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[Expo. 3.2 (2009) 197–208] Expositions (print) ISSN 1747-5368  
doi:10.1558/expo.v3i2.197 Expositions (online) ISSN 1747-5376 

The Presence of the Past: The Scholarly Afterlife of  
Adversus Judaeos Rhetoric

PETER SPITALER

Villanova University

I learned a great deal from Fredriksen’s book, and I assume other readers 
will equally benefit from studying her analysis of Augustine’s defense 
of Jews and Judaism. Of particular interest to me are the book’s early 
chapters. They describe the changing cultural and religious environ-
ment for the equally evolving social and literary interaction between 
Jews and other ethno-religious groups in the centuries leading up to 
Augustine’s time. These descriptions, in turn, prepare the stage for Fre-
driksen’s presentation of Augustine’s own dealings with Jews, rhetorical 
or real, in his many writings.

As Fredriksen unfolds, before the reader’s eyes, the reception histo-
ry of the Adversus Judaeos rhetoric that Augustine both inherited and 
transformed, she shows that this particular genre is embedded in, and 
retrievable from, literature, like artifacts strewn across the pages of the 
educated among Christian authors and Church leaders who dominat-
ed the literary and ecclesio-political landscape of the first four centu-
ries. With their prolific literary productions and reproductions, the 
ancients liberally disseminated Adversus Judaeos rhetoric. At times, they 
simply repeated the ever more readily accessible rhetorical arguments 
of predecessors and contemporaries. Other times, they tweaked these 
arguments to such a degree that subsequent generations of Christian 
writers were able (deliberately or not) to misinterpret the prototypical, 
intra-Judean arguments of first century (New Testament) authors and 
broadcast them—amplified and virtually unchecked until Augustine 
raised his pen—as stereotypical contra-Judean diatribes.

Reconstructing the origins and reception history of Adversus Judaeos 
rhetoric necessitates interpreting the literary evidence. In this regard, 
contemporary scholars face the same epistemological questions as the 
ancients did: What can we know, and with what degree of certainty? 
In part, Fredriksen bases her reconstruction on a traditional presuppo-



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sition or hypothesis, shared by many scholars, concerning the ethno- 
religious identities of the recipients of Paul’s letters: namely, non- 
Israelite audiences residing in various cities (Rome, Corinth, Philippi, 
Thessalonia) and provinces (Galatia) of the Roman empire.

In my opinion, this particular hypothesis is in serious need of revi-
sion. If it were accurate, because Paul published attacks on his con-
temporary, fellow Israelites in letters to non-Israelite audiences, we 
would have to assume that he intentionally aired in-group problems 
where they could be heard by outsiders, possibly to convince them of 
the accuracy of his positions and the superiority of his own rhetoric. 
To be sure, Paul included only those debates with fellow Judeans that 
portrayed him as a winner, and his personal authority vouched for the 
precision of his claims. Still, Paul himself would have provided the lit-
erary matrix for constructing literary—rhetorical or symbolic—Judean 
lives and identities and deconstructing them before non-Israelite ears. 
These straightforward observations have far-reaching implications for 
our understanding of the past.

First, if Paul indeed wrote to non-Israelites about his quarrels with 
Israelites, he would, in a moment, cease being a bystander innocent (as 
he is often portrayed to be) of setting in motion the Wirkungsgeschichte 
of Adversus Judaeos rhetoric. Rather, he would emerge as the earliest 
culprit of this kind of polemic popularized later on a much larger scale. 
Thus, if our basic assumptions about the circumstances of Paul’s liter-
ary creativity are correct, distortions of Judean identities likely began 
sooner than Fredriksen admits.

Second, next generation authors could no longer be conceived of as 
guilty of a dual offense: misreading Paul’s argumentation and trans-
forming it into condemnations of Judaism. If the ancients reconstruct-
ed the historical setting of Paul’s letters in the same way we do today 
(that is, in accordance with the above stated hypothesis), it would fol-
low that they simply continued a rhetorical tradition legitimized and 
authorized by Paul: that it was rhetorically justifiable and politically 
opportune to attack Judeans in absentia for the purpose of strengthen-
ing nascent Christian identities and theology. Consequently, on this 
account, we would have to say that they neither misrepresented Paul’s 
argumentation nor transformed intra-Judean rhetoric into contra- 



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Judean polemic—for it was not intra-Judean to begin with. By defini-
tion, an intra-Judean debate is a debate among Judeans. If Paul sent his 
letters to non-Israelite Jesus group members, he did not debate with 
Judeans but wrote to fellow Jesus group members about Judean life 
and identity. More precisely, he crafted and used Judean characters in 
his letters to debate with them rhetorically. But the real purpose would 
have been pedagogical: to teach non-Israelites by attacking Judeans 
who had no voice but Paul’s own. Is such a strategy not at the heart of 
Adversus Judaeos rhetoric?

