Microsoft Word - 4. Krivosh Schwartz_39-58 (1).docx EuroAmerican  Journal  of  Applied  Linguistics  and  Languages   Special  Issue,  Volume  7,  Issue  1,  January  2020,  39-­‐58   ISSN  2376-­‐905X     DOI  http://dx.doi.org/10.21283/2376905X.11.196   www.e-­‐journall.org     © Krivosh 2020. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.       "To  be  able  to  understand  each  other":  Intercultural  interactions  in  the   Arabic–Hebrew-­‐speaking  preschool  in  Israel         LUDMILA  KRIVOSH  &  MILA  SCHWARTZ   Oranim  College  of  Education         Received  24  June  2019;  received  in  revised  form  20  September  2019;  accepted  2  November  2019   ABSTRACT EN This ethnographic study expands prior understanding of the intercultural encounter process by focusing on 29 Jewish and Arab children attending bilingual preschool and two preschool teachers during 16 class sessions. The findings shed light on a developmental stage at which the seeds of intercultural interaction begin to appear along the separation between Arab and Jewish children in terms of their social preferences. The presence of second language (L2) experts in the classroom prompted the formation of two groups based on children’s bilingual competence, an experts’ group and a novice one. On the one hand, some experts positioned themselves as competent bilinguals and teachers, willing to assume the role of L2 mediators and interpreters. On the other hand, the relative L2 competence prompted novice learners to be flexible and go beyond their ethnic identity in order to establish new social relationships. The data show that the process of L2 acquisition might play a catalytic role in activating a social mechanism for intercultural interaction and that, despite differences in the patterns of social adaptation, all children showed developmental intercultural changes. Key words: EARLY LANGUAGE LEARNING, INTERCULTURAL INTERACTIONS, BILINGUALISM, INTERACTIONAL COMPETENCIES ES Este estudio etnográfico profundiza en la comprensión del proceso de encuentro intercultural y se enfoca en 29 niños judíos y árabes en una escuela infantil bilingüe y dos docentes durante 16 sesiones de clase. Los resultados muestran un estadio de desarrollo en el que aparecen las semillas de la interacción intercultural junto con la separación entre niños árabes y judíos en función de sus preferencias. La presencia de dos expertos de segundas lenguas (L2) en el aula determinó la creación de dos grupos según la competencia lingüística d los niños, un grupo de expertos y un grupo de principiantes. Por una parte, algunos expertos se posicionaron como hablantes e instructores bilingües competentes, asumiendo el rol de mediadores e intérpretes. Por otra parte, la competencia lingüística limitada de los principiantes les empujó a ser más flexibles e ir más allá de su identidad étnica para establecer nuevas relaciones sociales. Los datos muestran que el proceso de adquisición de la L2 puede facilitar la activación de mecanismos sociales de interacción intercultural y que, a pesar de las diferencias en los patrones de adaptación social, todos los niños experimentaron cambios interculturales. Palabras clave:  APRENDIZAJE TEMPRANO DE UNA LENGUA, INTERACCIÓN INTERCULTURAL, BILINGÜISMO, COMPETENCIAS INTERACCIONALES IT Questo studio etnografico approfondisce la comprensione del processo di incontro interculturale e si concentra su 29 bambini ebrei e arabi che frequentano la scuola materna bilingue e due insegnanti nel corso di 16 lezioni. I risultati fanno luce su una fase di sviluppo in cui i semi dell'interazione interculturale iniziano a comparire insieme alla separazione tra bambini arabi ed ebrei in termini di preferenze sociali. La presenza di esperti di seconda lingua (L2) in classe ha indotto alla formazione di due gruppi basati sulla competenza bilingue dei bambini, un gruppo di esperti e uno di principianti. Da un lato, alcuni esperti si sono affermati come bilingui e insegnanti competenti, disposti ad assumere il ruolo di mediatori e interpreti L2. Dall’altro, la competenza linguistica limitata ha spinto i principianti ad essere flessibili e andare oltre la propria identità etnica al fine di stabilire nuove relazioni sociali. I dati mostrano che il processo di acquisizione di L2 potrebbe svolgere un ruolo catalizzatore nell'attivazione di un meccanismo sociale per l'interazione interculturale e che, nonostante le differenze nei modelli di adattamento sociale, tutti i bambini hanno mostrato cambiamenti dello sviluppo interculturali. Parole chiave: APPRENDIMENTO INIZIALE DELLA LINGUA, INTERAZIONE INTERCULTURALE, BILINGUISMO, COMPETENZE INTERAZIONALI   *    Ludmila  Krivosh,  Oranim  College  of  Education                    Ludmilk@gmail.com KRIVOSH  &  SCHWARTZ   E-­‐JournALL  7(1)  (2020),  pp.  39-­‐58 40   1.  Early  childhood  bilingual  education  and  intercultural  interaction:  Introduction   Early  childhood  bilingual  education  has  a  central  role  in  promoting  a  child’s  life-­‐long  love  of  language   and   bilingual   proficiency   (European   Commission,   2011),   and   the   cognitive   and   linguistic   benefits   of   early   bilingual   development   and   education   have   been   widely   researched   during   recent   years   (e.g.,   Barnett,   Lambert,   &   Fry,   2008;   Hamann,   Rinke,   &   Genevska-­‐Hanke   2019;   Hoff,   2017;   Montrul,   2018;   Rolstad,   Mahoney,  &  Glass,   2008).  Early   language   learning  has   enormous  potential   for   the  development  not  only  of   children’s   cognitive   and   linguistic   skills   but   also   of   their   identity,   values,   empathy,   and   respect.   Children’s   encounters   in   bilingual   early   education   settings   “can   shape   the   way   they   develop   their   attitudes   towards   other   languages   and   cultures   by   raising   awareness   of   diversity   and   of   cultural   variety,   hence   fostering   understanding  and  respect”  (European  Commission,  2011,  p.  7).     Since  bilingual  classrooms  are  also  bicultural  due  to  the  impact  of  both  the  children’s  and  teachers’   home   and   community   values   (e.g.,   Baker,   2006;   Saxena,   2008;   Skutnabb-­‐Kangas,   2008),   policy   makers   consider   this   diversity   as   a   resource.   The   bicultural   nature   of   bilingual   schools  might   then   be   established   purposefully   in   locations   where   two   or  more   cultural-­‐ethnic   groups   are   living   in   a   state   of   tension,   in   an   attempt   to   initiate   peace,  work   for   the   sake  of   humanity,   live   cooperatively,   and  maintain   respect   for   each   other’s  cultures  and  languages  (Gundara  &  Portera,  2008).  This  need  for  intercultural  communicative  skills  is   particularly  relevant  for  the  Jewish  and  Arab  communities  in  Israel.  Similar  to  the  English  and  French  context   in  Canada,  in  Israel,  Hebrew  and  Arabic  are  host-­‐community  languages  (as  opposed  to  immigrant  languages)   with  an  official  status.  However,  living  in  the  same  country  does  not  necessarily  mean  coexistence.  Unlike  in   other  host  communities,  Arabs  and   Jews   live   in  separate  communities  and  can  at   times  experience   tension.   Bearing  in  mind  that  living  together  in  mutual  acceptance  and  respect  is  not  an  innate  characteristic,  children   need  to  be  taught  coexistence,  and  schools  serve  as  the  primary  institutions  for  this  purpose.     Recent   studies   revealed   that,   in   intercultural   communications,   children   can   display   a   strong   orientation  towards  the  majority  group’s  language,  while  marginalizing  others  who  are  not  proficient  enough   (Cekaite  &  Björk-­‐Willén,  2013;  Drury,  2000;  Puskas  &  Björk-­‐Willén,  2017),  for  example,  by  pretending  not  to   understand   L2   novices’   talk   (Bernstein,   2016).   However,   these   challenges   were   documented   mostly   in   monolingual  preschool  settings  and  the  question  of  how  the  intercultural   interactions  between  children  are   built   in   a   bilingual   preschool   context   remains   under-­‐researched.   The   current   research   focuses   on   peers’   intercultural  interactions  in  a  bilingual  preschool  with  a  high  number  of  children  with  immigrant  background.   The   aim  of   this   study   is   to   explore   the  main   aspects   of   intercultural   interaction  during   the   first   year   in   an   Arabic–Hebrew-­‐speaking  preschool  classroom  in  Israel.  Our  focus  was  on  the  dual-­‐language  program  that,  as   a  model   of   bilingual   education,   has   a   language  as   a   resource   orientation,   viewing   languages  other   than   the   majority  language  as  resources  to  be  developed  (Ruiz,  1984).     Bilingual,   bicultural   societies   develop   shared   values   and   increase   their   democratic   interactions   through   intercultural   education   (Gundara,   2008).   In   contrast,   separate   schooling   in   a   bi-­‐   or   multicultural   society  hinders  social  cohesion  (Gundara,  2008).  Thus,  in  the  case  at  hand,  bilingual  education  may  give  the   Israeli   population   the  opportunity   of   exposure   to   the  other   official,   but   less   familiar,   language   and   culture.   Knowledge  of  each  other’s  languages  and  cultures  may  lead  to  mutual  recognition.  In  this  study,  we  sought  to   explore  the  onset  of  this  knowledge  development  by  drawing  on  the  theoretical  perspectives  presented  in  the   following  section.       2.   Intercultural   communication   in   early   childhood   under   personal   and   external   forces:  The  theoretical  models  of  the  study     The  unique  value  of  this  study  lies  in  the  examination  of  social  interaction  between  the  majority  and   minority  language  speakers,  who  were  preschool  children  and  representatives  of  two  population  groups  that,   in  most   cases,   live   separately.   In   this   study,  we   examined   the   behavior   and   interactions   of   children   in   the   Arabic–Hebrew-­‐speaking   preschool   from   a   multidisciplinary   perspective,   enabling   a   comprehensive   and   simultaneous   analysis   of   various   aspects   of   the   phenomenon.   