Humor Styles Are Related to Loneliness Across 15 Countries


Research Reports

Humor Styles Are Related to Loneliness Across 15 Countries

Julie Aitken Schermer 1, Radosław Rogoza 2, Marija Branković 3, Oscar Oviedo-Trespalacios 4, Tatiana Volkodav 5, 

Truong Thi Khanh Ha 6, Maria Magdalena Kwiatkowska 2, Eva Papazova 7, Joonha Park 8, Christopher Marcin Kowalski 1, 

Marta Doroszuk 9, Dzintra Iliško 10, Sadia Malik 11, Samuel Lins 12, Ginés Navarro-Carrillo 13, Jorge Torres-Marín 14, 

Anna Wlodarczyk 15, Sibele D. Aquino 16, Georg Krammer 17

[1] Management and Organizational Studies, Department of Psychology, Faculty of Social Science, University of Western Ontario, London, ON, Canada. 
[2] Institute of Psychology, Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński University, Warsaw, Poland. [3] Department of Psychology, Faculty of Media and Communications, 
Singidunum University, Belgrade, Serbia. [4] Delft University of Technology, Faculty of Technology, Policy and Management, Section of Safety and Security Science, 
Delft, The Netherlands. [5] Department of Pedagogy and Psychology, Kuban State University, Krasnodar, Russian Federation. [6] Faculty of Psychology, University 
of Social Sciences and Humanities, Vietnam National University, Hanoi, Vietnam. [7] Institute for Research in Education, Sofia, Bulgaria. [8] School of 
Management, NUCB Business School, Nagoya, Japan. [9] Centre for Social Cognitive Studies, Jagiellonian University, Krakow, Poland. [10] Institute of Humanities 
and Social Sciences, Center of Sustainable Education, University of Daugavpils, Daugavpils, Latvia. [11] Department of Psychology, University of Sargodha, 
Sargodha, Pakistan. [12] Laboratory of Social Psychology, Center for Psychology, University of Porto, Porto, Portugal. [13] Department of Psychology, University of 
Jaén, Jaén, Spain. [14] Department of Research Methods in Behavioral Sciences, University of Granada, Granada, Spain. [15] Escuela de Psicología, Universidad 
Católica del Norte, Antofagasta, Chile. [16] Department of Psychology, Pontificia Universidade Catolica do Rio de Janeiro, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. [17] Institute for 
Educational Sciences, University College of Teacher Education Styria, Graz, Austria. 

Europe's Journal of Psychology, 2022, Vol. 18(4), 422–436, https://doi.org/10.5964/ejop.5407

Received: 2020-12-08 • Accepted: 2021-08-24 • Published (VoR): 2022-11-30

Handling Editor: Aleksandra Gajda, Maria Grzegorzewska University, Warsaw, Poland

Corresponding Author: Julie Aitken Schermer, Management and Organizational Studies and Department of Psychology, Faculty of Social Science, 
University of Western Ontario, London, Ontario, N6A 5C2, Canada. Telephone: 001-519-661-2111 ext. 84699. E-mail: jharris@uwo.ca

Abstract
The relationships between self-report loneliness and the four humor styles of affiliative, aggressive, self-defeating, and self-enhancing 
were investigated in 15 countries (N = 4,701). Because loneliness has been suggested to be both commonly experienced and 
detrimental, we examine if there are similar patterns between humor styles, gender, and age with loneliness in samples of individuals 
from diverse backgrounds. Across the country samples, affiliative and self-enhancing humor styles negatively correlated with 
loneliness, self-defeating was positively correlated, and the aggressive humor style was not significantly related. In predicting 
loneliness, 40.5% of the variance could be accounted. Younger females with lower affiliative, lower self-enhancing, and higher self-
defeating humor style scores had higher loneliness scores. The results suggest that although national mean differences may be 
present, the pattern of relationships between humor styles and loneliness is consistent across these diverse samples, providing some 
suggestions for mental health promotion among lonely individuals.

Keywords
humor styles, gender, human, adult, loneliness

Loneliness is a social problem experienced by many individuals. People have an essential human need to belong to 
a community and maintain social bonds (Baumeister & Leary, 1995; Lavigne et al., 2011). When an individual has 
no group to belong to, he/she experiences a sense of loneliness (Rokach, 2018). Individuals adjust to the demands of 
social interactions in a variety of patterns. These patterns might be more or less adaptive (Eder, 1990). In their social 

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interactions, some people use humor in a way that facilitates positive social interaction, while others may use humor in 
a less prosocial manner (Martin, 2007). As loneliness may be partially explained by the use of specific humor styles in 
interpersonal situations, this study investigates the relationships between self-report loneliness and four humor styles in 
15 countries (N = 4,701).

Loneliness
Loneliness is a complex and multidimensional phenomenon, involving the feeling of absence of attachments, relations, 
and social bonds, resulting in sadness and frustration (Maes et al., 2016). Loneliness negatively affects one’s physical 
and psychosocial life and can increase the likelihood of symptoms of depression, social anxiety, poor physical health, 
and even cognitive decline (Cacioppo et al., 2015; Hawkley & Cacioppo, 2010; Ilhan, 2012; Tharayil, 2012; Ursin & 
Eriksen, 2004; Weiss, 1973). Loneliness has become a feature of contemporary society and some researchers point to 
an existential loneliness as an element of the human condition linking it to the fundamental ontological condition 
(Ettema et al., 2010). MacDonald and associates (2020a) recently found that those who report higher loneliness also score 
higher on a new measure of anti-mattering, suggesting that those who feel lonely also do not feel that they matter to 
others. In addition, loneliness has been found to be more than a situation variable or a transitory mood or emotion. In 
recent behavior genetic studies, loneliness has been reported to have a genetic component, with heritability estimates 
ranging from 35% in a large twin sample from Australia (Schermer & Martin, 2019) to 37% in a large sample from the 
Netherlands (Distel et al., 2010). These findings suggest that loneliness is an important individual difference variable, 
requiring further understanding.

