Walker_4.2 EuroAmerican  Journal  of  Applied  Linguistics  and  Languages   E-­‐JournALL,  Volume  4,  Issue  2,  December  2017,  pages  28-­‐48   ISSN  2376-­‐905X     DOI  http://dx.doi.org/10.21283/2376905X.7.95   www.e-­‐journall.org   ©  Walker  2017.  This  work  is  licensed  under  a  Creative  Commons  Attribution  4.0  International  License.         Politeness  norms:  A  pilot  study  on  the  accomplishment  of     apologies  by  learners  of  Italian1       TALIA  WALKER*   The  University  of  Sydney         Received  30  March  2017;  received  in  revised  form  28  September  2017;  accepted  21  November  2017     ABSTRACT   EN In the increasingly globalised world, intercultural and cross-cultural relations are becoming ever more frequent and significant. Within this diverse cultural space, miscommunications tend to arise and have the ability to significantly impact upon intercultural interactions. Thus, this paper explores the use of politeness strategies by learners of Italian during the performance of the speech act of apology. Specifically, the paper examines the presence of Italian and Australian English politeness norms in the realisation of these apologies, focussing on three principle areas of investigation: (i) the way in which the social variables of the scenario were evaluated by participants, (ii) the participants’ use of formal terms of address, and (iii) the modification of explicit expressions of apology. It was found that although tendencies of both Italian politeness and Australian English politeness were demonstrated by participants, the latter was more prominent, thus suggesting L1 influence on L2 realisation and some difficulty in the negotiation of the intercultural space. Key words: APOLOGIES, LANGUAGE LEARNERS, ITALIAN L2, POLITENESS ES En un mundo cada vez más globalizado, las relaciones interculturales e interculturales van cobrando relevancia y son cada vez más frecuentes. Dentro de este diverso espacio cultural, los problemas de comunicación van en aumento e impactan de forma significativa sobre las interacciones interculturales. Bajo este marco, el presente trabajo explora el uso de estrategias de cortesía por parte de aprendientes de italiano durante el acto de habla de la disculpa. Concretamente, se examina la presencia de normas de cortesía de la lengua italiana y del inglés australiano al efectuarse estas disculpas, centrándose la investigación en tres áreas principales: (i) la forma en que las variables sociales del escenario fueron evaluadas por los participantes, (ii) el empleo de fórmulas de tratamiento formales por parte de los participantes, y (iii) la modificación de expresiones explícitas de disculpa. Se descubrió que, aunque los participantes mostraron tendencias propias de la cortesía en italiano y de la cortesía en inglés australiano, esta última resultó más prominente, lo que sugiere una influencia de la L1 en la realización de la L2 y una cierta dificultad en la negociación del espacio intercultural. Palabras clave: DISCULPAS, APRENDIENTES DE LENGUA, ITALIANO COMO L2, CORTESÍA IT In un mondo sempre più globalizzato, le relazioni interculturali e multiculturali diventano vieppiù frequenti e importanti. All’interno di questo spazio culturale variegato, tendono a verificarsi cattive comunicazioni che influiscono significativamente sulle interazioni interculturali. In questo studio si analizza l’uso delle strategie di cortesia da parte degli apprendenti di italiano durante l’enunciazione dell’atto linguistico della scusa. Nello specifico, lo studio prende in esame la presenza di regole di cortesia nell’italiano e nell’inglese australiano nella realizzazione di tali scuse, concentrandosi su tre aree di ricerca principali: (i) come i partecipanti hanno valutato le variabili sociali dello scenario, (ii) l’uso da parte dei partecipanti di termini formali e (iii) la modificazione di espressioni di scuse esplicite. Anche se la tendenza alle formule di cortesia nei partecipanti è stata dimostrata sia in italiano sia nell’inglese australiano, i risultati ci dicono che è stata più spiccata in quest’ultimo, indicando l’influsso della L1 sulla comprensione della L2 e una certa difficoltà nella negoziazione dello spazio interculturale. Parole chiave: SCUSE, APPRENDENTI DI LINGUA, ITALIANO L2, CORTESIA                                                                                                                           *  Contact:  talia.walk@outlook.com     1  Sincere  thanks  to  Associate  Professor  Antonia  Rubino  for  her  comments  on  this  paper.   WALKER   E-­‐JournALL  4(2)  (2017),  pp.  28-­‐48   29   1.  Introduction   This   paper   explores   the   performance   of   apologies   as   accomplished   by   learners   of   Italian   in   a   university  context  in  Sydney,  New  South  Wales,  Australia.  Although  the  apology  is  a  face-­‐threatening  speech   act   (FTA)   (Blum-­‐Kulka   &   Olshtain,  1984,   p.   206),   it  has   not   been   investigated   extensively   in   relation   to   the  Italian  language  and  from  the  perspective  of  language  acquisition  (Nuzzo,  2007).     Austin   (1975   [1962])   recognised   that   the   intended   meanings   conveyed   through   speech   acts   are   intimately  connected  with  the  situational  context  in  which  utterances  are  produced.  Variations  in  speech  act   realisation   signify   that   individuals   may   have   diverse   expectations   of   the   same   interaction   and   thus   miscommunications   may   arise.   Such   variations   are   often   caused   by   personal   or   cultural   factors;   both   the   performance  of  and  response  to  apologies  can  vary  across  cultures  (Park,  Lee  &  Song  2005,  p.  365).  Although   speakers  may  produce  any  number  of  utterances,  successful  communication  is  conditioned  by  norms  arising   from  habit   and   general   usage   (Bettoni,   2006,   p.   71)   and   all   speech   sequences   are   embedded  with   cultural   information   (Wolfson,   1988,   p.   24).   In   fact,   apologies   are   one   of   the  most   culturally   sensitive   speech   acts   (Suszczyńska,   1999,   p.   1053)  and   thus   offer   rich   units   of   pragmatic   analysis,   as   will   be   evidenced   in   the   present  paper.   The   data   analysed   here   are   part   of   a   larger   project2   in   which   learners   of   Italian   at   different   proficiency   levels  were   asked   to   complete   a  written  Discourse   Completion  Task   (henceforth  DCT)3.   In   this   task,   participants   were   presented   with   four   scenarios   to   which   they   could   respond   with   an   apology   formulated   in   an   email.   They  were   also   asked   to   evaluate   each   scenario   in   relation   to   three   variables:   the   social  distance  between  the  participant  and  the  interlocutor,  the  status  of  the  interlocutor  in  relation  to  the   participant,  and  the  degree  of  severity  of  the  offence  for  which  the  apology  was  being  offered.   This  paper  will  specifically  focus  upon  one  of  the  four  scenarios:  accidental  theft  after  having  stayed   with  the  family  of  a   friend  in  Italy.  This  scenario  was  chosen  as  the  participants’  responses  demonstrated  a   great  degree  of  variation  and  were  rich  in  intercultural  phenomena.     The   following   analysis   explores   the   impact   of   Australian   English   politeness   norms   on   the   participants’  realisation  of  apologies  in  Italian,  taking  into  account  the  whole  apology  act  sequence.  As  will  be   shown,  Australian  English  social  norms  were  prevalent  in  the  participants’  responses,  specifically  in  the  way   in  which   they   perceived   the   relationships   between   themselves   and   their   Italian   interlocutors.   This   in   turn   impacted   upon  their   formulation   of   apologies   in   Italian,   including   the  way   in  which   formality   and   apology   modification  were  used.   As   I   will   argue,   this   paper   confirms   the   difficulty   which   language   learners   may   face   when  navigating  the  intercultural  space  (Cheng,  2013;  Formentelli  &  Hajek,  2013;  Trosborg,  1987,  1995)  and   thus,   by   implication,   evidences  the   necessity   of   a   pedagogical   approach   to   language   teaching   which   incorporates  pragmatics  and  cultural  awareness.       