Microsoft Word - Burden_8.1.docx E-­‐JournALL,  EuroAmerican  Journal  of  Applied  Linguistics  and  Languages   Volume  8,  Issue  1,  March  2021,  53–75 ISSN  2376-­‐905X     http://doi.org/10.21283/2376905X.13.218   www.e-­‐journall.org     © Burden 2021. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.       Lipstick  on  pigs:  Critical  discourse  and  image  analysis  of  non-­‐humans  in   U.S.  children’s  ESL  textbooks         AMY  BURDEN   University  of  Memphis     Received  25  July  2020;  accepted  after  revisions  6  February  2021   ABSTRACT EN Gender equality in language learning has received considerable attention in research on classroom policy and materials. Within studies of materials like language learning texts, most research focuses on content analyses of character roles and images, with sometimes purposeful exclusion of non-human characters. However, non-humans in children’s picture books comprise almost 60% of the characters children read. Therefore, their representations of gender, including biases, overt sexism, and covert sexism should be examined. In this study, I examine gendering of non-human characters using corpus linguistics and critical discourse analysis. Additionally, I use critical image analysis to discuss pictorial gendering of non-human characters within 12 textbooks in two of the United States’ most widely used textbook series for language learning in elementary schools. Results indicate a strong preference for aggressive and adventurous male characters, male supremacist ideologies, and the suppression of female agency. Key words: CORPUS LINGUISTICS, CRITICAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS, TEXTBOOK ANALYSIS, GENDER AND LANGUAGE, ENGLISH AS A SECOND LANGUAGE (ESL), CRITICAL IMAGE ANALYSIS ES La igualdad de género en el aprendizaje de idiomas ha recibido una atención considerable en la investigación sobre la política y los materiales en el aula. Dentro de los estudios sobre materiales como los textos para el aprendizaje de idiomas, la mayoría de las investigaciones se centran en el análisis del contenido de los roles y las imágenes de los personajes, con una exclusión de los personajes no humanos. Sin embargo, los personajes no humanos de los libros ilustrados para niños representan casi el 60% de los personajes que leen los niños. Por lo tanto, deben examinarse sus representaciones de género, incluyendo los prejuicios, el sexismo manifiesto y el sexismo encubierto. En este estudio, examino la representación de género de los personajes no humanos utilizando la lingüística de corpus y el análisis crítico del discurso. Además, utilizo el análisis crítico de la imagen para analizar el género pictórico de los personajes no humanos en 12 libros de texto de dos de las series de libros de texto más utilizados en Estados Unidos para el aprendizaje de idiomas en las escuelas primarias. Los resultados indican una fuerte preferencia por personajes masculinos agresivos y aventureros, ideologías de supremacía masculina y la supresión de la agencia femenina. Palabras clave: LINGÜÍSTICA DE CORPUS, ANÁLISIS CRÍTICO DEL DISCURSO, ANÁLISIS DE LIBROS DE TEXTO, GÉNERO Y LENGUAJE, INGLÉS COMO SEGUNDA LENGUA, ANÁLISIS CRÍTICO DE LA IMAGEN IT L’uguaglianza di genere nell'apprendimento delle lingue è stato oggetto di notevole attenzione nella ricerca su norme scolastiche e sui materiali didattici. La maggior parte degli studi sui testi per l'apprendimento delle lingue si concentra sull'analisi del contenuto dei ruoli e delle immagini dei personaggi con l'esclusione, a volte intenzionale, di personaggi non umani. Tuttavia quasi il 60% dei personaggi nei libri illustrati per bambini è non umano. Pertanto, dovrebbero essere esaminate le rappresentazioni di genere, inclusi pregiudizi, sessismo palese e sessismo nascosto di tali personaggi. In questo studio si esamina la rappresentazione del genere di personaggi non umani usando la linguistica dei corpora e l’analisi critica del discorso. Inoltre, viene utilizzata l'analisi critica delle immagini per discutere la rappresentazione del genere di personaggi non umani all'interno di 12 libri in due delle serie di libri di testo più utilizzate negli Stati Uniti per l'apprendimento delle lingue nelle scuole elementari. I risultati indicano una forte preferenza per personaggi maschili aggressivi e avventurosi, ideologie suprematiste maschili e soppressione dell'agire femminile. Parole chiave: LINGUISTICA DEI CORPORA, ANALISI CRITICA DEL DISCORSO, ANALISI DEI LIBRI DI TESTO, GENERE E LINGUAGGIO, INGLESE COME SECONDA LINGUA, ANALISI CRITICA DELLE IMMAGINI * Amy  Burden,  University  of  Memphis                  amy.k.burden@gmail.com http://www.e-journall.org BURDEN       E-­‐JournALL,  8(1)  (2021),  pp.  53–75  54   1.  Introduction   When  considering  one’s   favorite  childhood  stories,  at   least  one  tale  with  fantastical  characters  may   come  to  mind.  These  characters  permeate  children’s  spaces—amplified,  reinvented,  and  reimagined  through   various   forms  of   technology   in  both  social  and  academic  contexts.  Curriculum  writers  often  choose   literacy   materials  from  published  children’s  literature,  adapting  them  to  fit  the  target  level,  age,  and  teaching  context.   The  resulting  schoolbooks  are  often  relied  upon  not  just  for  content  area  learning,  but  also  for  reinforcing  a   society’s  cultural  values  and  norms,   including  gender  roles  which  can   involve  gender  bias  and  stereotyping   (Witt,   2001).  We   know   that   children’s   interactions  with   books   have   the   potential   for   not   only   gender   role   assimilation,   but   also   for  promoting   social   change   (Capuzza,   2020).  As   such,   it   should   come  as  no   surprise   that  books  used   in  U.S.  English  as  a  second   language  (ESL)  classrooms  as   language   learning  curricula  carry   great  weight,  as  they  are  often  viewed  and  accepted  more  readily  by  the  children  whose  teacher  has  chosen   and  read  these  books  to  them  (Wharton,  2005).   Children’s   literature   and   English   language   learning   literacy   texts   have   historically   limited   the   potential   of   female   agents   (Blumberg,   2015).  However,  most   historical   studies   have   ignored   the   roles   that   non-­‐human   characters   play   in   offering   potential   opportunities   for   male   and   female   agents   and   readers   (Sunderland,  2015).  While  some  scholars  have  examined  gender  in  children’s  literature  or  language  learning   texts,   few   have   employed   systematic   linguistic   analysis   to   study   gendering   of   non-­‐human   characters   in   language  learning  texts.  As  many  language  learning  texts  adapt  full  length  picture  books  or  literature  for  use   in  language  learning,  it  is  imperative  that  we  understand  what  these  fantastical  characters  are  communicating   to   young   language   learners   acquiring   language,   literacy,   and   social   norms   simultaneously   from   these   texts   (Harro,  2000).     In  this  study,  I  engaged  in  the  previously  unnavigated  realms  of  language  learning  material  study  by   examining   the   linguistic   and   visual   gendering   of   non-­‐human   characters   within   12   English   language   development   (ELD)   textbooks   adopted   by   the   two   largest   ELD  markets   in   the   United   States,   the   states   of   California  and  Texas.  Together,  these  markets  represent  2.4  million  young  readers  each  year  (Sanchez,  2017).   I  had  two  research  questions:       1) How  are  gendered  non-­‐humans  represented  discursively?     2) How  are  gendered  non-­‐humans  represented  visually?       To   answer   these   questions,   I   employed   critical   multimodal   linguistic   analysis   through   Critical   Discourse   Analysis   and   visual   analysis.   Critical   multimodal   linguistic   study   is   rare   in   current   empirical   research   of   gender   in   language   learning   materials,   and   the   study   of   non-­‐human   characters   in   linguistic   analyses   are   new   to   this   field.   To   increase   the   validity   of   linguistic   analysis,   I   employed   computational   software   to  analyze   linguistic  phenomena  related   to  non-­‐humans,  a   technique  of   corpus  study   first  used   in   textbook  gender  analysis  by  Yang  (2011).   I  built  my  analysis  and  recommendations  upon  what   is  currently   known  about  gender  representations  of  non-­‐human  characters  in  children’s  materials. 2.  Literature  review   First,   it   is   necessary   to   explain   what   is   meant   by   non-­‐human   characters.   These   are   agents   within   works  of   fiction  and  sometimes  non-­‐fiction   that  are  not  human.  These  are  often  animals  gendered   through   nomenclature,  appearance,  and  personification.  They  are  also  fantastical  characters  like  fairies,  giants,  trolls,   and  other  mythical  creatures.  Included  here  are  gods  and  goddesses,  which  are  part  of  religious  and  folkloric   texts.  These  can  also  be  personified  objects,  such  as  toys  and  other  household  items.  “Non-­‐human  characters”   can  even  include  elements  of  nature  that  are  personified  and  gendered  in  works  of  literature.     2.1.  Gender  and  children’s  fiction   A   genre   that   has   received   considerable   attention   with   regard   to   gender   is   children’s   fiction.   Researchers   have   analyzed   the   stories   themselves   for   thematic   representation,   considered   how   children   receive  and  act  upon  fiction  stories,  as  well  as  studied  how  children  perceive  gender  within  them.  However,   very  little  has  been  done  to  analyze  the   language  of  children’s  fiction.  Instead,  most  research  has  settled  on   content   analyses.   In   contemporary   analysis   of   content,   children’s   literature   has   been   found   to   consistently   stereotype   characters   into   gendered   binaries   and   demonstrate   gender   inequality   between   characters,   ANALYSIS  OF  NON-­‐HUMANS  IN  U.S.  CHILDREN’S  ESL  TEXTBOOKS E-­‐JournALL,  8(1)  (2021),  pp.  53–75   55 content,   and   pictures   (Crisp   &   Hiller,   2011;   Mattix   &   Sobalak,   2014;   McGrabe,   Fairchild,   Graurholz,   Pescosolido,  &  Tope,  2011).  These  works  show  that  there  are  more  male  protagonists  with  more  interesting   activities  than  female  characters  or  non-­‐binary  characters.  Males  are  given  greater  autonomy  and  traits  such   as  bravery.  Females  are   less  often  central   to   the  stories  and  are  more   likely   to  engage   in  maternal   roles  of   understanding,  sympathizing,  and  comforting.  As  Hamilton,  Anderson,  Braudus,  and  Young  (2006)  describe  in   their  study  of  parents  in  children’s  fiction,  females  are  far  more  often  engaged  in  homemaking  activities.   Other   studies   have   confirmed  uptake   of   gendered   stereotypes  when   children   are   repeatedly   given   reading  materials  that  contain  them,  demonstrating  the  profound  roles  children’s  fiction  play  in  the  formation   of  ideologies  on  gender.  One  notable  and  recent  example  is  Hill  and  Jacob’s  (2020)  project  wherein  circle  time   sessions  were  recorded  and  analyzed  while  gender  ambiguous  stories  were  read,  with  explicit  conversations   about   gender.   The   authors   found   that   children   perceived   gender   based   on   adornment,   coloring,   posture,   activities   the   characters   engaged   in,   and   the   names   given   to   them.   This   study   found   that   children   made   similar  comments  regarding  gender  regardless  of  the  human  or  non-­‐human  nature  of  the  characters,  and  they   tended  to  assign  gender  binaries  even  to  ambiguously  drawn  and  ambiguously  described  characters.       2.1.1.  Visual  analysis  in  children’s  fiction     Visual  analyses  of  gender  in  children’s  fiction  have  historically  found  that  visuals  do  support  the  text   in   terms   of   gendering   (Nilsen,   1971,   1977;   Sunderland,   2010).   Thus,   as   Caldecott   winning   books   place   females   within   the   home   through   role   allocation,   images   of   females   are   likewise   in   the   home,   wearing   domestic   clothing   (Sunderland,   2010).   