In a recent report, Barreto et al. (2021) investigated loneliness from over 46,000 individuals from “273 countries, 
islands, and territories” using the data from the BBC Loneliness Experiment. Analyzing the item of how frequently 
individuals experienced loneliness, Barreto et al. (2021) reported that loneliness decreased with age, was higher in 
individualistic countries, and that men scored higher than women. These results suggest that loneliness may vary across 
samples based on where the sample was taken geographically and may vary due to the composition of the sample with 
respect to age and gender.

With respect to age, it is of interest that Barreto et al. (2021) reported that older people were less lonely than were 
younger people in their variable of frequency of experiencing loneliness. Other research has indicated that older adults 
are more vulnerable to social loneliness, which is partially explained by their reduced social activity, living alone or 
widowhood (Schiau, 2016). Recently, MacDonald et al. (2020b) demonstrated in a large sample of Dutch adults, that 
loneliness had a curvilinear relationship with age such that both the younger and the older were the loneliest. How age 
is related to loneliness and types of loneliness is an area which has not been definitely explained.

Gender has also been examined with respect to loneliness. Similar to the findings with age, the pattern of results is 
quite inconclusive. For example, Mullins et al. (1996) report a higher level of loneliness among senior men compared to 
women in the USA. By contrast, women tend to report that they experience loneliness more in some studies (Victor & 
Yang, 2012), whereas a meta analyses of 30 loneliness studies indicated that men are typically lonelier (Rokach, 2018). 
In Scandinavian countries, the level of loneliness is higher among women due to their longer lifespan and experience 
of widowhood and many losses (Jylhä, 2004). And, as described above, Barreto et al. (2021) reported that men had a 
higher frequency of loneliness. Because gender differences in loneliness may be age related or geographically related, in 
addition to other interpersonal variables such as personality and life circumstances, gender differences will be explored 
in the present study by examining the point-biserial correlations between gender and loneliness for each country sample 
as well as for the complete sample.

Studies have demonstrated differences in the level of loneliness across cultures. Often culture classification is on the 
degree of individualism versus collectivism, as was done in the study by Barreto et al. (2021). In more individualistic 
cultures, psychological autonomy is valued quite highly and may lead to social alienation and loneliness. In collectivist 
cultures, greater social support may lead to a greater sense of interpersonal connectedness (Maes et al., 2016). For 
example, in Western Europe, with prevailing individualism and weaker community ties, the level of loneliness is higher 
when compared to Eastern European cultures (Rokach, 2018), while Northern European cultures show high levels of 
isolation and loneliness (Dykstra, 2009). The dimension of individualism has been suggested to be a distinct predictor 

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of loneliness in cross-culture research (Oyserman et al., 2002). However, one study of loneliness carried out in 25 
countries revealed that the level of loneliness is much higher in Eastern Europe as compared with Western European 
and Northern European countries, with the highest level of loneliness reported in post-communist countries, such as 
Ukraine, Latvia, Russia, Hungary, Poland Romania, and Bulgaria (Yang & Victor, 2011). This finding might be explained 
by the political and economic transformations and hardships in these countries, suggesting that there may be other 
relevant dimensions of cultural differences beyond individualism and collectivism in influencing loneliness. The present 
study adds to this body of research by examining self-report loneliness from 15 diverse geographical samples.

Humor and Humor Styles
Humor is one of the first social indicators (after crying) transmitted to babies. As early as about four months of age, 
children begin to smile and laugh in response to the actions of adults (Martin, 2007). The idea that the mechanism of 
humor exists as part of the human nature is evidenced by the fact that children who are born deaf and blind can laugh 
without these senses (Martin, 2007).

