microbiopoli cs, and the environmental humani es. in light of biomedical and scien fic a en on to microbes—not only as threats but also as complex and beneficial actors in our lives—it is crucial to understand how socioecological prac ces including growing, preparing, and consuming fermented foods sustain microbial communi es, heritage foodways, and human wellbeing. received january 2, 2019 open access accepted june 17, 2019 doi 10.14237/ebl.10.1.2019.1481 published july 18, 2019 keywords fermenta on, ethnozymology, microbiome, foodways, mul species copyright © 2019 by the author(s) licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open‐access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution‐noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by‐nc/4.0), which permits non‐commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. flachs and orkin. 2019. ethnobiology le ers 10(1):35–39 36 short topical reviews of healthy and unhealthy microbial encounters. medical literature shows it is possible for diet in general and fermented food products in particular to influence microbial ecologies in the human gut (e.g., david et al. 2014), a point seized by corporate actors branding their foods as healthy (derrien and van hylckama vlieg 2015). moving from the scale of the human body to the scale of anthropogenic landscapes, similar research asks how microbes might define particular tastes, landraces, and microclimates. this has implications for food scholars trying to pin down how and why local tastes and knowledge shape distinct foodways. in neo-cultural ecology scholarship, terroir, the place-specific quality of food, is reimagined as a distinct microbial landscape that results from aggregated culinary and agricultural management decisions (belda et al. 2017; nabhan 2010; paxson 2013). classic cultural ecology scholarship faced criticism from political ecologists who argued that this scholarship (1) gave too much credit to environmental conditions as the key determinant of cultural practices and (2) underplayed the historical and political conditions that shape human-environmental interactions. to counter this, neo-cultural ecology approaches to human-microbe relationships ask how humans might ideally live in partnership with microbes (lorimer 2016), and recognize how structural forces like state regulation, antibiotic overuse, or artisanal markets might influence which humans partner with which microbes (paxson 2013). certainly, the combination of cultural and environmental forces works quickly on the microbial scale. for example, human microbial ecologies change rapidly in response to diet and local environmental exposure, as shown by immigrants to the us whose gut microbiomes come to resemble lifetime residents (vangay et al. 2018). fermentation, with its complex impacts on microbial ecologies inside and outside human bodies, illuminates how biological and sociopolitical mechanisms become entangled when they shape and are shaped by larger environments. microbiopolitics, particularly as developed by heather paxson (2013), focuses on the political ramifications of microbial encounters. this literature calls attention to how people and states seek to live with microbes: either as threats that must be destroyed because they disrupt healthy relationships, or as potential allies in the human quest for wellbeing. microbiopolitics, following michel foucault’s biopolitics, describes the sorts of microbial risks that communities and regulatory apparati allow through food safety regulations, moral judgements over hygiene, and governance in everyday actions. microbiopolitics approaches take louis pasteur’s 19th century food and safety protocols as a major point of departure in the regulation of microbial life, because pasteur warned that microbes in the wild were potentially harmful and disruptive of otherwise healthy and productive social relationships. where pasteurian logic argues that microbes legitimate and even necessitate state and citizen interventions in hygiene, post-pasteurians, as paxson terms the rawmilk enthusiasts and artisanal cheesemakers with whom she works, discriminate between microbial encounters. some good, or commensal, microbial interactions can be normal, healthy, and potentially lucrative while other bad, or disruptive, relationships cause harm. these differences in the ontological politics of microbes intersect with larger questions about how humans should interact with each other. in a worldview where microbial interactions are inherently dangerous, food panics like e. coli outbreaks reveal the fragility of state hygienic regulations. home fermenters, along with commercial producers of kombucha or raw-milk cheese beholden to food safety laws, argue that some microbial entanglement can be positive (katz 2016; paxson 2013) and question the extent to which regulations protect citizens and craft producers versus agribusiness corporations (spackman 2018). in both cases, ethnobiologists can contribute to these arguments by understanding how human and microbial ecologies shape one another. some post-pasteurians see renewed interest in microbes as providing new models for citizenproducers to make sense of the world and reframe, or promote regulations that reframe, microbial discourse away from perilous and discrete to promising and entangled (paxson and helmreich 2014). where neo-cultural ecology asks about the biological mechanisms by which microbiomes change and microbiopolitics draws attention to regulatory and market forces governing how humans and microbes interact, scholarship from the environmental humanities investigates how human existence is made plural through entanglements with microbes. through microbial interconnections this literature reimagines homo sapiens as “homo microbis” (helmreich 2015), presenting a challenge to think of being human as flachs and orkin. 2019. ethnobiology le ers 10(1):35–39 37 short topical reviews being a good ecosystem (benezra, destefano, and gordon 2012). humanistic literature that destabilizes the human body as a self-contained unit takes inspiration from the “holobiont”, an evolutionary ecology concept wherein humans, and all complex multicellular eukaryotes, are understood to be assemblages of host organisms and their associated microbes (bordenstein and theis 2015). from this perspective, evolutionary forces (e.g., natural selection and genetic drift) act on the phenotypes arising from the organismal assemblage and the totality of its multispecies genomic information, or “hologenome”. viewing organisms as multispecies assemblages, the holobiont concept extends a lamarckian evolutionary logic wherein subsequent generations inherit externally acquired microbes along with their corresponding genomes and fitness effects (bordenstein and theis 2015). thus to be human is to enter into a multispecies partnership, where some microbes are welcome allies for wellbeing and some are dangerous, but where an absence of microbes is unnatural and undesirable (lorimer 2016). while some ethnobiologists may hesitate to engage with the political machinations of food safety regulations that dominate microbiopolitics research, environmental humanities scholarship emphasizes pungent and hyper-local cultural keystone ferments through which communities and ethnic groups stake claims to identity (yamin-pasternak et al. 2014). some microbes are used to make nationalist arguments, as when korean food scientists analyze microbial ecologies to argue that kimchi is uniquely korean and not japanese (jang et al. 2015). others enlist microbes to make food sovereignty arguments, like the claim that bulgarian yogurt (yotova 2017) and ghanaian dawa-dawa (ham 2017) provide unique health benefits through unique lactobacillus bacteria, a way to fight against the grain of an industrializing and homogenizing global food system. along with signalling group identity, many ferments are live cultures and are exchanged through starters and brines. because they carry the well-wishes and recipes of the givers with them, such exchanges are classic anthropological gifts imbued with social meaning (jasarevic 2015; katz 2016). like the heirloom seeds or recipes discussed in much ethnobiological literature, gifts of ferments and starters invite recipients to join in a shared ecological practice and culturally significant taste. each of the three perspectives we have discussed offers ethnobiologists a way to understand microbes at the nexus of local agroecological management, food practices, and human wellbeing. neo-cultural ecology approaches draw attention to how kitchens and gardens shape microbial ecology from human to landscape scales through culinary and agricultural practices. microbiopolitics introduces a political ecology approach to fermented ecosystems, drawing attention to which regulatory structures protect whom, and at what cost. finally, scholarship in the environmental humanities, interested in evolution and multispecies entanglements on the microbial scale, reimagines fermented foods as landscapes and bodies as ecosystems shared and cohabited by multiple organisms. applying ethnobiology to fermentation and the microbiome ethnobiologists are centrally concerned with the ways that we shape the environment and the environment shapes us, exploring interconnections between diet, identity, and ecological relationships. in addition to scholarship documenting cultural and biological diversity through fermented food recipes, ethnobiologists have a chance to use fermentation to contribute to “ethnobiology 5” (wolverton 2013), in which research builds socioecological theory while strengthening local knowledge and sovereignty to help communities live with rapid shifts in ecological, political, and economic opportunities around the world. just as the spread of industrialized agriculture and rural outmigration threaten in situ conservation of biodiversity and the cultural knowledge that sustains it, so too do these factors threaten local starters, encourage pasteurian regulation, endanger specialized tools and knowledge that promote microbial refugia, and marginalize local food cultures (sõukand et al. 2015). as ethnobiologists cassandra quave, andrea pieroni, and gary nabhan have argued most prominently, the loss of either specialized ethnozymological knowledge or local hosts for autochthonous bacteria can disrupt practiceand place -based food security for communities that use fermented foods to bolster food security, foster culturally important tastes, or anchor connections between food, identity, and health (nabhan 2010; quave and pieroni 2014; sõukand et al. 2015; svanberg 2015). flachs and orkin. 2019. ethnobiology le ers 10(1):35–39 38 short topical reviews this brief review essay offers a typology of recent scholarship that distinguishes between research that (1) asks how cultural practices shape distinctive microbiomes within human bodies and across anthropogenic landscapes; (2) calls attention to the political and ideological dimensions of hygiene regulation; and (3) focuses on how microbes help people rethink what it means to be human or draw cultural and ethnic boundaries. fermentation offers ethnobiologists a lens through which to draw from and contribute to these conversations. the ethnobiology of fermentation can foster theoretically rich and politically engaged research, exploring how local knowledge vested in a community shapes a dynamic ecosystem at multiple scales and creates possibilities for further cultural expression. local variation in cultigens, food preparations, soils, and waters likely impacts microbial ecology, especially in the context of wild fermentation from autochthonous lactic acid-producing bacteria. by stressing local social and global political conditions under which these microbial relationships can exist, ethnobiologists can describe the complex feedback loops that shape microbial landscapes. finally, an ethnobiological approach to fermentation and the microbiome can contribute to in situ conservation at various scales by celebrating taste, knowledge, health, and place as daily practices opposed to the homogenization of foods and ecologies through modernist industrialization. declarations permissions: none declared. sources of funding: joseph d. orkin is supported by the beatriu de pinós postdoctoral programme of the government of catalonia's secretariat for universities and research of the ministry of economy and knowledge. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited belda, i., i. zarraonaindia, m. perisin, a. palacios, and a. acedo. 2017. from vineyard soil to wine fermentation: microbiome approximations to explain the “terroir” concept. frontiers in microbiology 8. doi:10.3389/fmicb.2017.00821. benezra, a., j. destefano, and j. i. gordon. 2012. anthropology of microbes. proceedings of the national academy of sciences of the united states of america 109: 6378–81. doi:10.1073/pnas.1200515109. bordenstein, s. r., and k. r. theis. 2015. host biology in light of the microbiome: ten principles of holobionts and hologenomes. plos biology 13:e1002226. doi:10.1371/journal.pbio.1002226. david, l. a., c. f. maurice, r. n. carmody, d. b. gootenberg, j. e. button, b. e. wolfe, a. v. ling, a. s. devlin, y. varma, m. a. fischbach, s. b. biddinger, r. j. dutton, and p. j. turnbaugh. 2014. diet rapidly and reproducibly alters the human gut microbiome. nature 505:559–63. doi:10.1038/ nature12820. derrien, m., and j. e. t. van hylckama vlieg. 2015. fate, activity, and impact of ingested bacteria within the human gut microbiota. trends in microbiology 23:354–66. doi:10.1016/ j.tim.2015.03.002. ham, j. r. 2017. cooking to be modern but eating to be healthy: the role of dawa-dawa in contemporary ghanaian foodways. food, culture & society 20:237–56. doi:10.1080/15528014.2017.1305827. helmreich, s. 2015. sounding the limits of life: essays in the anthropology of biology and beyond. princeton university press, princeton, nj. jang, d., k. r. chung, h. j. yang, k. kim, and d. y. kwon. 2015. discussion on the origin of kimchi, representative of korean unique fermented vegetables. journal of ethnic foods 2:126–36. doi:10.1016/j.jef.2015.08.005. jasarevic, l. 2015. the thing in a jar: mushrooms and ontological speculations in post-yugoslavia. cultural anthropology 30:36–64. doi:10.14506/ ca30.1.04. katz, s. e. 2016. wild fermentation: the flavor, nutrition, and craft of live-culture foods. 2nd ed. chelsea green publishing, white river junction, vt. lorimer, j. 2016. gut buddies: multispecies studies and the microbiome. environmental humanities 8:57– 76. doi:10.1215/22011919-3527722. nabhan, g. p. 2010. ethnobiology for a diverse world: microbial ethnobiology and the loss of distinctive food cultures. journal of ethnobiology 30:181–83. doi:10.2993/0278-0771-30.2.181. paxson, h. 2013. the life of cheese. university of california press, berkeley, ca. flachs and orkin. 2019. ethnobiology le ers 10(1):35–39 39 short topical reviews paxson, h., and s. helmreich. 2014. the perils and promises of microbial abundance: novel natures and model ecosystems, from artisanal cheese to alien seas. social studies of science 44:165–93. doi:10.1177/0306312713505003. quave, c. l., and a. pieroni. 2014. fermented foods for food security and food sovereignty in the balkans: a case study of the gorani people of northeastern albania. journal of ethnobiology 34:28– 43. doi:10.2993/0278-0771-34.1.28. sõukand, r., a. pieroni, m. biró, a. dénes, y. dogan, a. hajdari, r. kalle, b. reade, b. mustafa, a. nedelcheva, c. l. quave, and ł. łuczaj. 2015. an ethnobotanical perspective on traditional fermented plant foods and beverages in eastern europe. journal of ethnopharmacology 170:284–96. doi:10.1016/j.jep.2015.05.018. spackman, c. c. w. 2018. formulating citizenship: the microbiopolitics of the malfunctioning functional beverage. biosocieties 13:41–63. doi:10.1057/s41292-017-0051-6. svanberg, i. 2015. ræstur fiskur: air-dried fermented fish the faroese way. journal of ethnobiology and ethnomedicine 11:76. doi:10.1186/ s13002-015-0064-9. tyakht, a. v., e. s. kostryukova, a. s. popenko, m. s. belenikin, a. v. pavlenko, a. k. larin, i. y. karpova, o. v. selezneva, t. a. semashko, e. a. ospanova, v. v. babenko, i. v. maev, s. v. cheremushkin, y. a. kucheryavyy, p. l. shcherbakov, v. b. grinevich, o. i. efimov, e. i. sas, r. a. abdulkhakov, s. r. abdulkhakov, e. a. lyalyukova, m. a. livzan, v. v. vlassov, r. z. sagdeev, v. v. tsukanov, m. f. osipenko, i. v. kozlova, a. v. tkachev, v. i. sergienko, d. g. alexeev, and v. m. govorun. 2013. human gut microbiota community structures in urban and rural populations in russia. nature communications 4:2469. doi:10.1038/ncomms3469. wolverton, s. 2013. ethnobiology 5: interdisciplinarity in an era of rapid environmental change. ethnobiology letters 4:21–25. doi:10.14237/ ebl.4.2013.11. yamin-pasternak, s., a. kliskey, l. alessa, i. pasternak, and p. schweitzer. 2014. the rotten renaissance in the bering strait: loving, loathing, and washing the smell of foods with a (re) acquired taste. current anthropology 55:619–46. doi:10.1086/678305. yatsunenko, y., f. e. rey, m. j. manary, i. trehan, m. g. dominguez-bello, m. contreras, m. magris, g. hidalgo, r. n. baldassano, a. p. anokhin, a. c. heath, b. warner, j. reeder, j. kuczynski, j. g. caporaso, c. a. lozupone, c. lauber, j. c. clemente, d. knights, r. knight, and j. i. gordon. 2012. human gut microbiome viewed across age and geography. nature 486:222–27. doi:10.1038/ nature11053. yotova, m. 2017. the “goodness” of homemade yogurt: self-provisioning as sustainable food practices in post-socialist bulgaria. local environment 23:1063–74. doi:10.1080/13549839.2017.1420048. injuries caused by freshwater stingrays in the western amazon: folk medicine and beliefs da silva et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):1–13 1 research communications located on the dorsal portion of the tail, a main characteristic of the myliobatiformes order (haddad 2008; rosenberger 2001). stingers are bilaterally retroserrated, composed by modified dermal denticles, covered by glandular and integument tissues, and abundant in toxin-secreting cells (haddad et al. 2004), which are responsible for the envenomation recorded in injuries caused by these organisms. accidents usually produce an extremely painful injury that frequently causes necrosis and ulceration in tissues underlying the wound, due to the proteolytic action of the venom. additionally, there is the possibility of retaining fragments of stingers in the wound, as well as triggering an infectious process (antoniazzi et al. 2011; haddad et al. 2004; lameiras introduction the family potamotrygonidae comprises the only group of elasmobranchs restricted to freshwater environments (carvalho et al. 2011; compagno and cook 1995). they are divided into four genera: paratrygon, potamotrygon, plesiotrygon, and heliotrygon. they have approximately 38 species occurring in the major river systems of south america (carvalho et al. 2016; cruz 2009; fricke et al. 2020; garrone neto and haddad 2010). three potamotrygonidae species inhabit the juruá river basin, an important waterway in state of acre: paratrygon aiereba, potamotrygon motoro, and potamotrygon marquesi (lasso et al. 2013; silva and loboda 2019) (figure 1). freshwater stingrays present similar habits to marine species, presenting one or more stingers injuries caused by freshwater stingrays in the western amazon: folk medicine and beliefs greiciane amorim da silva 1 , aline nayara poscai 2* , and andré luis da silva casas 3 1 programa de pós-graduação em saúde coletiva. campus universitário rio branco, universidade federal do acre, rio branco, brazil. 2 laboratório de pesquisas de elasmobrânquios, universidade estadual paulista “júlio de mesquita filho”, praça infante dom henrique, são vicente, brazil. 3 laboratório de anatomia e fisiologia comparada, campus cruzeiro do sul, universidade federal do acre, estrada do canela fina, cruzeiro do sul, brazil. * aline.poscai@gmail.com abstract the envenomation caused by freshwater stingrays is one of the most frequent injuries related to aquatic animals in south america. such injury is severe with skin necrosis as a probable result of the sting and subsequent intense pain. here, we characterized the accidents caused by freshwater stingrays in juruá valley, acre, brazil, with reports of people who had suffered injuries. data collection was performed in nearby communities in the juruá river and its tributaries through a semi-structured questionnaire. bathers and fishermen were the main group affected, and injuries were mainly in the lower limbs. the results were similar to those previously reported for other regions of brazil, except for the treatment applied. severe pain, edema, erythema, necrosis, and ulceration of the wound are some of the symptoms reported by the injured population. most of the treatment is based on folk remedies, such as human urine, hot boiled egg, medicinal plants, and nonprescription drugs. in most cases, injuries usually occur in remote areas which favor the use of folk remedies, but the accidents are still neglected by the population itself because of the low lethality. therefore, educational activities and prophylactic measures should be carried out with a standardization of first aid and late measures. in addition, the correct use of medicinal plants and folk remedies could be a strong ally to ensure a safe and affordable care for the population. received may 7, 2019 open access accepted april 3, 2020 doi 10.14237/ebl.11.1.2020.1586 published may 11, 2020 keywords ethnobiology, potamotrygonidae, medicinal plants, juruá river copyright © 2020 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. da silva et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):1–13 2 research communications et al. 2013). in most cases, injuries cause a temporary or permanent physical incapacity, and the injured may develop sequelae in the affected limb (haddad 2004; lameiras et al. 2013). lethal wounds occur mainly in cases in which stingers reach vital organs (antoniazzi et al. 2011). in brazil, stingray accidents are considered a public health problem (evangelista and azevedo 2016; haddad 2003; haddad et al. 2013; sá-oliveira et al. 2011). according to the information system for notifiable diseases (sinan), most of the injuries caused by fish in the country involved freshwater stingrays, especially from the potamotrygonidae family (reckziegel et al. 2015). the most affected people are fishermen, who are handling these animals daily, and bathers, especially during the dry season (haddad et al. 2004). these accidents are considered underreported, as they occur predominantly in remote areas (garrone neto and haddad 2010; haddad 2003; reckziegel et al. 2015). currently, therapeutic approach is basically the use of analgesics, anti-inflammatories, warm water, and antibiotics to prevent secondary infections, gangrene, and tetanus (garrone neto and haddad 2010; lameiras et al. 2013). however, places that have access to health services are scarce or non-existent, therapies based on popular beliefs and natural products are often the only affordable and low-cost alternative available, but few studies have focused on folk medicine (bussmann and sharon 2006; dey et al. 2017; haddad et al. 2013; lima et al. 2019; matias et al. 2013; schmeda-hirschmann et al. 2014). thus, ethnobiology is crucial to identify strategies used by traditional populations, as well as to understand their figure 1 species with occurrence in the state of acre. a potamotrygon motoro, b paratrygon aiereba with tail mutilation (photograph by andré luis da silva casas in 2014), and c potamotrygon marquesi (adapted from silva and loboda 2019). da silva et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):1–13 3 research communications relationship with the available biological resources, through their beliefs, oral tradition, non-verbal language, and all knowledge systems (albuquerque et al. 2019). therefore, the present study aimed to characterize injuries caused by freshwater stingrays through interviews and a questionnaire with populations of three municipalities in the mesoregion of juruá valley, in the western amazon (acre, brazil). furthermore, this study emphasizes the cultural knowledge in the use of natural resources and folk medicine to treat injuries through the documentation of their beliefs and perceptions about the accidents. methods study location the state of acre is located in the extreme north of brazil, in the western brazilian amazon, occupying an area of 153.194 km2. it is composed of 22 municipalities and divided into two large mesoregions: acre valley and juruá valley (instituto brasileiro de geografia e estatística 2010; rodrigues et al. 1997). the latter has approximately 129,170 inhabitants and comprises the municipalities of cruzeiro do sul, mâncio lima, rodrigues alves, marechal thaumaturgo, porto walter, tarauacá, feijó, and jordão (rodrigues et al. 1997). figure 2 fish market calixto alves in cruzeiro do sul municipality. b interviews being conducted with the local population nearby fish market calixto alves. c–d interviewees with the questionnaire in the fish market calixto alves. photographs by andré luis da silva casas, 2014. da silva et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):1–13 4 research communications the study included populations predominantly composed of riverside inhabitants near juruá river and its tributaries and fishermen. riverside communities are located in rural areas, riverbanks, or lakes, in which the people depend on hunting, fishing, agriculture, and the sale of natural products for subsistence (gama et al. 2018; instituto brasileiro de geografia e estatística 2010). the region is also known for its intense fishing activity that contributes to local and regional commerce, being an important sector for economy, with a high number of commercial and subsistence fishermen (santos and santos 2005). most of these activities occur in riverside communities far from the main urban centers, known as rubber plantations or seringais. a symbolic, cultural, and historical heritage from rubber plantation activities has dictated the acre state economy and colonization since the beginning of the twentieth century (carneiro 2015). data collection interviews proceeded between 2014 and 2015 and were based on the active search for cases in riverside communities, fishermen's associations, fish markets, and health units in the municipalities of cruzeiro do sul, mâncio lima, and rodrigues alves (figure 2). in this study, individuals that have suffered freshwater stingray injuries were considered. the interviews were semi-structured, including questions about the characteristics of the accident and the use of folk remedies to treat injuries, detailing what they were, use, purposes, and therapeutic effectiveness according to the interviewed. in addition, free interviews and informal conversation were carried out, where graphic material from books by haddad (2008) lasso et al. (2013), were shown as additional material in an attempt to identify the species involved in the accidents. analyses descriptive analysis of freshwater stingray accidents was carried out, in which the frequency distribution (absolute and relative) were analyzed according to gender, activity, seasonality, period of the accident, search for medical care, injury site, symptoms, sequel, locality, treatment, type of treatment, and medicinal plants. survey data was entered into 2016 microsoft excel and analyzed statistically in the statistical package for the social science (windows version 22.0). scientific nomenclatures of the botanical species were verified with the databases of tropicos (2020). characteristics category n (%) gender female 29 (22) male 103 (78) activity fishing 51 (38.7) recreation 69 (52.3) others 12 (9) seasonality summer 107 (81) winter 25 (19) period of the accident morning 49 (37.1) afternoon 70 (53) evening 13 (9.9) search for medical care yes 26 (19.7) no 106 (80.3) injury site upper limbs 3 (2.3) lower limbs 128 (97) trunk 1 (0.7) symptoms 1 bleeding 20 (15.1) chronic pain 125 (94.7) edema 107 (81) erythema 107 (81) necrosis 74 (56) ulcers 57 (43.2) fever 9 (6.8) vomit 3 (2.3) sequel yes 36 (27.3) no 96 (72.7) locality urban area 39 (29.5) semi-urban area 31 (23.5) rubber plantations 55 (41.7) unreported 7 (5.3) alternative treatment yes 111 (84) no 21 (16) type of alternative treatment 2 plants 34 (30.6) others 67 (60.4) unreported 10 (9) table 1 the characteristics of accidents caused by freshwater stingrays in the juruá valley, brazil, between 2014–2015. 1 frequency of citation. 2 data on the 111 cases that opted for alternative treatment. da silva et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):1–13 5 research communications results accidents and beliefs related to freshwater stingrays a total of 132 interviews were conducted, including 29 women and 103 men. the accident involving freshwater stingrays was described as emotionally unpleasant, extremely painful, and a long-term recovery experience. accidents occurred mainly during leisure (52.3%) and fishing (38.7%) activities, while the period corresponding to the ebb and flow of rivers represented the highest number of cases (81.0%). about 90.0% of accidents occurred during the day, especially in the afternoon (53.0%). the largest number of cases (41.7%) occurred in rubber plantations. the most affected limbs were lower (97.0%), upper (2.3%), and the trunk (0.7%), more specifically the hip (table 1). in most cases, the sting was considered unexpected and aggressive. the main symptom was pain (94.7%), characterized as unbearable and uninterrupted, with reports of fainting and lack of control of the urethral and anal sphincters. edema and erythema were reported by 81% of the individuals, while 56.0% reported skin necrosis, and 43.2% reported wound ulceration (figure 3). at least 9.1% of the victims reported systemic symptoms, such as fever (6.8%) and vomiting (2.3%). in addition, 27.3% reported sequelae such as long-term pain, numbness, tremors, and amputations of the affected limb (table 1). the average duration of wound healing was three months. considering the severity of the injury, it is natural that the trauma produces a feeling of fear, which combined with misinformation, generates many beliefs and myths associated with freshwater stingrays and the injuries caused by them. some people, for example, described them as “aggressive and treacherous” animals, that hide in the water to attack anyone who crosses their path. others mentioned the existence of a “mother stingray” in the region that “embraces” people and is capable of turning over canoes and boats to kill by drowning. some people also claim that the best way to “escape” from the stingers is to take the seed of a plant called jarina (phytelephas macrocarpa) with them, which theoretically would keep stingrays away. in addition, freshwater stingrays are considered to be a “hinder” because, according to fishermen, they repel other fish, as well as damage the fishing lines by either ripping of breaking the fishing gear. due to the extreme fear that surrounds these animals, many stingrays are killed or have their tails mutilated to remove stingers, being thrown back into the rivers. few fishermen reported returning the intact animal to its habitat when caught, while the majority stated that they prefer to kill or cut its tail to prevent future accidents. besides this, the interviewees stated that they occasionally feed on stingrays. curious figure 3 the injuries caused by freshwater stingrays. a injury observed in a victim from mâncio lima, acre, with edema, erythema, and infection caused by the sting. b secondary infection and ulceration on the right foot of a victim from rodrigues alves, acre. c victim presenting a seven-day lesion, with ulceration, necrosis, and infection. photographs by greiciane amorim da silva, 2014 . da silva et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):1–13 6 research communications reports from fishermen, regarding the consumption of these fish, claim that residents of rodrigues alves municipality developed the “fishing with their feet,” in which they prefer to be stung rather than lose the animal, ensuring food. folk medicine and use of medicinal plants to treat injuries caused by freshwater stingrays thirty-four interviewees (30.6%) reported that the use of plants for phytotherapeutic purposes in the region is common to treat symptoms. twenty species of medicinal plants were mentioned, among them, tobacco (nicotiana tabacum [11.9%]), caapeba (cissampelos glaberrima [8.9%]), and copaíba (copaifera officinalis [8.9%]). leaves and sap were the most used parts of the medicinal plants being mentioned 19 and seven times, respectively. regarding traditional use, infusion was cited 13 times, followed by direct application, mentioned nine times, and bath, referred eight times. the main purposes of using plants were to heal (34.4%), to decrease edema (24.1%), to reduce pain (17.2%), cleaning the wound (13.7%), and blood stagnation (3.4%). according to reports, plants were prepared in their own houses. the people demonstrated uncertainty about the time of use, dosage for adults and children, possible side effects, and contraindications of the plants. all respondents who used these plants stated that they received recommendations from relatives or friends, and they believe that the use of these plants is more beneficial than pharmaceutical drugs. table 2 describes the plant species mentioned for the treatment of injuries caused by freshwater stingrays in the mesoregion of juruá valley, acre, with details of the family to which they belong, scientific name, local popular name, vegetable drugs, form of traditional use, and purpose of use. in addition, 64 interviewees mentioned the use folk remedies on the wound, based on recommendations from friends and/or relatives, such as sweetened condensed milk, human urine, boiled egg, pipe ashes, breast milk, hot coffee grounds, sand, hot soap of manioc flour, gasoline, termite smoke, salt water, sebode-holanda (an animal oil), and boiled soap. some also stated that the best remedy to treat the symptoms was to heat the stinger (the same that injured) and place on the wound. some beliefs reported by the interviewees consisted in placing the affected limb in the female intimate parts of a virgin, theoretically relieving pain caused by the injury. two interviewees claimed to have performed this practice by the recommendation of family members and described it as ineffective. discussion in the studied areas, fishermen and bathers were mainly affected, which can be attributed to the intense fishing activity, both professional and amateur, and leisure related to the hydrographic basins of the region. in this context, most accidents occurred during the ebb and flow of rivers, a period in which recreational and fishing activities intensify, facilitating contact with the animal. according to diaz (2008), while waders and undersea divers are most commonly stung on the lower extremity, fishermen are predisposed to injuries in the upper extremity sustained when disentangling stingrays from fishing hooks and trawl nets. since freshwater stingrays are commonly found hidden in the sand, near margins or in places with a depth less than two meters, the most affected areas were the lower and upper limbs, in which people often stepped on them or due to careless handling (evans and davies 1996; garrone neto and haddad 2009; haddad 2008). as observed, these accidents resemble the reports regarding the literature on stingray accidents in other brazilian regions and worldwide (e.g., clark et al. 2007; costa et al. 2020; diaz 2008; evans and davies 1996; garrone neto and haddad 2010; garrone neto et al. 2005; haddad et al. 2004, 2012, 2013; isbister 2001; myatt et al. 2018; pierini et al. 1996; reckziegel et al. 2015; russell 1959; sá-oliveira et al. 2011). regarding the severity of the injuries, actually, several studies show the venom intensity present in the stingers of the specimens of potamotrygonidae family and their ability to cause pain, edema, erythema, necrosis, and ulceration of the wound (barbaro et al. 2007; haddad et al. 2004; magalhães et al. 2006; monteiro dos santos et al. 2011; pedroso et al. 2007). according to domingos et al. (2011), the severity of the injury is also due to the mechanical action of the stingers, which, in addition to introducing the venom, causes an injury of irregular laceration that allows bacteria to enter, resulting in secondary infections. the majority of the victims generally live in remote areas and go to the health service later, only when complications evolve. these accidents are considered a problem for the inhabitants of the region but are underestimated by the population itself da silva et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):1–13 7 research communications because of their frequency and low lethality (garrone neto and haddad 2010; haddad 2003; reckziegel et al. 2015). pierini et al. (1996) carried out a survey of accidents caused by venomous animals in the juruá valley, acre, and as reported, in many hospitals of brazilian amazonian regions, the most common cause of seeking care after freshwater accidents were stingrays. recently, casas et al. (2016) reported 39 incidents in the first months of 2014 related to freshwater stingrays in the western brazilian amazon. some people reported beliefs involving freshwater stingrays, resulting in mutilation and slaughter of these species in the region. however, they are not animals that usually attack humans, using their stingers only in self-defense (haddad et al. 2013). they have an ecological importance within the amazon ichthyofauna, as they serve the ecological role of apex predators, contributing to the balance and dynamics of