Marocchini_4.2 EuroAmerican  Journal  of  Applied  Linguistics  and  Languages   Special  Issue,  Volume  4,  Issue  2,  December  2017,  pages  75-­‐96   ISSN  2376-­‐905X     DOI  http://dx.doi.org/10.21283/2376905X.7.98   www.e-­‐journall.org   ©  Marocchini  2017.  This  work  is  licensed  under  a  Creative  Commons  Attribution  4.0  International  License.                                                                                                                                   *  Contact:  eleonora.marocchini@gmail.com     Politeness  strategies  in  complaints  in  Italian:     A  study  on  IFL  learners  and  Italian  native  speakers     ELEONORA  MAROCCHINI*1   Università  degli  Studi  di  Pavia         Received  30  March  2017;  received  in  revised  form  31  July  2017;  accepted  3  December  2017     ABSTRACT EN This paper reports on an ongoing study of Dutch native speakers learning Italian as a foreign language in a guided learning context. The study compares native and non-native realization patterns of complaints, both in terms of the type of expression of judgment and the request for reparation performed (following the classifications suggested by Nuzzo, 2007), and of the use of modifiers. Special attention is given to the potential effects of learners’ language proficiency levels on the native- likeness of their realization patterns and of the quantity and variety of modifiers they used. Methods consisted of a sociolinguistic questionnaire, a written discourse completion test, and a conditional inference trees analysis of the production of 23 learners attending a B1 level course, 19 learners attending a B2 level course, and 23 native Italian speakers. Key words: ITALIAN, DUTCH, PRAGMATICS, SPEECH ACTS, POLITENESS, MODIFIERS ES El presente trabajo documenta un estudio en curso relativo a hablantes nativos de holandés que aprenden italiano como lengua extranjera en un contexto de enseñanza guiada. El estudio compara patrones de realización de quejas en habla nativa y no nativa, tanto en términos de realización de expresión de juicio como en petición de compensación (siguiendo las clasificaciones sugeridas por Nuzzo, 2007), sin olvidar el uso de modificadores. Se ha prestado especial atención a los niveles de dominio del idioma de los estudiantes y a sus potenciales efectos en la semejanza que muestran sus patrones de realización con el habla nativa, así como en la cantidad y variedad de modificadores utilizados. Los métodos consistieron en un cuestionario sociolingüístico, un test para completar el discurso y un árbol de inferencia condicional sobre la producción de veintitrés estudiantes que asisten a un curso de nivel B1, diecinueve que asisten a un curso de nivel B2 y veintitrés hablantes nativos de italiano. Palabras clave: ITALIANO, HOLANDÉS, PRAGMÁTICA, ACTOS DE HABLA, CORTESÍA, MODIFICADORES   IT Questo articolo tratta di uno studio in corso su soggetti di madre lingua olandese che studiano italiano in un contesto di apprendimento guidato. Lo studio confronta la realizzazione di formule di protesta da parte di madrelingua e non, prendendo in esame sia il tipo di espressione di giudizio che il tipo di richiesta di scuse (in base alle classificazioni suggerite da Nuzzo, 2007), nonché l’uso di modificatori. Particolare attenzione è stata dedicata agli effetti potenziali del livello di padronanza linguistica degli apprendenti sui loro modelli (patterns di realizzazione) linguistici simili a quelli nativi e sulla quantità e varietà dei modificatori usati. La metodologia utilizzata è consistita in un questionario sociolinguistico, un test di completamento (DCT- written discourse completion test) e un’analisi CTree della produzione di 23 apprendenti di un corso di livello B1, 19 apprendenti di un corso di livello B2 e 23 di madrelingua italiana. Parole chiave: ITALIANO, OLANDESE, PRAGMATICA, ATTI LINGUISTICI, CORTESIA, MODIFICATORI MAROCCHINI   E-­‐JournALL  4(2)  (2017),  pp.  75-­‐96  76   1.  Introduction   The  present  paper  reports  on  an  ongoing  study  of  how  native  Italian  speakers  and  learners  of  Italian   as   a   foreign   language   (IFL)   perform   complaints.   The   study   was   conducted   with   native   Dutch   speakers   learning  IFL  in  a  guided  learning  context  in  Belgium.   Grounded   in   the   field   of   acquisitional   pragmatics   of   Italian   as   a   second   or   a   foreign   language   (Giacalone-­‐Ramat,  Chini,  &  Andorno,  2013),  this  paper  focuses  on  pragmatic  competence,  considered  here  as   the   ability   to   perform   specific   communicative   acts   in   a   native-­‐like   way.   The   paper   analyzes   pragmatic   competence   of   IFL   learners   by   looking   at   patterns   of   realization   of   certain   speech   acts,   especially   face-­‐ threatening   ones   (see   Brown   &   Levinson,   1987,   p.   61),   like   complaints,   and   analyzing   modification   techniques,   both   in   terms   of   quantity   and   variety   of   modifiers   used,   in   order   to   understand   learners’   preferred  politeness  strategies.   The   results   of   observation   and   analysis   are   then   compared   with   the   native   speakers’   linguistic   behaviour  and  evaluated  in  terms  of  native-­‐likeness.  These  results  provide  a  first  step  for  developing  specific   didactic  methods,  advancing  recommendations  on  input  to  provide  to  learners,  and  studying  whether  didactic   approaches  have  any  significant  effect  on  the  cultivation  of  pragmatic  competence.     1.1.  Literature  review   1.1.1.  Complaints     Research  on  speech  acts  dates  back  to  Austin’s  work  on  philosophy  of  language  (Austin,  1961;  1962)   where  he  provided  a  classification  of  these  acts,  introducing  ideas  that  remain  central  to  modern  pragmatics   such  as  a  speaker’s   intentions,  and   the   felicity  conditions  and   illocutionary   force  of  his/her  utterances   (see   Austin,   1962).   These   and   other   ideas  were   discussed   and   implemented   by   Searle   (see   Searle,   1969,   1975,   1976,  1979),  who  created  another  detailed   classification  of   speech  acts:   complaints  were   classified  here  as   expressive  acts,  since  the  speaker  performing  a  complaint  communicates  his  reaction  to  a  negative  (verbal  or   nonverbal)  action  (Searle,  1976).     Further   research,   though,   has   identified   complaints   as   more   complex   speech   acts   because   the   speaker  usually  tries  to  influence  the  behavior  of  the  actor  of  the  negative  action  so  that  the  action  is  fixed  or,   at   the   least,   not   repeated.   For   instance,   George   (1990)   identifies   two   kinds   of   complaints:   expressive   and   directive.  Expressive  complaints  (according  to  George)  can  either  address  the  actor  of  an  annoying  act  or  not:   in   fact,   the   speaker   performing   them   reports   on   an   annoying   act   without   asking   for   reparation.   Directive   complaints,   instead,  are  performed  when  the  speaker   tries   to  convince   the  actor  of   the  annoying  act  not   to   repeat  the  act.  This  distinction  is  not  far  from  Boxer’s  more  recent  idea  that  complaints  can  either  be  indirect   or  direct   (Boxer,   2010,   pp.   163-­‐168).   For  Boxer,   indirect   complaints   only   address   someone  who   is   not   the   actor  of   the  action   triggering   the  complaint.  This  means   that  only  direct  complaints  are   face-­‐threatening   in   Brown   and   Levinson’s   (1987)   terms.   The   problem   with   this   dualism   is   that   a   direct   complaint   is   not   infrequently  performed  along  with  an   indirect  one.  These  two  types  of  complaints  can  therefore   instead  be   seen   as   two  parts   of   a   complaint,  which   can   be   termed,   following  Nuzzo   (2007,   p.   108),   an   “expression   of   judgment”  and  a  “request   for  reparation”.  These   two  components  can  occur  simultaneously  or   individually.   Rubino  and  Bettoni  (2006)  even  consider  a  third  part  of  a  complaint,  namely  the  “resolution  of  the  matter”,   which  is  usually  shared  between  the  speaker  and  the  addressee.   Complaint  realization  patterns  have  been  widely  studied  in  English  as  a  second  language  (see  Boxer,   1993,  pp.  280-­‐281  for  a  short  review  and  Trosborg,  1995  in  detail),  but  they  remain  understudied  in  Italian.   Some  relevant  exceptions  include  studies  conducted  by  George  (1990)  and  Rubino  and  Bettoni  (1993;  though   their   point   of   view   was   more   cross-­‐cultural   than   acquisitional),   Nuzzo   (2006,   2007),   Rastelli   and   Nuzzo   (2009),  and  Gauci  (2012,  2015).   Nuzzo  (2007)  examined  pragmatic  competence  in  Italian  as  a  second  language,  studying  specific  and   delicate  face-­‐threatening  speech  acts  like  requests,  complaints,  and  apologies.  The  researcher  classified  data   collected  from  three  learners  of  Italian  as  a  second  language  studying  in  Milan  and  identified:  three  types  of   expression  of  judgment  where  the  speaker  makes  clear  that  the  addressee  is  responsible  for  the  act  triggering   the   complaint,   five   types  of   expression  of   judgment  where   the   speaker  does  not   explicitly   specify  anyone’s   responsibility,  and  seven  types  of  requests  for  reparation  (Nuzzo,  2007,  pp.  112-­‐115).     In  addition  to  proposing  this  fine-­‐grained  classification,  Nuzzo’s  work  also  finds  that  native  speakers   prefer  to  “underline  the  negativity  of  the  event  itself”  (Nuzzo,  2007,  p.  153),  rather  than  explicitly  state  that   the   addressee   is   responsible   for   the   negative   event   and   explicitly   request   reparations:   65,4%   of   the   POLITENESS  STRATEGIES  IN  COMPLAINTS  IN  ITALIAN     E-­‐JournALL  4(2)  (2017),  pp.  75-­‐96   77   complaints   collected   in   the   study   corpus   of   Italian   L1   only   contained   an   expression   of   judgment,   25,9%   involved  a  judgment  and  a  request  for  reparation  and  only  8,7%  of  them  displayed  a  request  for  reparation   with  no  expression  of  judgment.  In  contrast,  learners  were  seen  to  use  requests  for  reparation  more  often  and   to  explicitly  blame  the  addressee  for  the  negative  event  (pp.  121-­‐122).  Nuzzo’s  data  will  be  compared  to  that   collected  for  the  present  study,  though  with  some  adjustments;  since  her  data  were  collected  longitudinally,   and  from  only  three  learners,  they  are  not  perfectly  comparable  to  the  data  presented  here.   Realization   patterns   that   are   less   direct   are   perceived   by   native   Italian   speakers   as   more   polite:   politeness   norms   compel   the   speaker   to   soften   face-­‐threatening   acts   through   indirect   formulations   and   modification  devices  (that  will  be  defined  in  the  next  section)  in  order  to  be  perceived  as  less  imperative  and   demanding   (see   Nuzzo   &   Gauci,   2012,   p.   18).   