For   this   purpose,   we   drew   on   theoretical   models   from   different   research   disciplines   (psychology,   sociology,   and   child   development),   based   on   a   common   conceptual   idea   of   shaping  human  behavior   and   interactions  under   the   influence  of   personal   and   external  forces.     First,   we   drew   on   Bronfenbrenner’s   ecological   theory   (Bronfenbrenner,   1994),   which   sees   individuals’  behavior  and  development  as  dynamic  and  changing   in  accordance  with  the  way   in  which  they   understand  and  relate  to  their  environment  and  according  to  their  ability  to  control  their  environment.  The   INTERCULTURAL  INTERACTIONS  IN  THE  ARABIC–HEBREW-­‐SPEAKING  PRESCHOOL  IN  ISRAEL   E-­‐JournALL  7(1)  (2020),  pp.  39-­‐58 41   theory   holds   that   the   interactions   between   children   and   their   environment   are   expressed   in   the   circles   surrounding  them.  On  the  micro  level,  these  interactions  take  place  in  interpersonal  relationships,  and  on  the   macro   level,   in   relation   to   ethnic   groups,   either   people   living   in   a   particular   region   or   any   other   type   of   a   broad  social  structure.     In  addition,  we  utilized  Berry’s  theory  of  acculturation  (Berry,  2005),  according  to  which,  individuals’   behavior   in   a   multicultural   society   is   dependent   on   four   acculturation   strategies,   which   are   based   on   the   distinction  between  orientations  toward  one’s  own  group  and  toward  other  groups.  The  theory  holds  that  a   continuous  cultural  encounter  between  people  of  diverse  cultural  origins  leads  to  cultural  and  psychological   change  of  these  strategies,  among  representatives  of  both  the  minority  and  the  majority  group.     Finally,  our  study  was  inspired  by  Robinson’s  theory  of  intercultural  development  (Robinson,  2007)   that  claims  the  intercultural  behavior  of  representatives  of  diverse  cultures  is  determined  by  education  and   choice   and   is   characterized   by   the   ability   to   change,   reflected   on   all   levels   of   the   child’s   development:   emotional,  cultural  and  social.   Based   on   these   theories,   in   this   study,   we   analyzed   interactions   between   the   L1   Arabic-­‐   and   L1   Hebrew-­‐speaking  children  in  the  bilingual  classroom  with  regard  to  the  following  three  factors:  their  innate   inclination   to   learning   and   connecting,   their   parents’   educational   environment   tendencies,   and   their   willingness  to  become  familiar  with  another  culture.  We  conducted  this  analysis  in  accordance  with  the  level   of  the  children’s  intercultural  communication  and  development,  including  their  degree  of  social  suitability  to   the   new   educational   framework.   In   the   following   subsection,   we   briefly   address   the   existing   data   on   intercultural  communication  in  dual  language  education  from  a  sociological  perspective.       2.1.  The  sociological  context  of  the  study:  Intercultural  communication  and  bilingual  education     In   recent   years,   an   increasing  number  of   studies   in   the   field  of   L2   learning  are   shifting   their   focus   from  linguistic  and  cognitive  aspects  towards  cultural  and  social  aspects  (Brown  2007;  Norton,  2000).  With   growing   awareness   in   the   education   field   that   learning   and   cognition   are   fundamentally   social   in   nature,   sociocultural  interactions  in  the  classroom  may  be  examined  in  this  context.  This  social  type  of  learning  was   theorized  in  the  concept  community  of  practice  (CoP)  (Lave  &  Wenger,  1991,  Wenger,  2006),  and  defined  as   “groups  of  people  who  share  a  concern  or  a  passion  for  something  they  do  and  learn  how  to  do  it  better  as   they  interact  regularly"  (Wenger,  2006,  p.  1).  Wenger  (2006)  noted  that  a  CoP  can  vary  in  terms  of  group  size,   location,  status  of  the  individuals  involved  and  format  for  interaction.  According  to  Lave  and  Wenger  (1991),   in   CoPs,   less   experienced  members   learn   from   interacting  with  more   experienced  members   (experts)   and   with   each   other.   To   illustrate   this,   in   an   ethnographic   study,   Angelova,   Gunawardena,   and   Volk   (2006)   addressed   intercultural   interactions  by  examining  peer  mediation   in  L2  by  young  L2  experts   in   a  bilingual   classroom,   in   a   dual   Spanish–English   language   program   in   the  United   States.   Angelova   et   al.   (2006)   found   that,  through  their  interaction  with  L2  experts,  the  novices  develop  linguistic,  cultural  and  social  competence   in   L2.   Thus,   in   addition   to   their   role   as   language   teachers,   the   experts   might   also   play   the   role   of   social   mediators   in   the   bilingual   classroom.   Blum-­‐Kulka   and   Snow   (2004)   also   defined   language   learning   classrooms  as  CoPs,  referring  to  children  learning  the  L2,  who  are  more  competent  in  L2  than  their  peers  and   can  play  the  role  of  L2  teachers,  as  language  experts.       Current  research  points  to  many  possible  effects  that  L2  learning  in  classroom  as  a  potential  CoP  may   have  on  individuals’  development,  from  changes  in  worldview  and  ways  of  thinking  to  how  they  communicate   with   others   on   personal,   cultural,   and   social   levels   (Norton   &   Toohey,   2011;   Razmeh   &   Davoodi,   2015).   Furthermore,  L2  learning  enables  a  reexamination  of  people’s  original  culture,  as  well  as  of  their  roles  in  the   group   and   in   the   social   hierarchy   of   the   larger   community   in  which   they   live   (Pishghadam  &   Ordoubody,   2011;   Ricento   2005).   These   findings   underscore   the   importance   of   intercultural   and   social   interactions   provided   by   bilingual   education   during   the   early   years   of   children’s   intensive   social   development   in   multicultural  societies.     Nonetheless,  only  few  studies  to  date  have  addressed  the  intercultural  aspects  of  early  dual  language   education.  One  example   is  Freeman   (1996)  who,   in  her   comprehensive  ethnographic   study,  described  how   the   minority   and   majority   language   groups   in   a   Spanish–English-­‐speaking   bilingual   school   in   the   United   States  “collaborate  in  their  efforts  to  define  linguistic  and  cultural  differences  not  as  problems  to  be  overcome   but   as   resources   to   be   developed”   (Freeman,   1996,   p.   564).   Freeman   showed   that,   by  means   of   thorough   planning   of   curriculum   and   social   interactions   in   cooperation  with   policymakers,   administrators,   teachers,   parents  and  children,  the  school  promoted  collaboration  between  the  majority  and  minority  language  groups   toward  bilingualism  and  cultural  pluralism.   KRIVOSH  &  SCHWARTZ   E-­‐JournALL  7(1)  (2020),  pp.  39-­‐58 42   In   light   of   the   limited   data   on   intercultural   interactions   between   young   majority-­‐   and   minority-­‐ language  speaking  children  in  dual  language  programs,  this  study  sought  to  broaden  our  understanding  of  the   phenomenon   through   children’s   ecological   contexts   (Bronfenbrenner,   1994),   acculturation   strategies,   encouragement   of   their   cultural   environment   (Berry,   2005)   and   characteristics   of   their   intercultural   development  (Robinson,  2007).  Bearing  in  mind  that  one  widely-­‐recognized  benefit  of  CoPs  is  their  members’   ability   to   comprise   a   community  by  means  of  building   relationships   and   regularly   interacting   and   learning   together  by  shared  practice  (Wenger,  2006),  we  sought  to  explore  how  the  young  L1  Arabic-­‐  and  L1  Hebrew-­‐ speaking  children  build  their  CoP  through  intercultural  relations  and  with  the  support  of  their  teachers.     2.2.  Arabic–Hebrew-­‐speaking  bilingual  education  in  Israel   When  this  study  was  conducted,  the  official  state  language  policy  in  Israel  acknowledged  two  official   languages  (Hebrew  and  Arabic).  Yet,  while  Arabic  was  recognized  as  the  second  official   language  in  Israel  by   force   of   legislation   in   1948,   it   is   not   a   competing   partner   in   a   dyadic   bilingual   state   because  Hebrew   is   the   dominant  language  in  Israeli  public  spheres.  Arabic  is  a  minority  language  and  is  the  main  language  for  most   Arabs   (including  Muslims,   Christians   and  Druze),  who   comprise   20%  of   the   population.   Israel   has   separate   Hebrew-­‐speaking   and   Arabic-­‐speaking   education   systems,   and   Arab   and   Jewish   children   are,   therefore,   educated   in   different   schools.   Hebrew   is   studied   as   a   second   language   in   Arab   schools   and   is   part   of   their   curriculum  from  first  or  second  to  twelfth  grade.  Most  Arab-­‐Israelis  understand  and  speak  Hebrew  and  use  it   at  work  and  in  other  settings.  At  the  same  time,  the  level  of  Jewish  children’s  competence  in  Arabic  is  relatively   low,  even  though  the  study  of  Arabic  is  obligatory  in  the  Jewish  secular-­‐school  curriculum  from  fifth  grade  on.   In   1997,   the   Center   for   Bilingual   Education   was   established   to   promote   bilingual   and   bicultural   education  and   the  development  of   both   Jewish   and  Arab  ethnic   communities.  The  Center  believes   in   equal   representation  of  both   language  groups   in  schools  on  all   levels.  From  the  outset,   the  Center’s  policymakers   have   consistently   chosen   a   teaching   and  management   staff   that   represents   both   groups   equally,  with   each   class  having  two  homeroom  teachers—one  Arab  and  one  Jewish.           Several  studies  on  bilingual  schools   in   Israel  have  revealed  their  main  objectives  (e.g.,  Bekerman  &   Tatar,  2009;  Hertz-­‐Lazarowitz  et  al.,  2008).  The  first   is  to  help  the  Arab  and  Jewish  children  develop  a  high   level  of  mutual  tolerance,  respect  and  acknowledgment,  taking  into  consideration  that  these  children  belong   to  two  groups  with  a  longstanding  history  of  mutual  intolerance.  