2.  Theoretical  framework:  Politeness   In   an   intercultural   communicative   context,   and   in   the   process   of   language   acquisition   specifically,   familiarity  with   the   pragmatic   rules   and   norms   of   a   culture   and   language   are   vital   for   ensuring   successful   communication  (Schauer,  2009,  p.  13).    Languages  and  cultures  involve  varying  degrees  of  collaboration  and   some  are  more  conflictual  than  others  (Rubino,  2011,  p.  12;  Rubino  &  Bettoni,  2006),  a  reality  that  may  not   align  with  the  expectations  of  language  learners.     Theories   of   politeness   are   thus   essential   to   discussions   of   intercultural   speech   act   realisation,   as   politeness  norms  can  have  a  significant   impact  upon  both   the  production  and  understanding  of  utterances.   For   example,   a   particularly   influential   model   of   cooperative   communication   is   Grice’s   (1989)   Cooperative   Principle  and  Conversational  Maxims,  although   it   is  not   the   theoretical   framework  upon  which   the  present   work  is  based.    This  paper  draws  upon  the  foundations  of  Brown  and  Levinson’s  Politeness  Theory  (1987)  in   order   to   explore   the   apologies   of   language   learners.   A   pertinent   concept   in   understanding   politeness,   particularly  when   investigating  culturally-­‐salient  phenomena  such  as  speech  acts,   is   that  of   face,   the  “social   value   a   person   effectively   claims   for   himself   by   the   line   others   assume   he   has   taken   during   a   particular                                                                                                                             2   This   paper   arises   from   an   Honours   thesis   project   conducted   at   the   University   of   Sydney   under   the   supervision   of   Associate  Professors  Antonia  Rubino  and  Ahmar  Mahboob.   3  In  some  literature,  DCT  is  identified  as  ‘Discourse  Completion  Test’;  however,  ‘Discourse  Completion  Task’  was  used  in   this  paper  as  it  is  the  more  common  term.     POLITENESS  NORMS:  APOLOGIES  BY  LEARNERS  OF  ITALIAN     E-­‐JournALL  4(2)  (2017),  pp.  28-­‐48     30   contact”  (Goffman,  2003,  p.  7).  Politeness  Theory  identifies  two  types  of  face:  negative  face  refers  to  the  desire   to  be  free  from  the  imposition  of  others,  while  positive  face  entails  the  desire  to  be  appreciated  and  approved   by  others  (Brown  &  Levinson,  1987,  pp.  65-­‐67).  FTAs  are  speech  acts  which  in  some  way  pose  a  threat  to  the   face  wants  of  any   interlocutor   (Brown  &  Levinson,  1987,  p.  65).   Such  acts   include  complaints,  requests   and   apologies.   As   has   been   widely   recognised,   interactional   understandings   can   vary   vastly   across   cultures   and   languages  (Bettoni,  2006;  Clyne,  1994;  di  Luzio,  2003;  Gumperz,  1982;  Kecskes,  2012;  Kiesling,  2015;  Leech,   1983;   Peeters,   2013;   Wierzbicka,   2005,   2010;   Yates,   2010);   hence,   Brown   and   Levinson’s   politeness   framework  is  relevant  only  when  the  cultural  assumptions  and  presuppositions  made  by  all  participants  in  an   interaction   align.   As   politeness   is   relative,   it   is   intrinsically   linked   to   the   social   and   cultural   context   of   the   interaction  and  the  personal  context  of  each  individual.  However,  despite  the  impossibility  of  a  homogenous   population,   cultural   tendencies   do   permeate   communication   and   are   reflected   in   speech   practices   and   conversational   routines   (Meier,   1995,   p.   352;   Wierzbicka,   2005,   2008).   Taking   these   discussions   into   consideration,  this  paper  approaches  politeness  as  that  which  is  deemed  to  be  socially  acceptable  behaviour   within  a  given   interaction,  as  determined  by  social  and  contextual  variables.  The  phrase   ‘politeness  norms’   therefore  refers  to  these  appropriate  behaviours.   Communication   in   a   foreign   language   is   a   constant   learning   process   and   regardless   of   linguistic   competence,   cultural   differentiation   in   the   contextualisation   and   enactment   of   communication   can   cause   language  learners  to  unintentionally  act  inappropriately  (Blum-­‐Kulka,  1983;  Kiesling,  2015,  p.  628;  Scarcella   &  Brunak,  1981).  Learner  awareness  of  cultural  pragmatic  differences  is  therefore  very  valuable,  particularly   in  terms  of  the  necessity  of  understanding  why  certain  speech  conventions  are  appropriate  while  others  are   not  (Bataineh  &  Bataineh,  2006,  p.  1922;  Coulmas,  1981b,  pp.  69-­‐70);  however,  this  has  not  been  extensively   investigated  in  Italian-­‐Australian  intercultural  contexts.       3.  Background  to  the  study   The   apology   is   identified   by   Blum-­‐Kulka   and   Olshtain   (1984,   p.   206)   as   a   post-­‐event   FTA   which   recognises   the  violation  of   social  norms  and  acknowledges   the  speaker’s   involvement   in   this  violation.  The   apology  is  thus  a  transaction  which  aims  to  restore  the  relationship  between  the  offending  and  the  offended   parties  (Edmondson,  1981,  p.  274;  Leech,  1983,  p.  125;  Robinson,  2004,  p.  292)  as  well  as  the   image  of  the   offender   (Benoit,   1995,   p.   35).   Taking   these   definitions   as   a   basis,   this   paper   investigates   apologies   as   expressions   whereby   the   speaker   or   writer   communicates   remorse   for   having   violated   social   norms   and   offended  the  interlocutor,  and  thereby  attempts  to  restore  harmony  within  the  interaction.     Although  culture  has  been  widely  acknowledged  to  be  a  vast  and  challenging  concept  (Baker,  2015,   pp.  45-­‐46;  Duranti,  1997,  pp.  7-­‐8;  Knoblauch,  2001;  Liddicoat  &  Scarino,  2013,  p.  17),  the  significance  placed   upon  the  social  sphere  consistently  emerges  in  the  diverse  definitions  of  culture  offered  by  scholars.  In  this   paper,   Kiesling’s   (2015,   p.   621)   conceptualisation   of   culture   as   group   practice   –   rather   than   as   an   innate   attribute  of  a  group  –  is  adopted.    As  culture  is  variable  and  can  develop  over  time,   it   is  seen  by  Kiesling  as   encapsulating  the  collective  actions  of  a  group  of  people,  rather  than  being  an  inherent  trait  of  the  group.    This   pragmatic   approach   thus   entails   a   focus   upon   actions   as   performed   through   language,  which   corresponds   with  the  speech  act  theory  framework  of  this  paper.   Numerous  cross-­‐cultural  and  intercultural  studies  have  evidenced  the  vast  differentiation  in  apology   performance  across  cultures  (Bataineh  &  Bataineh,  2006;  Chang,  2010;  Jebahi,  2011;  Márquez  Reiter,  2000;   Suszczyńska,   1999).   For   example,   the   Cross-­‐Cultural   Study   of   Speech   Act   Realisation   Patterns   (CCSARP)   (Blum-­‐Kulka,   House,   &   Kasper,   1989a)   evidenced   that   the   variation   of   social   distance   and   power   between   participants  was  of  importance  in  the  participants’  choices  of  apology  strategies  and  that  the  relative  weight   of  these  factors  was  subject  both  to  situational  and  cultural  variation  (Blum-­‐Kulka,  House  &  Kasper,  1989b,  p.   3).   These   findings   are   well-­‐supported,   for   example   by   Trosborg’s   studies   of   the   performance   of   requests,   complaints   and   apologies   among   Danish   learners   of   English   (1987;   1995),   and   by   Cheng’s   (2013)   investigation  of  the  strategies  used  by  learners  of  English  in  both  spoken  and  emailed  apologies.  