Martin et al. (2003) developed a comprehensive understanding of humor, based on a theoretical framework that cov­
ers the day–to–day functions of humor—adapting and dealing with crises, creating and maintaining close interpersonal 
relationships, bringing people together in a group, and established a research method to operationalize these significant 
functions. In this model, humor is multidimensional, encompassing four styles of humor. These styles are based on 
in-depth analyses of theoretical literature to determine what forms, functions, and styles (manners, types) of humor are 
considered adaptive or maladaptive in our relationships with others. Martin et al. (2003) emphasize that positive and 
negative manifestations, as well as the target of the humor, are opposite and relatively independent of one another, 
forming four dimensions or styles of humor. The affiliative humor style describes people who tend to tell funny stories, 
witty teases, and entertain others (Martin et al., 2003). In this way, they successfully reduce interpersonal tension and 
strengthen their relationships with others (Lefcourt, 2001). The self-enhancing humor style reflects a general humorous 
outlook and a tendency to be entertained by the inconsistencies and absurdities of everyday life (Martin et al., 2003). 
People who apply this style to their daily routine maintain a humorous perspective when facing stress and distress 
(Kuiper, Martin, & Olinger, 1993). High scores on the aggressive humor style refer to the use of sarcasm, ridicule, 
humiliation, offending, or ignoring others (Martin et al., 2003). This style also involves the use of humor to manipulate 
others by mocking or threatening (Janes & Olson, 2000). The fourth humor style, self-defeating, involves the overuse of 
negative jokey comments that may affect the self-concept. Engaging in this style aims at entertaining others even if it is 
accompanied by emotional discomfort for them. Thus, a person who engages in this style allows himself or herself to be 
the center of their mockery and sarcastic remarks (Martin et al., 2003). At the same time, the self-defeating humor style 
is a defense mechanism by which the individual suppresses or pushes aside negative experiences, concealing emotional 
states and avoiding dealing with specific intrapsychic problems (Kubie, 1971). Schermer et al. (2015) reported that there 
were significant positive genetic correlations between the self-defeating humor style and borderline personality disorder 
dimensions (in a non-clinical sample), including affect instability, identity disturbance, negative relationships, and of 
great concern, self-harm, suggesting that self-defeating humor positively relates with loneliness possibly due to the 
negative relationships indicative with borderline personality disorder dimensions.

Humor and Loneliness
Some studies have focused on humor to deal with loneliness. Humor is one possible coping mechanism with loneliness, 
life hardships, and changes in one’s life. As reviewed above, humor may involve a constructive outlook on life, which 
assists with coping with difficulties or loss. Humor may also facilitate building healthy relationships and bonds.

With respect to the four humor styles, Martin et al. (2003) suggest that individuals may use humor to deal with 
loneliness. Hampes (2006) reported that higher loneliness scores were negatively related to affiliative and self-enhancing 
humor styles but positively related to the self-defeating humor style. The same pattern of relations was revealed 
by a study done in Turkey (Çeçen, 2007). Zhao et al. (2012) studied how humor styles and self-esteem mediated 
the relation between shyness and loneliness in the Asian culture. They reported a positive correlation between the 
self-enhancing humor style and self-esteem. Further, they showed that shy people become lonely in part due to not 

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displaying self-enhancing and affiliative humor. The authors stressed the importance of both of these styles of humor 
for adaptive social functioning in the context of a collectivist culture. In addition, male students who tend to use less 
of the self-enhancing humor style were at a higher risk of loneliness compared with female students (Zhao et al., 2012). 
In comparing Hong Kong and mainland China, Yue et al. (2014) reported that self-enhancing and affiliative styles of 
humor predicted lower loneliness scores. The self-defeating humor style emerged as a significant predictor of social and 
emotional loneliness among Hong Kong students, but only for social loneliness among the mainland Chinese.

Fitts et al. (2009) also found that people who engage in affiliative and self-enhancing humor styles are less lonely 
while people who use the self-defeating style are more prone to loneliness. This study further showed how humor styles 
mediated the link between shyness and loneliness through the finding that shy people use humor styles detrimental 
to their self and fail to use socially adaptive humor styles. Further, Schermer et al. (2017) explored genetic aspects in 
the study of humor styles and loneliness and reported phenotypic, genetic, and environmental correlations between 
the humor style scales and a loneliness scale. This study revealed that, at the phenotypic level, both adaptive humor 
styles (affiliative and self-enhancing) are negatively related with loneliness, while the two maladaptive dimensions 
(aggressive and self-defeating) are positively related to loneliness. In addition, the study suggested that these phenotypic 
correlations are attributable to shared familial and unique environmental factors.

Hypotheses
Accumulated evidence supports relationships between humor styles and loneliness. We hypothesized that affiliative 
humor styles and self-enhancing humor-styles are negatively related with loneliness, whereas the self-defeating humor 
style is positively related with loneliness. Although the results described above were mixed with respect to the aggres­
sive humor style, we predicted that the aggressive humor style would have a non-significant correlation with loneliness. 
Our inspection of the literature led us to expect that general patterns for the relationships would be culturally invariant. 
However, in that cultures have different emphases on human values, it is possible that the degree of relationships 
between different humor styles and loneliness may differ across the country samples. Therefore, the current study 
aimed to illuminate geographical differences and similarities in use of different humor styles and their relationships 
with loneliness.

M e t h o d

Participants and Procedure
The sample consisted of 4701 participants (3201 females (64.26%) with 16 missing) in 15 countries. The sample sizes 
and demographics for each country are in Table 1 and represent a subgroup of a 28-country study (Schermer et al., 
2019b). In the original 28-country study, samples were chosen with the goal of sampling as many countries as possible. 
Of the 28 country samples, the 15 countries with acceptable measurement properties for the humor scales, such that 
the coefficient alpha value was greater than .60 for each of the four scales, was retained for this investigation with the 
correlations with loneliness. Participants completed questionnaires either online or paper-and-pencil (see Table 1) after 
indicating informed consent.

Materials
The Humor Styles Questionnaire (HSQ; Martin et al., 2003) assesses four humor styles: affiliative, aggressive, self-en­
hancing, and self-defeating. The HSQ comprises 32 items (8 items for each of the four humor styles), responded to 
using a 1 (definitely disagree) to 7 (definitely agree) Likert-type scale. The HSQ has shown good internal consistency in 
previous research (alphas for subscales ranging from .77 to .81; Martin et al., 2003). The internal consistencies of the four 
HSQ scales for each of the country samples are in Table 2 and, as stated above, are each above .60.