The  second  is  to  provide  the  children  with  a   setting   that   offers   the   two   cultures   an   opportunity   to   meet,   in   contrast   to   what   happens   in   the   external   society.  The  third  objective  is  to  provide  the  children  with  both  Arabic  and  Hebrew—the  languages  they  need   to  live  in  Israel.  The  fourth  is  to  help  familiarize  the  children  with  customs  and  cultural  traditions  of  a  second   ethnic  group.  The  fifth  objective  is  to  strengthen  their  self-­‐identity,  as  well  as  their  pride  and  loyalty  regarding   their  own  culture.       2.3.  The  sociolinguistic  context  of  the  study:  bilingual  communication  and  identity   In   addition   to   the   sociological   and  developmental   context   of   CoP,   the  present   study  dealt  with   the   sociolinguistic   context   of   a   community   of   bilingual   kindergarten   children.   According   to   Cooley   (1922)   and   Mead  (1934),  socialization  is  a  process  whereby  individuals  shape  their  identities,  develop  their  personalities,   and   learn  to  be  members  of  society,   in  our  case,   in  bilingual  kindergarten  communities.   In   this  process,   the   children  adopt  values,  norms,  and  skills   that  enable   them  to   integrate  socially   through   interaction  with   the   teacher  and  the  other  kindergarten  children,  through  interpersonal  communication  with  them  and  the  social   learning  that  ensues.  Interaction,  or  mutual  influence,  among  children,  comparison  with  the  other  and  test  of   belonging,   are   described   in   the   theory   as   expressed   in   a   variety   of   ways,   reproduced   in   the   children’s   thoughts   when   choosing   a   relevant   response.   Thus,   interpersonal   communication—discussion—is   created   with   other   children   and   with   the   teacher   in   the   kindergarten   and   is   essential   for   an   intact   socialization   process.  Interpersonal  communication  is  made  possible  through  signs,  symbols  and  other  symbolic  systems,   including  language.   Sociolinguistics  perceives  language  as  social  activity  and  a  key  instrument  of  socialization  (Paulston   &  Tucker,  2003).  Language  characterizes  both  the  society’s  culture  and  the  individuals  within  it—their  status,   gender,  values,  and   their  ethnic,   social  and  religious   identities   (Pavlenko  &  Norton,  2007;  Sidnell  &  Stivers,   2013).  The  choice  of  one  language  or  another  as  a  socialization  tool  within  the  community  of  practice  of  the   bilingual   kindergarten   constitutes   a   choice   of   a   system   of   accepted   codes   for   thinking,   expression   and   interpersonal   communication.   The   bilingual   speaker’s   choice   of   a   specific   language   derives   from   a   INTERCULTURAL  INTERACTIONS  IN  THE  ARABIC–HEBREW-­‐SPEAKING  PRESCHOOL  IN  ISRAEL   E-­‐JournALL  7(1)  (2020),  pp.  39-­‐58 43   combination  of  socialization  components  such  as  identity,  interaction,  interpersonal  communication,  learning   and  their  social  and  cultural  context  (Pavlenko  &  Norton,  2007).       2.4.  Research  questions   The   main   research   question   of   this   study   was   as   follows:   How   are   the   intercultural   interactions   between   bilingual   children   built   during   the   first   year   of   dual   language   education?   To   answer   the   main   research   question,   we   formulated   three   secondary   questions:   (1)   How   are   intercultural   relations   formed   between   the  L1  Arabic-­‐  and   the  L1  Hebrew-­‐speaking  children?   (2)  How  do  preschool   teachers   support   the   intercultural   relations   in   the   classroom?   (3)   How   does   early   bilingual   education   contribute   to   the   acculturation  process  in  the  classroom?     3.  Method   This   longitudinal   ethnographic   study   was   part   of   a   large-­‐scale   project   aimed   at   examining   early   bilingual  Arabic–Hebrew  education  in  Israel  with  a  focus  on  teacher–children  and  peer  interactions  and  their   role  in  L2  acquisition.       3.1.  The  target  bilingual  preschool   The  setting  for  this  study  is  a  bilingual  preschool,  established  in  2004  as  an  integral  part  of  a  bilingual   Arabic–Hebrew-­‐speaking   school   located   in   central   Israel.   The   preschool   has   a   dual   language   program   incorporating   classroom   instruction   in   the  majority   (Hebrew)   and  minority   (Arabic)   languages.  The   teachers   coordinate  their  daily   instructional  practices  and  share  responsibilities.  They  share  the  same  classroom  space   and  teach  both  languages  together.  Time  is  not  allocated  separately  for  each  individual  language.  Even  though   each   teacher   acts   as   a   language   model   for   her   designated   languages   and   is   responsible   for   delivery   in   this   language   as   a   medium   of   instruction,   both   teachers   sometimes   use   Hebrew   and   Arabic   and   apply   flexible   language   practices.   During   their   co-­‐teaching,   the   teachers   do   not   build   on   translating   each   other,   but   on   elaborating,  extending  and  continuing  each  other’s  speech  in  their  designated  language  (Schwartz  &  Asli,  2014).       3.2.  Participants     3.2.1.  Children   The  children  were  5-­‐to-­‐6-­‐year-­‐olds  who  had  entered  the  target  preschool  at  age  5  (one  year  before   entry  into  elementary  school  at  age  6)  and  were  observed  by  the  researchers  during  one  year  (for  details,  see   the   Procedure   section).   There  were   29   children   in   the   class,   of  whom  19  were   L1  Arabic-­‐speaking   and  10   were  L1  Hebrew-­‐speaking.  We  noticed  six  L1  Arabic-­‐speaking  children,  three  girls  and  three  boys,  who  spoke   Hebrew  well  and  could  be  defined  as  L2  experts.  The  three  girls  had  entered  the  preschool  with  a  relatively   high  level  of  competence  in  spoken  L2  Hebrew  (speech  understanding  and  production)  (Blum-­‐Kulka  &  Snow,   2004).  Two  of  them,  who  were  cousins,  had  spent  two  years  at  a  monolingual  Hebrew-­‐speaking  kindergarten   before   entering   the   target   setting.   As   reported   by   the   L1   Arabic-­‐speaking   teacher,   Lillian,   the   other   four   experts  had   received   early   exposure   to  L2  Hebrew   through  TV  and   radio   at   home.  The  presence  of   the  L2   experts  in  this  classroom  was  a  phenomenon  that  could  be  attributed  partly  to  their  (Arab)  parents’  language   policy   of   taking   practical   steps   to   promote   their   children’s   exposure   to   L2.   Some   of   their   family   language   policy  might  be  attributed  to  their  belief  that  their  children's  competence  in  Hebrew  is  a  primary  predictor  of   their  future  academic  and  economic  success  in  Israel  (Bekerman  &  Tatar,  2009).   In  addition,  one  boy  in  this  classroom  was  from  an  ethnically  mixed  family,  in  which  the  mother  was   an   L1   Hebrew   speaker   and   the   father   was   an   L1   Arabic   speaker.   Since   the   dominant   language   of   communication   in   this   family   was   Hebrew,   the   child   self-­‐identified   as   an   L1   Hebrew   speaker   and   at   the   beginning  of   the  academic  year,  his  Arabic  understanding  skills  were  much  better   than  his  Arabic  speaking   skills.  In  the  course  of  time,  he  showed  willingness  to  communicate  in  Arabic  with  his  Arabic-­‐speaking  peers   and  teacher,  and,  as  will  be  presented  later,  excelled  in  his  L2-­‐expert  role.       3.2.2.  Teachers   The  study  participants  were  two  preschool  teachers:  one  L1  Hebrew-­‐speaking  teacher,  Dina,  and  one   L1  Arabic-­‐speaking  teacher,  Lillian.  The  teachers  expressed  their  willingness  to  participate  in  the  study.  Dina   was   a   novice   teacher,   who   had   joined   the   preschool   in   September   2013,   and   did   not   have   any   previous   knowledge   of   Arabic.   Prior   to   entering   the   preschool,   Dina   had   obtained   a   bachelor’s   degree   in   preschool   KRIVOSH  &  SCHWARTZ   E-­‐JournALL  7(1)  (2020),  pp.  39-­‐58 44   education,  and  then  gained  rich  pedagogical  and  bilingual  teaching  experience  as  an  L2  Hebrew  teacher  for   adults   and   as   a   teacher   in   a   monolingual   preschool.   Lillian   was   an   Arabic-­‐speaking   teacher,   who   had   a   bachelor’s   degree   in   preschool   and   first-­‐grade   teaching.   She   had   been   teaching   in   the   preschool   since   its   establishment  in  2004,  had  more  than  10  years  of  professional  experience,  and  spoke  fluent  Hebrew.       3.3.  Procedure     Data  were  collected  during  one  academic  year,   from  October  2013  through   June  2014.  Throughout   the   research   period,   16   observational   sessions  were   conducted   (two   to   three   times   each  month   for   seven   months)   including   six   sessions   of   field  note   taking   from  October  2013   to   January  2014  and  10   sessions   of   video  recording  from  February  to  June  2014.  Interviews  with  the  children  were  held  between  October  2013   and  May   2014.   Interviews  with   the   teachers   took   place   in   November   2013   and   in  March   2014.  We   chose   observation  as  a  method  in  order  to  see  the  children  in  their  natural  setting,  while  interacting  in  situations  of   language  acquisition  and  play,  since  it  has  been  shown  that  the  urge  to  create  interpersonal  relationships  and   the  need  to  share  emotionally  with  other  children  encourages  acquisition  of  another  language  (Blum-­‐Kulka  &   Snow,  2004).     Each  observation  session  lasted  about  four  hours,  from  early  morning  to  midday.  The  process  of  data   collection  included  selected  focus  of  the  video  recordings  on  a)  group  interactions  between  the  experts  and   the   novices   while   engaged   in   joint   play   in   various   areas   of   the   classroom,   and   b)   expert-­‐novice-­‐teacher   interactions  during  classroom  activities  and  spontaneous  communications.       3.4.  