In   particular,   Nilsen   (1977)   remarked   on   the   overuse   of   aprons   in   illustrations   for   female   characters.   In  more   contemporary   studies,   visual   analysis   has   demonstrated  more   egalitarian   attempts   at   character   representation,   with  more   options   for   children’s   picture   books   featuring   gender   ambiguous   characters   or   characters   who   identify   as   LGBTQIA   or   who   are   drawn   as   less   stereotypically  or  traditionally  feminine  or  masculine  (Capuzza,  2020;  Hill  &  Jacobs,  2020).  However,  in  terms   of   frequency   of   visual   occurrence   or   being   alone   in   an   image,   males   experience   far   greater   visual   representation  in  contemporary  children’s  fiction  than  females  (Hamilton  et  al.,  2006;  McGrabe  et  al.,  2011).     2.1.2.  Thematic  analysis  of  non-­‐humans  in  children’s  fiction   Little   work   has   been   done   to   examine   gender   representation,   biases,   or   sexism   within   children’s   literature   focusing   on   non-­‐human   agents.   Even   fewer   studies   have   been   conducted   through   linguistic   analysis.  The  first  work  examining  non-­‐humans  for  gender  representation  within  children’s  literature  was  by   Nilsen   (1971).   Publishers   at   this   time   recommended   authors   write   fewer   books   with   female   protagonists   because  while  girls  would  read  about  male  or  female  protagonists,  boys  would  not  read  about  female  leads.   Teachers  were  requested  to  find  more  books  with  male  protagonists  for  classroom  use  as  well,  to  encourage   boys  and  girls  to  participate.  Nilsen  uses  the  terms  “boys’  books”  to  refer  to  books  with  male  protagonists  and   “girls’  books”  to  refer  to  books  with  female  protagonists.  In  her  study  of  gender  in  Caldecott-­‐winning  picture   books,  she  compared  “boy’s  books”  with  “girl’s  books,”  examining  characters’  activity,  characters’  size  within   illustrations,   and   gendered   themes   about   romance,   domesticity,   and   adventure.   In   these   analyses,   she   examined  non-­‐human  stories  separately  from  human  stories.  She  considered  the  use  of  gendered  pronouns   and  compared  them  to  anthropomorphic  illustrations  and  found  that  even  when  illustrations  did  not  gender   the   character,   the  masculine  pronoun  was  used,   suggesting   that  unless   the   character   is  drawn  with   female   traits   it   is   automatically   male.   She   found   that   male   non-­‐human   characters   were   an   incredibly   common   occurrence   in  children’s  award-­‐winning   literature,  naming  Dr.  Seuss  books   for   their   ratio  of  7   to  1  male   to   female   characters.   She   also   examined   the   personality   traits   of   these   characters   and   found   distinct   stereotypical  attitudes  constructed   for  male  and  female  non-­‐humans.   In  addition  to   identifying   female  non-­‐ humans  in  mothering  roles,  books  portrayed  females  as  fashion  conscious,  sick,  and  lonely.     Bradley   and   Mortimer   (1972)   examined   picture   books   from   the   School   Library   Service’s   recommended   lists   and   found   that   for   anthropomorphized   male   characters,   there   was   greater   activity,   autonomy,   exploration,   bravery,   disobedience,   mastery   of   skills,   and   aggression   than   for   females,   besides   having   a   greater   quantifiable   presence   in   the   stories.   Female   anthropomorphized   characters   displayed   no   autonomous  behavior  and  instead  were  consistently  victims.   In  a  study  by  McGrabe  et  al.   (2011),  an  examination  of  Caldecott  award  winning  books  from  1900-­‐ 2000   demonstrated   minimal   improvement   over   time   in   representation   of   female   non-­‐human   characters.   They   found   that  male   animals   are   central   characters   in   23%   of   books   per   year,   compared   to   female   non-­‐ human  centralization  of  7%.  They  found  that  as  of  1990,  disparity   in  gender  for  animal  characters  was  still   BURDEN       E-­‐JournALL,  8(1)  (2021),  pp.  53–75  56 two  males   to   every  one   female.  They  posited   that   these  disparities  pointed   to   the   symbolic   annihilation  of   women  and  girls  particularly  through  female  animals.     Finally,   Ferguson’s   (2018)   analysis   of   the   top   100   children’s   books   for   2017   saw   that   60%   of   characters  were  non-­‐human  and  73%  of   those  non-­‐human  characters  were  male.  Ferguson  also   found   that   males  were  more   likely   to   be   dangerous   creatures,   such   as   dragons,   bears,   and   tigers,  while   females  were   smaller   and  meeker   such   as   birds,   cats,   and   insects.   From   these   content   analyses,   we   can   glean   that   non-­‐ humans  have  played  a  large  role  in  children’s  literature  for  decades,  and  that  they  are  still  much  more  likely   to  be  male  than  female  or  neuter.       2.1.2.1.  Linguistic  analyses  of  non-­‐humans  in  children’s  fiction   In   2010,   Sunderland   questioned  whether  Nilsen’s   (1977)   assertions   about   gendered   pronouns   for   non-­‐humans  could  still  be  true  and  called  for  up-­‐to-­‐date  research  on  this  topic.  In  fact,  as  of  2012,  Sunderland   claimed   that   most   work   to   date   had   focused   on   content   in   gendered   fiction,   such   as   roles   and   actions   of   protagonists.   She   advocated   for   and   produced   work   that   engages   the   language   of   gendered   fiction   for   analysis—what   the   characters   were   like,   did,   and   said—and   how   this   was   linguistically   presented.   She   advocated  for  linguistic  analysis  which  she  described  as  “looking  closely  at  language  in  a  principled  and  often   systematic  way”  (p.  63).  Samples  of   linguistic  analysis  of  gendered  fiction  include  analysis  of  titles  of  books   for  gender,  character  naming,  male  and  female  pronoun  use,  and  physical  and  emotional  adjectives.  In  even   more   current   work,   Sunderland   (2015)   pushed   for   the   field   to   examine   gender   in   non-­‐human   characters   within  language  textbooks  both  linguistically  and  visually.  This  work  seeks  to  respond  to  her  prompting.   Beyond  Nilsen’s  (1977)  study  of  gendered  pronouns  mentioned  earlier,  Lieberman  (1986)  explored   Hans   Christian   Anderson   fairytales   through   linguistic   focalization,   or   the   construal   of   different   characters’   points  of  view.  He  identified  beauty  as  an  asset  for  fairytale  females  such  as  the  Little  Mermaid.  The  Andersen   version  of  this  tale  uncommonly  provides  her  point  of  view  more  often  than  the  prince.  Through  a  feminist   linguistic  analysis,  the  researcher  examined  how,  for  the  want  of  love,  the  mermaid  sacrificed  her  literal  voice   and  her  necessary  tail  to  be  near  the  prince.       2.1.2.2.  Visual  analyses  of  non-­‐humans  in  children’s  fiction   In  Nilsen’s  (1971)  paper  on  gender  in  Caldecott  winning  picture  books,  she  coined  the  term  “occult  of   the   apron”   to   describe   the   overwhelmingly   female   uniform   for   children’s   literature   books.   She   recounted   images  of  non-­‐human  characters  as  well—mother  alligator,  mother  rabbit,  mother  donkey,  and  mother  cat— all   wearing   aprons.   She   wrote   of   the   need   to   investigate   picture   book   illustrations   because   these   were   promoted  for  children  during  their  most  impressionable  life  stages.  She  blamed  artists  for  many  of  the  issues   surrounding  male-­‐centric   illustrations.  At   that   time,   freelance  artists  were   three   times  as   likely   to  be  male.   Thus,   when   they   illustrated   children’s   literature,   they   drew   from   their   impressions   and   memories   of   childhood  unless  the  text  itself  directed  them  otherwise.     In   their  examination  of  notable  children’s  books   from  1995-­‐1999,  Gooden  and  Gooden  (2001)  also   found   greater   instances   of  male   animals   (116)   over   female   animals   (78)   in   illustrations.   They   argued   that   continued   imbalance   in  gender  representation  and  the  continued  gender  stereotyping  was  harmful   to  male   and  female  readers.  Yabroff  (2016)  noted  that  most  illustrations  in  the  top  100  booklists  from  Scholastic  and   Time  did  not  have  gendered  illustrations  but  relied  on  the  text  to  gender  the  non-­‐human  characters  for  them.   This   linguistic   gendering   where   pictorial   gendering   is   not   present   is   an   important   reason   to   conduct   multimodal   analyses   to   glean   a   thicker   description   of   gender   representations   for   the   most   common   characters  in  children’s  readers.  The  common  framework  for  these  studies  was  content  analysis,  which  relied   on  head   counts   to  determine   stereotyping  and   representation.  However,   counts   alone   should  not  be   solely   relied  upon  to  examine  the   issues  of  non-­‐human  gender  representation  and  the  possible  harmful  effects  on   young  readers.     2.2.  Gender  and  ESL  texts    As  this  project  aims  to  examine  gendering  in  children’s  ESL  texts,  it  is  additionally  necessary  to  focus   on  not  just  children’s  picture  books  but  on  child  and  adult  ESL  texts.  Over  the  last  three  decades,  both  content   and   linguistic   analysis   of   textbooks   for   gender   construction   have   investigated   sexist   language,   female   visibility,  firstness,  and  gender  stereotypes  (Giaschi,  2000;  Hartman  &  Judd,  1978;  Mustapha,  2015;  Porreca,   1984).  Hartman  and  Judd  (1978)  defined  “firstness”  as  “a  subtler  convention  of   language.   .   .   the  ordering  of   ANALYSIS  OF  NON-­‐HUMANS  IN  U.S.  CHILDREN’S  ESL  TEXTBOOKS E-­‐JournALL,  8(1)  (2021),  pp.  53–75   57 sex  pairs  like  male  and  female,  Mr.  and  Mrs.,  brother  and  sister,  husband  and  wife,  which  are  usually  ordered   with  the  male  first,  with  the  single  exception  of  ladies  and  gentlemen”  (p.  390).  These  studies  have  provided   quantitative  and  qualitative  data  on  the  unequal  treatment  of  gender  in  educational  materials.  While  research   regarding   gender   in   American-­‐made   ESL  materials   is   virtually   non-­‐existent,   gender   role   representation   in   English   language  textbooks   in  English  as  a   foreign   language  (EFL)  contexts  outside  of   the  United  States  has   been  studied  more  recently  and  with  greater  depth.  These  studies  demonstrate  a  perpetual  display  of  women   in  more  stereotypically  feminine  professions  and  men  experiencing  a  wider  variety  of  roles  allocated  to  them   within  the  text  (Amerian  &  Esmaili,  2015;  Pakuła,  Pawelczyk,  &  Sunderland,  2015;  Sadeghi  &  Maleki,  2016;   Yaghoubi-­‐Notash  &  Nouri,  2016).  Sadeghi  and  Maleki  (2016)  and  Yaghboubi-­‐Notash  and  Nouri  (2016)  both   employed  Van   Leeuwen’s   approach   to   critical   discourse   analysis   (CDA)  with   an   emphasis   on   social   actors.   Pakuła   et   al.   (2015)   examined   Polish   EFL   textbooks   at   varying   age   levels   and   found   that   women   were   relatively   powerless   next   to   men   within   the   texts.   Women   and   men   had   different   roles,   representing   conventional   and   gendered   stereotypical   role   allocation.   Their   study   was   incredibly   thorough,   examining   both  texts  and  their  consumption.     Linguistic  study  of  textbooks  in  EFL  and  ESL  contexts  has  consistently  revealed  that  women  are  given   secondary   roles   in   classroom   materials   twice   as   often   as   men   (Chankseliani,   Silova,   Palandjian,   Mun,   &   Zholdoshalieva,   2018;   Curaming   &   Curaming,   2020;   Lee,   2014;   Porreca,   1984;   Samadikhah   &   Shahrokhi,   2015).  Through  an  examination  of  linguistic  representation—pronouns,  nouns,  and  other  gendered  grammar   markers,   research   has   consistently   shown  males   in   first   positions   (e.g.,   as   lead   character)   within   learning   materials  at  least  twice  as  often  as  females  (Graham,  1974;  Porreca,  1984;  Samadikhah  &  Shahrokhi,  2015).  