E-J031-047_Bell_Pomerantz EuroAmerican  Journal  of  Applied  Linguistics  and  Languages   E-JournALL  Volume  1,  Issue  1,  November  2014,  pages  31-47   ISSN  2376-905X     DOI  http://dx.doi.org/10.21283/2376905X.1.15 www.e-journall.org     Copyright  ©  2014.  This  work  is  licensed  under  the  Creative  Commons  Attribution-­‐NonCommercial-­‐NoDerivs  3.0  Unported  License. 31 1Contact:  nbell@wsu.edu   Reconsidering  language  teaching  through  a  focus  on  humor   NANCY  BELL1,a,  ANNE  POMERANTZb   aWashington  State  University   bUniversity  of  Pennsylvania   Received  9  March  2014;  received  in  revised  form  6  August  2014;  accepted  14  August  2014   ABSTRACT EN Formal language education is often predicated on a series of modernist fictions that greatly simplify the nature of language and the process of communication. Acts of linguistic creativity involving humor and language play are frequently either ignored or considered deviant. In this paper, we contribute to ongoing efforts to re-conceptualize language education in ways that make use of more robust (and less modernist) theories of language and communication. We revisit calls for more pedagogical focus on humor and language play and illustrate how more attention to these types of language might help us to move away from some of the classroom fictions that currently constrain teachers and learners alike. Specifically, we present recent conceptions of language and of communication, and discuss how, in light of these, humor and language play can be used to increase learners’ metalinguistic awareness and expand their communicative/interpretive repertoires. Keywords:  HUMOR, LANGUAGE PLAY, SECOND LANGUAGE PEDAGOGY. ES La enseñanza de idiomas formal a menudo se basa en una serie de ficciones modernistas que simplifican enormemente la naturaleza del lenguaje y el proceso de comunicación. Los actos de creatividad lingüística que implican humor y juego lingüístico son frecuentemente ignorados o considerados desviados. En este trabajo ofrecemos una contribución a los esfuerzos en marcha para reconceptualizar la enseñanza de idiomas de manera que utilice teorías más sólidas (y menos modernistas) del lenguaje y la comunicación. Reivindicamos la necesidad de un enfoque más pedagógico en el humor y el juego lingüístico y mostramos cómo una mayor atención hacia estos tipos de lenguaje nos podría ayudar a alejarnos de algunas de las ficciones del aula que actualmente limitan tanto a los profesores como a los alumnos. En concreto, presentamos recientes concepciones del lenguaje y de la comunicación y analizamos cómo, a la luz de dichas concepciones, el humor y los juegos del lenguaje se pueden utilizar para aumentar la conciencia metalingüística de los alumnos y ampliar sus repertorios comunicativos/interpretativos. Palabras clave: HUMOR, JUEGOS LINGÜÍSTICOS, PEDAGOGÍA DE SEGUNDAS LENGUAS. IT L’insegnamento formale delle lingue è spesso basato su una serie di convenzioni moderniste che semplificano notevolmente la natura del linguaggio e del processo di comunicazione. Gli atti della creatività linguistica che coinvolgono l’umorismo o i giochi linguistici sono spesso ignorati o considerati fuorvianti. Con questo articolo vogliamo contribuire agli sforzi che si stanno compiendo per riconcettualizzare l’insegnamento delle lingue basandosi su teorie del linguaggio e della comunicazione più solide (e meno moderniste). Facendo nostre le richieste di un maggiore interesse pedagogico per l’umorismo e i giochi linguistici, mostriamo come una maggiore attenzione a queste forme del linguaggio possa aiutarci a discostarci da certe convenzioni che in classe ostacolano sia gli insegnanti sia gli alunni. In particolare, presentiamo alcune recenti concezioni del linguaggio e della comunicazione e discutiamo di come, alla luce di queste concezioni, l’umorismo e i giochi linguistici possano essere utilizzati per aumentare la consapevolezza metalinguistica degli alunni e incrementarne il repertorio comunicativo/interpretativo. Parole chiave: UMORISMO, GIOCHI LINGUISTICI, PEDAGOGIA DELLE LINGUE SECONDE. BELL  &  POMERANZ     E-­‐JournALL  1  (2014),  31-­‐47 32 Today,  the  modern  and  the  late  modern  worlds  coexist  with  increasing   unease.  Modernity,  a  product  of  the  18th-­‐century  Enlightenment,  is   characterized  by  all  the  features  that  FL  teachers  take  for  granted:  the   existence  of  nation-­‐states,  each  with  their  national  language  and  their   national  culture;  the  existence  of  standardized  languages  with  their   stable  grammars  and  dictionaries  that  ensure  the  good  usage  of  the   language  by  well-­‐educated  citizens  that  FL  learners  are  expected  to   emulate;  the  superiority  of  national  languages  over  regional  dialects   and  patois;  the  clear  boundaries  between  native  and  foreign  languages   and  among  foreign  languages  so  that  one  can  clearly  know  whether   someone  is  speaking  French,  German,  or  Chinese,  standard  Spanish  or   regional  Spanish;  the  codified  norms  of  correct  language  usage  and   proper  language  use  that  language  learners  have  to  abide  by  for  fear  of   not  being  understood  or  not  being  accepted  by  native  speakers.  The   language  teaching  profession  in  this  sense  has  been  a  highly  modernist   profession.  (Kramsch,  2014,  p.297)     1.  Introduction:  Language  teaching  as  fiction   Formal  language  education  is  often  predicated  on  a  series  of  modernist  fictions  about  the  nature  of   language   and   the   process   of   communication.   These   fictions   are   not   lies   intended   to   deceive   unsuspecting   students,  but  rather  a  loose  set  of  tacitly  agreed  upon  suppositions  that  make  classroom  language  learning  a   more   concrete,   rewarding,   and  manageable  activity   for   all  participants.  We  might   think  of   these   fictions  as   fabrications  rather  than  falsehoods,  as  teachers  and  learners  alike  are  often  well  aware  of  the  fact  that  what   we  call  “language”  in  the  classroom,  looks,  feels,  and  behaves  a  lot  differently  in  the  wild.   For  example,  in  classroom  settings  the  language  of  instruction  is  often  presented  and  oriented  to  as  if   it  consisted  merely  of  a  finite  set  of  linguistic  forms  to  learn,  accompanied  by  an  agreed  upon  set  of  rules  to   abide   by   for   using   particular   bits   of   language   in   particular   contexts.   Utterances   are   deemed   right   or   appropriate  depending  on  how  well  they  conform  to  an  idealized  version  of  how  the  focal  language  is  used  by   an   imagined,   homogeneous   group   of   idealized   native   speakers   outside   the   classroom.   Acts   of   linguistic   creativity,  and  in  particular  those  that  play  with  form,  are  either  ignored  or  considered  deviant,  thus  creating   the  sense  that  language  is  a  closed  system  not  subject  to  its  users.   It’s  not   just   language,  however,   that   is  party   to   this   fictionalization  process;   communication,   too,   is   frequently   reduced   to   a   transmission  model   in  which  messages   are   transferred   between  people  with   little   regard  for  the  interpretive  and  interpersonal  work  that  goes  on  in  interaction.  As  Guy  Cook  (2000)  has  noted,   a  transactional  view  of  communication  has  come  to  dominate  in  language  classrooms,  with  the  idea  that  the   most   important   (or   perhaps   even   sole)   aspect   of   interaction   is   the   transfer   of   utilitarian   information   from   point  A  to  point  B.  Indeed,  aside  from  the  framing  of  particular  instances  of  register  variation  as  marked  (e.g.,   tu  v.  vous  in  French  or  lexical  choice  in  academic  v.  non-­‐academic  contexts),  there  is  often  little  attention  paid   in  language  education  to  the  vast  array  of  social  meanings  that  are  constructed  within  and  through  every  act   of  language  use,  as  people  negotiate  their  actions,  identities,  and  stances.     Academic   publications   are   rife   with   critiques   of   these   and   other   language   classroom   fictions,   and   professional  conference  proceedings,   teacher  education  programs,  and  on-­‐line  discussion  groups  have  been   equally  passionate  in  calling  for  new  approaches  to  language  and  communication  in  the  classroom.  Thus,  our   purpose  here   is   not   to   add   to   the   choir.  Rather,  we   are   interested   in   contributing   to   ongoing   efforts   to   re-­‐ conceptualize   language   education   in   ways   that   make   use   of   less   modernist   theories   of   language   and   communication   (e.g.,  Block  &  Cameron,  2002;  Cook,  2000;  Díaz,  2013;  Kramsch,  2014;  Liddicoat  &  Scarino,   2013;  Magnan,  Murphy,  &  Sahakyan,  2014).  In  particular,  we  focus  on  the  frequent,  but  underexplored  calls  in   such  work  for  a  broader  acceptance  of  humor  and  other  forms  of  playful  talk.       Kramsch   (2008),   for   instance,   suggests   that   teachers   address   “accuracy   and   communicative   effectiveness,   but   leave   room   for   and,   indeed,   encourage   stylistic   variation,   irony,   humor,   subversion”   (p.   404).  In  this  paper,  we  too  recognize  the  importance  and  ubiquity  of  non-­‐serious  talk  in  everyday  life  and  its   many  functions  (cf.  