The   use   of   certain   realization   patterns   and   modifiers   can   therefore   be   seen   as   a   set   of   politeness   strategies.   Not   all   of   these   strategies   are   universal   (see   Brown   &   Levinson,  1987)  and  native  speakers  of  Italian  appear  to  use  them  more  naturally.     1.1.2.  Modifiers     Even   if   native   speakers   (NSs)   tend   to   employ  more   indirect   expressions   of   judgment   than   explicit   requests   for   reparation,   complaints   are   difficult   to   produce   without   attacking   one’s   relationship   with   the   actor   of   the   complaint-­‐triggering   action.   For   this   reason,   as   stated   earlier,   modification   is   often   used   to   mitigate  the  offensive  nature  of  the   judgments.    Trosborg  (1995,  pp.  209-­‐219)  defines   internal  modifiers  as   morphosyntactical   and   lexical   devices   used   by   speakers   to   decrease   (“downgraders”)   or   enhance   (“upgraders”)  the  impact  an  utterance  may  have  on  the  hearer  (p.  209).  She  defines  external  modifiers  as  any   supporting  utterances  used  to  attract  the  attention  of  the  addressee  and  prepare,  persuade,  and  disarm  the   addressee  of  a  face-­‐threatening  speech  act  (p.  215).     Modifiers   can   therefore   be   deployed   in   speech   acts   in   order   to   modify   the   social   impact   of   one’s   reaction,   communicate  a   specific  pragmatic   force,   and  downgrade  or  upgrade   the   level  of   coerciveness;   for   this   reason   Blum-­‐Kulka   defines   them   “multifunctional   in   two   distinct   ways”   (1985,   p.   213).   Modification   devices   are   a  widely-­‐used   category   of   analysis   for   all   the   studies   examining   pragmatic   competence   among   language  learners  (see  for  instance  Forsberg,  Lundell,  &  Erman,  2012,  for  English  and  French;  Martínez-­‐Flor,   2008  for  English;  Gauci,  2015,  and  Nuzzo,  2013  for  Italian;  Salazar  Campillo,  2008,  for  English).  These  devices   were  studied  by  Nuzzo  (2007)  and  Gauci  (2015),  who,  with  a  specific   focus  on  morphosyntactic  and   lexical   modifiers,  analyzed  the  realization  patterns  of  complaints  in  Italian  as  a  second  language  in  order  to  develop   a  clear  picture  of  politeness  strategies  used  by  nonnative  speakers  (NNSs)  and  NSs  of  Italian.     1.1.3.  Politeness  strategies  in  Dutch     Given   that   all   of   the   learners   in   the  present   study  were  native  Dutch   speakers,   a   comparison  with   politeness  strategies   in  Dutch   is  needed.  According   to  a  study  by  Van  Mulken  (1996),  based  on  a  corpus  of   parallel  Dutch  and  French  requests  (collected  from  20  French  participants  and  16  Dutch  participants),  Dutch   NSs   tend   to   use   more   lexical   than   syntactic   and   external   modifiers   in   Dutch.   Comparing   their   politeness   strategies   to   those  of  French  native  speakers,  Van  Mulken   found  that   the  French  participants  used  external   modification  more,   while   the   Dutch   participants   tended   to  mitigate   their   requests  with   internal  modifiers   (this  tendency  was  observed  in  previous  research  too,  as  can  be  seen  in  Stalpers,  1993,  p.  91).   In   fact,   there   were   no   significant   differences   between   the   Dutch   and   French   participants   in   Van   Mulken’s  study  in  terms  of  their  performance  of  head  acts  (in  line  with  previous  research  on  this  topic,  such   as  Van  der  Wijst,  1991),  but  French  participants  produced   longer   requests  because  of   their  use  of  external   modification  (Van  Mulken,  1996,  p.  693).   Van  Mulken  states  that  if  a  Dutch  native  speaker  with  a  low  proficiency  in  French  tried  to  be  as  polite   as  he  was  in  Dutch  he  would  fail  due  to  a  lack  of  a  literal  translation  for  the  politeness  markers  that  he  would   use  in  Dutch.  He  would  find  it  difficult  to  use  a  supportive  move,  instead  of  choosing  a  politeness  marker  and   keeping  the  head  act  alone,  and  his  requests  would  therefore  come  across  as  impolite  and  unconvincing  (p.   701).   Van   Mulken’s   observations   can   also   be   compared   with   findings   from   research   where   negotiation   techniques   in   French   and   Dutch   are   studied   and   confronted:   even  when   the   subject   of   the   interactions   in   question  was  specific  and  limited  to  business  matters,  Dutch  study  participants  seemed  less  concerned  with   politeness   than   their   French   interlocutors   (see   Merk,   1987)   and   tended   to   be   more   direct   in   their   negotiations.   These   studies   seem   to   align   with   Van   Mulken’s   findings,   also   with   regards   to   the   fact   that   observed  directness  resulted  in  unconvincing  requests,  since  it  appeared  to  negatively  influence  the  outcome   of  the  negotiations  (see  Van  der  Wijst  &  Ulijn,  1991).     MAROCCHINI   E-­‐JournALL  4(2)  (2017),  pp.  75-­‐96  78   2.  Methodology   2.1.  Research  questions   Former  studies  in  the  field  have  attended  to  two  main  research  questions:  first,  whether  it  is  possible   to   profile   a   path   of   progressive   convergence   between   non-­‐native   speakers’   (NNSs)   linguistic   behavior   and   that   of   native   speakers   (NSs),   and   secondly   what   the   relationship   is   between   the   acquisition   of   linguistic   forms  and  their  pragmatic  use  (Nuzzo,  2007,  p.  39).     It   is   known   that   learners   tend   to   develop   advanced   grammatical   competence   more   easily   than   pragmatic  competence  (Bardovi-­‐Harlig  &  Hartford,  1990;  1993)  and  that  this  is  even  more  true  for  learners  of   a  foreign  language  than  learners  of  a  second  language.  For  instance,  Bardovi-­‐Harlig  and  Dörney  (1998,  p.  258)   found   that   ESL   learners   tended   to   recognize   and   consider   pragmatic   errors   that   were   as   serious   as   grammatical   errors,   while   EFL   learners   had   difficulty   even   recognizing   them.   On   the   other   hand,   there   is   evidence  that  some  learners  try  to  follow  pragmatic  rules  of  the  target  language  before  they  have  developed   the  grammatical  competence  needed  to  follow  them  correctly  (Nuzzo,  2007,  p.  32).  Kasper  and  Rose  (2002,  p.   185)  therefore  hypothesize  that  L2  learners  rely  on  pragmatic  competence  from  their  L1  when  grammatical   knowledge   in   their  L2   is  not  high  enough  (pragmatic  over  grammatical  competence),  and   that   they  use   the   new  grammatical  forms  that  they  learn  only  with  their  literal  meaning,  learning  to  use  their  pragmatic  values   only   at   a   later   time   (grammatical   over   pragmatic   competence).   These   issues   can   be   addressed   in   different   ways   as   smaller,   practical   questions   that  may   be   easier   to   answer.   This   paper   will   address   the   following,   focusing  on  the  realization  patterns  of  complaints:   RQ1:  What  are  the  most  common  ways  NSs  and  NNSs  of  Italian  express  their  judgment  for  a  negative   action   that   they   find  annoying?  (Do  they  ask   for  reparation  of   the  negative  action  with   the  same   frequency   and   illocutionary   force?   That   is,   are   there   substantial   differences   between   NSs   and   NNSs   in   terms   of   the   selection  of  the  complaint  type  to  perform?)   RQ2:   Are   there   substantial   differences   between   NSs   and   NNSs   in   terms   of   the   distribution   of   morphosyntactical,  lexical  and  external  modifiers  used  in  performing  a  complaint?   RQ3:  Do  NNSs  with  higher  linguistic  proficiency  exhibit  more  native-­‐likeness  in  their  performance  of   complaints  than  NNSs  with  lower  linguistic  proficiency?   And  finally,  following  Van  Mulken’s  (1996,  p.  701)  observation:   RQ4:  Do  Dutch  NSs  who   are   IFL   learners   tend   to   use  more   internal   than   external  modifiers  when   trying  to  be  polite  in  Italian?     2.2.  Participants   The  participants  were  students  of  Italian  as  a  foreign  language  from  two  different  classrooms  at  the   Centrum   voor   Levende   Talen   (CLT)   in   Leuven,   Belgium.   Courses   at   the   CLT   are   taught   by   Italian   native   speakers   and   based   on  materials   selected   from   various   sources   of   native   production,   namely   newspapers,   excerpts  of  movies,  and  TV  shows.  The  participants  were  all  native  Dutch  speakers,  enrolled  in  course  5  and   course  7  according  to  the  Belgian  system,  where  they  were  placed  after  a  grammatical  and  lexical  computer-­‐ based  language  assessment.  Twenty-­‐three  were  from  course  5,  which  is  approximately  B1-­‐level  according  to   the   Common  European   Framework   of  Reference   for   Languages   (CEFR,   2001),   and  19  were   from   course   7,   approximately  B2-­‐level.  Additional  data  were   collected  with   the   same  methods   from  a   control   group  of  23   Italian  NSs,  born  and  living  in  Italy  with  Italian  parents  and  no  significant  periods  of  stay  abroad.     There  was  a  high  proportion  of  women  among  the  participants:  15  out  of  23  in  the  B1-­‐group,  10  out   of  19  in  the  B2-­‐group  and  17  out  of  23  in  the  NSs  group.  The  Belgian  participants  were  generally  older  than   the  Italian  participants,  although  the  participants  came  from  mixed-­‐age  classrooms:  the  mean  age  was  44.08   (SD:  12.60)  in  the  B-­‐1  group  and  47.57  (SD:  12.15)  in  the  B2-­‐group,  while  it  was  28.56  (SD:  10.15)  in  the  NSs   group.  All   participants   completed   a   sociolinguistic   questionnaire,   through  which   information  was   gathered   about   their   personal   data,   their   self-­‐rated   level   of   proficiency   in   any   of   their   known   languages,   and   their   sources   for   Italian   learning   (courses   attended,   additional   materials   used   during   and   outside   the   courses,   contacts  with  Italian  native  speakers,  and  trips  to  Italy).  All  of  the  Dutch  participants  except  for  one  declared   knowledge   of   French   and   English,   and   all   self-­‐evaluated   level   of   proficiency   in   these   languages   as   “C1”   or   “+++”.  They  all  knew  at  least  two  languages  other  than  their  L1,  most  of  them  (36  out  of  43)  listed  more  than   two   additional   languages,   and   all   of   them   graduated   from   university.   