their natural environments (de oliveira et al. 2016; duncan et al. 2010). some beliefs related to stingrays, such as the maori culture and polynesian people, consider these animals sacred and divine (te kete ipurangi 2020). for the kamaiurá, brazilian indigenous people from the upper xingu river, stingrays are used in a ritual of power and strengthening of sorcerers. in addition, practices of feeding the spirit of the stingray were thought to be a means of avoiding being hurt by them during fishing (junqueira 2004). although it is not considered a common practice in the region, it was reported that freshwater stingrays are used as food resource. the use of these animals for food purposes is still treated, in many places, as a taboo or atypical. in trobriand islands, for example, beliefs involving stingrays make its consumption table 2 plants used on the stings treatment in the juruá valley, brazil, 2014 –2015. plants scientific name used parts prepare form application n (%) 1 pineapple ananas comosus straw juice anti-inflammatory 1 (2.9) açacu hura crepitans sap direct application analgesic 1 (2.9) açaí euterpe oleracea bark and sap scrape and direct application anti-inflammatory 1 (2.9) rosemary rosmarinus officinalis leaves bath and infusion cleaning and healing 1 (2.9) cotton gossypium herbaceum leaves and bark bath and cataplasm cleaning 2 (5.9) garlic allium sativum small bulbs cataplasm cleaning 1 (2.9) arnica arnica montana leaves infusion anti-inflammatory, cleaning and analgesic 1 (2.9) buriti mauritia flexuosa sap direct application healing and analgesic 2 (5.9) caapeba cissampelos glaberrima leaves infusion anti-inflammatory 3 (8.9) cashew anacardium occidentale nut oil healing and cleaning 2 (5.9) castanha-dopará bertholletia excelsa nut oil healing and antiinflammatory 1 (2.9) onion allium cepa bulb cataplasm analgesic and healing 1 (2.9) chicória cichorium endivia leaves bath cleaning 2 (5.9) copaíba copaifera officinalis sap direct application healing 3 (8.9) corama bryophyllum pinnatum leaves bath and infusion anti-inflammatory and healing 1 (2.9) crajiru arrabidaea chica leaves infusion healing 2 (5.9) lemon citrus limon juice direct application anti-hemorrhagic 2 (5.9) malva malva sylvestris flower and leaves infusion healing 1 (2.9) mastruz chenopodium ambrosioides leaves bath anti-inflammatory and healing 2 (5.9) tobacco nicotiana tabacum leaves infusion and compress analgesic 4 (11.9) 1 frequency of use. da silva et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):1–13 8 research communications forbidden for the inhabitants (meyer-rochow 2009). on the other hand, riverside populations of santa isabel do rio negro and barcelos, in the state of amazonas, avoid the consumption of elasmobranchs. they consider by taste, smell, and appearance, an unpleasant meat, even causing aversion by the association with the “bad smell” of urine (silva 2007). in the rio negro basin, also in the amazon, rays are caught for consumption, being eviscerated and exported to markets in the southeast of brazil (araújo 2005; duncan et al. 2010). many interviewees reported using folk remedies on the wound. this type of therapy is also cited by haddad et al. (2012), who carried out a study about fish accidents, including stingrays, in the state of são paulo. the interviewees reported the use of gasoline, human urine, herbs, chrome mercury, tobacco, garlic, olive oil, alcohol, and a catfish eye placed on the wound as treatments. in another study, haddad et al. (2013), stated that the treatment of wounds caused by freshwater stingrays is associated with various folk remedies, superstitions, and legends. among them are human urine, catfish eye, and placing the affected area in female external genitalia, described as an infallible method for pain control, according to the interviewees. the use of urine, herbs, oils, and specific herbal medicines were also pointed out for the treatment of injuries (sá-oliveira et al. 2011). in a recent study carried out in the western brazilian amazon, accidents with stingrays were the third most frequently reported, and the first aids measures applied by the riverside population were for example, placing the wound into the female genitalia, sweetened condensed milk, coffee grounds with cotton tea, coffee powder, acaçu milk (hura crepitans), hot asphalt, and termite mound smoke (costa et al. 2020). although it is very common, the use of products and substances without professional indication or guidance is not recommended, since it can aggravate the clinical condition (lameiras et al. 2013). there is no definitive and truly functional therapy for these accidents, although control of the clinical situation can be helpful. since the late fifties, a standard procedure for treatment of stingray injuries was well established. according to russell (1959), injuries should be irrigated, and a procedure to remove the remaining integumentary sheath was recommended. after that, a qualified person should apply a constriction band above the wound and submerge the extremity in hot water. currently, it is recommended to remove fragments, wound cleaning, immersion of the injured limb in hot water, tetanus prophylaxis, local anesthetic, and systemic analgesics. garrone neto and haddad (2009), cited that a patient can be treated with resting, intense washing with soap and water, sedatives, and topical antibiotic therapy. considering that many health professionals do not receive training on the subject in undergraduate courses or in the course of professional activity, it is important to disclose information of this nature (garrone neto and haddad 2010) and also to report those accidents. in the present investigation, the use of medicinal plants was also mentioned as a viable alternative to treat the injuries. the diversity of plants in the region and its use for medicinal purposes in the culture is an important factor to be considered when discussing the use of alternative therapies for treatment. according to lewinsohn and prado (2002), it is estimated that brazil has 15–20% of the world species diversity in its territory, mainly in the amazon. the majority is used and cultivated by traditional forest populations for therapeutic and medicinal purposes. in the amazon, 800 plant species have economic or social value, and of these, 190 are fruit, 20 oil plants, and hundreds of medicinal plants (santos et al. 2014; vieira 1999). since the declaration of alma-ata in 1978, the world health organization (who) considers medicinal plants as important tools of pharmaceutical care. several who communications and resolutions express the agency's position on the need to enhance the use of these drugs in the health system (assis et al. 2007; ministério da saúde 2009, 2015). the brazilian ministry of health (ms) has policies and programs that support the use of medicinal plants and herbal medicines in basic health care (ministério da saúde 2009, 2012), being an important source of treatment, especially in remote areas. knowledge about the use of medicinal plant species to treat diseases is passed on from generation to generation from the oldest civilizations (garlet and irgang 2001), being often the only therapeutic resource for many communities and ethnic groups, especially in the amazon (azevedo and silva 2006; cunha 2005). therefore, the use of medicinal plants as an accessible alternative to treat injuries caused by freshwater stingrays should be considered. further studies will be needed to validate several therapeutic forms, emphasizing their correct use, risks, and the da silva et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):1–13 9 research communications need for confirmation of species before their use. this would ensure a safe, affordable, and inexpensive care for accidents in isolated locations and would support the ms national policy on medicinal plants and medicinal products (pnpmf), promoting the sustainable use of biodiversity, the development of the chain production, and domestic industry (ministério da saúde 2012). however, studies aiming to understand the use of medicinal plants and alternative treatments are necessary in the region in order to raise important information on the applications of potential medicines (ministério da saúde 2009, 2012). conclusion the injuries caused by freshwater stingrays in the juruá valley region resemble other studies, in which mainly fishermen and bathers are injured, especially during the ebb and flow of the rivers. the lower limbs are the most affected sites, and among the symptoms reported are severe pain, edema, erythema, necrosis, and ulceration of the wound. the beliefs of the population reveal fear and a perception of an aggressive animal, which attacks unnecessarily, resulting in mutilation and slaughter of these species in the region, indicating the lack of knowledge about the animal and its ecological importance. the use of folk medicine to treat injuries shows a high number of individuals who often seek these treatments without any insight or professional guidance, highlighting the misinformation about the pathophysiology of the injury, prophylaxis of accidents, first aid, and proper treatment of the injury. however, the use of medicinal plants as an alternative for the treatment of injuries has proven to be a strong ally to guarantee safe and affordable care, but it should be further investigated. furthermore, additional studies on the use of medicinal plants in the region are still necessary, especially because there is a lack of health services to these populations that are generally far from the main urban centers. in addition, it is recommended to elaborate on strategies for the conservation of freshwater stingrays through education of riverside population, emphasizing the importance of maintaining the biodiversity of these species. acknowledgments we would like to thank fundação de amparo à pesquisa do estado do acre (fapac) for the scientific initiation scholarship awarded to the first author, and everyone who contributed directly or indirectly to this work, and to connor neagle and mariana martins for the review of the manuscript. declarations permissions: all the people interviewed in this research agreed to provide the given information. sources of funding: fundação de amparo à pesquisa do estado do acre (fapac). conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited albuquerque, u. p., a. l. b. nascimento, g. t. soldati, i. s. feitosa, j. l. a. campos, and j. a. hurrell. 2019. ten important questions/issues for ethnobotanical research. acta botanica brasilica 33:376–385. doi:10.1590/0102-33062018abb0331. antoniazzi, m. m., l. a. benvenuti, m. s. lira, s. g. s. jared, d. garrone neto, c. jared, and k. c. barbaro. 2011. histopathological changes induced by extracts from the tissue covering the stingers of potamotrygon falkneri freshwater stingrays. toxicon 57:297–303. doi:10.1016/j.toxicon.2010.12.005. araújo, m. l. 2005. plano de monitoramento de arraias de água doce – rio negro, estado do amazonas. ibama, manaus, brazil. assis, m. m. a., e. m. cerqueira, m. a. a. nascimento, a. m. santos, and w. l. a. jesus. 2007. atenção primária à saúde e sua articulação com a estratégia saúde da família: construção política, metodológica e prática. revista atenção primária à saúde 10:189–199. azevedo, s. k. s., and i. m. silva. 2006. plantas medicinais e de uso religioso comercializadas em mercados e feiras livres no rio de janeiro, rj, brazil. acta botanica brasilica 20:185–194. doi:10.1590/s0102-33062006000100017. barbaro, k. c., m. s. lira, m. b. malta, s. l. soares, d. garrone neto, j. l. cardoso, m. l. santoro, and v. haddad jr. 2007. comparative study on extracts from the tissue covering the stingers of freshwater (potamotrygon falkneri) and marine (dasyatis guttata) stingrays. toxicon 50:676–687. doi:10.1016/j.toxicon.2007.06.002. bussmann, r. w., and d. sharon. 2006. traditional medicinal plant use in northern peru: tracking two thousand years of healing culture. journal of da silva et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):1–13 10 research communications ethnobiology and ethnomedicine 2:47. doi:10.1186/1746-4269-2-47. carneiro, e. a. 2015. a fundação do acre: uma história revisada da anexação, v. 45. eac, rio branco, brazil. carvalho, m. r., m. h. s. perez, and n. r. lovejoy. 2011. potamotrygon tigrina, a new species of freshwater stingray from the upper amazon basin, closely related to potamotrygon schroederi fernandez-yépez, 1958 (chondrichthyes: potamotrygonidae). zootaxa 30:1–30. doi:10.11646/zootaxa.2827.1.1. carvalho, m. r., r. s. rosa, and m. l. g. araújo. 2016. a new species of neotropical freshwater stingray (chondrichthyes: potamotrygonidae) from the rio negro, amazonas, brazil: the smallest species of potamotrygon. zootaxa 4107:566–585. doi:10.11646/zootaxa.4107.4.5. casas, a. l. s., b. s. rangel, n. wosnick, and g. a. silva. 2016. danger in freshwater: neglected negative interactions between humans and stingrays in the western brazilian amazon. science 317:579. doi:10.1126/science.317.5838.579d. clark, r. f., r. h. girard, d. rao, b. t. ly, and d. p. davis. 2007. stingray envenomation: a retrospective review of clinical presentation and treatment in 119 cases. the journal of emergency medicine 33:33–37. doi:10.1016/ j.acpain.2007.08.015. compagno, l. j. v., and s. f. cook. 1995. the exploitation and conservation of freshwater elasmobranchs: status of taxa and prospects for the future. journal of aquariculture and aquatic sciences 7:62–90. costa, t. n., t. r. f. jacó, a. l. s. casas, and p. s. bernarde. 2020. injuries caused by fish to fishermen in the vale do alto juruá, western brazilian amazon. revista da sociedade brasileira de medicina tropical 53:e20180495. doi:10.1590/00378682-0495-2018. cruz, v. p. 2009. estudos citogenéticos em raias do gênero potamotrygon (chondrichthyes: myliobatiformes: potamotrygonidae) na bacia superior do rio paraná. master’s thesis, universidade estadual paulista, instituto de biociências, botucatu, brazil. available at: https://repositorio.unesp.br/bitstream/hand le/11449/99478/cruz_vp_me_botib.pdf? sequence=1. accessed on march 7, 2020. cunha, a. p. 2005. aspectos históricos sobre plantas medicinais, seus constituintes activos e fitoterapia. esalq/usp. base de dados. available at: https:// www.ppmac.org/sites/default/files/ aspectos_historicos.pdf. accessed on march 7, 2020. de oliveira, a. t., m. q. c. santos, m. l. g araújo, j. r. g. lemos, r. s. a. sales, p. h. aride, j. pantoja-lima, m. tavares-dias, and j. l. marcon. 2016. hematological parameters of three freshwater stingray species (chondrichthyes: potamotrygonidae) in the middle rio negro, amazonas state. biochemical systematics and ecology 69:33–40. doi:10.1016/j.bse.2016.07.002. dey, a., p. gorai, a. mukherjee, r. dhan, and b. k. modak. 2017. ethnobiological treatments of neurological conditions in the chota nagpur plateau, india. journal of ethnopharmacology 198:33– 44. doi:10.1016/j.jep.2016.12.040. diaz, j. h. 2008. the evaluation, management, and prevention of stingray injuries in travelers. journal of travel medicine 15:102–109. doi:10.1111/j.17088305.2007.00177.x. domingos, m. o., m. r. franzolin, m. t. dos anjos, t. m. franzolin, r. c. barbosa albes, g. r. andrade, r. j. lopes, and k. c. barbaro. 2011. the influence of environmental bacteria in freshwater stingray wound-healing. toxicon 58:147–153. doi:10.1016/j.toxicon.2011.04.016. duncan, w. p., s. o. inomata, and m. n. fernandes. 2010. comércio de raias de água doce na região do médio rio negro, estado do amazonas, brasil. revista brasileira de engenharia de pesca 5:13–22. doi:10.18817/repesca.v5i2.265. evangelista, g. f., and c. s. azevedo. 2016. arachnidism, scorpionism and ophidism in ouro preto municipality, minas gerais state, brazil. revista da sociedade brasileira de medicina tropical 49:786–789. doi:10.1590/0037-8682-0047-2016. evans, r. j., and r. s. davies. 1996. stingray injury. emergency medicine journal 13:224–225. doi:10.1136/emj.13.3.224. fricke, r., w. n. eschmeyer, and r. van der laan. 2020. eschemeyer’s catalog of fishes: genera, species, references. available at: http:// da silva et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):1–13 11 research communications researcharchive.calacademy.org/research/ ichthyology/catalog/fishcatmain.asp. accessed on march 16, 2020. gama, a. s. m., t. g. fernandes, r. c. p. parente, and s. r. secoli. 2018. inquérito de saúde em comunidades ribeirinhas do amazonas, brazil. cadernos de saúde pública 34:1–15. doi:10.1590/0102-311x00002817. garlet, t. m. b., and b. e. irgang. 2001. plantas medicinais utilizadas na medicina popular por mulheres trabalhadoras rurais de cruz alta, rio grande do sul, brasil. revista brasileira de plantas medicinais 4:9–18. garrone neto, d., r. c. cordeiro, and v. haddad jr. 2005. acidentes do trabalho em pescadores artesanais da região do médio rio araguaia, tocantins, brasil. cadernos de saúde pública 21:795– 803. doi:10.1590/s0102-311x2005000300013. garrone neto, d., and v. haddad jr. 2009. acidentes por raias. in animais peçonhentos do brasil: biologia, clínica e terapêutica dos acidentes, 2nd edition, edited by j. l. c.cardoso, f. o. s. frança, f. h. wen, c. m. s. málaque, and v. haddad jr., pp. 295–318. sarvier, são paulo, brazil. garrone neto, d., and v. haddad jr. 2010. arraias em rios da região sudeste do brasil: locais de ocorrência e impactos sobre a população. revista da sociedade brasileira de medicina tropical 43:82–88. doi:10.1590/s0037-86822010000100018. haddad, v., jr. 2003. animais aquáticos de importância médica no brasil. revista da sociedade brasileira de medicina tropical 36:591–597. doi:10.1590/s0037-86822003000500009. haddad, v., jr. 2004. cutaneous infections and injuries caused by traumatic and venomous animals which occurred in domestic and commercial aquariums in brazil: a study of 18 cases and an overview of the theme. anais brasileiros de dermatologia 79:157–167 doi:10.1590/ s0365-05962004000200004. haddad, v., jr. 2008. animais aquáticos potencialmente perigosos do brasil guia médico e biológico. editora rocca, são paulo, brazil. haddad, v., jr., d. garrone neto, j. b. paula neto, f. p. l. marques, and k. c. barbaro. 2004. freshwater stingrays: study of epidemiologic, clinic and therapeutic aspects and some enzymatic activities of the venom based on 84 envenomings in humans. toxicon 48:287–294. doi:10.1016/ j.toxicon.2003.12.006. haddad, v., jr., e. l. fávero júnior, f. a. h. ribeiro, b. c. ancheschi, g. i. p. castro, r. c. martins, g. b. pazuelo, j. r. fujii, r. b. vieira, and d. garrone neto. 2012. trauma and envenoming caused by stingrays and other fish in a fishing community in pontal do paranapanema, state of são paulo, brazil: epidemiology, clinical aspects, and therapeutic and preventive measures. revista da sociedade brasileira de medicina tropical 45:238–242. doi:10.1590/s0037-86822012000200019. haddad, v., jr., j. l. c. cardoso, and d. garrone neto. 2013. injuries by marine and freshwater stingrays: history, clinical aspects of the envenomations and current status of a neglected problem in brazil. journal of venomous animals and toxins including tropical diseases 1:16. doi:10.1186/1678-9199-19-16. instituto brasileiro de geografia e estatística. 2010. sinopse do censo demográfico de 2010. available at: http://www.censo2010.ibge.gov.br/sinopse/ index.php. accessed on march 16, 2020. isbister, g. k. 2001. venomous fish stings in tropical northern australia. the american journal of emergency medicine 19:561–565. doi:10.1053/ ajem.2001.28325. junqueira, c. 2004. pajés e feiticeiros. estudos avançados 18:289–302. doi:10.1590/s010340142004000300018. lameiras, j. l. v., o. t. f. costa, m. c. santos, and w. l. p. duncan. 2013. arraias de água doce (chondrichthyes potamotrygonidae): biologia, veneno e acidentes. scientia amazonia 2:11–27. lasso, c. a., r. s. rosa, p. sánchez-duarte, m. a. morales-betancourt, and y. e. agudelo-córdoba. 2013. rayas de agua dulce (potamotrygonidae) de suramérica. parte i. colombia, venezuela, ecuador, perú, brasil, guyana, surinam y guayana francesa: diversidad, bioecología, uso y conservación. serie recursos hidrobilógicos y pesqueros continentales de colombia, ix. instituto de investigación de recursos biológicos alexander von humboldt, bogotá, colombia. da silva et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):1–13 12 research communications lewinsohn, t., and p. i. prado. 2002. biodiversidade brasileira: síntese do estado atual do conhecimento. editora contexto, são paulo, brazil. lima, c. m. s., m. a. fujishima, b. e. f. santos, b. p. lima, p. c. mastroianni, f. f. o. sousa, and j. o. silva. 2019. phytopharmacovigilance in the elderly: highlights from the brazilian amazon. evidencebased complementary and alternative medicine 3:1–12. doi:10.1155/2019/9391802. magalhães, k. w., c. lima, a. a. piran-soares, e. e. marques, c. a. hiruma-lima, and m. lopesferreira. 2006. biological and biochemical properties of the brazilian potamotrygon stingrays: potamotrygon cf. scobina and potamotrygon gr. orbignyi. toxicon 47:575–583. doi:10.1016/ j.toxicon.2006.01.028. matias, e. f. f., e. f. alves, b. s. santos, c. e. s. souza, j. v. a. ferreira, a. k. l. s. lavor, f. g. figueiredo, l. f. lima, f. a. v. santos, f. s. n. peixoto, a. v. colares, a. a. boligon, r. a. saraiva, m. l. athayde, j. b.t. rocha, i. r. a. menezes, h. d. m. coutinho, and j. g. m. costa. 2013. biological activities and chemical characterization of cordia verbenacea dc. as tool to validate the ethnobiological usage. evidence-based complementary and alternative medicine 164215:1–7. doi:10.1155/2013/164215. meyer-rochow, v. b. 2009. food taboos: their origins and purposes. journal of ethnobiology and ethnomedicine 5:18. doi:10.1186/1746-4269-5-18. ministério da saúde. 2009. relatório do 1º seminário internacional de práticas integrativas e complementares em saúde – pnpic. ministério da saúde, secretaria de atenção à saúde, departamento de atenção básica, brasília, brazil. ministério da saúde. 2012. práticas integrativas e complementares: plantas medicinais e fitoterapia na atenção básica/ministério da saúde. série a. normas e manuais técnicos, cadernos de atenção básica, n. 31. secretaria de atenção à saúde, departamento de atenção básica, brasília, brazil. ministério da saúde. 2015. relação nacional de plantas medicinais de interesse do sus renisus. available at: http://bvsms.saude.gov.br/bvs/sus/ pdf/marco/ ms_relacao_plantas_medicinais_sus_0603.pdf. accessed on march 6, 2020. monteiro dos santos, j., k. conceição, c. s. seibert, e. e. marques, p. ismael silva jr., a. b. soares, c. lima, and m. lopes-ferreira. 2011. studies on pharmacological properties of mucus and sting venom of potamotrygon cf. henlei. international immunopharmacology 11:1368–1377. doi:10.1016/ j.intimp.2011.03.019. myatt, t., b. j. nguyen, r. f. clark, c. h. coffey, and c. w. o'connell. 2018. a prospective study of stingray injury and envenomation outcomes. the journal of emergency medicine 55:213–217. doi:10.1016/j.annemergmed.2017.07.393. pedroso, c. m., c. jared, p. charvet-almeida, m. p. almeida, d. garrone neto, m. s. lira, v. haddad jr., k. c. barbaro, and m. m. antoniazzi. 2007. morphological characterization of the venom secretory epidermal cells in the stinger of marine and freshwater stingrays. toxicon 50:688–697. doi:10.1016/j.toxicon.2007.06.004. pierini, s. v., d. a. warrell, a. de paulo, and r. d. g. theakston. 1996. high incidence of bites and stings by snakes and other animals among rubber tappers and amazonian indians of the juruá valley, acre state, brazil. toxicon 34:225–236. doi:10.1016/0041-0101(95)00125-5. reckziegel, g. c., f. s. dourado, d. garrone neto, and v. haddad jr. 2015. lesões causadas por animais aquáticos no brasil: uma análise dos dados presentes no sistema de informação para doenças de notificação obrigatória. revista da sociedade brasileira de medicina tropical 48:460–467. doi:10.1590/0037-8682-0133-2015. rodrigues, e. b., a. s. brito filho, m. l. m. nascimento, e. c. oliveira, j. v. c. paula, and r. m. lima. 1997. estatística 1996, acre. secretaria de estado de planejamento do estado do acre, rio branco, brazil. rosenberger, l. j. 2001. phylogenetic relationships within the stingray genus dasyatis (chondrichthyes: dasyatidae). copeia 3:615–627. doi:10.1643/00458511(2001)001[0615:prwtsg]2.0.co;2. russell, f. e. 1959. stingray injuries. public health reports 74:855–860. doi:10.2307/4590595. santos, g. m., and a. c. m. santos. 2005. sustentabilidade da pesca na amazônia. estudos avançados 19:165–182. doi:10.1590/s010340142005000200010. da silva et al. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):1–13 13 research communications santos, m. r. a., m. r. lima, and c. l. l. g. oliveira. 2014. medicinal plants used in rondônia, western amazon, brazil. revista brasileira de plantas medicinais 16:707–720. doi:10.1590/1983084x/13_102. sá-oliveira, j. c., e. a. costa, and f. p. s. pena. 2011. acidentes por raias (potamotrygonidae) em quatro comunidades da área de proteção ambiental-apa do rio curiaú, macapá ap. biota amazônia 1:74– 78. doi:10.18561/2179-5746/biotaamazonia.v 1n2p. schmedahirschmann, g., c. delporte, g. valenzuela-barra, x. silva, g. vargas-arana, b. lima, and g. e. feresin. 2014. anti-inflammatory activity of animal oils from the peruvian amazon. journal of ethnopharmacology 156:9–15. doi:10.1016/ j.jep.2014.08.010. silva, a. l. 2007. comida de gente: preferências e tabus alimentares entre os ribeirinhos do médio rio negro (amazonas, brasil). revista de antropologia 50:125–179. doi:10.1590/s0034-770120070001 00004. silva, j. p. c. b., and t. loboda. 2019. potamotrygon marquesi, a new species of neotropical freshwater stingray (potamotrygonidae) from the brazilian amazon basin. journal of fish biology 95:594–612. doi:10.1111/jfb.14050. te kete ipurangi. 2020. matauranga maori [web page]. available at: http:// eng.mataurangamaori.tki.org.nz/support-materials/ te-reo-maori/maori-myths-legends-andcontemporary-stories/whaitere-the-enchantedstingray. accessed on march 14, 2020. tropicos. 2020. tropicos.org: missouri botanical garden [web page]. available at: http:// www.tropicos.org. accessed on january 27, 2020. vieira, r. f. 1999. conservation of medicinal and aromatic plants in brazil. in perspectivas sobre novas culturas e novos usos, edited by j. janick, pp. 152– 159. ashs press, alexandria, va. a’uwẽ (xavante) hunting calls: a vocal repertoire for ethnozoological communication and coordination in the brazilian cerrado welch. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):38–44 38 research communications depending on the vegetation type (welch 2014). even when fire is not employed, a’uwẽ group hunts can involve large numbers of individuals coordinating group hunting efforts over large areas (welch 2015). the collaborative techniques employed with and without fire are similar. individual and small group hunting is also practiced, although less so in recent decades. today, hunting is accomplished with firearms by adults and clubs by youth, as the last bow and arrow hunters died in recent years. the yields are shared with hunting companions according to strict protocols (welch 2014) and delivered to hunters’ wives and mothers-in-law for roasting and further sharing according to a’uwẽ notions of food reciprocity. group hunts are used to acquire any kind of desirable game, not just those addressed in the introduction group hunting is a productive subsistence activity for many indigenous peoples with adequate access to territorial and game resources. among the a’uwẽ (xavante) of central brazil, ritualized hunting of game animals has been documented since nearly two centuries ago (pohl 1837). multiple early accounts and my own more recent research associate burning the landscape with large group hunts involving upwards of 50 to 75 hunters at any given time (welch 2014). group hunting is usually conducted using fire as a tool, although i have accompanied several group hunts that did not employ burning the vegetation. the use of fire is determined by diverse factors, including the availability of hunting grounds that have been left unburnt for appropriate lengths of time, which range from one to three or four years, a’uwẽ (xavante) hunting calls: a vocal repertoire for ethnozoological communication and coordination in the brazilian cerrado james r. welch 1* 1 escola nacional de saúde pública, fundação oswaldo cruz, rio de janeiro, brazil. * welch@ensp.fiocruz.br abstract group hunting is a productive subsistence activity for many indigenous peoples with adequate access to territorial and game resources. a’uwẽ (xavante) group hunts can involve large numbers of individuals coordinating group hunting efforts over large areas. a’uwẽ group hunting and hunting with fire are sophisticated endeavors requiring years of preparation, ample discussion, and post-hunt analysis. their hunting calls are stylized expressions following established vocal conventions to communicate complex information over long distances between hunters in order to follow, flush, dispatch, and carry game. this discussion is based on recordings provided by the late a’uwẽ elder and leader tsidowi wai'adzatse’ in 2006. he wished that the calls be documented so younger individuals will have means to recall them. i address how indigenous a’uwẽ hunters in the brazilian cerrado communicate over long distances with hunting calls that encode rich ethnozoological information. after introducing the topic and context, i begin with a presentation of five ethnozoological calls tsidowi demonstrated, which he considered the complete repertoire of a’uwẽ hunting calls. following these short descriptions, i discuss some of the vocal qualities observed in the calls (without conducting a full linguistic analysis), the ethnozoological information they encode, and their prospects for continued use into the future within the context of group hunting with fire. received march 30, 2020 open access accepted may 4, 2020 doi 10.14237/ebl.11.1.2020.1688 published june 4, 2020 keywords ethnozoology, food acquisition, sound ethnobiology, indigenous peoples, south america copyright © 2020 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. supplementary files available at https://doi.org/10.14237/ebl.11.1.2020.1688 welch. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):38–44 39 research communications hunting calls presented here. whereas large social animals, such as white-lipped peccary (tayassu pecari), are especially desirable because large amounts of game meat can be acquired in short periods of time, other preferred animals are also killed, such as deer (blastocerus dichotomus, mazama americana, mazama gouazoubira, and ozotoceros bezoarticus), tapir (tapirus terrestris), giant anteater (myrmecophaga tridactyla), collared peccary (pecari tajacu), and smaller animals (e.g., ground birds, hystricognaths, armadillos, and tortoises). these hunting practices have been criticized for causing animal depopulation and deforestation, but available evidence suggests the opposite: a’uwẽ group hunting and hunting with fire do not measurably impact game populations (prada 2001; villalobos 2002) and have neutral to positive effects on vegetation cover (welch et al. 2013). group hunting in a’uwẽ society hunting throughout amazonia has been and remains important not just for subsistence, but sociality, reciprocity, and socialization. a’uwẽ group hunting and hunting with fire are sophisticated endeavors requiring years of preparation, ample discussion, and post-hunt analysis (welch 2014, 2015). the kind of preparation required to transform youth into group hunters is culturally defined as a slow process initially involving only indirect participation by pre-initiates (wapté) of approximately adolescent age in hunting activities in order to permit them time to observe experienced hunters. slightly older youth in the novitiate men’s age category also listen during men’s meetings and thereby gain knowledge of what is involved in planning a group hunt and the lessons emerging from elders’ post-hunt critiques. the first event in the long series of rituals that comprise the a’uwẽ rites of passage into adulthood is a weeks-long ritualized group hunt with fire, during which preinitiates accompany their mentors and elder hunters, often for the first time, in order to observe hunting, tend camp, and carry game animals and thereby begin the process of becoming hunters by imitating adult hunting behaviors (welch 2015). this educational process reflects and contributes to what is considered the good and proper social upbringing of young men in a’uwẽ society, which will transform them into respectful and responsible husbands and fathers. thus, collective action required for a group hunt reaffirms social ties, interdependence, and provides contexts for leadership. additionally, large prey animals are shared, contributing to the celebration of many of life’s important events as well as mitigating subsistence. large game animals are usually hunted in groups in order to acquire large quantities of meat to give as gifts for weddings and different kinds of rites of passage (welch 2014). in all cases, they are ultimately repartitioned and distributed to the entire village. distributions considered satisfactory should be composed only of large game animals (mainly peccaries, tapir, deer, and giant anteaters) and be sufficiently ample for everyone to partake and thereby participate in the celebratory mood. smaller game animals killed during group hunts are taken home by the individual hunters who dispatched them for domestic consumption and sharing. group hunting strategy is especially challenging to ascertain as an observer, as it is learned through observation and imitation and is rarely articulated explicitly in a’uwẽ discourse, except during post-hunt analysis conversation. in fact, certain aspects of ritualized interaction between hunters are explicitly hidden from young hunters so that they might discover them on their own through well-intentioned ridicule, a learning technique considered more effective than overt instruction (welch 2014). hunting strategy involves diverse dimensions deriving from the need for coordination, as previously described for a 2005 hunt involving fire: “combining intimate knowledge of game behavior and the local terrain with tracking skills and a complex set of hunting calls, they efficiently articulated their efforts throughout an area measuring approximately 60 km2” (welch 2015:196). the coordination and communication involved in group hunting pertain to some but not all hunting activities, and individual and small group hunting requires fewer coordination tools, especially because participants are not dispersed throughout large territories. during group hunts, including those employing fire, coordination is especially important in locating and reaching game animals, scattering or driving them towards hunters awaiting at a distance, and carrying them back from the hunt. during individual hunts, collective action is most important for digging burrowing animals out of the ground and carrying large animals back to the village. hunting calls the hunting calls i mention are tools unlike those used by contemporary sport hunters in the united states, which are noisemakers intended to imitate animal calls and thereby attract animals to the hunter. welch. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):38–44 40 research communications they are also unlike umutina hunting calls designed to imitate and attract animals, such as birds or monkeys, in the brazilian amazon (schultz 1953). they are more appropriately compared with communication between hunters by whistling documented in lowland south america. the aché of paraguay whistle to one another to call for and respond to the need for help to dig out a paca burrow or when a single hunter encounters a group of social animals best hunted by a group (hill and hawkes 1983). communication by whistling sentences is used by hunters to communicate complex ideas among the karitiana and gavião in the brazilian amazon (moore and meyer 2014). a’uwẽ calls are also comparable to hunting horn calls used since medieval times in europe. the hunting horn is among the earliest lip-reed instruments, used by hunting parties to coordinate tracking and to signal in which direction the game would flee (heater 1995). with time, playing the hunting horn became an essential skill and a symbolic mark of nobleman status, while hunting horns eventually became a musical instrument used in orchestras. similar to hunting horn calls and indigenous hunting whistling, a’uwẽ hunting calls are a stylized expression following established vocal conventions to communicate complex information over long distances between hunters in need of or able to provide assistance. also, like indigenous whistling and hunting horn calls, the information encoded in a’uwẽ hunting calls is ethnozoological. this discussion is based on recordings provided in 2006 by the late a’uwẽ elder and leader tsidowi wai'adzatse’. he wished that the calls be documented so younger individuals will have means to recall them. his desire to preserve them speaks to their cultural value beyond their use as mere hunting tools, but also to their importance as symbolic markers of ethnic identity. similar to the process by which hunting horn call competency came to signify noble status among welsh male youth (heater 1995), the ability to effectively vocalize hunting calls during group hunts has become a marker of a’uwẽ traditionalism, hunting competency, and ability to provide healthful food for one’s family. thus, it is one of the hunting skills a young hunter learns before he is allowed to carry a bow and arrow or firearm during a hunt. children practice hunting alone with play bows and arrows, but it is only later in life as pre-initiates that they usually begin learning during group hunts by tending camp and carrying game meat, while novitiate adults accompany the hunt with clubs rather than firearms or bows. these youth learn by accompanying elder hunters, who allow them to make hunting calls when appropriate situations arise. thus, by the time they are mature men, they should be prepared to hunt alone or lead group hunts and use hunting calls appropriately. in this paper, i address how indigenous a’uwẽ hunters in the brazilian cerrado communicate over long distances with hunting calls that encode rich ethnozoological information. i begin with a presentation of five ethnozoological calls demonstrated by tsidowi, which he considered the complete repertoire of a’uwẽ hunting calls (recordings 1–5). each short description is accompanied by an audio file which may be used for noncommercial purposes if properly cited according to the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international (cc by-nc 4.0) license. following these short descriptions, i discuss some of the vocal qualities observed in the calls (without conducting a full linguistic analysis), the ethnozoological information they encode, and their prospects for continued use into the future. please note that all call names are comprised of the name of the animal to which it pertains followed by the term for call (’mãhöri). as there may be more than one call for the same animal, each carrying a different message, there may be more than one call with the same call name and one call with more than one name. recordings 1–5 are available as electronic supplementary material with this article. recording 1 call name: uhö’mãhöri animal: white-lipped peccary (tayassu pecari) purpose: come assist in chase context: this is the first of two uhö’mãhöri (whitelipped peccary calls). when a tracker spots a band of peccary and needs help to give chase, he does not begin pursuit immediately. instead, he removes himself to a safe distance where his calls will not alert the animals but will travel far, such as in a tree several hundred meters from the waterway where the white-lipped peccaries were observed. this call for assistance is repeated loudly and continually for as long as it takes for enough people to arrive, which may take some time if people are dispersed at a welch. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):38–44 41 research communications distance. once enough people have gathered, the calls are discontinued, and pursuit begins. if enough time has passed, it is possible that the peccary band has moved locations and it may be necessary to relocate it by tracking recent movements. recording 2 call name: utö’mãhöri animal: tapir (tapirus terrestris) purpose: help carry animal context: this is the first of two utö’mãhöri (tapir calls). this recording includes the hunter’s calls and responses. the caller has killed a tapir and requires help carrying the meat because it is too large an animal for one person to carry alone. after the initial call soliciting assistance, the responder indicates he is on his way. he expects to be paid with the head of the animal he helps carry. usually younger men respond because after the hunt they are expected to give presents of meat to their parents-in-law, but they may not have killed their own game. recording 3 call name: pati’mãhöri and poze’mãhöri animal: giant anteater (myrmecophaga tridactyla) and marsh deer (blastocerus dichotomus) purpose: help carry animal context: this call may be used for either giant anteater or marsh deer. the caller has killed an animal and requires help carrying the meat because the animal is too large for one person to carry alone. recording 4 call name: warã wãwe’mãhöri animal: giant armadillo (priodontes maximus) purpose: help digging animal out of its hole context: the caller has come across a giant armadillo holed up underground. help is needed to dig out the animal. recording 5 call name: uhö’mãhöri and utö’mãhöri (name depends on which animal is hunted) animals: white-lipped peccary (tayassu pecari) and tapir (tapirus terrestris) purpose: coordinate chase of fleeing animals context: this call may be used for either whitelipped peccary or tapir and is therefore the second uhö’mãhöri call and the second utö’mãhöri call. this recording includes alternating hunting calls and regular lexical vocal communication. this call is used when additional hunters are required to help give chase to a white-lipped peccary or tapir that escaped a smaller group of hunters. specifically, help is needed by positioning hunters at specific strategic positions. in this example, the caller tells other hunters that: (1) a band of peccary ran downriver; (2) then escaped and ran upriver; (3) is now running toward another group of hunters that can be positioned to dispatch them, and (4) whoever responds first will share the meat and everyone will eat well today. discussion a recent publication calling for renewed emphasis on the ethnobiology of sound (wright 2017) was partially answered by a special issue of the journal of ethnobiology entitled “ethnobiology through song” (fernándezllamazares and lepofsky 2019). an ethnobiology of sound should, however, contemplate yet more diverse dimensions of the “soundscape.” the a’uwẽ soundscape includes diverse genres of vocal expressions, ranging from ritualized forms of discourse to wails and songs (graham 1984, 1986, 1995). hunting calls should also be added to this list. in addition to this repertoire of five hunting calls, tsidowi also demonstrated two other calls that are only tangentially related to hunting. these were a call for help in the event of an accident, such as a snakebite, and call advising that enemies have been spotted. these additional calls are not presented in this article. the existence of only five hunting calls pertaining to five major game animals begs the question of why other game animals lack hunting calls. unlike many other amazonian societies that preferentially hunt small mammals and birds (milton et al. 1991), the a’uwẽ prefer to hunt large game mammals because, from their point of view, they are tastier and less encumbered by the dietary restrictions characteristic of small game animals, which are welch. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):38–44 42 research communications believed to be dangerous for people of reproductive age and to slow down runners and make younger adults lazy (leeuwenberg and robinson 2000; maybury-lewis 1967; welch 2014). notably, they do not eat monkeys, which are a common game animal among many other amazonian societies. smaller deer (mazama americana, mazama gouazoubira, and ozotoceros bezoarticus) and collared peccary are among the preferential game animals without hunting calls. smaller deer were reported to not require hunting calls because one person can carry the entire animal without assistance and because they are too alert, making noisy calls disadvantageous. this is because hunting calls are made as loud as possible, at the top of one’s lungs, in order to reach people as far as away as possible. collared peccaries do not require calls because they are small enough to be carried and because, according to the a’uwẽ, they are largely solitary in the cerrado, making coordinated group hunting unnecessary (although they will be killed during group hunts if encountered). additionally, the giant anteater has no call to chase because, simply, the a’uwẽ say they do not run. with the exception of portions of recording 5, the other call recordings demonstrate that xavante hunting calls are largely what linguists might call “non -verbal” or “non-lexical” vocal expressions because they do not contain words (anikin et al. 2018). this interpretation would incorrectly align them with emotional vocalizations such as laughs, cries, and screams. they might also be called “vocables,” sounds with no lexical meanings, which would interestingly align them with navajo ceremonial singing (frisbie 1980) and the confederate rebel yell (read 1961). however, my central argument is that a’uwẽ hunting calls carry specific meanings, which leads us to the conclusion that they should instead be considered verbal or lexical vocal expressions, much as is bororo whistling (aytai 1979) and the previously mentioned hunting communication by whistling among the aché, karitiana, and gavião (hill and hawkes 1983; moore and meyer 2014). i make this preliminary assertion based on an ethnographic reading of their contents without a detailed linguistic analysis of their composition. considering the data presented here, i identify eight kinds of explicit or implicit ethnozoological information encoded in a’uwẽ hunting calls, grouped into three categories (table 1). for experienced hunters, these messages would be relatively simple to communicate using regular spoken language, but they would be less effective in terms of carrying long distances and succinctness. recording 5 is less succinct than the others, but this is mainly because it includes the responder’s regular lexical speech. the portions of recording 5 made by the caller contain an astonishingly complex set of information considering its brevity, namely, the animal taxon (white-lipped peccary), three animal movements (ran downriver, then ran upriver, then ran toward another group of hunters), the strategy of positioning hunters in the direction towards which the peccaries are running, and the reward of sharing the meat and table 2 eight kinds of explicit or implicit ethnozoological information encoded in a’uwẽ hunting calls. ethnozoological information encoded in a’uwẽ hunting calls explicit or implicit category ethnotaxon of game animal spotted or killed explicit characteristics of game animal size of animal implicit characteristics of game animal need for assistance explicit kind and quality of hunting assistance needed urgency explicit kind and quality of hunting assistance needed animal’s location and direction; how it got there; where hunters should be positioned explicit kind and quality of hunting assistance needed intention to share meat; sense of happiness and responsibility implicit social relations involved in providing assistance intention to assist; desire to receive compensation explicit social relations involved in providing assistance kinship ties to hunter calling for help; part of animal desired in compensation implicit social relations involved in providing assistance welch. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):38–44 43 research communications contributing to community well-being because everyone will eat well. conclusions tsidowi recorded these calls because he believed they were in danger of being forgotten and lost to future a’uwẽ hunters. indeed, as fewer a’uwẽ men choose to hunt to feed their families, there is a risk of loss of cultural ecological information, including hunting calls. in my observation, as younger people choose to hunt less, group hunts employing fire are the only kind of hunt that essentially all young and adult males continue to participate in, making it the most important venue for them to learn hunting calls and other forms of hunting tools and collaboration skills (welch 2014). thus, hunting with fire is becoming a symbol of a’uwẽ identity and an indispensable opportunity for youth to learn about not only the process of hunting, but also the kinds of collectivity, respect, and reciprocity it entails. this knowledge and these values help enable people to make a living as well as making life meaningful. my evaluation of their current status is that recordings 1–4 continue to be used widely, even by infrequent hunters, but that recording 5 has become specialized knowledge of experienced hunters. some infrequent hunters, who prefer to participate only in group hunts employing fire, may respond to hunting calls but not have opportunities to produce them. women, who do not hunt large game, are also familiar with at least the first four calls through exposure near villages or gardens or while travelling throughout the territory with men. these recordings have been returned to the community so that everyone, including young apprentice hunters, may hear them, imitate them, and put them into use according to the culturally appropriate a’uwẽ method of learning to hunt. acknowledgments i thank the late tsidowi wai’adzatse’ for demonstrating the hunting calls and huatá wameru otomopá for interpreting the calls and their hunting contexts. i also thank all a’uwẽ residents of pimentel barbosa, etênhiritipá, and novo paraíso villages for their consistent support of our research collaboration. carlos coimbra and anonymous reviewers made substantial comments that improved the quality of this paper. declarations permissions: this study was conducted during fieldwork with permissions from the tulane university institutional review board, the comissão nacional de ética em pesquisa, and the fundação nacional do índio. it was registered in the brazilian sistema nacional de gestão do patrimônio genético e do conhecimento tradicional associado (sisgen) under registry number abda88d. sources of funding: fieldwork was supported by the fulbright commission (ddraf no. p022a040016) and the conselho nacional de desenvolvimento científico e tecnológico (cnpq 422844/2016-0). conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited anikin, a., r. bååth, and t. persson. 2018. human non-linguistic vocal repertoire: call types and their meaning. journal of nonverbal behavior 42:53– 80. doi:10.1007/s10919-017-0267-y. aytai, d. 1979. a linguagem de assobio dos índios bororo e karajá. publicações do museu municipal de paulínia 7:1–23. fernández-llamazares, á., and d. lepofsky. 2019. ethnobiology through song. journal of ethnobiology 39:337–353. doi:10.2993/0278-0771-39.3.337. frisbie, c. j. 1980. vocables in navajo ceremonial music. ethnomusicology 24:347–392. doi:10.2307/851149. graham, l. r. 1984. semanticity and melody: parameters of contrast in shavante vocal expression. latin american music review 5:161–185. graham, l. r. 1986. three modes of xavante vocal expression: wailing, collective singing, and political oratory. in native south american discourse, edited by j. sherzer and g. urban, pp. 83–118. mouton de gruyter, berlin, germany. graham, l. r. 1995. performing dreams: discourses of immortality among the xavante of central brazil. university of texas press, austin, tx. heater, e. m. 1995. early hunting horn calls and their transmission: some new discoveries. historic brass society journal 7:123–141. welch. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):38–44 44 research communications hill, k., and k. hawkes. 1983. neotropical hunting among the aché of eastern paraguay. in adaptive responses of native amazonians, edited by r. b. hames and w. t. vickers, pp. 139–188. academic press, new york. leeuwenberg, f. j., and j. g. robinson. 2000. traditional management of hunting by a xavante community in central brazil: the search for sustainability. in hunting for sustainability in tropical forests, edited by j. g. robinson and e. l. bennett, pp. 375–394. columbia university press, new york. maybury-lewis, d. 1967. akwẽ-shavante society. clarendon press, oxford, united kingdom. milton, k., c. d. knight, i. crowe, e. m. widdowson, a. whiten, and q. bone. 1991. comparative aspects of diet in amazonian forestdwellers. philosophical transactions of the royal society of london. series b: biological sciences 334:253–263. doi:10.1098/rstb.1991.0114. moore, d., and j. meyer. 2014. the study of tone and related phenomena in an amazonian tone language: gavião of rondônia. language documentation 8:24. pohl, j. e. 1837. reise im innern von brasilien. anton strauss, vienna, austria. prada, m. 2001. effects of fire on the abundance of large mammalian herbivores in mato grosso, brazil. mammalia 65:55–61. read, a. w. 1961. the rebel yell as a linguistic problem. american speech 36:83–92. doi:10.2307/453841. schultz, h. 1953. vinte e três índios resistem à civilização. edições melhoramentos, são paulo, brazil. villalobos, m. p. 2002. efeito de fogo e da caça na abundância de mamíferos na reserva xavante do rio das mortes, mt, brasil. doctoral dissertation, universidade de brasília, brasília, brazil. welch, j. r. 2014. xavante ritual hunting: anthropogenic fire, reciprocity, and collective landscape management in the brazilian cerrado. human ecology 42:47–59. doi:10.1007/s10745-0139637-1. welch, j. r. 2015. learning to hunt by tending the fire: xavante youth, ethnoecology, and ceremony in central brazil. journal of ethnobiology 35:183–208. doi:10.2993/0278-0771-35.1.183. welch, j. r., e. s. brondízio, s. s. hetrick, and c. e. a. coimbra jr. 2013. indigenous burning as conservation practice: neotropical savanna recovery amid agribusiness deforestation in central brazil. plos one 8:e81226. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0081226. wright, c. c. 2017. towards an interdisciplinary focus on sound in ethnobiology research. ethnobiology letters 8:58–60. doi:10.14237/ ebl.8.1.2017.788. gathering “mouse roots,” among the naukan and chukchi of the russian far east jernigan et al. 2019. ethnobiology letters 10(1):129–138 129 research communications and alaska. among other things, he discussed the management of these range lands under very different economic systems and styles of governance. more recently, cuerrier et al. (2019) compared plant uses between the canadian iñuit villages of nain and kangiqsualujjuaq, finding only a 56% overlap in vascular species used, with more divergence in medicinal than edible species. the authors believe more research is needed to distinguish whether the differences are due more to knowledge erosion in recent times or to long-standing cultural divergence. of particular note is sveta yamin-pasternak’s (2007) extensive research on ethnomycological attitudes and practices on the seward peninsula (alaska) and in eastern chukotka (russia). she found that russian introduction arctic ethnobotany and changing foodways although cross-cultural ethnobotanical studies in the arctic region are rare (llano 1956; yamin-pasternak 2007), they have much potential. flora of the circumpolar regions shows great similarities at the species and, especially, genus level (walker et al. 1994). this provides an excellent opportunity to compare the role of these species in regions whose cultural, economic, and political conditions vary widely. some pioneering studies have already begun this work. in an early example, llano (1956) examined traditional uses of lichens along with their importance as a primary food source for reindeer herds of indigenous peoples of scandinavia, russia, gathering “mouse roots,” among the naukan and chukchi of the russian far east kevin jernigan 1* , olga belichenko 2 , valeria kolosova 2 , darlene orr 3 , and maria pupynina 4 1 cross-cultural studies program, university of alaska, fairbanks, usa. 2 department of environmental sciences, informatics and statistics, università ca' foscari, venice, italy. 3 ethnobotany program, university of alaska, fairbanks, usa. 4 department of languages of russia, institute for linguistic studies, st. petursburg, russia. * kjernigan@alaska.edu abstract the authors worked from 2014–2016, with 67 naukan and chukchi participants in six villages on the subject of “mouse roots,” a category of edible plants, including tubers of five species, taken from caches of microtus voles. only eight out of 44 chukchi and none of the naukan respondents said that they still actively gather these foods. however, 43 out of 44 chukchi and 21 out of 23 naukan participants still possess specific knowledge of the process, for example: how to find nests, proper techniques and etiquette for gathering, storage, preparation, or botanical identity of species found. this reflects the rapid cultural changes that occurred during the soviet period, including collectivization and consolidation of t he population into larger villages. the maintenance of knowledge about resources that no longer play a large role in subsistence never-the-less aids in the resilience of local people to potential economic hardship and food insecurity. this particular relationship between humans, rodents, and plants provides an opportunity to examine the strengths and limitations for applying the concept of perspectivism in this cultural setting. these chukotkan “mouse root” traditions show commonalities with similar practices among the neighboring iñupiaq and central alaskan yup’ik communities. most notably, species gathered from rodent nests are similar on both sides of the bering strait as are rules for how to show proper respect to the animals when gathering. however, methods of preparation differ significantly between chukotkan and alaskan cultures. open access doi 10.14237/ebl.10.1.2019.1605 received june 18, 2019 accepted october 7, 2019 published december 14, 2019 keywords ethnobotany, traditional knowledge, wild edibles, chukotka, chukchi, naukan, perspectivism copyright © 2019 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. jernigan et al. 2019. ethnobiology letters 10(1):129–138 130 research communications influence has had a profound effect on perceptions in chukotka about the edibility and desirability of local mushroom species, while neighboring alaskan cultures continue to consider many of the same species inedible and even dangerous. in this same comparative spirit, the authors are currently completing a multi-year project (2014–2019) (nsf grant number 1304612) on edible and medicinal plant traditions among the naukan and chukchi of the russian far east and the central alaskan yup’ik. the work examines whether there are more similarities in ethnobotanical traditions between two societies speaking closely related languages and sharing a deep historical root (naukan and central alaskan yup’ik), or between two societies speaking unrelated languages, but sharing the more recent influence of the dominant russian culture (naukan and chukchi). the current article focuses on one piece of the larger research, the tradition of gathering tubers, roots, and stem bases from rodent caches for human consumption. this subject is significant because: 1) it highlights the relationship between ethnobotanical knowledge and practice over a particularly economically and politically tumultuous period, and 2) it illustrates the ways in which a perspectivist world view (viveiros de castro 1998) has been both maintained and lost since the early writings of ethnographers such as kjellman (1882) and bogoraz (1904). gathering plant foods from rodent nests has been noted as a part of traditional subsistence among peoples of the arctic (jones 2010), sub-arctic (jernigan et al. 2015), and other regions (nabhan 2009). despite passing mentions, few articles have focused specifically on this practice. in one exception, nabhan (2009) described how the seri of northern mexico take legumes and cactus fruit from pack rat (neotoma albigula) middens, allowing them to extend the availability of these plant foods beyond their typical season. ståhlberg and svanberg (2010) made an important historical analysis of gathering from the nests of vole and lemming species among peoples of siberia and the russian far east. the authors argue that these practices were widespread in indigenous societies of those regions up to the eighteenth century, but appear to have been discontinued after the nineteenth century. however, brief references in the ethnobotanical literature (ainana and zagrebin 2014; menovshchikov 1974) indicate that this tradition has survived longer in the russian region of chukotka. here, we present the first detailed look at this subject among the chukchi and naukan peoples, along with a comparison of similar practices in neighboring societies (ainana and zagrebin 2014; jernigan et al. 2015; jones 2010). ethnographic setting we worked in the chukotskiy district of chukotka in the extreme northeast of russia (figure 1). the naukan and most of the chukchi population of this region reside in coastal villages, where subsistence activities center around hunting sea mammals, including the gray whale (eschrichtius robustus), walrus figure 1 the study region and surrounding areas. jernigan et al. 2019. ethnobiology letters 10(1):129–138 131 research communications (odobenus rosmarus), spotted seal (phoca largha), and bearded seal (erignathus barbatus). fishing, hunting game, and gathering of wild plants also play an important role for both peoples (jernigan et al. 2017). ethnographers (kerttula 2000; kozlov et al. 2007) have typically drawn a cultural distinction between the coastal chukchi and those who live in the interior as nomadic reindeer (rangifer tarandus) herders. however, the coastal villages where we worked also show some influence from the interior traditions due to mixed marriages, as well as because some still have reindeer herding brigades left over from soviet times (krupnik and chlenov 2013). russian contact began with seventeenth and eighteenth century explorers semyon dezhnev and vitus bering. the earliest ethnobotanical account came from frans reinhold kjellman’s (1882) work with the coastal chukchi in 1878–1879. bogoraz's (1904) more general chukchi ethnography contains descriptions of subsistence and briefly mentions the gathering of tubers from rodent caches. russian political dominance in the study region solidified during the soviet period. this brought collectivization of reindeer herders and sea mammal hunters into brigades, along with consolidation of the population into larger villages and the closure of smaller ones. this process particularly affected the naukan people, who were concentrated, by this time, in a single village (also called naukan or nevuqaq). when that village was closed in 1958, everyone was forced to move to adjacent villages (krupnik and chlenov 2013). these processes accelerated acculturation, leading to changes in diet, spiritual practices, and language loss. the chukchi language (chukotko-kamchatkan family) is currently considered “severely endangered,” while naukan (iñuit-yupik-unangan family) is “critically endangered” (unesco 2010). these designations figure 2 high-ground tundra where people search for “mouse roots,” with the village of neshkan in the background. photo by kevin jernigan. jernigan et al. 2019. ethnobiology letters 10(1):129–138 132 research communications mean that the youngest generations are not learning the languages. the soviet period also saw an increased focus on ethnobotanical work here. for example, sokolova (1961) and mimykg avtonova (1992) documented plant uses among the coastal chukchi of eastern chukotka. however, relatively little work was done with the naukan. dobrieva et al. (2004) listed names for plants in their naukan dictionary, while mimykg avtonova (1992) and menovshchikov (1974) documented some uses of edible species. despite the negative aspects of soviet rule for cultural survival, this era also brought a great deal of economic development and support from the central government, including support for the food supply. so, the breakup of the soviet union in 1991 caused considerable economic hardship in the following decades. the survey of living conditions in the arctic (andersen et al. 2002) found widespread dissatisfaction in chukotka with cost of living, job opportunities and availability of goods in local stores. this situation has led to a renewed reliance on local food sources, as well as innovations in how these local foods are stored, prepared, and consumed (kozlov et al. 2007). documenting the continuing importance of plants to these societies in the postsoviet context (ainana and zagrebin 2014; yaminpasternak 2007) is especially urgent. methods the research took place from 2014–2016 in the villages of lorino, lavrentiya, uelen, inchoun, enurmino, and neshkan (figures 1 and 2). before starting the fieldwork, we obtained permission from the institutional review board of the university of alaska, and from local governmental authorities in russia to carry out the work. the project conforms to international society of ethnobiology ethical guidelines (2006), and prior informed consent was obtained from all study participants. our team began in each participating village by meeting with local people at community centers, museums, and hunting organizations to discuss the project goals, answer questions, and solicit suggestions or concerns related to the research activities. study participants were recruited based on contacts made during these initial meetings, and then we used a referral sampling method (cabanting and perez 2016). we worked with 44 coastal chukchi participants, ranging in age from 30 to 81 (mean = 58). since naukan participants are from a single village and mostly older people still identify as naukan, our sample of naukan participants was smaller. we did not interview people who have one or more naukan parents or grandparents, but did not identify with the naukan culture. if more of those people did identify as naukan, we would have potentially had a larger sample. we interviewed 23 naukan people, ranging in age from 30 to 86 (mean = 65), including 63% of all remaining full speakers of the naukan language (jernigan et al. 2017). research methods involved semi-structured interviews and participant observation of collection and use of local species. as part of our broader interviews, we asked people to freelist foods gathered from rodents’ caches. we also asked how people locate the caches, along with details about the gathering process and how these foods are prepared. voucher specimens collected for the wider project include the five “mouse root” species mentioned in this article. these are housed at the herbarium of the komarov botanical institute in st. petersburg, russia, where they were identified with the help of botanist vladimir razzhivin. table 1 plants 1 identified as “mouse roots.” family genus species voucher # chukchi name chukchi rank naukan name naukan rank use by adjacent cultures 2 crassulaceae rhodiola integrifolia kajr18 juŋew saqlak 4 cyperaceae eriophorum angustifolium kajr17 pelqumret 1 pelkumraq 2 cay fabaceae hedysarum hedysaroides kajr29 mijmij 2 unataq 1 cay, in montiaceae claytonia acutifolia kajr45 pˀopoq 4 kegtaq ch polygonaceae persicaria bistorta kajr12 әpˀet 3 neqenllaq 3 ch, in 1 species ids conform to the plant list (2013). 2 cay = central alaskan yup’ik (jernigan et al. 2015), in = iñupiat (jones 2010), ch = chaplinsky yupik (ainana and zagrebin 2014). jernigan et al. 2019. ethnobiology letters 10(1):129–138 133 research communications results and discussion table 1 shows the species that study participants said they gathered from rodents’ nests and their relative importance for the two cultures. collectively, these are known in local russian as мышиные корешки (or little mouse roots). although biologically imprecise, this term is particularly salient, since nearly everyone in the region is fluent in russian, and the language plays an important role in cross-cultural communication. in chukchi, the term pelqumret1 refers both to these foods in general and to tubers of eriophorum angustifolium more specifically. naukan participants gave peknet2 as a general term. the species gathered correspond fairly well between naukan and chukchi participants with the sedge e. angustifolium and legume hedysarum hedysaroides (figure 3) being the most important overall. all genera in our study, except rhodiola, were also cited as gathered from rodent caches in ethnobotanical studies with at least one adjacent culture (ainana and zagrebin 2014; jernigan et al. 2015; jones 2010). bogoraz (1904) reported that the chukchi of his day gathered the tubers of claytonia, hedysarum, and polygonum species, among others. he did not specify, however, which species were taken from rodent nests and which were gathered directly where they grew. ethnographic (ståhlberg and svanberg 2010) and biological (batzli and henttonen 1990; iucn 2019) evidence suggest that the principal rodent species people gather from in this region is the root vole (microtus oeconomus). participants’ descriptions of the nest layout, plant species stored, and summer gathering activities (figure 4) are all consistent with that species. the arctic lemming (dicrostonyx torquatus) and the lemming vole (alticola lemminus) are other notable rodents present in this region. however, their diet and nesting habits (batzli and jung 1980; chester 2016) do not correspond as well to the descriptions people gave. figure 3 digging for h. hedysaroides in lorino. this species, reported as an important “mouse root,” is now more commonly gathered by hand. photo by kevin jernigan. jernigan et al. 2019. ethnobiology letters 10(1):129–138 134 research communications we examined the academic literature to see whether the plant species mentioned in our interviews were also observed in biological field studies of m. oeconomus diet. while there appears to be no research in chukotka, studies done in adjacent regions do help corroborate our ethnographic information. most notably, biologists (batzli and henttonen 1990) working in arctic tundra at toolik lake in alaska reported finding tubers from e. angustifolium, a hedysarum species, and persicaria bistorta in root vole caches, giving independent support, at least for the species that study participants most commonly mentioned. similarly, zoologists nikiforov and chibyev (2015) report finding polygonum spp. and sedges in the genus carex in root vole caches in the central sakha republic. only eight out of 44 chukchi respondents said that they still actively gather mouse roots, while none of the naukan did. however, a much larger number from both groups remember the practice from their younger days. forty-three out of 44 chukchi and 21 out of 23 naukan participants still possess specific knowledge of the process. for example, they described how to find nests, proper techniques and etiquette for gathering, storage, preparation, or the botanical identity of species found. many of the participants of both groups, who no longer gather mouse roots, described doing so when they were younger, with their parents or grandparents. people gave several kinds of reasons for not gathering now. first, some, who gathered as children, are no longer sure of their ability to find nests. second, others simply do not consider mouse roots a necessary or preferred resource, stating that there is no need to gather wild tubers, when potatoes are available in stores. to further illustrate this point, when the potato became available from russian traders, the chukchi gave it the name kәmçek, which also refers to the wild species claytonia tuberosa. third, some of these species, particularly h. hedysaroides, can also be harvested directly where they grow (figure 3). figure 4 summer foraging activity of the root vole. photo by kevin jernigan. jernigan et al. 2019. ethnobiology letters 10(1):129–138 135 research communications fourth, change in overall worldview also seems to be a factor, which will be discussed further below. gathering of mouse roots occurs in september or october, after the voles have completed their winter harvest, but before substantial snow cover. on rare occasions, when food was scarce, people would also try to harvest in the spring. both men and women go out and search with their feet for hollow spots on the tundra. they use a digging-pick called a wiŋәr in chukchi and siklaq in naukan (dobrieva et al. 2004; see figure 3 for a modern example) to peel back the tundra and access the subterranean caches. participants described how rodents would often separate different roots in different chambers. sometimes they would even find things in the nest that people find inedible. rules for proper harvesting of mouse roots are similar between chukchi and naukan participants and indeed, show many parallels with what has been reported (jernigan et al. 2015) for neighboring alaskan societies. traditions governing proper gathering can be understood within the framework of perspectivism (viveiros de castro 1998), a world-view which posits that animals and people share the same cultural and social reality, while differing in their physical bodies. although this concept was first developed in amazonian ethnography (århem 1993; viveiros de castro 1998), it has since been applied in other regions of the world, including the circumpolar north (hill 2018; willerslev 2004). there has recently been scholarly debate about the strengths and weaknesses of applying this concept to arctic and subarctic cultures. for example, willerslev (2004) discussed the limitations of perspectivism in conceptualizing human-animal relationships among the upper kolyma yukaghir, particularly for hunters identifying with their prey. laugrand (2015) observed that one of the main complications in applying perspectivism to present-day canadian iñuit hunters is the degree to which their traditional worldview and spirituality have been influenced and transformed by christianity. work on northern perspectivism has not focused much on plants. in one exception, jernigan et al. (2015) noted that the cup’ik of chevak, alaska draw an explicit parallel between each of the kinds of plant food they gather from vole nests and each type of seal that they hunt. they say that mice have their own seals in the form of the roots they collect. we now continue the discussion with our work in chukotka. when asked about proper gathering of mouse roots, naukan and chukchi participants most commonly cited the need to leave something in exchange for the rodents. the chukchi preferred leaving bread, animal fat, or meat as a gift, while naukans most often mentioned meat and tobacco. although people stressed that this gift is purely symbolic and not meant to provide significant sustenance, the practice is never-the-less considered important. some people said this is done to avoid offending the animals, while others compared it to buying something in a store. one person even left a coin. people who continue the practice of reciprocity when gathering mouse roots still take perspectivist reasoning seriously. however, the reasoning given by people who do not gather mouse roots illustrates the weakening and replacement of this worldview by a more materialistic one. some say, for example, that they are disgusted by this food, or feel sorry for the voles. this suggests a different kind of relationship, in which, rodents are not part of the same social reality as humans. another example relates to bogoraz’s (1904) observation that the chukchi of his day told him that voles have shamans and that these gather special roots that they employ just as humans used amanita muscaria mushrooms. however, none of the people we interviewed said that mice have shamans. to be sure, people also said there are currently no human shamans in their villages. the central alaskan yup’ik (jernigan et al. 2015) and the iñupiat of the kotzebue region (jones 2010) follow similar rules when collecting mouse food. elders from those regions reported that they do not take all the roots from the caches and leave a symbolic offering of food, such as dried fish. ståhlberg and svanberg (2010) also noted these two customs in their research on historical gathering of mouse roots in siberia and the russian far east. chukchi participants most commonly eat mouse roots with sea mammal fat, especially rendered seal oil. one popular dish, particularly for e. angustifolium, is svitkeret, boiled walrus meat. many also eat these foods with mulemul (‘blood’) or welmulemul (‘aged blood’) from seals or reindeer. another dish of the tundra chukchi is called qemeerˀәn, made by mixing greens, blood, and mouse roots such as e. angustifolium, and putting that in a reindeer stomach which can be frozen for later use. one elder fondly recalled the resulting stomach cut open with a filling jernigan et al. 2019. ethnobiology letters 10(1):129–138 136 research communications dotted with mouse roots as being “like snickers [candy bar].” naukan respondents most commonly ate mouse roots with seal oil. people also boiled them in sea mammal fat when they lived in naukan. in contrast, the neighboring central alaskan yup’ik often eat mouse roots cooked in soup, or mixed with sugar and oil or animal fat in a dish called akutaq (jernigan et al. 2015). conclusion although native foods are certainly still a marker of indigenous identity in chukotka (yamin-pasternak 2014), just as they are among other arctic cultures (cuerrier et al. 2019; jones 2010), that does not mean these customs are static. some, like the “mouse roots” we discuss here, appear to be declining, while others, such as mushrooms (yamin-pasternak 2007), have been added as a significant part of traditional subsistence. however, current trends do not necessarily point to the inevitability of the disappearance of mouse root harvest. although a fairly small number of chukchi and none of the naukan participants still gather these tubers, a large majority of both groups still remember details of the process passed from older generations. indeed, researchers (quave and pieroni 2015; turner and turner 2008) have pointed out the significance of traditional ecological knowledge (tek) that is preserved even in the face of discontinued practice, noting that such reservoirs of knowledge increase the resilience of local people to economic hardship and food insecurity. indeed, many participants in our study spoke of a resurgence of plant harvesting in the tough years following the breakup of the soviet union. the chukotkan traditions we have documented here have significant parallels and some notable differences with those of neighboring alaskan groups (jernigan et al. 2015; jones 2010). there is a significant overlap in species gathered from rodents in both regions, while some differences may be due to the relative prevalence (cavm team 2003) of tundra types. another notable similarity on both sides of the bering strait is in the protocol for gathering, particularly in giving a symbolic gift to the rodents in exchange for food taken. however, previous work (jernigan et al. 2015) suggests that the tradition of gathering from rodent nests is more actively practiced in some parts of alaska, especially among the yup’ik of the lower kuskokwim river and bering sea region. this particular relationship between humans, rodents, and plants also provides an opportunity to examine the advantages and limitations of applying the concept of perspectivism in this cultural setting. although some study participants clearly still value a reciprocal relationship with the rodents, where food, tobacco, and even coins can be given in exchange for roots, others espouse a more materialistic view. the authors are currently looking at this issue in greater detail among the central alaskan yup’ik to expand the discussion of the plant traditions of the bering strait region. future work could also explore this subject in other adjacent locations such as little diomede and the seward peninsula, which both had a high degree of historical contact with the naukan and chukchi. notes 1here we use the simplified version of the international phonetic alphabet used in some scientific publications on the chukchi language (e.g., dunn 1999). 