In   other   contexts,   however,   EFL   textbooks   have   demonstrated   improvements   in   this   area.   For   instance,   in   Parham’s  (2013)  analysis  of  children’s  EFL  textbooks   in   Iran,  she   found  nearly  equal   linguistic  visibility   for   male  and  female  human  characters.  In  Hong  Kong,  Lee  and  Collins  (2015)  compared  the  same  textbook  series   from  1988  to  its  updated  2005  version  and  found  significant  improvements  in  this  area.       2.2.1.  Visual  analysis  in  ESL  texts   There  are  two  frameworks  that  are  commonly  employed  in  visual  textbook  analysis:  Giaschi’s  Critical   Image   Analysis   (2000)   and   van   Leeuwen’s   Visual   Social   Actor   Network   plus   Representation   and   Viewer   Network   (2008),  where  Visual  Social  Actor  Network  examines  exclusion  and   inclusion,   and  Representation   and   Viewer   Network   examines   distance,   relation,   and   interaction.   Giaschi’s   framework   is   derived   from   Fairclough’s   CDA   and   contains   seven   questions   for   analyzing   gaze,   agency,   and   body   language.   In   van   Leeuwen’s  framework,  analysis  includes  who  is  and  is  not  included,  who  could  have  logically  been  included,   character  agency,  cultural  representations,  and  individual  vs.  group  members  on  display,  as  well  as  relative   distance  between  viewer  and  character  in  image  and  angle  of  gaze.   From  the  current  EFL  context  and  the  historical  ESL  context,  we  see  evidence  of  textbooks  containing   more  male  images,  more  males  at  work,  and  more  male  dominated  images  (Hartman  &  Judd,  1978;  Porreca,   1984;  Yang,  2016).  A  historical  look  at  ESL  texts  from  Porreca  (1984)  noted  that  men  were  displayed  at  work   five   times   as   often   as   women.   In   more   recent   studies,   there   is   movement   towards   equality   in   gender   representation  pictorially  (Lee,  2014;  Samadikhah  &  Shahrokhi,  2015;  Yang,  2016).  Lee’s  (2014)  comparison   of  Hong  Kong  English  textbooks  from  1988-­‐2005  claimed  that  while  there  were  still  significantly  more  men   than  women   in   the   images,   there  were  more  women-­‐only   images,   and  more  women  and  men   represented   equally  in  images  in  the  2005  edition  of  the  text.  Visual  analyses  of  textbooks  produced  for  the  Iranian  school   system   in  Amerian  and  Esmaili’s   (2015)   investigation  of  The  American  Headway  Series   showed  more  male-­‐ only   pictures   and  more  male-­‐dominant   pictures.   Only   24%  of   images   showed   equal   numbers   or  male   and   female   characters.   In   each   of   these   studies,   however,   the   analysis   was   based   on   a   simple   counting   of   characters   to  determine  gender  equity  pictorially.  Dabbagh’s   (2016)  study   in   the   Iranian  EFL  context  more   thoroughly   applied   Van   Leeuwen’s   framework   to   visual   analysis,   examining   gaze,   space,   distance,   body   display,   and   activity   in   addition   to   the   simple   counts   conducted   by   previous   studies.   Dabbagh   found   that   males  were  1.5  times  more  active   in   images,  males   looked  at  the  viewer  more  often  than  females  and  were   framed  in  close  ups  more  often.  Yet,  Dabbagh  found  greater  balance  in  spaces  such  as  work  and  home  images   with  males   and   females,   and   he   found   similarities   in   body   display   such   as   clothing   choice   that   represents   religious  ideologies  regarding  dress.   Giaschi  (2000)  conducted  Critical   Image  Analysis  (CIA)  on  texts   in  the  Eastern  European  and  Asian   contexts.   In   his   2000   study,   he   found   that   women’s   heads   were   often   inclined   towards   a   man.  When   the   woman’s  gaze  was  averted  and  the  man’s  gaze  was  upon  her,  his  facial  and  body  language  showed  physical   BURDEN       E-­‐JournALL,  8(1)  (2021),  pp.  53–75  58 signs  of  tension  or  anger.  Mustapha  (2015)  used  Giaschi’s  framework  to  examine  gender  positioning  through   visual  images  in  ESL  books  in  Nigeria.  He  employed  four  parts  of  the  CIA  framework  to  conduct  his  analysis   and  found  that  males  within  the  Nigerian  ELT  context  were  positioned  visually  as  inherently  superior,  strong,   and  in  control   in  professions,  social  activities,  and  conflicts,  but   inferior   in  the  domestic  domain  to   females.   Females  were  only  viewed  as  superior  in  the  domestic  domain.       2.2.2.  Non-­‐humans  in  ESL  texts   There   are   limited   studies   examining   non-­‐human   gendering   in   language   learning   materials.   Often,   non-­‐humans   are   explicitly   removed   from   analysis   in   language   learning  materials,   despite   their   prevalence   and   importance   to   child   learning   (Curaming   &   Curaming,   2020;   Parham,   2013).   In   Bhattacharya’s   (2017)   small-­‐scale  study  of  Indian  English  language  learning  textbooks,  using  content  and  linguistic  analysis,  just  one   section   was   given   to   non-­‐human   gendered   characters.   In   this   section,   Bhattacharya   found   that   masculine   pronouns   gendered   otherwise   neutral   characters.   She   brought   attention   to   the   fact   that   in   Hindi,   several   animal   names   are   feminine,   but   the   English   descriptions   of   them   used   masculine   pronouns.   She   also   described   how   the   use   of   metaphors   positioned   male   non-­‐human   characters   as   powerful,   strong,   and   aggressive.  Similarly,  in  an  analysis  of  early-­‐literacy  textbooks  in  Kazakhstan  and  Kyrgyzstan,  Chankseliani  et   al.  (2018)  found  that  animals  and  insects  were  humanized  to  promote  ideologies  of  ethicized  and  gendered   moral   education.   A   study   of   the   language   showed   foxes   to   be   predominantly   female   through   naming   and   pronoun  use,  and  to  be  described  as  sly  and  dishonest,  whereas  bears  and  wolves  were  male  and  “less  smart.”     Just   a   few   studies   of   non-­‐humans   in  ESL  materials   have   examined   images.   In  Yang’s   (2016)   visual   analysis  of  Hong  Kong  primary  English   language  texts,   the  author  determined  that  non-­‐human  characters  –   while   not   gendered   in   the   same  ways   as   humans,  were   still   gendered   and   often   in   exaggerated  ways.   The   study  noted  clothing  and  accessories  such  as  handbags  to  ensure  readers  understood  the  gender  of  the  non-­‐ human   character.   The   study   of   Kazakhstan   and   Kyrgyzstani   early   literacy   books   described   above   (Chankseliani  et  al.,  2018)  found  that  anthropomorphism  of  insects  and  animals  also  translated  to  images  that   were   gendered   stereotypically.   Bears,   bees,   and   other   animals   wore   traditional   clothing   and   exemplified   gendered   stereotypes   of   women   and   men   in   their   societies   to   reinforce   heteronormative   and   nationalist   ideologies  of  “normalness”  of  gendered  and  ethnic  divisions.     3.  Rationale  for  current  study   In   a   given  year,   in  well-­‐known  collections  of   children’s   literature   (e.g.,   Caldecott  winners,  Top  100   Booklist,  etc.),  between  27%  and  60%  of  children’s  books  contain  non-­‐human  characters  (Sunderland,  2010).   Using   images   of   non-­‐humans   for  marketing  purposes   is   a   proven   strategy   that   demonstrates   the  power   of   non-­‐human  characters  over  the  child  as  consumer  (Karpyn  et  al.,  2017;  Veer,  2013).  Harju  and  Rouse  (2018)   describe  books  with  non-­‐human  characters  as  “featur[ing]  anthropomorphized  protagonists  who  stand  in  for   human  characters,  imparting  moral  and  social  codes  through  their  attributes  and  actions”  (p.  456).  This  is  not   only  true  for  original,  non-­‐paraphrased,  or  adapted  works  sold  in  bookstores;  classroom  texts  featuring  non-­‐ human  characters  are  also  shown   to   teach   lessons  about  morality  and  social  norms.  And,  while  children   in   classrooms  are  socialized  to  trust  their  teachers  and  therefore  to  believe  what  their  teachers  share  with  them   through  the  curriculum,  English  Language  Learners  are  even  more  prone  to  take  up  the  social  codes  within   the  narratives  of  non-­‐humans,  as  they  are  simultaneously  acquiring  language,   literacy,  content,  and  cultural   norms.   With   the   prevalence   and   relative   importance   non-­‐humans   play   in   conveying   what   is   valued   to   children,   it   is   surprising   that,   in   2021,   no   greater   depth   of   work   has   been   conducted   into  what  messages   about  gender  roles  and  ideology  are  being  conveyed  and  potentially  taken  up  by  this  more  vulnerable  group   of  children  in  U.S.  public  schools.  Thus,  this  study  seeks  to  better  understand  the  way  language  and  images  of   non-­‐human   characters   portray   gender   roles   and   ideologies   in   English   language   learning   textbooks.   Implications   of   this   research   will   affect   how   educators   both   choose   the   best   reading   passages   for   their   language   learning   students,   but   also   how   they   might   use   texts   to   open   discussions   to   promote   efforts   of   critical  literacy  in  language  learning.       4.  Methods   4.1.  Data     While  many  nations  publish  curriculum  on  a  national  level,  in  the  United  States,  states  decide  on  the   textbooks  used   in   the   classroom.  As  Texas   and  California   have   the  highest   student   populations,   publishers   ANALYSIS  OF  NON-­‐HUMANS  IN  U.S.  CHILDREN’S  ESL  TEXTBOOKS E-­‐JournALL,  8(1)  (2021),  pp.  53–75   59 often   write   curriculum   with   these   two   contexts   in   mind,   or   in   collaboration   with   these   two   boards   of   education   (BOEs).  Books   created   for  Texas   and  California   educational   contexts   are   then  marketed   to  other   states  as  well.  Therefore,  Texas  and  California’s  BOEs  often  make  curricular  choices  that  affect  the  books  read   across  the  United  States.  In  other  words,  two  large  educational  governing  bodies  with  their  own  political  and   ideological  motivations  tell  publishers  what  they  would  like  to  see  and  read,  and  those  books  are  published   nationwide  (Blumberg,  2015).  For  this  reason,  I  examined  12  textbooks  from  two  series  published  by  Rigby,  a   Houghton  Mifflin  company,  and  Benchmark  Education  Company  for  the  Texas  and  California  ESL  classrooms,   examining  gender  representation  and  positioning  linguistically  and  pictorially  through  systematic  analysis.   The   first   series,   California   Benchmark   Advance:   Texts   for   English   Language   Development,   is   a   Benchmark  Education  textbook  series  printed  in  2018  and  currently  adopted  by  California’s  public  schools,   the   largest   school   system   in   the   United   States   for   English   language   learners.   This   text   is   also  printed   and   distributed  to  schools  nationwide  without  the  California  Standards  for  Language  Learning.  The  second  series,   On  Our  Way   to  English:  Texas,  was  printed  by  Houghton  Mifflin  Company   in  2014  and   is   currently  adopted   through  2022  by  Texas,  the  state  with  the  second  largest  population  of  English  language  learners  nationally.   This  series   is  also  printed  nationally  and   is  currently  adopted   in   its  national   form  in  Louisiana  and  Florida.   These  texts  are  designed  to  meet  learners  of  various  ages  and  proficiency  levels  and  considers  kindergarten   to  be  the  first  or  beginner  year  of  English  for  most  language  learning  pupils.  Thus,  as  the  texts  progress  from   kindergarten  through  fifth  grade,   the  pupils  are  progressing   in  grade   level  and  proficiency   level,  placing  5th   grade  students  at  an  advanced   level  of  English   language  proficiency   in   reading  with  scaffolded  writing  and   speaking   activities.   