Instrumentation,  data  generation,  transcription,  and  analysis     To   investigate   the  phenomenon  of  L2  experts’  mediation,  we  used  multiple  sources  of  data   (video-­‐ recorded   observations,   field   notes   and   semi-­‐structured   interviews   with   the   children   and   teachers).   We   applied  methodological  triangulation,  which  entails  a  comparison  of  the  findings  derived  from  different  data   sources  to  interpret  the  phenomenon  under  study  and  to  reduce  observer  or  interviewer  bias.  In  addition,  the   methodological   triangulation   increased   the   scope,   the   validity   and   the   consistency   of   our   data   (Shenton,   2004).       3.4.1.  Field  notes  and  video  recordings  and  their  transcriptions     We   received   permission   to   perform   video   recordings   in   the   preschool   from   the   Israeli  Ministry   of   Education.   We   informed   the   teachers   that   the   purpose   of   the   cross-­‐cultural   project   was   to   examine   characteristics   of   the   children’s   intercultural   interactions  within   everyday   preschool   situations.   They  were   asked   to   allocate   a   suitable   time-­‐point   for   observation   that   included   diverse   daily   planned   activities   (e.g.,   circle  time)  and  unplanned  activities  (e.g.,  free  play).     The   video-­‐recorded   observations   were   transcribed   in   detail,   in   table   form,   which   allowed   for   the   inclusion  of  nonverbal  information  from  the  videos.  Each  transcription  was  made  by  two  transcribers,  a  native   Hebrew  speaker  and  a  native  Arabic  speaker.  A  second  transcription  was  made,  following  conversation  analysis   transcription  conventions,  to  permit  a  detailed  microanalysis  of  the  transcriptions.  This  served  as  the  basis  for   our  understanding  and  interpretation  of  the  observed  interactions  (Hamo,  Blum-­‐Kulka,  &  Hacohen,  2004).       3.4.2.  Semi-­‐structured  interviews  with  the  L2  experts  and  their  teachers     During   the   research   project,   we   conducted   semi-­‐structured   interviews   with   each   child   and   each   teacher  individually.  The  interviews  with  the  children  were  held  in  a  quiet  area  of  the  classroom.  They  were   conducted   by   the   second   author   and   a   research   assistant   in   Hebrew   and   in   Arabic.   Each   interview   lasted   approximately  20  minutes.  Our  goal  was  to  examine  the  children’s  social  preferences  (who  their  friends  were   and  which   languages   they  spoke)  and   their  awareness  of   their   social   role   in   the  classroom.   In  addition,  we   asked  them  about  the  advantages  of   learning   languages,   the  similarities  and  differences  between  the  use  of   Arabic  at  home  and  in  the  environment,  and  about  the  children’s  ideas  on  the  best  way  to  teach  L2.  In  the  case   of   the   language   experts,   we   sought   to   obtain   their   reflections   on   the   sociolinguistic   behavior   patterns   observed  during  the  study  and,  in  particular,  on  how  they  acted  as  L2  mediators  for  their  novice  peers.     The   second   author   conducted   two   interviews   in   Hebrew  with   the   teachers.   Each   interview   lasted   approximately  60  minutes  and  was  audio-­‐recorded  with  the  interviewees’  consent.  Regarding  our  study  aims,   the  teachers  were  asked  to  reflect  on  their  role  of  encouraging  intercultural  interaction  in  the  classroom  and   specifically  on  their  strategies  observed  by  the  researchers.     INTERCULTURAL  INTERACTIONS  IN  THE  ARABIC–HEBREW-­‐SPEAKING  PRESCHOOL  IN  ISRAEL   E-­‐JournALL  7(1)  (2020),  pp.  39-­‐58 45   3.4.3.  Data  generation  and  analysis   Based  on  Braun  and  Clarke  (2006),  we  applied  a  theoretical  thematic  analysis  of  the  collected  data.   We   analyzed   the   classroom   observations   and   the   interviews  with   the   children   and   the   teachers   using   the   following  thematic  analysis  steps:     1) Transcribing   the   data   corpus   (all   observations   and   interviews   collected   for   the   study),   which   comprised  a  first  transcription  version.     2) Familiarizing   ourselves   with   the   data   by   reading   and   rereading   the   classroom   observation   transcriptions  and   interviews  and  discussing   them  between   the   researchers.  During   the  discussion   meetings,  we  began  to  search  for  the  data  set  that  addresses  the  topic  of  the  current  study.       3) Identifying   teachers’   strategies   aimed  at   encouraging   the   intercultural   interactions   and  patterns  of   intercultural  behavior.   4) Coding   teachers’   possible   strategies   and   children’s   behavior   patterns   and   organizing   all   relevant   extracts  of  the  entire  data  set  into  a  table.     5) Reviewing   the   coding   and   the   relevant   extracts   through   an   interrater   to   enhance   the   analysis   by   defining  and  naming  the  thematic  categories.       The  thematic  tree  (Figure  1)  presents  the  defined  categories  and  subcategories  for  the  analysis:       -­‐ Educational  environment   -­‐ Teachers’  mediation  in  construction  of  intercultural  interactions   -­‐ Teachers’  behavioral  modeling     -­‐ Encouraging  intercultural  interaction     -­‐ Acculturation  strategies  of  the  L2  experts   -­‐ Acculturation  strategies  of  the  language  novices     Figure 1. Thematic tree with categories and subcategories for the analysis KRIVOSH  &  SCHWARTZ   E-­‐JournALL  7(1)  (2020),  pp.  39-­‐58 46   4.  Results     4.1.  Educational  environment:  Teachers'  mediation  in  constructing  intercultural  interactions   In  this  study,  we  observed  the  first  stage,  an  emergent  process  of  intercultural  interactions  between   the   L1   Arabic-­‐   and   the   L1  Hebrew-­‐speaking   children.   At   this   stage,   the   children’s   familiarity  with   another   culture   and   language   occurred   in   parallel   to   the   identification   of   their   social   preferences   and,   as   a   result,   contributed   to   their   rejection   of   involvement  with   peers   from   another   ethnic   group   (Barkan,   2003;   Berry,   2005;  Wright,  Stetson,  Rourke,  &  Zubernis,  2003).  However,  after  nearly  a  year  of  encounters  between  two   ethnic  groups  of  children,  we  found  some  initial  signs  of  intercultural   interaction  between  the  Arab  and  the   Jewish  children.  During  this  emergent  process,  the  teachers  considered  themselves  as  representatives  of  the   bilingual   educational   environment   (Schwartz,   Mor-­‐Sommerfeld,   &   Leikin,   2010),   who   should   facilitate   a   process   for   the   children’s   acculturation.  Two  main   types  of   support   emerged   from   the   findings:  behavioral   modeling  and  encouraging  intercultural  interaction.     4.1.1.  Teachers’  behavioral  modeling   The  study  showed  that  the  teachers  strove  to  be  personal  examples  for  the  children  in  terms  of  their   intercultural   and  bilingual  behavior.  They  were   interested   in   the  other   language,  used  both   languages,   and   sought   similar   and   common   features   in   the   languages   and   cultures.  More   specifically,   from   the   interviews   with  the  teachers,  it  appeared  that  both  of  them  conveyed  the  message  of  L2  significance  to  the  children  and,   in  the  case  of  Dina,  the  willingness  for  L2  acquisition,  as  illustrated  by  the  testimony  by  Lillian  in  Excerpt  1.     Excerpt  1.  (Lillian,  L1  Arabic-­‐speaking  teacher)   Look,  we  also  serve  as  a  model  for  the  children.  For  example,  Dina  serves  as  a  kind  of  model  for  the  Jewish   children   [...]   and   if   she   speaks   Arabic   and   shows   them   that   she   is   learning   just   like   them,   they  will   start   thinking  that  it  is  good,  which  is  encouraging.       In  Dina’s  view,  this  message  motivated  children’s  L2  learning,  despite  the  inevitable  mistakes,  and  helped   them  to  understand  the  rules  of  the  social  system  for  the  present  and  for  the  future,  as  shown  in  Excerpt  2.     Excerpt  2.  (Dina,  L1  Hebrew  speaking  teacher)   The  goal  of  the  society  is  that  they  will  grow  up  and  be  good  citizens.  So  how  do  you  show  [the  children]  that   you  are  learning  the  language,  show  the  Jewish  children  that  you  are  interested  in  Arabic?  And  they  see  me   asking  Lillian  how  to  write  in  Arabic  [...]  The  message  [to  the  children]  is  that  it  is  OK  to  make  mistakes,  that   it  is  OK  to  learn,  that  the  teacher  does  not  say  “I  know  everything.”  On  the  contrary,  she  is  saying:  “I  want  to   you  to  know  that  I  still  don’t  know  what  you  already  know.”  [...]  It  gives  them  a  terrific  boost.       The   observational   findings   show   how   interaction   among   children,   who   spoke   different   native   languages,   was   characterized   by   the   linguistic   behavior   that   they   learned   from   their   teachers.   Thus,   in   a   spontaneous  conversation  as  Situation  1,  when  sitting  out  on   the   terrace,   the  children  offered   to  help  each   other  with  learning  both  languages:     Situation  1.  Free  play  outside  the  classroom.     Ofra  (L1  Hebrew-­‐speaking  girl):   [speaking  in  Hebrew]  You  will  teach  me;  you  will  teach  me  Arabic,  and   I  will  teach  you  Hebrew.   Bassal  (L1  Arabic-­‐speaking  boy):   [speaking  in  Hebrew]  But  I  know  Hebrew.   Ofra:   [speaking  in  Hebrew]  Yes,  but  you  don’t  know  everything.     Through   her   desire   to   learn   Arabic,   Dina   expressed   her   deep   interest   in   the   Arabic   culture   and   language.   Indeed,   our   observations   attested   to   the   effect   of   this   modeling   on   the   L1   Hebrew-­‐speaking   children’s  openness   to   the  novel   language,  Arabic.   For  example,  we   frequently  observed  evidence  of  Dina’s   efforts   to   understand   Lillian   based   on   the   context   and   gestures,   when   she   addressed   Dina   in   Arabic.   The   fruitfulness   of   these   efforts   was   manifest   through   the   children’s   reactions   to   Dina’s   modeling   and   their   imitation  of  her  behavior,  demonstrating  their  significant  efforts  to  understand  Arabic.  