Cook,  2000).  Humor  is  an  important  and  frequently  used  resource  for  interaction  and  is   particularly  helpful   for  navigating   face-­‐threatening  situations  and  critiquing   inequitable   relations  of  power.   Yet,   despite   Cazden’s   (1974)   call   to   incorporate   humor   and   language   play   into   language   pedagogy,   instructional  goals—like  helping  learners  to  understand  the  contextualization  cues  that  can  signal  humor— RECONSIDERING  LANGUAGE  TEACHING  THROUGH  HUMOR       E-­‐JournALL  1  (2014),  31-­‐47   33 have  been  seen  as  either  not  important  enough  or  too  idiosyncratic  to  be  deemed  worthy  of  instruction.  Here,   we   revisit   these   and   other   calls   for   more   pedagogical   focus   on   humor   and   language   play,   which   we   conceptualize  broadly  as  any  use  of  language  that  is  non-­‐serious,  and  illustrate  how  more  attention  to  these   types  of   language  might  help  us  to  move  away  from  some  of  the  classroom  fictions  that  currently  constrain   teachers  and   learners  alike.   Specifically,  we  present   recent   conceptions  of   language  and  of   communication,   and  discuss  how,  in  light  of  these,  humor  and  language  play  can  be  used  to  increase  learners’  metalinguistic   awareness   and   expand   their   communicative/interpretive   repertoires.   Throughout   our   discussion,   we   consider  how  humor  and  language  play  might  be  incorporated  into  curricula  for  learners  at  different  levels  of   proficiency  and  in  a  variety  of  learning  contexts  in  order  to  achieve  these  goals.         2.  What  is  Language?   As  noted  above,   language   in  L2   classrooms   tends   to  be  presented  as   an   internally   coherent,   stable   system.  In  recent  years,  however,  applied  linguists  have  become  progressively  more  critical  of  the  underlying   theories   of   language   that   have   shaped   the   field   of   language   education.   Increasingly,   language   is   being   recognized   as   a   socio-­‐cognitive   system   that   exists   in   a   dynamic   state,   continually   being   constructed   and   changed  by  its  users.  As  Hopper  (1998)  describes  it,  “Grammar  is  …  simply  the  name  for  certain  categories  of   observed  repetitions  in  discourse.  There  is  no  natural  fixed  structure  to  language”  (p.  156).  This  perspective   not   only   emphasizes   linguistic   variability   and   change,   but   also   the   inherent   tension   between   stability   and   instability   in   the   system.   Such   views   are   detailed   particularly   well   in   the   work   of   applied   linguists   using   complexity   or   dynamic   systems   theory   (e.g.,   Jessner,   2012;   Larsen-­‐Freeman   &   Cameron,   2008;   van   Geert,   2008;  Verspoor,  de  Bot,  &  Lowie,  2011)  and  ecological  perspectives  on  language  and  language  learning  (e.g.,   Kramsch,  2002;  2008;  Leather  &  van  Dam,  2002;  van  Lier,  2004).     Diane  Larsen-­‐Freeman  (1997),   for  example,   introduced   the   idea  of   language  as  a  complex  dynamic   system,  rather  than  one  that  is  unitary,  stable,  or  closed.  Since  that  time,  she  has  continued  to  articulate  this   position  and  examine   its   implications  for  L2  teaching  and  learning  (e.g.,  Larsen-­‐Freeman  &  Cameron,  2008;   Larsen-­‐Freeman,  2010,  2011).  From  this  perspective,   the  appearance  of  regularity  and  stability   in   language   emerges  as  individuals  interacting  in  specific  contexts  draw  on  particular  linguistic  resources  to  accomplish   specific  social  actions.  Some  forms  (lexical  items,  syntactic  patterns)  are  more  useful  than  others,  and  appear   with  greater  frequency  and  across  a  wider  variety  of  situations,  giving  rise  to  the  perception  of  language  as  a   pre-­‐existing  cognitive  entity  that  is  merely  used  socially,  rather  than  an  open  system  that  is  constructed  in  a   flexible,  bottom-­‐up  manner   in   social   interaction   that   is   in  use.  Dynamism   is   inherent   to   the  system  and   the   direction  of  change  is  unpredictable,   in  part  because  the  things  that  will   influence  it  are  also  unpredictable.   These  assertions  require  us  to  take  an  integrated  view  of  language  and  context,  as  the  two  are  not  conceived   of  as  separate  parts.  Rather,  they  exist  in  a  dialectical  relationship,  with  one  constituting  the  other.   The  ecological  view  of  language,  of  which  Claire  Kramsch  has  been  a  strong  advocate  (e.g.,  Kramsch,   2002,  2008,  2014),  further  foregrounded  the  interconnectedness  of  language’s  cognitive,  interactional,  social   and  historical  dimensions,  eschewing  the  tendency  within  linguistics  and  language  education  to  see  language   in   discrete,   static,   or   decontextualized  ways.   Consonant  with   this   integrated,   holistic   stance   is   a   particular   emphasis   on   language   as   dialogic.   Briefly,   Bakhtin   (1981)   argued   that   “within   the   arena   of   almost   every   utterance   [either   spoken  or  written]   an   intense   interaction   and   struggle   between  one’s   own  and   another’s   word  is  being  waged,  a  process  in  which  they  oppose  or  dialogically  interanimate  each  other”  (p.  354).  That   is,  Bakhtin  conceived  of  utterances  as  fundamentally  in  conversation  with  other  utterances.  He  wrote:   The  living  utterance,  having  taken  meaning  and  shape  at  a  particular  historical  moment  in  a   socially   specific   environment,   cannot   fail   to   brush   up   against   thousands   of   living   dialogic   threads,  woven  by  socio-­‐ideological  consciousness  around  the  given  object  of  an  utterance,  it   cannot  fail  to  become  an  active  participant  in  social  dialogue.  (p.  276)     Ecological  approaches  to  language  build  on  this  perspective,  further  invoking  the  idea  of  language  as   embedded   in   multiple,   but   not   necessarily   equally   accessible,   layers   of   synchronically   and   diachronically   organized  context.  Blommaert  (2010),  for  example,  underscored  this  point  in  saying  that  whereas  language-­‐ in-­‐use  or  discourse  “occurs  in  a  real-­‐time,  synchronic  event”  it  is  also  “simultaneously  encapsulated  in  several   layers  of  historicity,  some  of  which  are  within  the  grasp  of  the  participants  while  others  remain  invisible  but   are   nevertheless   present”   (p.   130).   He   refers   to   this   as   layered   simultaneity.   For   Blommaert   and   other   language   ecologists,   then,   language   cannot   be   divorced   from   its   social   and   temporal   locations.   Indeed,   BELL  &  POMERANZ     E-­‐JournALL  1  (2014),  31-­‐47 34 research  on  interaction  in  multilingual  settings  (e.g.,  Creese  &  Blackledge,  2011;  Kramsch,  2008;  Kramsch  &   Whiteside,  2008;  Rampton,  1999;  Rymes,  2014)  has  consistently  illustrated  that:   social  actors   in  multilingual  settings,  even   if   they  are  non-­‐native  speakers  of   the   languages   they  use,  seem  to  activate  more  than  a  communicative  competence  that  would  enable  them   to   communicate   accurately,   effectively   and   appropriately  with   one   another.   They   seem   to   display  a  particularly  acute  ability  to  play  with  various  linguistic  codes  and  with  the  various   spatial  and  temporal  resonances  of  these  codes.  (Kramsch,  2008,  p.  400)     Such  work  challenges  the  tendency  in  language  classrooms  to  view  the  relationship  between  L1  and   L2  as  “simply  a  matter  of  code  replacement,  where  the  only  difference  is  in  words  and  structures”  (Liddicoat   &  Scarino,  2013,  p.  14).  An  ecological  approach  to  language  encourages  teachers  and  learners  to  move  beyond   a   view   of   language   as   a   structural   system   to   one   that   sees   language   as   variable,   dynamic,   dialogic,   and   situated.   Not   surprisingly,   these   views   on   language   radically   change   the   object   of   instruction.   First   and   foremost,   they   function   to  dispel   the  persistent   fiction  of   a   stable,  universally  accepted   (national)   standard   form   of   each   language.   This   has   major   implications   for   learners’   metalinguistic   development,   as   an   understanding   of   language   as   variable,   dynamic,   dialogic   and   situated   is   quite   different   from   the   view   of   language  that  is  usually  constructed  in  classroom  contexts.  Moreover,  rather  than  teaching  “a  language,”  we   might   instead   think  of   our   goal   as   the  development  of   learners’   communicative   repertoires.  Briefly,  Rymes   (2010)  defines  communicative  repertoire  as  the  aggregate  of  ways  that  individuals  “use  languages  and  other   means  of   communication   (gestures,  dress,  posture,   and  other  media)   to   function  effectively   in   the  multiple   communities   in  which  they  participate”  (p.  528).  