The  former   discovered   that   different   interactions   between   the   factors   of   dominance   and   social   distance   in   role-­‐play   situations   resulted   in   demand   for   varying   levels   of   politeness   (Trosborg,   1995,   p.   148).   Similarly,   Cheng   (2013,   p.   102)   found   that   variables   such   as   the   mode   of   communication,   severity   of   the   situation   and   relationships  between  interlocutors  were  formative  in  the  construction  of  learners’  apologies.     WALKER     E-­‐JournALL  4(2)  (2017),  pp.  28-­‐48     31   Scholars  have  also  noted  differences  in  apology  modification  among  learners  and  native  speakers  of   English.   While   the   Uruguayan   participants   in   Márquez   Reiter’s   (2000,   p.   147)   study   demonstrated   a   preference  for  non-­‐intensification,  the  British  participants  intensified  apologies  in  all  situations,  for  example,   through   the   use   of   adverbs   such   as   very   or   so   prior   to   the   use   of   the   direct   apology   sorry.   Similarly,   Suszczyńska  (1999,  pp.  1060-­‐1061)  found  that  explicit  apologies  produced  by  native  English  speakers  were   intensified   more   frequently   than   explicit   apologies   performed   by   native   Polish   and   Hungarian   speakers.   These  results  indicate  “a  ritualised  Anglo-­‐Saxon  conflict  avoidance  strategy  aimed  at  redressing  the  hearer’s   ‘negative’   face”   (Márquez   Reiter,   2000,   p.   167),   which   may   have   significant   implications   for   intercultural   politeness.   Additionally,   Trosborg   (1987,   p.   162)   found   that   learners   of   English   often   appeared   to   be   less   polite  than  the  native  speakers,  as  they  were  unable  to  modulate  their  apologies  in  accordance  with  English   norms.   Apology   frequency   may   also   be   influenced   by   cultural   factors,   as   Australian   and   British   English   speakers   tend   to   apologise   more   frequently   compared   with   other   cultural   groups   (Clyne,   1994,   p.   179;   Márquez  Reiter,  2000,  p.  168).   In   investigating  the  Italian  and  English  languages,  Lipson  (1994)  asked  ten  native  Italian  university   students  to  transcribe  apology  scenes  from  American  sitcoms  in  Italian  and  adapt  them  to  the  Italian  cultural   context.  Relationships  of  unequal  status  and  authority  were  subject  to  more  restricted  forms  of  apologies  in   the   participants’   representations   than   those   in   the   American   sitcoms   and   textual   differentiation   was   attributed   to   the   participants’   perceptions   of   status,   role   and   authority   (Lipson,   1994,   p.   27).   When   addressing  friends,  students  rejected  the  need  to  apologise  (Lipson,  1994,  p.  31)  and  jokes,  insults  and  teasing   were   incorporated  more  frequently  as  moves  to  minimise  the  offence  and  restore  balance  (Lipson,  1994,  p.   25).  Conversely,  these  strategies  were  not  used  when  addressing  individuals  of  a  higher  status.  Evidently,  the   students’  understandings  of  interpersonal  relationships  significantly  impacted  their  formulation  of  apologies.   Similarly,  Nuzzo   (2007,  p.  178)   found   that  among  native   Italian   speakers,   situations  of  high   social  distance   resulted   in   a  more   frequent   use   of   intensifiers   than   in   situations   of   low   social   distance.   This   suggests   that   native   speakers   tend   to   use   strong   expressions   of   regret   with   strangers,   though   are   more   comfortable   in   denying  responsibility  when  the  interlocutor  is  well-­‐known  to  them  (Nuzzo,  2007,  p.  179).  Nuzzo  also  notes   that,  when  modifying  their  apologies,  Italian  native  speakers  display  a  preference  for  mitigating  strategies  –   that  is,  lexical  elements  which  alleviate  the  offender’s  responsibility  in  causing  the  offence.   Although  apologies  performed  in  Italian  have  not  been  explored  within  the  Australian  context,  some   studies  have  been  conducted  which   focus  on  other  FTAs  (Bettoni  &  Rubino,  2007;  Rubino,  2011;  Rubino  &   Bettoni,   2006).   In   investigating   complaints,   Rubino   and  Bettoni   (2006,   p.   355)   concluded   that   Italians   and   Anglo-­‐Australians   differed   both   in   their   perceptions   of   the   offence   and   how   this   was   to   be   redressed.   Additionally,   Bettoni   and   Rubino   (2007,   p.   491)   observed   that   when   responding   to   complaints,   Anglo-­‐ Australians  tended  to  use  variations  of   the  same  formulaic  expression,   I’m  sorry,  and  intensifiers  such  as  so   and  awfully  were  often  included.  Conversely,  native  Italians  alternated  between  mi  dispiace  (‘I’m  sorry’)  and   mi   scusi   (‘excuse   me’),   rarely   using   more   elaborate   expressions.   These   strong   linguistic   differences   have   implications  for   intercultural  communication  and  foreign  language  use,  and  thus  will  be  investigated  in  this   paper.     4.  Methodology  of  the  study   As  mentioned  above,  this  paper  presents  data  from  a  larger  project  which  investigated  the  politeness   strategies  used  by  learners  of  Italian  when  performing  apologies.  A  written  DCT  was  used  to  collect  a  series  of   email   responses  which  were   then   analysed   in   regards   to   apology   structure   and   the   three   variables   under   investigation.       4.1.  The  DCT   The  data   collection   for   the  project   involved   the   application  of   a  written  DCT  whereby  participants   were  asked  to  respond  to  four  scenarios  in  the  form  of  an  email.     In  completing  the  DCT,  participants  were  presented  with  the  same  situation  twice,  but  were  required   to   direct   their   responses   to   two   different   interlocutors,   so   as   to   investigate   the   possible   impact   of   social   variables   on   speech   act   performance.   The   format   of   the   DCT   involved   a   short   description   of   the   scenario,   followed  by  a  space  in  which  students  were  able  to  provide  a  response,  as  shown  in  Figure  1.       POLITENESS  NORMS:  APOLOGIES  BY  LEARNERS  OF  ITALIAN     E-­‐JournALL  4(2)  (2017),  pp.  28-­‐48     32     Figure 1. Format of the DCT   The  task  was  completed  on  campus  under  exam  conditions  without  the  use  of  linguistic  aids  such  as   dictionaries  or  electronics.   Special  care  was  taken  in  formulating  scenarios  that  were  relevant  to  the  student  context,  such  as  a   student  exchange  situation  or  an  intercultural  encounter  in  Italy.  All  scenarios  were  set  in  Italy,  implying  that   students  should  engage  with  Italian  politeness  strategies  and  apology  constructions,  and  this  was  emphasised   by   the   fact   that   the  DCT  was  written   in   Italian  with  only  potentially  challenging   terms  provided   in  English.   The  explicit  construction  of  this  Italian  setting  therefore  placed  the  participants  in  the  context  of  the  Italian   language  and  culture.     Identifying   email   communication   as   the   modality   of   the   DCT   also   eliminated   the   possibility   that   variations   in   text   type   across   the   scenarios   could   influence   the   learners’   construction   of   apologies.   The   specification  that  responses  should  be  written  in  email  form  was  thereby  an  important  controlled  variable  in   ensuring  data  consistency.   Participants   were   also   given   the   opportunity   to   opt   out   of   responding   to   the   scenarios.   It   is   understood  that,  for  any  number  of  reasons,  an  individual  may  not  apologise  in  all  situations  in  which  another   individual   may   deem   an   apology   to   be   necessary.   Opting   out   of   speech   act   performance   is   in   fact   quite   common  (Kuchuk,  2012,  p.  128)  and  has  been  identified  as  a  possible  response  to  FTAs  in  particular  (Brown   &  Levinson,  1987,  p.  69).  Hence,  at  the  end  of  each  scenario  description,  the  option  to  refuse  to  answer  was   offered  to  participants.     