In   order   to   ensure   comparability   between  Dutch   participants   and   the   control   group,   the   selected  NSs   of   Italian  were   chosen   among   college   graduates  who  knew  at  least  two  languages  other  than  Italian  (except  for  5  out  of  23).   POLITENESS  STRATEGIES  IN  COMPLAINTS  IN  ITALIAN     E-­‐JournALL  4(2)  (2017),  pp.  75-­‐96   79   2.2.1.  Grammatical  correctness   To  determine  whether   there  was   a   statistically   significant   difference   between   the  B1-­‐   and   the  B2-­‐ level  groups  in  terms  of  grammatical  competence,  grammatical  correctness  was  set  as  the  response  variable   for  a  ctree  (conditional   inference  tree)  plot   in  R.  In  other  words,  this  was  done  to  see  whether  participants’   stated   level  of  proficiency   in   Italian  (according  to   the  computer-­‐based  test  on  the  basis  of  which  they  were   placed   in   their   classes)  had  a  significant  effect  on   the  grammatical   correctness  of   their   responses.  Answers   containing   typographical   or   small   lexicon-­‐related   mistakes   were   not   considered   ungrammatical.   The   randomly  selected  sample  on  which  the  analysis  was  carried  out  consisted  of  200  answers  per  group.   As  a  non-­‐parametric  method  for  data  classification,  ctrees  evaluate  the  relationship  between  several   possible  outcomes  and  a  set  of  predictors,  by  binary  recursive  partitioning,  and  identify  the  predictor  that  is   most  strongly  associated  with  the  data  partitions  as  the  basis  of  the  split.  Specifically,  the  algorithm:     1) tests   the   global   null   hypothesis   of   independence   between   the   input   variables   and   the   response   variable,  and  chooses  the   input  variable  that   is  most  strongly  associated  to  the  response  variable   if   the  null  hypothesis  actually  is  rejected:  the  measure  for  the  association  is  a  p-­‐value  determined  by  a   test   for  the  partial  null  hypothesis  of  a  single   input  variable.   If   the  global  null  hypothesis  cannot  be   rejected,  the  algorithm  stops;   2) develops  a  binary  split  in  the  individuated  input  variable;   3) repeats  1)  and  2)  recursively  (see  Hothorn,  Hornik,  &  Zeileis,  2006,  p.  653).       Grammatical  correctness  was  therefore  set  as  the  response  variable,  and  proficiency  level  was  set  as  a   predictor  for  the  ctree.  The  generated  plot  reported  in  Figure  1  clearly  shows  that  a  higher  proficiency  level   unsurprisingly  correlates  with  a  higher  number  of  grammatically  correct  answers  (p  =  .004),  as  ctrees  do  not   show   any   split   for   the   values   of   the   predictor   variable   that   did   not   prove   significant.   The   two   groups   of   learners  can  therefore  be  considered  as  well  divided  in  terms  of  grammatical  competence.       Figure 1. Conditional inference tree for grammatical correctness in a random sample of answers (n = 600) from the DCT. 2.3.  Methods  and  units  of  analysis   The  data  were  collected  separately  in  the  two  classrooms,  using  a  written  Discourse  Completion  Test   (DCT),   which   was   explained   orally   immediately   after   all   of   the   participants   completed   the   sociolinguistic   questionnaire   mentioned   in   the   previous   section.   The   DCT   outcome   was   used   to   build   a   dataset   in   Excel   where  each  answer  was  given  an  ID  and  annotated  for  several  variables:  the  types  of  expressions  of  judgment   and  requests   for  reparation  used  (as  described  below  in  Table  1  and  2),   the  subtypes  of  modifiers  used  (as   MAROCCHINI   E-­‐JournALL  4(2)  (2017),  pp.  75-­‐96  80   classified  in  Table  3)  and  the  grammatical  correctness  of  the  answers.  The  grammatical  correctness  variable   was  used,  as  stated  earlier,  to  check  that  the  participants  belonging  to  the  three  different  groups  (B1,  B2  and   Italian  NSs)  were  in  fact  comparable  in  terms  of  grammatical  competence.   The  decision  to  employ  a  written  DCT  is  complex  and  debatable,  as  each  research  method  presents   different   advantages   and   shortcomings.   Naturalistic   observational   data   are   more   informative   in   terms   of   spontaneous   language   use   and   shed   more   light   on   the   development   of   specific   pragmatic   behaviors   performed  by  NNS,   if   the  participants  are  followed  long  enough  and  their  productions  are  well-­‐analyzed.  In     longitudinal  studies,  however,   it   is  difficult   for  the  researcher  to  gather  and  analyze  large  quantities  of  data   and  it  consequently  becomes  necessary  for  him/her  to  repeatedly  test  and  observe  the  learners  (which  could   be  considered  a  bias,  or  cause  the  learners  to  leave  before  the  study  is  concluded).  Cross-­‐sectional  studies,  on   the   other   hand,   allow   the   researcher   to   control   for  more   variables   (such   as   gender,   age,   proficiency   level,   education),   include   more   participants,   and   create   a   large   corpus   of   data   in   a   short   time.   The   main   disadvantage  is  the  non-­‐spontaneous  nature  of  these  data,  usually  elicited  through  specifically  designed  tests,   that  may  not  correspond  with  learners’  natural  language  use  (Ellis,  2008,  pp.  167-­‐168).   The   tests   that   are  most   frequently   employed   by   researchers   in   this   field   are  Role-­‐Plays   (RPs)   and   Discourse  Completion  Tests  (DCTs).  RPs  share  some  of  the  disadvantages  mentioned  for  longitudinal  studies:   gathering   a   large   amount   of   data   with   RPs   is   not   easy   and   takes   time.   Consequently,   DCTs   are   widely   preferred,  in  two  main  versions:  multiple-­‐choice,  useful  for  examining  the  learners’  knowledge  through  their   choices,  without   the   fluency  bias   (Kasper  &  Blum-­‐Kulka,   1993,   p.   61),   and  written,   addressing   both   offline   knowledge   of   pragmatics   and   (written)   fluency   (Alcón-­‐Soler,   2005;   Blum-­‐Kulka   &   Olshtain,   1984;   Gauci,   2015).  Written  DCTs  have  been  criticised  for  their  distance  from  spontaneous  speech.  Yuan  (2001)  suggests   mitigating  these  disadvantages  by  explaining  the  situations  orally:  since  orally  elicited  data  are  usually  closer   to  natural  speech,  DCTs  may  be  more  accurate,  even  if  written.  This  is  the  reasoning  behind  the  choice  of  an   orally  explained,  written  DCT  for  the  present  study.   The  DCT  is  comprised  of  21  scripted  situations  in  which  a  specific  speech  act  should  be  performed:  7   requests,  7  complaints,  and  7  apologies.  The  present  paper  analyzes  the  data  for  complaints.  The  situations   were   formulated   in   such   a  way   that   the   participants   had   to   verbalize   complaints   to   different   people,  with   different  levels  of  social  distance  (as  defined  in  Brown  &  Levinson,  1987)  and  intimacy  with  the  subject.  Out   of   the   7   situations   formulated   for   complaints   (found   in   the   Appendix),   3   simulated   a   dialogue   with   an   addressee  with  whom   the   speaker  was   intimate   (an   acquaintance,   a   friend,   and   a   relative)   and   4  with   an   addressee  with  whom  the  speaker  was  not  intimate  (two  with  a  worker:  a  waiter  and  a  cashier;  two  with  a   professional:  a  teacher  and  a  hotel  receptionist).  The  situations  were  meant  to  resemble  as  much  as  possible   the   range   of   potential   relationships   with   an   addressee   that   can   be   found   in   everyday   life,   so   that   the   participants’  choices  in  terms  of  type  of  complaints  and  modifiers  were  not  biased  by  an  imbalanced  structure   in  the  test  with  regard  to  this  variable.   The  situations  were  described  orally,  explained  in  detail  by  a  native  speaker,  in  light  of  Yuan’s  (2001)   findings  on  how  orally  elicited  data  appear  closer   to  natural   speech.  Participants  were   then  asked   to  write   down  what  they  would  have  said  had  they  found  themselves  in  the  situations  in  question.  Several  variables   were  considered  for  building  the  answer  dataset:     1) proficiency  level  (of  the  individual  who  wrote  each  answer):  NS,  B1  or  B2;   2) identity  of  the  addressee:  the  addressee  could  be  a  relative,  a  friend,  an  acquaintance,  a  worker  or  a   professional  (see  Appendix);   3) intimacy:  the  speaker  and  the  addressee  could  know  (+)  each  other  or  not  (-­‐)  (see  Appendix);   4) type   and   subtype   of   complaint   as   defined   in   the   following   sections:   each   complaint   could   be   performed  as  an  expression  of  judgment,  a  request  for  reparation,  or  a  combination  of  the  two  (each   expression  of   judgment  and  request   for  reparation  can  also  be  performed  in  several  different  ways   that  will  be  defined  and  explained  with  specific  examples  -­‐  see  Tables  1  and  2);     5) number  and  type  of  morphosyntactic,  lexical  and  external  modifiers  used  (see  Table  3).       2.3.1.  Units  of  analysis   The  unit  of  analysis  for  the  complaints  analyzed  in  this  paper  is  the  set  of  utterances  provided  by  the   participants  while  responding  to  the  DCT.  Although  all  of  them  are  considered  part  of  the  realization  patterns   of  the  speech  act,  most  of  the  sequences  can  be  divided  into  portions  with  different  functions.     POLITENESS  STRATEGIES  IN  COMPLAINTS  IN  ITALIAN     E-­‐JournALL  4(2)  (2017),  pp.  75-­‐96   81   The  nucleus  of  the  speech  act,  which  is  usually  referred  to  as  the  “head  act”  in  the  literature,  is  what   is  needed  in  order  for  the  speech  act  to  be  realized.  As  previously  mentioned,  complaints  can  be  performed   with  an  expression  of  judgment  and/or  a  request  for  reparation:  when  either  one  of  them  is  presented  alone,   that  represents  the  head  act  and  the  other  portions  of  the  answers  should  be  considered  external  modifiers   (they  will  be  defined  and  illustrated  through  examples  in  section  2.3.3).   It  is  not  infrequent  that  expressions  of  judgment  and  requests  for  reparation  occur  together  as  a  head   act.   In   such  cases,  both  of   them  have  been  analyzed  separately   in  order   to  define   the   type  of  expression  of   judgment   or   request   for   reparation   that   they   represent   (see   Table   4   for   the   findings).   