To measure loneliness, we used the Three-item Loneliness Scale (TILS; Hughes et al., 2004), which was designed for 
the needs of large survey studies. The TILS scale consists of three items derived from the Revised UCLA Loneliness 
Scale (Russell et al., 1980) which were first selected from a factor analysis and then adapted to the interview format (e.g., 

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“How often do you feel left out?”). Items are administered as questions in the second person and participants provide 
answers using a 3-point scale (1 = hardly ever, 2 = some of the time, 3 = often). In the current study, German, Polish, 
and Spanish adaptations (Hawkley et al., 2016; Rico-Uribe et al., 2016) and newly prepared language versions of the TILS 
(Portuguese, Bulgarian, Estonian, Russian, Serbian, Korean, and Ukrainian) were used. The internal consistencies of the 
TILS are in Table 2 and Cronbach’s coefficient α was between .62 and .88 across countries.

Table 1

Demographic Statistics for the Samples Across the 15 Countries

Country Language Data collection procedure N females N males Age - M years (SD) Age range
Brazil Portuguese Online 209 95 28.76 (11.38) 18–71

Bulgaria Bulgarian Paper-pencil 128 131 19.94 (1.49) 17–33

Canada English Online 109 119 24.30 (5.20) 18–55

Chile Spanish Online 164 69 20.97 (3.10) 17–49

Colombia Spanish Online 142 114 21.06 (3.22) 18–48

Estonia Estonian Paper-pencil 153 215 24.28 (6.96) 18–49

Germany German Online 258 75 26.83 (6.56) 17–57

Poland Polish Online 167 78 23.75 (4.43) 18–40

Portugal Portuguese Online 375 94 22.82 (7.46) 17–78

Russia Russian Online 189 125 19.64 (1.64) 18–29

Serbia Serbian Online 302 102 21.73 (4.86) 18–52

South Korea Korean Paper-pencil 96 88 21.77 (2.13) 18–27

Spain Spanish Online 226 100 23.71 (5.84) 18–55

Ukraine Ukrainian Online 270 71 26.93 (9.82) 17–82

United States English Online 233 188 26.75 (3.26) 19–55

Table 2

Scale Descriptives for the Four Humor Style Scales and Loneliness for Each Country

Country Affiliative M (SD, α) Aggressive M (SD, α) Self-enhancing M (SD, α) Self-defeating M (SD, α) Lonely M (SD, α)
Brazil 44.47 (8.58, .84) 24.17 (7.36, .63) 34.11 (9.90, .82) 26.75 (9.69, .80) 5.59 (1.88, .82)

Bulgaria 44.48 (7.52, .73) 27.43 (7.97, .62) 35.32 (8.68, .71) 30.02 (7.89, .64) 4.76 (1.60, .76)

Canada 45.82 (6.74, .80) 28.78 (8.02, .73) 33.92 (9.52, .84) 28.12 (8.62, .78) 5.32 (1.76, .81)

Chile 42.76 (8.31, .82) 25.71 (7.94, .71) 35.78 (8.90, .81) 27.70 (8.46, .75) 5.71 (1.94, .81)

Colombia 41.06 (8.30, .78) 24.01 (7.51, .67) 35.77 (9.22, .81) 23.94 (8.21, .77) 5.15 (1.90, .82)

Estonia 44.26 (7.13, .80) 29.08 (7.56, .71) 35.48 (8.13, .78) 28.04 (7.76, .75) 4.86 (1.63, .76)

Germany 43.43 (8.23, .85) 26.71 (7.22, .66) 34.05 (9.16, .83) 25.54 (9.56, .85) 5.24 (1.49, .62)

Poland 42.86 (8.52, .85) 27.44 (7.79, .72) 34.10 (8.44, .80) 29.42 (8.72, .79) 5.67 (1.90, .82)

Portugal 43.57 (7.68, .81) 24.32 (6.73, .61) 33.33 (9.65, .83) 23.66 (9.46, .83) 5.26 (1.80, .79)

Russia 41.88 (8.40, .80) 29.73 (7.57, .63) 34.05 (8.49, .74) 28.25 (8.03, .70) 5.19 (1.78, .80)

Serbia 46.06 (6.59, .75) 24.57 (7.42, .64) 36.85 (8.86, .76) 27.60 (9.17, .79) 5.53 (1.52, .62)

South Korea 40.95 (6.79, .82) 25.31 (6.57, .70) 32.09 (6.54, .70) 28.29 (.32, .77) 4.47 (1.50, .73)

Spain 43.80 (7.14, .78) 22.26 (7.10, .66) 34.45 (8.64, .79) 26.66 (8.03, .74) 5.24 (1.86, .82)

Ukraine 42.66 (8.20, .81) 24.96 (6.93, .63) 35.03 (8.68, .79) 23.84 (8.12, .76) 4.93 (1.74, .78)

United States 41.35 (8.99, .86) 27.84 (7.68, .71) 35.64 (9.20, .85) 27.37 (9.05, .82) 5.52 (2.14, .88)

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Statistical Analyses
After descriptive and correlative results, the relationship between humor and loneliness was tested using structural 
equation models. We examined how the four humor styles predict loneliness, while controlling for effects of gender 
and age. Therefore, loneliness was modelled as a latent variable with the three items of the TILS serving as ordinal 
indicators. The first loneliness item was used as a reference variable for identification purposes. The four humor style 
scores were computed from the HSQ and the sum scores were regressed on loneliness. Finally, gender and age were also 
regressed on loneliness. Through this regression, the relation between gender and age on loneliness was modelled and 
thereby controlled. All exogenous manifest variables were allowed to correlate.