Drawing   upon   other   studies   (e.g.  Lipson,   1994;  Márquez   Reiter,   2000;   and  Rubino   &   Bettoni,   2006,  among  others),  participants  were  also  asked  to  evaluate  each  scenario  in  relation  to  three  variables  –   namely,   the   social   distance   between   the   participant   and   the   interlocutor,   the   status   of   the   interlocutor   in   relation  to  the  participant,  and  the  degree  of  severity  of  the  offence  for  which  the  apology  was  being  offered.   Participants  were  required  to  rate  the  impact  of  each  of  these  variables  on  a  scale  of  one  (Low)  to  five  (High),   as  shown  below  in  Figure  2.   These  three  variables  were  defined  for  the  students  in  the  following  way,  and  these  definitions  were   also  included  on  the  DCT  itself  so  as  to  avoid  ambiguity:   Social   distance:   how  well   known   the   participants   are   to   each   other,   ranging   from   strangers   to   intimates   Status   of   interlocutor:   the   degree   of   power   held   by   the   interlocutor,   i.e.   if   their   social   position   within  the  interaction  is  higher,  equal  to,  or  lower  than  the  speaker   Severity  of  offence:  the  ‘seriousness’  of  and  extent  of  damage  caused  by  the  offence  for  which  the   apology  is  being  offered.     WALKER     E-­‐JournALL  4(2)  (2017),  pp.  28-­‐48     33       Would you rate the severity of your offence as: 1 2 3 4 5 Low High Figure 2. Likert scale from the DCT   The  participants’  emails  and  variable  ratings  then  provided  the  data  set  for  this  paper.       4.2.  Participants   The   participants   were   students   enrolled   in   one   of   four   Italian   Studies   courses   at   a   large   public   university   in   Australia   and   with   of   proficiency   levels   ranging   from   B1   to   C14,   based   on   student   grading   conducted  by  the  Department  of  Italian  Studies.   The  four  classes  and  their  assumed  proficiency  levels  were:     − Intermediate  Italian  4  (B1)   − Senior  Italian  4  (B1/B2)   − Senior  Italian  6  (B1/B2)   − Honours  cohort  (B2/C1)       Despite  differences  in  the  proficiency  levels  of  the  students,  it  was  expected  that  all  participants  had   been  instructed  in  the  differences  between  Italian  and  English  politeness  strategies,  and  this  was  supported   by   syllabus   documents   (Department   of   Italian   Studies,   2016a,   2016b,   2016c).     Although   some  participants   who  were  attending  higher  language  classes  were  more  successful  in  formulating  their  apologies  than  those   in  lower  classes,  this  was  not  always  the  case;  thus,  differentiation  in  student  proficiency  was  not  considered   in  this  study.   Demographic   questionnaires   (included   in   the   Appendix)   were   also   completed   by   participants   in   order   to   ascertain  whether   such   factors   impacted  upon   the   responses  provided.  However,   few   conclusions   could  be  drawn  from  these  demographic  details.  Neither  did  cultural  background  appear  to  be  a  meaningful   factor   in  explaining  participants’   linguistic  choices.  Hence,  the  demographic  factors  did  not  form  part  of  the   data  analysis  for  this  paper.   Any  problematic  transcripts  –  in  that  they  were  incomplete  or  had  been  incorrectly  completed  –  were   removed  from  the  data  set  and  therefore  had  no  bearing  on  the  results  presented  in  this  paper.       4.3.  Data  for  this  paper   The  data  presented   in   this  paper  arises   from  one  of   the   four   scenarios   in   the  DCT,  available   in   the   Appendix   both   in   the   original   Italian   (as   provided   to   participants)   and   in   English.   As   the   data   set  was   too   narrow   to   provide   an   effective   statistical   analysis,   a   descriptive   analytical   framework   was   used.   This   descriptive  method  arose  from  the  data  itself,   thus  was  more  revealing  than  an  imposed  framework  arising   from   another   project,   and   also   allowed   for   a   detailed   consideration   of   the   whole   complex   apology   act   sequence.     The  chosen  scenario  specified  that  upon  unpacking  their  luggage  after  staying  with  a  friend  and  his   mother   in  Verona,   the  participant  discovered   that   they  had  accidentally   taken   two  phone  chargers   that  did   not  belong  to  them.  In  completing  the  DCT,  participants  were  required  to  write  to  both  the  mother  and  the   friend  in  response  to  the  situation.     The   scenario   discussed   in   this   paper   is   the   email   to   the   mother,   which   was   chosen   for   several   reasons.  Firstly,  the  two  alternations  of  the  scenario  demonstrated  high  degrees  of  variance  in  regards  to  the   rating  of  the  social  variables,  indicating  that  many  participants  recognised  social  distinctions  between  the  two                                                                                                                             4  According  to  the  Common  European  Framework  of  Reference  for  Languages.   POLITENESS  NORMS:  APOLOGIES  BY  LEARNERS  OF  ITALIAN     E-­‐JournALL  4(2)  (2017),  pp.  28-­‐48     34   addressees.  As  this  scenario  is  quite  different  from  many  scenarios  used  or  undertaken  in  previous  DCTs  and   role-­‐play   tasks   conducted   by   other   scholars   (e.g.   Chang,   2009;   Márquez-­‐Reiter,   2000;   Suszczyńska,   1999;   Trosborg,   1995),   in   terms   of   both   the   offence   and   the   interlocutor   stipulated,   it   provides   a   particularly   intriguing  analytical  focus.  While  most  data  arising  from  the  scenario  incorporated  Australian  English  norms,   participants   did   attempt   to   engage   with   Italian   pragmatics;   thus,   this   scenario   offers   insights   into   the   interplay  of  the  two  languages  in  the  intercultural  context  of  language  acquisition.     As  five  of  the  42  participants  opted  out  of  responding  to  this  scenario,  the  following  analysis  arises   from  the  responses  of  37  participants.     All  examples  quoted  in  this  paper  have  been  transcribed  exactly  as  they  were  written  by  participants,   including  grammatical  and  lexical  errors.  These  errors  have  not  been  represented  in  the  English  translations.   However,   in   some   translations,   English   grammatical   correctness   has   been   compromised   in   order   to  more   accurately  communicate  the  meaning  of  the  original  Italian.       5.  Analysis   Based  on   comparisons  with  previous   literature   already  discussed   in   this  paper,   the   analysis  of   the   data  revealed  the  frequent  use  of  Australian  English  terms  of  address  and  apology  structures,  rather  than  the   consistent  use  of  Italian  norms  usually  required  in  the  scenarios  presented  to  participants.  The  prevalence  of   these  features  of  Australian  English  suggests  the  application  of  L1  (Australian  English)  knowledge  to  the  L2   (Italian).  There  are  three  principle  areas  in  which  this  intercultural  negotiation  was  evidenced:  (i)  the  way  in   which   the   social   variables  within   the   scenarios  were   evaluated  by  participants,   (ii)   the  participants’   use  of   formal  terms  of  address,  and  (iii)  the  modification  of  explicit  expressions  of  apology.  These  findings  will  now   be  detailed.       5.1.  The  social  variables   As   outlined   previously,   following   each   scenario,   participants   were   asked   to   evaluate   the   social   distance  between  the  interlocutor  and  themselves,  the  status  of  the  interlocutor  in  relation  to  their  own,  and   the  severity  of  the  offence  hypothetically  committed.  The  three  variables  were  clarified  to  the  students  in  the   DCT,  as  mentioned  above.     