Thus,  it  appeared  that   the  L1  Hebrew-­‐speaking  children  were  accustomed  to  word-­‐for-­‐word  repetition  of  Dina’s  slogan:  “I  did  not   understand  but   I   think  that  you  said   that…”  This  modeling  behavior  reflected  Vygotsky’s   (1978)  concept  of   INTERCULTURAL  INTERACTIONS  IN  THE  ARABIC–HEBREW-­‐SPEAKING  PRESCHOOL  IN  ISRAEL   E-­‐JournALL  7(1)  (2020),  pp.  39-­‐58 47   the  adult  as  children’s  mental  development  mediator,  not  only  as  a  source  of  knowledge  but  also  as  a  model   for  children’s  linguistic  behavior.     This  idea  is  reflected  in  many  observations  of  interactions  among  the  children.  Throughout  the  day,   the   children   not   only   imitated   the   teachers’   behavior,   but   also   felt   proud   that   they   succeeded   in   understanding   what   was   said   in   both   languages   and   that   they   were   able   negotiate   the   novice   learners’   comprehension  by  translating.  Both  teachers  emphasized  that  the  dynamics  between  them  also  characterized   mutual  intercultural  familiarity  (Excerpt  3).     Excerpt  3.  (Lillian,  L1  Arabic-­‐speaking  teacher)   Dina  worked   in   Jewish  kindergartens,   so   she  wants   to  bring   in   everything   she  knows  and  everything   she   used   to  do.  For  example,  now,  during  Passover   she  wanted   to  make  wine   for   them.   I   told  her:   “Sorry,  but   wine  is  forbidden  here.”  The  good  thing  about  her  is  that  she  is  interested  in  culture.  For  example,  she  learns   about  every  holiday.       The  dialogue  in  Excerpt  3  between  Dina  and  Lillian  regarding  the  different  cultures  was  pleasant  and   friendly,  indicating  willingness  to  learn  about  and  accept  another  culture,  without  relinquishing  their  original   culture.  This  set  an  example  to  the  children,  as  shown  in  Excerpt  4.     Excerpt  4.  (Dina,  L1  Hebrew-­‐speaking  teacher)   It  is  fantastic  how  we  work  with  Lillian  simultaneously  on  the  material.  It  makes  the  child  and  me—me  first   of   all—learn   about   patience   and   tolerance.   It   means   taking   a   deep   breath,   working   on   delaying   gratification—which  is,  in  fact,  what  we  are  educating  here.       As   behavioral  models,   the   teachers   used   both   languages,   Hebrew   and   Arabic,   both   of   which  were   heard  regularly  in  the  preschool  during  the  learning  sessions  and  during  the  day  (Excerpt  5).       Excerpt  5.  (Lillian,  L1  Arabic-­‐speaking  teacher)   [The   children]   are   interested   in   the   language.   They   hear   the   language   and   constantly   think   about   the   language.         The   children   cooperated   with   the   use   of   both   languages   and   tried   to   help   each   other,   both   with   pronunciation  and  with  understanding  either  unclear  words  or  sentences  in  the  other  language.  For  example,   in  Situation  2,  Nur  (L1  Arabic-­‐speaking  girl)  took  the  initiative  to  teach  Oded  (L1  Hebrew-­‐speaking  boy)  some   Arabic  words.     Situation  2.  Free  play,  Nur  teaches  Oded  the  words  in  Arabic.   Nur:     [gesturing  with  her  hands  while  learning  to  say  the  word  heart  in  Arabic]   [speaking  Hebrew]  Lev,  Lev  [speaking  Arabic] قلب   that  is  Lev  in  Arabic.   Oded:     [repeats  after  Nur  in  Arabic] قلب        In  addition,  the  teachers  looked  for  shared  features  in  the  target  languages  and  cultures  to  show  the   children.   Some  of   the   two   target   cultures’   traditions  and   religious  narratives  have   similarities,   and   there   is   considerable   linguistic   proximity   (semantic   and   grammatical)   between   the   two   Semitic   languages.   The   teachers   believed   that   they   brought   the   two   groups   of   children   closer   together   by   highlighting   these   similarities.       Excerpt  6.  (Lillian,  L1  Arabic-­‐speaking  teacher)   If  there  are  similar  words,  we  keep  on  saying:  “Like  in  Hebrew  [...]  like  in  Arabic.”  We  keep  repeating  it.  This   is  common.  We  are  constantly  looking  for  the  common  ground  because  through  the  common  we  can  learn   everything  and  bring  the  cultures  together.  They  [the  children]  talked  about  the  common  stories  we  heard   about   the   holidays,   that   Muhammad   was   a   shepherd   like   Moses,   that   the   Prophet   Muhammad   was   also   persecuted  and  unwanted  at  first  when  he  brought  the  religion.       KRIVOSH  &  SCHWARTZ   E-­‐JournALL  7(1)  (2020),  pp.  39-­‐58 48   This  finding  is  consistent  with  the  Hand  in  Hand  educational  model,  which  advocates  for  bilingualism   as  a  means  of  introducing  and  respecting  another  culture,  while  preserving  the  original  one.  According  to  this   model,  L2  is  a  tool  for  breaking  cultural  and  linguistic  barriers  between  the  two  ethnic  groups  (Amara,  Azaiza,   Hertz-­‐Lazarowitz,  &  Mor-­‐Sommerfeld,  2009).     Finally,   the   observed   teachers’   behavioral   modeling   and   its   role   in   the   children’s   intercultural   development   is   in   line  with   findings   of   developmental   psychology   studies,   stressing   the   importance   of   the   educational   environment   and   the   impact   of   teachers’  modeling   behavior   on   the   development   of   preschool   children’s  social  abilities  (Dehart,  2004;  Solberg,  2012).       4.1.2.  Encouraging  interactions   The   findings   show   that   the   teachers   actively   supported   intercultural   communication   and   that   supporting   intercultural   interactions   among   children   required   special   attention   to   their   individual   and   cultural  differences.  They  encouraged  interactions  between  the  children  of  the  two  ethnic  groups  by  adjusting   activities  to  each  child,  managing  the  seating  order  and  promoting  intercultural  group  activities.       4.1.2.1.  Adjusting  activities  to  each  child     The   teachers   arranged   activities   while   considering   the   differences   in   the   children’s   individual   developmental   and   adaptation  patterns   (Excerpts   7   and  8)   and  paid   attention   to   gender  differences   in   the   intercultural  communication  patterns  (Excerpt  9).     Excerpt  7.  (Lillian,  L1  Arabic-­‐speaking  teacher)   This   year,   the   children   are   very   special.   Both   the   Arabs   and   the   Jews.   They   need   a   lot   of   help,   a   lot   of   mediation,   a   lot   of   attention.   There   are   children  with   social   problems,   there   are   children  with   emotional   problems,  and  these  things  take  a  lot  of  time.       Excerpt  8.  (Lillian,  L1  Arabic-­‐speaking  teacher)   This   year,  many   of   the   children  who   came   to   us,   both   Arabic   speakers   and   Hebrew   speakers,   studied   in   bilingual   frameworks   or   in   a   Jewish   kindergarten,   especially   the   Arab   children.   So,   this   really   brings   the   Jewish  and  Arab  children  very,  very  close  together.       Excerpt  9.  (Lillian,  L1  Arabic-­‐speaking  teacher)   It  is  hard  for  the  boys  [to  create  intercultural  interactions].  For  the  girls,  not  so  much.  Not  for  all  of  them.       In  addition,  they  were  aware  of  the  cultural  differences  between  the  Jewish  and  Arab  children  with   respect  to  adults  and  acceptance  of  authority  (Excerpts  10  and  11),  and  regarding  boundaries,  discipline  and   order  (Excerpt  12).     Excerpt  10.  (Dina,  L1  Hebrew-­‐speaking  teacher)   Arab   children   address  me   as   “mualema”   [teacher].   The   Jewish   children   address  me   as:   “Dinahhhh!”   They   don’t  call  me  “teacher”  or  anything  else.  “Dinahhhh!  Come  here  now!”     Excerpt  11.  (Lillian,  L1  Arabic-­‐speaking  teacher)   An  [Arab]  child  would  not  come  to  me  and  say:  “You  cannot  decide  for  me.”  Among  the  Arab  children,  there   is  less  impudence.       Excerpt  12.  (Lillian,  L1  Arabic-­‐speaking  teacher)   For  the  Arab  children,  discipline  is  a  clearer  concept,  displayed  more,  as  well  as  respect,  and,  I  would  say,  a   little  order.  Because  we  raise  children  to  be  organized,  with  better  organization,  with  respect  for  adults.  For   instance,  food  or  appearance.  Children  are  always  neat  and  tidy,  the  food  is  always  presented  in  an  orderly   way;  with  Jews,  it’s  less  orderly.       Moreover,   the   teachers   reflected   on   differences   between   the   groups   regarding   how   they   made   requests  and  expressed  their  feelings  (Excerpt  13)  and  addressed  the  differences  between  the  Arabs  and  the   Jews  in  their  manner  of  play  (Excerpt  14).   INTERCULTURAL  INTERACTIONS  IN  THE  ARABIC–HEBREW-­‐SPEAKING  PRESCHOOL  IN  ISRAEL   E-­‐JournALL  7(1)  (2020),  pp.  39-­‐58 49   Excerpt  13.  (Lillian,  L1  Arabic-­‐speaking  teacher)   The   Jewish   children  come  and  say  everything.  With  a   sort  of   confidence.  They  know  what   they  need.  They   know  what  they  want.  They  know  what  to  ask  for.  Among  Arab  children,  shyness  is  also  a  matter  of  honor.  Do   not  talk  about  your  feelings  too  much;  do  not  express  yourself.  It’s  something  cultural.       Excerpt  14.  (Lillian,  L1  Arabic-­‐speaking  teacher)   They  play  in  a  completely  different  way.  With  the  Arab  children,  the  play  is  always  accompanied  by  a  physical   game,   for   example,   running,   soccer.   It   requires   more   physical   activity.   With   the   Jewish   children,   there   is   dialogue,  a  lot  of  tabletop  games,  assembly  games,  construction.       4.1.2.2.  Managing  the  seating  order   The   findings   show   that   considering   the  differences   in   the  children’s   intercultural  development,   the   teachers  elaborated  on  diverse  strategies  to  increase,  in  Lillian’s  words:  “the  opportunity  for  more  interaction   between   the   Arab   and   the   Jewish   children.”   For   example,   during   the   academic   year,   they   reorganized   the   seating   arrangements   by   placing   the   Jewish   and   Arab   children   together   at   the   dining   table   or   during   the   small-­‐group  table  activities.  