I   examined   6   books   in   each   series   from  kindergarten   through   5th   grade.   As   these   texts   contained  exercises,  quizzes,  vocabulary,  and  grammar  explanations   in  addition  to  reading,   I  chose  to   focus   only  on  readings  that  gave  explicit  instructions  to  learners  to  produce  language.  While  reading  in  general  in   the   second   language   is   beneficial   for   acquisition,   I   am   concerned   with   readings   that   contained   both   instructions   for   production   and   references   to   gender,   because   I   wanted   to   focus   on   the   students’   opportunities   for   engagement   with   the   readings   that   reference   gender.   For   each   series,   optional   supplementary   materials   exist,   but   there   are   no   instructions   or   references   to   these   supplements   in   the   principal  textbooks,  and  they  are  sold  separately  from  the  textbook  series.     4.2.  Corpus  linguistics    To  examine  these  texts  through  systematic  linguistic  modes  of  inquiry,  I  employed  corpus  linguistics   to  gather  and  analyze   the  data  within   the  12  books  using  a  sample  corpus  approach  (Leech,  2007).  Corpus   linguistics  is  defined  as  procedures  for  analyzing  some  set  of  machine-­‐readable  texts  deemed  appropriate  to   study  a  set  of  research  questions.  The  set  of  texts  is  called  the  corpus  and  is  usually  too  large  to  rely  on  hand   and   eyes   alone   (McEnery   &   Hardie,   2012).   I   specifically   employed   ANTCONC   as   a   computational   tool   for   organizing   and   managing   my   data   (Anthony,   2019).   This   allowed   me   to   have   more   accurate   quantitative   analysis  of  linguistic  features  of  the  texts.  Yang’s  (2011)  study  used  concordancing  techniques  similar  to  the   methodology  of  the  current  study,  examining  collocations  of  he/she,  man/women/woman  boy/s,  girl/s  in  a   series  of  primary  textbooks,  but  Yang’s  study  was  limited  by  the  small  size  of  her  corpus  (14,340  words)  and   by  her  restriction  to  collocation.  This  study  is  based  on  a  much  larger  corpus—Benchmark  Advance  contains  a   corpus  of  44,757  words,  and  On  Our  Way  to  English  contains  a  corpus  of  18,039  words—and  includes  a  wider   range  of  gender-­‐concerned  features  and  is  as  such  more  on  par  with  more  recent  corpus  studies  such  as  Lee   and  Collin’s  (2016)  corpus  study  of  29,216  words.     All   the   texts  were  entered  electronically  and   then  edited  manually.   I   first  annotated   the  corpus   for   linguistic   references   to   gender,   then   performed   collocational   and   concordance   analyses   on   these   readings.   Specifically,   I   annotated   all   gendered   nouns:   proper   names;   terms   like   “man/en,”   “woman/en,”   “girl/s,”   “boy/s;”   familial   terms   denoting   gender   such   as   “aunt,”   “uncle,”   “brother,”   “sister,”   “husband,”   “wife,”   “nephew,”  “niece,”  “son,”  “daughter,”  “mother,”  “father,”  “grandmother,”  “grandfather;”  and  their  derivatives,   both   in   English   and   Spanish   (such   as   “abuelo”   and   “abuela”).   Next,   I   annotated   all   mentions   of   gendered   pronouns:  “he,”  “him,”  “she,”  “her/s,”  “his”  and  their  derivatives,  such  as  versions  ending  in  the  suffix  “-­‐self.”  I   considered   and   annotated   linguistic   stereotyped   words,   such   as   “master”   and   the   “–man/en”   and   “-­‐ess”   suffixes.   Then,   I   annotated   address   titles   that   refer   to   gender,   such   “Mrs.,”   “Ms.,”   and   “Mr.,”   in   addition   to   “Mister”  and  “Miss.”  From  these  annotations,  I  then  labelled  collocated  adjectives.  Next,  I  labelled  verbs  that   collocated  with  “she”  and  “he,”  as  these  are  the  most  frequently  occurring  representations  of  male  and  female   agents  within  the  texts.  I  used  the  clusters  tool  to  identify  the  verbs  within  five  words  to  the  left  and  right  as  a   means  of  identifying  the  kinds  of  activities  associated  with  males  and  females,  following  the  example  of  Lee   BURDEN       E-­‐JournALL,  8(1)  (2021),  pp.  53–75  60 and   Collins   (2015).   I   additionally   annotated   the   readings   to   denote   genre   and   human   or   non-­‐human.   To   analyze  gender  representation  in  the  series,  I  used  frequency  counts  and  collocational  analysis.  The  Word  List   tool  was  used  to  configure  token  versus  types  of  words  in  each  series.  The  collocate  tool  was  used  to  examine   the  verbs  associated  with  male  and  female  agents,  and  the  concordance  tool  elicited  frequencies  of  individual   words  and  phrases  in  a  KWIC  (Key  Word  in  Context)  format,  which  shows  collocates  of  the  word  chosen  and   identifies  common  phrases.     4.3.  Critical  discourse  analysis   Following   data   collection   through   ANTCONC,   I   chose   Fairclough’s   framework   for   CDA.   CDA   is   a   derivative   of   critical   theory,   which   is   any   theory   concerned  with   the   critique   of   ideology   and   domination.   Fairclough’s  approach   to  CDA  reflects  an  examination  of   the  power  behind  discourse,  not   just   the  power   in   discourse.  There  are  two  main  assumptions  of  CDA:  language  is  a  social  event  that  is  related  to  the  speaker’s   selection   of   vocabulary   and   grammar   that   is   “principled   and   systematic”   (Fowler,   Hodge,   Kress,   &   Trew,   1979),  and  the  purpose  of  CDA  is  to  make  clear  the  opaque  linguistic  elements  that  lead  to  or  protect  unequal   distributions  of  power   (Wodak  &  Meyer,  2001)   to  ultimately   change   the  existing   social   reality   (Fairclough,   2015).     My  study  relied  on  two  stages  of  CDA  known  as  description  and  interpretation.  Description  entails  a   linguistic  uncovering  of  the  text  and  regards  the  grammar  and  vocabulary  present  as  choices  from  among  the   options  available  depending  on  the  genre.  To  interpret  the  features  of  the  text,  it  is  important  to  realize  what   other  ways  meaning  could  have  been  made  morphologically  or  grammatically.  Interpretations  are  generated   by  what   is   in   the   text   (description)   and  what   is   “in”   the   interpreter   in   addition   to   the   sometime   religious,   sociopolitical,   and   historical   powers   of   the   society   in   which   the   discourse   is   being   produced   (Fairclough,   2015).       4.4.  Visual  analysis   Many  previous  studies  that   included  visual  analysis  relied  on  frameworks  for  analyzing  people  and   therefore   had   to   eliminate   non-­‐humans   from   their   investigations   (Curaming   &   Curaming,   2020;   Parham,   2013).  Those  that  have  attempted  to  analyze  non-­‐humans  in  the  same  way  they  analyzed  humans  have  found   that  these  methods  fall  short  (Hill  &  Jacobs,  2020;  Yang,  2016).  However,  when  studies  relied  on  principles  of   gendered  anthropomorphism  as  an  art  sub-­‐genre,  their  analyses  were  more  relevant  in  their  findings  relative   to   their   context   (Chankseliani   et   al.,   2018;   Nilsen,   1971,   1977;   Perea,   2018;   Yarbrough,   2011).   Cibos   and   Hodges  (2009)  categorized  the  key  elements  necessary  to  achieve  gendered  anthropomorphism  as  anatomy,   rhythm,  mass,  facial  features,  and  functional  details.  Anatomy  entails  making  curvier  lines  for  female  bodies   and   sharper   lines   for  male   bodies.   Rhythm   refers   to   the   consistent   exaggeration   needed   for   those   lines   to   ensure  viewers  understand  the  maleness  and  femaleness  of  the  characters,  such  as  rounded  bellies  on  male   bears  and  elongated  torsos,  fingers,  and  toes  on  females.  Mass  refers  to  the  exaggeration  of  weight  needed  to   mimic  both  animal  size  and  gender:  greater  weight  for  bears  in  general,  but  even  more  so  for  male  bears  than   for  females.  Facial  features  commonly  exaggerated  to  denote  male  vs.  female  are  lips,  fuller  for  females  than   for   males.   Functional   details   refer   to   coloring   and   patterns,   clothing,   and   accessories   with   suggestions   to   remove  decorative  items  like  bracelets,  earrings,  and  skirts  from  male  animals.  Thus,  after  cataloguing  each   image  within  NVIVO  and  annotating  it  for  traits  of  gendered  anthropomorphism,  following  Cibos  and  Hodges   series   of   drawing   manuals   beginning   in   2009,   I   noted   that   with   non-­‐human   characters,   clothing,   facial   features,  coloring,  and  mass/size  were  the  most  frequently  conveyed  visual  markers  for  gender  within  these   two   series.   Earlier   studies   of   non-­‐humans   in   children’s   books   and   learning   materials   concluded   that   gendering   most   often   happens   through   coloring,   clothing,   physical   features,   and   postures   (Burke   &   Copenhaver,  2004;  Hill  &  Jacobs,  2020;  Perea,  2018;  Yang,  2016).  I  first  annotated  images  based  on  whether   the   character   was   an   animal   or   a   mythical   creature   and   whether   it   was   gendered   pictorially   and/or   linguistically  as  male  or  female.  If  an  image  contained  no  visible  gendering  (i.e.,  it  was  drawn  as  anatomically   accurate  for  the  kind  of  animal  it  represented),  I  eliminated  it  from  my  visual  analysis.  I  then  gave  each  image   a  mark  for  containing  one  of  the  traits  of  gendered  anthropomorphism,  such  as  facial  features  that  gender  the   character,  clothing/adornment,  coloring,  and  size.         ANALYSIS  OF  NON-­‐HUMANS  IN  U.S.  CHILDREN’S  ESL  TEXTBOOKS E-­‐JournALL,  8(1)  (2021),  pp.  53–75   61 5.  Findings   5.1.  Description  phase  of  linguistic  analysis   Through  repeated  close  readings  of  both  series,  which  I  will  refer  to  as  Benchmark  (California)  and   OOWTE   (Texas),   I   catalogued   types,   token   appearances,   gender,   and   non-­‐human   form   of   characters   (e.g.,   robot,  dwarf),  as  well  as  short  descriptions  and  linguistic  references  and  page  numbers  for  each  occurrence.  I   then   compiled   a   table   to   demonstrate   the   linguistic   gendering   of   non-­‐human   characters   by   both   series   in   Table  1.  Table  1  also  shows  that  Benchmark  had   far  more  stories  and  poems  about  animals  and  other  non-­‐ human  characters  than  did  OOWTE,  which  predominantly  featured  human  stories.     Table 1 Gender of non-human characters by series Gender Benchmark OOWTE Male 88 15 Female 28 5 Non-gendered 3 0   5.1.1.  Nouns  and  pronouns   Linguistic  gendering  in  these  texts  was  predominantly  demonstrated  using  pronouns.  Sometimes,  the   names   of   the   characters   were   helpful   in   determining   gender,   as   with   the   fairy   Tinkerbell   in   a   Peter   Pan   retelling  in  Benchmark  Advance.  I  did  not  rely  solely  on  proper  nouns  for  linguistic  gendering  but  looked  for   pronouns  to  confirm.     The  ratio  of  male  to  female  non-­‐human  characters  was  quite  high  in  Benchmark  at  3.14  to  1.  OOWTE   had  fewer  non-­‐human  characters  but  shared  a  similar  ratio  of  3:1  male  to  female.  These  findings  are  nearly   double  those  of  Gooden  and  Gooden  (2001)  who  examined  Caldecott  and  other  notable  picture  books  from   1995-­‐1999  and  found  a  ratio  of  1.5:1,  but  on  par  with  Ferguson’s  (2018)  study  of  children’s  picture  books  at   2.4:1  suggesting  that  these  textbooks  are  moving  in  the  same  direction  as  current  children’s  picture  books— more  male  centric—for  non-­‐human  gender  representation.     I  also  examined  character  types  and  found  that  male  non-­‐humans  were  more  likely  to  be  large  than   were  female  non-­‐humans  and  more  likely  to  be  aggressive  creatures  such  as  bears  and  lions.  These  findings   are  represented  in  Figure  1  for  the  Benchmark  series.  I  did  not  present  a  chart  for  OOWTE  as  it  was  almost   completely  small  animals  for  males  and  females.     