The  number  of  participants  who  chose  each  of   the   five  ratings  of   the   three  variables   in   the  chosen   scenario  are  demonstrated  in  the  table  and  graph  below:     Table 1 Participants’ ratings of variables in email to friend’s mother Variables Rating of the variables 1 (Low) 2 3 4 5 (High) Social distance 2 14 18 7 1 Status of interlocutor 1 1 16 24 0 Severity of offence 8 17 13 4 0   It   is   notable   that   the   two   social   variables   (distance   and   status)   as   rated   by   participants  were   not   always   interdependent.  Most  participants’  perceptions  of   the   social  distance  between   themselves  and   their   friend’s  mother  were  concentrated  around  the  2  –  3  rating  on  the  scale  (demonstrated  in  bold),  whereas  all   but  two  ratings  for  the  status  of  the  mother  in  relation  to  the  participant  were  between  the  higher  3  –  4  range.   In   fact,   in   assessing   the   individual   responses  of   participants,   it   emerged   that  many  participants   reported   a   relationship   in  which   the   status  of   the  mother  was  higher   than   their   own,   but   the   social   distance  between   them  was  low  or  average.  Specifically,  12  participants  gave  equal  ratings  to  the  social  distance  between  the   mother  and  themselves  and  to  the  status  of  the  mother,  27  gauged  the  social  distance  as  being  lower  than  the   status  of   the  mother,   and  only  3  participants   rated   the   status  of   the  mother  as  being   lower   than   the   social   distance.   That  27  participants  (over  64%)  reported  low  social  distance  with  respect  to  the  mother’s  status  (1  –   2   on   the   scale)   aligns  with   the  Australian   principles   of   equality   and  mateship,   even   in   socially   imbalanced   interactions  (Dyrenfurth,  2015;  Formentelli  &  Hajek,  2013;  Sinkeviciute,  2014).  One  can  therefore  gather  that   the  participants  tend  to  adhere  to  an  Australian  understanding  of  this  relationship.     WALKER     E-­‐JournALL  4(2)  (2017),  pp.  28-­‐48     35   However,   it   should   also   be   acknowledged   that   this   familiarity   between   the   participants   and   the   interlocutor  may  be  a  situational  effect  of  having  lived  together  (as  it  was  specified  in  the  scenario  description   that  the  participant  was  a  guest  in  the  mother’s  home)  or  may  be  influenced  by  participants’  experiences  with   their  own  friends’  families  in  Australia.       5.2.  The  use  of  formal  terms  of  address   Italian  has   two  principle   formal  personal  pronouns,  Lei   and  Loro,  which  are  used  when  addressing   individuals  who  are  not  well-­‐known   to   the  speaker,  or  are  of  higher  status  or  hold  greater  power   than   the   speaker.  For  example,  individuals  who  possess  titles  such  as  Doctor  or  Professor  should  always  be  addressed   using   these   forms   (Musumeci,   1991,   p.   445),   and   titles   are   often   used   in   addressing   such   individuals.   However,   today   Loro   is   rarely   used.   These   choices   of   terms   of   address   also   impact   upon   one’s   verbal   conjugation,  whereby  the  verbs  adopt  the  conjugation  of   the  third  person  rather  than  the  second  person   in   order  to  achieve  grammatical  agreement.     In  contrast,  formal  terms  of  address  are  uncommon  in  Australian  English,  while  solidarity  pronouns   of  address  and  the  use  of  first  names  are  conventional  and  expected  (Brick,  2004,  p.  39;  Clyne,  2003,  p.  217).   Thus,   engagement  with   grammatical   formality   has   been   previously   evidenced   as   an   element   of   politeness   with  which  Australian   learners  of   Italian  experience  difficulty   (Formentelli  &  Hajek,  2013),  a   finding  which   was  also  evidenced  in  the  present  study.     While   some   participants   did   attempt   to   adapt   their   level   of   grammatical   formality   to   the   Italian   context  of  the  interactions  presented  in  the  DCT  scenarios,  there  was  at  times  a  lack  of  consistency  in  the  use   of  formal  terms  of  address.  Some  students  were  able  to  use  these  terms  without  issue,  while  others  did  not   engage  with   them,   and   others   still   made   attempts   to   use   the   forms   but  made   errors  when   doing   so.   This   variability  thus  provides  a  salient  area  of  investigation  in  the  intercultural  context  of  the  study.   In  the  specified  scenario  investigated  in  this  paper,  35.14%  of  all  responses  provided  made  use  of  the   formal   pronouns   and   related   verbal   conjugations,   which   are   fundamental   elements   of   Italian   politeness   (Musumeci,   1991;   Nuzzo   &   Rastelli,   2009).   The   social   variables   of   the   interaction   –   specifically,   the   social   distance  and  status  differentiation  between  the  participant  and  their   interlocutor  –  seemed  to   impact  upon   the  use  of  these  polite  terms  of  address.   When  participants  judged  their  interlocutor  (the  mother)  to  be  of  an  equal  or  higher  status  than  their   own  (4  –  5  on  the  scale),  formal  Italian  terms  of  address  were  used  more  frequently.  This  is  demonstrated  in   bold  in  the  table  below:  when  responses  were  allocated  higher  ratings,  particularly  4,  they  included  a  higher   number  of  formal  pronouns  and  verbal  conjugations.       Table 2 Use of formal Italian terms of address in relation to ratings of the mother’s status Rating of status of the interlocutor Total responses Responses using formal terms of address Percentage (%)5 1 (Low) 0 0 - 2 1 0 0.00 3 14 2 14.29 4 22 11 50.00 5 (High) 0 0 -   This   trend  was  echoed   in  the  results   for  the  social  distance  of   the   interlocutor.  As  demonstrated   in   bold   in   Table   3,   the   percentage   of   responses   which   included   formal   Italian   terms   of   address   rose   in   correspondence   with   an   increase   in   the   social   distance   between   the   participant   and   their   interlocutor.   Evidently,   participants’   recognition   of   the   social   distance   between   themselves   and   their   friend’s   mother   influenced  their  choice  of  formal  pronouns  and  verbal  conjugations.                                                                                                                                     5  The  percentage  of  responses  in  which  formal  terms  of  address  were  used.   POLITENESS  NORMS:  APOLOGIES  BY  LEARNERS  OF  ITALIAN     E-­‐JournALL  4(2)  (2017),  pp.  28-­‐48     36   Table 3 Use of formal Italian terms of address in relation to ratings of the mother’s social distance Rating of social distance Total responses Responses using formal terms of address Percentage (%) 1 (Low) 2 0 0.00 2 10 2 20.00 3 18 7 38.89 4 7 4 57.14 5 (High) 0 0 -   Hence,   similarly   to   the  association  between  social  distance  and   the  use  of   formal   Italian,   there   is  a   connection   between   the   participants’   perceptions   of   status   and   their   choices   of   formal   Italian   forms   of   address.  This  thus  follows  Italian  norms  and  evidences  an  awareness  on  the  part  of  participants  of  the  Italian   cultural  context  in  which  they  were  writing.     However,   while   some   participants   used   formal   Lei   pronouns   and   conjugations,   most   participants   gravitated  towards  informal  grammar  and  terms  of  address.  It  was  also  more  common  for  participants  to  use   formal  pronouns  than  formal  verbal  conjugations  and  the  use  of  either  was  not  always  accurate  throughout   their   responses.   This   variability   may   be   attributed   to   factors   both   internal   and   external   to   the   Italian   language.  For  example,  there  is  at  times  a  lack  of  distinction  between  the  use  of  formal  and  informal  terms  of   address  even  in  Italian  contexts,  and  this  can  cause  difficulty  in  ascertaining  how  to  appropriately  use  these   forms  (Fivela  &  Bazzanella,  2014,  p.  114;  Nuzzo  &  Rastelli,  2009,  p.  22;  Rebelos  &  Strambi,  2009,  p.  61).     