In our model, we conceptualize loneliness as a latent variable and examine how the humor style scores, age, and 
gender predict loneliness. It should be noted that the same model may also be interpreted as a MIMIC-model (for an 
overview cf. Bollen & Bauldry, 2011; Strube, 2015). In a MIMIC-model, the latent variable would represent a causal 
indicators model of the four humor styles. This would be consistent with the literature on humor styles, which does 
not assume a second-order factor of humor (Martin et al., 2003). The three loneliness items are interpreted as three 
outcome variables. These are two competing views of the same latent variable. To harmonize these competing views, we 
1) considered the latent variable as latent loneliness for ease of interpretation, but 2) interpreted the factor loadings of 
the three loneliness items as three regression weights for three indicators as outcomes.

As the data was collected across 15 countries, there is a hierarchical data structure that should be considered. In a 
first step, we inspected the intraclass correlation (ICC) of all manifest variables in the model across the countries. This 
ICC can be interpreted as how much percentage of the variance within a variable can be explained solely by the country 
affiliation. If this percentage is substantial (e.g. Hox et al. (2010) suggest 5% to be low and 15% to be high), then the 
hierarchical structure of the data needs to be considered. The ICCs are given in Table 3. As some humor styles varied 
substantially across countries (highest ICC for aggressive = 7.2%), we concluded that the hierarchical data structure 
needed to be considered for the humor styles. In addition, the covariates gender and age had sizeable ICCs reflecting 
that the samples were not entirely comparable across countries in age and gender. This difference is a limitation of our 
study and not a statistical artefact calling for correction. As the items assessing loneliness had negligible ICCs (ICCs ≤ 
.030), we concluded that the hierarchical data structure did not need to be considered for loneliness.

As 15 countries are not a sufficient number of clusters to warrant multi-level structural equation modelling, we 
estimated all models two-fold: 1) without considering the hierarchical data structure; 2) accounting for the hierarchical 
data structure by group mean centering the humor styles. Group mean centering removes the country level variance 
from the data (Enders & Tofighi, 2007). We thereby account for mean differences in humor styles across countries. 
Similar results across models with and without group mean centered humor styles would point to effects not being 
driven by country-level differences; non-similar results would suggest the opposite.

All models were estimated in R (R Core Team, 2018) with the lavaan package (Rosseel, 2012). The loneliness items 
have three response categories. Consequently, the loneliness items were treated as ordinal indicators. The models were 
therefore estimated with WLSMV (Lei, 2009; Savalei & Rhemtulla, 2013) with the loneliness items as ordered variables. 
Gender was dummy coded (0 = female, 1 = male) and considered as an ordinal variable. Model fit was assumed with a 
non-significant chi-squared statistic (Greiff & Heene, 2017), CFI ≥ .95, RMSEA < .06 and SRMR < .08 (Hu & Bentler, 1999; 
Marsh et al., 2004). Should model fit not be achieved, modification indices were inspected to point to the source of the 
misfit and to propose an alternate model. The critical ratio test was used to determine if parameters estimates of the 
models were significant (p < .05). The data and R-script are available at the Supplementary Materials section.

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R e s u l t s

Descriptive Results
Table 3 shows the descriptive statistics and correlations between the humor styles, loneliness, and the covariates gender 
and age for the complete sample. As stated above, Table 2 gives the descriptive statistics and internal consistency esti­
mates for the four humor styles and the loneliness scores separated for the countries. Table 4 presents the correlations 
between loneliness with the humor style scores, age, and gender, for each country sample.

Table 4

Correlations Between Loneliness With Humor Styles, Age, and Gender for Each Country

Country Affiliative Aggressive Self-enhancing Self-defeating Age Gender

Brazil -.16* .02 -.32* .25* -.28* -.02

Bulgaria -.26* -.02 -.16 .07 -.12 -.01

Canada -.36* .04 -.14 .27* .05 -.04

Chile -.26* .05 -.26* .11 -.10 .02

Columbia -.22* -.03 -.17* .17* -.16 -.11

Estonia -.31* -.10 -.26* .14* -.11 .01

Germany -.25* -.02 -.21* .20* .07 .02

Poland -.34* .08 -.30* .27* -.16 -.09

Portugal -.23* .01 -.37* .32* -.18* -.02

Russia -.22* .03 -.21* .15* -.01 -.15*

Serbia -.29* .06 -.21* .20* -.10 .10

South Korea -.28* .06 -.11 .21* -.03 -.09

Spain -.26* .08 -.15* .21* -.04 -.04

Ukraine -.28* .01 -.33* .14* -.11 -.06

United States -.32* .03 -.36* .23* -.12 -.13*

Note. Gender: 1 = female, 2 = male.
*p < .01.