Figure 1. Non-Human Gendering by Size - Benchmark   There  were  characters  in  each  series  that  were  only  male,  such  as  dogs  and  badgers.  There  was  just   one  occurrence  total   in  both  series  of  a  fox  being  female.  Non-­‐human  females  in  each  book  were  frequently   Small   Female,   20,  18%   Small   Male,  50,   46%   Large   Male,  29,   27%   Large   Female,   10,  9%   BURDEN       E-­‐JournALL,  8(1)  (2021),  pp.  53–75  62 quite  small  such  as  ladybugs,  snails,  beans,  beetles,  ants,  birds,  and  fairies.  However,  there  were  female  cows,   a   giraffe,   a   dragon,   and   a   giant  within   the   two   series.   There   are   also   a   few   small  male   animals,   such   as   a   mosquito,  a  gnat,  and  a  crawfish,  although  these  small  males  each  accomplished  something  huge  using  their   size  to  their  advantage.  For  example,  the  mosquito  was  blamed  for  a  never-­‐ending  night  in  an  African  folktale   (Benchmark,  Grade  1  Unit  6),  and  the  gnat  boasted  about  taking  down  the  King  of  Beasts  in  the  retelling  of  the   Aesop  tale  (Benchmark,  Grade  4  Unit  2).  Overall,  there  were  both  more  tokens  and  more  types  of  male  non-­‐ humans  than  female  non-­‐humans  (2:1)  in  both  Benchmark  and  OOWTE,  as  shown  in  Figure  2.       Figure 2. Non-Human Character Types   5.1.2.  Adjectives   Through   an   examination   of   adjectives,   males   were   frequently   described   by   character   traits   that   emphasized  intelligence,  such  as  “clever,”  “cunning,”  “intelligent,”  and  “crafty”  as  in  “Crafty  Fox”  (Benchmark   Grade   1   Unit   4   and   Grade   3   Unit   6),   “Clever   Raven”   (Benchmark   Grade   5   Unit   8),   and   “Wise   Friend   Fox”   (Benchmark  Grade  2  Unit  6).  The  adjective  “little”  is  used  only  for  females.     In  OOWTE,  females  are  often  characterized  as  less  intelligent  than  males  as  in  “Fox  and  Crow”  where   the  male  fox  flatters  the  crow  through  compliments  of  her  beauty.  She  sings  for  him,  dropping  her  cheese  to   do  so.  He  then  pokes  fun  at  her  before  taking  the  cheese  and  running  away.       1)     Between  bites  of  the  cheese,  the  grinning  fox  said,  “You  have  a  voice,  madam,  I  see,  but  what  you   want  is  wits.”  (OOWTE  Kindergarten).     Another  example  is  a  female  cow  in  Benchmark  Grade  1  who  “knew  not  how”  to  thank  the  farmer  boy   for  getting  her  home.     Females  are  also  characterized  as  being  slow  in  contrast  to  their  faster  male  characters.  An  example   of  this  is  of  Kate  the  Country  Mouse  in  “City  Mouse  Country  Mouse”  (Benchmark  Grade  1)  where  Kate’s  slow   quiet  life  is  too  boring  for  Clyde,  the  City  Mouse.  Kate  does  not  like  the  speed  at  which  life  moves  in  the  city   and  returns  home,  happy  to  be  in  the  quiet  countryside.      When   females   are   able   to   accomplish   something,   this   often   surprises   the   male   characters   as   in   “Tortoise  and  the  Hare”  (Benchmark  Kindergarten),  “How  the  Beetle  Got  Her  Coat”  (Benchmark  Grade  2),  and   Snail  in  “How  Water  Came  to  Dry  Lands”  (OOWTE  Grade  4).  In  each  of  these  stories,  the  female  is  described  in   ways  that  emphasize  her  slowness.  Tortoise  is  described  as:     2)     …plodded  along,  slowly  putting  one  foot  in  front  of  the  other  as  tortoises  do.  "I  may  be  slow,"  said   Tortoise,  "but  I  always  try  hard  to  do  my  best.       The  Beetle  has  this  description:       3)     “The  beetle  crawls  so  slowly,”  he  thought.  “She  can't  possibly  win!’”     Snail  has  several  adjectives  to  describe  the  intensity  of  her  slowness:       Male Types, 11 Male Types, 47 Female Types, 5 Female Types, 23 0 10 20 30 40 50 OOWTE Benchmark ANALYSIS  OF  NON-­‐HUMANS  IN  U.S.  CHILDREN’S  ESL  TEXTBOOKS E-­‐JournALL,  8(1)  (2021),  pp.  53–75   63 4)     Snail  was  small  and  slow.   5)       The  people  watched  as  Snail  went  slowly  to  the  ocean.  Some  shook  their  heads  and  said,  "She's  so   small,  and  the  bottle  is  so  big!”     6)     When  Snail  finally  returned,  everyone  was  asleep.  Slowly,  the  exhausted  Snail  climbed  the  hill  to   her  home.  She  was  so  tired  that  she  dragged  the  water  bottle  on  the  ground.     In   each   of   these   tales,   the   female   must   overcome   the   obstacle   of   slowness   with   some   other   characteristic  she  possesses:  the  Tortoise  and  the  Snail  are  both  determined;  the  Beetle  can  fly.       5.2.  Interpretation  phase  of  linguistic  analysis   5.2.1.  Males  supreme  vs.  females  demeaned   These  stories  perpetuate  gender  stereotypes   that   females  are   the  weaker,   fairer  sex  as  well  as   less   intelligent  than  males.  This  has  been  a  trope  for  centuries  and  promotes  consumeristic  ideologies  of  male  and   female  worth  based  on  physical  features.  Magazines  often  push  airbrushed  versions  of  super-­‐sized  males  and   wafer-­‐thin  females  onto  consumers  as  “real”  beauty,  thus  encouraging  the  sales  of  products  that  promise  this   beauty   to   the   consumer   (Talbot,   2010).   Females  who   appear   helpless   and   in   need   of   rescue   are   a   familiar   trope   of   femininity   as   espoused   by   Jhally   (2010)   in   his   documentary   on   gender   in   advertising,   Codes   of   Gender.   Jhally  demonstrated  how  masculinity   is   constructed   through   large  males   centering   themselves  and   directing   their  gaze  at   the  camera,  whereas   femininity  was  constructed   through  wafer   thin   females  placing   themselves   off-­‐balance   through   postures   of   brokenness,   or   through   facial   features   that   denote   uncertainty   such   as   biting   the   lip   or   laughing   hysterically   with   face   upturned.   These   images   construct   the   tropes   of   masculinity   and   femininity   that   sell   products   and   promote   hegemonic  masculinity   as   a   social   norm.   These   descriptions  of  masculine  and  feminine  non-­‐humans  act  in  a  similar  nature,  emphasizing  what  hegemonic  and   indeed  toxic  masculinity  supports  in  male  and  female  physique  and  behavior.  An  additional  note  to  remember   about  these  images  is  that  they  were  drawn  for  these  textbooks,  not  taken  from  the  original  sources  such  as   Aesop’s  Tales.  These  images  were  drawn  in  the  21st  Century  for  texts  published  in  2014  and  2018.  So,  while   words  may   reflect   older   ideologies   or   ideologies   from   other   cultures,   the   illustrators   had   options   to   draw   characters   anatomically   correct   and   to   avoid   these   linkages.   While   the   exact   consumeristic   ideologies   expressed  here  have  not  been  reported  in  EFL  contexts,  Chankseliani  et  al.  (2018)  claimed  that  non-­‐humans   emphasized  ideologies  of  nationhood  and  traditional  femininity  for  the  Kazakhi  context.  Therefore,  it  appears   that,  as  the  U.S.  is  a  highly  consumeristic  society,  the  ideologies  emphasized  by  these  non-­‐humans  are  in  line   with  priorities  of  the  capitalist  government  in  which  the  texts  are  created.     Additionally,   adjectives   that   consistently   place  male   non-­‐humans   as   intelligent   by   nature   continue   the  stereotype  that  male=smart  and  promote  a  dangerous  binary  that  “others”  females  or  discourages  female   readers   from   pursuing   traditionally  male   enterprises.   Power   is   then   granted  when   discourses   present   the   dominant   forms  as   the  default   and  other  more  diverse   forms  as   “other”   (Talbot,   2010).  Demeaning   female   characters   through   adjectives   of   diminutive   size   and   intellect   are   part   of   a   traditional   male   supremacist   ideology  linking  masculinity  with  achievement  and  femininity  with  physical  appearance.  Interestingly,  in  the   Kazakhi  context,  while  females  were  also  seen  as  small  and  males  as  large,  adjectives  tended  to  paint  females   as  sly  and  dishonest  and  males  as  unintelligent  (Chankseliani  et  al.,  2018).  In  each  example  above,  it  was  the   appearance  of  the  female  that  had  to  be  overcome  in  order  for  her  to  achieve,  whereas  the  male  appearance   was   not   questioned   but   instead  was   assumed   normative.   Tortoise,   Beetle,   and   Snail   all   verbally   agreed   to   complete  the  physical  challenges  they  undertook  but  were  questioned  and  undermined  through  descriptions   that  depicted   them  as   incapable,   despite  what   they   claimed   to  be   able   to  do.   Ignoring   the   voices  of   female   agents  and   instead   focusing  on   their  physical  or  perceived  mental   flaws  has  damaging  effects  on  society  as   evidenced  by  recent  studies  demonstrating  children  as  early  as  age  six  have  taken  up  the  stereotype  that  boys   are   smarter   than   girls   and   defer   to   them   in   classroom   situations   (Bian,   Leslie,   &   Cimpian,   2017).   This   is,   however,  an  unfortunate  and  pervasive  issue  in  the  United  States  called  “mansplaining”  by  popular  culture,  in   which  a  woman’s   voice   is   ignored   in   favor  of   a  male  who   takes  over,   explaining,   typically   to   a   female,   in   a   condescending   or   patronizing  manner.   These   examples   qualify   as   “mansplaining”   as   the   female   voices   are   ignored,   and  male   voices   explain   to   them   using   demeaning   language  why   they   cannot   complete   the   tasks   they’ve  agreed  to  (Conner,  McCauliff,  Shue,  &  Stamp,  2018).     BURDEN       E-­‐JournALL,  8(1)  (2021),  pp.  53–75  64 5.2.2.  Foregrounded  males  vs.  backgrounded  females   There  were  multiple  instances  in  these  series  where  the  female  was  backgrounded  through  linguistic   suppression   or   linguistic   backgrounding,   which   is   similar   to   findings   from   Samadikhah   and   Shahrokhi’s   (2015)  study  of  two  EFL  series.  One  example  of  female  backgrounding  is  in  the  folktale  “How  Water  Came  to   Dry  Lands.”  Here,  there  are  two  named  female  characters,  Blue  Bird  Woman  and  Snail.  Blue  Bird  Woman  has   one  job  in  the  story,  telling  Chief  Deer  Man  what  she  has  heard  from  the  townspeople.  He  takes  it  from  there   and  the  story  continues  and  finishes  without  her.  While  Blue  Bird  Woman  is  one  character  type,  she  is  only   referenced  twice  in  the  tale,  and  her  presence  is  backgrounded  through  passive  verbs  and  fewer  descriptors.   She  had   the  ear  of   the  people  and  could  have  played  a   larger  role   than  what  she  was  given.   In   fact,  when   I   searched   for   the   origins   of   this  Navajo   tale,   I   found   a  much   stronger   female   presence   for   this   character   in   published  folklore.  In  the  retelling  by  Geri  Keams  (1998),  the  character  in  charge  was  named  “First  Woman”.   There  was  no  Deer  Man  who  took  over  when  Blue  Bird  Woman  found  out  the  townspeople  were  grumbling   about  water.   In   fact,   the   only   Blue   Bird  Woman   I   found   in   Native   American   folklore  was  married   to   High   Horse.   She   was   a   princess   in   Lakota   mythology   (Schell   &   Woldstad,   2012).   This   suggests   an   unfortunate   homogenization   of   indigenous   peoples   by   the   writer   of   this   piece,   in   addition   to   the   unnecessary   steps   OOWTE   took   to   background   the   original   female   protagonist   in   its   retelling.   Thompson   (1990)   calls   this   “concealing,”   which   is   when   a   text   disguises   or   hides   the   working   of   power   through   hiding   some   of   the   information  and   telling  only  half-­‐truths.   In   the  Lakota  myth   told  by  Schell   and  Woldstad   (2012),  Blue  Bird   Woman  has  significantly  more  power  than  she  is  allocated  in  the  OOWTE  textbook.  Additionally,  in  the  Keams   retelling  (1998),  First  Woman  is  the  chief  and  Snail  is  called  “Snail  Girl,”  and  her  image  is  quite  magnificently   drawn  (see  Figure  3  for  comparison  between  the  OOWTE  image  and  the  image  in  Keams  [1998]).  