This  uncertainty  was  evidenced  by  the  fact  that  some  participants’  conjugations  of  the  verb  scusare   did   not   seem   to   relate   to   their   use   of   formal   address.   The   verb   should   be   conjugated   as   scusi   when   using   formal   Italian,   while   scusa   is   reserved   for   informal   situations.   However,   some   participants   confused   the   conjugated  forms,  using  informal  conjugations  of  scusare  while  using  formal  Italian  pronouns  and  vice  versa,   as  in  the  following  example:     (i)   Scusa  ma  penso  che  ho  messo  la  sua  caricabatteria  nella  mia  valigia  (2632.6)6     Sorry  (informal)  but  I  think  that  I  put  your  (formal)  charger  in  my  luggage     Although  it  is  not  possible  to  ascertain  whether  a  participant’s  use  of  informal  terms  of  address  was   due  to  their  conscious  choice  to  do  so  or  due  to  an  inability  to  use  formal  terms  of  address,  the  use  of  both   informal   and   formal   forms   within   the   one   response—particularly   within   the   same   sentence—is   grammatically   incorrect.   These   observations   hence   suggest   learner   difficulty   in   distinguishing   formal   and   informal   grammatical   forms.   This   is   reminiscent   of   what   has   been   reported   by   previous   scholars,   in   that   learners   of   Italian   are   often   uncertain   as   to   how   to   accurately   construct   and   use   polite   forms   of   address   (Nuzzo  &  Rastelli,  2009;  Rebelos  &  Strambi,  2009).   As  previously  mentioned,  all  students  who  participated  in  the  study  were  enrolled  in  levels  at  which   they  should  have  been  aware  of  how  to  correctly  use  formal  terms  of  address.  Thus,  one  possible  reason  for   the  lack  of  proficiency  in  these  forms  may  be  the  infrequent  use  of  formal  Italian  within  the  foreign  language   classroom,   particularly   in   Australian   university   contexts   (Formentelli   &   Hajek,   2013).   In   fact,   upon   completing  the  DCT,  one  participant  of  the  present  study  expressed  difficulty  in  remembering  when  to  use  the   formal   Lei   as   “it’s   not   something   that’s   really   drilled   into   us   much,   because   we   don’t   have   a   Lei   form   in   Australia”  (personal  communication,  8  August,  2016).  Hence,  lack  of  practice  during  language  instruction  may   account  for  the  difficulty  experienced  by  participants  in  using  formal  Italian  forms,  thus  encouraging  them  to   gravitate  –  intentionally  or  unintentionally  –  towards  the  less  grammatically  marked  formal  Australian  norms   with  which  they  are  familiar.   Another  trend  which  emerged  from  the  data  was  the  common  use  of  first  names  when  greeting  the   interlocutor.  12  participants  addressed  the  interlocutor  by  a  first  name,  such  as  in  the  following  examples:                                                                                                                               6  The  numbers  in  the  brackets  correspond  to  each  participants’  unique  identification  code.  For  analytical  purposes,  each   participant  was  assigned  an  identification  number  comprising  of  the  unit  of  study  code  of  the  Italian  class  followed  by  a   numeral.   For  example,   the   code  2632.3   refers   to   the   third   student   in   class   ITLN2632   (Senior   Italian  4)   to   submit   their   completed  DCT.  These  numbers  were  used  to  identify  the  authors  of  the  examples  included  in  this  paper.   WALKER     E-­‐JournALL  4(2)  (2017),  pp.  28-­‐48     37   i) Ciao  Alessia  (3612.8)     Hi  Alessia   iii) Ciao  Maria!  (2632.4)     Hi  Maria!   iv) Cara  Maia  (2612.3)     Dear  Maia     This  informal  means  of  address  is  characteristic  of  Australian  communicative  norms  (Brick,  2004,  p.   39;  Clyne,  2003,  p.  217).  The  use  of  first  names  expresses  a  fellowship  between  interlocutors  (Clyne,  Norrby  &   Warren,  2009,  p.  69)  and  this  aligns  with  the  high  Australian  regard  for  mateship.    Traditionally  in  Italian,  the   use  of  first  names  is  a  sign  of  solidarity  and  intimacy  reserved  for  interlocutors  with  whom  you  are  familiar,   rather  than  an  expected  communicative  norm  to  be  used  with  all  interlocutors.   Informal  greetings  such  as  those  evidenced  above  contrast  against  the  more  formal  terms  of  address   chosen  by  other  participants:     v) Cara  signora  (2632.1)     Dear  madam   vi) Cara  Signora  Ambrogio  (H.3)     Dear  Mrs  Ambrogio     These   formal   terms   of   address   are   more   appropriate   in   Italian   for   this   communicative   situation.     However,   the   use   of   titles   and   formal   greetings   did   not   always   correspond   with   the   use   of   formal   verbal   conjugations.  For  example:     vii) Buongiorno  signora!        Come  stai?  (2612.3)     Good  morning  madam!   How  are  you  (informal)?     These  tendencies  –  specifically,  the  use  of  first  names  and  inconsistencies  in  formal  terms  of  address   –   are   at   odds   with   the   rigid   realisations   of   social   distance   and   status   which   characterise   formal   Italian   language   use   (Formentelli  &  Hajek,   2013),   thus   indicating   a   pragmatic   transfer   of   Australian   norms   to   the   Italian  context.    Such  adaptation  of  L1  norms  to  L2  language  realisation  is  quite  common  among  learners,  as   has  been  evidenced  in  previous  studies  (Keshavarz,  Eslami,  &  Ghahraman,  2006;  Žegarac  &  Pennington,  2000,   p.   167).     The   inconsistencies   in   participants’   responses   also   indicate   a   lack   of   competence   in   using   the   linguistic   forms   necessary   for   expressing   formality,   which  may   have   caused   this   reliance   upon   Australian   English  norms.       5.3.  The  explicit  expressions  of  apology   Explicit  expressions  of  apology  are  those  which  use  routine  formula  such  as  I’m  sorry,  I  apologise  or   excuse   me.   The  most   common   explicit   expression   of   apology   in   the   data   was  mi   dispiace   (‘I’m   sorry’)   (37   instances   in   total   across   28   responses).   Several   different   forms   of   the   verb   scusare   (‘to   excuse’   or   ‘to   apologise’)  were  also  used  (5  instances)  and  two  explicit  apologies  involved  the  adjective  spiacente  (‘sorry’).   When   scusare   was   used,   it   was   usually   conjugated   informally   (scusa)   and   in   some   instances   were   accompanied  by  modifiers.  Chiedo   i   suoi   scusi   (‘I   ask  your   (formal  pronoun)  pardon’)  was  also  used  by  one   participant  as  a  very  formal  expression  of  apology.  Examples  of  these  apology  forms  include:     viii) Mi  dispiace  tanto  (2632.9)     I  am  very  sorry   ix) Mi  scusi  (H3)     Excuse  me  (formal)   x) Sono  molto  spiacente  (3612.14)     I  am  very  sorry     POLITENESS  NORMS:  APOLOGIES  BY  LEARNERS  OF  ITALIAN     E-­‐JournALL  4(2)  (2017),  pp.  28-­‐48     38   Native   Italian   speakers   generally   prefer   to   use   explicit   apologies   which   are   expressed   through   conjugations   of   the   verb   scusare   (‘to   excuse’)   (Lipson,   1994,   p.   25;   Nuzzo,   2007).   In  my   data,   participants   instead  clearly  favoured  mi  dispiace  over  other  forms.  I’m  sorry  has  been  previously  recognised  as  the  most   common  explicit  expression  of  apology  in  English  (Lipson,  1994,  p.  25;  Olshtain  &  Cohen,  1983,  p.  22;  Owen,   1983,  p.  65;  Robinson,  2004,  p.  322);  thus,  it  seems  that  the  prevalence  of  mi  dispiace  in  the  data  is  a  product   of   the   participants’   English-­‐language   background   and   that   the   tendency   of   English   speakers   to   use   this   expression  has  been  incorporated  into  their  Italian  language  use.   In   the   intercultural   context   of   the   investigation,   the   participants’   modification   of   these   apology   structures  was  also  salient.     