For some time, I have been convinced that Paul did not write to 
non-Israelites, and Fredriksen’s book reinforces this opinion despite 
her taking for granted the traditional, contrary position. The present 
roundtable is not the place to discuss alternatives, but her reconstruc-
tion, or any scholarly work on Israelite religion for that matter, can 
benefit from the findings of Malina and Pilch (2006) that Paul might 
have attempted to preach his gospel in person and letter to fellow  
Israelites, Hellenized Judeans living far away from the homeland, that 
is, Judeans dispersed throughout the Roman empire, and not non-
Israelites (“Gentiles”). According to that scenario, Paul’s letters provide 
evidence that he deconstructed the opinion of fellow Israelites who 
interfered with, or rejected, his gospel. However, his at times heated 
literary riposte to Israelites was not publicized for non-Israelite audi-
ences; Paul actually engaged in intra-Judean debates—with Israelites 
before Israelites.

Of course, the problem of reconstructing the beginnings of Adversus 
Judaeos rhetoric is more complex than identifying possible audiences 
for Paul’s letters. There is strong consensus among scholars (Stowers 
1981; Thorsteinsson 2003) that Bultmann (1910) and others after him 
(Cranfield 1977; Fitzmyer 1993) got it right: Paul’s argumentation, in 
particular in his Letter to the Romans, exhibits the characteristic fea-
tures of a literary genre known as diatribe. Using rhetorical characters 
for the sake of a literary debate, Paul frequently writes in the style of a 
“lively pedagogical discourse” or as if engaged in a “loose style of con-
versation with an interlocutor, spiced up with exclamations, idioms and 
maxims, rhetorical questions, paradoxes, short statements, parodies, 
fictitious questions, antitheses and parallel phrases” (Fitzmyer 1993). 



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In other words, second person addresses are essential elements of his 
letters (see, for example, “you are inexcusable, human.” Rom. 2:1; “you 
are called Judean,” Rom. 2:17).

Whereas the genre of diatribe requires the presence of a rhetorical 
character in the text, diatribe makes no assumption about the histori-
cal accuracy of this character’s words or actions. After all, a rhetorical 
character is a literary construct and may or may not exist in reality. 
Which raises the question: If Paul communicated with rhetorical char-
acters about their conduct and the conduct of other (rhetorical or real) 
characters, how did and does the reader or hearer of his letters identify 
as factual or fictional the conduct that these characters exemplify? Put 
differently, diatribal characters undoubtedly are real in the text and act 
in the text; but to what extent are their identities and actions fiction-
al beyond the text? The answer to these questions is less historical in  
nature than epistemological or, more accurately, steeped in interpretive 
choices. The literature of the first few centuries shows that its authors 
over and over again chose to animate rhetorical characters (mostly 
fashioned to be Judeans) to claim they were real factually. Presumably, 
early Christian writers assumed Paul accurately portrayed Judeans in 
his letters; they extrapolated general characteristics of Judean life from 
his literary portrayals. They literally “realized” them, that is, breathed 
life into them and gave the characters “real” identities and historical 
credibility. All of a sudden, literary creations became clear mirrors of 
historical realities. The problem was, of course, that most ancients  
exploited Paul’s literary critique of fellow Judeans for constructing the 
kind of negative moral and religious biographies, individual and cor-
porate, that sustained Adversus Judaeos argumentation.

We may ascribe to the ancients theological arrogance and social 
ignorance—but what excuses do we find for Adversus Judaeos inter-
pretation bubbling to the surface of contemporary scholarly articles 
and commentaries on New Testament texts? Seemingly ignorant of the 
past, exegesis too often produces readings that echo the anti-Israelite 
statements of the past. Why? William Campbell (2006) suggests that  
“a negative image of Judaism and a corresponding antithesis with emer-
gent Christianity” continues to constitute “the framework of modern 
critical Pauline interpretation”; Douglas Campbell (2005) diagnoses a 