Across all of the country samples, the highest scores were for the affiliative humor style, followed by the self-enhancing 
humor style, with the lowest scores for the aggressive and self-defeating humor styles. For individual country compari­
sons, affiliative humor style scores varied significantly across the countries; F(15, 4936) = 11.14, p < .001. Serbia had 
the highest mean for affiliative humor style (significantly, following Bonferroni post-hoc with p < .001, higher than the 
values for Chile, Colombia, Germany, Hungary, Poland, Portugal, Russia, South Korea, Ukraine, and the United States) 
and South Korea had the lowest mean (significantly lower than the values for Brazil, Bulgaria, Canada, Estonia, and 
Serbia). Aggressive humor style scores varied significantly across the country samples; F(15, 4939) = 26.20, p < .001. 
Russia had the highest mean for aggressive humor style (significantly (p < .001) higher than the values for Brazil, Chile, 
Colombia, Germany, Hungary, Portugal, Serbia, South Korea, Spain, and the Ukraine) and Spain had the lowest mean 
(significantly (p < .001) lower than the values for Bulgaria, Canada, Chile, Estonia, Germany, Poland, Russia, South 
Korea, Ukraine, and the United States). Self-enhancing humor style scores significantly varied across country samples; 
F(15, 4926) = 5.34, p < .001. Serbia had the highest mean for self-enhancing humor style (significantly (p < .001) higher 
than the values for Portugal and South Korea) and South Korea had the lowest mean (significantly (p < .001) lower than 
the values for Hungary, Serbia, and the United States). Self-defeating humor style scores varied significantly across the 
country samples; F(15, 4941) = 15.45, p < .001. Bulgaria had the highest mean for self-defeating humor style (significantly 
(p < .001) higher than the values for Brazil, Colombia, Germany, Hungary, Portugal, Spain, and the Ukraine) and 
Portugal had the lowest mean (significantly (p < .001) lower than the values for Brazil, Bulgaria, Canada, Chile, Estonia, 
Poland, Russia, Serbia, South Korea, Spain, and the United States). Loneliness scores varied significantly across country 
samples; F(15, 4962) = 10.30, p < .001, with the lowest scores for the South Korean sample (significantly (p < .001) lower 

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than the values for Brazil, Canada, Chile, Germany, Hungary, Poland, Portugal, Russia, Serbia, Spain, and the United 
States) and the highest scores for the sample from Chile (significantly (p < .001) higher than the values for Bulgaria, 
Estonia, South Korea, and the Ukraine).

Overall, there was only a small relationship between loneliness and gender, with men scoring slightly lower on the 
loneliness scale. As evident in the correlations in Table 4, this small gender difference was mostly driven by the samples 
from Russia and the United States, demonstrating a significant point-biserial correlation with women scoring higher 
on the loneliness scale. There was also a small relationship between loneliness and age, with older participants feeling 
less lonely, with the correlations reaching significance for the samples from Brazil and Portugal. When the possible 
curvilinear relationship between age and loneliness was assessed, it was found that the correlation between loneliness 
and the age value squared was not significantly different, and was slightly lower, than the linear correlations. As such, 
the linear correlations between age and loneliness are reported.

As reported in Table 3, lonelier participants used more self-defeating humor and less affiliative humor and had lower 
scores on the self-enhancing humor style scale. No significant relationship between loneliness and the aggressive humor 
style was found for the complete sample. When individual country samples were examined (see Table 4), consistently 
a negative correlation was between loneliness and the affiliative humor style. Although not always reaching statistical 
significance, there were negative correlations between the self-enhancing humor style and loneliness. Similarly, the 
self-defeating humor style had positive correlations with loneliness although for some of the samples, the values did not 
reach statistical significance. For each sample, a non-significant correlation was between loneliness and the aggressive 
humor style.

Relationship Between Humor and Loneliness
The structural equation model in Figure 1 was fitted to assess the relationship between the humor styles and loneliness. 
First, this model was fitted with uncentered humor styles. The uncentered model did not fit the data, χ2(12) = 39.232, p 
< .001, RMSEA = .022, SRMR = .011, CFI = .998. Inspection of the modification indices revealed that the affiliative humor 
style had an influence on the feeling of being isolated from others over and above the latent variable. Adding this path 
to the model resulted in a good model fit, χ2(11) = 16.514, p = .123, RMSEA = .010, SRMR = .008, CFI = 1.00.

Figure 1

Structural Equation Model for Testing the Relationship Between the Humor Styles and Loneliness

Note. Parameters on the left of the slash are derived from the uncentered model, parameters on the right from the centered model. The dashed path 
was added after the initial model showed misfit. All estimated are standardized. The parameter of gender was standardized only on the latent variable 
and can therefore be interpreted as Cohen’s d. *non-significant (p ≥ .05) aHow often do you feel that you lack companionship? bHow often do you feel 
left out? cHow often do you feel isolated from others?

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Second, the model was fitted with group mean centered humor styles. This model did also not fit the data, χ2(12) = 
38.141, p < .001, RMSEA = .022, SRMR = .011, CFI = .998. Again, modification indices indicated that the misspecification 
was a missing effect of the affiliative humor style on the feeling of being isolated from others over and above the latent 
variable. Adding this path to the model made the model fit the data, χ2(11) = 15.466, p = .162, RMSEA = .009, SRMR = 
.008, CFI = 1.00.