An  individual’s  communicative  repertoire   is  not  simply  an   array  of  multiple,  fully  formed  (national)  languages,  but  rather  an  ever-­‐changing  assembly  of  various  genres,   speech  styles,  pragmatic   routines,  and  other  reoccurring  chunks  of   language,   complemented  by  an  array  of   resources   (e.g.,   gestures,   dress,   posture,   etc.)   for  making  meaning.   This   repertoire   emerges   organically,   in   bottom-­‐up  fashion,  as  an  ever-­‐changing  product  of  an  individual’s  life  experiences,  with  each  new  addition  to   the  repertoire  existing  in  a  dialogic  relationship  with  its  other  components.  Here,  it  is  important  to  note  that   we   are   not   saying   that   educators   must   do   away   completely   with   any   focus   on   more   patterned   or   stable   aspects  of  the  language  of  instruction,  as  language  consists  of  an  interaction  between  stability  and  dynamism.   Rather,   we   are   advocating   for   an   approach   to   pedagogy   that   recognizes   characteristics   like   variability,   dynamism,   dialogism,   and   situatedness   in   its   underlying   conception   of   language   and   aims   to   help   learners   develop  this  kind  of  metalinguistic  awareness.       3.  Connecting  new  understandings  of  language  to  humor  and  language  play   How  might   a   focus   on   humorous   and   playful   language   help   to   illustrate   this   view   of   language   for   language  learners?  How  might  an  infusion  of  language  play  help  learners  recognize  that,  contrary  to  the  way   textbooks   portray   language,   variability   and   change   are   fundamental   features   of   complex   systems   and   not   aberrations  or  “exceptions”  designed  to  confound  them?  In  what  ways  does  humor  illustrate  the  dialogic  and   situated  nature  of  language?  Below  we  discuss  how  each  of  these  features—variability,  dynamism,  dialogism,   and  situatedness—is  illustrated  in  humorous  and  playful  uses  of  language  and  how  a  focus  on  such  talk  can   be  a  resource  for  the  development  of  metalinguistic  awareness.     3.1.  Variability   Language  play   illustrates  the  continual  push  and  pull  between  creativity  and  formulaicity,  between   variability   and   patternedness   in   language   use   and   at   all   levels   of   structure.   To   be   considered   amusing,   language   play  must   exhibit   some   creativity.   Too  much,   however,   and   the   humor  will   be   unrecognizable   or   incomprehensible.  Too  little  and  it  will  be  considered  stale.  To  achieve  this,  many  instances  of  language  play   derive  their  humor  from  unexpected,  but  appropriate  changes  to  formulaic  sequences  (see  Veale,  2012  for  an   extended  discussion).  As  a  simple  example,  one  could  say,  “I  feel  great!  I  really  got  up  on  the  right  side  of  the   bed   today!”   This   slight   alteration   to   the   formulaic   phrase   get   up   on   the   wrong   side   of   the   bed   illustrates   knowledge  of  a  common  phrase  while  playfully  conveying  information  about  one’s  mood.  Learners  might  be   introduced   to   other   types  of   alterations,   such   as  Avril   Lavigne’s   song  Runaway,  which  begins  with   the   line   “Got   up   on   the   wrong   side   of   life   today.”  With   these   examples   and   some   encouragement,   students   might   choose  additional  formulaic  sequences  and  create  their  own  playful  alterations  to  express  various  nuances  of   RECONSIDERING  LANGUAGE  TEACHING  THROUGH  HUMOR       E-­‐JournALL  1  (2014),  31-­‐47   35 feeling.   This   technique   might   be   used   for   any   formulaic   sequence,   including   similes   (e.g.,   as   angry   as),   common  collocations  (e.g.,  take  your  time)  or  conversational  gambits  (e.g.,  to  make  a  long  story  short  as  a  way   of   introducing  a   summary).  Moreover,   such  an  activity   can  be   adjusted   for  use  with  both  novice   and  more   advanced  language  learners  through  selection  of  particular  formulaic  sequences  requiring  varying  degrees  of   lexical  and  syntactic  sophistication  to  engage  in  this  playful  manipulation.2     In   addition,   playful   examples   of   linguistic   forms   and  patterns   that   “break   a  particular   rule”   can  be   deployed   to   help   learners   understand   that   such   instances   are   a   normal   and   regular   part   of   language.   For   example,   language   educators   and   language   learning   materials   often   characterize   forms   that   break   with   particular   morphological   patterns   as   “irregular”   or   as   “exceptions”   to   some   kind   of   pre-­‐existing   rule.   Language   play,   however,   can   be   used   to   counter   this   kind   of   prescriptivist   orientation,   by   illustrating   the   bottom-­‐up  ways   in  which   certain   linguistic   forms   come   into   being.   Language   learners  might   be   presented   with   a   new  word   from   the   domain   of   technology,   like   ping   (the   act   of   sending   a   test  message   to   another   computer  or  user  to  check  for  responsiveness  or  measure  response  time),  and  be  asked  to  speculate  on  what   its  other  forms  might  be.  Would  this  word  follow  “regular”  verb  morphology  as  in  “The  computer  pinged  me   back   immediately”   or  would   it   follow   an   “irregular”   pattern   like   “The   computer   pang  me   back”?   Learners   could  then  engage  in  a  data  collection  exercise  in  which  they  asked  other  users  to  generate  the  forms  of  ping   or  asked  them  which  past  tense  form  they  preferred  and  why.  Such  an  exercise  could  even  make  use  of  corpus   tools  (e.g.,   the  Corpus  of  Contemporary  American  English  or  Google  n-­‐grams)  and  some  simple  quantitative   analysis   to   identify,  measure,   and   reflect   upon  actual   instances  of  ping   in   action.  Additional   forms   that   are   either   new  or  whose   forms   are   in   flux  might   be   added   to   the   investigation   (e.g.,  dived/dove   or  whether   to   “unfriend”  or  “defriend”  someone  on  Facebook)  in  order  to  illustrate  the  lack  of  consensus  among  language   users.   Such   activities  would  no  doubt   be   appealing   to   adult   learners   at   the   high   intermediate   or   advanced   levels,   though   we   would   argue   that   even   young   learners   (9+   years)   could   easily   conduct   this   kind   of   sociolinguistic  research  provided  that  they  had  sufficient  language  proficiency  and  appropriate  scaffolding.       3.2.  Dynamism   Furthermore,   humor   and   language   play   can   be   used   to   illustrate   language   change   at   various   timescales  across   the  system.  Diachronic  change   is  clearly  apparent   in  examples  of  humor   from  the  Middle   Ages  or   the  Victorian  era;  however,   it   is  not  necessary  to  reach  that   far   into  the  past   to   find  humor  that  no   longer   appeals   to  most   of   us.   Television   comedies   from  40  or   50   years   ago   can  usually   furnish   samples   of   humor  that  is  now  seen  as  dated  and  unfunny,  often  because  of  the  language  used.  Topics,  styles,  and  forms  of   humor  are  not  only  subject  to  personal,  but  also  societal  preferences,  and  these  change  over  time.  Not  only   can  examples  easily  be   found  for   illustrative  purposes,  but   for  a  small  project  on   language  change,   learners   may  be  able  to  provide  and  explain  their  own  examples,  either  from  the  media  or  from  personal  experience,   perhaps  from  utterances  they  have  heard  from  parents  or  grandparents.  These  are  often  memorable  precisely   because  they  have  failed  to  elicit  laughter  from  the  younger  generation.   Dynamism  can  also  be  illustrated  through  attention  to  the  kinds  of  changes  that  happen  over  shorter   timescales,  such  as  within  the  course  of  a  conversation.  Humor  often  derails  ongoing,  serious  talk,  and  as  such   is  recognized  as  being  potentially  disruptive  to  conversation.  A  switch  from  a  serious  key  to  a  playful  key  can   persist,  altering  not  only  the  mood,  but  subsequent  uses  of  language.  To  highlight  this  type  of  change,  learners   might  be  presented  with  a  short  dialog  in  which  they  are  asked  to  examine  how  participants  enact  different   orientations   to   the   acceptability   of   a   humorous   interjection,   as   in   the   following   interaction.   Here,   Jason   attempts   to   (seriously)  discuss  a  painting,  but   is  derailed  when  Margaret  breaks   in  with  a   supportive   (and   still  serious)  move  to  provide  the  title  of  the  work.  Upon  hearing  the  title,  Roger  begins  joking.  Jason  attempts   to   correct   him,   but   the   others   continue   to   create   puns   (yawl/y’all,   port/port)   and   laugh.   Jason   withholds   participation  and  is  only  able  to  return  to  his  topic  after  Roger,  whose  apology  suggests  that  he  has  seen  his   punning  as  disruptive,  asks  seriously  about  the  artist:     Jason:   That  painting  in  our  living  room  of  the  boat  in  the-­‐   Margaret:   Yawl  in  the  channel?  Maine?   Jason   There’s  a  little  boat  and  an  island.   