2we employ the naukan orthography used the naukan yupik eskimo dictionary (dobrieva et al. 2004). acknowledgments we especially wish to thank the study participants in the villages of lavrentiya, lorino, uelen, inchoun, enurmino, and neshkan, who participated in this research and generously shared their time and knowledge with us. we also thank gennady zelensky for helping with the logistics of work in chukotka and vladimir razzhivin for assistance with identification of the botanical voucher specimens. thanks also to the beringia national park and the chukotkan autonomous region of russia for allowing the work to take place. we are grateful for the comments of two anonymous reviewers who gave useful suggestions for improving the article. declarations permissions: human subject approval was obtained from the university of alaska, fairbanks institutional review board (irb) (approval #465620-1), prior to beginning work. permission was obtained from the government of the chukotka autonomous region and from the beringia national park. sources of funding: the research was funded by the national science foundation’s arctic social science program, grant number 1304612 . jernigan et al. 2019. ethnobiology letters 10(1):129–138 137 research communications conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited ainana l. i., and i. zagrebin. 2014. edible plants used by siberian yupik eskimos of southeastern chukotka peninsula, russia. national park service, shared beringian heritage program, anchorage, ak. andersen, t., j. kruse, and b. poppel. 2002. survey of living conditions in the arctic: inuit, saami and the indigenous peoples of chukotka (slica). arctic 55:310–315. doi:10.14430/arctic713. århem, k. 1993. ecosofia makuna. in la selva humanizada: ecologia alternativa en el trópico humedo colombiano, edited by f. correa, pp. 109–126. instituto colombiano de antropologifa, bogotá, colombia. batzli, g. o., and h. henttonen. 1990. demography and resource use by microtine rodents near toolik lake, alaska, usa. arctic and alpine research 22:51–64. doi:10.2307/1551720. batzli, g. o., and h. j. g. jung. 1980. nutritional ecology of microtine rodents: resource utilization near atkasook, alaska. arctic and alpine research 12:483–499. doi:10.2307/1550496. bogoraz, w. g. 1904. the chukchee. memoirs of the american museum of natural history, vol. 11, part 1. e. j. brill ltd, new york. cabanting, r. m. f., and l. m. perez. 2016. an ethnobotanical study of traditional rice landraces (oryza sativa l.) used for medical treatment in selected local communities of the philippines. journal of ethnopharmacology 194:767–773. doi:10.1016/j.jep.2016.10.02. chester, s. 2016. the arctic guide: wildlife of the far north, vol. 106. princeton university press, princeton, nj. cavm team. 2003. circumpolar arctic vegetation map, scale 1:7,500,000, conservation of arctic flora and fauna (caff) map no. 1. us fish and wildlife service, anchorage, ak. cuerrier, a., c. clark, and c. h. norton. 2019. inuit plant use in the eastern subarctic: comparative ethnobotany in kangiqsualujjuaq, nunavik, and in nain, nunatsiavut. botany 97:271–282. doi:10.1139/cjb-2018-0195. dobrieva e. a., e. v. golovko, s. a. jacobson, and m. e. krauss. 2004. naukan yupik eskimo dictionary. alaska native language center, fairbanks, ak. dunn, m. j. 1999. a grammar of chukchi. unpublished doctoral dissertation, department of linguistics, australian national university, canberra, australia. international society of ethnobiology. 2006. international society of ethnobiology code of ethics [web page]. available at: http:// ethnobiology.net/code-of-ethics/. accessed on june 13, 2019. iucn. 2019. the iucn red list of threatened species [web page]. available at: https:// www.iucnredlist.org/. accessed on may 22, 2019. hill, e. 2018. humans, birds and burial practices at ipiutak, alaska: perspectivism in the western arctic. environmental archaeology 24:434–448. doi:10.1080/14614103.2018.1460031. jernigan k. a., o. alexie, s. alexie, m. stover, r. meier, c. parker, m. pete, and m. rasmussen, eds. 2015. guide to the ethnobotany of the yukonkuskokwim region. alaskan native language center, fairbanks, ak. available at: https:// www.uaf.edu/anlc/resources/yk_ethnobotany/ yk_ethnobotany.pdf. accessed on june 15, 2019. jernigan, k. a., o. s. belichenko, v. b. kolosova, and d. j. orr. 2017. naukan ethnobotany in postsoviet times: lost edibles and new medicinals. journal of ethnobiology and ethnomedicine 13:61. doi:10.1186/s13002-017-0188-1. jones, a. 2010. plants that we eat: nauriat nigiñaqtaut—from the traditional wisdom of the iñupiat elders of northwest alaska. university of alaska press, fairbanks, ak. kerttula, a. m. 2000. antler on the sea: the yup'ik and chukchi of the russian far east. cornell university press, ithaca, ny. kjellman, f. r. 1882. om tschuktschernas hushållsväxter [on chukchi household plants]. in vega-expeditionens vetenskapliga iakttagelser, bearbetade af deltagare i resan och andra forskare, vol. 1, edited by a .e. nordenskiöld, pp. 353–372. f. & g. beijers, stockholm, sweden. jernigan et al. 2019. ethnobiology letters 10(1):129–138 138 research communications kozlov, a., v. nuvano, and g. vershubsky. 2007. changes in soviet and post-soviet indigenous diets in chukotka. etudes/inuit/studies 31:103–119. doi:10.7202/019717ar. krupnik, i., and m. chlenov. 2013. yupik transitions: change and survival at bering strait, 1900-1960. university of alaska press, fairbanks, ak. laugrand, f. 2015. ontology on ice: the inuit of the central canadian arctic and their animals. la lettre du collège de france 9:74–75. doi:10.4000/lettrecdf.2203. llano, g. a. 1956. utilization of lichens in the arctic and subarctic. economic botany 10:367–392. doi:10.1007/bf02859767. menovshchikov, g. a. 1974. дикие растения в рационе коренных жителей чукотки [wild plants in the diet of indigenous inhabitants of chukotka]. soviet ethnography 2:93–99. mimykg avtonova, i. v. 1992. edible wild plants in our foods (chukchi, eskimo). russian social science review 33:85–96. doi:10.2753/rss1061-14283 30685. nabhan, g. p. 2009. ethnoecology: bridging disciplines, cultures and species. journal of ethnobiology 29:3–7. doi:10.2993/0278-0771-29. 1.3. nikiforov, n. i., and v. y. chibyev. 2015. к экологии полёвки-экономки (microtus oeconomus pallas, 1778) в биогеоценозах таежно-аласных экосистем центральной якутии. [ecology of the tundra vole (microtus oeconomus pallas, 1778) in biogeocenosis of taiga-and-alas ecosystems of central yakutia]. bulletin of the federal university in the name of m.k. ammosova 12:19–23. quave, c. l., and a. pieroni. 2015. a reservoir of ethnobotanical knowledge informs resilient food security and health strategies in the balkans. nature plants 1:14021. doi:10.1038/nplants.2014.21. sokolova, t. g. 1961. on the question of the use of wild flora by the population of cape dezhnov. writings of the chukotkan local history museum 2:96– 97. ståhlberg, s., and i. svanberg. 2010. gathering food from rodent nests in siberia. journal of ethnobiology 30:184–202. doi:10.2993/0278-0771-30.2.184. the plant list. 2013. version 1.1 published on the internet; http://www.theplantlist.org. accessed on september 16, 2019. turner, n. j., and k. l. turner. 2008. “where our women used to get the food”: cumulative effects and loss of ethnobotanical knowledge and practice; case study from coastal british columbia. botany 86:103–115. doi:10.1139/b07-020. unesco. 2003. language vitality and endangerment. available at: http://www.unesco.org/new/ fileadmin/multimedia/hq/clt/pdf/ language_vitality_and_endangerment_en.pdf. accessed on june 1, 2019. viveiros de castro, e. v. 1998. cosmological deixis and amerindian perspectivism. journal of the royal anthropological institute 4:469–488. doi:10.2307/ 3034157. walker, m. a., f. j. daniëls, and e. van der maarel. 1994. circumpolar arctic vegetation: introduction and perspectives. journal of vegetation science 5:757– 764. willerslev, r. 2004. not animal, not not‐animal: hunting, imitation and empathetic knowledge among the siberian yukaghirs. journal of the royal anthropological institute 10:629–652. doi:10.1111/ j.1467-9655.2004.00205.x. yamin-pasternak, s. 2007. how the devils went deaf: ethnomycology, cuisine, and perception of landscape in the russian north. unpublished doctoral dissertation, department of anthropology, university of alaska, fairbanks. yamin-pasternak, s., a. kliskey, l. alessa, i. pasternak, p. schweitzer, g. k. beauchamp, m. l. caldwell, l. frink, c. giordano, e. v. golovko, and s. ellix katz. 2014. the rotten renaissance in the bering strait: loving, loathing, and washing the smell of foods with a (re)acquired taste. current anthropology 55:619–646. doi:10.1086/ 678305. reclaiming native hawaiian knowledge represented in bird taxonomies gomes. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):30-43 30 data, methods & taxonomies lead to new understandings of natural phenomena. in a study of a fijian fishing community on vanua levu, golden et al. (2014:1–2, 11) found that information in that community regarding the use of resources, ecosystem change over time, and population dynamics of at-risk species held valuable potential to inform future management practices. for indigenous peoples, tek can also serve to record and document oral traditions. a study by hidiyati et al. (2018:45) of vaie language speakers in malaysia found active practitioners of tek had “greater language vitality” than community members who were not as involved in traditional practices. such studies can assist as resources for cultural revitalization in westernized indigenous societies. study location the hawaiian islands, an archipelago found in the pacific ocean, is regarded as the most isolated high island archipelago on the planet and hosts an astonishingly unique biota. of particular note is the native avifauna, which demonstrates a high level of endemism. while the hawaiian avifauna is introduction can an understanding of the folk classification systems and nomenclature of indigenous peoples be reclaimed after a major language shift and westernization? for decades the field of ethnobiology has strived to utilize folk taxonomy, classification, and nomenclature to provide insight into the social and cognitive similarities and differences between unrelated cultures (berlin et al. 1973:214–215, 227). as presented in this study, folk taxonomies (or folk classifications) are defined as the ways people categorize and classify organisms in the world around them based on both perceived discontinuities and practical purposes (atran 1999:316; hunn 1982:831, 840). in addition, berlin (1973:259) explains that nomenclatural studies are “devoted to the description of linguistic principles of naming the conceptually recognized classes of plants and animals in some particular language.” folk nomenclature systems can therefore be seen as collective systems used by people for naming and describing different forms of life, in that context. studies of traditional ecological knowledge (tek) such as folk taxonomy and nomenclature can reclaiming native hawaiian knowledge represented in bird taxonomies noah j. gomes 1* 1 hilo, usa. * noahjgomes@gmail.com abstract this paper examines three examples of native bird classification systems historically used by the aboriginal peoples of the hawaiian islands. the goal is to better understand indigenous linguistic hierarchies in the taxonomic structure and nomenclature systems that were formerly utilized by these colonized peoples. three specific manuscripts from two native historians and a foreign naturalist are analyzed to better ascertain how these systems may have worked, despite the dearth of data on the comprehensive knowledge of bird hunters and ritual specialists. the utilitarian basis of these systems is shown to have potential practical application for the ongoing cultural and linguistic revitalization of the native hawaiian people. the perspectives and reasoning behind these systems could be used as a tool for reviving traditional relationships with the unique ecosystems of hawaiʻi. further research in the large but diffuse archives of hawaiian language manuscripts may eventually expand our understanding of hawaiian folk systematics. received february 29, 2020 open access accepted june 22, 2020 doi 10.14237/ebl.11.2.2020.1682 published december 4, 2020 keywords hawaii, birds, nomenclature, taxonomy, classification, tek, folk taxonomy, ethnobiology copyright © 2020 by the author(s) licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. gomes. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):30-43 31 data, methods & taxonomies represented by a depauperate number of taxonomic families, the specific diversity is unusually high. at least 74 of the 109 known endemic bird species are now extinct due to anthropogenic causes. most of the remaining native bird species have declined drastically in numbers and are now rarely encountered by the majority of the local population (reed et. al. 2012:881). while in many remarkable ways the indigenous human population (kanaka maoli) that historically interacted closely with the hawaiian avifauna has maintained its traditions and strongly influenced the continual influx of foreigners to hawaiʻi, they have also acculturated to western society in the 230+ years since their first contact with british captain james cook. tremendous changes to hawaiian religious, political, and educational systems, as well as diaspora, foreign immigration, and a history of depopulation via epidemics from foreign diseases have irrevocably altered the social structure of modern hawaiʻi. in addition, large changes to hawaiʻi’s ecological landscapes, especially in the inhabited lowlands, have destroyed habitat for most extant native birds, removing them from the human experience. as a result, few kānaka maoli now have a close working relationship with the native avifauna. the highly skilled bird hunters who possessed multi-generational cultural knowledge of native birds have all been dead for generations. this failure of tek to be transmitted to the living generation of kanaka maoli is largely due to the historical factors given above, particularly the social and economic changes that may have made other occupations more practical for kānaka maoli to pursue, and the dramatic continuous decline of native birds. in modern hawaiʻi, most native forest birds have either become extinct or are in danger of extinction, and much of the traditional knowledge about them has not been utilized in living memory (abbott 2012; emerson 1895:111). any modern study of kanaka maoli ethno-ornithology must therefore rely heavily on the few historic accounts that exist on the subject. unfortunately, relatively little ethnographic work was done to specifically record kanaka maoli ethno-ornithological knowledge before the experts passed away. there are numerous diffuse references to tek related to native hawaiian birds in archival and 19th century hawaiian language newspaper accounts, as well as in traditional chants, but very few of these sources are focused explicitly on hawaiian birds, and many remain difficult for researchers to access and analyze. methods data collection the kānaka maoli are in the midst of a decades-long cultural and linguistic revitalization that began in the late 1960s largely through song and hula (dance), which eventually grew to include politics, celestial navigation, and many other traditional and modern subjects (tachihata 1994:202). birds in particular were historically utilized for food, feathers, and religious ceremony (gomes 2015:1, 66, 230), something which is reflected in the folk taxonomy and nomenclature of native hawaiian birds. as many kānaka maoli revive indigenous ways of knowing and living, an examination of what perspectives people in previous generations had of native hawaiian birds could prove valuable. in this paper i examine three of the best remaining sources for this information. these accounts are among the most focused on tek regarding native hawaiian birds, and are notable for explicitly listing the different ethno-taxonomic categories to which these birds belong. the writings of early kānaka maoli historians, david malo and kepelino teauotalani, are utilized to reconstruct their native bird folk taxonomies. the work of english naturalist robert c. l. perkins on native hawaiian bird nomenclature and folk taxonomy is also examined and compared to the work of the aforementioned indigenous scholars. while there were several foreign naturalists that studied native hawaiian birds in depth during the 19th and early 20th centuries, perkin’s account is unique for the depth to which he describes the avian nomenclature system of the kānaka maoli experts in his time. david malo david malo was born in keauhou, kona, hawaiʻi sometime around 1793 to kānaka maoli parents aoao and heone. while we do not know where malo obtained his specific information on birds, one of malo’s major mentors was noa ʻauwae, an aliʻi (nobleman) who was an expert in the old histories and genealogies. malo was a student of the early calvinist christian missionaries at their school at lāhaina, maui, where he became literate and began recording hawaiian history. he was a well-respected man in his time for his knowledge of hawaiian history and service to his community (emerson in malo 1951 (1898):vii-xiii; lyon 2012:67). gomes. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):30-43 32 data, methods & taxonomies malo’s work, moʻolelo hawaiʻi, is considered one of the most important writings on classical hawaiian culture and history that exists today and informs the reader on a variety of topics from religious ceremony and the traditional divisions of earth, sea, and sky, to traditional games and stories. written sometime during the 1840s, it was published posthumously as an english translation by dr. nathaniel emerson in 1903 (lyon 2012:30–31; murabayashi and dye 2010:12). the original hawaiian-language manuscript was not published until 1987 by malcolm nāea chun (lyon 2012:70, 72). for this paper, i have elected to use a soon-to-be-published version of malo’s original hawaiian-language manuscript edited by kapali lyon and charles langlas (2013 (1853)), which strives to further preserve the meaning of obscure hawaiianlanguage terminology from an original hand-written manuscript located in the bernice pauahi bishop museum archives. analysis of malo’s folk taxonomy malo (2013 (1853):75–85) presents his information on hawaiian birds in list form, which probably derives from the old kanaka maoli scholarly practice of listing lengthy amounts of information through chant. his descriptions are very brief, usually just giving the name of the bird, its folk taxonomic class, some small note on its physical appearance and habits, whether or not the bird was palatable, and perhaps the name of the method used to hunt it. in spite of the lack of depth to malo’s information, it is incredibly valuable as a rare legitimate and explicit source of indigenous insight on this subject. table 1 and figure 1 show birds described by malo in the folk taxonomic classifications to which he has assigned them. i have arranged these classifications in their presumed taxonomic ranking according to his descriptions. there are three levels of ranking in this hierarchy, given from the largest and most general to the smallest and most specific. each level of ranking may have multiple classifications within it. some classifications have more than one synonymous title given by malo. all given synonyms are included. i have included the current latin names for all identifiable folk species listed when possible. many birds listed by malo appear to be birds whose identity cannot be adequately determined at this time (as is the case for the seabirds mōlī and kaʻupu, which are often considered today to be synonyms for phoebastria immutabilis but are clearly very different birds in both figure 1 malo’s bird folk taxonomy. gomes. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):30-43 33 data, methods & taxonomies category folk species in this category unique beginner terrestrial animals (holoholona) life forms pigs (puaʻa) puaʻa (domestic pig; sus scrofa domesticus) dogs (ʻīlio) ʻīlio (dog; canis familiaris) crawling creatures (nā mea kolo) non-volant invertebrates and small vertebrates such as: ʻiole (polynesian rat; rattus exulans) moʻo kaʻalā (skinks; emoia impar and cryptoblepharus poecilopleurus) moʻo kāula (gekoes; lepidodactylus lugubris, hemiphyllodactylus typus typus, and hemidactylus garnotii) domestic birds (nā manu laka) moa (domestic chicken; gallus gallus domesticus) wild birds (nā manu hihiu) all other birds “birds” not eaten (nā manu ʻai ʻole) all other flying animals are considered a kind of “bird” (manu) as well. these are specifically mentioned: ʻōpeʻapeʻa (hawaiian hoary bat; lasiurus cinereus semotus) pinao (dragonflies and damselflies; order odonata) ʻōkaʻi (a large, nocturnal moth in suborder heterocera) lepelepeohina (an insect in either suborder rhopalocera or heterocera, perhaps a butterfly such as vanessa tameamea) pulelehua (suborder rhopalocera or heterocera, perhaps a butterfly such as vanessa tameamea) nalo (various flies; order diptera) nalo paka (family evaniidae) the ʻuhini (grasshoppers and relatives; family acrididae) is included in this classification, though malo notes that it was actually eaten. genera under the life form nā manu hihiu sea-diving birds (nā manu luʻu kai) all birds in the categories “birds that live in the mountains and fish in the sea,” and “birds from the sky/birds from the sea.” small birds that only dwell in the forest / smaller wild birds (manu liʻiliʻi noho ma ka nāhelehele wale nō/ manu hihiu liʻiliʻi iho) ʻōʻū (psittirostra psittacea), ʻōmaʻo (myadestes obscurus), ʻōʻō (moho sp.), mamo (drepanis pacifica), ʻiwi (drepanis coccinea), ʻapapane (himatione sanguinea), ʻākihipōlena (unknown), ʻula (unknown), uʻa (unknown), ʻākohekohe (palmeria dolei), mū (unknown), ʻamakihi (chlorodrepanis virens), ʻakihialoa (akialoa sp.), ʻelepaio (chasiempis sp.), ʻiao (unknown), kākāwahie (paroreomyza flammea), kē (unknown), larger wild birds (manu hihiu nui aʻe) nēnē (branta sandvicensis), ʻalalā (corvus hawaiiensis), pueo (asio flammeus sandwichensis), ʻio (buteo solitarius), moho (porzana sandwichensis) fresh and salt water pond birds (manu loko wai a loko kai) ʻalae (gallinula chloropus,sandvicensis, fulica alai), koloa (anas wyvilliana), ʻaukuʻu (nycticorax nycticorax), kūkuluaeʻo (himantopus mexicanus knudseni), kioea (numenius tahitiensis), kōlea (pluvialis fulva) sub-genera under the genera nā manu luʻu kai birds that live in the mountains and fish in the sea (manu noho mauna a lawaiʻa kai) ʻuaʻu (pterodroma sandwichensis), kīkī (unknown), ʻaʻo (puffinus newelli) liʻoliʻo (unknown), ʻouʻou (bulwelria bulwelrii), pūhaʻakakaiea (unknown), koaʻe (phaethon sp.), ʻoio (unknown, perhaps anous sp.) birds from the sky / birds from the sea (manu mai ka lewa mai/manu mai ke kai mai) kaʻupu (unknown), ʻuaʻukēwai (unknown), ʻā (sula sp.), mōlī (unknown), ʻiwa (fregata minor), noio (anous minutus), kala (onychoprion lunatus) table 1 malo’s bird folk taxonomy. gomes. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):30-43 34 data, methods & taxonomies malo and teauotalani’s respective descriptions), or are birds which have not been attributed to any species described by ornithologists. it should be noted that indigenous epistemologies do not always align with western epistemologies (helmreich 2005:115), and so some of these mystery birds might be names for different genders or stages of development for known bird species. these unidentified birds are simply labeled “unknown” in parentheses. all names in table 1 and figure 1 appear as printed in the edited text by lyon and langlas (2013 (1853)). i have chosen not to include english names for the birds in the tables and figures of this paper. the latin and hawaiian names provided are less likely to cause confusion on the identity of the birds, since these are the names normally used by ornithologists familiar with these species. many of these species also have no english name. berlin et. al. (1973:260–261)—and also later atran (1999:316)—detailed the classic five-level hierarchy of folk taxonomy. the folk taxonomies given by malo and teauotalani do not correspond exactly to the classic system (mainly because they include an additional level i have opted to call “subgenera”), but i have included the classic hierarchy here as a reference to further understand how folk taxonomies are ordered. in the classic hierarchy of folk taxonomy there are five taxonomic levels. these are: 1. unique beginner: the taxon that includes all other taxa. classifications like “plants and animals” or “living things” are examples of such a category. 2. life form: the broadest classification with easily recognized groups based on broadly recognized morphological characteristics. taxa such as “tree,” “bird,” “herb,” “mammal,” and “fish” are this type of classification. 3. generic: a broad classification that begins to distinguish organisms by smaller discontinuities in nature that can still be easily recognized. examples of folk genera in american english culture include “maple,” “deer,” and “duck.” 4. specific: taxa that are distinguished by relatively few, specific features. examples of this might be silver maple,” “mule deer,” or “mallard.” 5. varietal taxa: distinguished by characteristics not readily apparent to most uneducated observers. varietal taxa are not common in folk taxonomies. in american english culture good examples of varietal taxa are unique crop varieties. the hawaiian folk taxonomy given by david malo provides a unique beginner in the form of holoholona (terrestrial animals). this includes all terrestrial vertebrates and invertebrates. iʻa, or fresh and salt water life (including algae and corals), appear to be considered part of a completely separate taxonomy. it is not clear if there is an allencompassing hawaiian concept of “living thing,” inclusive of both land and aquatic life. inanimate objects also may have spirits and thus, “life” in traditional hawaiian belief. certain rocks are believed to be capable of reproduction and even independent motility under specific circumstances (beckwith 1970 (1940):88; handy and pukui 1972:28). at the life form level, malo’s taxa include puaʻa (pigs), ʻīlio (dogs), nā mea kolo (“crawling creatures,” non-volant invertebrates, rats, skinks, and geckos), manu hihiu (wild flying creatures, including birds and arthropods), and manu laka (domestic flying creatures, a monotypic taxa consisting solely of the chicken [gallus gallus domesticus]). while all of these taxa are interesting to examine, the life form taxa of manu hihiu and manu laka are of greatest concern to this study. it is from the next level of the folk generic that malo (and also teauotalani) diverge from the classic folk classification hierarchy. here we find folk generic and what i call “folk sub-generic” categories either descriptive of major obvious natural discontinuities, or of the function of the folk bird specifics that fall underneath them. while most of these categories are based on the utilitarian function of the bird to humans (such as palatability, use of feathers for garments, etc.), they may also be inclusive of the function that the bird has to the greater ao holoʻokoʻa (the world), that is to say, the function the bird has in the ecosystem. below the folk generic and sub-generic categories are the various folk species of birds which roughly correspond to linnean taxonomy for hawaiian bird species. malo does not give varietals, though teauotalani does in his respective taxonomy. kepelino teauotalani kepelino teauotalani was born in kailua, kona, hawaiʻi around the year 1830 to namiki and kahulilanimaka. his parents were early catholic converts and teauotalani was educated by catholic gomes. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):30-43 35 data, methods & taxonomies priests. he later wrote letters and articles for the catholic newspaper, hae katolika. though his full given name appears to have been “zepherin kuhopu kahoalii kameeiamoku kuikauwai” he signed his writings under the name “zepherin teauotalani” (“kepelino keauokalani” in modern hawaiian orthography). teauotalani’s work on birds, huli-toa manu havaii, appeared as part of his hoiiliili havaii series in hae katolika between 1859 and 1860. in this work teauotalani explicitly provides the folk taxonomic category of each bird he lists. though it is a primary source well known to some researchers, huli-toa manu havaii has never been officially translated into english or published in its entirety (beckwith in teauotalani 2007 (1932):1–7). analysis of teauotalani’s folk taxonomy teauotalani’s (1859) brief descriptions in huli-toa manu havaii are perhaps the most detailed accounts that we have from a kanaka maoli scholar about indigenous perspectives on birds. while malo spends just four pages describing hawaiian birds, teauotalani’s treatise is 22 pages long. later authors would base their work largely on teauotalani’s writings. unfortunately, many of teauotalani’s descriptions are still tantalizingly short and often difficult to understand from the perspective of a modern reader. like malo, some of his bird descriptions also appear to be of birds that cannot be clearly reconciled with those described by the early western naturalists who visited hawaiʻi. also similar to malo’s work, teauotalani’s writings usually list the birds by name, give a description of their physical appearance and habits, palatability, and the methods by which they were caught. occasionally he provides additional information. teauotalani and malo provide a similar number of bird folk categories. teauotalani gives eight and malo gives nine, though their classifications are not exactly the same. teauotalani’s categories are arguably more anthropocentrically utilitarian than malo’s. for example, his categories nā manu ʻaina (birds which are used for meals), and nā manu aliʻi (royal birds, in reference to the use of these birds’ feathers by hawaiian royalty) both clearly reference the utilitarian importance of birds. teauotalani does not explicitly give a unique beginner category for this taxonomy, though it can be understood that the unique beginner is manu, all flying creatures. he describes three categories at the life form level, nā manu o ka uka (birds of the uplands), nā manu ʻano ʻelepaio or nā manu lawaiʻa (ʻelepaio (chasiempis sp.) natured birds or “fishing birds”), and nā manu o ka ʻāina (birds of the land). he has three main genus level categories that he names, and one sub-genus category. unlike malo, the only non-avian manu he lists is ʻōpeʻapeʻa (the bat), which, along with the enigmatic and unidentified aukuu pili aina, is not categorized. a brief explanation must be given for the name of the category nā manu ʻano ʻelepaio. the ʻelepaio are a group of endemic old-world flycatchers whose diet mainly consists of various forest invertebrates. the reason why a category entirely composed of seabirds and shorebirds would be named after a small forest bird is because in kanaka maoli tradition, one of the more common calls of the ʻelepaio sounds like the phrase, ʻono ka iʻa! (fish is delicious!), which implies that the ʻelepaio is asking the listener to give the bird some fish to eat. to the listener, it is as if the ʻelepaio, a bird of inland forests, is too lazy to go down to the sea and get some fish for itself. instead it asks the listener to do it for them. the name of this category references that all birds listed within it eat aquatic organisms. table 2 and figure 2 give teauotalani’s hawaiian bird folk taxonomic system. i have refrained from adding glottal stops (ʻokina) and macrons (kahakō) to teauotalani’s given bird names. ʻokina and kahakō are standard in modern hawaiian orthography but i do not want to be presumptuous of the possible pronunciations and meanings of some of these names, especially for birds that remain unidentified. each folk bird species is only listed in every classification to which is has been specifically assigned. if a bird appears in a lower ranking but kepelino does not specifically name it in the higher ranking that it also falls under, i do not list that bird in the higher ranking. other than these changes i have followed the same rules in providing information on teauotalani’s system as in table 1 and figure 1 for malo’s system given above. robert cyril layton perkins r. c. l. perkins was born in badminton, gloucestershire, england on the 15th of november, 1866, to charles mathew perkins, an anglican priest, and agnes martha beach thomas. as a boy perkins had a strong interest in entomology, which was encouraged by his family. they did however also encourage him to join his father’s profession as a minister. he went to college for a degree in classics at oxford. after his education perkins eventually gomes. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):30-43 36 data, methods & taxonomies answered a request for applicants to journey to the hawaiian islands to do zoological surveys, posted by the sandwich islands committee of the british association for the advancement of science (evenhuis 2007:27–30, 49–51). though his personal interests were mainly entomological, much of the survey work in hawaiʻi involved bird collecting. perkins also at least occasionally hired kānaka maoli guides to assist him into the deep and still wild hawaiian forests (ibid.:293–300). he undoubtedly gained some skill in ʻōlelo hawaiʻi (the hawaiian language) through his work, though exactly how fluent he was is uncertain. we are fortunate that years after his zoological surveys perkins published some of the ethnoornithological knowledge that he possessed in the aves section of his work fauna hawaiiensis. most important to this paper is the organized analysis perkins gives on hawaiian bird classification and nomenclature. analysis of perkin’s folk nomenclature perkins was a keen observer, and we owe much of our knowledge of the historical ecology of hawaiʻi to his writings. this aptitude for noticing detail led him to develop a theory of what he believed to be a hawaiian “...crude, and often erroneous, classification.” (perkins classification folk species in this classification life forms birds of the uplands (nā manu o ka uka) akihialoa (akialoa sp.), ula (1) (unknown), hoe (unknown), omao (myadestes obscurus), moho (porzana sandwichensis), mamo (drepanis pacifica), iiwi (drepanis coccinea), amakihi (chlorodrepanis sp.), alokele (unknown), elepaio (chasiempis sp.) ʻelepaio birds / fishing birds/birds of the sea (nā manu ʻelepaio / nā manu lawaiʻa / nā manu o ke kai) aa (unknown), iwa (fregata minor), olokele (unknown), kioea (numenius tahitiensis), ula (1) (unknown), ula (2) (unknown), ao (puffinus newelli), aukuu (nycticorax nycticorax), uvau (pterodroma sandwichensis), koae koo ula (phaethon rubricauda), noio (anous sp.), kolea (pluvialis fulva, arenaria interpres, tringa incana), kala (onychoprion lunatus), kone (unknown), kaupu (unknown), akihikeehiale (unknown) birds of the land (nā manu o ka ʻāina) io (buteo solitarius), pueo (asio flammeus sandwichensis), nene (branta sandvicensis), koloa (anas wyvilliana), alala (corvus hawaiiensis), alae (gallinula chloropus sandvicensis, fulica alai), hulimaia (unknown), moa (gallus gallus domesticus), kolea (pluvialis fulva, arenaria interpres, tringa incana) [birds not assigned a category] aukuu pili aina (unknown), opeapea (lasiurus cinereus semotus) genus under the life form nā manu o ka uka birds that eat lehua flowers (nā manu ʻai pua lehua) akihialoa (akialoa sp.), ula (unknown), akakane (himatione sanguinea), mamo (drepanis pacifica), ou (psittirostra psittacea) genus under the life form nā manu o ka ʻāina birds of fresh water / duck-natured birds (manu o ka wai / nā manu ʻano koloa) alae (gallinula chloropus,sandvicensis, fulica alai), [probably also koloa (anas wyvilliana) due to the name of the category] birds which are used for meals (nā manu ʻaina) hulimaia (unknown), uvau (pterodroma sandwichensis), nene (branta sandvicensis), koae koo ula (phaethon rubricauda), koloa (anas wyvilliana) genus under the life form nā manu o ka ʻāina and nā manu ʻelepaio owl natured birds (manu ʻano pueo) pueo (asio flammeus sandwichensis), iwa (fregata minor), io (buteo solitarius) sub-genus level under the genus nā manu ʻai pua lehua royal birds (nā manu aliʻi) mamo (drepanis pacifica), oo (moho sp.), iivi (drepanis coccinea) table 2 teauotalani’s bird folk taxonomy. gomes. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):30-43 37 data, methods & taxonomies 1903:394). though he considered his system of bird name categories to be a taxonomic one, today we would more properly term this system as one of folk nomenclature. though a system of naming conventions is not outright described by teauotalani, malo, and other hawaiian writers, teauotalani does make mention of the reasons why several particular birds were named (teauotalani 1859:11–12, 14, 16, 18 –19, 22, 24, 26–29). these reasons align perfectly with some of the classifications that perkins proposes. for example, teauotalani (1859:14) gives an explanation for the naming of the ʻalalā (corvus hawaiiensis), “a o tona inoa ua tapaia mamuli o te ano o tana tani,” “and as for its name, it is called so because of the nature of its call.” certain others of perkins’ classifications are not mentioned as naming conventions by any kānaka maoli authors, but this does not mean that they do not necessarily still exist. the specific classifications, with explanations in perkins’ (1903:394–395) own words, are as follows: (1) names given from peculiarities of structure or plumage, e.g. akihialoa (hemignathus) [now akialoa sp.] from its long, sharply-pointed beak; nukupuu (heterorhynchus) [now hemignathus sp.] from its hill-like (i.e. strongly rounded) bill; palila from its aberrant grey plumage. such names are often compounded with a beak (lit. jaw) e.g. akekee [“crooked beak”], amakihi [“bent beak”], akohekohe [“beak with a tuft”] (2) onomatopoeic names, e.g. alala (corvus), elepaio (chasiempis), and oo (moho or acrulocercus). such names may have an applicable meaning as well as imitating the cry of the bird, e.g. kioea (numenius), which is onomatopoeic and at the same time refers to the height at which the bird stands from the ground.(3) names derived from [read: descriptive of] the nature of the sounds uttered by the bird, e.g. apapane (himatione), akikeke (oreomyza bairdi) [now oreomystis bairdi], kakawahie (o. flammea) [now paroreomyza flammea], &c. (4) called after a person, amaui (phaeornis) [now myadestes sp.] maui’s bird. (5) after colour of plumage and habits, ula-ai -hawane (ciridops), the red bird that feeds on the hawane (pritchardia). further analysis of additional hawaiian bird figure 2 teauotalani’s bird folk taxonomy. gomes. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):30-43 38 data, methods & taxonomies names suggests that this basic model of hawaiian bird naming conventions should be further modified. as perkins himself mentioned, many birds whose names are derivative of their physical characteristics have names specifically in reference to their “jaws” (“ā” in hawaiian), that is to say, their beaks. there are a large enough number of birds with these kinds of names to merit the categorical recognition of this type of naming. additionally, perkins redundantly lists bird plumage as being criteria for both his first and fifth categories. with this in mind i propose the following modifications to his system of folk naming conventions:  his category 1 should be further divided into two sub-categories, one for birds named in relation to their beak (subcategory “a”), and one for birds named in relation to their plumage or other body characteristics (subcategory “b”).  his categories 2 and 3 should be lumped into a single overarching category of “names for calls,” with the original two categories still respectively represented as subcategories. onomatopoeic names are identified as subcategory “a,” while names descriptive of the sounds birds make are now identified as subcategory “b.”  category 4, though rarely encountered, should remain the same.  category 5 should be changed strictly to encompass names related to bird habits, as plumage is now included as a sub-category under category 1. placing plumage in two separate categories would obviously be redundant. the modified system of naming conventions can now be read as follows (note there are now only four categories): (1) names given from peculiarities of appearance. (1a) names given from peculiarities of a bird’s beak. (1b) names given from peculiarities of a bird’s plumage or other body characteristics. (2) names given from sounds birds make. (2a) names onomatopoeic to sounds a bird makes. (2b) names descriptive of sounds a bird makes. (3) names given after a person, whether historic, legendary, or holy in nature. (4) names given after particular habits a bird has. table 3 classifies several known kinds of hawaiian birds according to the categories and subcategories proposed above for this system of naming conventions. this is not an exhaustive list, but serves to illustrate examples of this system. note that many birds have names that fall into multiple categories or subcategories. there are also many birds whose names do not clearly fall into any particular category, but this category hawaiian name (latin name) 1 a. ʻākiapōlāʻau (hemignathus munroi), ʻākihialoa (akialoa sp.), ʻiʻiwi (drepanis coccinea), ʻalae nūkea (fulica alai), ʻalae ʻula (gallinula chloropus sandvicensis), ʻamakihi (chlorodrepanis sp.), nukupuʻu (hemignathus affinis, h. hanapepe, h. lucidus), ʻākohekohe (palmeria dolei), ʻākekeʻe (loxops caeruleirostris), ʻākepa (loxops sp.) b. mamo (drepanis pacifica), kioea (numenius tahitiensis), palila (loxiodes bailleui), ʻulaʻaihāwane (ciridops anna), hunakai (calidris alba) 2 a. ʻelepaio (chasiempis sp.), ʻōʻō (moho sp.), kioea (numenius tahitiensis), ʻalalā (corvus hawaiiensis), ʻuaʻu (pterodroma sandwichensis), ʻio (buteo solitarius), nēnē (branta sandvicensis) b. ʻalalā (corvus hawaiiensis), ʻākikeke (oreomystis bairdi), kākāwahie (paroreomyza flammea), ʻakakani 3 ʻāmāui (myadestes woahuensis; myadestes myadestinus), manuokū (gygis alba) 4 ʻaukuʻu, ʻōmaʻo (myadestes obscurus), kūkuluaeʻo (himantopus mexicanus knudseni), kioea (numenius tahitiensis), hunakai (calidris alba), ʻōʻōnukuumū (drepanis funera), ʻākepa (loxops sp.), ʻōʻū (psittirostra psittacea) table 3 examples of perkins' system of naming conventions. gomes. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):30-43 39 data, methods & taxonomies may simply be due to a modern lack of understanding of the birds, their names, and the intricacies of the hawaiian language. this is particularly true of the many birds that became extinct long ago, about which we have very little information. discussion evidence of diverse taxonomies and a unified nomenclature given the brief and limited nature of the information that malo and teauotalani provide in their writings on birds, the fact that they both thought that it was important to include the utilitarian taxonomic categories of the birds in their work is evidence that utility is important to the kanaka maoli worldview on birds. in spite of this apparent agreement between both authors, there are a number of differences in the way they each chose to categorize birds in their writings. it is difficult to explain the differences in the way malo and teauotalani chose to categorize their respective taxonomies. unfortunately, neither author cites a source for his knowledge. both authors were born in districts that were within just a few miles of each other (keauhou, kona and kailua, kona respectively, on hawaiʻi island), but it is not clear if their bird knowledge came from informants within their own families or from elsewhere. malo was considerably older than teauotalani, so it is possible that the differences could be inter-generational, but it seems unlikely that the understanding of bird taxonomy among hawaiians would have changed that radically in such a short period of time. it is very possible that there were simply a wide variety of opinions on the matter of the relationships that different types of manu had with each other due to differing levels of expertise according to descent group and other affiliations or levels of access to traditional knowledge. in his treatise on hawaiian bird hunting, nathaniel emerson (1895:103) noted: the methods used by one hunter in the capture of the birds differed from those used by another. they also varied somewhat, no doubt, in different districts, on the different islands, at different seasons of the year and even in the different hours of the day. one could probably say that other general traditions related to birds were similarly diverse. while the different bird classification systems given by malo and teauotalani indicate diversity of thought, there appears to have been something of a consensus on the general ideas of a hawaiian bird nomenclature. the nomenclature proposed by perkins aligns with teauotalani’s information. though not every one of his classifications can be corroborated by teauotalani’s treatise, what information does exist on the naming of birds within it supports perkins’ conclusions on kanaka maoli bird nomenclature. for example, according to teauotalani (1859:21, 28) ʻākihialoa (akialoa sp.) is named for its long, curved beak. likewise, the kōlea (pluvialis fulva) has an onomatopoeic name deriving from its call. it seems doubtful that teauotalani would have directly influenced perkins’ proposal, since teauotalani died in 1878 and perkins did not arrive in hawaiʻi until 1892 (beckwith in teauotalani 2007:vi– viii; evenhuis 2007:31–39, 49–52). it is also unlikely that perkins would have read or even come across teauotalani’s work, which was published in hawaiian language newspapers first in 1859–1860, and then in an edited form in 1863 by g.w. kahiolo. it seems more likely that at least some of perkins’ knowledge came from the kānaka maoli bird hunters that he mentions working with in his journals. historical utility the system of nomenclature proposed by perkins shows, among other things, the importance of onomatopoeia in the names of some birds. forth (1998:189) emphasized the importance of onomatopoeic names in his study of the nage, an indigenous people from indonesia. ibarra et al. (2020:90, 95) did an extensive study of the use of onomatopoeia in bird names around the world. they found that the widespread use of onomatopoeia in bird names may allow people in many cultures to “see” birds that normally would not be readily physically observable. as many birdwatchers around the world could tell you, it is often much easier to detect a bird by sound than by sight, simply because birds often don’t want to be seen. additionally, berlin and o’neill (1981:259), in their study on onomatopoeic bird names used in the folk taxonomies of the aguarana and huambisa peoples of peru, have previously hypothesized that onomatopoeic names serve as mnemonic devices in recognition of vocal animal species among non-literate populations. the system of hawaiian naming conventions proposed by perkins supports the idea of mnemonics as a learning strategy, showing other practical mnemonic methods of naming that an oral society may utilize to easily memorize the organisms in their environment. gomes. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):30-43 40 data, methods & taxonomies mnemonic devices are a common learning strategy in other aspects of hawaiian culture besides nomenclature. other authors have discussed the use of mnemonics in traditional hawaiian poetry style (kimura 2002:40), and others still have recognized the importance of place-names in maintaining cultural and historical knowledge (oliveira 2009:1–3). yet the kanaka maoli use of mnemonics in the categorization of living things is something that appears to have not yet been recognized by modern academics. an argument can also be made that the utilitarian names of the categories in malo and teauotalani’s folk taxonomies can also serve as learning devices that remind the learner about the general behaviors of the birds within those categories. while the names of malo’s categories are rather obvious, such as nā manu hihiu (literally “wild birds”), teauotalani’s are interesting because they are often arguably more anthropocentric and poetic. for example, the category of nā manu aliʻi (royal birds) not only records that these are birds whose feathers are important for creating feather garments for the aliʻi, but also that these birds were dominant over other forest birds, much like the aliʻi were to their fellow humans. the manu aliʻi were all primarily nectavorous and would directly compete with each other for flower nectar. a natural pecking order developed where the mamo (drepanis pacifica) was the most dominant species, chasing the others away from its preferred feeding territory. next in line was the ʻōʻō (moho sp.), which in turn would chase away the ʻiʻiwi (drepanis coccinea) from preferred flowering trees. the ʻiʻiwi would lord over the smaller and less brilliantly colored ʻamakihi (chlorodrepanis sp.) and ʻapapane (himatione sanguinea), who were at the bottom of the pecking order. it is interesting that this order of dominance mirrors the perceived value of the feathers of these species to the kanaka maoli, with the mamo being the most valuable and also the rarest naturally occuring species, and the ʻamakihi and ʻapapane the least valuable and also the most commonly occuring species in the forest (emerson and iwaiwa 1894; teauotalani 1859:22). similarly, the category of nā manu ʻano pueo includes birds grouped together because of their shared quality of stealing prey from humans or other birds, and because of their excellent long distance eyesight. categorizing birds together based on multiple factors like this perhaps could have helped a young novice bird hunter to retain key information about his quarry. potential for cultural and linguistic revitalization can an understanding of hawaiian perspectives in folk taxonomy and nomenclature be reclaimed through these three primary sources? though there are many pieces of information that are missing from these writings that leave a number of questions, a degree of understanding of the classical hawaiian ideas on these subjects can and should be revived from these and other primary sources. reviving these ideas is beneficial to the kanaka maoli community as a whole and can lead to better stewardship practices of natural resources such as birds by both kānaka maoli and non-native conservationists. in hawaiʻi today, many kānaka maoli are still aware of the importance of onomatopoeia in bird naming conventions, but the other naming conventions identified here are usually less well known or forgotten by most people outside of academic circles. likewise, i have only very rarely heard reference to any of the folk taxonomic categories given by malo and teauotalani, and again only from a handful of scholars. it is notable that the official new hawaiian language names given to certain bird species whose original indigenous names were lost have incorporated some of the less widely known naming conventions. the poʻouli (melamprosops phaeosoma) was given a name by mary kawena pukui in reference to the dark mask-like plumage on its head. likewise the modern name of the kiwikiu (pseudonestor xanthophrys) given by the hawaiian language lexicon committee refers to the peculiar parrot-like shape of its beak, as well as its call. i am also a native hawaiian cultural practitioner who has been involved in the naming of a few species of hawaiian birds and the revival of the old names of other hawaiian bird species, particularly the old name ʻalawī for loxops mana, an endangered species from hawaiʻi island. the fact that these conventions are still being used in the naming of certain birds is a hopeful and important one. as noted by hidiyati et al. (2018:45), practitioners of traditional arts (in this case traditional naming) are more likely to have stronger cultural and linguistic vitality. developing the community understanding of the lexicon of the hawaiian language as it relates to the peculiar environment and ecologies of hawaiʻi is likely to contribute to the continued success of the ongoing hawaiian cultural renaissance. kanaka maoli have occupied the hawaiian archipelago for approximately a thousand years (athens et al. gomes. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):30-43 41 data, methods & taxonomies 2014:144–155). the collective experiences of the ancestors of the kanaka maoli have always been molded by the unique ecosystems of hawaiʻi. revitalization of not only the traditional names and categorizations of the native avifauna, but the perspectives and reasoning behind the origin of those names provide an opportunity to reclaim a piece of the kanaka maoli ancestral heritage that can inform future actions and decisions for them as a people. if anything, a deeper understanding of folk taxonomy and nomenclature justifies kanaka maoli conservation of and access to the dwindling endemic biota of hawaiʻi. as these systems show, there is potentially great value in the utility of native hawaiian birds for cultural revitalization and sustainability. the linguistic and cultural revitilization of the kanaka maoli also benefits efforts to conserve natural resources in hawaiʻi. practical knowledge of ecosystem management that has been developed over generations can provide scientists with valuable data, though the importance of indigenous spiritual practices should also not be discounted. lyver and moller (2010:259–261) explain that removing nonecological components from indigenous knowledge systems effectively dumbs down the effectiveness of indigenous natural resource management strategies. long-term human commitment to sustainable resource use requires indigenous values of reciprocity, mutual responsibility, and the agency of indigenous peoples to steward their own resources. while this study focuses largely on the utility of native hawaiian birds, other authors have demonstrated the significant spiritual, sacred, and kinship relationships that kanaka maoli have with birds. in particular, amante-helweg and conant (2009:59–79) as well as conant (2005:278–284) give several examples of birds in legendary lore, as ancestral guardians, and the sacred importance of featherwork in kanaka maoli society. though this paper has laid out the beginnings of an understanding of these folk taxonomic and folk nomenclature systems, further research and analysis of the diffuse array of hawaiian language archival material may eventually yield more insight than can be concluded from these three important sources of information at this time. since this paper focuses largely on the utilitarian aspect of hawaiian folk taxonomy, it would be especially exciting to continue research in folk taxonomy from a more symbolic and spiritual perspective in the future. it would also be interesting to study similar naming and taxonomic conventions for other kinds of organisms in hawaiʻi and it would be worthwhile to compare the use of mnemonics in organisms to the use of similar learning conventions in place names, poetic style, and the naming of other aspects of the ao holoʻokoʻa. such a comparative study may reveal further inferences about kanaka maoli philosophy and worldview that are not readily apparent. declarations permissions: none declared. sources of funding: none declared. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited abbott, i. a. 2012. recollections of a family tradition of bird catching. introduction to ethnobotany series. available at: https:// www.youtube.com/watch?v=ef1h_hu_eoe. accessed on may 25, 2020. amante-helweg, v. l. u., and s. conant. 2009. hawaiian culture perand forest birds. in conservation biology of hawaiian forest birds: implications for island avifauna, edited by thane k. pratt, carter t. atkinson, paul c. banko, james d. jacobi, and bethany l. woodworth, pp. 59–79. yale university press, new haven, ct. athens, j. s., t. m. rieth, and t. s. dye. 2014. a paleoenvironmental and archaeological modelbased age estimate for the colonization of hawaiʻi. american antiquity 79:144–155. doi:10.7183/0002-7316.79.1.144. atran, s. 1999. folkbiology. in the mit encyclopedia of the cognitive sciences, edited by r. wilson and f. keil, pp. 316–317. mit press, cambridge, ma. beckwith, m. 1970 (1940). hawaiian mythology. university of hawaiʻi press, honolulu, hi. berlin, b. 1973. folk systematics in relation to biological classification and nomenclature. annual review of ecology and systematics 4:259. berlin, b., d. e. breedlove, and p. h. raven. 1973. general principles of classification and nomenclature in folk biology. american anthropologist 75:214–242. berlin, b., and j. p. o’neill. 1981. the pervasiveness of onomatopoeia in aguaruna and huambisa bird names. journal of ethnobiology 1:238–261. gomes. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):30-43 42 data, methods & taxonomies conant, s. 2005. appendix 1: honeycreepers in hawaiian material culture. in the hawaiian honeycreepers, by h. douglas pratt, pp. 278–284. oxford university press, new york. emerson, n. b, and iwaiwa. 1894. untitled manuscript notes housed at the hawaiʻi state archives. henry enota palenapa kekahuna collection, box 1, folder 1. emerson, n. b. 1895. the bird-hunters of ancient hawaii. in thrum’s hawaiian annual for 1895, edited by t. g. thrum, pp. 100–111. black & auld, printers, honolulu, hi. evenhuis, n. l. 2007. barefoot on lava: the journals and correspondence of naturalist r. c. l. perkins in hawaiʻi, 1892–1901. bishop museum press, honolulu, hawaiʻi. forth, g. 1998. things that go po in the night: the classification of birds, sounds, and spirits among the nage of eastern indonesia. journal of ethnobiology 18:189–209. golden, a. s., w. naisilsisili, i. ligairi, and j. a. drew. 2014. combining natural history collections with fisher knowledge for community -based conservation in fiji. plos one 9:1–12. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0098036. gomes, n. 2015. meha ka leo i ka nahele: he noiʻina i ka poʻe kāpili manu o ke au kahiko. master’s thesis, ka haka ʻula o keʻelikōlani college of hawaiian language and literature, university of hawaiʻi at hilo, hilo, hawaiʻi. available at: https://pqdtopen.proquest.com/ pubnum/1597904.html. accessed on june 14, 2020. handy, e. s. c., and m. k. pukui. 1972 (1958). the polynesian family system in ka-ʻu, hawaiʻi. charles e. tuttle company, tokyo, japan. helmreich, s. 2005. how scientists think; about ‘natives’, for example. a problem of taxonomy among biologists of alien species in hawaii. journal of the royal anthropological institute 11:107–128. hidiyati, s., b. a. a. ghani, b. giridharan, m. z. hassan, and f. merlin franco. 2018. using ethnotaxonomy to assess traditional knowledge and language vitality: a case with the vaie people of sarawak, malaysia. ethnobiology letters 9:45. doi:10.14237/ebl.9.2.2018.740. hunn, e. 1982. the utilitarian factor in folk biological classification. american anthropologist 84:830–847. ibarra, j. t., j. caviedes, and p. benavides. 2020. winged voices: mapuche ornithology from south american temperate forests. journal of ethnobiology 40:89–100. doi:10.2993/0278-0771-38.4.533. kahiolo, g. w. may 1863–june 1863. “ka moolelo o na manu o hawaii nei” ka nupepa kuokoa. kimura, l. l. 2002. na mele kau o ka māhele mua o ka moʻolelo o hiʻiakaikapoliopele na joseph m. poepoe: he kālailaina me ke kālele ma luna o nā kuʻinaiwi kaulua. unpublished master’s thesis, ka haka ʻula o keʻelikōlani college of hawaiian language and literature, university of hawaiʻi at hilo, hilo, hi. lyon, j. p. 2012. ka ʻōlelo kumu o kā davida malo moʻolelo hawaiʻi: puke mua: ka ʻōlelo hoʻolauna. master’s thesis, ka haka ʻula o keʻelikōlani college of hawaiian language and literature, university of hawaiʻi at hilo, hilo, hawaiʻi. available at: https://cletus.uhh.hawaii.edu:5102/ docview/1269729243?accountid=27453. accessed on june 14, 2020. lyver, p. o’b., and h. moller. 2010. an alternative reality: māori spiritual guardianship of new zealand’s native birds. in ethno-ornithology: birds, indigenous peoples, culture, and society, edited by s. tidemann and a. gosler, pp. 241–264. earthscan, new york. malo, d. 1951 (1903). hawaiian antiquities: moolelo hawaii. n. b. emerson, trans. bishop museum press, honolulu, hi. malo, d. 2013 (1853). ka moʻolelo hawaiʻi. c. langlas and j. p. lyon, trans., eds. unpublished manuscript housed at bernice pauahi bishop museum, honolulu, hi. murabayashi, k., and t. s. dye. 2010. historians of traditional hawaiʻi: an annotated bibliography. t. s. dye & colleagues, archaeologists, inc., honolulu, hawaiʻi. oliveira, k.-a. r. k. n. 2009. wahi a kahiko: place names as vehicles of ancestral memory. alternative: an international journal of indigenous peoples 5:100–115. doi:10.1177/117718010900500206. perkins, r. c. l. 1903. vertebrata. in fauna hawaiiensis or the zoology of the sandwich (hawaiian) gomes. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(2):30-43 43 data, methods & taxonomies isles, edited by d. sharp. university press, cambridge, united kingdom. reed, m. j., d. w. desrochers, e. a. vanderwerf, and j. m. scott. 2012. long-term persistence of hawaii’s endangered avifauna through conservation-reliant management. bioscience 62:881 –892. doi:10.1525/bio.2012.62.10.8. tachihata, c. 1994. hawaiian sovereignty. the contemporary pacific 6:202. teauotalani, z. 1859. hoiliili havaii: he mau hana, olelo, manao, e pili ana i to havaii nei, pepa 3: he vahi huli-toa manu havaii. pai-palapala katolika. teauotalani, z. 2007 (1932). kepelinoʻs traditions of hawaii. martha warren beckwith, trans. bishop museum press, honolulu, hi. does climatic seasonality of the caatinga influence the composition of lins neto et al. 2021. ethnobiology letters 12(1):44–54 44 data, methods & taxonomies delimit the local domain of medicinal plant knowledge (see quinlan 2005). some assumptions have been made by different authors when applying the free list technique (see smith 1993; quinlan 2005). for example, in free lists, it is important to consider how often a given item appears and the order in which it is cited in different lists. this is because the most important items for a group tend to be the most frequently cited and listed first (smith 1993; quinlan 2005). this set of items ordered through memory retrieval provides a starting introduction the free list is a key data collection tool in ethnobiological studies (cardoso et al. 2017; miara et al. 2019; quinlan 2005), representing a quick and very efficient way to access the repertoire of items (e.g., resources) in a given domain of knowledge in a human group (quinlan 2005). for example, a research participant could be invited to list all the medicinal plants that people in a given community use. by compiling all lists of medicinal plants produced by community residents, it is possible to does climatic seasonality of the caatinga influence the composition of the free lists of medicinal plants? a case study ernani machado de freitas lins neto 1,2* , silvana vieira dos santos 3 , and washington soares ferreira júnior 4 1 programa de pós-graduação em ciências da saúde e biológicas, universidade federal do vale do são francisco (univasf), campus petrolina, pernambuco, brazil. 2 programa de pós-graduação em ecologia humana e gestão socioambiental (ppgecoh), departamento de tecnologia e ciências sociais (dtcs) campus iii da universidade do estado da bahia, bahia, brazil. 3 colegiado de ciências da natureza, universidade federal do vale do são francisco, campus de senhor do bonfim, bahia, brazil. 4 laboratório de investigações bioculturais no semiárido, universidade de pernambuco (upe), campus petrolina, brazil. * ernani.linsneto@univasf.edu.br abstract the free list is a key data collection tool in ethnobotanical studies. for this reason, it is currently receiving a great deal of attention regarding possible methodological limitations. to this end, we aim to investigate the influence of climatic seasonality of the caatinga ecosystem on the composition of free lists of medicinal plants provided by people from a rural community located in the northeast region of brazil. people were asked the same trigger question (which medicinal plants do you know?), during the rainy and dry seasons. comparing the plant lists described during both periods (68 plants), respondent salience in the rainy period was significantly higher than the dry period. however, similarities can be observed between the two lists, especially with respect to their composition and the continued importance of hortelã (mentha sp.) and alecrim (lippia sp.), which maintained prominent positions during the rainy and dry seasons. the general analysis of the free lists revealed that there were no significant differences due to temporality, especially in relation to plants with a higher salience value. since these plants are found mainly in homegardens, it is possible to deduce that the daily conduct of activities in these environments is stimulating and keeping plants in homegardens active in people’s memory. however, much still needs to be investigated about the free list technique in ethnobotanical data collection, especially with regard t o the influence of seasonality on stimulating seasonal diseases. received february 11, 2020 open access accepted december 24, 2020 doi 10.14237/ebl.12.1.2021.1678 published march 15, 2021 keywords salience index, relative importance index, dry forest, ethnobotany copyright © 2021 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. supplementary files available at https://doi.org/10.14237/ebl.12.1.2021.1678 lins neto et al. 2021. ethnobiology letters 12(1):44–54 45 data, methods & taxonomies point for the development of many ethnobiological studies. for this reason, the scientific community has increasingly focused on this data collection technique, seeking to understand its operation and limitations in order to improve this tool progressively (e.g., sousa et al. 2016). although it is one of the main techniques for collecting ethnobiological information, few investigations test the free list in different socioecological contexts to assess whether the lists can respond, for example, to seasonal variations in climate. when considering seasonal environments, resource availability and human strategies linked to the environment may be distinct at different seasons in the same year (campbell et al. 1997; shankar et al. 1998). ramos and albuquerque (2012) showed that the composition of firewood used might differ in a rural community in different seasons (rainy and dry), while diseases may vary in incidence due to changes in temperature and humidity at different times of the year (ong et al. 2018; wu et al. 2016). changes in disease incidence throughout the year may also affect the use of medicinal plants in different seasons and, in this case, affect the order and frequency of citation of medicinal resources in free lists. for example, the study by sousa et al. (2016) observed that the order of remembered items and the composition of free lists of medicinal plants is associated with the recent use of resources. thus, we investigate the following question: in environments with marked and seasonal climatic variations, is the composition of free lists affected by seasonality? we expect to find differences in plant positions when comparing the rainy season with the dry season in the caatinga, a seasonally dry tropical forest. a second question then arises: do the most figure 1 map of the municipality of campo formoso-ba with emphasis on the district of tuiutiba, where the study was conducted. lins neto et al. 2021. ethnobiology letters 12(1):44–54 46 data, methods & taxonomies versatile plants show less variation in their positions over time? given that recent usage may be important in the composition of the list, it is expected that these very versatile plants will also be widely used at different times of the year. methods study area the study was conducted in the rural community of tuiutiba, belonging to the municipality of campo formoso (figure 1). tuiutiba district, which is about 15 kilometers away from campo formoso, is typically rural, having its main agricultural activities based on maize, beans, and cassava, as well as commercial activities, although the locality also has a strong potential for emerald mining. the climate is dry subhumid with rainfall reaching up to 900 mm. it has a dense tree vegetation with fragments of seasonal forests. all residents who agreed to participate in the study were invited to sign the informed consent form (icf). this study was approved by the univasf research ethics committee (caee nº: 87412418.2.0000.5196). data collection the study was conducted at the district headquarters of the tuiutiba, where there are approximately 300 households. almost all residencies were visited, however only 22 residents agreed to participate in the study. these residents are adults responsible for their residence or willing to participate in the research. it is noteworthy that there was a great hesitation of people to participate in the research, mainly due to the need to return for a new interview. however, as houses were being visited, we asked residents “which people in the community are very knowledgeable about medicinal plants?” by asking this question, we found that the majority of the 22 informants who agreed to participate in the study, 14 of the people who fall between the ages of 40 to 90 years old, are recognized locally as “experts” on medicinal plants. in this way, we were able to minimize the problem of low sampling since the list of plants generated at both times was produced from people with a closer relationship with the plants. like this, we collected socioeconomic data related to age, gender, residence time in the locality, and monthly income from participants. ethnobotanical data collection was divided into two stages. in the first stage, the free list technique was applied during the rainy season from june to september 2018. at