However,  in   the  OOWTE  retelling,  her  gender  is  only  obtained  through  pronouns  that  are  used  to  describe  her.  Finally,  the   titles   are   quite   different.   In   the   OOWTE   title   “How  Water   Came   to  Dry   Lands”,   the   passive   voice   is   used— “water  came.”  This  acts   to  suppress   the  actions  of  Snail  who   is   the  one  responsible   for  bringing  water.  The   retelling   by   Keams   is   titled   “Snail   Girl   Brings   Water,”   which   puts   the   female   protagonist   in   first   position   within  the  title  and  gives  the  title  active  voice,  with  Snail  Girl  taking  the  action  upon  the  water.         Figure 3. “Snail” (OOWTE) vs. “Snail Girl” (Keams, 1998) Within   Benchmark’s   Grade   2   Unit   2,   the   folktale,   “Rough-­‐Faced   Girl”   propels   a   non-­‐human   male,   warrior   named   Invisible   One,   to   the   foreground,   which   conflicts   with   other   retellings.   Through   a   hasty   promise  from  an  invisible  yet  still  somehow  handsome  warrior,   Invisible  One,  that  whoever  can  see  him  he   will  marry,  a  man’s  rough-­‐faced  daughter  makes  an  unlikely  match.  In  the  textbook  retelling,  the  father  and   the  Invisible  One  negotiate  the  marriage  agreement,  and  Rough-­‐Faced  Girl  does  not  speak.  Not  only  does  her   value  come  from  her  appearance  and  her  marriage,  but  this  story  also  removes  the  female  character’s  agency   and  choice  by  excluding  her  voice  in  the  marriage  arrangement.  It  is  assumed  that  the  female  character  will   be  better  off  married  to  the  handsome  invisible  being,  and  that  she  needs  no  say  in  the  matter.  These  stories   continue  to  reflect  a  sexist  and  patriarchal  ideology  through  the  hidden  curriculum,  which  links  achievement   to  masculinity  and  physical  appearance  to  femininity.     ANALYSIS  OF  NON-­‐HUMANS  IN  U.S.  CHILDREN’S  ESL  TEXTBOOKS E-­‐JournALL,  8(1)  (2021),  pp.  53–75   65 I  discovered  the  origins  of  “Rough-­‐Faced  Girl”  and  realized  the  depth  at  which  this  tale  was  altered  by   the  writers  of  this  series.  Rafe  Martin,  an  award-­‐winning  storyteller  who  has  been  a  keynote  speaker  at  myth,   folklore,   and   storytelling   conferences   internationally   wrote   Rough-­‐Faced   Girl   from   his   studies   of   the   Algonquin  peoples  and  their  story  of  the  female  mystic  on  the  shores  of  Lake  Ontario  (Martin,  2011).  In  his   telling,  the  focus  is  on  Rough  Faced  Girl’s   inner  character,  not  her  appearance,  with  little  space  given  to  the   Invisible  One.  It  was  she  who  sought  the  marriage  alliance  with  the  warrior,  not  her  father,  showing  agency   and  choice  for  the  female  protagonist.  It  was  also  the  Invisible  One’s  sister  who  negotiated  the  marriage,  not   the   Invisible  One  himself,   further  demonstrating  how   the   textbook  version  chose   to  propel   the  non-­‐human   male  into  the  foreground.  In  fact,  Sister  and  Rough-­‐Faced  Girl  have  far  more  lines  than  Invisible  One.  These   two  women  dominate  Martin’s  (1992)  retelling.     Interestingly,  the  Alongonquin  tale  has  a  family  of  three  sisters,  but  Benchmark’s  version  eliminates   one  sister.  So,  through  eliminating  one  female  character,  diminishing  the  autonomous  voice  of  Rough-­‐Faced   Girl   and  Sister   and  giving   greater   voice   to   the   Invisible  One,   purposeful   steps  were   taken  by   the   author   to   diminsh   and   exclude   females   from   the   text   about   a   female   mystic   while   simultaneously   propelling   the   Invisible   One   to   the   foreground,   further   promoting   patriarchal   ideas   about   the   need   for  males   to   care   for   females.   Additionally,   this   misleading   retelling   of   these   indigenous   folktales   falsely   implies   an   offensive   eurocentric   view   on   masculinity   and   femininity   that   was   not   present   in   the   original   while   presenting   indigenous  peoples  as  homogenous.       5.2.3.  Males  go  out  vs.  females  stay  in   There  are  multiple  verb  examples  that  demonstrate  the  adventurous  nature  of  males,  which  is  often   contrasted  by  the  more  quiet,  complacent  nature  of  females.  From  a  male  dog  following  his  owner  to  school   (Benchmark  K),  pigs  leaving  home  to  build  their  own  homes  (Benchmark  K)  to  Millie  the  female  goat  happily   waiting  on  the  children  to  come  to  her  pasture  to  play  (Benchmark  K),  and  City  Mouse  Country  Mouse,  where   Kate  country  mouse  is  content  to  stay  home  while  her  male  city  cousin  lives  an  adventurous  life,  the  reader   frequently   notices   females   going   home   or   staying   home.   For   instance,   in   Benchmark   K,   Mother   Fox  waits   patiently   at   home   for   her   son   to   go   to   the   Hen’s   coop   and   grab   her   for   dinner.   There   were   36   readings   featuring  a  male  non-­‐human  going  out,  a  female  non-­‐human  staying  home,  or  both  out  of  64  non-­‐human  tales.   These  findings  are  like  McGrabe  et  al.’s  (2011)  study,  which  found  female  parents  in  children’s  picture  books   were  more  likely  to  be  within  the  home,  caregiving.  Crisp  and  Hiller  (2011)  found  that  males  in  their  study   did   more   interesting   activities   than   females,   which   is   also   like   this   ESL   context.   This   pattern   constructs   females  as  inactive  and  peripheral,  with  less  agency  than  males.  I  found  that  there  were  more  verbs  and  more   concrete  action  verbs  collocated  with  males  than  females.  Verbs  collocating  with  male  characters  tended  to  be   highly  active,  and  males  contained  a  greater  variety  of  action  verbs   than   females.  Female  actions   tended  to   exist  within  the  home  and  were  related  to  domestic  arts.  This  pushes  the  ideology  of  gender  essentialism,  an   ideology   present   in   the   post   industrial   revolution  America   and   proliferated   in   the   contemporary   Christian   church.   Popular   Christian   authors   such   as   Nancy   Lee   DeMoss   tout   this   as   Biblical   and   therefore   rational,   which  normalizes  this  ideology  in  modern  Christian  families.  Ironically,  DeMoss  describes  this  ideology  in  her   book  Lies  Women   Believe   and   the   Truth   That   Sets   Them   Free,   where   she   claims   that   God  wired  men   to   be   providers   and   protectors,   who   are   therefore   not   well   suited   to   childcare   and   homemaking,   and   that   God   wired   women   for   nurturing   and   emotional   support,   making   them   perfect   for   childcare   and   homemaking   (Wolgemoth,  2018).  Thus,  heteronormative  WASPish  (White  Anglo-­‐Saxon  Protestant)  values  are  perpetuated   in   these   texts   through   verb   use   and   non-­‐human   gender   roles.   These   ideologies   have   kept   women   under   employed  and  underpaid  since  the  Industrial  Revolution  and  are  used  to  rationalize  discrimination  and  the   gender  pay  gap  (Beaty,  2017).     5.3.  Description  phase  of  visual  analysis   In   Benchmark   Advance   California,   44   animals   and   34   mythical   creatures   were   visually   gendered   through  gendered  anthropomorphism,  meaning  that  78  characters  were  visually  gendered  in  this  series  in  at   least  one  of  the  four  categories  of  gendered  anthropomorphism  studied  (see  Table  2).  This  means  that  67%  of   characters  who  were   linguistically   gendered  were  also  visually  gendered   in   some  way.  There  were   several   images   of   characters   in   this   series   that   were   either   photographed   or   drawn   as   completely   anatomically   correct   so   there  were  no   traces   of   gendering,  which   explains   the  difference  between   images   and   linguistic   references.  Sixty-­‐two  percent  of   linguistically  male  characters  were  also  pictorially  gendered,  while  82%  of   linguistically  female  characters  were  also  pictorially  gendered.  This  may  point  to  the  use  of  the  generic  “he”   BURDEN       E-­‐JournALL,  8(1)  (2021),  pp.  53–75  66 for  animals  within  this  series.  Additionally,  this  may  point  to  a  more  purposeful  use  of  the  pronoun  “she”  or  of   female  proper  nouns  and  purposeful  use  of  female  traits  in  illustrations.       Table 2 Benchmark gendering of non-human characters Gendering Type Male Female Totals Linguistic 88 28 116 Pictorial 55 23 78   In  OOWTE,  14  animals  and  13  mythical  creatures  were  visually  gendered,  for  a  total  of  27  (see  Table   3).  81%  of  non-­‐human  characters  were  both  linguistically  and  visually  gendered.  This  shows  that  characters   were  more  often  visually  gendered  than  linguistically  gendered.  One  reason  for  this  is  that  some  characters   went  unnamed  or  undescribed  but  were  pictured   in   the  stories.  Within  OOWTE,  non-­‐human  gendering  was   done  both  linguistically  and  visually  at  about  the  same  rate,  but  there  was  additional  gendering  that  occurs   through  the  illustrations  only.  As  there  were  far  fewer  gendered  non-­‐human  characters  in  OOWTE,  less  firm   conclusions  can  be  drawn  about  visual  representation  overall.       Table 3 OOWTE gendering of non-human characters Gendering Type Male Female Totals Linguistic 16 6 22 Pictorial 20 7 27   5.3.1.  Definition  of  terms  for  visual  analysis   Following   Cibos   and   Hodges’s   (2009)   instructions   on   gendered   anthropomorphism,   I   noted   four   features  consistently  evident  in  these  series.  First,  adornment  is  any  form  of  accessory  or  article  of  clothing   worn  by  the  character.  Anthropomorphic  characters  are  most  often  clothed  to  represent  stereotypical  dress   codes  for  male  and  female  humans.  Secondly,  according  to  Cibos  and  Hodges  and  much  of  children’s  picture   book  illustration  research,  male  non-­‐humans  are  larger  than  females  of  the  same  species.  They  also  point  to   greater   curving   lines   in   shape   for   female   anthropomorphized   characters.   Thus,   size   and   shape   refer   to   the   curves  or  lack  thereof,  using  anatomical  renderings  as  a  baseline,  as  well  as  comparative  size  of  each  gender   of  character  by  species.  Third,  I  examined  the  colors  used  on  clothing,  skin,  and  fur,  referring  to  stereotypes   regarding  pastels  for  females  and  primary  colors  for  males.  Finally,  gendered  facial  features  included  rounded   “doe”   eyes   for   females   versus   the  more   simplistic   black   dot   eyes   that   are   norm   in   cartoon   styling   of   non-­‐ humans,  particularly  animals.  Additionally,   full   lips,  use  of  make-­‐up  (rouge,  eye  shadow,  eye   liner,  mascara,   and   lipstick),   and   fuller   cheekbones   characterized   female   facial   features.   Tables   4   and   5   summarize   the   occurrences  of  each  these  features  of  visual  gendering  for  males  and  females,  divided  by  series.     Table 4 Benchmark visual gendering by category Gender Adornment Size/Shape Coloring Facial Features Male 39 13 9 21 Female 11 9 4 11 Totals 50 22 13 32 Table 5 OOWTE visual gendering by category Gender Adornment Size/Shape Coloring Facial Features Male 6 5 3 1 Female 2 3 2 2 Totals 8 8 5 3 ANALYSIS  OF  NON-­‐HUMANS  IN  U.S.  CHILDREN’S  ESL  TEXTBOOKS E-­‐JournALL,  8(1)  (2021),  pp.  53–75   67 5.4.  Interpretation  phase  of  visual  analysis   5.4.1.  Adornment   As  shown  in  Tables  4  and  5,  adornment  was  the  most  common  way  illustrators  gendered  non-­‐human   characters,  which  aligns  with  studies   from  EFL  contexts  (Chankseliani  et  al.,  2018;  Sunderland,  2010;  Yang,   2016).  Females  were  gendered  through  facial  features  or  through  adornment  in  equal  occurrences  (11  times).   Males  tended  to  have  few  human  additions,  while  the  few  female  creatures  were  likely  to  contain  more  than   one  marker.  Figure  4  demonstrates  this  phenomenon,  as  the  Fox  has  no  discernable  male  or  female  features,   but  his  mother  has  what  appears  to  be  eyeliner  on  her  eyes,  a  roller  in  her  “hair,”  and  a  blue  apron  tied  on.   