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ISSN 1822-8402 EUROPEAN INTEGRATION STUDIES. 2007. No 1 
 
 

PROBLEMS AND DILEMMAS OF EU REGIONAL POLICY 
 

Krystyna Gawlikowska-Hueckel 
University of Gdańsk  

The Faculty of Economics 

Abstract 

The aim of the EU regional policy is to increase the level of social and economic cohesion of the 
Community. The effectiveness of this policy is not unanimously agreed upon. There are regions in Europe 
which took maximum advantage of the Structural Funds and considerably decreased the gap between 
them and the average EU level (Lisboa e Vale Do Tejo), or even went beyond it (Ireland). However, there 
are also regions that, despite huge transfers from the EU budget, are stagnant (southern Italy) 

The negative examples are exploited by the opponents of the current policy. According to them, the 
policy’s achievement in its current shape is too expensive for the entire Union (too high opportunity cost). 
The same transfers used to support innovativeness in the well-developed regions would lead to an 
increased innovativeness and modernization of the Member States’ economies in general.  

The article’s aim is an attempt to answer the question about the policy’s future shape. It will depend 
on many factors (social and economic situation in the entire Europe, catch-up processes, political 
situation, etc). A different shape of regional policy could, however, mean a return to the idea of two-speed 
Europe, which would not be advantageous to the new Member States. 

Key words: 

Regional Policy, Social and Economic Cohesion, effectiveness of the Regional Policy, catch-up 
processes, two-speed Europe 

The aim of regional policy is to reduce regional 
disparities. It is worthwhile to stress the particular 
character of this policy, whose instruments (Structural 
Funds) are used to finance investment in peripheral 
regions. Regional transfers contravene the 
fundamental premise of liberalism, which was a 
driving force behind the creation of the common 
market and the elimination of barriers hindering 
economic integration. Still, there is an important 
argument justifying regional intervention – namely, 
market failures. This ineffectiveness manifests itself at 
several levels. For one thing, there still exit a 
segmentation of the common market, trade barriers 
and state intervention-induced competition distortion. 
Secondly, another market failure is related to 
allocation and localisation ineffectiveness. Thirdly, 
there are different living and employment standards as 
well as different social-policy safety nets1. Finally, 
unequal distribution of wealth amongst countries and 
regions plays a part, too. Each of these imperfections 
is corrected by means of different instruments which 
operate within the framework of competition, trade, 
industrial, social and regional policies. 

                                                 
1 This manifest itself in social exclusion and labour market 
discrimination (mainly against women).  

Intervening in the market mechanism is 
controversial per se. The fundamental question that 
arises in this context is whether intervention actually 
help to eliminate market failure or whether in the long 
run it entrenches ineffectiveness. This question is 
particularly relevant to regional policy due to its 
specific character. This is because regional policy 
involves money transfers, has a substantial scope (it is 
second in terms of budget expenditure) and is difficult 
to unequivocally assess. The aim of the paper is to 
answer the following questions: what will the possible 
direction of the evolution of regional policy be?; will 
the current character of regional policy not be changed 
in the future? 

Modifications of this policy may have a 
particluarly big impact on the interests of countries 
from Central and Eastern Europe that joined the Eu in 
2004 and 2007. This is not a new problem as it 
resurfaces whenever EU member fees are set in each 
new budget perspective. In 2005, controversies over 
this issue were particularly manifest and hence it was 
very difficult to reach a compromise.  

That is why – and it has to be stressed – debate 
over the model of regional policy is of critical 
importance since, on the one hand, it highlights 
ceratin threats (on the part of the richest memebers) to 
the principle of cohesion and, on the other, it sends a 

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signal to the least properous regions that the regional-
policy rationale might change and that opportunities 
risk being missed. 

At first, it is essential to refer to theory that 
focuses on regional economic growth, regional 
competition enhancement and regional policy. The 
literature of the subject is very rich. Contributors 
include researchers representing classic approach, 
Keynesianism, neoliberalism, stage development, new 
growth theories and new trade theories. Insights from 
urban growth theory, new institutional economics, 
business strategy economics, new Schumpeter 
approach or economic geography also taken into 
account by researchers (Martin R., 2004), (Reid, 
2003). The fact that the above theories have different 
premises and that different factors are seen as critical 
to growth determines the attitude towards regional 
policy and to its character (its instruments and areas of 
influence). It is impossible to refer to all these 
concepts, so only two of them are discussed.      