Yet,   as   far   as   the   definition   of   the   head   act   is   concerned,  while   expressions   of   judgment   and   requests   for   reparation   can   be   considered  as  equally  important  components  of  the  complaint  as  a  whole,  the  expression  of  judgment  seems   to  be   the  part  explicitly   signaling   that  a  complaint   is  being  performed  (unless   the  request   for   reparation   is   presented  alone  and  the  judgment  is  somehow  implicit).     The   head   act   alone   was   also   analyzed   in   terms   of   the   number   of   modifiers   used,   for   a   better   comparison  with  previous  studies  providing  their  results  in  terms  of  the  head  act  alone  (e.g.  Gauci,  2015:  p.   116)  when  counting  the  mean  number  of  modifiers  (that  can  be  found  in  Table  4).  For  the  reasons  expressed   previously,  when  the  complaint  was  expressed  by  a  combination  of  an  expression  of  judgment  and  a  request   for  reparation,  the  expression  of  judgment  has  been  considered  here  as  the  head  act.     2.3.2.  Criteria  for  analysis:  complaints     In  order  to  analyze  the  realization  patterns  for  complaints  found  in  the  data,  it  is  necessary  to  define   the   types  of   complaints   to  be  used  as  categories  of  analysis.  The   taxonomy  provided   in   the   following  short   summary   is  mostly   based   on  Nuzzo   (2007),   and   therefore   classifies   types   of   expressions   of   judgment   and   requests  for  reparation  separately.  These  subtypes  reflect  Nuzzo’s  classification  but  have  been  streamlined  in   order  to  underscore  some  similarities  between  certain  types  of  expression  of  judgment,  rather  than  stressing   every  difference  between  them  (which  can  undoubtedly  be   identified   in   the  data,  but  could  overcomplicate   the   analysis),   and   to   make   the   continuum   from   the   least   direct   to   the   most   direct   type   clearer.   This   classification  is  consequently  less  fine-­‐grained  than  Nuzzo’s.  The  examples  provided  in  Table  1  are  taken  from   the  present  study’s  NS  data.     Table 1 Classification of types of expression of judgment found in complaints of NSs, from the least (1) to the most direct (5) Type Description Example 1. Mention of the Negative Action The negative action is mentioned, and disapproved of, but not aggressively criticized. No specific reference to the action or the actor is made. “Mi scusi, in realtà avrei ordinato un primo diverso da questo.” Excuse me, actually I had ordered a different first course. 2. Indirect Charge The accusation clearly addresses the interlocutor but it is not explicit. “Scusi mi sa che c'è qualcosa di sbagliato nel resto che mi ha dato.” Excuse me, I feel like there is something wrong with the change you gave me. 3. Direct Charge It is clear that the interlocutor is to be charged of the negative action. “Mi scusi, ho notato che non avete cambiato le lenzuola in questo giorno.” Excuse me, I noticed that you have not changed the sheets today. 4. Act Reproach It is usually clear that the interlocutor has done the negative action, but the focus of the reproach is on the action itself - and it can be violent. “Hanno dimenticato di cambiare le lenzuola della nostra camera! È inaccettabile!” They forgot to change the sheets of our room! This is unacceptable! 5. Actor Reproach The reproach clearly addresses the interlocutor and it can be fierce. Sometimes it takes an ironical form. “Siete davvero attenti alle ordinazioni, in questo ristorante!” You really pay attention to the orders in this restaurant!   The  expression  of   judgment   (if  present)   therefore  has   five  possible  values,  namely   “mention  of   the   negative  action”,  “indirect  charge”,  “direct  charge”,  “act  reproach”,  and  “actor  reproach”.  These  are  presented   as   a   continuum,   from   the   least  direct   (mention  of   the  negative   action)   to   the  most  direct   (actor   reproach).   MAROCCHINI   E-­‐JournALL  4(2)  (2017),  pp.  75-­‐96  82   This   classification   was   based   on   the   researcher’s   introspection   and   on   the   examples   provided   by   Nuzzo   (2007)  for  the  types  where  the  classification  matches  (i.e.,  2.,  3.,  and  5.);  another  researcher’s  judgment  was   used  in  order  to  resolve  cases  of  ambiguity  in  categorizing  an  answer  (each  ambiguous  answer  was  discussed   until   the   researchers   reached   consensus).   In   those   cases  where   the   answer   could   fall   into  more   than   one   category,  it  was  counted  as  representing  the  more  direct  possibility.   As   previously   stated,   the   expression   of   judgment   can   (but   need   not)   be   followed   by   a   request   for   reparation,   usually   expressed   in   one   of   the   following   ways.   In   fact,   Nuzzo   (2007)   found   that   requests   for   reparation  usually  occur  in  combination  with  an  expression  of  judgment  and  are  rarely  present  alone.  Again,   the  examples  in  Table  2  are  taken  from  the  NSs  data.     Table 2 Proposed classification of types of requests for reparation found in complaints by NSs, from the least (1) to the most direct (5) Types Description Examples 1. Verification of the Preparatory Conditions The speaker asks something ‘verifying’ that conditions for the request to be met are present. This can include modal verbs, conditionals, and negative interrogative forms. “Potrebbe mandare qualcuno a cambiarle?” Could you send somebody to change them? 2. Negotiation It usually takes the form of a question, sometimes a first-person plural is present to include the speaker and the interlocutor in a communal attempt of reparation. “Scusi, quando riesce a riportarmi il mio quaderno?” Excuse me, when can you bring my exercise book back to me? 3. Suggestion This is a particularly circumlocutory type of request, where the speaker gives the interlocutor a hint as to how to repair the negative action. “Provi a controllare, io ho ordinato un risotto.” Try and check, I have ordered a risotto. 4. Demand The speaker firmly demands reparation. “Si deve cambiare le lenzuola!” The sheets have to be changed! 5. Threat The speaker (sometimes violently) threatens a consequence for the interlocutor should there be no reparation for the negative action. “Sbrigati, ancora cinque minuti e me ne vado.” Hurry up, five more minutes and I’m gone.     The  request  for  reparation  (if  present)  can  also  have  five  possible  values,  namely  “verification  of  the   preparatory   conditions”,   “negotiation”,   “suggestion”,   “claim”   and   “threat”.   These   are   presented   as   on   a   continuum,  from  the  least  direct  (verification  of  the  preparatory  conditions)  to  the  most  direct  (threat).   As   stated   for   the   expressions   of   judgment,   this   classification   was   based   on   the   researcher’s   introspection  and  on  the  examples  provided  by  Nuzzo  (2007)  for  the  types  where  the  classification  matches   (i.e.,   1.,   2.,   and   3.);   another   researcher’s   judgment   was   used   in   order   to   resolve   cases   of   ambiguity   in   categorizing  an  answer  (each  ambiguous  answer  was  discussed  until  the  researchers  reached  consensus).  In   those  cases  where  the  impression  was  that  the  answer  could  fall  into  more  than  one  category,  it  was  counted   as  representing  the  more  direct  type.     2.3.3.  Criteria  for  analysis:  modifiers    Following  previous  explanations  concerning  the  need   for  modification  to  mitigate   face-­‐threatening   acts   like   complaints,  modifiers  were   also   used   as   a   category   of   analysis.   The   following   classification   of   the   types  of  modifiers  used  for  the  analysis  in  the  present  paper  was  based  on  the  researcher’s  introspection  and   on  the  examples  provided  by  Gauci  (2012,  2015),  Nuzzo  (2007),  and  Trosborg  (1995),  with  these  same  labels.   The  examples  are  taken  from  the  present  study’s  NS  data.       POLITENESS  STRATEGIES  IN  COMPLAINTS  IN  ITALIAN     E-­‐JournALL  4(2)  (2017),  pp.  75-­‐96   83   Table 3 Types of modifiers considered Type of modifiers Subtype of modifiers Examples Lexical politeness markers per favore, per piacere, per cortesia (please), mi scusi (excuse me) appellatives signore (Sir), signora (Madam) subjectivizers secondo me (in my opinion), credo (I think), immagino (I imagine) intensifiers proprio (definitely), davvero (really) discourse markers cioè, tipo (like), senti (listen), guarda (look) softeners un attimo (a moment), un pochino (a little bit) commitment markers sono sicuro (I am sure), ti assicuro (I can assure you), giuro (I swear) greetings ciao (hello, informal), salve (hello, formal), buongiorno (good morning), buonasera (good evening) doubters forse (maybe), probabilmente (probably) Morphosyntactic continuous aspects mi stavo chiedendo... (I was wondering...) imperatives cambiatele! (do change them!), muoviti! (hurry up!) consultative devices ti dispiace se... (would you mind if...) past tenses volevo... (I wanted), pensavo... (I thought) embedding mi chiedo se non possiate cambiarle (I was wondering whether you could change them), sarebbe bello se mi portaste il mio (it would be great if you brought me mine) conditionals potresti...? (could you...?), desidererei... (I would like) modal verbs puoi (can you), voglio (I want), dovete (you have to) External alerts mi spiace doverglielo dire (I am sorry but i have to tell you), scusi ma devo fare una lamentela (I am sorry but I have to make a complaint) grounders deve esserci stato uno scambio di tavolo (there must have been a confusion with another table), ho controllato il compito e ho visto... (I checked the assignment and I saw...) supportive reasons c'è qualcosa che non mi torna nel calcolo degli errori e vorrei capire dove sbaglio (there is something that doesn’t add up to me in the evaluation of the errors and I would like to understand where I am mistaken) sweeteners mi fido molto di lei, quindi... (I trust you a lot, so...)     The  annotation  of  these  types  of  modifiers  was  carried  out  manually  for  each  answer  on  a  randomly   selected  sample  of  300  observations,  100  for  each  of  the  three  groups  of  participants.     Another   researcher’s   judgment   was   used   to   resolve   cases   of   ambiguity   in   categorizing   a  modifier   (each  ambiguous  modifier  was  discussed  until  the  researchers  reached  consensus).       3.  Findings   3.1.  Type  of  complaints   As   previously   noted,   complaints   can   be   performed   as   an   expression   of   judgment,   a   request   for   reparation,  or  a  combination  of  the  two,  following  the  classification  proposed  by  Nuzzo  (2007).  The  present   study  found  that,  for  all  three  groups  of  participants,  expressions  of  judgment  (of  the  act  or  the  actor)  were   almost  always  present,  either  alone  or  in  combination  with  a  request  for  reparation.  