Otherwise,  she  is  drawn  the  same  as  the  male  fox.         Figure 4. Benchmark. Grade 1 Unit 4, “The Fox and the Little Red Hen”   Female  characters  in  domestic  clothing  also  insinuate  gender  essentialism,  supporting  the  language   in   this   series   that   a  woman’s  place   is   in   the  home.  This   is   in   line  with  visual   analyses   in   children’s  picture   books   in   the   1970’s,   where   Nilsen   noted   the   phenomenon   of   the   apron   on   every   woman,   and   from   the   Kazakhi  context  of  Chankseliani  et  al.’s  (2018)  EFL  study.  Figure  5  demonstrates  how  adornment  was  used  to   gender  the  characters  who  are  supposed  to  be  the  different  tastes—Sweet,  Salty,  Tangy,  and  Spicy.  The  female   characters   had   stereotypical   female   hairstyles—pigtails   for   the   female   child   and   a   beehive   hairdo   for   the   adult   female.   And   like   the   Fox   in   Figure   4,   the   female   in   Figure   5   also   wears   make-­‐up.   This   time,   she   is   wearing  lipstick.  Further,  cat-­‐eyeglasses  and  a  dress  adorn  the  female  adult,  while  the  female  child  also  wears   a  dress.  The  adult  male  is  dressed  in  a  collared  button  up  shirt,  suggesting  white  collar  work  attire.  These  are   not  only  gendered  clothing  and  accessories,  but  dated  as  well,  harkening  back  to  1950’s  United  States,  where   2  out  of  3  women  worked  within  the  home.         Figure 5. OOWTE, Grade 4 Unit 8, “Chef Jeff’s Nose”   5.4.2.  Size  and  coloring   Illustrators   and   photographers   commonly   used   size   to   make   a   character   masculine.   Female   characters  were  sometimes  drawn  smaller  than  male  characters  in  the  same  image  and  of  the  same  character   BURDEN       E-­‐JournALL,  8(1)  (2021),  pp.  53–75  68 type.  One  example  is  the  giant  in  “Molly  Whuppie”  where  the  giant  is  huge,  but  “his  wife”—the  only  name  she   is  ever  given—appears  average  height  (Figure  6).         Figure 6. Benchmark, Grade 4 Unit 6, “Molly Whuppie” Size  and  coloring  were  used  in  this  series,  though  not  to  the  extent  of  adornment  or  facial  features.   When  coloring  did  occur,  it  accompanied  adornment  such  as  a  pink  dress  for  a  female  bear  or  a  blue  pair  of   overalls  for  a  male  rabbit,  such  as  the  one  in  Figure  7  from  Benchmark  Grade  4  Unit  6.  While  the  pink/blue   dichotomy   was   not   exclusively   used   to   gender   (see   Figure   4   for   a   female   in   blue),   blue,   brown,   and   red   clothing  were  used  9  times  for  males,  while  and  pinks  and  purples  were  used  4  times  for  females.  This  is  an   interesting   difference   from   Yang’s   (2016)   study   of   coloring   in   an   EFL   context,   in   which   color   was   not   a   significant  marker  of  non-­‐human  gender   in   the   series  analyzed.  The   “pink   is   for  girls,  blue   is   for  boys”   is  a   strict  and  socially  constructed  gender  norm  and  marketing  ploy  promoting  “gender  normal”  products  starting   with  the  1980’s  as  a  reaction  to  the  second  wave  feminist  movement,  pushing  back  on  their  goals  of  gender   equality.   Thus,   these   texts   support   a   heteronormative   ideology   of   gender-­‐color   associations   (Wolchover,   2012).       Figure 7. Benchmark, Grade 4 Unit 6, “Rabbit and Coyote” One   important   instance  of  gendering   for  adornment  and  coloring  was  a  comic  about  a  dog  and  cat   fight   in   the  OOWTE   kindergarten   text   (Figure   7).   The  male   dog  was   colored   shades   of   brown,   and   the   cat   shades  of  lavender.  So,  while  a  reader  might  judge  the  dog  anatomically  correctly  colored  for  any  dog,  the  cat   was  overtly  femininized  in  appearance.  It  shifts  the  balance  away  from  their  species  and  onto  their  gender  in   a  superfluous  manner,  which  is  what  Thompson  (1990)  calls  “fragmenting”  or  separating  agents  (in  this  case   animals)   to   divide   and   rule.   The   illustrator   emphasizes   the   sex   differences   between   the   characters   ANALYSIS  OF  NON-­‐HUMANS  IN  U.S.  CHILDREN’S  ESL  TEXTBOOKS E-­‐JournALL,  8(1)  (2021),  pp.  53–75   69 unnecessarily   to   split   them   into   different   groups.   This   shift   takes   the   “cat   fight”   out   of   an   animal-­‐based   scenario   and   insinuates   that   the   cat   fight   is   a   female   behavior,   thus  perpetuating   the   stereotype   of   the   cat   fight   as   a   “sexy,   ineffective,   and   amusing”   characteristic   of   women   (Reinke,   2010,   p.   163).   This   is   also   a   phenomenon   described   by   Pakuła,   Pawelczyk,   and   Sunderland   (2015)   as   “multimodal   disambiguation,”   or   when  the  gender  or  sexuality  of  the  characters  is  not  integral  to  the  story,  but  either  the  linguistic  or  visual   mode  genders  or  sexualizes  the  characters.       Figure 8. OOWTE, Kindergarten Unit 5, “Mack’s Bad Day” Interestingly,   the   cat   is   never  named,   but   is  made   linguistically   female   through   the  pronoun   “she.”   However,  the  dog  is  given  the  name  “Mack”  in  addition  to  being  gendered  with  the  pronoun  “he.”  Naming  the   male   gives   him   more   power   than   the   unnamed   female,   as   named   characters   are   more   often   principal   characters  while  unnamed  characters  play  peripheral  roles.  The  very  existence  of  this  tale,  with  a  male  dog   and  female  cat  is  quite  stereotypical.  Women  are  often  compared  to  cats  in  fiction  stories  historically  (Biggle,   1900;   Earl,   1895).   St.   George   Jackson  Mivart,   author   of  The  Cat:   An   Introduction   to   the   Study   of   Backboned   Animals,  Especially  Mammals  (1881)  theorized  that  these  connections  are  made  because:       The   cat   also   is   favoured  by   that  half  of   the  human  race  which   is   the  more   concerned  with   domestic  cares;  for  it  is  a  home-­‐loving  animal  and  one  exceptionally  clean  and  orderly  in  its   habits,  and  thus  naturally  commends  itself  to  the  good  will  of  the  thrifty  housewife.  (p.  1)       Mivart   highlighted   the   connection   to   historical   notions   of   femininity   such   as   cleanliness   and   domesticity.   Others   claim   the   link   is   because   cats   are   sensitive   creatures   and   frightened   by   harsh   treatment—again   stereotypically  like  historical  representations  of  females.     The  premise  of  the  text  itself  is  somewhat  problematic  in  that  it  was  created  in  2014  for  an  audience   through   2022   yet   refers   to   stereotypes   about   females   from   the   19th   and   20th   century,   going   so   far   as   to   highlight  the  femaleness  of  the  cat  through  coloring,  eye  shape,  and  adornment.  The  dog’s  collar  is  red,  while   her  collar   is  pink,  making  them  adorned   in  masculine  and  feminine  colors,  respectively.  Along  with  naming   the   male,   these   strategies   work   together   to   give   the   male   character   dominance   in   the   story,   despite   the   aggressive   behavior   of   the   female.   This   follows   de   Beauvoir’s   (1949)   Hegelian   approach   to   the   historical   othering  of  women.  De  Beauvoir  made  sense  of  this  “othering”  by  claiming  that  males  were  dependent  on  the   female’s   inferiority  for  their  status  and  power.  In  this  cartoon,  the  male  dog  gains  status  using  coloring  and   naming  over  the  unnamed  female  cat.       5.4.3.  Facial  features   The   most   common   way   gender   was   conveyed   in   non-­‐human   faces   was   through   eye   shape   or   lip   shape.  Female  animals  often  had  slanted,  alluring  eyes  with  long  curled  eyelashes  while  male  animals  did  not   have  eyelashes,  or  they  were  not  apparent.  Non-­‐gendered  eyes  were  round  and  cartoonish.  See  Figure  9  for  a   side-­‐by-­‐side   comparison   of   eye   shape   between   a   female   and   male   animal.   Exaggerated   eye   lashes   are   a   popular   trope   of   femininity   in   characters   that   harkens   back   to   the   days   of   Roman   naturalist   Pliny   the   Younger,  who  alleged  that  long  eye  lashes  were  a  sign  of  female  chastity—that  she  lost  them  after  having  sex.   Thus,  the  equating  of  chaste  femininity  with  exaggerated  eye  lashes  has  been  reproduced  and  sexualized  for   BURDEN       E-­‐JournALL,  8(1)  (2021),  pp.  53–75  70 centuries   not   just   in   cartoons,   but   in   fine   art   and   poetry   as   well   (Olson,   2009).   In   Figure   9,   the   text   uses   stereotypically   masculine   adjectives,   “big”   and   “long,”   but   creates   a   feminine   slant   and   long   lashes   to   the   character’s   eyes,   in   addition   to   a   full   lip   with   pinkish   red   coloring.   This   is   noticeably   absent   in   the   male   penguin  next  to  her.  Stereotypically  masculine  features,  such  as  a  five  o’clock  shadow  are  absent.  He  is  drawn   in  a  more  simplistic  cartoonish  style.     Figure 9. OOWTE, Kindergarten Unit 2, “Big Race”   I  found  this  to  be  true  consistently  within  both  series.  Females  were  given  extra  artistic  development   to  ensure  their  gender  was  apparent  visually,  but  male  characters  were  not.   It   is  simply  assumed  then  that   male  is  the  unmarked  animal  norm,  and  female  is  marked,  or  othered,  in  multiple  ways.  Lee  described  this  as   one  form  of  linguistic  sexism  known  as  “male  as  norm”  ideology  (2015).  Butler  (1999)  described  othering  as   one  type  of  normative  violence  wherein  the  male  subject  is  signified  and  the  female  subject  is  marked  “off.”   This   is  a  common  strategy  employed  by   illustrators   in   these  series:   to  assume  a  non-­‐human   is  male  unless   drawn  with  female  stereotypical  add-­‐ons.   Fifty-­‐six  percent  of  non-­‐human  characters  with  female  gender  markings  had  more  than  one  gender   marker   in   the  Benchmark   series.   Thirty-­‐four  percent   of   non-­‐human   characters  with  male   gender  markings   had  more  than  one  gender  marker.  This  affirms  the  hypothesis  that  in  this  series,  non-­‐humans  are  presumed   to   be  male  more   often   unless   add-­‐ons   are   drawn   to   give   female   characteristics.   Fewer  markers   lessen   the   intensity   of   visual   gendering.   In   this   series   however,   visual   gendering  was   done   in   a   way   that   gave  more   power   to   male   characters,   such   as   through   adornment   for   a   white-­‐collar   worker   and   a   larger   size   than   females,  such  as  in  the  drawing  in  Figure  5.  Figure  5  shows  that  it  is  the  male  who  does  the  talking  through  a   speech  bubble.  He  is  drawn  larger  and  in  workwear.  These  characteristics  give  him  status  in  the  image.  The   mother  is  colored  purple  and  put  in  a  dress  and  heels,  with  long  lashes  peering  over  her  cat-­‐eye  glasses.  Her   head   also   appears   to   be   sporting   a   beehive   hairdo   of   the   1960’s.   She   is   drawn   smaller   than   the  male,   but   larger   than   the   male   and   female   children.   Even   her   name   “Sweet”   is   a   common   pet-­‐name   for   females   in   society  that  feminists  have  tried  to  squash  from  our  vocabulary  as  it  often  accompanies  a  justification  of  male   privileges  as  this  very  image  suggests  (Talbot,  2010).   What  is  perhaps  the  most  important  discovery  was  the  prevalence  of  visual  othering  that  takes  place   with  non-­‐human   characters   in   these  widely   read   textbooks.   Yabroff   (2016)  noted   that  Scholastic   and   Time   Magazine   top  100   children’s   books  often  had  neuter   illustrations  but   linguistic   gendering.  The   same   is   not   true   for   these   12   texts.   Characters   who   are   drawn   neuter   are   assumed  male   as   gendering   happens  more   intensely  with   females,   effectively   othering   them.   