Stage development theories highlight that core 
regions – thanks to their advantages – constitute 
engines of growth of peripheral regions, but regional 
policy should support economically weak regions, 
allowing for their actual stage of development. It is 
also important to reinforce spread effects by, among 
much else, promoting direct investment and 
development funds. New growth theories regard 
technological progress as a source of dynamic growth, 
which, however, does not constitute manna from 
heaven. There are centres that are predestined to 
fostering technological progress and differences in 
regional development are a result of regions’ 
technological potential and human capital. It follows 
that investment in R&D and improvement in human 
capital are a driving force behind development. So 
potential intervention should support such investment. 
Even in view of these two theories it is possible to 
present dilemmas about the choice of regional policy. 
Should it have a disparity-reducing character or a 
polarisation-inducing one? (Bachtler, 1996).  

Proponents of the former advocate state 
intervention, which should be addressed to the poorest 
regions. The aim of intervention is the restructuring of 
the economy, which should accelerate growth and 
trigger the catching-up process. The arguments 
adduced by advocates of the disparity-reducing theory 
are typical of neo-Keynesianism. They include: the 
aforesaid market failures, imperfect information, price 
and wage deformation.  

Proponents of the latter reckon that any 
intervention affects the market mechanism, which is 
the most effective, and hence they argue in favour of 
giving up state intervention in regional developmental 
processes. They claim that any intervention does not 
help poor regions and is a cause of their 
underdevelopment (Levison, 1992). What character 

should EU regional policy have? If – in line with new 
growth theories – it is investment in R&D and human 
capital improvement that condition development, 
there is no doubt that economically strong regions 
(and metropolitan areas) are predestined to carry out 
such investment because they have critical mass 
(research institutes, universities, skilled human 
resources able to innovate and communities capable 
of absorbing it) to start it (Reid, 2003), (Sepic. D.). 
This approach holds that spread effects initiated by 
these centres will cause disadvantaged regions to 
develop and all society will benefit from economic 
growth. In this context two questions arise. For one 
thing, is there any guarantee that its current character 
will be preserved? Secondly, what can cause its 
modifications? 

As mentioned above, the aim of regional policy is 
to increase EU socio-economic cohesion. With the 
processes of deepening and expanding integration 
gathering momentum, this objective has undergone 
evolution. In the literature of the subject regional 
policy is presented in stages, delineated from the 
perspective of its aims, which changed in line with 
new integration tasks2. The most noteworthy event 
during the first two stages was the establishment in 
1972 of European Regional Development Fund (it 
started functioning in 1975). Regional policy got a 
boost in 1986-1992 and this was caused by: 

1. The establishment of the common market 
(since 1 January 1993, but the preparations 
for its introduction had been under way since 
the Single European Act); 

2. The accession of Spain and Portugal in 1986; 
3. The UK-led emphasis on such a distribution 

of transfers from the EU budget that all 
Member States would participate in them in a 
more equitable way. 

The Single European Act introduced to the EU 
Treaty the title Economic and Social Cohesion and the 
earlier statements from the Treaty of Rome were 
replaced by the phrase stating that:  

In order to promote its overall harmonious 
development, the Community shall develop and 
pursue its actions leading to the strengthening of its 
economic and social cohesion. In particular, the 
Community shall aim at reducing disparities between 
the levels of development of the various regions and 
the backwardness of the least favoured regions, 
inlands, including rural areas (The EU Treaty). 

The change of regional policy status prompted 
reform of the Structural Funds3 in 1988, which were 
meant to operate in a more co-ordinated fashion on 

                                                 
2 The following years mark the consecutive stages of regional 
policy: 1958-1974, 1975-1987, 1986-1992, 1993-1999, 2000-
2006, 2007-2013.    
3 European Social Fund, European Regional Development Fund, 
European Fund for Agriculture Guarantee and Orientation. 

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ISSN 1822-8402 EUROPEAN INTEGRATION STUDIES. 2007. No 1 

the basis of uniform rules (Pietrzyk, 2000). This was 
supposed to enhance the effectiveness of the use of 
financial resources (OJ, 1988). A decision was also 
made that regional policy would be programmed on a 
six-year basis. The first programming period 
concerned the years 1988-1993. This means that 
programming stages coincide with EU financial 
frameworks4.  

The reason for introducing such deep 
modifications was the establishment of the common 
market. This programme caused less developed 
Member States to raise concern as to whether the 
existence of four basic freedoms would not affect 
negatively the EU’s economically weakest regions. 
Richer members – at a cost of accepting the processes 
of integration deepening – were inclined to devote 
more financial resources which would contribute to 
enhancing their competitiveness (El-Agraa, 1990).  