the time, participants were asked to list the medicinal plants they use and/or know from the triggering question: which medicinal plants do you know? each plant was recorded strictly in the order in which it was cited by the participant. in possession of the list provided by each informant, a semi-structured questionnaire was applied with questions directed to the use of each mentioned plant, such as: which disease is this plant indicated for?, where do you collect it?, and which part do you use? this same procedure was repeated for the dry season, which was carried out from january to march 2019. in the dry season, the same people from the previous stage were invited to participate. for the second stage, only 19 people participated, three people fewer than the survey undertaken during the rainy season. data analysis based on the free lists, the salience of the plants cited as medicine was analyzed from the salience index (si), which considered the frequency of citation and the average position of the items in the lists obtained (smith and borgatti 1997) based on the following formula: si = (∑((li rj + 1)/li))/n where si = salience index, li = size of the list where the term is cited, rj = position of the item in a given list li, and n = total number of lists (or interviewed). this way, the most salient items involve a high citation in several lists and are primarily remembered. the si was calculated for plants from both dry (considering the 19 lists obtained in this period) and rainy (considering the 22 lists obtained) season lists. each plant could then have two distinct salience values. in addition, we employed the protocol proposed by chaves et al. (2019) to identify the most salient plants by comparing the observed salience with a null model derived from randomization in the free lists of medicinal plants. this analysis involves a new proposal to identify statistically salient plants from free lists. the null scenario was produced from the generation of 1000 simulated populations, each containing the same number of participants and plants from the studied community, but with a randomization of the frequency and order of plant citation in the free lists. in this way, the plant salience values obtained from each simulated population were used to construct a null distribution. in this sense, the observed values of salience of each plant (in each lins neto et al. 2021. ethnobiology letters 12(1):44–54 47 data, methods & taxonomies season) were compared with the values obtained in the null distribution. details of the stages in this analysis can be found in chaves et al. (2019). thus, the observed salience values that stand out significantly from those expected by the null model involve the most salient plants in the studied community (see chaves et al. 2019). then, the plants were divided into three groups: the first formed by plants that had significantly high salience values in relation to the null scenario; a second group includes the observed values that do not differ from the null scenario; and the third group of plants comprises plants whose salience values are significantly low compared to the null model. this group probably includes the least prominent medicinal plants for the participants. all stages of this analysis were carried out for both the dry season and the rainy season separately and were performed using r, version 3.4.3, (r development core team 2018) and the script developed is available as supplementary material online (supplementary material – r markdown). it should be noted that it is necessary that the script salience_v2.r, be present in the directory folder, otherwise the analysis will not run. the script salience_v2.r is available as supplementary material in chaves et al. (2019) (function labeled as salience). this analysis was important for the selection of the most important plants in the two periods analyzed, allowing a quick and easy reproducibility comparison. the paired t-test was applied to compare the two final lists produced in the two evaluation periods. the present analysis focused only on the set of species that stood out in the dry or rainy period in relation to the salience values to assess whether the species with the highest salience in the community can be different depending on the period of the year in which the free lists are applied. in this case, when demonstrating that the salience of these species can be changed at different times of the year in the same community, this may suggest that we need to be concerned with the time of data collection through free lists in markedly seasonal environments. from this test, we evaluated whether the species that remain prominent over time show greater therapeutic salience compared to species that do not remain prominent in different evaluation periods. to compare the lists in the two periods, dry and rainy, a paired t-test at 5% probability was used. this analysis was performed using the program r version 3.4.3 (r development core team 2018) and the script developed is available as supplementary material online (supplementary material – r markdown). to answer our second research question, the relative importance index (bennett and prance 2000) was applied to evaluate the versatility of each ethnospecies mentioned. for this calculation, it is assumed that the importance of a plant is linked to the number of therapeutic indications and body systems it meets. the index ranges from 0 to 2, where ethnospecies with values closer to 2 are considered more important. the calculation is based on the following formula: ri = nbs + np where ri = relative importance of a given species; nbs = number of body systems; being calculated by the number of body systems that a given species is indicated divided by the number of body systems that the most versatile species is indicated for treatment; and np = number of therapeutic indications; being calculated by the number of therapeutic indications of a given species divided by the number of therapeutic indications that the most versatile species is indicated for treatment. despite the construction of the free list in two stages, only the information collected in the rainy season was considered to calculate the relative importance of the plants, due to the higher number of plants cited in this period. to perform the ri calculation, a simple function was built in the r environment called ri_mp.r, described in the supplementary material. results from the interviews, 140 and 85 ethnospecies were recorded for the rainy and dry seasons, respectively. of these, 73 were cited exclusively in the rainy season, 18 were cited exclusively in the dry season, and 67 were cited in both periods. from the second list (dry season), seven species showed significantly higher salience values than the random scenario (p < 0.05). in this case, we selected the seven most salient species from the two lists produced (rainy and dry seasons) that stood out in relation to the null model (figure 2). in order of decreasing salience index (si), the following stand out in the list of the rainy season (table 1): hortelã (mentha sp.) (is = 0.565) followed by malvão (pavonia sp.) (is = 0.456), arruda (ruta graveolens) (is = 0.428), capim-santo (cymbopogon citratus) (is = 0.418), alecrim (lippia sp.) (is = 0.386), ervacidreira (melissa officinalis) (is = 0.371), and sweet lins neto et al. 2021. ethnobiology letters 12(1):44–54 48 data, methods & taxonomies orange (citrus sp.) (is = 0.222). in the list produced during the dry season (table 1), hortelã (mentha sp.) remained in the first position (is = 0.563) followed by erva-cidreira (melissa officinalis) (is = 0.364), alecrim (lippia sp.) (is = 0.306), mastruz (chenopodium ambrosioides) (is = 0.243), água-de-alevante (malva sp.) (is = 0.211), arruda (ruta graveolens) (is = 0.203) and capim-santo (cymbopogon citratus) (is = 0.197). comparing the lists in these two periods (table 1), considering only the plants that appeared in both lists (68 plants), the salience in the rainy period was significantly higher than the dry period (t = 3.6735, df = 67, p-value = 0.0004768) (figure 2). however, similarities can be observed between the two lists, especially with respect to their composition, specifically hortelã and alecrim, which maintained their prominent positions during the rainy and dry seasons. among the plants that showed significantly high salience values in relation to the null model in the dry period (7 plants), six also showed prominence in the salience values during the rainy season. the rainy season presented a higher number of species that stood out in relation to the high salience values (12 plants) when compared to the dry season. however, even with the observed reduction in the number of species with significantly high salience values in the dry season, it concentrated on species also with high salience in the rainy season. only águade-alevante (malva sp.), which was prominent in the dry season, did not show a significantly higher salience value than the null model during the rainy season. in the rainy season, six plants presented significantly higher salience values than the random scenario, which do not appear to be prominent in the dry season, such as malva (pavonia sp.), sweet orange (citrus sp.), manjericão (ocimum basilicum), sabugueiro (sambucus australis), goiaba (psidium guajava), and alumã (vernonia sp.). when assessing the relative importance of ethnospecies, it was found that the ten most important, in descending order of relative importance index (ri), are: hortelã (ri = 2.000), manjericão (ri = 1.727), alecrim (ri = 1.651), capim-santo (ri = 1.561), limão (ri = 1.561), malvão (ri = 1.561), goiaba (ri = 1.379), laranja (ri = 1.303), arruda (ri = 1.227), and erva-doce (ri = 1.197). of these, six are among the most prominent ethnospecies, highlighting again hortelã and alecrim, which remained in the first and third position, respectively. regarding the uses attributed to the prominent species only in the rainy season, we observed that they are mainly indicated for the treatment of diseases of the gastrointestinal system (diarrhea, liver, and intestine problems) and the respiratory system (influenza) with leaves being the main part used. an exception is the sabugueiro, which has its flowers used instead. these plants are primarily found in the backyards of the houses, according to participants. the six most prominent ethnospecies that remain in the two evaluated periods are mainly used to treat figure 2 salience of medicinal plants in the rainy and dry period. a scatterplot showing medicinal plants with higher values of salience, which differ from the null model, in the rainy (quadrants 1 and 2) and dry (quadrants 2 and 4) seasons. quadrant 3 has the other plants (with salience values that do not differ from the null model and the lowest values, which differ from the null model). acronyms of plants in quadrants 1, 2, and 4: hor = hortelã; ale = alecrim; arr = arruda; c_sa = capim santo; e_ci = erva cidreira; mas = mastruz; mal = malvão; lar = laranja; manj = manjericão; goi = goiaba; alu = alumã; sab = sabugueira; and ag_al = água de alevante. b whisker plots of the paired t-test of the salience of the 68 medicinal plants mentioned in both the dry and rainy seasons. lins neto et al. 2021. ethnobiology letters 12(1):44–54 49 data, methods & taxonomies respiratory system diseases (influenza, cough, sore throat, and bronchitis, particularly hortelã and alecrim), gastrointestinal disorders (belly ache, particularly arruda), for the treatment of wounds and inflammation (mastruz) and as soothing (mainly capim santo and erva cidreira). the most used part of these ethnospecies are the leaves, consumed mainly in the form of teas, infusions, or syrups. all informants reported the collection of the six plants in residential areas, with 86% collecting in their own backyards and the remaining 14% collecting exclusively in neighbors and/or parents’ backyards. informants indicated that they use, whenever necessary, the previously mentioned medicinal species. these results, finally, suggest that the two groups of plants, which remained detached in the two periods and those that stood out only in the rainy season, do not differ in their uses, parts used, or in relation to the place of collection. comparing the final lists of the two periods in relation to plants that had significantly low salience ethnospecies (species name) uses part used si rainy p value is dry p value ri água de alevante (malva spicata) flu, heart and blood pressure leaf, flower 0.076 0.369 0.211 0.006 0.606 alecrim (rosmarinus officinalis) syrup, hair loss, fever, body aches, cough, flu, sore throat, soothing and diabetes leaf 0.385 0.000 0.306 0.000 1.651 alumã (vernomia sp.) heartburn, gas, weight loss, bowel, liver and stomach pain leaf 0.162 0.023 0.035 0.217 0.879 arruda (ruta graveolens) menstrual cramps, stomach ache, intestinal cramps, praying, gas, stomach ache, sitz bath and spiritual healing leaf 0.428 0.000 0.203 0.009 1.228 babosa (aloe vera) cancer and hair loss leaf 0.050 0.386 0.058 0.448 0.606 capim santo (cymbopogon citratus) soothing, kidneys, insomnia, urinary tract infection, blood pressure, belly ache, immunity leaf 0.418 0.000 0.197 0.012 1.561 erva cidreira (melissa officinalis) soothing, stomach ache, gases, poor digestion and blood pressure leaf 0.371 0.000 0.367 0.000 1.121 goiaba (psidium guajava) diarrhea, slimming, nausea, blood pressure, hair loss and teething bark, fruit, leaf young, leaf 0.169 0.016 0.079 0.384 1.379 hortelã (mentha sp.) stroke, stomach ache, headache, numbness, fever, flu, syrup, evil eye, cough, menstrual cramps and sore throat leaf 0.565 0.000 0.562 0.000 2.000 laranja (citrus sp.) soothing, headache, fever, flu, syrup and coughing fruit, leaf 0.222 0.002 0.055 0.419 1.303 malvão (pavonia sp.) bronchitis, belly ache, flu, bloating, syrup, coughing and infection leaf 0.456 0.000 0.155 0.051 1.561 manjericão (ocimum basilicum) syrup, bathing, earache, headache, hair loss, diabetes, pressure and food leaf 0.183 0.009 0.099 0.246 1.727 mastruz (chenopodium ambrosioides) injury, infection, inflammation, bruises, lung and worm leaf 0.218 0.002 0.243 0.002 1.045 sabugueiro (sambucus australis) syrup, chicken pox, flu and cough flower, leaf 0.170 0.016 0.033 0.187 0.864 table 1 list of medicinal plants with significative salience values (si) (rainy and dry seasons) and relative importance (ri) obtained from information shared by people from the tuiutiba community, campo formoso, bahia. lins neto et al. 2021. ethnobiology letters 12(1):44–54 50 data, methods & taxonomies values (p < 0.05), we observed that 21 plants had low salience values in the rainy season and six in the dry period. moreover, neither of these plants was repeated in both periods (table 1). this indicates that the group of plants of lesser prominence are distinct in two close periods of free-list data collection, which is different from that observed for the species with high salience. discussion the temporal variation, according to the results presented above, did not influence the composition of the free lists when considering some of the most salient and versatile medicinal plants, since six of the seven plants that stood out in the dry season also had high salience values in the rainy season. this result corroborates the findings by ramos and albuquerque (2012), who observed that the use of a small set of very important plants used locally as fuels did not vary between the dry and rainy period over a year of monitoring in a human group in northeastern brazil. although the research by ramos and albuquerque (2012) considered uses for different purposes, a comparison with our results suggests that climate seasonality does not affect the use of some important plants and, in parallel, the salience of these resources over a year. our findings about the plants with lower salience values, which were very different in the two periods studied, supports this suggestion. however, a number of plants with higher values of salience in the rainy season did not stand out in the free lists during the dry season. these plants share characteristics with the group that stood out in both periods, being highly versatile, indicated for diseases of the gastrointestinal and respiratory system, and mainly found in the backyards of houses. in relation to versatility, we observed that certain highly versatile plants may present an outstanding salience at a certain time of the year (rainy season), but not at another (dry) period. in this case, it would not necessarily be the versatility that would lead to these differences in the two periods. although they share certain characteristics, other factors may be important in medicinal use, such as therapeutic efficiency and organoleptic properties. other research suggests that perceived taste and smell are important in indicating plants for disease treatment (brett and heinrich 1998; geck et al. 2017) and that plants perceived as more palatable may be more commonly used by people for certain diseases (santos et al. 2018). in addition, the perception of therapeutic efficiency of a species may favor its use over other plants for different diseases (santos et al. 2018). it is possible that, in addition to the shared characteristics, the interaction with other important properties in medicinal use (organoleptic and therapeutic efficiency) can explain why certain locally relevant plants did not stand out in the two periods studied. perhaps these plants are not as palatable or efficient when compared to those that showed significantly high salience values in both periods. in this sense, the six species that presented higher salience values in both periods probably have a combination of characteristics (that we were not able to define here) that result in a better return on medicinal use (see albuquerque et al. 2019). these species resemble the “traditional first aid kit,” as a small set of species maintained by people who are indicated for the treatment of the most common diseases (see menendez-baceta et al. 2015; pardo-desantayana et al. 2015). furthermore, it is possible that these species make up the so-called “structural core” of the medical system studied. the structural core was defined by ferreira júnior and albuquerque (2015) as a set of plants that have important characteristics in medicinal use that favor the structure and functionality of the local medical system. in this case, the six plants that stood out in the two periods have important characteristics with respect to their use, accessibility, versatility, and treatment for important groups of diseases, considering that gastrointestinal and respiratory diseases tend to be fairly cited by different human groups in the brazilian semiarid region (see albuquerque et al. 2007) and in other regions of the world (bradacs et al. 2011; giovannini 2015; güler et al. 2020; monigatti et al. 2013; suárez 2019). in this case, other characteristics may be linked to these plants that justify their high salience values in the two periods, as mentioned in the previous paragraph, but which were not evaluated in the present study. in addition, ferreira júnior and albuquerque (2015) hypothesize that the structural core represents a component of the system that varies little over time, due to its importance. this may further reinforce the idea that the six prominent plants make up the structural core. this may reflect human adaptive strategies in their interactions with resources in the environment, so that more important resources are favored in memory during the elaboration of the free lists, which leads to the idea of adaptive memory (see nairne et al. 2007; sandry et al. 2013). when evaluating the idea of adaptive memory in the context lins neto et al. 2021. ethnobiology letters 12(1):44–54 51 data, methods & taxonomies of medicinal plants, silva et al. (2019) performed an experiment with university students to memorize cards with information on medicinal plants indicated for the treatment of diseases and, after a period of distraction, participants were asked to remember the information previously presented (silva et al. 2019). the authors found that priority-remembered plants were previously known to participants, regardless of whether they were linked to dangerous diseases or not. this suggests that having previous experience with a resource may favor its memorization. in turn, these plants can be mentioned more in the first positions of the free lists, favoring their salience. thus, considering that respiratory tract diseases are quite cited in both periods studied, especially in the rainy season, maintaining a repertoire of plants to fight such diseases is an important adaptive strategy. in addition, these plants are quite affordable for people and are versatile, which may suggest that they are widely used. this use favors people's experiences with these plants, allowing them to be ranked in the top positions on different free lists. this idea also corroborates the explanation proposed by the socioecological theory of maximization, which indicates that human groups build social-ecological systems through cognitive and behavioral mechanisms to favor their survival by decreasing costs and maximizing returns on their interactions in different environments (albuquerque et al. 2019). the indication of more salient plants that have important characteristics for the treatment of diseases (versatility and accessibility) reflects a strategy for people to deal with diseases. similarly, ensuring the availability of these frequently accessed resources is also prudent. in this sense, plants with higher salience values are available in the residential yards of the tuiutiba community. in the current social organization of the community, it is a woman’s task to maintain the backyards, resulting in their daily contact with the plants located in this environment. thus, it is concluded that such continuous stimulation is also responsible for the immediate memorization of the plants (sousa et al. 2016) used in the treatment of respiratory tract and related disorders. in this sense, this most recently used memory associated with a particular disease, as well as the spatial context of the backyards, are crucial in the development of autonoetic memory associated with the use of medicinal plants (kahana 1996; mickes et al. 2013; sousa et al. 2016; spiller and unsworth 2011). it should be noted that the findings of the present paper cannot be generalized to the entire study community or to other communities, due the limitations such as the small number of research participants. however, by applying the free list technique under two climatic conditions with the same set of people, it was possible to observe certain plants with differential salience values at both moments. this may be an indication that the importance of a plant (measured by the salience) for a given group of people interviewed may vary, depending on when the interviews are taking place. in this case, in addition to seasonality, other factors can influence the composition of free lists, such as the place where the interviews are conducted (see miranda et al. 2007) or aspects related to the participants’ memory (brewer 2002). thus, we think that much still needs to be investigated about the free list technique in ethnobotanical data collection (sousa et al. 2016). however, seasonal climatic conditions provide a particular environment for the development of certain diseases for which a specific plant repertoire is employed. these, in turn, have their availability and access guaranteed in highly anthropogenic environments, like backyards, where they are managed for on-demand use. further studies need to be conducted, especially in the longer term, to provide more detailed information on the dynamics of knowledge and use of medicinal plants in the composition of free lists. finally, it is important to indicate that we use the ethno-species unit since, based on sousa et al. (2016), knowledge is individual, and the informant will not name the same species differently at different times. anyway, to ensure that the informants were referring to the same plant, all plants that stood out in relation to the salience values were identified through comparisons with material in existing herbariums, consultations with experts, and references in specialized literature. however, it is possible that the same participant indicated two different names for the same plant in the two periods of application of the free lists, which would limit the findings particularly for plants that did not stand out in the salience values. acknowledgments the authors would like to thank the community “tuiutiba” for the reception and support during the lins neto et al. 2021. ethnobiology letters 12(1):44–54 52 data, methods & taxonomies field stages. this study was financed in part by the coordenação de aperfeiçoamento de pessoal de nível superior brazil (capes) finance code 001. declarations permissions: the informants who agreed to participate in the study were invited to sign the informed consent form (icf). this study was approved by the univasf research ethics committee (caee nº: 87412418.2.0000.5196). sources of funding: none declared. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited albuquerque, u. p., p. m. medeiros, a. l. s. almeida, j. m. monteiro, e. m. f. lins neto, j. g. melo, and j. p. santos. 2007. medicinal plants of the caatinga (semi-arid) vegetation of ne brazil: a quantitative approach. journal of ethnopharmacology 114:325–354. doi:10.1016/j.jep.2007.08.017. albuquerque, u. p., p. m. medeiros, w. s. ferreira júnior, t. c. silva, r. r. v. silva, and t. gonçalves -souza. 2019. social-ecological theory of maximization: basic concepts and two initial models. biological theory 14:73–85. doi:10.1007/ s13752-019-00316-8. bennett, b. c., and g. t. prance. 2000. introduced plants in the indigenous pharmacopoeia of northern south america. economic botany 54:90– 102. doi:10.1007/bf02866603. bradacs, g., j. heilmann, and c. s. weckerle. 2011. medicinal plant use in vanuatu: a comparative ethnobotanical study of three islands. journal of ethnopharmacology 137:434–448. doi:10.1016/ j.jep.2011.05.050. brett, j. a., and m. heinrich. 1998. culture, perception and the environment: the role of chemical perception. angewandte botanik 72:67–69. brewer, d. d. 2002. supplementary interviewing techniques to maximize output in free listing techniques. field methods 14:108–118. doi:10.1177/1525822x02014001007. campbell, b. m., m. luckert, and i. scoones. 1997. local-level valuation of savanna resources: a case study from zimbabwe. economic botany 51:59– 77. doi:10.1007/bf02910405. cardoso, m. b., a. h. ladio, and m. lozada. 2017. niche breadth and redundancy: useful indices to analyse fuelwood use in rural communities. journal of arid environments 145:52–59. doi:10.1016/j.jaridenv.2017.05.007. chaves, l. s., a. l. b. nascimento, and u. p. albuquerque. 2019. what matters in free listing? a probabilistic interpretation of the salience index. acta botanica brasilica 33:360–369. doi:10.1590/0102-33062018abb0330. ferreira júnior, w. s., and u. p. albuquerque. 2015. “consensus within diversity”: an evolutionary perspective on local medical systems. biological theory 10:363–368. doi:10.1007/s13752-015-02151. geck, m. s., s. cabras, l. casu, a. j. r. garcía, and m. leonti. 2017. the taste of heat: how humoral qualities act as a cultural filter for chemosensory properties guiding herbal medicine. journal of ethnopharmacology 198:499–515. doi:10.1016/ j.jep.2017.01.027. giovannini, p. 2015. medicinal plants of the achuar (jivaro) of amazonian ecuador: ethnobotanical survey and comparison with other amazonian pharmacopoeias. journal of ethnopharmacology 164:78– 88. doi:10.1016/j.jep.2015.01.038. güler, b., y. erkan, and e. uğurlu. 2020. traditional uses and ecological resemblance of medicinal plants in two districts of the western aegean region (turkey). environment, development and sustainability 22:2099–2120. doi:10.1007/s10668018-0279-8. kahana, m. j. 1996. associative retrieval processes in free recall. memory & cognition 24:103–109. doi:10.3758/bf03197276. menendez-baceta, g., l. aceituno-mata, v. reyesgarcía, j. tardío, m. salpeteur, and m. pardo-desantayana. 2015. the importance of cultural factors in the distribution of medicinal plant knowledge: a case study in four basque regions. journal of ethnopharmacology 161:116–127. doi:10.1016/j.jep.2014.12.007. miara, m. d., i. teixidor-toneu, t. sahnoun, h. bendif, and m. a. hammou. 2019. herbal remedies and traditional knowledge of the tuareg community in the region of illizi (algerian sahara). lins neto et al. 2021. ethnobiology letters 12(1):44–54 53 data, methods & taxonomies journal of arid environments 167:65–73. doi:10.1016/j.jaridenv.2019.04.020. mickes l., t. m. seale-carlisle, and j. t. wixted. 2013. rethinking familiarity: remember/know judgments in free recall. journal of memory and language 68:333–349. doi:10.1016/ j.jml.2013.01.001. miranda t. m., m. c. m. amorozo, j. s. govone, and d. m. miranda. 2007. the influence of visual stimuli in ethnobotanical data collection using the listing task method. field methods. 19:76–86. doi:10.1177/1525822x06295987. monigatti, m., r. w. bussmann, and c. s. weckerle. 2013. medicinal plant use in two andean communities located at different altitudes in the bolívar province, peru. journal of ethnopharmacology 145:450–464. doi:10.1016/j.jep.2012.10.066. nairne, j. s., s. r. thompson, and j. n. s. pandeirada. 2007. adaptive memory: survival processing enhances retention. journal of experimental psychology: learning, memory, and cognition 33:263–273. doi:10.1037/02787393.33.2.263. ong, h. g., s. m. ling, t. t. m. win, d. kang, j. lee, and y. kim. 2018. ethnobotany of wild medicinal plants used by the müün ethnic people: a quantitative survey in southern chin state, myanmar. journal of herbal medicine 13:91–96. doi:10.1016/j.hermed.2017.09.006. pardo-de-santayana, m., c. l. quave, r. sõukand, and a. pieroni. 2015. medical ethnobotany and ethnopharmacology of europe. in ethnopharmacology, pp. 343–356. john wiley & sons, ltd, chichester, uk. doi:10.1002/9781118930717.ch29. quinlan, m. 2005. considerations for collecting freelists in the field: examples from ethnobotany. field methods 17:219–234. doi:10.1177/1525822x05277460 ramos, m. a., and u. p. albuquerque. 2012. the domestic use of firewood in rural communities of the caatinga: how seasonality interferes with patterns of firewood collection. biomass and bioenergy 39:147–158. doi:10.1016/ j.biombioe.2012.01.003. r development core team. 2018. r: a language and environment for statistical computing. r foundation for statistical computing, vienna. 2018. available at: https://www.r-project.org/about.html. accessed on july 26, 2019. sandry, j., d. trafimow, m. j. marks, and s. rice. 2013. adaptive memory: evaluating alternative forms of fitness-relevant processing in the survival processing paradigm. plos one 8:e60868. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0060868. santos, c. s., f. n. barros, m. paula, j. rando, v. t. nascimento, and p. m. medeiros. 2018. what matters when prioritizing a medicinal plant? a study of local criteria for their differential use. acta botanica brasilica 32:297–302. doi:10.1590/0102-33062017abb0336. shankar, u., r. hedge, and k. s. bawa. 1998. extraction of non-timber forest products in the forests of biligiri rangan hills, india. 6. fuelwood pressure and management options. economic botany 52:320–336. doi:10.1007/bf02862151 silva, r. h., w. s. ferreira júnior, p. m. medeiros, and u. p. albuquerque. 2019. adaptive memory and evolution of human naturalistic mind: insights from the use of medicinal plants. plos one 14:e0214300. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0214300 smith, j. j. 1993. using anthropac 3.5 and a spreadsheet to compute a free-list salience index. cultural anthropology methods 5:1–3. doi:10.1177/1525822x9300500301 smith, j. j., and s. p. borgatti. 1997. salience counts—and so does accuracy: correcting and updating a measure for free-list-item salience. journal of linguistic anthropology 7:208–209. doi:10.1525/jlin.1997.7.2.208 sousa, d. c. p., g. t. soldati, j. m. monteiro, t. a. s. araújo, and u. p. albuquerque. 2016. information retrieval during free listing is biased by memory: evidence from medicinal plants. plos one 11:e0165838. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0165838 spillers g. j., and n. unsworth. 2011. variation in working memory capacity and temporalcontextual retrieval from episodic memory. journal of experimental psychology: learning, memory, and cognition 37:1532–1539. doi:10.1037/a0024852. lins neto et al. 2021. ethnobiology letters 12(1):44–54 54 data, methods & taxonomies suárez, m. e. 2019. medicines in the forest: ethnobotany of wild medicinal plants in the pharmacopeia of the wichí people of salta province (argentina). journal of ethnopharmacology 231:525–544. doi:10.1016/j.jep.2018.10.026. wu, j., j. cheng, z. xu, k. zhao, d. zhao, m. xie, h. yang, l. wen, k. li, and h. su. 2016. nonlinear and interactive effects of temperature and humidity on childhood hand, foot and mouth disease in hefei, china. the pediatric infectious disease journal 35:1086–1091. doi:10.1097/ inf.0000000000001238. the dogs of ca-sri-2: zooarchaeology, diet, and context of canis familiaris from santa rosa island, california, usa ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 65‐76. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.144.  65  research communica on  evolution in california and broader western north america. background one of california’s eight channel islands, santa rosa island is ~44 km from the mainland and ~217 km2 in area. the island is home to few terrestrial mammals, the largest of which are the island fox (urocyon littoralis) and island spotted skunk (spilogale gracilis amphiala). although removed from all but santa catalina island today, during much of the holocene dogs were the largest terrestrial mammal, other than humans, that inhabited the islands (rick et al. 2008). native americans colonized the channel islands some 13,000 calendar years ago and lived on the islands until ~ad 1822 (kennett 2005). island chumash peoples were maritime foragers, and during the late holocene and potentially earlier they lived in large villages and had sophisticated mainland and island exchange networks. dogs were an important component of native american life on the channel islands, often receiving formal burial (hale and salls 2000; vellanoweth et al. 2008). dog remains have been found in channel island sites as early as ~6000 years ago, but they are most common in sites dated from ~1500 years ago to the historic period (rick et introduction domestic dogs (canis familiaris) accompanied humans on migrations around the world, with current genetic data suggesting an old world origin sometime between 18,000 and 32,000 years ago (see morey 2010; thalmann et al. 2013). in western north america, dogs have been found in a variety of archaeological contexts, from intentional burials to middens (bartelle et al. 2010; crockford 2005; crockford et al. 2012; hale and salls 2000; langenwalter 1986; langenwalter 2005; lupo and janetski 1994; noah 2005; rick et al 2008; vellanoweth 2008; west and jarvis 2014). here we present osteological data obtained from the remains of six dogs excavated at a chumash village (ca-sri-2) on santa rosa island, california. although researchers have long been interested in archaeological dog remains from california (e.g., allen 1920), including recent genetic analysis (byrd et al. 2013), limited osteometric data are available for california dogs (see bartelle et al. 2010; langenwalter 1986, 2005; vellanoweth et al. 2008). dogs were clearly important in native california symbolic and ritual systems (hale and salls 2000; langenwalter 2005; vellanoweth et al. 2008), but the dearth of dog osteometrics leaves a substantial gap in our understanding of dog morphology and the dogs of ca‐sri‐2: zooarchaeology, diet, and context of  canis familiaris from santa rosa island, california, usa  courtney hofman 1,2 , torben rick 1*   author  address:  1 program  in  human  ecology  and  archaeobiology,  department  of  anthropology,  na onal  museum  of  natural  history,  smithsonian  ins tu on,  washington  d.c.  20013‐7012,  2 department  of  anthropology,  university  of  maryland, college park, md 20742.  * corresponding author:  rickt@si.edu  received:  february 4, 2014  volume 5:65‐76  published:  march 22, 2014  © 2014 society of ethnobiology  abstract: domes cated dogs (canis familiaris) are an important human companion around the world and have long been a focus of archaeological research. zooarchaelogical analysis of six dogs from a late holocene chumash village on santa rosa island, california indicates that adults, juvenile/young adults, and a puppy were present. similar to dogs on other channel islands, these dogs were large to medium in size, standing some 43‐55 cm tall, with mesa cephalic or mild brachycephalic facial characteris cs. no cutmarks were found on the bones, but one of the mandibles was burned. the ca‐sri‐2 dogs appear to have eaten high trophic marine foods similar to what humans consumed, documen ng the close bond between dogs and humans on the channel islands and broader north american pacific coast. key words: channel islands, domes ca on, hunter‐gatherers, morphometrics, osteometry  ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 65‐76. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.144.  