The  results  of  this  reorganization  were  intriguing  and  not  unambiguous.  On  one   hand,  mixed-­‐seating   initiated  bridging  between   the  speakers,  via   children  who  understood   the   instructions   and  translating  them  into  the  other  language  for  children  who  did  not,  as  in  Situation  3.     Situation  3.  Classroom  table  painting  activity  run  by  Dina.   Dina   (L1   Hebrew-­‐speaking   teacher):   [in  Hebrew]  Rolla,  would  you  like  to  take  some  paints?   Rolla  (L1  Arabic-­‐speaking  girl):   [Nods  her  head]   Dina:   [in  Hebrew]  Wash  your  hands  very,  very  well,  and  then  come  to  Dina.   Rolla:     [Does  not  move  and  stares  at  Dina]   Zohar  (L1  Hebrew-­‐speaking  boy):   [realizes  that  Rolla  has  not  understood  Dina  and  translates  into  Arabic]   Wash  your  hands  very,  very  well.   Rolla:   [Goes  wash  her  hands]     On   the   other   hand,   we   noticed   in   our   observations   that   during   a  mixed   seating   arrangement,   the   children  who  had  been  separated  from  their   friends  from  the  same  ethnic  group  continued  to   interact  with   them  across   the   tables,  by  moving   the   tables   closer   together   to   facilitate   communication.  The  children  also   began  to  eat  more  quickly,  to  reduce  the  amount  of  time  in  which  they  were  separated  from  their  friends,  and   then  went   out   to   the   yard,  where   they  were   free   to   choose   their   activities   and  whom   to   play  with.   These   findings  were  consistent  with  developmental  psychology  research,  stressing  the  importance  of  belonging  to   the   peer   group.   This   belonging   develops   a   sense   of   high   self-­‐esteem   (Barkan,   2003;   Wright   et   al.,   2003).   However,  over  time,  the  observations  also  showed  initial  signs  of  intercultural  interaction  in  Hebrew  between   the  Arab  children,  as  novice  Hebrew  speakers  and  the  Jewish  children.       4.1.2.3.  Promoting  intercultural  group  activities     The   observations   showed   that   the   teachers   applied   a   strategy   aimed   at   promoting   intercultural   integration  and  socialization  by  engaging   the  children   in  certain  activities.  For  example,   in  Excerpt  15   they   tried  to  forge  a  connection  between  the  children,  based  on  a  common  hobby  or  activity  of  shared  interest.     Excerpt  15.  (Lillian,  L1  Arabic-­‐speaking  teacher)   We  try  to  find  out  what  two  children  have  in  common.  A  type  of  game,  kind  of  [...]  it  can  be  anything;  either  a   hobby,   or   a   child  who  has  not   really   found  his   niche   and   this   is   also   an   opportunity   to   find  him  or   her   a   friend.  Whether  through  a  game,  a  joint  activity,  a  task;  when  it  happens,  it  keeps  going,  it  keeps  happening.   Meanwhile,  the  goal  is  to  connect  them  more,  to  get  them  to  play  with  each  other  more,  to  enjoy  each  other’s   company.       As  found  in  the  developmental  research,  at  the  age  of  5  or  6,  children  understand  the  rules  of  play,   adhere  to  them,  and  even  explain  them  to  others  (Lawhon  &  Lawhon,  2000).  As  shown  in  Situation  4,  during   language   acquisition,   the   children  made   rules   that   enabled   learning   and   understanding   both   languages.   In   KRIVOSH  &  SCHWARTZ   E-­‐JournALL  7(1)  (2020),  pp.  39-­‐58 50   Situation  4,   the   teachers’   efforts   to  encourage  L2  use  was   supported  by  Ahmed,   the   simultaneous  bilingual   child,  who   through   his   clear   claim   about   language   choice,   searched   to   establish   classroom   language   policy   concerning  languages’  use.         Situation  4.  Circle  time  (teachers  worked  as  a  team  to  promote  the  use  of  the  Arabic  language  by  the  L1   Hebrew-­‐speaking  children)   Ahmed,  (Arabic-­‐  and  Hebrew-­‐ speaking  boy):   [in  Hebrew]  Arabic  speakers  will  say  it  in  Hebrew  and  Hebrew  speakers   will  say  it  in  Arabic.     In   addition,   it   has   been   found   that   shared   interests   and   play   activities   create   an   opportunity   for   interpersonal   communication   and   accumulation   of   new   social   and,   in   our   case,   intercultural   experiences   (Ding  &  Littleton,  2005).  This   leads   to  openness   to  a  novel   language   through  a   social  partnership.   In  other   words,   listening   to   the   otherness   leads   to   an   interest   in   learning   the   language   because   it   brings   a   social   reward,  as  in  Situation  5.     Situation  5.  Circle  time  (the  language  instruction  topic  was  Israeli  flora;  teachers  discuss  protected  flowers  in   Israel  with  the  children)       Abed  (L1  Arabic-­‐speaking  boy):   [in   Arabic]   These   are   protected   flowers.   We   are   not   allowed   to   pick   them.   Lillian  (L1  Arabic-­‐speaking   teacher):     [in  Arabic]  Excellent,  Abed,  say  that  again.   Dina  (L1  Hebrew-­‐speaking   teacher):   [in  Hebrew]  Abed,  I  didn’t  understand  everything,  can  you  maybe  tell  me   a  little  in  Hebrew?   Abed:     [in  Hebrew]  The  flowers,  the  flowers  that  we’re  not  allowed  to  pick.   Dina:   [in   Hebrew]   Oh,   thank   you!   I   thought   I   understood,   but   now   I   understand  much  better.  Did  you  [all]  hear?   Jewish  children:   [in  Hebrew]  We’re  not  allowed  to  pick  them!     Notably,   the   findings   of   our   study   are   inconsistent   with   Bernstein’s   (2016)   data   regarding   misunderstandings  or   erroneous   interpretations   in   intercultural   interactions,  which  may  be   an  outcome  of   either   political   or   social   power   relations.   This   is   apparently   due   to   the   uniqueness   of   the   present   study   population,   in   which   majority–minority   relations   differ   from   in   the   external   reality.   Even   though   the   kindergarten   is   in   Israel,   where   Arabs   are   a   minority,   within   the   kindergarten,   the   Arab   children   are   the   majority,   and   both   these   facts   are   clear   to   the   participants.   Thus,   the   study   findings   support   those   of   Bernstein’s  (2016)  research,  which  claim  that  all  participants  in  the  sociocultural  interaction  are  required  to   make  an  effort  to  bring  the  sides  closer  together  and  to  prevent  misunderstandings.   Hence,   the   findings   point   to   the   existence   of   three   main   actors,   who   interact   in   the   intercultural   process   in   this   bilingual   preschool:   teachers   as   representatives   of   the   educational   environment   and   two   groups  of  children  as  representatives  of  two  ethnic  groups  in  society.  Keeping  in  mind  the  sociocultural  and   linguistic  distance  between  these  ethnic  groups,  through  their  agentic  behavior,  the  teachers  encouraged  the   intercultural  interactions  between  the  children  by  applying  diverse  and  creative  strategies.  Within  the  field  of   social  theory,  Emirbayer  and  Mische  (1998)  defined  agency  as  “the  capacity  of  actors  to  critically  shape  their   own  responsiveness  to  problematic  situations”  (Emirbayer  &  Mische,  1998,  p.  971).  This  implies  that  agency   occurs  within  a  social  framework  (Biesta,  Priestley  &  Robinson,  2015).  Biesta  et  al.  (2015)  argue  that  people’s   agentic   behavior   needs   to   be   linked   to   a   particular   situation   and   that   agency   is   achieved   in   a   particular   ecology  (Biesta  et  al.,  2015).  Our  study  revealed  that  the  teachers’  observable  partnership  and  a  keen  interest   in  each  other’s  language  and  culture  created  an  ecological  condition  for  shared  thinking  and  promotion  of  the   children’s  intercultural  interactions.       4.2.  Acculturation  strategies  of  the  L2  experts     As  mentioned  above,  the  presence  of  the  L2  experts  in  the  classroom  indicated  the  formation  of  two   groups  based  on  the  children’s  bilingual  competence;  namely,  the  L2  experts’  group,  comprising  11  bilingual   L1  Arabic-­‐speaking  children,  and  the  novice  group,  comprising  18  children  without  prior  L2  knowledge.  We   found   that   some   of   the   L2   experts   not   only   positioned   themselves   as   competent   bilinguals   but   also   as   INTERCULTURAL  INTERACTIONS  IN  THE  ARABIC–HEBREW-­‐SPEAKING  PRESCHOOL  IN  ISRAEL   E-­‐JournALL  7(1)  (2020),  pp.  39-­‐58 51   teachers,  who  were  willing   to   assume   the   role   of   L2   teachers,  mediators   and   interpreters,   and   as   a   result,   became  leaders  in  the  classroom  (Excerpts  16,  17,  and  18).     Excerpt  16.  (Dina,  L1  Hebrew-­‐speaking  teacher)   Ahmad  took  on  the  role  of  a  teacher,  a  leader.  This  kid  is  a  real  leader,  I  would  say.  He  always  has  to  have   the  last  word.  We  always  have  to  listen  to  him.       Excerpt  17.  (Nur,  L1  Arabic-­‐speaking  and  L2  expert  girl)   I  taught  Lynn  to  sing  the  song  [Shana  Tova  –  Happy  New  Year]  in  Arabic,  and  she  sang…  After  Lynn,  I  taught   Amira  Hebrew.     Excerpt  18.  (Lillian,  L1  Arabic-­‐speaking  teacher)   These  children  are  mediating.  They  are  very  helpful  because  they  manage  to  speak  both  Arabic  and  Hebrew,   telling  some  children  what  he  (she)  is  saying  and  telling  others  what  he  (she)  means…  Ahmad  helps  in  the   sessions  when  I  speak,  and  he  translates.  He  helps  children.  He  connects  them  all  together.  This  is  amazing.   He  is  amazing.       These  findings  are  consistent  with  the  descriptions  of  the  experts’  social  role  in  the  research  on  the   “others,”  emphasizing  the  importance  of  the  experts  as  leading  classroom  mediators,  their  readiness  to  help   peers,  as  well  as  the  model  they  provide  for  other  children  (Langman,  Hansen-­‐Thomas,  &  Bayley  2005;  Nehm   &  Ridgway,   2011).   In   this   study,   Lillian   recognized   that   the   experts’  modeling   presented   bilingualism   as   a   social  advantage  and  helped  the  teachers  to  encourage  the  novices  to  use  L2  (Excerpt  19).         