Roger:   Y’all  in  the  channel?  {laughing}                                                                                                                   2  Not  only  can  this  make  for  a  fun  activity,  but  mixing  serious  and  humorous  examples  may  also  increase  the  memorability  of  the  new   terms  (see  Bell  2012  for  a  review).   BELL  &  POMERANZ     E-­‐JournALL  1  (2014),  31-­‐47 36 Jason   Yawl.  Yawl.   Margaret:   It’s  a  boat,  y’all.   Roger:   What  are  y’all  doing  in  the  channel.  {laughing}   Margaret:   I  need  a  little  port.   Roger:   {laughs}   Trudy:   {laughs}   Margaret:   Y’all  in  that  channel  {laughing}.  What  are  y’all  in  that  channel  for.  I  know.   Roger:   Sorry.  Who  painted  yawl  in  the  channel?   Jason:   It’s  a  painting  by  a  painter  named.  .  .   (Norrick,  2003,  p.  1340)     Reflection  on  talk-­‐in-­‐interaction  such  as  this  helps  to  illustrate  the  ways  that  language  is  constructed   and  changed  by  its  users.  More  advanced  learners  can  even  be  encouraged  to  record,  transcribe,  and  analyze   humorous  episodes  on  their  own  to   further  explore  this  dimension  of   language.  Finally,   instances  of  humor   that  develop  among  intimates  can  also  be  used  to  illuminate  the  diachronic  dimensions  of  language  at  a  more   intermediate  timescale.  Classrooms  often  generate  their  own  in-­‐group  jokes.  Teachers  can  draw  attention  to   this   by   building   on   shared   humor   in   the   weeks,   months,   and   years   that   follow   and   pointing   out   how   the   group’s   language  practices  have  changed.  New  meanings   for   the  played-­‐with  phrases  may  emerge  and  new   students  may  become   socialized   into   this   particular   humor  practice   and  participate   in   it   even   though   they   were  not  present  for  the  original  joke.     In  demonstrating  how  linguistic  humor  and  language  play  change  at  various  timescales,  we  can  see   how  some  of  this  humor  continues  to  be  used  today,  as  new  types  of  playful  utterances  are  constructed  using   recognizable  bits  of  previously  used  language—perhaps  from  movies  or  advertisements,  but  also  fragments   of  intimately  shared  discourse.  This  is  also  an  important  illustration  of  the  dialogic  nature  of  language.     3.3.  Dialogism  and  Situatedness     Humor  and  language  play  can  also  be  utilized  as  a  way  to  counter  the  tendency  in  language  education   to   view  meaning   in  monologic   and   decontextualized  ways.  Much   humor   depends   on   highlighting   and   then   traversing   boundaries   between   particular   national   languages,   language   varieties,   registers,   genres,   and   speech   styles.   For   example,   bilingual   sound   play   can   be   used   to   illustrate   that   the   line   between   national   languages  is  not  as  rigid  as  it  may  seem  (particularly  in  classroom  contexts).  The  sounds  of  one  language  can   take  on  new  meaning  when   they  are   recontextualized.  Even  novice   learners  may  delight   in  noting   that   the   Spanish   word   quizás   shares   some   phonetic   semblance   to   the   English   phrase   kiss   ass,   but   only   when   the   English  is  uttered  in  according  to  the  phonetic  rules  of  Spanish  [kis  as].  Likewise,  emergent  English/Hebrew   bilinguals  might  enjoy  playing  with  the  homonymy  across  the  two  languages’  pronoun  systems.  The  Hebrew   word   for  who   and   the   English   word   for  me   have   similar   phonetic   realizations   [mi],   thus   creating   ample   opportunities  for  language  play  akin  to  Abbot  and  Costello’s  famous  “Who’s  on  first?”  routine  or  even  simpler   pairings   like   “Do   you   watch   Dr.   Me   (Dr.   Who)   on   TV?”   Given   that   such   play   requires   not   only   access   to   multiple   national   languages,   but   also   access   to   various   levels   of   context   and   timescales   to   be   funny   (themselves   not   limited   by   national   borders),   it   presents   a   fine   example   of   dialogism   and   situatedness   in   action.     With  respect  to  more  advanced  learners,  Belz  (2002),  Kramsch  (2009),  and  Canagarajah  (2011),  for   example,  all  detail  projects  in  which  adults  were  given  the  opportunity  to  compose  and  reflect  on  multilingual   texts  in  language  classrooms  as  a  way  to  explore  the  resonances  across  (national)  languages.  While  many  of   the  resultant  texts  were  serious  in  tone,  some  also  had  a  playful  element  to  them,  particularly  with  respect  to   the   places   where   “border   crossing”   took   place.   While   these   projects   involved   highly   proficient   bi/multilinguals   with   respect   to   the   languages   of   composition,   novice   language   learners   can   be   asked   to   compose  texts   in   their  L1  that   integrate  smalls  bits  of   the   language  of   instruction  and  be  asked  to  critically   reflect  on   their   rhetorical   choices.  The   resulting   texts—whether  humorous  or  not—will  no  doubt   illustrate   language  play  in  action  and  will  be  rife  with  dialogism.     Indeed,  boundary-­‐crossing  humor  can  also  be  used  to  foreground  the  porousness  of  other  forms  of   linguistic   organization.   In   educational   settings,   for   example,   it   is   not   uncommon   to   hear   people   speak   of   “academic   language”   as   a   stable,   discrete   register   that   is   used   by   academic   people   to   do   academic   things.   What   often   emerges   from   such   talk   is   a   belief   that   particular   words   or   grammatical   constructions   are   inherently  academic  and  used  only  in  school  settings,  while  others  are  not,  when  in  fact  the  borders  are  much   RECONSIDERING  LANGUAGE  TEACHING  THROUGH  HUMOR       E-­‐JournALL  1  (2014),  31-­‐47   37 more  porous,  with   “everyday   language”  used  at   times   in   classrooms  and   “academic   language”  appearing   in   casual  conversations  (Zwiers  &  Crawford,  2009).  Register  humor  is  a  powerful  way  to  problematize  some  of   this  thinking,  as  it  presents  learners  with  opportunities  to  play  with  the  boundaries  between  registers  and  to   re-­‐examine  some  of  their  ideas  about  constructs  like  academic  language.  To  do  this,  learners  can  be  asked  to   match  samples  of  conventional  and  non-­‐conventional  registers  to  specific  situations  and  discuss  why  some  of   the   non-­‐conventional   choices   are   often   so   funny.   Whereas   such   examples   might   be   more   appropriate   for   learners  with  more  advanced  levels  of  language  proficiency,  less  linguistically  complex  forms  of  register  play   can  be  used  to  introduce  novice  learners  to  this  concept.  For  example,  greetings  are  a  powerful  way  to  show   how  the  same  person  might  use  different  registers  to  construct  different  levels  of  hierarchy  and  intimacy  with   his/her   interlocutors.   Learners  might   be   asked   to   “guess   the   relationship”   between   interlocutors   based   on   their   greetings,   with   some   options   testing   the   boundaries   of   conventional   language   use   by   introducing   humorous   pairings.   Likewise,   learners   might   be   presented   with   an   array   of   greetings   ranging   from   very   “formal”  to  very  “informal”  and  then  be  asked  to  invent  a  humorous  scenario  in  which  these  greetings  might   be   viewed   as   “normal”   or   “appropriate,”   despite—or   perhaps   because   of—the   dialogic   echoes   of   other   situations   that   the   language   evokes.   Here,   it   is   important   to   note   that   while   playful   and/or   humorous   elements  introduced  into  these  activities  will  no  doubt  serve  to  make  classroom  language  learning  more  fun,   this   is   not   and   should   not   be   their   only   purpose.   When   the   instructional   goal   is   squarely   on   developing   learners’  metalinguistic  awareness,  humor  and  language  play  become  valuable  pedagogical  resources.     4.  What  is  communication?   The  theories  of  language  described  in  the  previous  section  also  push  us  to  reconsider  what  we  mean   by   communication.   These   theories   force   us   to   acknowledge   a   wide—indeed,   infinite—range   of   cognitive,   social,  and  environmental   factors  that  can   influence  communication  and  draw  our  attention  to  the  dynamic   ways   in  which  meaning  emerges   in   interaction.  As  noted  above,   common  social   situations  become  strongly   associated  with  particular  uses  of   language  (e.g.  greetings  occur  upon  encountering  someone  and  greetings   beget   greetings   as   responses),   known   as   attractors   (Larsen-­‐Freeman  &  Cameron,   2008).   These   patterns   of   language  come  to  be  used  regularly  as  they  ease  the  cognitive   load  on  interlocutors  and  their  predictability   helps  social  interaction  proceed  smoothly.  At  the  same  time,  we  must  remember  that  the  system  is  dynamic.   