On  the  other  hand,  it  was   very  rare  to  find  a  request  for  reparation  with  no  judgment  mentioned.   As   shown   in   Table   4,   expressions   of   judgment   are   almost   always   used,   both   by   learners   and  NSs,   while  requests  for  reparation  alone  only  constitute  2%  of  the  answers  provided  by  NSs  and  B2-­‐level  learners.   B1-­‐level  learners,  however,  used  a  higher  percentage  (12%)  of  requests  for  reparation  alone.  Based  on  prior   research,   Italian  NSs  would  view  a  request   for  reparation  without  an  attempt  to  decrease  the   impact  of   the   request  (with  the  use  of  downgraders  as  impolite  (see  Nuzzo  &  Gauci,  2012,  p.  18).         MAROCCHINI   E-­‐JournALL  4(2)  (2017),  pp.  75-­‐96  84   Table 4 Realization patterns for complaints: types of complaint Proficiency level Type of complaint Expression of judgment Request for reparation Learners - B1 Judgment: 52% Judgment and Request: 36% Request: 12% Mention: 26% Indirect Charge: 18% Direct Charge: 40% Act Reproach: 2% Actor Reproach: 2% None: 12% None: 52% Verification: 40% Negotiation: 4% Demand: 4% Learners - B2 Judgment: 50% Judgment and Request: 48% Request: 2% Mention: 46% Indirect Charge: 14% Direct Charge: 38% None: 2% None: 50% Verification: 22% Negotiation: 12% Demand: 14% Threat: 2% Native Speakers Judgment: 64% Judgment and Request: 34% Request: 2% Mention: 22% Indirect Charge: 52% Direct Charge: 24% None: 2% None: 64% Verification: 32% Suggestion: 4% Note: types of expressions of judgment: from the least direct, Mention of the Negative Action, to the most direct, Actor Reproach; and types of requests for reparation: from the least direct, Verification of the Preparatory Conditions, to the most direct, Threat. The   most   significant   difference,   however,   is   that,   while   NSs   use   indirect   forms   of   expressions   of   judgement,   such  as   the  Mention  and   the   Indirect  Charge   type,  NNSs   tend   to  use  more  direct   forms,  e.g.   the   Direct   Charge   type   and   the   Act   or   Actor   Reproach   types.   For   learners,   the   most   common   expression   of   judgement  is  the  Direct  Charge  type,  in  which  the  speaker  makes  it  clear  that  it  is  the  addressee  who  has  done   something  annoying,  as  in  this  example  by  a  B1-­‐level  learner:       (1)   Scusi   signora,   è  sbagliato.   Non  ha  dato   il  resto  corretto.     Excuse  me   Madame,   it’s  wrong.   You  have  not  given   the  right  change.     B1  learners  were  also  the  only  group  to  use  a  very  direct  form,  i.e.  the  Act  Reproach  type,  where  the   speaker   makes   it   clear   that   the   interlocutor   is   responsible   for   the   negative   action,   but   the   focus   of   the   reproach  is  on  the  action  itself.  There  were,  though,  only  a  few  occurrences  of  this  type:     (2)   Scusi,  ma   hanno  dimenticato   di  cambiare  le  lenzuola   della  nostra  camera!     È  inaccettabile!     Excuse  me,  but   they  forgot   to  change  the  sheets   of  our  room!   It’s  intolerable!     In  the  NSs  data,  expressions  of  judgement  still  make  it  clear  that  the  addressee  is  to  blame,  but  these   are  more  frequently  carried  out  through  indirect  formulations,  as  in  the  following  example  (Indirect  Charge   type):             (3)   Mi  scusi,   abbia  pazienza,   ho  paura  che   ci  sia  un  errore   nel  resto...     Excuse  me,     be  patient,   I’m  afraid  that        there  is  a  mistake     in  the  change...     When  NSs  choose  to  perform  an  expression  of  judgment  as  a  Direct  Charge,  they  usually  add  a  kind   request  for  reparation  and  make  extensive  use  of  modifiers:     4)   Mi  scusi,     penso  che  abbia  sbagliato   a  darmi       il  resto.   Potrebbe  verificare?     Excuse  me,   I  think  that  you  made  a  mistake   while  giving  me     the  change.   Could  you  verify?     Expression  of  judgment   Request  for  reparation     POLITENESS  STRATEGIES  IN  COMPLAINTS  IN  ITALIAN     E-­‐JournALL  4(2)  (2017),  pp.  75-­‐96   85   B2-­‐level   learners   participating   in   this   study   tended   to   use   the   Direct   Charge   type   of   complaint   as   much  as  B1-­‐learners,  but  they  favored  Mention  of  the  Act  they  were  complaining  about  (which  is  a  less  direct   type)  over  Reproach,  and  made  use  of  a  higher  number  of  downgraders,  which  made  the  complaints  less  face-­‐ threatening,  as  in  this  example:     (5)   Scusi,     ho  ordinato  qualcos'altro.                          Può  darmi  le  penne  all'arrabbiata,   prego?     Excuse  me,   I  have  ordered  something  else.   Can  you  give  me  the  penne  all’arrabbiata,   please?     Expression  of  judgment   Request  for  reparation     While   NSs   showed   a   clear   preference   for   indirect   expressions   of   judgement   and   NNSs   for   direct   approaches,  some  exceptions  could  be  found.  The  data  show  that  B1-­‐level  learners  are  also  able  to  perform   more  indirect  complaints  (Indirect  Charge  type),  although  even  when  they  do  so  (18%  of  the  expressions  of   judgment  performed  by  B1-­‐level  learners)  they  tend  not  to  use  many  downgraders.  This  is  well  exemplified   with  this  complaint  to  a  cashier  who  has  mistakenly  given  the  wrong  change:     (6)   Scusa       signora,   penso  che   manchino  qualche  dinari.     Excuse  me,     madame,   I  think  that   some  money  is  missing.     Although  the  example  evidences  some  confusion  in  forms  of  address  (an  Italian  native  speaker  would   definitely  say  scusi  to  a  signora,  using  a  second-­‐person  polite/honorific  form),  appropriate  lexical  choices,  and   grammatical  agreement,  it  is  clear  that  the  focus  of  the  complaint  is  on  the  missing  money  and  not  the  cashier   who  has  committed  the  mistake.     For  all  three  groups,  requests  for  reparation  are  almost  always  expressed  through  the  Verification  of   the  Preparatory  Conditions  pattern.  As   the  name   implies,   the  speaker  “verifies”   that  conditions  are  present   for  the  request   for  reparation  to  be  met.  This  pattern  usually   includes  the  use  of  modal  verbs,  conditionals,   and  (sometimes)  negative   interrogative   forms.   In  general,  most  of   the  participants  (even  B1-­‐level   learners)   used  modals  when  performing  requests  for  reparation,  as  can  be  seen  in  example  (5).  Conditionals  were  less   frequent   among   learners,   even   those   at   B2-­‐level,   while   NSs   tended   to   use   them   more,   as   can   be   seen   in   example  (4),  where  the  pattern  is  clearly  recognizable.   Some  NNSs,   though,  performed  a   few  requests   for  reparation  of   the  Demand  type,  as   in  example  7,   where  a  B1-­‐level  learner  insists  that  the  teacher  change  the  mark  that  she  has  given  him  because  the  number   of  mistakes  was  miscalculated.     (7)   Scusa  Maria,   ma  questo  non  è  un  errore.   Ti  prego   di  correggere  il  mio  voto.     Sorry  Maria,   but  this  is  not  a  mistake.   I  beg  you   to  correct  my  mark.     The  learner  likely  thought  that  use  of  the  verb  pregare  (to  beg)  was  sufficient  to  mitigate  the  request,   unaware  that  the  directness  of  the  request  was  probably  too  strong  to  be  performed  with  a  teacher.  It  should   be   noted,   however,   that   the   situation   is   complicated   for   a   novice   language   learner,   and   can   be   potentially   difficult  for  NSs  alike.   Lastly,   less   direct   and   more   complicated   patterns   like   Negotiation   (where   the   speaker   and   the   interlocutor  are  presented  together  -­‐  usually  via  a  first-­‐person  plural  -­‐  in  a  communal  attempt  of  reparation)   and  particularly  Suggestion  (where  the  speaker  gives  the  interlocutor  a  hint  as  to  how  to  repair  the  negative   action)  seem  to  be  too  difficult  for  NNSs:  Negotiation  is  used  slightly  more  by  B2-­‐level  learners  (12%  of  their   answers  as  opposed  to  the  4%  of  B1-­‐level  learners’  answers),  while  Suggestion  is  only  used  by  NSs.   All   of   these   results   seem   to   support  Trosborg’s   (1995)   findings,   in  which  ESL   learners   overused   a   type   of   complaint   that   she   labelled   “Accusation”   (p.   348),   essentially   a   combination   of  Direct   Charge,   Act   Reproach,   and   Actor   Reproach.   In   her   work,   Trosborg   argued   that   NNSs   generally   come   across   as   more   straightforward  (and  therefore  less  polite)  than  NSs.  Nuzzo  (2007,  p.  153)  also  came  to  this  conclusion  in  her   longitudinal   study   of   three   learners.   The   data   from   the   present   study   concerning   the   frequent   use   of   the   Verification   pattern   in   requests   for   reparation   also   align  with   Nuzzo’s   (2007)   data;   her   learners   used   the   Verification  pattern  50%  of  the  time  (p.  123).   MAROCCHINI   E-­‐JournALL  4(2)  (2017),  pp.  75-­‐96  86   3.2.  Modifiers   In   addition   to   examining   types   of   complaints,   modifiers   (both   internal   and   external)   have   been   considered   and   counted   following   the   classification   described   in   Table   3.   The   analysis   was   carried   out   manually  for  each  answer  on  a  randomly  selected  sample  of  300  observations,  100  for  each  one  of  the  three   groups  of  participants.  The  overall  mean  number  of  modifiers  is  reported  in  Table  5.  In  analyzing  modifiers,   in   addition   to   considering   the  whole   utterance,   the   head   act  was   also   examined   separately,   and   the  mean   number  of  modifiers  per  head  act  can  be  found  in  the  last  column  of  Table  5.       Table 5 Use of modifiers in the three groups of participants. Proficiency level Overall mean number of modifiers Mean number of morphosyntactic modifiers Mean number of lexical modifiers Mean number of external modifiers Mean number of modifiers per head act Learners - B1 3.4 (SD: 1.14) 0.78 (SD: 0.93) 2.12 (SD: 0.68) 2.36 (SD: 0.96) 1.06 (SD: 0.65) Learners - B2 4.34 (SD: 1.71) 1.02 (SD: 1.13) 2.56 (SD: 0.92) 3.18 (SD: 1.63) 1.12 (SD: 0.87) Native Speakers 4.92 (SD: 2.58) 1.82 (SD: 1.50) 2.4 (SD: 1.08) 3.24 (SD: 2.09) 1.66 (SD: 1.02) Note:  All of these measures are calculated per answer except for the mean number of modifiers per head act in the last column.   All  of  these  quantitative  measures  showed  a  correlation  between  a  higher  proficiency  level  and  the   usage   of   a   higher   number   of   modifiers   per   answer,   i.e.,   a   progressive   convergence   between   the   NNSs’   behavior  and  that  of  NSs.  