Excerpt  19.  (Lillian,  L1  Arabic-­‐speaking  teacher)   Children  who   speak   both   languages   demonstrate   this   to   the   [other]   children.   This   is  modeling.   And   that   sparks  the  other  children’s  motivation  to  speak  the  language  as  well.  I  say  this  because  the  place  where  this   [modeling]  really  helps  .  .  .  This  really  triggers  the  other  children’s  interest  in  the  language.       Indeed,  the  novice  L2  learners  asked  the  experts  for  help,  both  in  terms  of  negotiating  meanings  in  L2   and  improving  their  social  competence,  as  shown  in  Excerpts  20  and  21.     Excerpt  20.  (Abed,  L1  Arabic-­‐speaking  expert  boy)   Once,  Joseph  [the  novice  L2  learner]  did  not  know  how  to  speak  Hebrew,  so  I  taught  him.     Excerpt  21.  (Mary,  L1  Arabic-­‐speaking  expert  girl)   Once  they  [the  novice  L2  learners]  asked  me  how  they  say,  for  example,  if  someone  is  playing  on  the  swing   and   Somia   [L1  Arabic   speaking   novice   girl]   is   counting   for   him,   and  Dina   [L1  Hebrew   speaking   teacher]   comes  and  calls  her,  so  I  tell  Somia  how  to  say  [in  Hebrew]  “I’m  sorry”  or  “I  want  to  stay  longer.”     Regarding  unstable  social  contacts  between  the  children  of   the   two  ethnic  groups  compared   to   the   relatively  stable  social  contacts  inside  the  groups,  our  findings  show  that,  in  general,  the  experts  were  more   open  to  new  social  experiences  (Excerpt  22).       Excerpt  22.  (Lillian,  L1  Arabic-­‐speaking  teacher)   Nur  [L1  Arabic-­‐speaking  expert  girl]  has  an  excellent  knowledge  of  Hebrew  and  she  did  not  go  to  a  Jewish   kindergarten.   She   learned   from   the   television.   And   she   does   a   great   job,   this   girl.   She   plays   as   if   it’s   something   normal,   as   if   she’s   always   done   it.   She   plays  with   both   the   Jewish   and   the   Arab   children   and   connects  them,  and  they  plan  and  construct.  Amazing  to  see  it!  Really!       At   the  same  time,  despite  some  experts’  declarations   that   they  were   friends  with  all  children,   their   reflections  on  relationships  with  the  second  ethnic  group  showed  some  ambiguity.  Thus,   in  parallel  to  their   openness  to  initiating  intergroup  communication,  such  as  playing  together,  all  experts  except  one  (Situation   6)   reported,   in   their   interviews,   facing  challenges   in  developing   friendships  with   the  members  of   the  other   ethnic  group.     KRIVOSH  &  SCHWARTZ   E-­‐JournALL  7(1)  (2020),  pp.  39-­‐58 52   Situation  6.  (Interview)   Interviewer:   [in  Arabic]  Do  you  have  friends  who  speak  Hebrew?   Malek  (L1  Arabic-­‐speaking  expert   boy):   [in  Arabic]  No.   Interviewer:     [in  Arabic]  So,  you  speak  Hebrew  to  Ofra,  Hila  and  Lynn,  but  they  are  not   your  friends?   Malek:     [in  Arabic]  Yes.   Interviewer:     [in  Arabic]  I  understand;  why  are  they  not  your  friends?   Malek:     [in  Arabic]  They  do  not  always  play  with  me.     4.3.  Acculturation  strategies  of  the  novice  L2  learners     Our  observations  showed  that,  like  the  L2  experts,  the  novice  children  had  stable  relationships  within   their  ethnic  group  of  belonging.  In  Excerpt  23,  Lillian  reflected  on  these  social  preferences.     Excerpt  23.  (Lillian,  L1  Arabic-­‐speaking  teacher)   They   are   a   group  of   boys   [the  Hebrew   speaking   group],  who   came   together.   They  do  not  wish   to   accept   others  into  the  group;  they  are  occupied  among  themselves.       Similar   to  what  was   presented   above   about   the   L2   experts,   novice   L2   speakers   reported   having   a   preference  for  friendships  with  the  children  from  their  own  ethnic  group  (Situation  7).     Situation  7.  (Interview)   Interviewer:     [in  Arabic]  Do  you  have  friends  who  speak  Hebrew?   Rula   (L1   Arabic-­‐speaking   girl,   novice  Hebrew  learner):   [in  Arabic]  No,  I  have  none.   Interviewer:     [in  Arabic]  Who  are  your  friends  in  the  preschool?   Rula:     [in  Arabic]  Nur.   Interviewer:     [in  Arabic]  Does  Nur  not  speak  Hebrew?   Rula     [in  Arabic]  She  does,  but  she  is  an  Arab.     These  similarities   in   the  acculturation  patterns  between   the  novice  L2   learners  and   the  L2  experts   might  be  attributed  to  the  fact  that,  along  with  the  relatively  high  level  of  competence  in  spoken  L2  Hebrew,   and   even,   in   some   cases,   a   higher   level   of   social   sensitivity,   the   tendency   to   build   friendships   with   group   members  was  very  strong.  At  the  same  time,  the  study  shows  that  relative  competence  in  a  new  language  of   the  “other”  was  a  condition  for  readiness  to  become  flexible  and  to  go  beyond  their  ethnic  identity  to  establish   new   social   relationships.   This   tendency   is   reflected   in   Situation   8   from   our   classroom   observation   and   its   interpretation  in  Excerpt  24  from  the  interview  with  Dina.     Situation  8.  (Class  observation)   Dina   (L1   Hebrew-­‐speaking   teacher):     Maybe  Khaled   [L1  Arabic-­‐speaking  boy]  would   like   to   tell  us  what  he   did  during  the  weekend?   Khaled  (L1  Arabic-­‐speaking  boy):   [in  Hebrew]  I  visited  Hanna  [L1  Hebrew-­‐speaking  girl].     Excerpt  24.  (Dina,  L1  Hebrew-­‐speaking  teacher)   Now   it   starts   happening   [the   intercultural   communication].   There   is   our  mediation   here   as   educators   in   order  for  it  to  happen.  I  mean,  we  have  a  role  here,  and  once  you  are  persistent,  it  happens.  And  both  Khaled   and  Hanna  are  very  strong  in  both  languages.       In   addition,   as   addressed   in   Excerpt   25   from   the   interview  with   Lillian,   a   gradual   progress   in   L2   learning  results  in  intercultural  influences,  such  as  expanding  the  Arab  children’s  ability  for  self-­‐expression,   which  shapes  their  personality.         INTERCULTURAL  INTERACTIONS  IN  THE  ARABIC–HEBREW-­‐SPEAKING  PRESCHOOL  IN  ISRAEL   E-­‐JournALL  7(1)  (2020),  pp.  39-­‐58 53   Excerpt  25.  (Lillian,  L1  Arabic-­‐speaking  teacher)   They   [the   L1  Arabic-­‐speaking   children]   are   also   beginning   to   learn   how   to   express   [emotions].   Learning   new   cultural   patterns.   I   think   they   [the   parents]   want   their   children   to   get   there.   Not   to   the   level   of   impudence,   but   they   are   very   pleased   that   the   children   are  working   on   themselves   and   are   gaining   self-­‐ confidence.       The  children’s  intact  socialization  was  created  by  the  sociocultural  context  of  bilingualism  and  by  the   integration  of  the  appropriate  language.  In  the  bilingual  kindergarten,  building  socialization  was  based  on  the   children’s   sociocultural   attempts  as  a   result  of   their   interpersonal   communication  and   interaction  with   the   teachers   and   the  environment.  Both  of   these   together   led   to   the   children’s   learning  or   to   changes   for   their   adjustment   in  kindergarten.  An  outcome  of   this  process  was  that   the  children  began  to   form  their  personal   identities,  which  were  maintained  through  negotiation  in  social  situations  or  through  their  internalized  social   roles  (Pavlenko  &  Norton,  2007).   Notably,  this  pattern  of  data  reinforces  the  previous  findings  indicating  a  link  between  L2  acquisition   and  emotional,  cultural  and  social  changes  in  the  learner  (Barkhuizen,  2008;  Feger,  2009;  Norton  &  Toohey,   2011).   According   to   the   literature,   these   changes   are   a   result   of   the   integrated   and   sometimes   conflicting   activity   of   different   gender,   ethnic,   cultural   and   social   identities   during   the   learner’s   interactions  with   the   target  language  speakers.     The   current   study   showed   that   the   L2   experts’   knowledge   of   both   languages,   in   addition   to   social   mediation,  enhanced  their  self-­‐confidence  and  their  social  and  cultural   identity.  However,  due  to  their  fixed   ethnic   and   gender   identity,   they   did   not   change   their  main  modes   of   play,  which  would   have   significantly   undermined  their  sense  of  belonging  to  their  own  cultural  group.  Thus,  our  observations  provided  evidence   that  the  expert  girls  were  more  open  than  the  expert  boys  to  new  intercultural  social  experiences,  whereas   the  expert  boys  preferred  to  play  mostly  with  members  of  their  own  ethnic  group.       4.3.1.  Changes  in  the  novices’  acculturation  patterns     Interestingly,  the  novice  L2  learners  gradually  expanded  their  cultural  and  social  boundaries.  These   changes  were  reflected  in  their  spontaneous  use  of  L2  with  the  teachers  and  the  peers  and  in  their  initiative   of   interaction   with   the   peers   in   free   play   and   mealtime   contexts.   These   facts   were   observed   by   the   researchers   and   were   reported   in   the   teachers’   interviews   (Excerpt   26)   after   three   months   of   intensive   exposure  to  their  novel  language.       Excerpt  26.  (Lillian,  L1  Arabic-­‐speaking  teacher)   There  is  a  breakthrough.  They  [the  novice  L2  learners]  remember  more  words  and  they  repeat  the  words.   Words  are  not  sentences.  No  sentences  yet,  but  you  see  that  these  children  have  gone  through  a  process  of   language  learning  …  I  think  they  got  together  more,  got  to  know  each  other,  learned  how  to  play  with  each   other  more,  and  I  think  we  contributed  to  it  too…  I  see  more  interaction  in  free  activities.  In  the  yard,  in  the   corners.   In   the   household   corner,   with   toy   blocks,   during   meals.   Many   children   connect   during   meals.   Talking  about  all  sorts  of  things.       Thus,  we  found  a  reciprocal  and  circular  connection  between  L2  learning  and  changes  in  the  learner’s   identity.  In  other  words,  the  more  the  learners  enriched  their  identity,  the  greater  was  their  command  of  L2,   and  vice  versa  (Clarke,  2008;  Pavlenko  &  Norton,  2007).     