In   the   image   analysis   of   gendered  non-­‐humans,   this  was   accomplished  visually.       6.  Implications  and  conclusion   This  study  uses  several  new  perspectives   in  analyzing  ESL  textbooks  made   in   the  United  States   for   U.S.   public   schools   through   linguistic   analysis   of   gender   representation   of   non-­‐humans,   followed   by   an   analysis   of   the   visuals   in   language   textbooks.   Instead   of   simple   frequency   counts   of  male   and   female   non-­‐ humans  or  a  relaying  of  the  activities  they  engaged  in  visually,  this  study  analyzed  how  gender  is  represented   ANALYSIS  OF  NON-­‐HUMANS  IN  U.S.  CHILDREN’S  ESL  TEXTBOOKS E-­‐JournALL,  8(1)  (2021),  pp.  53–75   71 via  the  language  of  the  texts  and  how  gender  is  visualized  in  illustrations  of  non-­‐humans.  Gender  stereotyping   was   prominent   in   illustrations   through   various   gendered   anthropomorphic   strategies:   facial   features,   adornment,   coloring,   and   size.   Linguistic   analysis   supported   the   visuals   in  many   respects   as  well,   such   as   descriptive  adjectives  that  construct  male  characters  as  larger,  stronger,  and  more  intelligent  and  females  as   smaller,  weaker,  and  less  intelligent.     As  the  descriptions  and  interpretations  indicate,  these  textbooks  are  continuing  outdated  ideologies   of   male   supremacy,   gender   essentialism,   and   heteronormativity   using   the   socio-­‐political   mechanisms   of   patriarchy.  These  images  were  drawn  to  create  an  understanding  of  the  texts,  thus  their  agreement  visually   and  linguistically.  They  are  also  drawn  for  individuals  to  relate  to  the  images  through  their  anthropomorphic   features.  However,  recent  research  demonstrates  that  readers  do  relate  to  ambiguously  drawn  non-­‐humans   and   that  multimodal   disambiguation   is   unnecessary   (Hill   &   Jacobs,   2020).   These   texts   create   unnecessary   binaries  for  gender  norms,  behaviors,  and  roles.  So,  though  I  believe  the  intent  was  to  create  characters  that   were  relatable  and  that  aligned  with  the  text  to  support  comprehension  and  for  language  learning  purposes,   the  texts  and  images  herd  children  into  distinct  binaries  and  may  ostracize  or  intimidate  readers  who  do  not   naturally  fit  into  these  strict  categories.  Additionally,  perpetuating  outdated  gender  roles  through  non-­‐human   characters—who  have  demonstrated  to  be  effective  marketing  tools—continues  to  harm  society  as  a  whole.   These   ideologies   are   outdated   and   permit   a   hidden   curriculum   of   male   supremacy.   In   a   post-­‐ industrialized   society,   the   notion   that   physical   size   makes   one   more   powerful   is   no   longer   true   when   confronted   with   the   true   power   of   machines   and   computers,   which   can   be   created   and   run   by   anyone.   Secondly,  the  ideology  of  male  supremacy  through  intelligence  is  not  accurate  despite  its  proliferation  here.   In  2018,  women  made  up  56%  of  college  attendees.  In  2017,  53%  of  PhDs  were  earned  by  women  (McCarthy,   2018).  The   texts  promote  discourses  of   traditional  masculinity  and  consumeristic   ideologies  of  beauty   that   continue   an   institutionalized   political-­‐social   system  of  male   dominance   by   presenting   these   stereotypes   as   natural  and  therefore  immutable.  Critical  theorist  Janks  (2014)  wrote:  “There  is  a  great  deal  at  stake  in  how   we   decide   what   is   and   is   not   part   of   nature”   (p.   154).   Naturalization   is   one   of   Thompson’s   modes   of   operations  of   ideology.   If  a  society  names  something  as  natural,   then  we  think   it   is  unchangeable,  absolute,   and  there  is  no  need  for  further  action.  This  leads  us  to  draw  conclusions  based  on  cultural  beliefs,  not  facts.   When   comparing   these   findings  with   studies   in   EFL   contexts,   these   sources   are  more   in   line  with   historical   studies   from  the  1980’s  and   from  EFL  contexts   in  Eastern  Europe  now  but  hold  more   traditional   patriarchal   ideologies  when   compared   to   texts   in   an   Asian   context   (Lee,   2014;   Lee   &   Collins,   2015;   Yang,   2016).  The  United  States  has  more  work  to  do  to  catch  up  to  the  advances  being  made  in  these  nations.  When   comparing  results  with  children’s  literature  books,  the  findings  in  these  ESL  texts  are  unfortunately  similar  in   simple  counts  of  male  and  female  non-­‐humans,  activities,  and  gender  roles  to  those  Caldecott  award-­‐winning   books  from  the  last  century  and  into  current  day  (Ferguson,  2018;  Gooden  &  Gooden,  2001;  McGrabe  et  al.,   2011).  There  are  stories  in  each  series  of  this  study  that  are  adapted  from  Caldecott  winner  picture  books  or   from  classic  fables  and  fairy  tales  to  be  suitable  for  various  levels  of  ESL  instruction.  Thus,  it  is  not  completely   surprising   to   find   these   similarities   exist.   Yet,   as   evidenced   in   this   study,   there   are   original   works   and   adaptations  of  folktales  that  are  altered  to  fit  the  patriarchal  hegemony  of  U.S.  culture.     Educators   can   respond   to   these   texts   through   critical   literacy,   having   conversations  with   students   that   promote   critical   consciousness   and   language   acquisition.   Teachers   should   use   ambiguously   gendered   protagonists   from   children’s   literature   to   get   at   the   deeper   meanings   of   gender   and   performance   while   challenging  the  naturalness  of  the  textbook  readings.  Research  notes  that  without  proper  teacher  training  on   how  to  recognize  gender  bias,  many  teachers  will  miss   it.  Sadker  (2000),  a   teacher   trainer,   researcher,  and   author,   described   how   each   time   he   begins   a   teacher-­‐training   workshop,   he   is   reminded   of   the   “gender   blindness”  most  educators  have.  A  specific  recommendation  for  raising  teacher  consciousness  of  gender  bias   is  through  training  teachers  to  examine  their  own  textbooks  for  gender  bias  through  linguistic  principles  of   discourse  analysis,  such  as  that  proposed  in  TESOL  Connections  (Burden,  2020).  With  additional  training  on   identifying   and   responding   to   bias,   teachers   who   may   not   have   complete   control   over   the   texts   in   their   classrooms  can  create  a  space  for  critical  discussions  and  reflections  while  keeping  the  current  series  in  the   curriculum.   Simultaneously,   more   endeavors   to   create   a   progressive   curriculum   employing   critical   pedagogies   should   be   undertaken   in   conference   with   publishers   so   that   future   editions   of   these   texts   demonstrate  marked  improvements  in  these  areas.           BURDEN       E-­‐JournALL,  8(1)  (2021),  pp.  53–75  72 7.  Limitations  and  future  research   There  were  several   limitations  to  this  study  that  should  be  examined  in  future  research  endeavors.   First,  this  study  examined  kindergarten  through  fifth  grade  textbooks,  while  middle  and  high  school  English   Language  Development  texts  were  excluded.  I  focused  only  on  printed  words  and  images,  but  many  textbooks   now   include   listening   prompts   on   a   CD   or   mp3   that   would   provide   another   layer   of   linguistic   study   and   potential   influence   on   the   learner's   reception   of   gender  messaging.   In   addition,   I   decided   to   only   examine   texts  that  contained  instructions  to  the  student  for  language  production  but  examining  texts  without  explicit   instructions   to  produce   the   language   could  be   included   for   a   fuller  picture  of   gender   representation   in   the   series.  However,  concerns  over  how  much  of  the  hidden  curriculum  would  be  taken  up  by  students  who  are   not  required  to  produce  the  language  before  during  or  after  reading  should  be  considered  in  selecting  texts   for   linguistic  studies,  as  well  as  how  the  textbook  asks  students  to  interact  with  the  readings.  Finally,   inter-­‐ coder  reliability  including  Kappa  coefficient  measures  should  be  adhered  to  in  future  research  studies  in  this   context,  as  they  would  enhance  transparency  and  bring  greater  validity  to  the  conclusions  reached 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of   gender   in   tow  Hong  Kong  primary  English  Language   textbook   series.  Gender  and  Education,  28(5),   674–692.   Yabroff,  Jennie  (2016,  January  8).  Why  are  there  so  few  girls  in  children's  books?  The  Washington  Post.     https://www.washingtonpost.com/posteverything/wp/2016/01/08/why-­‐are-­‐there-­‐so-­‐few-­‐girls-­‐in-­‐ childrens-­‐books/     Yaghoubi-­‐Notash,  Massoud,  &  Nouri,  Zahra  (2016).  Inclusion/exclusion  and  role  allocation  in  marketized  EFL   syllabus:  Gender  from  CDA  perspective.  Journal  of  Language  Teaching  &  Research,  7(1),  110–117.   Amy Burden,  University of Memphis Amy.k.burden@gmail.com EN Amy Burden (PhD, The University of Memphis; MATL, The University of Southern Mississippi) is an adjunct professor of English at The University of Memphis, where she teaches English rhetoric and composition and linguistics. She also holds an English Language Fellowship through the U.S. Department of State at Angeles University Foundation, Philippines, where she offers TESOL courses for undergraduate and graduate programs and provides TESOL workshops throughout the region. Her research interests center on critical discourse analysis of gender representations in children’s reading materials and the promotion of critical literacy in TESOL and English pedagogy. Secondary interests include Technology Enhanced Language Learning (TELL) with an emphasis on digital tools to advanced second and foreign language acquisition. ES Amy Burden (PhD, Universidad de Memphis; MATL, Universidad del Sur de Mississippi) es catedrática adjunta de inglés en la Universidad de Memphis, donde enseña retórica, composición y lingüística inglesa. También es titular de una beca de lengua inglesa a través del Departamento de Estado de Estados Unidos para la Fundación Universitaria de Ángeles, en Filipinas, donde imparte cursos de inglés como segunda lengua en los programas universitarios de grado y postgrado y ofrece talleres de inglés como segunda lengua en toda la región. Sus intereses de investigación incluyen las representaciones de género en los materiales de lectura de niños a través del análisis crítico del discurso, la promoción de la alfabetización crítica en inglés como segunda lengua y la pedagogía del inglés. Sus intereses secundarios incluyen el aprendizaje de lenguas a través de la tecnología con énfasis en las herramientas digitales para la adquisición avanzada de segundas lenguas y lenguas extranjeras. IT Amy Burden (Dottorato, The University of Memphis; MATL, The University of Southern Mississippi) è docente a contratto di inglese presso la University of Memphis, dove insegna scrittura e retorica inglese e linguistica. È anche titolare di una borsa di studio per la lingua inglese assegnata dal Dipartimento di Stato americano presso la Angeles University Foundation nelle Filippine, dove insegna inglese come lingua seconda sia nei corsi di laurea che in quelli di master e dottorato e dove organizza anche seminari sull’insegnamento dell’inglese come lingua seconda. I suoi interessi di ricerca includono la rappresentazione di genere nei materiali di lettura per ragazzi usando la metodologia dell’analisi critica del discorso, e l’alfabetizzazione critica nell’insegnamento dell’inglese come lingua seconda e nella pedagogia. Gli interessi secondari includono l’apprendimento potenziato delle lingue tramite le tecnologie, con un’enfasi sugli strumenti digitali per l’apprendimento avanzato di lingue straniere. https://www.livescience.com/22037-pink-girls-blue-boys.html https://www.washingtonpost.com/posteverything/wp/2016/01/08/why-are-there-so-few-girls-in-childrens-books/ https://www.washingtonpost.com/posteverything/wp/2016/01/08/why-are-there-so-few-girls-in-childrens-books/ OLE_LINK12 OLE_LINK11