Two  types  of  modification  were  identified  in  the  data:   − Intensification   –   achieved   by   the   use   of   adjectives   and   adverbs   which   strengthen   the   force   of   the   apology;   − Reiteration  –  achieved  by  a  phrase  whereby  the  repetition  of  the  apology  is  made  explicit.     In  the  data  collected  from  the  specified  scenario,  54.05%  of  the  explicit  apologies  were  modified  with   intensifying  or  reiterating  adverbs.     As   it  was  by   far   the  most   commonly  used  explicit   expression  of   apology,   the  phrase  mi  dispiace   in   particular  experienced  frequent  modification,  as  shown  in  the  table  below:     Table 4 Modifiers of mi dispiace (‘I’m sorry’) used in this scenario Modifiers Gloss Frequency molto much 4 moltissimo very much 3 tanto much 3 tantissimo very much 1 di nuovo once again 1 ancora again 4 ancora & tanto again & much 1 troppo too much 1 un sacco a lot (colloquial) 2   Examples  of  modified  explicit  expressions  of  apology  include:     xi) Mi  dispiace  tantissimo!  (3612.9)     I  am  very  very  sorry!   xii) Mi  dispiace  ancora  per  il  disagio  (3612.9)   Again,  I  am  sorry  for  the  inconvenience   xiii) Scusami  tanto  (3612.8)   Excuse  me  very  much   xiv) Sono  molto  spiacente  (3612.14)     I  am  very  sorry     The  first  of  the  above  explicit  apologies  involves  a  particularly  strong  intensifier,  tantissimo,  and  the   exclamation  mark  emphasises  the  force  of  the  modifier.  In  the  second  example,  the  apology  is  strengthened   with  a  marker  of  reiteration.  This  participant  also  added  the  phrase  per  il  disagio  (‘for  the  inconvenience’)  as  a   means  of  increasing  the  force  and  specificity  of  the  apology.  The  other  two  examples  both  use  intensifiers  –   tanto  and  molto  –  which  have  the  effect  of  increasing  the  force  of  the  apology.     The  participants’   ratings  of  social  distance  and  severity  of  offence  did  not  seem  to  connect   to   their   use  of  modifiers.    However,  all  participants  who   included  modifiers   in   their  explicit  expressions  of  apology   identified   the   status  of   the   interlocutor   as   a  3  or  4  on   the   scale.    Although   these   ratings  were   also  used   in   WALKER     E-­‐JournALL  4(2)  (2017),  pp.  28-­‐48     39   responses  which  did  not  include  modifiers,  no  responses  which  identified  the  status  of  the  interlocutor  as  2   included  modified  explicit  apologies.       Thus,   it   emerged   that   the   modification   of   apologies   was   perceived   by   many   participants   to   be   appropriate  and  necessary  despite   the   fact   that   they  perceived  the  social  distance  between  themselves  and   the  interlocutor  to  be  low,  a  trend  common  in  Australian  English.    This  appears  to  align  with  the  findings  of   previous  scholars  who  evidenced  the  relatively  high  levels  of  apology  modification  with  which  native  English   speakers   engage   and   the   orientation   of   this   trend   towards   appeasing   the   negative   face   of   the   interlocutor   (Bettoni  and  Rubino,  2007,  p.  491;  Márquez  Reiter,  2000,  p.  147;  Suszczyńska,  1999,  pp.  1060-­‐1061).       6.  Discussion  and  conclusions   6.1.  Main  findings     This   paper   has   explored   the   politeness   strategies   used   by   learners   of   Italian   while   performing   apologies.  These  apologies  were  accomplished  in  the  defined  context  of  an  Australian  visitor  to  Italy  who  had   accidentally  packed  and  taken  away  with  them  two  chargers  which  belonged  to  their  host  family.     As   previously   mentioned,   all   participants   in   this   study   were   enrolled   in   levels   at   which   they   had   already  studied  formal  and  informal  Italian  forms  of  address.    However,  it  is  possible  that  the  results  of  this   study   were   impacted   by   a   lack   of   competence,   particularly   pragmatic   competence,   on   the   part   of   the   participants,  and  that  this  possibly  influenced  their  responses.       While   some   participants   engaged  well  with   Italian   pragmatic   norms,   Australian   English   politeness   norms  were  evidenced   in   the  apology  performance  of   the  participants.    This   suggests   an   interaction  of   the   Italian  and  Australian  English  linguistic  systems,  thus  indicating  a  negotiation  of  the  intercultural  context  and   transfer  of   linguistic   features  of  the  L1  into  the  L2  (Blum-­‐Kulka,  1983;  Koike,  1989;  Trosborg,  1995).  There   were  three  principle  areas  in  which  this  negotiation  was  demonstrated,  as  presented  below.     Firstly,  the  way  in  which  participants  responded  to  the  social  variables  of  the  scenario  reflected  the   Australian  tendency  towards  egalitarianism  and  mateship,  as  social  distance  was  often  evaluated  as  being  low   even  when  the  status  of  the  interlocutor  was  recognised  as  being  higher  than  that  of  the  participant.   Secondly,  despite  the  fact  that  the  formal  Lei  pronouns  and  verbal  conjugations  were  used  by  some   participants  in  situations  in  which  they  would  be  required  of  a  native  Italian  speaker,  this  use  was  not  always   consistent,  and  most  participants  gravitated  towards  informal  terms  of  address  and  verbal  conjugations.  This   reflects   the   informality   of   Australian   English,   rather   than   the   linguistic   realisation   of   social   constructs   expected  of  native   Italian  speakers.    However,  as  mentioned  above,   the   limited  competence  of   the  students   may  have  contributed  to  this  trend.   Finally,   the  modification   of   apology   strategies,   particularly   intensification,  was   frequent   across   the   data.     As   such   apology   intensification   is   a   feature   of   English   varieties   (Bettoni   &   Rubino,   2007,   p.   491;   Márquez   Reiter,   2000,   p.   147;   Suszczyńska,   1999,   pp.   1060-­‐1061),   it   suggests   that   Australian   English   politeness  structures  were  incorporated  into  the  participants’  performance  of  Italian  apologies.         6.2.  Limitations     Such  findings,  however,  must  be  taken  with  caution  due  to  the  limitations  of  this  study.    Indeed,  this   is  quite  a  small  study,  with  only  42  participants.    A  reduplication  of  the  present  study  with  a  higher  number  of   participants  would   thus  be  beneficial  and  provide  more  reliable  data.    Furthermore,  due   to   time  and  space   constraints,  an  Italian  control  group  was  not  used  and  the  DCT  was  administered  only  to  Australian  students   studying  Italian,  although  the  data  was  compared  to  findings  of  previous  studies.       Another  limitation  is  that  although  the  three  variables  that  were  considered  were  clearly  explained   to  participants  and  definitions  of  the  phrases  social  distance,  status  of  the  interlocutor  and  severity  of  offence   were   provided,   participants  may   still   have   varying   perceptions   of   the   situations   of   the  DCT.     For   example,   some  participants  may  have  considered  the  “several  months”  specified  in  the  scenario  presented  in  this  paper   as  a  sufficient  period  of  time  to  become  familiar  with  the  interlocutor  and  thus  use  informal  terms  of  address.     On  the  other  hand,  other  participants  may  have   felt   it  more  appropriate   to  continue  to  use   formal   terms  of   address  as  the  interlocutor  was  an  older  adult.   Finally,   individuals  may  gravitate   towards  certain  apology  strategies   regardless  of   their   cultural  or   linguistic   background,   and   a   possible   criticism   of   this   study   is   that   the   analysis   does   not   account   for   the   possible   influence   of   personal   preference   upon   one’s   realisation   of   speech   acts.     