Meanings  are  not   fixed  and  communication   involves  constant  renegotiations  as  speakers  make  moment-­‐to-­‐ moment  mutual  adaptations  (Larsen-­‐Freeman  &  Cameron,  2008).   Work   in   ethnomethodology   and   interactional   sociolinguistics   has   been   central   in   shaping   these   contemporary   dynamic   views   of   communication   (e.g.   Erickson   &   Schultz   1982;   Goodwin,   1981;   Jacoby   &   Ochs,   1995;   Kendon,   1990;   Linell   1998).   Linell   (1998),   for   instance,   proposed   that   words   and   utterances   should  be  regarded  as  having  meaning  potential.  While  the  situation  at  hand  helps  to  prime  the  meanings  that   are  most  likely  to  be  relevant,  he  and  others  emphasize  that  participants  work  together  to  jointly  construct  or   negotiate  which  aspects  of  the  interaction  are  relevant  and  how  they  should  be  understood.  Here,  the  work  of   John  Gumperz  (1982)  on  contextualization  cues  remains  a  valuable  way  of  understanding  how  these  situated   interpretations   take   place.   Gumperz   defines   contextualization   cues   as   “any   feature   of   linguistic   form   that   contributes   to   the   signaling   of   contextual   presuppositions”   (p.   131).   Cues  may   include   linguistic   elements   such  as  intonation  and  lexical  choice,  as  well  as  paralinguistic  features  such  as  gesture,  gaze,  timing,  etc.  While   some   cues   may   have   conventional   interpretations   (e.g.,   smiling   is   strongly   associated   with   signaling   an   attempt  at  humor),  each  cue’s  meaning  must  be  negotiated  between   interlocutors  each   time   it   is  used.  The   moment-­‐by-­‐moment   presentation   of   and   reaction   to   cues   helps   speakers   and   hearers   to   coordinate   their   action,  adjusting  their  talk  as  meanings  emerge  in  real  time.     In  addition,  in  order  for  interactants  to  engage  in  these  sense-­‐making  activities  they  must  have  access   to  some  shared  frameworks  for   interpreting  communication.  In  this  way,   it   is   important  to  understand  that   meaning   is  not  only   jointly   constructed  and  emergent,   but   also  mediated.  We  must  be   careful,   however,   in   how   we   understand   this   mediation   process,   particularly   if   we   are   to   embrace   a   view   of   language   that   foregrounds   dialogism,   situatedness,   and   layered   simultaneity.   Language   classrooms,   for   example,   often   conflate  shared  ways  of  making  meaning  with  the  idea  of  national  or  ethnic  culture.  From  this  perspective,   Cultures  then  are  the  lens  through  which  people  mutually  create  and  interpret  meanings  and   the  frame  that  allows  the  communication  of  meanings  that  go  beyond  the  literal  denotations   of  the  words  being  used.  (Liddicoat  &  Scarino,  2013,  p.  20)     BELL  &  POMERANZ     E-­‐JournALL  1  (2014),  31-­‐47 38 While   we   agree   that   the   idea   of   shared   interpretive   practices   is   central   to   the   notion   of   communication   as   mediated,   we   maintain   that   these   shared   interpretive   practices   are   much   more   fluid,   dynamic,   and   incoherent   than   terms   like   “culture”   or   “lens”   or   “interpretive   framework”   might   suggest.   Indeed,   Gumperz   (1982)   himself   emphasized   that   contextualization   cues   are   learned   and   show   some   patterning  across  social  groups,  but  as  in  the  theories  of  language  use  we  have  been  discussing,  the  variability   and  dynamism  of  cues  must  also  be  acknowledged,  particularly  as  we  can  no  longer  see  languages  as  located   within  clearly  defined  cultural  and/or  national  spaces.  Perhaps,  then,   it   is  more  useful  to  think  of  people  as   relying  on   loosely  organized  and   constantly   changing   “interpretive   repertoires”   as   they  negotiate  meaning.   Much  like  the  idea  of   language  as  communicative  repertoire,   the  notion  of   interpretive  repertoire  moves  us   away   from  static,   unitary,   and   simplistic   views  of  meaning  making.  As  Liddicoat   and  Scarino   (2013)  put   it,   “this  means  that  meanings  are  not  simply  shared,  coherent  constructions  about  experience  but  rather  can  be   fragmented,  contradictory,  and  contested  within  the  practices  of  a  social  group  because  they  are  constituted   moments  of  interaction”  (p.  21).  Moreover,  as  noted  in  the  previous  section,  we  must  always  remember  that   meaning   is   as  much   a   synchronic   concept   as   a   diachronic   one.   Thus,  we   encourage   language   educators   to   move  away  from  a  transition  model,  to  one  that  embraces  the  idea  of  communication  as  jointly  constructed,   emergent,  and  mediated  across  timescales.     This   view   of   communication,   much   like   the   view   of   language   embraced   by   Complexity   Theory/   Dynamic  Systems  Theory  and  an  ecological   approach,   serves   to  disrupt  many  of   the   fictions   that   find   their   way  into  language  classrooms.  When  communication  is  understood  as  interpretive  rather  than  transactional,   the  focus  moves  from  questions  about  particular  instances  of  language  use  as  “correct”  or  “appropriate”  to  a   broader  concern  with  how  we  make  meaning  within  and  through  language.  This  does  not  mean  that  teachers   should   not   teach   the   kinds   of   vocabulary,   grammar,   interactional   routines,   or   genres   that   might   be   conventionally   associated   with   certain   contexts;   rather,   it   entails   teachers   and   learners   going   beyond   memorization  and  mimicry  to  critical  reflection  on  what  the  use  of  these  and  other  communicative  resources   might  mean  in  terms  of  the  actions,  identities  and  stances  they  construct.  And,  in  terms  of  instructional  goals,   it  means   focusing  on   the  development  of   learners’   communicative   and   interpretive   repertoires   in   terms  of   their  pragmatic—or  meaning-­‐making—competencies.       5.  Connecting  new  understandings  of  communication  to  humor  and  language  play   The   introduction   of   humor   and   language   play   represents   one   way   to   accomplish   this   shift.   Communication,  as  described  above,  is  much  less  predictable  than  language  textbooks  make  it  out  to  be.  Once   language  use  is  seen  as  an  act  of  interpretation,  humor  becomes  a  kind  of  language  use  that  should  be  central   to   language   teaching,   not   ancillary.   Humor   not   only   creates   and   relies   on   unpredictability,   but   also   often   communicates  multiple  meanings   simultaneously   and   in   indirect   and   ambiguous  ways.   To   illustrate   these   points,   we   discuss   several   ways   that   humor   and   language   play   can   be   used   to   help   foreground   a   view   of   communication  as  jointly  constructed,  emergent,  and  mediated.     5.1.  Joint  construction  and  emergence  of  meaning   An  accumulation  of  research   into  the  ways  that  humorous   intent   is  signaled   in  conversation  shows   that   this   information  normally   lies   below   the   level   of   consciousness   and   is   not   likely   to   be   something   that   classroom   learners   will   pick   up   on   their   own.   Such   findings   can   be   used   not   only   to   raise   learners’   metalinguistic   awareness   of   how   meaning   is   co-­‐constructed   and   emergent   within   interaction,   but   also   to   expand  their  communicative  and  interpretive  repertoires.  For  example,   laughter,  as  a  contextualization  cue,   has   always   been   intuitively   associated  with   humor   and   play,   and   in  many   cases   it   is   also   indicative   of   an   attempt  to  joke  (Glenn,  1989;  Jefferson,  1979).  At  the  same  time,  however,  it  must  be  recognized  that  laughter   is  also  a  common  cue  of  conversational   instability  or  trouble  (e.g.,  Glenn  and  Holt,  2013;  Partington,  2006).   Smiling,   in   fact,  may   be   a  more   conventional  means   for   cuing   humor   than   laughter   (Attardo,   Pickering,   &   Baker,   2011;   Pickering   et   al.,   2009).   Beyond   confirming   or   dispelling   these   common   assumptions   about   laughter  and  smiling,  students  can  be  introduced  to  additional  communicative  resources  that  can  be  used  as   cues  to  humor.  Code,  style,  and  register  switching,  for  instance,  are  often  used  to  contextualize  an  utterance  as   humorous   (Holmes,   2000;   Kotthoff,   1999;   Norrick,   2007).   These   encompass   a   wide   variety   of   linguistic   resources  (phonological,  lexical,  syntactic).  Some  cues  are  also  associated  with  specific  types  of  humor,  such   as  the  “blank  face”  as  a  signal  of  ironic  intent  (Attardo,  Eisterhold,  Hay,  &  Poggi,  2003)  or  the  use  of  a  third-­‐ person  pronoun  to  tease  an  interactant  who  is  present  (Straehle,  1993).  Furthermore,  the  use  of  cues  changes   RECONSIDERING  LANGUAGE  TEACHING  THROUGH  HUMOR       E-­‐JournALL  1  (2014),  31-­‐47   39 according  to  the  relationship  between  interlocutors.  