In the last step, the model parameters shown in Figure 1 where inspected. Both affiliative and self-enhancing humor 
style were related to feeling less lonely. By contrast, the self-defeating humor style was related to feeling lonelier. An 
effect of the aggressive humor style could not be found. All but the aggressive humor styles strongly affected all three 
outcomes—lacking companionship, feeling left out, and feeling isolated from others. The strongest effect was given 
for the feeling of being left out. Furthermore, the feeling of being isolated from others was additionally reduced by a 
higher affiliative humor style. The covariates gender and age were both significant yet their effects negligible. These 
negligible effects suggest that being male and older was related to being slightly less lonely. The results from the 
centered and uncentered models were nearly identical. Therefore, we conclude that the relationship between humor 
styles and loneliness was not driven by country-level differences.

D i s c u s s i o n
This study examined the relationships between humor styles and loneliness for men and women from samples in 15 
countries. Consistently, the pattern suggests that individuals who use the affiliative humor style are less lonely. This 
pattern is as hypothesized, as the affiliative humor style is an adaptive style and reflects using humor to improve 
relationships with others (Lefcourt, 2001; Martin et al., 2003), and, as reviewed in the introduction, lonely individuals 
tend to report poor social bonds with others (Maes et al., 2016).

Less robust, but consistent, was the hypothesized negative relationship between loneliness and the self-enhancing 
humor style. As reviewed in the introduction, the self-enhancing humor style is intrapersonal and involves using 
humor to “cheer” one’s self, which alleviates negative states such as stress (Kuiper et al., 1993; Martin et al., 2003). 
One possibility for the less robust relationship between self-enhancing humor style and loneliness, when compared to 
the relationship between loneliness and the affiliative humor style, is the focus of the humor. Affiliative, by nature, 
is a humor style dealing with others. The self-enhancing humor style may alleviate feelings of stress but does not 
necessarily improve relationships with other people. Possibly applied researchers and clinicians may use these findings 
when providing guidance for lonely individuals and assist by training lonely individuals to focus on affiliative humor 
styles which are inclusive to the group.

As hypothesized, the self-defeating humor style positively correlated with loneliness (although for some of the 
individual country samples, the relationships did not reach statistical significance). These findings are consistent with 
Schermer et al. (2017), who suggested that because individuals who engage in self-defeating humor are making fun of 
themselves, this behavior is possibly a source of discomfort for others, which may, in turn, result in others avoiding 
someone who uses a self-defeating humor style. Future research may want to examine how others react to interacting 
with an individual who behaves with a self-defeating humor style.

Also consistent with past findings (Schermer et al., 2017), the aggressive humor style did not correlate significantly 
with loneliness. The aggressive humor style, as reviewed above, involves belittling others. If this belittlement is directed 
towards an out-group, and the individual engaging in the aggressive humor style perceives themself as being a part 
of an in-group, they may not feel particularly lonely as they are a part of a group. Schermer et al. (2019a) reported 
that individuals who utilize an aggressive humor style are more likely to have alcohol dependence problems. Possibly 
those with an aggressive humor style are unaware or uninterested in their feelings of being lonely or not and hence 
the non-significant correlations between the two constructs. Future research may wish to assess how individuals with 
aggressive humor styles feel about their relationships with others. If less interested in relationships with others, then 
those with the aggressive humor style may not even consider feelings of loneliness; a topic requiring future study.

The geographical coverage of the 15 countries was fairly broad in this study. Of interest was the rank order 
differences between the countries for the loneliness scores. In the present study, the sample from Chile had the highest 

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loneliness scores and the sample from South Korea had the lowest loneliness scores. Why this difference occurred is 
hard to speculate about as South American countries have not been studied as extensively as other nations (Yang & 
Victor, 2011). Hofstede’s cultural categorization (Hofstede, 2001) describes both Chile and South Korea as collectivist 
societies, therefore the individualism versus collectivism findings with respect to loneliness (Barreto et al., 2021; Maes 
et al., 2016) would not apply. One possible influence could be the great differences in population density. According to 
Google.com, Chile has 26 people per square kilometer versus South Korea which has 527 people per square kilometer. 
Although, as stated in the Introduction, people can be in a crowd and still feel lonely, possibly being in a collectivist 
society and being close together helps to alleviate loneliness more than being in a sparsely populated country. Future 
research may want to further examine the possible factors which may cause similar countries on cultural levels to differ 
with respect to loneliness.

Limitations
Despite the fact that the present study incorporates data from multiple countries, one of its limitations reports to 
major differences within the various samples. The study gathered responses from 15 different countries incorporating 
participants with different age ranges across the samples. For those samples with more restricted age ranges, possible 
robust correlations with loneliness and age may have been missed, especially for assessing non-linear correlations 
between age and loneliness. Furthermore, data were collected using different languages and different collection methods 
(paper and online). As stated in the Method section, not all of the translated scales had been independently verified and 
require further study. In addition, the HSQ was not designed to assess any one cultural or ethnic form of humor. Greater 
information will be gleamed in future studies which examine culture-specific uses of humor.

A second limitation to this study is the scale used to assess humor styles. The convergence and representativeness of 
the HSQ in terms of its conceptual foundations has been questioned by some researchers, leading to the need for further 
research to ensure the instrument’s validity (Heintz & Ruch, 2015). An additional limitation refers to the fact that the 
TILS scale does not switch between positive and negative wording, potentially leading to a ‘response pattern’—where 
participants might provide answers without taking the time to think carefully about each item before responding.