66  research communica on  al. 2008). ethnographic accounts of dogs are limited, suggesting that the mainland chumash may have occasionally used dogs for food, but it is unclear if they were used in hunting (harrington 1942:6-7; kroeber 1941). archaeological data suggest that dogs may have been used for hunting and as working animals (see langenwalter 2005; rick et al. 2008; vellanoweth et al. 2008). langenwalter (2005:30), citing wagner (1929), noted that an account from vizcaino’s 1602 expedition suggested that santa catalina island dogs were of medium size and similar to spotted retrievers found in europe at the time. ca-sri-2, a large late holocene village and cemetery complex on northwest santa rosa island, has produced a number of dog remains (orr 1968; rick et al. 2011). the site was excavated by phil orr (1968) in the 1940s-1960s and then revisited by rick (2011) in 2000-2003. rick et al. (2011) used δ13c and δ15n data from dog, fox, and human bones to reconstruct diet among these three species. we build on this work by presenting the analysis of cranial and post-cranial skeletal material from six archaeological dogs. materials and methods the remains of five dogs recovered by orr (1968) and a dog excavated by rick in 2003 were analyzed. all of the dog skeletons are incomplete, consisting primarily of crania and/or mandibles, but in three cases postcranial elements were available (figure 1). provenience and context for all but one specimen (cf1, see below) are limited, indicating only that the dogs came from three of the four sections of this large village and were fairly widely distributed across the site (rick et al. 2011). no direct radiocarbon dates for the dog remains have been obtained, but 26 radiocarbon dates from ca-sri-2 suggest that the site dates primarily between cal ad 130-1820, with an isolated component dated to 2400 cal bc (rick 2011). the dogs most likely date between cal ad 930-1820. details on the elements available for each specimen (cf1-cf6) and other characteristics are in table 1. the specimen recovered by rick (cf1) was a dog buried within a shell midden that was eroding out of the sea cliff. some of the lower limbs had already eroded away, with the dog placed in an east-west orientation on its right side with the rostrum facing north. an olivella wall and lipped bead, triangular prepared microblade, red abalone shell fishhook, california mussel bead in production, and worked red abalone were recovered in the surrounding sediments, but these items are commonly found in late prehistoric middens and it is unclear if they were intentionally placed with the dog. all of the dog cranial remains contain the dental crowding common in domestic dogs (morey 2010) and no paleozoological evidence of any canids other than the island fox and dogs have been found on the channel islands. most of the dogs had the typical dental arcade of four premolars and two upper molars and three lower molars (evans 1993). however, cf1 and cf4 were both missing the right first upper premolar, with cf1 also missing the first lower left premolar, a pattern noted in some other channel island dogs (bartelle et al. 2010; walker et al. 1978). one note of caution concerns cf6, which contains a relatively large right femur and tibia. these are morphologically similar to dogs but, in the absence of cranial remains, we cannot rule out the possibility that figure 1. cranium and mandibles from five of the ca‐sri ‐2 dogs reported in this study (specimen numbers corre‐ spond  with  table  1).  note  frontal  swelling  and  sagi al  crest in cf1 and cf4, burning on cf3 mandible, the re‐ mains of the cf2 puppy, and damage and glue on cf5.   ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 65‐76. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.144.  67  research communica on  these are from a large coyote or dog-coyote hybrid, though we believe this is unlikely. archaeologists have relied on a wide range of metrics and classifications to document dog domestication, evolution, and morphology (see morey 2010 for a summary). to increase the comparability of our results to other channel island studies, we rely on similar methods employed by bartelle et al. (2010) and vellanoweth et al. (2008). measurements were taken using digital calipers following haag (1948) and von den driesch (1976). for consistency, all measurements were obtained by hofman and are presented in appendix a, b, and c. although measurements for juvenile dogs can be problematic, we measured the remains of cf1 following vellanoweth et al. (2008). the remains from the puppy (cf2) were not measured. bilateral symmetry was assumed and measurements were taken on the left side unless otherwise noted. due to specimen damage or missing elements, it was not possible to obtain some of the measurements for all specimens. results age and sex the age of cf1 was estimated using epiphyseal fusion of the long bones and dental eruption patterns. the proximal and distal epiphyses of the humerus, femur, and tibia and the distal end of the ulna are not fused. the distal epiphysis of the humerus is fused and the olecranon process of the ulna is partially fused. these data suggest that cf1 is approximately 7-8 months old (gilbert 1990). cf1 has all permanent teeth with minor wear, which are typically completely erupted by 6-8 months, further supporting the 7-8 month age estimate (evans 1993:394; vellanoweth et al. 2008:3114). cf2 is a puppy likely less than 4-6 weeks of age because its permanent teeth do not appear to have erupted (evans 1993:394; langenwalter 1986:84). the mandible for cf3 has all of its lower permanent teeth and wear on the occlusal surface, suggesting this dog is at least a young adult. for cf4, all of the teeth have erupted and there is significant wear, indicating this dog is an adult considerably older than 8 months, when all teeth have erupted. cf5 has significant wear on the labial surface of the left mandibular canine indicating a malocclusion and wear to the dentin on its mandibular molars, suggesting that cf5 is likely an older adult. the long bones from cf6 specimen  site area  date (cal ad)  age/sex  shoulder  cranial shape  elements present  cf1  sec on i  1080 – 1820    7 – 8 mos.,  male?  46.13 cm, large  mesa cephalic/  brachycephalic   60: cranium, mandibles,  scapulae, ribs, vertebrae,  femora, humeri,  bia, ul‐ nae, and fibula   cf2  sec on i  1080 – 1820  < 6 weeks  –  –  5: cranium and mandibles  cf3  cemetery b  1200 – 1820  young adult  –  –  1: mandible  cf4  unknown  late holocene  adult, male?  –  mesa cephalic/  brachycephalic   2: cranium, right mandible   cf5  sec on iii  930 – 1220  older adult  42.52 cm,  large/medium  fragmented  71: damaged cranium, man‐ dibles, and femora, humeri,  ulnae, innominate, radii,  bia, vertebrae, and  fibula   cf6  sec on ii  930 – 1820  adult  55.09 cm, large  –  2: right femur and  bia   table 1. summary of dog remains from ca‐sri‐2, santa rosa island.  1 es mated shoulder height based on mean of harcourt (1974) and size es mates based on allen (1920) as described  in  langenwalter (1986)  ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 65‐76. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.144.  68  research communica on  are completely fused indicating that this dog is also an adult. size, the presence or absence of a baculum, and the presence of a thicker sagittal crest in males are typical indicators of sex (shigehara et al. 1997; vellanoweth et al. 2008; west and jarvis 2014). because no bacula were recovered, we rely on size and morphology for sexing the three cranial specimens based on non-metric traits (i.e., presence of a pronounced sagittal crest in males and lack of a pronounced sagittal crest and a constriction of the frontal region in females) described by shigehara et al. (1997) and west and jarvis (2014). these sex categories should be treated as provisional and need to be confirmed by additional analyses (e.g., adna). the crania of cf1 and cf4 have fairly large sagittal crests and frontal/zygomatic swelling consistent with male specimens (see figure 1). cf5 and the others were either too fragmented or no elements were present to infer sex. size and morphology we categorized dog skull shapes as dolichocephalic (long, narrow headed), mesaticephalic (medium proportions), or brachycephalic (short, wide-headed) based on skull, facial, and cranial indices devised for modern dog crania and calculated following evans (1993:132). for cf1, a skull index of 55 and facial index of 110 suggest medium head proportions of mesaticephalic dogs (average skull index=56 and facial index=111), but the cranial index of 59 is similar to brachycephalic dogs (average cranial index=57) (figure 2). cf4 was similarly proportioned with a skull index of 54, a facial index of 112, and a cranial index of 60, again suggesting a mix of mesaticephalic and brachycephalic traits. the foramen magnum of cf4 is more circular than oval and contains a notch which is a characteristic of brachycephalic dogs, but cf1 is ovoid with no notch. unfortunately, cf5 was too fragmented to obtain these measurements. colton (1970), lupo and janetski (1994), and bartelle et al. (2010) estimated dog size based on humerus and femur lengths, with large dogs having humerus lengths of >140 mm and femur lengths >160 mm and small sized dogs <140 and <160. langenwalter (2005) raised questions about the reliability of size estimates based on these criteria, but we present these data as rough approximations that can be complemented or refuted by other estimates of size. although still young, cf1 is a large dog with a humerus length of 142.78 mm. cf6 has a large femur length of 179.57 mm. the humerus for cf5 (130.56 mm) is below the large dog size of >140. langenwalter (1986) also presented a series of femur, tibia, and humerus lengths based on allen’s (1920) large and small indian dogs, with cf1, cf5, and cf6 all falling into the large indian dog category. only cf5’s femoral measurement is just below the large indian dog category, but well above the measurements for small indian dogs. harcourt’s (1974:154) regression formulae for estimating dog size based on measurements of long bones from dogs with known shoulder heights were used to calculate shoulder heights for the three casri-2 dogs with post-cranial remains. these produced shoulder height estimates of 46.13 cm for cf1 (average of humerus [46.32 cm], tibia [46.84 cm], and ulna [45.23 cm]), 42.52 cm for cf5 (average of humerus [42.13 cm] and tibia [42.90 cm]), and 55.09 cm for cf6 (femur). pathology, trauma, and taphonomy there is limited definitive evidence for pathology or trauma and no cutmarks were found on the ca-sri-2 dogs. the only sign of processing is burning on the mandible from cf3 (see figure 1). there is a small, unhealed fracture on the right scapula of cf1 (figure 3). cf5 contains many bone fragments and broken teeth, but unfortunately these have been glued together making it difficult to tell if this is from poor figure 2. cranial, skull, and facial indexes following evans  (1993).  d=dolichocehphalic  (long,  narrow  headed),  b=brachycephalic  (short,  wide  headed),  and  m=mesa cephalic  (medium  propor ons).  d,  b,  and  m  are average cranial indexes reported for modern dogs in  evans (1993). cf1 and cf4 are from ca‐sri‐2 and sni is a  dog reported by bartelle et al. (2010) from san nicolas  island.  ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 65‐76. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.144.  69  research communica on  preservation, damage during excavation or transport, or may represent trauma or pathology. many of the long bones and vertebrae are also damaged, especially at the proximal and distal ends. some of the long bones from cf1, cf3, and cf6 contain well-defined muscle attachment areas, suggesting they may have been involved in heavy labor or traveling long distances. finally, two vertebrae from cf5 show signs of lipping consistent with osteoarthritis (figure 3). root etching, caliche/sediment adhering to a few bones (cf5), deterioration from exposure (cf1), and some post-depositional breakage of teeth and bones are the only obvious taphonomic disturbances. diet there were no clearly identifiable stomach contents from any of the dogs, but δ13c and δ15n isotope analysis of dog (n=5), island fox (n=3), and human (n=15) bone collagen from ca-sri-2 provide proxies for the diet of these species (rick et al. 2011). the stable isotope values for each species are: 1) δ13c = 12.40 to -14.65‰, δ15n = 15.14 to 21.16‰ for humans; 2) δ13c = -10.71 to -12.89‰, δ15n = 17.12 to 18.59‰ for dogs; and 3) δ13c = -17.80 to -18.94‰, δ15n = 7.68 to 11.36‰ for foxes (rick et al. 2011). these data demonstrate that native americans and their dogs at ca-sri-2 had similar diets, suggesting that both species focused primarily on high trophic marine organisms like finfishes, marine mammals, and seabirds, complemented by seeds, corms, and other carbohydrates. in contrast, the ca-sri-2 island foxes appear to have eaten lower trophic level terrestrial foods. these data confirm the commensal relationship between dogs and people, with some modest carbon enrichment in dogs perhaps from higher consumption of c3 plants and/or bone collagen (rick et al. 2011). discussion and conclusions the six dogs from ca-sri-2 demonstrate some similarities with other dogs reported from the channel islands and southern california and begin to identify possible regional trends and anomalies in size and morphology, butchering and processing, and diet. although cutmarks have been identified on dog bones in north american archaeological sites, sometimes in abundance (west and jarvis 2012), none of the dogs from ca-sri-2 contain cutmarks. none of the dog remains reported from san nicolas, san miguel, or santa cruz islands have produced any cutmarks (bartelle et al. 2010; noah 2005:240; vellanoweth et al. 2008; walker et al. 1978). the only evidence for any potential processing is burning on the mandible of cf3, which could be either intentional or from incidental contact. walker et al. (1978) also identified burning on a dog mandible from ca-scri-240 and noah (2005:240) identified burning on eight dog bones from ca-scri-192, both on santa cruz island. it remains possible that people occasionally consumed dogs on the channel islands, but evidence of clear butchering or processing is largely absent. at ca-sri-2 and on san nicolas island dogs appear to have been consuming marine resources and eating similar foods as people (bartelle et al. 2010; rick et al. 2011; vellanoweth et al. 2008). however, stomach contents from three mainland southern california dogs suggest consumption of gophers (thomomys bottae), rabbits (sylvilagus bachmani), and deer (odocoileus sp.) (langenwalter 2005). these data figure 3. pathology in sri‐2 dogs. cf1 shows a possible  unhealed fracture (indicated by the arrow) on the right  scapula.  cf5  shows  lipping  (indicated  by  the  arrow)  which may be a sign of osteoarthri s on two vertebrae  (only one shown).   ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 65‐76. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.144.  70  research communica on  suggest variability in dog diet in the region, probably reflecting what was locally available, what dogs were being given access to by humans, and what dogs may have been scavenging or hunting. limited dog osteometric data from other channel islands or adjacent coastal mainland are available for comparison. however, the ca-sri-2 dogs are similar in size and share some aspects of morphology to three dogs from san nicolas island. two of the casri-2 dogs are consistent with medium facial size or mesaticephalic dogs (evans 1993) and have similar characteristics to a dog from san nicolas island reported by bartelle et al. (2010), though that dog was more strongly brachycephalic than the ca-sri-2 dogs (figure 2). shoulder height estimates (harcourt 1974) suggest that the ca-sri-2 dogs were large to medium in size (46.12 cm, 42.52 cm, and 55.09 cm), falling within or above the estimates for three ca-lan-43 dogs (averages of 46.25 cm, 44.65 cm, and 39.88 cm; langenwalter 1986:82-83) and a dog from ca-sni-25 on san nicolas island (49 cm; bartelle et al. 2010:2726). researchers have long sought to determine different breed types for prehistoric dogs, including some 17 different types reported by allen (1920) and three more general categories: large eskimo and large and small indian dog (haag 1948). vellanoweth et al. (2008) reviewed these criteria, as well as strengths and weaknesses of these determinations, and concluded that two immature female dogs from san nicolas island shared characteristics with both allen’s (1920) short-nosed and plains-indian dog breeds and bartelle et al. (2010) reached a similar conclusion for an adult from san nicolas island. the ca-sri-2 dogs share many characteristics with plains-indian dog breed measurements reported by allen (1920:451453) for san nicolas island but, like some of those dogs, they also have some overlap with the shortnosed indian dog. the mix of allen’s (1920) shortnosed and plains-indian dog characteristics is further supported by dog mandible and teeth measurements reported by walker et al. (1978) for three dogs from ca-scri-240 on santa cruz island and a dog from ca-smi-525 on san miguel island. for ca-lan-43 located on the adjacent mainland, langenwalter (1986) suggested that the remains of several dogs from distinct dog burials likely represented a regional population of large indian dogs, noting that these dogs had fairly large heads but somewhat reduced limbs. these data suggest that prehistoric southern california dogs had a mix of traits with many falling into the large indian dog category and still others falling into the small indian dog category (see allen 1920; haag 1948; vellanoweth et al. 2008). beyond california, crockford (2005) documented the presence of two distinct dog types in the central and southern northwest coast, including a medium sized “village dog” and a smaller, long-haired dog (“wool dog”). these data suggest that, like the channel islands, there was some variability in dog types in parts of the pacific northwest, including probable hybridization. domestic dogs were important companions for humans on the northern and southern channel islands, were scavenging and/or being fed the same types of foods that people were eating, and were often given special burial treatment. continued osteometric analyses are needed for the channel islands and broader california coast to help better understand the morphology and evolution of channel island dogs. ultimately, these studies lay the foundation for genetic research of the same specimens that can further enhance and clarify these morphological studies. acknowledgements we thank ray corbett and john johnson for providing access to the santa barbara museum of natural history specimens and channel islands national park for supporting rick’s fieldwork at ca-sri-2. we thank adele caruth for her previous work with one of the dogs reported here, which was re-measured and re -analyzed for this study. finally, we thank three anonymous reviewers and steve wolverton for important comments on an earlier version of this manuscript. declarations permissions: permision for analysis was given by the santa barbara museum of natural history, which curates the dog specimens. sources of funding: none declared. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited allen, g. m. 1920. dogs of the american aborigines. bulletin of the museum of comparative zoology, harvard college 63:431-517. bartelle, b. g., r. l. vellanoweth, e. s. netherton, n. w. poister, w. e. kendig, a. f. ainis, r. j. glenn, ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 65‐76. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.144.  71  research communica on  j. v. marty, l. thomas-barnett, and s. j. schwartz. 2010. trauma and pathology of a buried dog from san nicolas island, california, u.s.a. journal of archaeological science 37:2721-2734. byrd, b. f., a. cornellas, j. w. eerkens, j. s. rosenthal, t. r. carpenter, a. levanthal, and j. a. leonard. 2013. the role of canids in ritual and domestic contexts: new ancient dna insights from complex hunter-gatherer sites in prehistoric central california. journal of archaeological science 40:2176-2189. colton, h. s. 1970. the aboriginal southwestern indian dog. american antiquity 35:153-159. crockford, s. j. 2005. native dog types in north america before the arrival of european dogs. in 30th world congress of the world small animal veterinary association proceedings online. http:// www.vin.com/proceedings/proceedings.plx? cid=wsava2005&o=generic crockford, s. j., m. l. moss, and j. f. baichtal. 2012. pre-contact dogs from the prince of wales archipelago, alaska. alaska journal of anthropology 9:49-64. von den driesch, a. 1976. a guide to the measurement of animal bones from archaeological sites. peabody museum bulletin 1. peabody museum, cambridge. evans, h. e. 1993. miller’s anatomy of the dog. third edition. w. b. saunders co., philadelphia. gilbert, b. m. 1990. mammaliam osteology. missouri archaeological society, columbia. haag, w. g. 1948. an osteometric analysis of some aboriginal dogs. university of kentucky. reports in anthropology 7(3). hale, a. and r. salls. 2000. the canine ceremony: dog and fox burials of san clemente island. pacific coast archaeological society quarterly 36(4):80112. harcourt, r. a. 1974. the dog in prehistoric and early historic britain. journal of archaeological science 1:151-175. harrington, j. p. 1942. culture element distributions, xix: central california coast. university of california anthropological records 7:1-46. kennett, d. j. the island chumash: behavioral ecology of a maritime society. university of california press, berkeley. kroeber, a. l. 1941. culture element distributions, xv: salt, dogs, tobacco. university of california anthropological records 6:1-20. langenwalter, p. e. ii. 1986. ritual animal burials from the encino village site. pacific coast archaeological society quarterly 22(3):63-97. langenwalter, p.e. ii. 2005. a late prehistoric dog burial associated with human graves in orange county california. journal of ethnobiology 25:25-37. lupo, k. d. and j. c. janetski. 1994. evidence of domesticated dogs and some related canids in the eastern great basin. journal of california and great basin anthropology 16:199-220. morey, d. f. 2010. dogs: domestication and the development of a social bond. cambridge university press, cambridge. noah, a. c. 2005. household economies: the role of animals in a historic period chiefdom on the california coast. ph.d. dissertation, university of california, los angeles. orr, p. c. 1968. prehistory of santa rosa island. santa barbara museum of natural history, santa barbara. rick, t. c. 2011. weathering the storm: coastal subsistence and ecological resilience on late holocene santa rosa island, california. quaternary international 239:135-146. rick, t. c., b. j. culleton, c. b. smith, j. r. johnson, and d. j. kennett. 2011. stable isotope analysis of dog, fox, and human diets at a late holocene chumash village (ca-sri-2) on santa rosa island, california. journal of archaeological science 38:13851393. rick, t. c., p. l. walker, l. m. willis, a. c. noah, j. m. erlandson, r. l. vellanoweth, t. j. braje, and d. j. kennett. 2008. dogs, humans, and island ecosystems: the distribution, antiquity, and ecology of domestic dogs (canis familiaris) on california’s channel islands, usa. the holocene 18:1077-1087. shigehara, n., s. onodera, and m. eto. 1997. sex determination by discriminant analysis and evaluation of non-metric traits in the dog skeleton. in osteometry of makah and coast salish ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 65‐76. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.144.  72  research communica on  dogs, s. j. crockford, editor. archaeology press, simon fraser university, burnaby, pp. 113-126. thalman, o., et al. 2013. complete mitochondrial genomes of ancient canids suggest a european origin of domestic dogs. science 342:871-874. vellanoweth, r. l., b. g. bartelle, a. f. ainis, a. c. cannon, and s. j. schwartz. 2008. a double dog burial from san nicolas island, california, usa: osteology, context, and significance. journal of archaeological science 35:3111-3123. wagner, h. r. 1929. spanish voyages to the northwest coast of america in the sixteenth century. california historical society special publication 4. walker, p. l., s. craig, d. guthrie, and r. moore. 1978. an ethnozoological analysis of of faunal remains from four santa barbara channel island archaeological sites. report on file, central coast information center, university of california, santa barabra. west, c. f. and k. n. jarvis. 2014. osteometric variation in domestic dogs (canis familiaris) from kodiak archipelago, alaska. international journal of osteoarchaeology, doi: 10.1002/oa.2293. biosketch courtney hofman is a phd candidate in the department  of anthropology at the university of maryland and a pre‐ doctoral fellow at the smithsonian’s na onal museum  of  natural  history  and  na onal  zoo.    her  research  interests  include  archaeogenomics,  historical  ecology,  animal transloca ons, coastal archaeology, and human‐ environment interac ons.  torben  rick  is curator of north american archaeology  and  research  scien st  at  the  smithsonian’s  na onal  museum  of  natural  history.  his  research  interests  include  historical  ecology,  human‐environmental  interac ons, and island and coastal archaeology.  ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 65‐76. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.144.  73  research communica on  appendix a. cranial measurements (mm) obtained from ca‐sri‐2 dogs following von den driesch (1976)     cf1  cf5  cf4  (1) total length  178.31  ‐‐  170.98  (2) condylobasal length  163.37  ‐‐  162.93  (4) basicranial axis  44.1  39.41  41.76  (7) upper neurocranium length  89.69  ‐‐  82.93  (10) greatest length of the nasals  67.89  63.69  68.66  (11) length of braincase  80.52  70.21  78.60  (13) median palate length  85.72  77.97  87.28  (13a) palatal length  84.22  75.78  85.58  (14) length of the horizontal part of the pala ne  32.97  27.94  28.37  (14a) length of the horizontal part of the pala ne corresponding to m 13a  29.6  26.49  26.81  (17) length of premolar row  48.63  54.8  44.77  (18) length of the carnassial  17.96  18.53  17.04  (18a) greatest breadth of the carnassial  8.81  9.73  10.48  (19) length of the carnassial alveolus  18.46  17.99  16.89  (20) length of m 1   11.76  11.26  11.75  (20a) breadth of m 1   14.95  16.56  14.67  (22) greatest diameter of the auditory bulla  24.84  ‐‐  24.27  (23) greatest mastoid breadth  61.33  ‐‐  59.48  (24) breadth dorsal to the external auditory meatus  62.02  ‐‐  59.11  (25) greatest breadth of the occipital condyles  34.7  34.26  33.18  (26) greatest breadth of the bases of the paraoccipital processes  48.41  ‐‐  ‐‐  (27) greatest breadth of foramen magnum  18.15  16.42  17.44  (28) height of the foramen magnum  12.73  ‐‐  15.05  (29) greatest breadth of the braincase  60.15  55.65  57.92  (30) zygoma c breadth  98.2  ‐‐  93.09  (31) least breadth of skull  37.09  36.79  29.57  (32) frontal breadth  50.07  ‐‐  38.79  (33) least breadth between orbits  37.37  35.39  27.48  (34) greatest palatal breadth  60.84  64.96  59.04  (35) least palatal breadth  32.39  37.98  31.96  (36) breadth at the canine alveoli  32.97  ‐‐  32.76  (37) greatest inner height of the orbit  29.67  ‐‐  27.61  (38) skull height  54.71  ‐‐  53.28  (39) skull height without the sagi al crest  49.75  ‐‐  50.65  (40) height at the occipital triangle  39.53  ‐‐  39.39  (41) height of the canine  39.55  –  –  ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 65‐76. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.144.  74  research communica on  appendix b. mandibular measurements (mm) for ca‐sri‐2 dog specimens following von den driesch (1976)     cf1  cf3  cf5  cf4  (1) total length  129.67  131.00  118.9  125.74  (2) length: the angular process  131.79  135.61  112.94  127.54  (3) length from the  indenta on between the condyle process and  the angular process  127.93  129.84  113.62  122.13  (4) length: the condyle process‐aboral border of the canine alveolus  111.59  115.91  105.65  108.92  (5) length from the indenta on between the condyle process angular  process – aboral border of the canine alveolus  110.23  112.33  102.28  106.01  (6) length: the angular process‐aboral border of the canine alveo‐ lus.  114.2  120.00  100.76  110.73  (11) length of the premolar row, p1–p4  ‐‐  34.73  35.04  35.16  (12) length of the premolar row, p2–p4  32.7  30.25  31.4  30.4  (13) length of carnassial  20.08  20.01  21.17  19.79   breadth of carnassial  8.15  8.13  7.9  7.89  (14) length of carnassial alveolus  19.34  19.11  19.51  19.02  (17) greatest thickness of the body of the jaw  12.18  12.44  12.94  10.09  (18) height of the ver cal ramus: basal point of the angular process  51.67  54.88  47.96  49.7  (19) height of the mandible behind m1  25.54  24.00  22.08  22.14  (20) height of the mandible behind p2 and p3  21.53  21.55  19.79  19.36  (22) calcula on of the basal length: measurement number two mul‐ plied by 1.21  159.4659  164.09  136.66  154.32  (23) calcula on of the basal length: measurement number four mul‐ plied by 1.37  180.5523  158.80  144.74  149.22  (24) calcula on of the basal length: measurement number five mul‐ plied by 1.46  192.4134  164.00  149.33  154.77  (25) the mean of m 22, 23, and 24  177.5  162.3  143.6  152.8  ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 65‐76. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.144.  75  research communica on  appendix c. post cranial measurements (mm) from ca‐sri‐2 dogs following von den driesch (1976)     cf1  cf5  cf6  atlas        greatest breadth over the wings  76.72  ‐‐  ‐‐  greatest length  32.94  ‐‐  ‐‐  greatest breadth of the cranial ar cular surface  38.75  ‐‐  ‐‐  greatest breadth of the caudal ar cular surface  32.08  ‐‐  ‐‐  greatest length from the facies ar cularis cranialus to the facies ar cularis  caudalis  27.98  ‐‐  ‐‐  length to the arcus dorsalis, median  14.82  ‐‐  ‐‐  axis        greatest length in the region of the corpus including the dens  43.13  42.36  ‐‐  greatest length of the arch including the caudal ar cular process  45.74  ‐‐  ‐‐  greatest breadth across the cranial ar cular surface  28.81  26.91  ‐‐  greatest breadth across the caudal ar cular process  27.34  ‐‐  ‐‐  greatest depth across the transverse process  32.67  ‐‐  ‐‐  smallest breadth of the vertabrae  19.83  19.51  ‐‐  greatest breadth of caudal ar cular surface  17.14  16.6  ‐‐  first thoracic vertebrae        physiological length of the body  16.76  ‐‐  ‐‐  greatest length from the cranial ar cular process to the caudal ar cular pro‐ cess  26.6  ‐‐  ‐‐  greatest breadth across the cranial ar cular process  30.95  ‐‐  ‐‐  greatest breadth across the caudal ar cular process  27.74  ‐‐  ‐‐  greatest breadth across the transverse process  39.59  ‐‐  ‐‐  greatest breadth of the cranial ar cular surface  12.64  ‐‐  ‐‐  greatest breadth of the caudal ar cular surface  14.56  ‐‐  ‐‐  greatest height of the cranial ar cular surface  12.26  ‐‐  ‐‐  greatest height of the caudal ar cular surface  10.8  ‐‐  ‐‐  height  39.1  ‐‐  ‐‐  scapula         height  115.55  ‐‐  ‐‐  diagonal height  104.82  ‐‐  ‐‐  greatest dorsal length  56.83  ‐‐  ‐‐  smallest length of the neck of the scapula  20.96  ‐‐  ‐‐  greatest length of the glenoid process  25.92  ‐‐  ‐‐  length of the glenoid cavity  22.23  ‐‐  ‐‐  breadth of the glenoid cavity  17.24  ‐‐  ‐‐  humerus        greatest length  142.78  130.56  ‐‐  greatest length from the head (caput)  137.09  ‐‐  ‐‐  depth of the proximal end  32.1  ‐‐  ‐‐  smallest breadth of the diaphysis  13.15  10.39  ‐‐  greatest breadth of the distal end  29.89  25.33  ‐‐  greatest breadth of the trochlea  20.63  20.9  ‐‐  greatest breadth of the proximal end  ‐‐  15.61  ‐‐  radius        ethnobiology le ers. 2014. 5: 65‐76. doi: 10.14237/ebl.5.2014.144.  76  research communica on  appendix c con nued. post cranial measurements (mm) from ca‐sri‐2 dogs following von den driesch (1976)    cf1  cf5  cf6  smallest breadth of diaphysis  ‐‐  10.3  ‐‐  ulna        greatest length  160.46  ‐‐  ‐‐  depth across the processus anconaeus  21.95  21.42  ‐‐  smallest depth of the olecranon  18.91  18.86  ‐‐  greatest breadth across the coronoid process  12.45  ‐‐  ‐‐  femur        greatest length  ‐‐  ‐‐  179.57 ( r)  greatest length from caput femoris  ‐‐  140.27  177.67( r)  greatest breadth of the proximal end  ‐‐  ‐‐  40.36( r)  greatest depth for the caput femoris  ‐‐  16.27  19.26( r)  smallest breadth of the diaphysis  12.44  11.08  14.15( r)  greatest breadth of the distal end  26.26  ‐‐  32.5( r)  tibia        greatest length (149.61=without epiphyses)  157.18  (149.61)  143.71  ‐‐  greatest breadth of the proximal end  30.19  29.97  ‐‐  smallest breadth of the diaphysis  12.77  10.6  ‐‐  fibula        greatest length  138.58  –  ‐‐  eastern shoshone and northern arapaho traditional ecological knowledge (tek) and ethnobotany for wind river reservation rangelands friday and scasta. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):14–24 14 data, methods & taxonomies individuals. generally, in indigenous thought, people see themselves as families and communities instead of individuals (aragon 2007; miller 2009). pierotti and wildcat (2000:1335) said, this way of thought includes: (1) respect for nonhuman entities as individuals, (2) the existence of bonds between humans and nonhumans, including incorporation of nonhumans into ethical codes of behavior, (3) the importance of local places, and (4) the recognition of humans as part of the ecological system, rather than as separate from and defining the existence of that system. introduction although researchers, policy makers, and natural resource managers have begun to recognize the longterm value of traditional ecological knowledge (tek; also known as indigenous ecological knowledge or iek) for managing natural resources (berkes et al. 2000; davis and ruddle 2010). tek, as a way of knowing, is an accumulation of place-based knowledge, practice, and belief about relationships between living beings and their environment that is transferred to subsequent generations through indigenous cultural practices (berkes et al. 2000). not all indigenous members of a tribe have the same ecological knowledge base nor is it a standardized comprehensive account equally shared by all eastern shoshone and northern arapaho traditional ecological knowledge (tek) and ethnobotany for wind river reservation rangelands colleen friday 1 and john derek scasta 1* 1 department of ecosystem science and management, university of wyoming, laramie, usa. * jscasta@uwyo.edu abstract the need to affirm and revitalize cultural knowledge of native plant communities is imperative for indigenous people. this ethnobotanical study documents traditional ecological knowledge (tek) structured from an indigenous paradigm by exploring the connection between plants collected in two high-elevation basins and tribal members on the wind river indian reservation (wrir). we sought to qualitatively understand the plant resources by looking through the lens of indigenous language and perspectives. existing names of the basin plants in both the eastern shoshone and northern arapaho languages were compiled through an ethnobotanical literature review, seven in -person interviews with eastern shoshone and northern arapaho tribal members, and attendance at language workshops. we documented 53 eastern shoshone and 44 northern arapaho plant names, respectively. historical impacts of past federal indian policy eras have shaped tek as it currently exists within tribal communities. both tribes used and had indigenous names for northern sweetgrass (hierochloe hirta ssp. hirta), bitterroot (lewisia rediviva), junipers (juniperus ssp.), and bearberry or kinnikinnick (arctostaphylos uva-ursi). the resiliency of tek is attributed to the perseverance of indigenous people continuing to practice and teach traditions. the historical context specific to both the eastern shoshone and northern arapaho tribes and their languages are important for enhancing our current understanding of the ethnobotanical tek of plants on the wrir. recognizing the value of ethnobotanical tek and incorporating it into natural resource management plans and decisions can bridge diverse perspectives on land use for meaningful collaboration with tribal communities. received october 5, 2019 open access accepted march 2, 2020 doi 10.14237/ebl.11.1.2020.1654 published may 11, 2020 keywords high-elevation basin, ethnobotany, eastern shoshone, northern arapaho copyright © 2020 by the author(s); licensee society of ethnobiology. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international public license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. friday and scasta. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):14–24 15 data, methods & taxonomies the recognition of such bonds between humans and nature has also been shown for indigenous people in many other countries (clarke 2016; wu 2015). pierotti and wildcat (2000) report that for many tribes, “[d] espite both forced and voluntary relocations, [they] have taken their tek with them, which has allowed them to survive these experiences and establish sacred places in their new homes.” the role that plant communities have in indigenous culture is a fundamental tek concept with implications for climate change, food security, and natural resource management (kuhnlein 2014; reid et al. 2014). conceptually quantifying the culturally important native plants can provide a unique lens to better understand indigenous land use perspectives, as demonstrated by davis (2019) for the palouse prairie in the pacific northwest united states. globally, natural resource managers in crosscultural contexts have collaboratively created frameworks to incorporate tek into adaptive management strategies in places, such as australia, new zealand, north america, and india (flanagan and laituri 2004; holmes and jampijinpa 2013; o'donnell and talbot-jones 2018; walsh et al. 2013). such approaches may provide a more equitable role for american indian tribes given the conflicted history with government (whyte 2013). during the reservation era (1850s–1890s), tribal people were held on reservations and forbidden to practice tribal traditions, although this does not mean that people did not continue with traditions and ceremonies in secret (wilkins and stark 2017). the assimilation era (1870s–1930s) incorporated christian ideologies and took children to off-reservation boarding schools. this government-imposed relocation obstructed oral transmission of cultural knowledge to future generations, which resulted in knowledge loss over time (charbonneau-dahlen et al. 2016). tek in the form of indigenous languages has experienced parallel threats and resilience. during the assimilation period, non-indigenous linguists learned indigenous languages and translated them into written forms (cowell et al. 2014; salzmann 1960). however, for indigenous people, the combination of tribal children being prevented from learning indigenous language, and the passing away of older generations of fluent speakers, led to the disappearance of numerous spoken indigenous languages (charbonneau-dahlen et al. 2016). the primary purpose of this study was to document the connection between plants in two highelevation basins with tribal members on the wind river indian reservation (wrir) by presenting taxonomically accurate scientific names coupled with tribal names and uses. methodology study area history the eastern shoshone and northern arapaho tribes reside on the wrir of wyoming. the 1868 fort bridger treaty established the shoshone reservation for the eastern shoshone tribe (trenholm and carley 1964; wshpo 2020). in 1878, the northern arapaho were placed temporarily on this reservation after the 1868 treaty of fort laramie (stamm 1999; trenholm and carley 1964). placement of the northern arapaho at wind river subsequently became permanent. the eastern shoshone tribe was compensated for the dividing of their reservation after a 1937 supreme court case against the us federal government (no tribes or state governments were named as defendants in the case) (murray 1996; shoshone tribe of indians v. united states 1937; trenholm and carley 1964) and the name of the reservation was changed to wind river indian reservation (trenholm and carley 1964). study design ethnobotanical information specific to the eastern shoshone and northern arapaho tribes was compiled through literature review, field sampling of voucher specimens, referencing archival documents, and interviews (campbell n.d.; cowell 2004; martin 2010; shimkin 1947). our specific focus in this study was on two high-elevation basins that are of particular importance from an ethnobotanical perspective. a combination of researching linguistic sources and following up on information that tribal contacts provided was used to compile ethnobotanical information specific to the eastern shoshone and northern arapaho. we proceeded as follows: literature searches were conducted prior to interviews; translation occurred concurrently with native speakers when possible, through the use of written texts, and through consultation with other linguistic and/or plant experts as necessary; and plant pictures were offered during interviews as needed or requested. the ethnobotanical information gathered is not a comprehensive list of all historically-used plants by the eastern shoshone and northern arapaho people in the study area, but rather is on only plants identified in known vegetation inventory studies conducted in friday and scasta. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):14–24 16 data, methods & taxonomies the saint lawrence and paradise basins. linguistic sources included shimkin’s (1947) 1937–1938 ethnogeography study of the wind river shoshone, the yellowstone national park, grand teton national park, and national elk refuge areas study (wshpo 2020), the university of colorado arapaho plant names and uses (cowell 2004; cowell et al. 2012, 2014), and north american indian medicinal and food uses books (shoshone and arapaho; moerman 2009 and 2010). ethnobotany via in-person interviews and conversations in-person knowledge exchange was sought from elders in the wind river tribal communities using human subject research methods approved by the university of wyoming (uw) – institutional review board (irb; protocol #20171206cf01794). seven individuals consisting of four eastern shoshone tribal members and three northern arapaho tribal members were interviewed about their general knowledge relating to plants or existing resources. this effort included the eastern shoshone cultural center located in fort washakie, wy. the tribal elder working at the center recommended the eastern shoshone working dictionary as a resource for plant names (center et al. n.d.). in july 2018, a community contact recommended the restoring shoshone ancestral foods project as a source of information about plants traditionally used as food sources by shoshone people. meetings and informal trainings took place at the uw cent$ible nutrition program of the wrir extension office in fort washakie, wyoming. we visited the office and were provided information about the project as well as a list of the english common names of plant species and some of their uses and preparation processes, which corroborated knowledge previously collected from the literature review. in august 2018, an eastern shoshone tribal elder traveled to the research field site in saint lawrence basin and spent the day reviewing identified plants and reconciling them with entries in the shoshone dictionary and his personal knowledge of the shoshone language. in march 2018, the lead researcher attended a two day arapaho language workshop held at the university of colorado (uc) boulder. the workshop focused on techniques for teaching the language in western structured classrooms. participants also had the opportunity to request elders to add words to the dictionary through providing them with an english word and its context so that the elders could formulate its name in arapaho. in may 2018, a one day arapaho language workshop was held at the native american education, research, and culture center on the uw campus in laramie, wyoming. this workshop had a very low attendance due to a death of an arapaho elder on the wrir. in may 2018, an interested northern arapaho elder who did not know much about plants and their associated names referred me to online resources stored on the uc website. this online resource portal no longer exists at the time of this writing. the arapaho names that were documented from the website were crosslisted and verified by the publication plants and plant names in arapaho life and language (cowell 2004). ethnobotanical information for the saint lawrence and paradise basins plant uses the methodology of plant collection such as season, frequency, and location will not be shared to protect the natural resource and tribal knowledge (cowell 2004). therefore, information regarding what plant parts are used and how they are gathered and prepared has been generalized and is applicable to both the eastern shoshone and northern arapaho tribes. the gathering and preparation processes of plants can be applied to individual plants used for food, medicinal, and/or ceremonial uses. moerman (2010) listed approximately 32 plant food use categories. we note eight categories of traditional food use: beverage, seasoning, gravy, sweetener, preserves, vegetable, winter food, and starvation food (cowell 2004; moerman 2010). medicinal and ceremonial use information is restricted to individuals whom have received that knowledge through oral traditions, dreams, visions, or directly through cultural activities (cowell et al. 2014; wshpo 2020). generalized medicinal use categories that are not deemed confidential include immune system booster, pain reliever, anti-inflammatory, cold remedy, pediatric aid, lung health, disease specific applications, and veterinary aid (cowell 2004; moerman 2009). eastern shoshone the classification of the shoshone language is under the uto-aztecan language family as a northern utoaztecan, central, numic language (miller 1984; shimkin 1947). the shoshone language consists of four dialects: western, northern, eastern, and goshute (fowler 2009). for the eastern shoshone, friday and scasta. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):14–24 17 data, methods & taxonomies we identified 53 total plant species (1 grass, 31 forbs, 17 shrubs, and 4 trees) found in the vegetation inventory of the two basins according to their common english name, scientific name, the eastern shoshone name, english translation of the shoshone name, and/or whether the plant has any medicinal, food, traditional arts and crafts, casual, or ceremonial use to the shoshone people (table 1). the shoshone names were phonetically spelled for ease of pronouncing the names by a non-fluent shoshone speaking individual. of the 53 plant species noted, 12 had some use documented but no eastern shoshone name, including: fireweed (chamerion angustifolium) and antelope bitterbrush (purshia tridentata) (food and medicinal use respectively). some species were noted for more than three uses, including bastard toadflax (comandra umbellata; tribal name unknown), common juniper (juniperus communis; wah•pee), and limber pine (pinus flexilis; yoo•ryn•woen•goe•vee). regarding use, 29 species had medicinal uses, ten species had food uses, ten species had traditional art and craft uses (including dye, nets, and arrows specifically), eight species had casual uses, and 30 species had ceremonial uses. northern arapaho the arapaho language is one of four subdivisions of the traditional classification of the algonquian language family and considered to be one of the three great plains algonquian languages (salzmann 1960). at some point the arapaho language separated from the algonquian family and has become quite different in its phonetics (cowell et al. 2014). the way the arapaho language adds prefixes and suffixes to a word stem forms long, complex words equivalent to english sentences, which can make translation difficult but can provide great linguistic insight (cowell et al. 2014). the arapaho language is further divided into northern arapaho (wyoming) and southern arapaho (oklahoma) (cowell et al. 2014; salzmann 1960). although the northern arapaho were placed on the wrir, there are names in the arapaho language for saint lawrence basin (hehii sio’huu noo, meaning “wash basin”). the ridge dividing saint lawrence from paradise basin is called windy ridge (heet hee sei nii coo too yoo’ meaning “windy hill”). these names indicate stories connected to place through their language and are intended as detailed descriptions. for northern arapaho, we identified 44 total plant species (2 grasses, 1 grass-like, 26 forbs, 11 shrubs, and 4 trees) found in the vegetation inventory of the two basins according to their common english name, scientific name, the northern arapaho name, english translation, and plant uses (table 2). regarding use, 12 species had medicinal uses, 12 species had food uses, 12 species had traditional art and craft uses with several used for dye and one for arrows, three species had casual uses, and four species (2 shrubs and 2 trees) had ceremonial uses. some plants had multiple arapaho names such as common yarrow (achillea millefolium; no’outihi’and nonooke’einou’u), bitterroot (lewisia rediviva; neniicisoxu’oo’ wooxcoo’), and bearberry (arctostaphylos uva-ursi; noh’uwunobiise’ noh’uwuno) (campbell n.d.; cowell 2004). comparison of cultural names and uses many plant species were found to have indigenous names from both tribes, but this was not always the case with variation between the tribes. for grasses and grass-like plants, both tribes had a name for northern sweetgrass (shoshone bah•seep [bah may refer to water and seep may refer to willows and collectively may refer to locations where the plant can be found]; arapaho (s) no’oxu’and (p) ni’oxu’uno [translation “good grass”]) and medicinal and ceremonial use in common. only the arapaho had a general term for grass (woxu’) and a name for mountain rush (juncus articus ssp. littoralis; hotohine; translation unknown). for forbs, both tribes recognized many of the same species (including common yarrow, nodding onion [allium cernuum], wild chives [allium schoenoprasum], sego lily [calochortus nuttallii], bluebell bellflower [campanula rotundifolia], fireweed, sulphurflower buckwheat [eriogonum umbellatum var. majus], virginia strawberry [fragaria virginiana], elkweed or monument plant [frasera speciosa], bitterroot, bluebells [mertensia ciliata], and spearleaf stonecrop [sedum lanceolatum]). spearleaf stonecrop had indigenous names, translations, and uses for both tribes (shoshone oh•hah•yap [translation “yellow, has”]; arapaho hoteibii3hiit [translation “sheep food”]). even if a forb was recognized by both tribes, indigenous names were not necessarily determined in all cases. for example, for fireweed (chamerion angustifolium), we determined an arapaho name and translation (xoowoo [translation “ceremonial lance”]) but could not determine a shoshone name or translation. in some cases, both tribes recognized similar plants but with different levels of details about species such as for thistles (cirsium species), friday and scasta. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):14–24 18 data, methods & taxonomies t a b le 1 s h o sh o n e n a m e s a n d u se s o f p la n ts i n h ig h -e le v a ti o n b a si n s o n t h e w in d r iv e r in d ia n r e se rv a ti o n i n w y o m in g , u n it e d s ta te s. g ro u p e d b y p la n t fu n cti o n a l g ro u p a n d t h e n a lp h a b e ti ca ll y b y s ci e n ti fi c n a m e . u se s in cl u d e m e d ic in a l (m ), f o o d ( f ), a rt s & c ra ft s (a & c ), c a su a l u se ( c u ), a n d c e re m o n ia l (c ). c o m m o n e n g li sh n a m e s ci e n ti fi c n a m e s h o sh o n e n a m e t ra n sl a ti o n m f a & c c u c g ra ss n o rt h e rn s w e e tg ra ss * h ie ro ch lo e h ir ta s sp . h ir ta b a h • se e p * * x x f o rb co m m o n y a rr o w a ch il le a m il le fo li u m h a h • re e n • a y n • g a h * * x x x n o d d in g o n io n a ll iu m c e rn u u m g u h n k * * x x w il d c h iv e s a ll iu m s ch o e n o p ra su m g u h n k * * x x b a ll h e a d s a n d w o rt a re n a ri a c o n g e st a u n k n o w n u n k n o w n x x a lp in e s a g e b ru sh a rt e m is ia s co p u lo ru m b o e • h o e • v * * x x x m il k v e tc h s p p . a st ra g a lu s sp p . y a h n • g a h n • g e e • y a * * se g o l il y c a lo ch o rt u s n u tt a ll ii se e • g o e t o e • n • ze e • y a p b e ll y b u tt o n x b lu e b e ll b e ll fl o w e r c a m p a n u la r o tu n d if o li a d o e • sa h • ti n • g e e • sa h • p w h it e , re fe rs t o o d o r n w i n d ia n p a in tb ru sh c a sti ll e ja a n g u sti fo li a a y n • g a h • y a • h a y n t re d , h a s y e ll o w i n d ia n p a in tb ru sh c a sti ll e ja fl a va u n k n o w n u n k n o w n x g ia n t re d p a in tb ru sh c a sti ll e ja m in ia ta m o e • h a h • g w a h • ra h n d m u ch , o d o r x x su lp h u r in d ia n p a in tb ru sh c a sti ll e ja s u lp h u re a u n k n o w n u n k n o w n d o u g la s’ d u st y m a id e n c h a e n a cti s d o u g la si i u n k n o w n u n k n o w n x fi re w e e d c h a m e ri o n a n g u sti fo li u m u n k n o w n u n k n o w n x c a n a d a t h is tl e c ir si u m a rv e n se d o y • y a h • b o e • g k m o u n ta in t h is tl e x x b a st a rd t o a d fl a x c o m a n d ra u m b e ll a ta u n k n o w n u n k n o w n x x x x ta p e rti p h a w k sb e a rd c re p is a cu m in a ta y h a m • b a h • w u h rn ca rr o t, s ta n d in g x x tw o lo b e l a rk sp u r d e lp h in iu m n u tt a ll ia n u m d o o • p o o i• to e • n • ze e • y a p b la ck e y e , b lo ss o m x – d y e x su lf u rfl o w e r b u ck w h e a t e ri g o n u m u m b e ll a tu m v a r. m a ju s b a h • vo e • h o e • s re fe rs t o fl e xi b le x x x a lp in e g o ld e n b u ck w h e a t e ri o g o n u m fl a vu m o h • h a h • b a h • vo e • h o e • s y e ll o w , fl e xi b le x cu sh io n b u ck w h e a t e ri o g o n u m o va li fo li u m u n k n o w n u n k n o w n x v ir g in ia s tr a w b e rr y f ra g a ri a v ir g in ia n a d o y • y a h • a y n • g a h • p a h • d y n g k m tn ., r e d , b lo ss o m e lk w e e d /m o n u m e n t p la n t f ra se ra s p e ci o se u n k n o w n u n k n o w n x x b la n k e tf lo w e r g a il la rd ia a ri st a ta d o y • y a h • o h • h a h • y a p m tn , y e ll o w , h a s u ta h s w e e tv e tc h h e d ys a ru m b o re a le b y • h a h n • d u h • k a h • p b e e ’s f o o d b itt e rr o o t le w is ia r e d iv ia g a h n * * x x x le w is fl a x li n u m l e w is ii a y • fe e • d o e • n • ze e • y a p b lu e , w il d r o se x b lu e b e ll ’s ( b ro a d le a f) m e rt e n si a c il ia ta a y • fe e • b y • h y • d b lu e , fa ll in g si lk y p h a ce li a p h a ce li a s e ri ce a b e e • y a h • zo e • n a h re fe rs t o s tu ck o n fl o w e ry p h lo x p h lo x m u lti fl o ra u n k n o w n u n k n o w n x – d y e x sp e a rl e a f st o n e cr o p s e d u m l a n ce o la tu m o h • h a h • y a p y e ll o w , h a s (c o n ti n u e d o n n e x t p a g e ) friday and scasta. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):14–24 19 data, methods & taxonomies c o m m o n e n g li sh n a m e s ci e n ti fi c n a m e s h o sh o n e n a m e t ra n sl a ti o n m f a & c c u c s h ru b b e a rb e rr y /k in n ik in n ic k a rc to st a p h yl o s u va -u rs i n e w • w u h • b o w n h in d ia n , to b a cc o x x p ra ir ie s a g e w o rt a rt e m is ia f ri g id a b o e • h o e • v * * x b ig s a g e b ru sh a rt e m is ia t ri d e n ta ta b o e • h o e • v * * x x y e ll o w r a b b it b ru sh c h ry so th a m n u s vi sc id ifl o ru s ze e • y a h • ve e ra b b it , b ru sh x x co m m o n j u n ip e r ju n ip e ru s co m m u n is w a h • p e e * * x x – n e ts x x r o ck y m o u n ta in j u n ip e r ju n ip e ru s sc o p u lo ru m w a h • p e e * * x x x x a n te lo p e b itt e rb ru sh p u rs h ia t ri d e n ta ta u n k n o w n u n k n o w n x w a x cu rr a n t r ib e s ce re u m d u h n • g w e e p * * x x – a rr o w s x p ri ck ly c u rr a n t r ib e s la cu st re h o e • a h • vo e • g o e • m p re fe rs t o b e rr y x sti ck y c u rr a n t r ib e s vi sc o si ss im u m h o e • a h • vo e • g o e • m p * * x p ri ck ly r o se r o sa a ci cu la ri s a y n • g a h • d o e • n • ze e • y a h re d , ro se x x w o o d s’ r o se r o sa w o o d si i ze e • y a h m • p b lo ss o m x x a m e ri ca n r e d r a sp b e rr y r u b u s id e u s a y n • g a h • p o e • g o e • m p re d , b e rr y x x ru ss e t b u ff a lo b e rr y s h e p h e rd ia c a n a d e n si s a y n • k o e • m * * x x sp in e le ss h o rs e b ru sh t e tr a d ym ia c a n e sc e n s u n k n o w n u n k n o w n x d w a rf b il b e rr y v a cc in iu m c e sp it o su m d a y • d o o • a y • fe e • b o e • g o e • m p b la ck , b lu e , b e rr y x x b o g b lu e b e rr y v a cc in iu m u li g in o su m d a h • ts e e p * * t re e s u b a lp in e fi r a b ie s la si o ca rp a u n k n o w n u n k n o w n x e n g e lm a n n s p ru ce p ic e a e n g e lm a n n ii b a h • so o * * x x lo d g e p o le p in e p in u s co n to rt a w a h n • d a h • y o o • g w e e m e e ti n g p o le s, s itti n g x x x x li m b e r p in e p in u s fl e xi li s y o o • ry n • w o e n • g o e • ve e li m p , p in e x x x x x (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re v io u s p a g e ) n o t u se d x u se d * * n o e n g li sh t ra n sl a ti o n * n o t fo u n d i n 2 0 1 7 -2 0 1 8 s tu d y friday and scasta. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):14–24 20 data, methods & taxonomies t a b le 2 a ra p a h o n a m e s a n d u se s o f p la n ts i n h ig h -e le va ti o n b a si n s o n t h e w in d r iv e r in d ia n r e se rv a ti o n i n w y o m in g , u n it e d s ta te s. g ro u p e d b y p la n t fu n cti o n a l g ro u p a n d t h e n a lp h a b e ti ca ll y b y s ci e n ti fi c n a m e . u se s in cl u d e m e d ic in a l (m ), f o o d ( f ), a rt s & c ra ft s (a & c ), c a su a l u se ( c u ), a n d c e re m o n ia l (c ). (c o n ti n u e d o n n e x t p a g e ) c o m m o n e n g li sh n a m e s ci e n ti fi c n a m e a ra p a h o n a m e t ra n sl a ti o n m f a & c c u c g ra ss g ra ss p o a ce a e s p p . w o xu ’ g ra ss n o rt h e rn s w e e tg ra ss * h ie ro ch lo e h ir ta s sp . h ir ta (s ) n o ’o xu ’; ( p ) n i’ o xu ’u n o g o o d g ra ss x x g ra ss -l ik e m o u n ta in r u sh ju n cu s a rti cu s ss p . li tt o ra li s h o to h in e u n k n o w n x f o rb co m m o n y a rr o w a ch il le a m il le fo li u m n o ’o u ti h i’ ; n o n o o k e ’e in o u ’u sq u ir re l’ s ta il ; th e y h a ve w h it e h e a d s x x – d y e n o d d in g o n io n a ll iu m c e rn u u m x o u ce n sk u n k t u rn ip x w il d c h iv e s a ll iu m s ch o e n o p ra su m x o u ce n sk u n k t u rn ip x x ro sy p u ss y to e s a n te n n a ri a r o se a u n k n o w n u n k n o w n x a st e r a st e ra ce a e s p p . s ii si iy e in o xu ’; b ii h ce y in o o ’o o ’ p la n t, p o ss ib ly a st e r; fl o w e rh e a d o f a st e r x se g o l il y c a lo ch o rt u s n u tt a ll ii s e n e i’ o w u u 3 e e t “n o se /f a ci n g ” p la n t b lu e b e ll b e ll fl o w e r c a m p a n u la r o tu n d if o li a c e e ’e in o o n i’ fo u n d b e ll s (r e d ) p a in tb ru sh s p p . c a sti ll e ja s p p . k o u h u y o o ’ sti ck y x – d y e f ir e w e e d c h a m e ri o n a n g u sti fo li u m x o o w o o ce re m o n ia l la n ce th is tl e c ir si u m s p p . t o o xo ’o o ’ th e y a re s h a rp x b a st a rd t o a d fl a x c o m a n d ra u m b e ll a ta u n k n o w n ( lo st k n o w le d g e ) lo st b lu e x – d y e b u ck w h e a t sp p . e ri o g o n u m s p p . b ii sc ih in co w s m o k e x su lp h u rfl o w e r b u ck w h e a t e ri o g o n u m u m b e ll a tu m v a r. m a ju s h o n o o k o 3 o o k u n u ’ w h it e e y e x v ir g in ia s tr a w b e rr y f ra g a ri a v ir g in ia n a h it e e h ib in o h e a rt -s h a p e d b e rr ie s x e lk w e e d /m o n u m e n t p la n t f ra se ra s p e ci o sa u n k n o w n u n k n o w n x x x n o rt h e rn b e d st ra w g a li u m b o re a le u n k n o w n u n k n o w n x – d y e f a b a ce a e s p p . h e d ys a ru m ; m e li lo tu s sp p . 3 ii k o n w o n ii h ii h o ’; w o n ii h ii h o ’ g h o st p e a ; p e a b e a n b itt e rr o o t le w is ia r e d iv iv a n e n ii ci so xu ’o o ’; w o o xc o o ’ h o ll o w r o o t; b a d t a st e x x b is cu it ro o t sp p . lo m a ti u m s p p . c e e ’e te i’ i sp h e ri ca l e d ib le ta ll f ri n g e d b lu e b e ll s m e rt e n si a c il ia ta c e e n e e te e n e e ’e in o u ’u it h a s b lu e h e a d s lo co w e e d s p p . o xy tr o p is s p p . s ii si iy e ib ii 3 h ii t sn a k e f o o d x – a rr o w li tt le fl o w e r p e n st e m o n p e n st e m o n p ro ce ru s w o o k u u n o ’ p lu m e s p h lo x sp p . p h lo x sp p . t o o xu ’o o ’ sh a rp l e a v e s sp e a rl e a f st o n e cr o p s e d u m l a n ce o la tu m h o te ib ii 3 h ii t sh e e p f o o d x s e n e ci o n e a e s p p . s e n e ci o n e a e s p p . n ih o o n o xu ’ y e ll o w m e d ic in e h e m lo ck w a te rp a rs n ip s iu m s u a ve c e ce e ce i’ u n k n o w n friday and scasta. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):14–24 21 data, methods & taxonomies (c o n ti n u e d f ro m p re v io u s p a g e ) n o t u se d x u se d * * n o e n g li sh t ra n sl a ti o n * n o t fo u n d i n 2 0 1 7 -2 0 1 8 s tu d y c o m m o n e n g li sh n a m e s ci e n ti fi c n a m e a ra p a h o n a m e t ra n sl a ti o n m f a & c c u c s h ru b b e a rb e rr y /k in n ik in n ic k a rc to st a p h yl o s u va -u rs i n o h ’u w u n o b ii se ’; n o h ’u w u n o sm o k e p la n t b e rr ie s; b e a rb e rr ie s x – d y e x p ra ir ie s a g e w o rt a rt e m is ia f ri g id a n o o k h o o se ’ w h it e s h ru b x x – d y e sa g e b ru sh s p p . a rt e m is ia s p p . n o o k h o o se ’ w h it e s h ru b x x ra b b it b ru sh c h ry so th a m n u s sp p . n o o k u ’u u si i ra b b it -b u sh e s x co m m o n j u n ip e r ju n ip e ru s co m m u n is c e e h ’e e ; s e e 3 ib in o ’; t o ’s e e 3 n e e d le s/ le a v e s; b e rr ie s o r co n e s; * * x x r o ck y m o u n ta in j u n ip e r ju n ip e ru s sc o p u lo ru m b e ’3 e ii n o ’o re d i n si d e w a x cu rr a n t r ib e s ce re u m b e n ii so o n o ’ h a ir y / fu zz y x p ri ck ly c u rr a n t r ib e s la cu st re h iw o xu u y e in o ’ e lk r o se s x w o o d s’ r o se r o sa w o o d si i y e in ii s; y e in o ’ ro se h ip b u sh ; b e rr ie s x x x – d y e ru ss e t b u ff a lo b e rr y s h e p h e rd ia c a n a d e n si s h o o xe h ib in o b u ll b e rr ie s w il lo w s p p . s a li x sp p . (s ) y o o k o x; ( p l) y o o k o xu u ; n o o k u y o o k o x; b e e xu y o o k o x w il lo w (s ); w h it e w il lo w ; b ig w il lo w x t re e su b a lp in e fi r a b ie s la si o ca rp a n ii ’i b o o o ti ’ g o o d s m e ll x e n g e lm a n n s p ru ce p ic e a e n g e lm a n n ii n ii ’i b o o o ti ’ g o o d s m e ll x lo d g e p o le p in e p in u s co n to rt a n o o k u se e 3 p a le o r g re y p in e x x li m b e r p in e p in u s fl e xi li s h is e e 3 p in e x friday and scasta. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):14–24 22 data, methods & taxonomies buckwheats (eriogonum species), and phlox (phlox species). for thistle as an example, one tribe recognized the plant generally (arapaho tooxo’oo’ [translation “they are sharp”]) while the other tribe recognized the plant more specifically (shoshone name for canada thistle [cirsium arvense] doy•yah•boe•gk [translation “mountain thistle”]). in some cases, only one tribe recognized a plant species with an indigenous name and use. for example, the shoshone name for tapertip hawkbeard (crepis acuminata), yham•bah•wuhrn translates as “carrot, standing;” and for twolobe larkspur (delphinium nuttallianum), doo•pooi•toe•n•zee•yap translates as “black eye, blossom”, but no names were found for arapaho for these two species. finally, for forbs, both tribes recognized a different genus of perennial legumes commonly recognized to be poisonous to cattle. arapaho recognized locoweed generally (oxytropis species) as siisiiyeibii3hiit (translation “snake food) and shoshone recognized milkvetch generally (astragalus species) as yahn•gahn•gee•ya (translation unknown). specific use of locoweed for arrows was indicated by the arapaho. for shrubs, all species recognized by arapaho were also recognized by shoshone with the exception of willows (salix species; western shoshone includes terms for willows including sehepi, seep, etc.). the arapaho had several names referring to willows ([s] yookox, [pl] yookoxuu, nookuyookox, beexuyookox) with different descriptions affiliated with different translations (“willow[s]”, “white willow”, “big willow”). shrub species recognized by both tribes included bearberry, prairie sagewort (artemisia frigida), sagebrush (artemisia species although shoshone specifically recognized big sagebrush [artemisia tridentata]), rabbitbrush (chrysothamnus species although shoshone specifically recognized yellow rabbitbrush [chrysothamnus viscidiflorus]), common juniper, rocky mountain juniper (juniperus scopulorum), wax currant (ribes cereum), prickly currant (ribes lacustre), wood’s rose (rosa woodsii), and russet buffaloberry (shepherdia candensis). both tribes use a single name for prairie sagewort and sagebrush (shoshone boe•hoe•v [translation unknown; pohopi means sagebrush in western shoshone]; arapaho nookhoose’ [translation “white shrub”]). the translation for several shrub species was related to berries, as for example bearberry (arapaho noh’uwunobiise’ and noh’uwuno [translation “smoke plant berries”, “bear berries”]), common juniper (arapaho see3ibino’ [translation “berries or cones”]), and prickly currant (shoshone hoe•ah•voe•goe•mp [translation referring to berry; pokompih is western shoshone for currant or berry]). both tribes indicated the use of bearberry for smoke or tobacco (shoshone new•wuh•bownh [translation “indian tobacco”]; arapaho noh’uwunobiise [translation “smoke plant berries”]). specific uses for shrubs included nets (shoshone for common juniper), arrows (shoshone for wax currant), and dyes (arapaho for bearberry, prairie sagewort, and wood’s rose). five shrub species were only recognized by the shoshone. for trees, both tribes recognized the same four species but translations and uses varied. for subalpine fir (abies lasiocarpa), no shoshone name or translation was found (evergreens in general are wonkopi[n] in western shoshone) and medicinal use was indicated, but arapaho call it nii’iboooti’ (translation “good smell”) and ceremonial use was indicated. for engelmann spruce (picea engelmannii), shoshone call it bah•soo (translation unknown, although paso or pahso means sweet in western shoshone; casual and ceremonial use indicated) and arapaho call it the same as subalpine fir with ceremonial use indicated. for lodgpole pine (pinus contorta), shoshone call it wahn•dah•yoo•gwee (translation “meeting poles” and “sitting”) with four of five use categories indicated; arapaho call it nookusee3 (translation “pale or grey pine”) with arts/crafts and casual use indicated. for limber pine (pinus flexilis), shoshone call it yoo•ryn•woen•goe•vee (translation “limp” and “pine”) with all five use categories indicated; arapaho call it hisee3 (translation “pine”) with food use indicated. our comparative findings demonstrate tribalspecific knowledge for different plants and their associated indigenous names and uses. this is particularly relevant for the wind river indian reservation, which is shared by the tribes and is important for restoration and preservation of each tribe’s unique linguistic and traditional ecological knowledge. conclusion recognizing the value of traditional ecological knowledge (tek) in contemporary natural resource management can serve as a resource for additional studies. definitions and broad examples of tek, as well as the historical context of impacts of past federal indian policy eras such as reservation and assimilation, are essential to demonstrating how friday and scasta. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):14–24 23 data, methods & taxonomies current tek has been historically impacted and shaped. for example, this is likely why there are common and recognized plant species for which no tribal name has been confirmed. this study documented ethnobotanical tek resources connecting the eastern shoshone and northern arapaho, respectively, to the plant communities of high-elevation basins of the wrir. historical context specific to each tribe and their languages gives fuller meaning to the 53 eastern shoshone and 44 northern arapaho names of plants that this study was able to compile for the saint lawrence and paradise basins. with this qualitative resource available, future work on the wrir could move to a more quantitative approach to better understand the individual variation across peoples to develop ethnobotanical tek education strategies for future generations to further enhance cultural reclamation and preservation. tek represents additional ways indigenous people connect with land and resources and studies such as ours are critical because ethnobotanical uses, and understanding may be diminishing in the modern era. acknowledgments we recognize and thank the members of the eastern shoshone and northern arapaho tribes on the wind river indian reservation of wyoming usa. declarations permissions: none declared. sources of funding: funding provided by the bureau of indian affairs (bia) agreement number a17ac00019. conflicts of interest: none declared. references cited aragon, d. 2007. the wind river indian tribes. international journal of wilderness 13:14–17. berkes, f., j. colding, and c. folke. 2000. rediscovery of traditional ecological knowledge as adaptive management. ecological applications 10:1251–1262. doi:10.1890/1051-0761(2000)010 [1251:roteka]2.0.co;2. campbell, g. r. n.d. chapter 4: arapaho ethnobotany. available at: http://theplantlady.net/resources/ arapaho%20ethnobotany.pdf. accessed on april 17, 2020. center, e. e., g. gebow, s. s. clair, and s. shimkin. n.d. eastern shoshone working dictionary. available at: http://easternshoshone.org/assets/easternshoshone-working-dictionary2.pdf. accessed on april 17, 2020. charbonneau-dahlen, b. k., j. lowe, and s. l. morris. 2016. giving voice to historical trauma through storytelling: the impact of boarding school experience on american indians. journal of aggression, maltreatment & trauma 25:598–617. doi:10.1080/10926771.2016.1157843. clarke, p. a. 2016. birds as totemic beings and creators in the lower murray, south australia. journal of ethnobiology 36:277–294. doi:10.2993/0278-0771-36.2.277. cowell, a. 2004. plants and plant names in arapaho life and language. university press of colorado, boulder, co. cowell, a., a. moss, wa. c’hair, and wi. c’hair. 2012. arapaho immersion school, and northern arapaho elders, dictionary of the arapaho language, 3rd edition. northern arapaho tribe, ethete, wy. cowell, a., a. moss, and j. c. william. 2014. arapaho stories, songs, and prayers: a bilingual anthology. university of oklahoma press, norman, ok. davis, c. 2019. the palouse prairie, a vanishing indigenous peoples garden. journal of native sciences 1:1–17. davis, a., and k. ruddle. 2010. constructing confidence: rational skepticism and systematic enquiry in local ecological knowledge research. ecological applications 20:880–894. doi:10.1890/090422.1. flanagan, c., and m. laituri. 2004. local cultural knowledge and water resource management: the wind river indian reservation. environmental management 33:262–270. doi:10.1007/s00267-0032894-9. fowler, c. 2009. uto-aztecan languages. in concise encyclopedia of languages of the world, edited by k. brown and s. ogilivie, pp. 281–284. elsevier, oxford, uk. doi:10.1016/b0-08-044854-2/02289 -6. holmes, m., and w. s. p. jampijinpa. 2013. law for country: the structure of warlpiri ecological knowledge and its application to natural resource friday and scasta. 2020. ethnobiology letters 11(1):14–24 24 data, methods & taxonomies management and ecosystem stewardship. ecology and society 18:19. doi:10.5751/es-05537-180319. kuhnlein, h. v. 2014. how ethnobiology can contribute to food security. journal of ethnobiology 34:12-28. doi:10.2993/0278-0771-34.1.12. martin, g. j. 2010. ethnobotany: a methods manual. routledge, abingdon, uk. doi:10.4324/9781849775854. miller, w. r. 1984. the classification of the utoaztecan languages based on lexical evidence. international journal of american linguistics 50:1–24. doi:10.1086/465813. miller, s. a. 2009. native historians write back: the indigenous paradigm in american indian historiography. wicazo sa review 24:25–45. doi:10.1353/wic.0.0018. moerman, d. e. 2009. native american medicinal plants: an ethnobotanical dictionary. timber press, portland, or. moerman, d. e. 2010. native american food plants: an ethnobotanical dictionary. timber press, portland, or. murray, l. g. 1996. shoshone. in encyclopedia of north american indians, edited by f. e. hoxie, pp. 586– 589. houghton mifflin harcourt, boston, ma. o'donnell, e., and j. talbot-jones. 2018. creating legal rights for rivers: lessons from australia, new zealand, and india. ecology and society 23:7. doi:10.5751/es-09854-230107. pierotti, r., and d. wildcat. 2000. traditional ecological knowledge: the third alternative (commentary). ecological applications 10:1333–1340. doi:10.1890/1051-0761(2000)010[1333:tektta] 2.0.co;2. reid, m. g., c. hamilton, s. k. reid, w. trousdale, c. hill, n. turner, and h. d. matthews. 2014. indigenous climate change adaptation planning using a values-focused approach: a case study with the gitga'at nation. journal of ethnobiology 34:401-425. doi:10.2993/0278-0771-34.3.401. salzmann, z. 1960. two brief contributions toward arapaho linguistic history. anthropological linguistics 2:39–48. shimkin, d. b. 1947. wind river shoshone ethnogeography. university of california press, berkeley, ca. shoshone tribe of indians v. united states. 1937. 299 u.s. 476, no. 216, supreme court of the united states. stamm, h. e. 1999. people of the wind river: the eastern shoshones, 1825-1900. university of oklahoma press, norman, ok. trenholm, v. c., and m. carley. 1964. the shoshonis: sentinels of the rockies, no. 74. university of oklahoma press, norman, ok. walsh, f., p. dobson, and j. douglas. 2013. anpernirrentye: a framework for enhanced application of indigenous ecological knowledge in natural resource management. ecology and society 18:18. doi:10.5751/es-05501-180318. whyte, k. p. 2013. on the role of traditional ecological knowledge as a collaborative concept: a philosophical study. ecological processes 2:7. doi:10.1186/2192-1709-2-7. wilkins, d. e., and h. k. stark. 2017. american indian politics and the american political system. rowman and littlefield, lanham, md. wshpo. 2020. wind river indian reservation interpretive plan for the eastern shoshone and northern arapaho. wyoming state historic preservation office. available at: https://wyoshpo.wyo.gov/index.php/ files/834/interpretive % 20plans/1241/wind % 20river%20interpretive%20plan.pdf. accessed on april 17, 2020. wu, x. 2015. wild edible plants and pilgrimage on wudang mountain. journal of ethnobiology 35:606– 628. doi:10.2993/etbi-35-03-606-627.1.