The period of 1992-1999 constitutes the next 
stage of significant changes. The modifications of 
regional policy were then caused by:   

1. The signing of (1992) and the introduction of 
The Maastricht Treaty (1993), which laid the 
legal foundations of the monetary union; 

2. The lobbying carried out by less prosperous 
members which feared the effects of the 
monetary union5; 

3. The accession of Austria, Finland and 
Sweden6  

The most important reason for changing regional 
policy was the decision to establish the monetary 
union. The implementation of this most advanced 
stage of integration could have negative implications 
for less developed regions. The Committee of Regions 
warned against such a possibility, arguing that the 
participation in the monetary union could lead to the 
intensification of competition amongst regions, which 
would necessitate mitigating the negative 
consequences for disadvantaged regions. Poorer 
members had reason to fear that more discipline in 
public finances and the need to keep down interest 
rates and inflation would result in slower economic 
growth and higher unemployment. 

To ally these fears, the Maastricht Treaty 
included a statement (Maastricht Treaty) about setting 

                                                 
4 Since 1988 the Commission and the Parliament, while working 
out yearly budgets, use financial plans for several years. The first 
financial prognosis concerned the period of 1988-1992 (so-called 
first Delors packet), the second one concerned the period of 1993-
1999 (second Delors packet), the third one is envisaged for the 
period of 2000-2006 (concluded in the Agenda 2000).  
5 Spain’s lobbying is seen as particularly effective; Spain agreed to 
support the monetary union in exchange for doubling aid for the 
poorest regions. This compromise was included in the Cohesion 
Protocol, which was added to the Maastricht Treaty.  
6 The accession of Finland and Sweden prompted the 
establishment of a new objective of regional policy: aid was 
earmarked for regions with population density of less than 8 
people per square kilometre. 

up the Cohesion Fund7, within the framework of 
which financial resources were to be used to co-
finance investment in less developed regions 
particularly vulnerable to the negative effects of the 
participation in the monetary union8. The criterion for 
receiving aid was a GDP per capita lower than 90% of 
the EU average. Greece, Ireland, Spain and Portugal 
became cohesion countries9.     

Next changes to regional policy (2000-2006) 
were the effect of the accession of 8 ex-communist 
countries from central and eastern Europe together 
with Malta and Cyprus. The proposed set of reforms 
was a compromise allowing for the interests of 
candidate countries and constituted an effort to depart 
from regarding regional policy in terms of 
expenditure. It is worth noting that a heated debate 
preceded the Berlin Summit (at which the Agenda 
2000 was approved). This debate revealed diverging 
interests of members: some of them highlighted that in 
the long run they were bound to bear the brunt of 
financing Cohesion Policy, being so-called net payers 
(Germany, the Netherlands, Sweden and Austria); 
France refused to accept cuts in aid for framers, while 
Greece and Portugal accentuated the need to 
restructure their economies. In 2000-2006 regional 
policy objectives were reconstructed and their number 
was reduced to there.  

The main premises of the 2007-2013 stage were 
finally approved at the Brussels Summit in December 
2006. The compromise was reached after the fiasco of 
the June Summit, during which some members 
blocked an agreement on the budget for the next 
budgetary perspective. The bone of contention was 
related to the question of whether – if outlays were to 
be reduced – this reduction would include in equal 
proportion all the expenditure items or some 
categories would be maintained at the same level. It 
has to be said that at this stage the parties reached the 
consensus on one thing: there would be no cuts in 
spending on the increase of the EU economy’s 
competitiveness.  

This accent on competitiveness is connected with 
the abortive attempts to catch up with America within 
the framework of the Lisbon strategy. Its main aim 
was to transform the EU into the most competitive 
economy in the world. As we know, this task has 
proved too ambitious. One of the reasons for this was 
the failure to set into motion a knowledge-based 
economy and to capitalise on information and 

                                                 
7 This is despite the fact that the Cohesion Fund did not finance 
initiatives strictly related to regional problems. 
8 Financial resources from this Fund were used to finance 
investment in railway and road infrastructure, environment 
protection and development of trans-European communications 
networks. 
9Likewise, proportions of quotas for cohesion countries were set 
as follows: 16-20% for Greece, 16-20% for Portugal, 7-10% for 
Ireland and 52-58% for Spain. 