This  table  also  shows  that  all  three  groups  were  observed  to  use  more  lexical  and   external  modifiers  than  morphosyntactic  modifiers,  and  that  NNSs,  even  if  they  were  highly  proficient  in  their   L2,  consistently  employed  a  lower  number  of  modifiers  than  NSs,  who  generally  used  more  modifiers  of  any   kind.     The  B2-­‐group,  however,  performed  better  than  the  B1-­‐group  (as  can  be  seen  both  in  Table  5  and  in   the   following   figures)   in   terms  of   number   and   also   variety   of  modifiers   used.   In   terms  of   number,   Table   5   shows  that  they  even  used  more  lexical  modifiers  than  NSs.  In  terms  of  variety,  the  following  charts  illustrate     their  use.         Figure 2. Distribution of lexical modifiers in a random sample of complaints by the three groups (n = 100 each).     POLITENESS  STRATEGIES  IN  COMPLAINTS  IN  ITALIAN     E-­‐JournALL  4(2)  (2017),  pp.  75-­‐96   87   As   previously   noted,   there   is   a   general   tendency   among  NNSs   to   perform  more   direct   complaints,   which  can  be  perceived  as  impolite  by  Italian  NSs:  their  observed  selection  of  modifiers  was  consistent  with   this  tendency.  It  can  be  seen  from  Figure  2  that  NNSs  tended  not  to  mitigate  the  impact  of  their  complaints:   they  used  hardly  any  softener  (some  B2-­‐level  learners  did  employ  some),  no  doubters,  and  a  lower  number  of   subjectivizers  than  NSs.  Although  the  B2-­‐group  performed  better  than  the  B1-­‐group  in  terms  of  number  and   variety  of  lexical  modifiers,  they  also  complained  in  a  more  direct  way  than  NSs.  Yet,  the  B2-­‐group  tended  to   address   the   interlocutor   softly,   by   explaining   the   reasons   for   their   complaint   by  means   of   intensifiers   and   commitment  markers.  This  behavior  was  largely  present  among  NSs  as  well  but  tended  to  be  exaggerated  by   B2-­‐level  learners:     (8)   Scusa,   penso  che  si  sia  sbagliata,   sono  veramente  sicura  che  questo  è  giusto!     POLITENESS.MARKER   SUBJECTIVIZER   COMMITMENT.MARKER     Excuse  me,   I  think  you  were  wrong,   I  really  am  sure  that  this  is  correct!     All   groups   also   tended   to   employ   fewer   morphosyntactic   than   lexical   modifiers   in   performing   complaints.  Yet,  even  at  a  morphosyntactic  level,  where  the  numbers  are  lower  for  every  group,  the  B2-­‐group   performed  more  natively  than  the  B1-­‐level  learners  in  terms  of  modal  verbs  and  conditionals  used  to  reduce   the  impact  of  the  request  for  reparation.  This  can  be  seen  in  Figure  3.       Figure 3. Distribution of morphosyntactic modifiers in a random sample of complaints by the three groups (n = 100 each).     In  comparing  Figure  3  to  Figure  2,  we  can  infer  that  the  tendency  for  all  speakers  was  to  soften  the   illocutionary   force   of   the   complaints  with   the  modifiers   that   are   easiest   to   learn:   politeness  markers.   The   increased  use  of  discourse  markers,  softeners  and,  more  than  anything,  subjectivizers,  accounts   for  most  of   the   perceived   politeness   in   the   NSs’   and   the   B2-­‐learners’   realizations   of   this   speech   act.   The   following   example  from  the  NS  data  illustrates  how  Italian  NSs  tended  to  use  indirect  strategies  for  complaints,  along   with  downgraders,  especially  when  talking  with  a  professional.  Even  when  charging  the  addressee  directly  in   their   actual   expression   of   judgment,   the   NSs   used   lexical   modifiers   to   make   the   complaint   sound   less   threatening.                   MAROCCHINI   E-­‐JournALL  4(2)  (2017),  pp.  75-­‐96  88   (9)   Professoressa   mi  scusi,   credo       ci  sia  stato   un   errore   nel   conteggio       POLITENESS.MARKER   SUBJECTIVIZER   PAST.TENSE         Professor       excuse  me,      I  believe   there  has   been   a   mistake   in  the   calculation                   degli  errori       del  mio  compito,   potrebbe   ricontrollare?             MODAL.VERB|CONDITIONAL           of  the  errors   of  my  homework,   could  you   check  again?         Additionally,  there  were  differences  in  the  types  of  complaints  for  which  speakers  used  modification.   NSs  generally  used  modification  the  most  in  Direct  Charge  complaints,  while  NNSs  tended  to  employ  the  same   number   of  modifiers,   regardless   of   the   type   of   complaint   they   were   performing.   B2-­‐level   learners,   on   the   other  hand,  seemed  to  be  more  conscious  of  the  need  to  be  polite  while  complaining,  at  least  if  we  consider   cases   of   overperformance   such   as   example   8.   This   tendency   can   be   seen   in   the   distribution   of   external   modifiers,   too.  Looking  at   the  three  groups’  behavior  (Figure  4),   it   is   immediately  striking  that   the  B1-­‐level   learners   do   not   employ   any   sweeteners   in   their   answers,   while   the   B2-­‐level   group   uses   them   even  more   frequently   than  NSs.  This   can  be   interpreted  as   learners’  overuse  of  known   forms  as   compensation   for   the   politeness  strategies  that  they  lack  the  grammatical  competence  to  perform.       Figure 4. Distribution of external modifiers in a random sample of complaints by the three groups (n = 100 each).     B2-­‐level   learners   seem   to   use   alerters   more   rarely   (to   prepare   the   addressee   for   an   impending   complaint)  than  B1-­‐level  learners.  B1  learners  overuse  grounders  as  well.  The  following  examples  illustrate   the  relative  simplicity  of  B1   learners’  grammar:  Because  they  do  not  use  many  lexical  and  morphosyntactic   modifiers  (shown  in  brackets),  they  may  compensate  with  external  modifiers  instead.     (10)   Scusi,   ho  un  problema      nella  mia  camera   non  ci  hanno  cambiato   le  lenzuole.     (POLITENESS.MARKER)                    ALERTER                                   GROUNDER     Excuse  me,   I  have  a  problem      in  my  room:   they  did  not  change   the  sheets.       (10)      Può   risolvere   questo  problema   per  favore?     (MODAL.VERB)                                                                                   HEAD  ACT   (POLITENESS.MARKER)        Can  you   solve   this  problem   please?     POLITENESS  STRATEGIES  IN  COMPLAINTS  IN  ITALIAN     E-­‐JournALL  4(2)  (2017),  pp.  75-­‐96   89     (11)   Scusa   cameriere,   non  è  il  piatto  giusto,   avevo  ordinato  un  altro     (POLITENESS.MARKER)        ALERTER                      HEAD  ACT   (PAST.TENSE)      GROUNDER         Excuse  me   waiter,   it’s  not  the  right  course,     I  had  ordered  something  else.               These   findings   are   in   line  with   previous   research   on   Italian   (Gauci,   2015;  Nuzzo,   2007)   and   other   languages  as  a  L2  (Faerch  &  Kasper,  2001;  Trosborg,  1995):  NNSs  showed  a  tendency  to  use  a  lower  number   of  modifiers  than  NSs,  irrespective  of  their  proficiency.     The  differences  in  use  of  modifiers  by  Italian  NSs  and  NNSs  found  in  these  data  also  seem  to  mirror   the  pattern  observed  in  Trosborg’s  (1995)  study  of  English  NSs’  and  NNSs’  performance  of  complaints:  NSSs   tended  to  use  a  combination  of  downgraders   to  decrease  the   impact  of   the  utterance  on  the  addressee  and   upgraders  to  strengthen  the  force  of  the  complaint;  NNSs,  on  the  other  hand,  intensified  their  complaints  less   and  used  fewer  downgraders,  thus  producing  less  polite  complaints  on  the  whole  (p.  358).       4.  Discussion   The   present   study   reveals   a   tendency   for  NNSs   to   perform   similar   types   of   complaints,  which   are   generally  more  direct,   in   terms  of  expressions  of   judgment  and  requests   for  reparation,  when  compared   to   NSs  (as  shown  in  section  3.1).     The  percentages  of   judgment-­‐only   (around  50%   for  NNSs  and  64%   for  NSs),   request-­‐only   (2%   for   B2-­‐level  learners  as  well  as  for  NSs)  and  judgment-­‐and-­‐request  (around  35%  for  B1-­‐level  learners  and  NSs)   complaints   were   similar   across   the   three   groups.   In   12%   of   B1-­‐level   learners’   utterances,   however,   a   complaint  was   performed   only   through   a   request   for   reparation  with   no   expression   of   judgment.   B2-­‐level   learners  used  the  judgment-­‐and-­‐request  type  48%  of  the  time,  more  than  either  NSs  or  B1-­‐level  learners.     In  expressions  of  judgment,  both  groups  of  NNSs  chose  to  use  the  Direct  Charge  type  in  around  40%   of  the  cases  (40%  for  B1-­‐learners,  38%  for  B2-­‐learners).  This  contrasts  sharply  with  NSs’  use  of  Direct  Charge   (just   24%   of   cases)   and   their   preference   for   Indirect   Charges   (52%),   a   strategy   that   was   chosen   by   B2-­‐ learners   in   14%   of   cases   and   by   B1-­‐learners   in   just   18%   (see   Table   4).   These   data   can   be   interpreted   as   evidence   that   NNSs   are   more   direct   than   NSs   in   their   complaints.   This   is   also   true   for   their   use   of   modification,  as  can  be  seen  in  the  analysis  provided  in  section  3.1.  In  comparing  B1-­‐  and  B2-­‐level  learners,   though,  B2  learners  present  a  higher  percentage  of  Mentions  of  the  Negative  Action  (46%),  considered  a  less   aggressive   form  of   judgement   than  Direct  Charges.   In   fact   this  was   the  most  used  expression  of   judgement   among  B2  learners.  It  may  therefore  be  suggested  that  indirectness  progresses  according  to  learners’  level  of   grammatical  competence.   Together,  these  results  seem  to  suggest  that  it  is  easier  for  NNSs  to  be  native-­‐like  when  choosing  the   type   of   complaint   to   perform   than   when   deciding   how   to   express   judgement   and   how   to   downgrade   complaints  through  modification.   These   results   are   in   line  with   previous   studies   on   speech   act   realization   patterns   in   Italian   L2:   In   Nuzzo’s  (2007)  data,  NSs  preferred  to  state  that  a  certain  event  was  negative,  but  they  avoided  harsh  or  direct   judgement  of  the  addressee  to  which  the  complaint  was  directed.  This  trend  is  in  line  with  Trosborg’s  (1995)   data,   too:  Her   learners  overused  “Accusation”  (p.  348),  a   type  of  complaint  corresponding  to  Direct  Charge,   Act  Reproach,  and  Actor  Reproach  (types  that  were  present  in  the  B1-­‐learner  data  here).     