Both   Cheng   (2013)   and   Lipson  (1994)  held  interviews  with  participants  following  data  collection  in  order  to  explore  their  linguistic   POLITENESS  NORMS:  APOLOGIES  BY  LEARNERS  OF  ITALIAN     E-­‐JournALL  4(2)  (2017),  pp.  28-­‐48     40   choices.    Applied  to   this  study,  post-­‐task   interviews  would  be  an   insightful  element  of  analysis  which  could   provide  an  enhanced  understanding  of  participants’   linguistic  awareness  and  allow   for   the   individuation  of   idiosyncratic  trends.       6.3.  Conclusions     In   spite  of   such   limitations,  overall,   the  data  presented   in   this  paper  does  point   to   the   influence  of   Australian  English  norms  in  the  accomplishment  of  apologies  by  Australian  learners  of  Italian.    This   in  turn   suggests   that   this   may   be   an   area   of   pragmatics   in   which   students   require   further   support.   Numerous   scholars   have   expressed   the   need   for   more   explicit   instruction   of   speech   acts   and   intercultural   communication  within  the  language  classroom,  as  well  as  a  change  in  how  these  phenomena  are  presented  in   textbooks  (Biesenbach-­‐Lucas,  2007,  p.  75;  Nguyen,  2011,  pp.  26-­‐27;  Vaezi,  Tabatabaei  &  Bakhtiarvand,  2014,   pp.   171-­‐172).   As   discussed   previously,   lack   of   practice   during   language   instruction   was   nominated   by   a   participant   as   a   point   of   difficulty;   this   may   unintentionally   encourage   students   to   continue   to   use   more   familiar  but  less  formal  Australian  English  constructions.  Therefore,  the  use  of  polite  forms  in  the  Australian   Italian  language  classroom  may  be  another  way  to  aid  students  to  understand  not  only  the  application  of  the   Italian  grammatical   forms  which  communicate  politeness,  but  also   Italian   interpersonal  norms  and  cultural   understandings  of  social  distance  and  status.   Further   studies   specifically   targeted   towards   understanding   the   negotiation   of   politeness   norms   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Pennington,   Martha   C.   (2000).   Pragmatic   transfer   in   intercultural   communication.   In   Helen   Spencer-­‐Oatey   (Ed.),  Culturally   speaking:  managing   rapport   through   talk   across   cultures   (pp.   165-­‐190).  London,  United  Kingdom:  Continuum  International  Publishing  Group.           WALKER     E-­‐JournALL  4(2)  (2017),  pp.  28-­‐48     45   Appendix A The DCT DISCOURSE COMPLETION TASK In this task, you will be asked to respond to four different situations via email. In each situation, there will be two versions of the situation. You are asked to complete both versions, totalling eight responses. All scenarios are set in Italy. The following task is written in Italian and challenging terms will also be provided in English. At the end of each, you will be asked to rate the scenario in regards to the social distance between yourself and your interlocutor, your interlocutor’s status in relation to your own and the severity of your offence. In this task, the italicised terms are defined in the following ways: Social distance: how well known the participants are to each other, ranging from strangers to intimates Status of interlocutor: the degree of power held by the interlocutor, i.e. if their social position within the interaction is higher, equal to, or lower than the speaker Severity of offence: the ‘seriousness’ of and extent of damage caused by the offence for which the apology is being offered You should respond to the eight scenarios as per the example below: Example Scenario: You are not feeling well and so you will be absent from today’s lecture. You know that the student who sits beside you will be attending and that she always takes detailed notes. If you were to write an email to her, what would you write? Example Response: Hi Elena, Sorry to be a bother, but I wanted to ask you a favour. I won’t be in class today because I’m sick, so I was wondering if you could send me your notes from today’s lecture? Thank you so much! Jessica POLITENESS  NORMS:  APOLOGIES  BY  LEARNERS  OF  ITALIAN     E-­‐JournALL  4(2)  (2017),  pp.  28-­‐48     46   Unpacking (Accidental Theft) You have just returned to Sydney after visiting a friend and his mother for several months in Verona. When unpacking, you discover two of their chargers caught up amongst your own. If you were to write an email to your friend’s mother, what would you write? Please write your email below, using as little or as much space as you feel to be necessary: o I would not write an email Would you rate the social distance in this situation as: 1 2 3 4 5 Low High Would you rate your friend’s mother’s status in relation to your own as: 1 2 3 4 5 Low High Would you rate the severity of your offence as: 1 2 3 4 5 Low High Disfare le valigie Sei appena tornato/a a Sydney dopo un periodo a Verona dove stavi a casa di un amico e di sua madre. Mentre stai disfacendo le valigie (unpacking), scopri due dei loro caricabatterie (chargers) insieme ai tuoi. Se scrivessi un’email alla madre del tuo amico, cosa scriveresti Scrivi l’email sulle righe sotto, usando quante righe necessarie: o Non scriverei un’email Would you rate the social distance in this situation as: 1 2 3 4 5 Low High Would you rate your friend’s mother’s status in relation to your own as: 1 2 3 4 5 Low High Would you rate the severity of your offence as: 1 2 3 4 5 Low High WALKER     E-­‐JournALL  4(2)  (2017),  pp.  28-­‐48     47   Appendix B Demographic questionnaire DEMOGRAPHIC INFORMATION Age: Gender: Degree: Unit of Study in the Department of Italian (language): Other Italian units studied at the University of Sydney, if any (either course name or course code): Have you studied Italian prior to commencing Italian Studies at university? If so, what level of Italian did you study and where did you study? Which cultural background(s) do you identify as? If you identify as Italian or as Italo-Australian, please specify your generation: o Born in Italy o Parent(s) born in Italy o Grandparent(s) born in Italy Do you rate your ability to read in Italian as excellent very good good average basic Do you rate your ability to write in Italian as excellent very good good average basic Do you rate your ability to understand spoken Italian as excellent very good good average basic Do you rate your ability to speak in Italian as excellent very good good average basic Have you ever spent time in Italy? If so, how long were you there?           POLITENESS  NORMS:  APOLOGIES  BY  LEARNERS  OF  ITALIAN     E-­‐JournALL  4(2)  (2017),  pp.  28-­‐48     48     Talia Walker, University of Sydney talia.walk@outlook.com EN Talia Walker is an English language teacher and Italian language teacher, and has also worked as a research assistant on a number of linguistic and sociology projects. She completed her Honours thesis at the University of Sydney and graduated with a Bachelor of Arts (Languages) (Honours) in 2016. Her field of interest is sociolinguistics, specifically, intercultural and cross-cultural communication. In 2018, she will commence her Doctoral project in the Department of Italian Studies at the University of Sydney. ES Talia Walker es profesora de lengua inglesa e italiana, y también ha trabajado como ayudante de investigación en una serie de proyectos de lingüística y sociología. Presentó su trabajo fin de grado en la Universidad de Sídney, con el que obtuvo el grado con mención en idiomas en 2016. Su campo de interés es la sociolingüística (específicamente, la comunicación intercultural y transcultural).   En 2018, comenzará su proyecto de doctorado en el Departamento de Estudios Italianos de la University of Sydney . IT Talia Walker Talia Walker è insegnante di inglese e italiano, e ha collaborato in diversi progetti di ricerca in linguistica e sociologia. Ha scritto la sua tesi all’Università di Sydney e nel 2016 si è laureata col massimo dei voti in Discipline Umanistiche (Lingue). Il suo campo di ricerca è la sociolinguistica, in particolare la comunicazione interculturale e multiculturale. Nel 2018 inizierà un dottorato di ricerca presso il Dipartimento di Studi Italiani della University of Sydney.