5.  Discussion     The   purpose   of   this   study  was   to   describe   the  ways   in  which   children   become   acquainted  with   a   novel  culture.  We  sought  to  expand  our  understanding  of  the  process  of  the  intercultural  encounter  between   young   children   from   two   different   ethnic   backgrounds,   Jewish   and   Arab,   who   attended   the   bilingual   preschool  in  order  to  be  educated  together  and  to  create  the  CoP  (Wenger,  2006).  This  case  was  particularly   fascinating   because   this   preschool   was   intended   to   create   a  micro  model   of   coexistence   between   the   two   ethnic  groups,  who  experience  tension  within  the  wider  macro  context  of  Israel.       Our   data   show   that   the   process   of   L2   acquisition  might   play   a   catalytic   role   in   activating   a   social   mechanism   for   intercultural   interaction   and   comprising   community   (Pavlenko  &  Norton,   2007).   The  main   findings  from  the  interviews  and  longitudinal  classroom  observations  point  to  the  combined  activation  of  the   KRIVOSH  &  SCHWARTZ   E-­‐JournALL  7(1)  (2020),  pp.  39-­‐58 54   personal,   cultural   and   social   forces   in   shaping   the   children’s   interactions   in   the   bilingual   preschool.   Like   studies   in  which   Berry   (2003,   2005)   examined   the   relationship   between   the   ethnic  minority   and  majority   groups,   this   study   showed   that,   even   among   5-­‐year-­‐olds,   the   ongoing   intercultural   encounter   was   a   longitudinal  process  aimed  to  achieve  acculturation  or  a  cultural  and  psychological  change.  The  findings  also   supported  a   theoretical   claim  by  Bronfenbrenner   (1994)  and  Robinson   (2007)   that,   among  young  children   who   undergo   their   natural   multidimensional   development   in   parallel   with   the   intercultural   encounter,   a   variety  of  factors  influence  their  mode  and  degree  of  acculturation.  These  factors  can  be  defined  as  ecological   (immediate  environment,  socioeconomic  situation,  ideology,  and  culture  of  the  society),  supportive  (teachers’   encouragement   of   acculturation   in   the   educational   environment)   and   developmental   (specific   cognitive,   emotional,   and   social   development   changes   during   the   intercultural   encounter)   (Bronfenbrenner,   1994;   Robinson,  2007).     In  addition,  we  found  that  the  interactional  patterns  between  L2  experts  and  novices  are  consistent   with   the   claim   by   Lave   and  Wenger   (1991)   about   the   role   of   experts   in   the   learning   of   less   experienced   members   through   interaction   in   the  CoP  and  with  what  was   shown   in  previous   research  of  older   language   mediators  (Angelova,  Gunawardena,  &  Volk  2006;  Kopke  &  Nespoulous,  2006;  Langman,  Hansen-­‐Thomas,  &   Bayley,  2005).  Moreover,  the  findings  showed  that  the  ability  to  move  from  one  language  to  another  means   the  ability  to  change  social  identities  and  thus  to  achieve  high  social  status  (Creese,  Bhatt,  Bhojani,  &  Martin,   2006).   The  special  status  of  “mediators,”  “helpers,”  and  “teachers,”  which  the  L2  experts  obtained,  created  a   situation   in   which   bilingual   knowledge   becomes   worthwhile   and   promoted.   It   is   noteworthy   that   the   innovation   of   our   findings   lies   in   identifying   similarities   as  well   as   differences   in   the  way   in  which   the   L2   experts   and   their   L2   novice   peers   developed   their   intercultural   interactions.  More   specifically,   it   appeared   that  despite  the  differences  observed  in  the  patterns  of  social  adaptation  to  the  bilingual  preschool  between   the  expert  and   the  novice  L2   learners,  all   children  showed  developmental   intercultural   changes   (Robinson,   2007).   These   changes   were   identified   in   the   three   main   developmental   areas:   cognitive   and   language   development   (development   of   different   modes   of   thinking,   progress   in   L1   and   L2   acquisition),   social   development   (emergence   of   interactions   within   and   outside   their   sociocultural   group   of   belonging)   and   emotional   development   (expressing   empathy   and   caring   for   others).   These  developmental   changes   shaped   the  children’s  acculturation  strategies  (Berry,  2003,  2005)  during  the  intercultural  encounters.  At  the  initial   stage,   the   L2   experts   chose   the   integration   strategy,   initiating   intercultural   relations   while   preserving   the   original  culture,  whereas  the  novice  L2   learners  maintained  their  original  culture  and  avoided   intercultural   interaction.  However,  despite  the  initial  differences,  later  on,  both  the  L2  experts  and  the  novice  L2  learners   showed  a  common  trend  toward   intercultural   integration.   In   light  of   these   findings,  we  can  conclude  that  a   bilingual  preschool  experience  might  reduce   the   interpersonal,   linguistic  and  cultural  distance  between  the   Jewish  and  Arab  children  when  mutual  accommodation  is  encouraged  by  the  educational-­‐social  environment,   i.e.,  the  preschool  teachers.   The  study  also  highlighted  that  while  acquiring  a  novel  culture  and  language,  the  children's  sense  of   belonging   to   the  ethnic   group  was   strengthened.  Moreover,  both  ethnic   groups   showed  a   tendency   toward   membership   categorization.   In   this   case,   Sacks’s   idea   (Sacks,   1972)   of   social   classification   is   especially   relevant  to  the  analysis  of  these  intergroup  interactions.  According  to  Sacks,  the  tools  of  social  classification   (resources   and   strategies)   allow   people   to   define   their   affiliation   groups.   Moreover,   as   in   the   case   of   our   study,  membership   categorization   seems   to   consolidate   the   children’s   cultural   identity   (Norton   &   Toohey,   2011).     6.  Conclusions  and  implications  for  practice   The  observed  process  of  intercultural  interaction  was  influenced  considerably  by  the  teachers,  who   served  as  personal  models  of  fruitful  intercultural  communication  as  well  as  of  coexistence  between  the  two   ethnic   groups.   Concerning   the   L2   early   learning   process,   Nikolov   (1999)   found   that   the   teachers’   own   motivation  has  an   impact  on   the  children’s  motivation.   Indeed,  our  highly  motivated   teachers  played  a  key   role  in  initiating,  developing  and  maintaining  the  children’s  enthusiasm  for  intercultural  interaction  through   an   endless   reflective   process   and   implication   of   diverse   and   creative   strategies.   Their   reflections   and   observed  behavioral  patterns  could  be  defined  as  an  expression  of   their  agency  enactment,  which   included   teachers’  beliefs,  professional  and  personal  experience  and  identity.   INTERCULTURAL  INTERACTIONS  IN  THE  ARABIC–HEBREW-­‐SPEAKING  PRESCHOOL  IN  ISRAEL   E-­‐JournALL  7(1)  (2020),  pp.  39-­‐58 55     Within   a   wider   international   framework,   the   observed   emergent   process   of   the   intercultural   interactions  during  the  first  year  in  the  Arabic–Hebrew-­‐speaking  bilingual  classroom,  as  well  as  the  teachers’   reflections  on  it,  could  provide  a  model  for  bilingual  educators  who  are  working  in  dual  language  education,   to  promote  encounters  and  interaction  between  two  ethnic  groups  of  children.  Moreover,  the  examples  and   their   analysis   might   help   policy   makers   and   educators   in   ethnic   majority–minority   contexts   to   view   themselves  as  part  of  a  community  of  reciprocal  learning  and  repair.     Finally,   we   need   to   address   some   limitations   of   our   study.   First,   we   were   limited   in   obtaining   a   representative  sample  in  our  ethnographic  study  (Nurani,  2008),  and  hence,  our  conclusions  can  be  defined   as  preliminary.  In  addition,  we  need  to  address  the  fact  that  the  children  in  our  study  were  not  starting  their   bilingual  education  from  the  same  point.  Among  29  children  in  the  class,  22  had  either  no  L2  knowledge  or   very  low  L2  competence,  six  had  entered  the  preschool  with  a  relatively  high  level  of  spoken  L2  competence,   and  one  boy  was   from  an  ethnically  mixed  family,   in  which  the  mother  was  an  L1  Hebrew  speaker  and  the   father  was  an  L1  Arabic  speaker.  On  one  hand, 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relationship   between   psychological  understanding  and  positive  social  behaviors.  Social  Development,  12,  198-­‐221.             Ludmila Krivosh, Oranim College of Education Ludmilk@gmail.com EN Ludmila Krivosh is Senior Lecturer in the Department of Sociology, Graduate Studies Faculty and Head of the Civics and Sociology Department at the Oranim College of Education. She is also Lecturer in the Department of Social Work at Emek Yizrael College (Israel). ES Ludmila Krivosh es profesora en el Departamento de Sociología, profesora de estudios graduados y jefa del departamento de Estudios cívicos y sociología de la Universidad de Educación Oranim. Además, es profesora en el Departamento de Trabajo Social de la Universidad Emek Yizrael (Israel). IT Ludmila Krivosh è professoressa nel Dipartimento di Sociologia, professoressa di studi post lauream e direttrice del dipartimento di Studi civici e sociologia dell’Oranim College of Education. Inoltre, è anche docente nel Dipartimento di Assistenza sociale all’Emek Yizrael College (Israele).       Mila Schwartz, Oranim College of Education milasch@post.bgu.ac.il EN Mila Schwartz is Associate Professor in Language and Education and Head of the Language Program (M. Ed.) at the Oranim College of Education. ES Mila Schwartz es profesora titular de lengua y educación y directora del programa de lengua de maestría en la universidad de Educación Oranim. IT Mila Schwartz è professoressa associata di lingua ed istruzione e direttrice del programma di master di lingua dell’Università di Educazione Oranim.