The   correlation   between   indirectness   and   proficiency   seemed   present   among   Nuzzo’s   (2007)   learners  as  well:  Learners’  complaints  shifted  from  “excessively  aggressive”  to  “slightly  more  aggressive”  to   “rather  aggressive”  (p.  153)  with  their  increasing  level  of  grammatical  competence.   The   relative   native-­‐likeness   of   NNSs’   choices   in   terms   of   requests   for   reparation   and   types   of   complaints  observed  in  this  study  seems  to  confirm  Nuzzo’s  (2007)  statement  that  strategies  for  performing   head  acts  are  acquired  earlier  than  techniques  of  using  internal  modifiers.   The  tendency  among  NSs  to  prefer  the  judgment-­‐only  type  of  complaint  also  confirms  Nuzzo’s  (2007)   analysis   of   a   corpus   of   Italian   L1,   where   65,4%   of   complaints   were   judgment-­‐only,   as   opposed   to   25,9%   judgment-­‐and-­‐request  cases,  and  just  a  8,7%  request-­‐only  cases  (p.  121),  which  in  this  study  were  used  even   less  (in  favor  of  the  combined  form).     The   results   of   this   study   show   that   NNSs   are   less   native-­‐like   in   terms   of   their   employment   of   modifications  than  they  are  in  their  choice  of  complaint  types:  It  appears  that  most  of  them  have  yet  to  learn   to  use  doubters,  continuous  aspects,  and  consultative  devices.  Additionally,  commitment  markers,  softeners,   discourse  markers,  and  past  tenses  were  only  used  at  the  B2-­‐level.     MAROCCHINI   E-­‐JournALL  4(2)  (2017),  pp.  75-­‐96  90   On   the  one  hand,  as   the  B2  group  performed  significantly  better   than   the  B1,   this   finding  suggests   that  the  amount  and  variety  of  lexical  and  morphosyntactic  modifiers  in  the  realization  of  complaints  (shown   in  Figures  2  and  3)  reveal  a  progression  in  terms  of  native-­‐likeness  in  the  quantitative  and  qualitative  use  of   modification,   which   follows   an   increase   in   proficiency   level.   On   the   other   hand,   only   a   small   quantity   of   discourse   markers   and   softeners   (seen   in   Figure   2)   were   found   in   the   answers   provided   by   the   NNSs,   regardless  of  their  proficiency  level.    When  we  asked  the  teachers  at  the  language  center  about  these  findings,   they   recognized   that   they   hardly   ever   teach   or   discuss   discourse  markers   in   class,   due   to   the   difficulty   of   translating   them   into   other   languages   and   because   of   the   small   amount   of   time   students   spend   in   spontaneous  conversation  with  NSs:  The  only  spontaneous  speech  that  they  analyzed  in  class  was  that  of  the   learners   attending   the   course   (e.g.   during   role  plays  or   in   class  discussions  on  a   given   topic),  which   rarely   included  any  discourse  markers.   When  discourse  markers  and   softeners  were  present   in   learners’  data,   they   shared  with   the  NSs  a   moderate   but   intelligent   use   of   subjectivizers,   although   less   frequent   in   the   B1-­‐group   data.   Learners   also   showed  an  overuse  of  intensifiers,  especially  at  a  B2-­‐level.  The  B2-­‐level  learners  participating  in  the  present   study  were  probably  at  an  intermediate  stage  where,  paradoxically,  an  increased  use  of  intensifiers  coincides   with  the  first  appearance  of  various  downgraders,  namely,  subjectivizers,  discourse  markers,  and  softeners.   The   distribution   of   these  modifiers   among   the   different   situations   described   in   the   DCT   shows   how,   even   when  strategies  and  types  of  modifiers  to  be  used  are  varied  and  essentially  learned  (as  in  the  case  of  the  B2-­‐ level  group),  insufficient  attention  may  be  paid  to  the  situations  and  contexts  in  which  communication  takes   place.  Although  the  methods  for  this  study  and  a  written  DCT  in  particular  could  be  seen  as  contributing  to   this  lack  of  attention  to  context  and  interlocutors,  the  situational  data  were  clearly  explained  in  person,  so  it   would   have   been   possible   to   fine-­‐tune   strategies   and   modification   devices   with   the   described   context.   Instead,   NNSs   seem   unable   to   account   for   the   identity   of   the   addressee   and   the   presence   or   absence   of   intimacy  between  them,  and  they  used,  on  average,  the  same  number  of  modifiers  in  almost  all  situations.     On  a  more  general   level,   learners  also  tended  to  use  more  lexical  than  syntactic  modifiers:  B1-­‐level   learners  employed  an  average  of  2.12  lexical  modifiers  per  answer  but  only  0.78  morphosyntactic  modifiers,   and   B2-­‐level   learners   used   2.56   lexical  modifiers   per   answer   but   only   1,02  morphosyntactic  modifiers,   as   shown  in  Table  5.  This  may  be  due  to  higher  offline  pragmatic  knowledge  that   the   learners  were  unable   to   encode  grammatically.   These   data   also   confirm   the   theoretical   framework   proposed   by   Nuzzo   (2007,   p.   154).   First,   the   presence   of   such   a   small   number   of   discourse  markers   can   be   explained   by   their   particular   complexity   in   terms  of  comprehension  and  acquisition;  this  can  probably  be  said  of  downgraders,  too  (two  of  the  learners   in  Nuzzo’s   study   “rarely   [used]  mitigation  devices   in   their   expressions  of   judgment”,  p.   153).   Secondly,   the   presence  of  intensifiers  in  the  answers  provided  by  the  B2  group  may  plausibly  be  explained  by  Nuzzo’s  idea   that,  for  learners  with  an  intermediate  level  of  interlanguage,  intensifiers  are  the  most  accessible  tools  in  their   linguistic   repertoire   for   gaining   “stronger   effectiveness”.   Only   later   on   will   they   learn   how   to   balance,   in   general,  the  use  of  upgraders  and  downgraders,  “gradually  reducing  the  aggressiveness  of  their  complaints”   (Nuzzo,  2007,  p.  154).  The  overuse  of  politeness  markers  by  NNSs  has  already  been  observed  and  studied  as   well:   It   seems   that   learners   use   them   both   as   indicators   of   illocutionary   force   of   their   sentences   and   as   downgraders  (Gauci,  2012,  p.  100,  p.  106).  The  same  can  be  said   for   the   little  attention  paid  by   learners   to   contexts  in  which  communication  takes  place,  as  noted  by  Gauci  (2015,  p.  118)  as  well.     4.1.  Cross-­‐linguistic  influence  and  potential  transfer  from  L1  or  other  known  languages   The   present   data   also   confirm   (some)   results   from   the   study   by   Van   Mulken   (1996)   mentioned   previously.   Van   Mulken   stated   that   Dutch   NSs   tend   to   mitigate   their   requests   for   reparation   with   lexical   rather   than  syntactic  and  external  modifiers,  not  only   in   their  native   language.   In   this  study,   it   seems  to  be   true   that,   as   Van  Mulken   (1996,   p.   701)   observed   for   French   NSs,   Dutch   NSs   learning   Italian   as   a   foreign   language  commonly  chose  a  politeness  marker  and  kept  the  head  act  alone.  External  modifiers,   though,  are   proportionally  more   present   in   the   NNSs   data   than   internal  modifiers   (both  morphosyntactic   and   lexical)   overall.           POLITENESS  STRATEGIES  IN  COMPLAINTS  IN  ITALIAN     E-­‐JournALL  4(2)  (2017),  pp.  75-­‐96   91   Since  most  of  the  participants  knew  French  as  well  (for  most  of  them  it  was  their  second  language),   some   forms   that   can   be   found   in   the   NNSs   data,   like   scusate   (‘excuse   me’,   second-­‐person   plural/second-­‐ person  singular  honorific/polite  form),  which  they  had  probably  never  heard  in  class  and  were  not  present  at   all   in  the  NS  data,  were  most   likely  used  by  the  NNSs  due  to  cross-­‐linguistic   influence  from  vous   (the  polite   form   in  French).  Transfer   from  French  may  also  be   seen   in   the  persistent  use  of   the   form  *è  possibile  di…?   instead  of  the  correct  Italian  form  è  possibile…?  with  no  di  following,  since  the  same  form  in  French  would  be   est-­‐il  possible  de…?.     5.  Conclusion   The  present  paper   analyzes   initial   data   from  on  an  ongoing   study   in   two   classrooms  of  Dutch  NSs   learning  Italian  as  a  foreign  language  in  a  language  center  in  Belgium,  23  at  a  B1  level,  19  at  a  B2  level.  The   study  follows  an  existing  line  of  research  that  examines  the  ability  of  learners  of  a  second  or  foreign  language   to  perform  specific,  face-­‐threatening  (see  Brown  &  Levinson,  1987),  communicative  acts  (here,  complaints)  as   a  native  speaker  would.  For  this  reason,  the  data  produced  by  the  NNs  have  been  compared  with  data  from  a   group  of  (23)  Italian  NSs  responding  to  the  same  written  DCT.   The   answers   were   analyzed   both   from   a   quantitative   and   a   qualitative   perspective,   following   the   classifications  suggested  by  Nuzzo  (2007)  for  the  types  of  complaints—either  composed  by  an  expression  of   judgment  or  a  request  for  reparation,  or  by  a  combination  of  the  two—,  and  by  Nuzzo  (2007)  and  Trosborg   (1995)  for  the  types  of  internal  (morphosyntactic  and  lexical)  and  external  modifiers.   In   response   to   our   first   research   question   (RQ1)   about   the  most   common  ways   NSs   and  NNSs   of   Italian  express  their  judgment  for  a  negative  action  that  has  annoyed  them,  the  learners  performed  in  native-­‐ like  ways  in  terms  of  complaint  types:  all  three  groups  tended  to  prefer  the  judgment-­‐only  type  of  complaint,   although  the  B1-­‐level  learners  used  more  request-­‐only  complaints  (still  just  12%  of  the  answers  provided  to   the  DCT)  and  B2-­‐level  learners  tended  to  generally  use  more  indirect  types  of  expressions  of  judgment.   In  regards  to  the  second  research  question  (RQ2),  though,  which  asked  whether  there  are  substantial   differences  between  NSs  and  NNSs   in   terms  of   their  distribution  of  morphosyntactical,   lexical   and  external   modifiers,  NNSs  systematically  used  a  lower  number  of  modifiers  than  native  speakers.  This  was  even  true  for   the  B2-­‐level  learners,  who  proved  to  be  highly  proficient  in  their  L2.     Nevertheless,  the  fact  that  the  B2-­‐level  learners  exhibited  more  native-­‐like  performance  than  the  B1-­‐ level   learners,  both  in  terms  of  the  number  and  variety  of  modifiers  used,  seems  to  suggest  that   it  could  be   possible   to  define  a  developmental  path  whereby  a  higher  proficiency   level   in   the   language  means   smaller   differences  between  non-­‐native  and  native   linguistic  behavior.  