In  more  intimate  relationships  it  is  more  likely  that  the   content  alone  will  be  used  to  signal  humor  (Flamson  &  Barrett  2008;  Flamson,  Bryant,  &  Barrett  2011).   The   knowledge   of   these   conventional   cues   can   be   presented   in   the   classroom   in   order   to   help   L2   users  identify  some  ways  that  hearers  might  be  able  to  identify  an  utterance  as  humorous  or  playful.  Film  and   television   clips   seem   to  be  a   fairly   reliable   source   for   this   type  of   activity,   as   scripted   interaction  has  been   demonstrated  to  represent  well  the  pragmalinguistic  aspects  of  utterances  with  respect  to  compliments  and   compliment   responses   (Rose,  2001),   apologies   (Kite  &  Tatsuki,  2005),   request  modification   (Martínez-­‐Flor,   2007),  and  teases  (Janney  &  Bell,  2014).  That  is  to  say,  the  presentation  of  these  speech  acts  in  films  closely   resembles   the   form  and   content   found   in  unscripted,   everyday   talk.  Thus,   examples  of   scripted   interaction   can  be  shown  to  students,  who  can   then  attempt   to   identify   the  contextualization  cues.  The  cues  described   above  for  humor  are  also  used  for  other  keys  or  functions,  which  allows  for  additional,  serious  examples  to  be   shown  in  order  to  emphasize  the  situated  nature  of  interpretation.  Teachers  can  easily  adjust  the  complexity   of  the  examples  and  the  saliency  of  the  contextualization  cues  to  meet  their  students’  needs,  making  this  kind   of  work  appropriate  for  both  novice  and  more  advanced  learners.     Moreover,  opportunities  for  production  can  also  be  highlighted  so  that   learners  go  beyond  noticing   particular   contextualization   cues   to   the   use   of   them   in   re-­‐contextualizing   interactions   as   funny   or   serious.   Here,   the   instructional   focus  can  be  not  only  on  which  contextualization  cues  might  be  used   in  a  particular   context,   but   also   on   how   learners   might   adjust   their   use   of   such   cues   in   real   time   depending   on   their   interlocutors’   responses.   Similar   to   Canale   and   Swain’s   (1980)   notion   of   strategic   competence,   such  work   helps   learners   to   understand   that   communication   is   jointly   constructed   and   emergent.   Moreover,   it   helps   them  to  see  how  they  might  marshal  existing  communicative/interpretive  resources  or  perhaps  even  access   new  ones  over  the  course  of   interaction.  Spontaneous  role-­‐plays  and  other  forms  of  drama-­‐based  pedagogy   that   encourage   a   humorous   or   playful   element   are   particularly   suited   to   these   instructional   goals.   Taken   together,   such   activities   not   only   contribute   to   the   development   of   learners’   metalinguistic   awareness   by   introducing  them  to  the  notion  of  contextualization  cues,  they  also  serve  as  repertoire-­‐building  exercises   in   terms  of  learners’  communicative  and  interpretive  capabilities.           5.2.  Mediation   In   addition   to   proffering   a   view   of   communication   as   jointly   constructed   and   emergent,   humor,   in   particular,   can   be   used   to   highlight   the   idea   of   communication   as   mediated   by   people’s   interpretive   repertoires.  Specifically,  humor  is  especially  well  suited  to  addressing  what  Díaz  (2013)  calls  “languaculture   dissonance.”3  Briefly,  languacultural  dissonance     refers   to   any   aspect   of   ‘language   practice’   that   originates   either   intentionally   or   unintentionally,   and  which,   on   the  part  of   the   interlocutor(s),   comes  across   as  unexpected   within  an  array  of  evaluation  that  may  range  from  the  slightly  incongruous  to  the  extremely   out  of  place.  (p.  37)       Whereas  Díaz  (2013)  goes  on  to  elaborate  the  ways  in  which  such  dissonances  may  lead  to  negative   stereotyping,  we  argue   that  particular  attention   to  why/how  someone  might   find  such  moments   funny   is  a   particularly   rich   starting   point   for   discussion.   That   is,   humor   opens   the   door   for   talking   about   how   communication   is   mediated   by   peoples’   interpretive   repertoires.   Rather   than   focusing   on   what   makes   dissonance  problematic,  a  focus  on  humor  shifts  the  conversation  to  how  mediation  works.       For  example,  much  humor  is  predicated  on  violations  of  shared,  widely  circulating  “cultural  scripts”   that   form   part   of   many   peoples’   interpretive   repertoires.   This   humor   may   poke   fun   at   expectations   for   actions,  identities,  or  stances  in  a  particular  situation  or  indicate  something  about  the  kinds  of  scripts  that  are   even  available  for  playful  manipulation  in  a  given  context.  An  examination  of  humor  asks  one  to  engage  with   both  what  is  actually  present  in  an  interactional  moment  and  one’s  assumptions  and  expectations  about  what   should   have   been   there.   Again,   clips   of   scripted   interaction   can   provide   a   way   to   access   and   reflect   upon   dissonant  sequences  of  talk.  While  the  studies  of  scripted  and  naturally-­‐occurring  discourse,  cited  above,  have   suggested   that   film   and   television   talk   provides   a   fairly   good   representation   of   the   pragmalinguistics   of   speech  acts,  they  have  also  suggested  (with  the  exception  of  Martínez-­‐Flor,  2007)  that  these  sources  do  not   accurately  represent  conventional  language  variation  according  to  social  factors,  such  as  how  speakers  alter                                                                                                                   3  Díaz  draws  here  on  the  work  of  Agar  (1994)  and  Zamborlin  (2007).   BELL  &  POMERANZ     E-­‐JournALL  1  (2014),  31-­‐47 40 the  forms  they  use  according  to  factors  such  as  their  hearer’s  age,  gender,  or  social  status.  In  other  words,  the   sociopragmatics  of  speech  may  not  be  well  represented  in  scripted  discourse.  Often,  however,  these  unusual   patterns   are   used   as   a   source   for   humor,   and   in   doing   so   implicitly   index   the   cultural   scripts   that   inform   conventional  linguistic  choices.  Because  of  this,  humorous  film  and  television  talk  can  still  be  used  to  develop   learners’   understanding   of   communication   as   mediated,   through   identification   of   and   reflection   on   the   cultural   scripts   and   their   violations.   Likewise,   as   in   our   discussion   of   contextualization   cues,   such   noticing   activities   can  be   adjusted   to   the   linguistic   proficiency   and  maturity   of   the   students.  Moreover,   they   can  be   aligned  with  production  activities,  ranging  from  the  scripted  to  the  unscripted,  so  that  learners  have  a  chance   to  create  their  own  humorous  episodes.     6.  Conclusion:  humor  and  postmodernist  language  teaching   As   we   noted   at   the   outset   of   this   paper,   we   are   certainly   not   the   first   to   highlight   and   critique   modernist   models   of   language   and   communication   that   have   long   guided—and   many   would   argue   constrained—language  education.  Although  the  alternative  conceptions  of  language  and  communication  that   we   discuss   have   become  widely   accepted   in   applied   linguistics,   their   application   to   L2   pedagogy   remains   underdeveloped.   This   paper   represents   an   attempt   to   remedy   that   gap.   To   this   end,   we   have   described   several  ways  in  which  humor  and  language  play  might  be  used  to  counter  particular  fictions  about  language   and   communication,   while   simultaneously   serving   to   develop   learners’   metalinguistic   awareness   and   communicative/interpretive  repertoires  (for  additional  ideas  and  examples  see  Gardner,  2008;  Lucas,  2005;   Tocalli-­‐Beller   &   Swain,   2007;   Tin,   2012,   2013).   Humor   and   language   play   provide   ample   opportunities   to   illustrate  the  variability,  dynamism,  dialogism,  and  situatedness  that  scholars  emphasize  in  their  accounts  of   language.   Likewise,   humor   and   language   play   allow   for   and   even   require   learners   to   adopt   a   view   of   communication  that  is  predicated  on  joint  negotiation,  emergence  of  meaning,  and  mediation.  Moreover,  we   have   shown   how   pedagogical   activities   designed   around   non-­‐serious   discourse   can   contribute   to   the   expansion  of  learners’  communicative  and  interpretive  repertoires.  In  this  way,  we  have  attempted  to  build  a   case  for  using  humor  and  language  play  in  the  classroom  that  goes  beyond  the  “fun  factor”  as  an  instructional   goal.  This  is  not  to  say  that  we  think  enjoyment  and  pleasure  have  no  legitimate  place  in  language  pedagogy— our  stance  could  not  be  farther  from  this.  However,  we  are  focused  here  on  the  broader  goal  of  contributing   to   the   development   of   approaches   to   language   teaching   that   connect   theory   to   practice   in  meaningful   and   productive  ways.     