Conclusions
Humor needs to be studied from the transdisciplinary perspective in order to take into account not only psychological 
determinants but also specific cultural and historical context of every culture. As the previous review suggests, the 
relations between humor styles and loneliness could be dependent on the specific cultural context. Of interest was the 
finding that the effects of country did not alter the fit of the model predicting loneliness, suggesting that for the 15 
countries tested, the pattern of relations between humor styles and loneliness does appear to be “universal”.

Funding: The authors have no funding to report.

Acknowledgments: Thank you to the following contributors (in alphabetical order): Rahkman Ardi (Airlangga University, Indonesia), Henrietta Bolló 

(Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Hungary), Razieh Chegeni (University of Bergen, Norway), Jan Crusius (University of Cologne, Germany), Tomislav Jukić 

(University Josip Juraj Strossmayer, Republic of Croatia), Emira Kozarevic (University of Tuzla, Bosnia & Herzegovina), Gert Kruger (University of 

Johannesburg, Republic of South Africa), Adil Kurtic (University of Tuzla, Bosnia & Herzegovina), Jens Lange (University of Amsterdam, The Netherlands), 

Kadi Liik (Tallinn University, Estonia), Agim Mamuti (University Mother Theresa, Northern Macedonia), Laura Martinez Buelvas (Universidad Tecnológica de 

Bolívar, Colombia), Benjamin Mrkušić (International University of Sarajevo, Croatia), Emrah Özsoy (Sakarya University, Turkey), Natalia Pylat (Ukrainian 

Catholic University, Ukraine), Goran Riđić (University of Applied Management Studies, Germany), Ognjen Riđić (International University of Sarajevo, Bosnia 

& Herzegovina), Dženan Skelić (University of Zenica, Bosnia & Herzegovina), Chee-Seng Tan (Universiti Tunku Abdul Rahman, Perak Campus, Malaysia), and 

Osman Uslu (Sakarya University, Turkey).

Competing Interests: The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.

Data Availability: Data is freely available at Supplementary Materials.

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S u p p l e m e n t a r y  M a t e r i a l s
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A b o u t  t h e  A u t h o r s
Julie Aitken Schermer (formerly Harris) is a Professor in the Departments of Psychology and Management and Organizational 
Studies at The University of Western Ontario, London, Canada.

Radosław Rogoza (PhD) is Research Assistant at the Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński University in Warsaw, Warsaw, Poland.

Marija Branković is an Associate Professor at the Faculty of Media and Communications, Singidunum University, Belgrade, Serbia.

Oscar Oviedo-Trespalacios is an Assistant Professor in Responsible Risk Management at Delft University of Technology, Delft, The 
Netherlands.

Tatiana Volkodav, PhD, Associate Professor in the Department of Pedagogy and Psychology at Kuban State University, Krasnodar, 
Russian Federation.

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https://doi.org/10.2466/20.21.PR0.115c11z1
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2011.12.024
https://www.psychopen.eu/


Truong Thi Khanh Ha, University of Social Sciences and Humanities, Vietnam National University, Hanoi, Vietnam.

Maria Magdalena Kwiatkowska, PhD student and Research Assistant at the Faculty of Christian Philosophy at the Cardinal Stefan 
Wyszyński University in Warsaw, Warsaw, Poland.

Eva Boyanova Papazova, PhD Associate Professor at the Institute for Research in Education, Sofia, Bulgaria.

Joonha Park, PhD, is Associate Professor at NUCB Business School, Nagoya, Japan.

Christopher Marcin Kowalski, PhD student in the Department of Psychology at the University of Western Ontario, London, ON, 
Canada.

Marta Doroszuk, Ph.D. student at the Faculty of Philosophy, Institute of Psychology at Jagiellonian University, Krakow, Poland.

Dzintra Iliško is a Professor at Daugavpils University, Institute of Humanities and Societal Sciences, Daugavpils, Latvia.

Sadia Malik, Associate Professor, Department of Psychology, University of Sargodha, Sargodha, Pakistan.

Samuel Lins is Professor of Social Psychology at the University of Porto, Porto, Portugal.

Ginés Navarro-Carrillo is an Assistant Professor at the Department of Psychology at the University of Jaén, Jaén, Spain.

Jorge Torres-Marín is a Ph.D. candidate at the Department of Experimental Psychology at the University of Granada, Granada, 
Spain.

Anna Wlodarczyk, Assistant Professor at the School of Psychology at the Universidad Católica del Norte, Antofagasta, Chile.

Sibele Dias de Aquino is a PhD candidate at the Graduate Program in Psychology, Pontifical Catholic University of Rio de Janeiro 
(PUC-Rio), Rio de Janeiro, Brazil.

Georg Krammer is University College Professor for Educational Measurement and Applied Psychometrics at the University College 
for Teacher Education Styria, Graz, Austria.

Loneliness and Humor Styles in 15 Countries 436

PsychOpen GOLD is a publishing service by
Leibniz Institute for Psychology (ZPID), Germany.
www.leibniz-psychology.org

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	Loneliness and Humor Styles in 15 Countries
	(Introduction)
	Loneliness
	Humor and Humor Styles
	Humor and Loneliness
	Hypotheses

	Method
	Participants and Procedure
	Materials
	Statistical Analyses

	Results
	Descriptive Results
	Relationship Between Humor and Loneliness

	Discussion
	Limitations
	Conclusions

	(Additional Information)
	Funding
	Acknowledgments
	Competing Interests
	Data Availability

	Supplementary Materials
	References
	About the Authors