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ISSN 1822-8402 EUROPEAN INTEGRATION STUDIES. 2007. No 1 

communications technology (ICT). This does not 
mean, however, renunciation of the strategy. In 2005 
the European Council decided to modify certain 
aspects and to revive the reformist efforts. It was 
agreed that “the EU must mobilise all its existing 
national and European resources, including those with 
Cohesion Policy(COM (2005(24). A communiqué on 
joint efforts to promote growth and employment 
highlights the necessity of more active involvement in 
the Lisbon Strategy on the part of regions, in 
particular local and regional entities, and social 
partners.  This is especially important in such domains 
as innovation, a knowledge-based economy, 
employment, human capital, support fro small and 
medium-sized enterprises and access to venture 
capital. At the same time, it was decided that 
Cohesion Policy should focus on three priority areas: 

1. Improvement in the attractiveness of Member 
States, regions and cities by means of 
enhanced access, better-quality services and 
environment protection; 

2. Support for innovation, entrepreneurship, a 
knowledge-based economy through 
increasing the potential of R&D and ICT;  

3. Creation of more better-quality jobs. 
It follows that in the priorities of Cohesion Policy 

for the period of 2007-2013 accent is placed on 
encouraging innovation. This confirms an assumption 
that the improvement of the EU’s position in the area 
of R&D and the creation of a knowledge-based 
economy has become an integral part of Cohesion 
Policy. This is also borne out by the earlier initiatives 
of the European Commission aiming to stimulate 
endogenous growth of regions through increasing 
innovation levels (the co-financing from the ERDF of 
Regional Innovation Strategies within the framework 
of Innovative Actions). Special attention needs to be 
paid to two EU programmes currently carried out with 
a view to promoting innovation activity: the Seventh 
Framework Programme in the area of R&D and 
technological progress and the Framework 
Programme for supporting competitiveness and 
innovation. Their implementation should ensure “the 
synergy effects between Cohesion Policy and those 
instruments; national and regional development 
strategy must show how this can be attained” 
(COM(2005)02/99).  

Programming documents clearly state that the 
strategy to improve innovativeness of European 
economies should allow for the specificity of the 
R&D sector, which necessitates interactions between 
all the agents involved in creating poles of growth. It 
is indispensable to create critical mass enabling the 
generation and implementation of innovation. This 
sort of concentration guarantees improvements in 
competitiveness; that is why “R&D in Member States 
and less favoured regions should be developed around 

the existing poles of excellence. By contrast, 
excessive dispersion of resources should be avoided”. 
The sum – 2.1 billion euro – earmarked for enhancing 
innovation and competitiveness within the framework 
of the Lisbon Strategy confirms the weight the 
European Commission attaches to this issue10. It is 
called more money for progress11. 

This drive for improving EU competitiveness 
found its reflection also in new objectives of regional 
policy for the period of 2007-201312.  

1. Convergence; 
2. Regional Competitiveness and employment; 
3. European Territorial Community13 . 
It is worth underscoring that within Objective 1 

financial resources are used to carry out investment in 
human capital and equipment, development of 
innovation, information society. All this is connected 
with enhancing competitiveness. Objective 
Convergence has been maintained (which is 
guaranteed by the Treaty), but the emphasis on 
improving competitiveness is more conspicuous.   

Is such a strategy bound to be continued during 
the next budgetary perspective? It seams that much 
depends on the pace of growth of regions falling 
under Objective Convergence and the acceleration of 
catching-up processes. Now doubts are being cast 
over the effectiveness of Structural Funds transfers14. 
Some highlight that, despite allocating substantial 
resources for Greece and southern Italy, the pace of 
growth has not been increased. Bradley questions the 
effectiveness of Structural Funds transfers15. He points 
out that this sort of aid is not sufficient to stimulate 
growth in less developed regions and its impact on 
development can vary from region to region (de Vet et 
al, 2004), Sepic, 2005).  

To summarise, the debate on regional policy 
leads one to ask the following question: is it really 
reasonable to carry out its disparities-reducing 
variant? Is its opportunity cost not too great? Would 
regions not develop faster if money transfers were 
directed to economically strong regions and 
earmarked for increasing innovation?     