Readers,   for   example,   may   recognize   that   many   of   our   pedagogical   suggestions   for   incorporating   humor  and  language  play  into  the  classroom  have  their  origins  in  both  cognitive  and  social  approaches  to  L2   development.   Focus   on   form   (e.g.,   Doughty   &   Williams,   1998;   Swain,   1998;   Swain   et   al.,   2009;   Williams,   2001),  the  importance  of  noticing  (e.g.,  Philp,  2003;  Pica,  1996;  Schmidt,  1990),  and  opportunities  for  output   (e.g.,  Swain,  1985;  Swain  &  Lapkin,  1995)  all  figure  centrally  in  our  activities.  At  the  same  time,  our  repeated   emphasis  on  engaging  learners  in  the  process  of  critical  reflection  is  rooted  in  the  field’s  gradual  embrace  of   notions   like   agency   and   identity   (e.g.,   Atkinson,   2011;   Block,   2003;   Norton,   2000;   Pavlenko   &   Blackledge,   2004;   Zuengler   &   Miller,   2004).   In   our   pedagogical   approach,   the   idea   of   the   learner   as   an   empty   vessel   waiting  to  be  filled  with  target  language  forms  and  rules  has  clearly  given  way  to  a  view  of  the  learner  as  an   active   constructor   of  meaning   (e.g.,   Kramsch,   2008,   2009,   2014).   And,   in   foregrounding   the   ambiguity   and   polysemy  inherent  in  much  humorous  and  playful  talk,  we  pay  tribute  to  the  ways  in  which  learners’  multiple   and   ever-­‐changing   identities,   histories,   and   desires   mediate   both   their   access   to   and   use   of   particular   communicative   and   interpretive   resources.   For   us,   the   goal   of   language   education   is   not   to   produce   individuals   who   use   and   understand   “a   language”   in   exactly   the   same   way,   but   rather   to   help   emergent   bilinguals   to   recognize,   expand,   and   critically   reflect   on   the   various   communicative   and   interpretive   resources  they  have  at  their  disposal.   Indeed,  in  recent  years,  ecological  and  intercultural  approaches  to  language  education  have  begun  to   emerge  that  build  on  precisely  the  theories  of  language,  communication,  and  the  learner  that  we  discuss  here   (e.g.,  Díaz,  2013;  Kramsch,  2014;  Liddicoat  &  Scarino,  2013).  Liddicoat  and  Scarino  (2013),  for  example,  posit   that  the  goal  of  language  education  should  be  the  development  of  an  intercultural  orientation.  They  write:   An   intercultural   orientation   focuses   on   languages   and   cultures   as   sites   of   interactive   engagement  in  the  act  of  meaning-­‐making  and  implies  a  transformational  engagement  of  the   learner  in  the  act  of  learning.  Here,  learning  involves  the  student  in  a  practice  of  confronting   multiple   possible   interpretations,   which   seeks   to   decenter   the   learner   and   to   develop   a   response  to  meaning  as  the  result  of  engagement  with  another  culture  (Kramsch  and  Nolden,   RECONSIDERING  LANGUAGE  TEACHING  THROUGH  HUMOR       E-­‐JournALL  1  (2014),  31-­‐47   41 1994).  Here,  the  borders  between  self  and  other  are  explored,  problematized  and  redrawn.   (p.  49)     To  us,  it  is  not  just  the  interactive  and  transformative  aspect  of  their  framework  that  stands  out,  but   also  the  emphasis  on  “confronting  multiple  possible  interpretations”  and  “decentering.”  Humor  and  language   play  are  frequently  predicated  on  ambiguity  and  polysemy  in  both  their  structure  and  their  functions.  They   are   clearly   dialogic,   addressed   to   immediate   aspects   of   the   linguistic   and   social   context,   and   also   to   our   expectations  about  what   should  or   could,   as  well   as  what  has  previously  been  a  part  of   the  dialogue.  They   push  us  to  consider  multiple  interpretations  simultaneously  and  to  imagine  various  perspectives.  In  this  way,   humor   and   language   play  would   seem   to   be   prodigious   resources   for   language   education   and   not  merely   distractions   from   the   serious   business   of   learning.   Moreover,   the   emphasis   on   critical   reflection   and   the   development  of  metalinguistic  awareness  complements  our   interest   in   language  classrooms  becoming  sites   not  just  for  the  learning  of  particular  languages,  but  also  for  learning  about  language  itself.  As  Liddicoat  and   Scarino   (2013)   put   it,   “[…]   developing   the   intercultural   includes   not   only   developing   awareness   but   also   developing   the   ability   to   analyze,   explain,   and   elaborate   this   awareness;   that   is,   it   involves   a  meta-­‐level   of   awareness  (or  meta-­‐awareness).”  (p.  50)   As  we  have  illustrated  throughout  this  paper,  humor  and  language  play  offer  ample  opportunities  to   engage   in   and  develop   just   this   kind  of   critical   reflexivity.  And,   in   thinking   about  what   language   education   should  look  like  in  a  postmodern  world,  Kramsch  (2008)  suggests  that     we   teach   our   students   less   the   ability   to   exchange   information   precisely,   accurately,   and   appropriately   in   monolingual   conversations   with   speakers   of   standard   national   languages,   but,  rather,  that  we  develop  in  them  a  much  more  flexible  capacity  to  read  people,  situations   and   events   based   on   a   deep   understanding   of   the   historical   and   subjective   dimensions   of   human  experience.  (p.  391)       It  is  precisely  this  kind  of  capacity  that  we  hope  to  develop  in  our  students,  and  we  hope  that  we  have   demonstrated  that  humor  and  language  play  are  particularly  well  suited  to  this  task.   There   are,   of   course,   risks   involved   in   using   playful   or   humorous   talk   as   a   focus   for   language   instruction.  Chief  among  these   is   the   fear  that   learners  will  not  get   the   joke  and  that  the  teacher  will  suffer   some   loss   of   face   and/or   credibility,   or   even   that   some   learners   will   see   humor   as   inappropriate   for   the   classroom  and   resist   its   implementation.  While  we   recognize   these   as   legitimate   concerns,  we  believe   that   such  obstacles  can  be  overcome  through  careful  planning  and  presentation.  The  types  of  activities  we  have   proposed  here  do  not  rely  on  the  students’  finding  them  amusing  for  their  success.  Rather,  they  are  primarily   language   learning   and   awareness-­‐raising   tasks   that   happen   to   incorporate   a   playful   or   humorous   element   that  students  may  or  may  not   find  enjoyable.4  Teachers’  primary  consideration  should  be  what  needs   to  be   taught.   If   the  elements   to  be  addressed   lend   themselves   to  a  playful   lesson  design,   they   then  must  prepare   that  lesson  by  thinking  through  the  pieces  of  linguistic  and  contextual  knowledge  that  learners  might  need  in   order   to   work  with   a   particular   example,   and   strive   to   put   these   pieces   into   place   as   part   of   the   lesson’s   overall   design.  At   the   same   time,   teachers   should   recognize   that,   even  more   so   than  with   serious   language   use,   humor   and   language   play   always   entail   some   degree   of   unpredictability   and   thus   teachers   should   be   prepared   to  deal  with   such   issues  as   they  arise.  Furthermore,  we  also   suggest   that,   rather   than   fearing   the   unknown,  teachers  might  use  some  of  the  ideas  we  have  presented  here  to  think  about  how  they  can,  either  in   the   moment   or   at   some   later   point,   capitalize   on   the   spontaneous   humor   that   arises   in   their   classrooms,   including  in  particular  that  which  involves  moments  of  languacultural  dissonance.   A   second,   and  equally  pressing   concern,   is   the   fear   that  particular   instances  of   humor  or   language   play   might   be   perceived   as   offensive   by   the   learners   or   lead   to   the   construction   of   negative   stereotypes.   Whereas   the   former  may   be   dealt  with,   at   least   in   part,   through   the   careful   selection   of  materials   and   the   sensitive   management   of   classroom   discussion,   the   latter   presents   a   more   challenging   scenario.   Here   we   would  advise  teachers  to  again  engage  with—and  not  shy  away  from—such  teachable  moments.  A  teacher  of   Spanish,   for   example,   once   asked   us  what  we  would   do  with   types   of   humor   that   one   cultural   group,   as   a   whole,   would   typically   find   funny,   but   other   groups   might   perceive   as   morally   suspect.   The   example   this   teacher   gave   was   of   a   scene   where   someone   slips   and   falls   and   the   spectators   start   laughing.   First   of   all,                                                                                                                   4  See  Tocalli-­‐Beller  and  Swain  (2007)  for  excerpts  of  student  interaction  around  a  riddle-­‐based  activity.  