A  slight  preference   for   lexical  over  syntactic   modifiers  both  among  B1-­‐level  learners  and  B2-­‐level  learners  may  be  interpreted  as  substantial  evidence  that   a  relationship  between  the  acquisition  and  the  use  of  linguistic  forms  exists  (a  question  previously  raised  by   Nuzzo,  2007,  p.  39)   in   terms  of   consequentiality:  Most  of   the  B2-­‐level   learners  displayed  knowledge  of   the   majority   of   the   morphosyntactic   modifiers   analyzed   in   this   study,   and   yet   they   did   not   employ   them   as   pragmatic  modification  devices.  These  observations  partially  respond  to  the  third  research  question  (RQ3),   which  asked  whether  NNSs  with  higher  linguistic  proficiency  show  more  native-­‐like  behavior  in  performing   complaints  than  NNSs  with  lower  linguistic  proficiency.  The  use  of  external  modifiers  could  be  explained  as   proof  of  a  higher  level  of  awareness,  even  among  the  B1-­‐level  learners,  that  a  native  speaker’s  utterances  in   the  situations  presented  would  be  more  varied.  With   this  awareness,   learners  would   the  need   to  use  more   words   than   they   currently   employ.   Cases   of   overuse   of   external   modification   and   a   lack   of   internal   modification,   though,   combined  with   the   frequent   selection  of  direct   expressions  of   judgment,   reflect   early   strategies..   The   findings  regarding   the   fourth  and   final   research  question   (RQ4)  —  Do  Dutch  NSs  who  are   IFL   learners   tend   to   use  more   internal   than   external  modifiers  when   trying   to   be   polite   in   Italian?  —   seem   to   confirm  part  of  what  Van  Mulken  observed  about  Dutch  NSs  speaking  in  French  (Van  Mulken,  1996,  p.  701):   for   Dutch   NSs   learning   Italian   as   a   foreign   language   one   of   the   most   common   strategies   seems   to   be   the   decision   to   use   a   politeness   marker   and   keep   the   head   act   alone.   However,   external   modifiers   are   proportionally  more  present  in  the  NNSs  data  than  internal  modifiers  in  general  (both  morphosyntactic  and   lexical).   These   results   strongly   confirm  previous   studies  on   Italian   (Gauci,   2012;  2015;  Nuzzo,  2006;  2007;   Rastelli  &  Nuzzo,  2009)  and  other  languages  (Faerch  &  Kasper,  2001;  Trosborg,  1995),  as  the  findings  show   that  learners,  even  those  with  high  L2  proficiency,  systematically  use  fewer  modifiers  than  native  speakers.   MAROCCHINI   E-­‐JournALL  4(2)  (2017),  pp.  75-­‐96  92   The   developmental   path   outlined   by   these   data   was   also   highlighted   by   Gauci   (2012)   and   Nuzzo   (2006,   2007).   The   same   can   also   be   said   about   B1   and   B2   learners’   displayed   preference   for   lexical   over   syntactical  modifiers  (although  this  preference  was  more  significant   in  previous  studies,  at   least  more  than   the  results  from  B1-­‐level  learners  here  suggest).   As  far  as  potential  improvement  for  pedagogy,  a  study  conducted  by  Gauci  (2015)  on  complaints  and   requests,  which  employed  more  varied  methods  than  the  present  study  (i.e.,  a  role-­‐play  and  a  multiple  choice   DCT   in   addition   to   the  written   DCT),   revealed   that   after   six  weeks   of   instruction   (one   hour   per  week)   on   pragmalinguistic  forms  and  detailed  lessons  on  sociopragmatic  rules,  the  mean  number  of  internal  modifiers   used  per  head  act  increased  significantly  in  the  experimental  group  compared  to  a  control  group  (who  had  no   training  between  the  two  tests),  and  the  variety  of  modifiers  was  also  greater   in  the  former  group  (p.  116).   Although  it  was  beyond  the  scope  of  the  present  study  to  examine  the  potential  effects  of  instruction,  lessons   would  likely  prove  useful  if  they  focused  on  specific  modifiers,  with  overt  explanations  of  their  functions  and   importance.     Instruction  on   less  direct   expressions  of   judgment   could  also  be  useful.  The  data  produced  by  NSs   participating   in   this   study   could   be  manipulated   and   learners   could   be   exposed   to   short   audio-­‐   or   video-­‐ recordings  of  NSs’  production  of  and  reaction  to  complaints.  Some  of   the  sequences  could  be  used  for  role-­‐ plays.  In  fact,  Gauci  (2015,  p.  123)  highlights  the  importance  of  using  varied  teaching  methods,  since  no  one   method  has  been  shown  to  be  more  useful  than  another  in  the  previous  literature.   On   a   side   note,   as   part   of   their   usual   course   activities,   the   learners   from   the   B2-­‐level   classroom   followed   a   curriculum   that   involved   role-­‐play   of   certain   speech   acts   (requests   in   particular).  However,   the   kinds  of   pragmatic   abilities   that   learners  would   try   and   stimulate  were  only   implicitly   communicated.  The   teacher  proposed  them  as  side  exercises  to  break  up  strongly  theoretical  lessons,  and  although  the  repetition   of   similar   tasks   could   result   in   a   conscious   approach   to   the   tasks   as   being,   for   instance,   all   related   to   the   performance  of  complaints,  it  would  be  difficult  to  reach  a  real  understanding  of  how  to  produce  a  native-­‐like   speech   act   in   this  way.   Following   Takahashi   (2010,   p.   138),  who   states   that   explicit   and   implicit   forms   of   intervention  (with  reference  to  the  definition  by  Housen  &  Pierrard,  2005)  may  be  better  conceptualized  on  a   continuum   rather   than   as   separate,   binary   concepts,   it   would   be   interesting   to   explore   whether   a   more   explicit  teaching  intervention  on  the  sociopragmatic  variables,  especially  in  terms  of  the  social  distance  and   the   identity  of   the   interlocutor   (as   suggested  by  Gauci,   2015,  p.  123),  may  be  useful,   after   implicit   training   with  the  mentioned  audiovisual  materials.   In  conclusion,  the  analysis  offered  by  this  paper  may  have  useful  pedagogical   implications,  as  DCTs   provide  a  lot  of  information  on  the  forms  that  need  to  be  used  as  a  target  of  specific  training.  Unfortunately,   only  a  few  of  the  teachers  at  the  language  center  had  a  background  in  pragmatics  and  would  have  been  able  to   provide  instruction  without  first  receiving  specific  training  themselves.  Therefore,  in  addition  to  carrying  out   more   instructional   studies,   there   is   a  need   to  make  acquisitional  pragmatics  known   to   teachers   in   the   first   place.           References     Alcón-­‐Soler,    Eva   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onderhandeling:   beïnvloedt   beleefdheid  het  resultaat?.  Negotiation  Magazine,  4  (1),  25-­‐31.   Van  Mulken,  Margot   (1996).  Politeness  markers   in  French  and  Dutch   requests.  Language  Sciences,  18(3-­‐4):   689-­‐702.   Yuan,  Yi   (2001).  An   inquiry   into  empirical  pragmatics  data-­‐gathering  methods:  written  dcts,  oral  dcts,   field   notes,  and  natural  conversations.  Journal  of  pragmatics,  33(2),  271-­‐292.   MAROCCHINI     ©  Marocchini  2017.  This  work  is  licensed  under  a  Creative  Commons  Attribution  4.0  International  License.   Appendix     Discourse Completion Test Some questions slightly varied in the two versions of this test: anytime a professor or a classmate was mentioned, the course was described as the Italian course at CLT in the version tailored for NNSs, whilst it was described as a generic evening course in the version tailored for the NSs. These differences are marked in this Appendix with a slash separating the two versions, in brackets. Identity of the addressee Situations Intimacy 1. Professional L’albergo in cui soggiorni non ha provveduto a cambiare le lenzuola usate dai clienti precedenti. Fallo presente in reception. The hotel you’re staying in did not change the sheets used by the previous costumers. Go tell the receptionists. LOWER 2. Friend Il tuo amico Giuseppe ha preso in prestito un tuo libro ma te l’ha riportato senza copertina. Faglielo presente. Your friend Giuseppe borrowed a book from you and he’s giving it back to you without its cover. Tell him. HIGHER 3. Worker La cassiera del supermercato ha sbagliato a darti il resto. Faglielo presente. You were given the wrong change by the cashier at the supermarket. Tell her. LOWER 4. Worker Hai ordinato un primo piatto al ristorante, ma te ne hanno portato uno sbagliato. Dillo al cameriere. You have ordered a first course at a restaurant, but the waiter brings you a wrong one. Tell him. LOWER 5. Professional La professoressa del [CLT/corso che frequenti] ha sbagliato a conteggiare gli errori nel tuo ultimo compito. Faglielo presente. Your teacher at [CLT/a course you are enrolled at] made some errors in counting your mistakes in your last Italian test. Let her know. LOWER 6. Relative Tua sorella ti ha chiesto di accompagnarla a comprare un vestito ma ci sta impiegando ore per scegliere. Faglielo presente. Your sister asked you to come with her to buy a dress, but it’s taking hours for her to choose. Tell her. HIGHER 7. Acquaintance Hai prestato il tuo quaderno a un signore che [studia italiano con te al CLT/segue con te un corso che frequenti], ma dopo due settimane non te l’ha ancora riportato. Faglielo presente. You’ve lent your notebook to a gentleman who [studies Italian with you at CLT/studies with you at a course], but two weeks have passed without him giving it back to you. Tell him. HIGHER   MAROCCHINI   E-­‐JournALL  4(2)  (2017),  pp.  75-­‐96  96   Eleonora Marocchini,  Università degli Studi di Pavia eleonora.marocchini@gmail.com EN Eleonora Marocchini graduated in Linguistics Theory, Applied Linguistics and Modern Language Linguistics from the University of Pavia and is currently studying at the Scuola Universitaria Superiore IUSS of Pavia. Her main research interests include pragmatics, the acquisition of Italian as second language and bilingualism. ES Eleonora Marocchini es licenciada en Lingüística Teórica, Lingüística Aplicada y Lingüística de Lenguas Modernas en la Universidad de Pavía. Actualmente estudia en la Scuola Universitaria Superiore IUSS de Pavía. Entre sus principales intereses de investigación se encuentran la pragmática, la adquisición del italiano como segunda lengua y el bilingüismo. IT Eleonora Marocchini è laureata in Linguistica Teorica, Applicata e delle Lingue Moderne presso l'Università di Pavia ed è Allieva della Scuola Universitaria Superiore IUSS di Pavia. I suoi principali interessi di ricerca includono la pragmatica, l’acquisizione di italiano come lingua seconda e il bilinguismo.