The current direction of regional policy is 
guaranteed by the Treaty’s provisions. However, 
dilemmas related to regional policy come to the fore 

                                                 
10 Available at: http://europa.eu.int/comm/regional_policy 
11 The biggest part of financial resources will be devoted to 
distance learning. Additionally 700m euro was earmarked for 
increasing competitiveness, innovativeness and R&D. 
12 Beside the modification of objectives, regional-policy financial 
instruments were changed. 
13 The Regulation of the European Council no 1083/2006, 
establishing general regulations on the ERDF, ESF and the 
Cohesion Fund and annulling the decree 1260/1999. 
14 Models Beutel, Hermin and Quest are used to make assessment. 
15 Bradley J., The Impact of Community Support Frameworks on 
Objective 1 Countries: Greece Ireland, Portugal and Spain 1989-
2006, Dublin, 2000. 

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ISSN 1822-8402 EUROPEAN INTEGRATION STUDIES. 2007. No 1 

whenever a new budgetary perspective is worked out. 
The intensification of the debate is likely to be 
accompanied by the next rounds of accession of 
poorer countries. The accession of Bulgaria, Romania, 
and later Croatia and Turkey (?) may dramatically 
increase budgetary tensions. This is even more so, 
given that there are not many net payers and they are 
increasingly less willing to finance cohesion policy16.   

That is why the concern is that Cohesion Policy 
might be radically modified. Different variants are 
being considered: from variable geometry, two-speed 
Europe and  concentrated approach that would allow 
Community intervention only when the action by a 
Member State would be insufficient17 to the horizontal 
option that would engage national authorities to 
pursue the aims of Cohesion Policy 18. 

The option of two-speed Europe (variable 
geometry) has certain merits (an increase in 
competitiveness?). This means division of the current 
regional policy into two variants: the structural option 
applied to the EU-15 and the disparities-reducing one 
applied to countries from central and eastern Europe. 
It seems that setting different priorities for “New” and 
“Old” Europe would result in new divisions and 
would be detrimental to “New” Europe.     

Hence new Member States should demand that 
the „Convergence” Objective – which will ensure 
Structural Funds transfers to the poorest regions – be 
maintained. One has to remember that the most 
convincing argument in favour of the levelling-up 
option of regional policy is the occurrence of catch-up 
processes and the reduction of distance between the 
least affluent regions and the EU average.  That is 
why it is imperative to make best possible use of the 
current programming period as the effective 
utilization of financial resources might determine 
whether the premises of the current financial 
perspective will be kept up in the following 
prorgamming period or whether they will turn out to 
be a “not-to-be-missed” opportunity. 

References 

A.M. El-Agraa (1990),  Economics of the European 
Community,  New York, London, Toronto,  p. 
336 

 

 

 

 

                                                 
16 This is confirmed by the last debate on the budgetary 
perspective for 2007-2013.  
17 Community intervention would be directed only at those 
countries with GDP per capita of less 90% of the EU average.  
18 Bachtler J., Wishlade F., Yuill D., Regional Policy In Europe 
after Enlargement, EPRC, Glasgow, p. 23-26. 

J. Bachtler et.al. (1996), Longer Term Perspectives on 
Regional Policy in Europe, Glasgow p. 23-26.  

Bachtler J., Wishlade F., Yuill D., Regional Policy In 
Europe after Enlargement, EPRC, Glasgow, p. 
23-26 

De Vet M., et al. (2004), The Competitiveness of 
Places and Spaces, Ecorys, Rotterdam 

Levison M. (1992), Nie tylko wolny rynek. 
Odradzanie się polityki gospodarczej, Warszawa  

Martin R. (2004), A Study on the Factors of regional 
Competitiveness. A draft final report for the EC, 
Ecorys-Nei  

Pietrzyk I. (2000), Polityka regionalna Unii 
Europejskiej i regiony w państwach 
członkowskich, PWE, Warszawa  

Reid D.M., De Martino R. (2003), The 
Internationalization of a High-tech Cluster: an 
Investigation from three Theoretical 
Perspectives, paper presented at the conference 
of the European International Business Academy, 
Copenhagen 

Sepic D. (2005), The regional competitiveness: some 
notions, Moscow  

The EU Treaty, Art. 158 (130a). 

OJ /1988, Framework Regulation 2052/88(OJ L 
185/9/1988), „Coordination” Regulation   
4253/88 (OJ L 374/1/88, and the Regulation 
concerning the three Structural Funds (ERDF, 
ESF, EAGGF), OJ L 374/1988.    

COM(2005)24 

COM(2005)02/99. 

http://europa.eu.int/comm/regional_policy 

The regulation  of the European Council no 
1083/2006, establishing general rules on the 
ERDF, ESF and the Cohesion Fund and 
annulling the decree 1260/1999. 

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