As  students  worked  to  decode   the  ambiguity  that  created  the  humor  in  the  riddle,  they  exhibited  signs  of  varying  degrees  and  types  of  pleasure  and  amusement.   BELL  &  POMERANZ     E-­‐JournALL  1  (2014),  31-­‐47 42 humor  preferences  are  known  to  be  highly  idiosyncratic  (Tannen,  1984),  and  students  need  only  look  to  the   variety  of  humor   that   is   available   and  appreciated  within   their   own  extended   circles   in  order   to   recognize   that   it   would   be   foolish   to   assume   that   all  members   of   a   particular   cultural   group   find   the   same   kinds   of   humor   amusing.   At   the   same   time,   however,   humor   preferences   are   also   strongly   held   and   are   used   as   important  identifiers  of  in-­‐  and  out-­‐group  status,  particularly  along  cultural  and  class  lines  (Kuipers,  2006a,   2006b).  In  fact,  individuals  often  express  their  distaste  for  certain  comedians  in  vehement  terms,  and  extend   their  scorn  even  to  fans  of  these  comedians  (Friedman  &  Kuipers,  2013),  something  not  seen  in  responses  to   other  cultural  realms,  such  as  attire.  Because  of  this,  instances  of  languacultural  dissonance  involving  humor   can   certainly   be   used   to   raise   awareness   and   engage   in   some   critical   reflection   around   competing   value   systems   and   the   dangers   of   stereotyping.   Davies   (2004),   for   instances,   recommends   a   middle   ground,   in   which   we   alert   our   students   to   the   possibility   of   dissonance,   while   also   emphasizing   the   impossibility   of   delineating   national   styles   of   language   use.   She   suggests   that   abstract   statements   about   the   L2   “must   be   constantly   linked   in   the   classroom   with   specific   instances   of   language   use.   Cultural   styles   have   to   be   differentiated   in   relation   to   the   kind   of   action   being   performed”   (p.   213).   Using   German   and   American   English,   she   provides   examples   of   potential   touchstones   for   the   examination   of   languacultural   dissonance,   including  joking,  and  how  abstractions  about  language  behavior  can  be  linked  to  specific  instances  of  situated   interaction.   Furthermore,  moments  of  languacultural  dissonance  involving  humor  that  is  offensive,  discomfiting,   or   simply  not  amusing   to   some  or  all  of  our   students   can  serve  as   catalysts  vis-­‐à-­‐vis  our  goals  as   language   educators.  If,  as  Liddicoat  and  Scarino  (2013)  and  others  have  argued,  the  purpose  of  language  education  is   the  development  of   intercultural   language  users,   then  such  examples  provide  us  with  opportunities   to  help   learners  find  “a  personal  intercultural  style  and  identity”  (p.  25).  Work  in  pragmatics  has  demonstrated  that   using  a  language  does  not  require  taking  on  all  of  the  values  that  other  users  of  this  language  hold,  and  that   even  when   familiar  with   the   norms   of   the   L2,   learners  may   choose   not   to   abide   by   them   (Dewaele,   2008;   Hinkel,   1996,   Siegal,   1996;   Rampton,   1987).   As   part   of   the   process   of   becoming   intercultural   speakers,   L2   users  must  come  to  terms  with  the  fact  that  they  can  never  become  “native  speakers”  and  must  develop  their   own  ways  of  using  and  understanding  the  language  of  instruction,  both  seriously  and  playfully.   This   last   point   brings   us   to   a   vast   and   important   area   that   we   have   not   discussed   in   the   present   paper,   that  of   teaching  about  humor   itself.  As  we  noted   in  opening  this  paper,  serious  talk  has  traditionally   been  privileged  in  the  L2  classroom.  This  is  understandable,  as  it  is  usually  associated  with  the  expression  of   transactional,   utilitarian   needs,   which   L2   users   are   imagined   as   requiring.   Non-­‐serious   communication   is   thought   of   as   extra   and   thus   can   be   developed   at   a   later   date   and   outside   of   the   classroom.   Yet,   playful   discourse  can  have  an  equally  important  role  in  communicating  practical,  mundane  information.  Skill  in  using   humor   can  make   navigating   certain   social   situations  much   smoother.  Many   face-­‐threatening   situations   are   made  less  so  when  the  threat  is  framed  as  play.  Humor  is  regularly  used  to  manage  refusal  sequences,  to  do   indirect   critiques,   or   to   respond   to   teasing   or   bullying.   The   ability   to   join   in   humorous   discourse   eases   an   individual’s  entry  into  a  new  social  group.  It  is  also  crucial  to  recognize  that  although  we  have  been  discussing   this   in   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Van   Lier,   Leo   (2004).   The   ecology   and   semiotics   of   language   learning:   A   sociocultural   perspective.   Dordrecht,  Netherlands:  Kluwer  Academic.   Veale,   Tony   (2012).   Exploding   the   creativity   myth:   The   computational   foundations   of   linguistic   creativity.   London,  United  Kingdom:  Bloomsbury  Academic.   Verspoor,   Marjolijn,   de   Bot,   Kees,   &   Lowie,   Wander   (2011).   A   dynamic   approach   to   second   language   development.  Amsterdam,  Netherlands:  John  Benjamins.   BELL  &  POMERANZ     E-­‐JournALL  1  (2014),  31-­‐47 46 Williams,  Jessica  (2001).  The  effectiveness  of  spontaneous  attention  to  form.  System,  29,  325–240.   Zamborlin,   Chiara   (2007).   Going   beyond   pragmatic   failures:   Dissonance   in   intercultural   communication.   Intercultural  Pragmatics,  4(1),  21–50.   Zuengler,   Jane,   &   Miller,   Elizabeth   R.   (2006).   Cognitive   and   sociocultural   perspectives:   Two   parallel   SLA   worlds?  TESOL  Quarterly,  40,  35–58.   Zwiers,   Jeff,  &  Crawford,  Marie  (2009).  How  to  start  academic  conversations.  Educational  Leadership,  66(7),   70–73.       RECONSIDERING  LANGUAGE  TEACHING  THROUGH  HUMOR       E-­‐JournALL  1  (2014),  31-­‐47   47 Nancy Bell, Washington State University nbell@wsu.edu EN Nancy Bell is an Associate Professor and coordinator of the ESL program in the English Department at Washington State University. Her research interests center mainly on the discourse analytic investigation of conversational humor and language play, especially with respect to second language users. Her work has appeared in such journals as Applied Linguistics, Humor: International Journal of Humor Studies, Journal of Pragmatics, Language Learning, and Intercultural Pragmatics. She is also the author of A Student’s Guide to the M.A. TESOL. ES Nancy Bell es Profesor adjunto y coordinadora del programa ESL en el Departamento de Inglés de la Washington State University. Sus intereses de investigación se centran principalmente en la investigación analítica del discurso del humor conversacional y el juego lingüístico, especialmente con respecto a los usuarios de una segunda lengua. Su trabajo ha aparecido en revistas como Applied Linguistics, Humor: International Journal of Humor Studies, Journal of Pragmatics, Language Learning e Intercultural Pragmatics. Es también la autora de A Student’s Guide to the M.A. TESOL. IT Nancy Bell è Professore Associato e coordinatrice del programma ESL presso l’English Department della Washington State University. Le sue ricerche si concentrano principalmente sullo studio analitico dell’umorismo nel discorso e dei giochi linguistici, soprattutto in riferimento agli utenti di lingua seconda. I suoi lavori sono apparsi in riviste quali Applied Linguistics, Humor: International Journal of Humor Studies, Journal of Pragmatics, Language Learning e Intercultural Pragmatics. È inoltre autrice di A Student’s Guide to the M.A. TESOL.     Anne Pomerantz,  University of Pennsylvania apomeran@gse.upenn.edu EN Anne Pomerantz is a Senior Lecturer in the Educational Linguistics program at the University of Pennsylvania, Graduate School of Education, where she teaches classes on language and identity, second language pedagogy, and intercultural communication. Her work has appeared in Applied Linguistics, Critical Inquiry in Language Studies, Journal of Language & Identity in Education, Journal of Language & Intercultural Communication, Modern Language Journal, and Multilingua. ES Anne Pomerantz es Profesor Titular en el programa de Lingüística de la Educación de la University of Pennsylvania, Graduate School of Education, donde imparte clases sobre lenguaje e identidad, pedagogía de segundas lenguas y comunicación intercultural. Su trabajo ha aparecido en Applied Linguistics, Critical Inquiry in Language Studies, Journal of Language & Identity in Education, Journal of Language & Intercultural Communication, Modern Language Journal, y Multilingua. IT Anne Pomerantz è Lettrice Senior (Professore Associato) del programma di Educational Linguistics presso la University of Pennsylvania, Graduate School of Education, dove tiene corsi su linguaggio e identità, pedagogia della lingua seconda e comunicazione interculturale. I suoi lavori sono apparsi nelle riviste Applied Linguistics, Critical Inquiry in Language Studies, Journal of Language & Identity in Education, Journal of Language & Intercultural Communication, Modern Language Journal e Multilingua.