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“latent insensitivity to Judaism.” Be that as it may, Fredriksen’s book 
shows that situating Judaism within its historical settings remains as 
much a challenge as assessing Paul’s view of Judaism. How easy it  
remains to transform a perceived Pauline critique of Judaism into fac-
tual negative portrayals of Israelites and Israelite religion! It does not 
come as a surprise then that contemporary scholarship continues to de-
construct Israelite religion, assuming this is what Paul himself did. For 
example: Carras (1992) holds that Romans 2:1–29 contains “perhaps 
the most extensive and direct critique of Jews and Judaism in the letters 
of Paul.” The rhetorical questions in Romans 2:21–22 are a concrete 
demonstration of the moral failure of “Jews” (Tobin 2004). Being 
called a “Jew” (Rom. 2:17), “Jewish” self-awareness (2:19), and pride 
in the law (2:23) are the hallmarks of a self-righteous identity (Gager 
1983). Even the positive statements of Romans 2:14, 27 concerning 
non-Israelites keeping the law reveal the failure of “Jews” (others did 
what “Jews” failed to do; Boers 1994; Pesch 1983). Lists of “Jewish” 
shortcomings frequently contain “Jewish” disobedience (Gager 1983); 
presumption about “Jewish” privilege (Lincoln 1995); proud claims 
of “Jewish” superiority (Seifrid 1992); the misguided religion of “the 
Jews” (Dunn 1998); lack of repentance (Stuhlmacher 1989); typically 
“Jewish” status confidence (Dunn 1998); typically “Jewish” assertions 
about moral superiority and national privileges (Watson 1986); boast-
ing in the law (Theobald 2000); complacency based on covenantal  
nomism (Chae 1997). 

Of particular concern is the lack of recognition of positive Judean 
identities. In addition to calling fellow Israelites his brothers (Rom. 
9:3) and chosen people (Rom. 11:5) who historically trust God’s love 
(Rom. 11:28; 15:7) and whose relationship with God is defined by 
sonship, glory, covenant, law, cult, ancestry, and promises (9:4–5), Paul 
portrays his people to be entrusted with “God’s oracles” (Rom. 3:2)—a 
law to be upheld (3:31). In contrast with non-Israelites (Rom. 2:14), 
Judeans have a name and are proud of God (2:17). They grow up in 
the law, find truth and knowledge in the law, teach others (2:18–19), 
and are heart-circumcised; God appreciates them (2:29). However, 
theses descriptions are absent from Fitzmyer’s (1993) list of positive 
Judean qualities. They are also not ranked among Mayordomo’s (2005)  



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descriptions of just conduct in Romans 2; and Chae (1997) argues for 
the necessity of a negative interpretation of these verses.

When all is said and done (that is, when we panoptically read con-
temporary literature on Paul’s Letter to the Romans), we discover 
in his text the portrayal of a self righteously judging (Rom. 2:1.3), 
paradigmatically law-breaking (2:17–24) “Jewish” partner in a literary 
dialogue who embodies the “real” or factual problem of first-century 
Israelite religion.

Contemporary forms of Adversus Judaeos thought are driven, not by 
the need to define religious and theological boundaries, but, I surmise, 
by longstanding theological presuppositions. I wonder if this was the 
case also in antiquity. For example, the theological dictum that human-
kind is sinful guides many a scholar (Boers 1997) to unearth from Paul’s 
text hints that Judeans “also” or “especially” belonged to sinful human-
ity. One commonly discovers the conclusion (Fitzmyer 1993; Watson 
1986) that “universality of human sinfulness” can be established, with 
the help of Paul’s text, by (1) setting the perceived sinfulness of non-Is-
raelites (Rom. 1:18–32) against perceived Judean sinfulness (2:1–3:8); 
and (2) demonstrating that among non-Jesus group members upright 
people living moral lives simply did not exist, despite Paul’s assertions 
to the contrary (Rom. 2:13,14, 25–27). His use of diatribe supposedly 
trivialized positive expressions of Judean conduct (“doing the good” 
and “doing the law” [Rom. 2:7, 10, 13]) and neutralized positive  
Judean identities (“being law” and “having the gestalt of truth in the 
law” [2:14, 20]). Put differently, scholars frequently ascribe different 
stages of realness to literary descriptions of immoral and moral con-
duct: the former are anthropologically real or factual, the latter hypo-
thetical or rhetorical. No wonder that positive Judean characters disap-
pear from the text (and from history) in the interpretation processes: 
to comply with the above mentioned theological dictum, Judeans who 
“do the good” and “do the law” (Rom. 2:7, 10, 13) and “have the ge-
stalt of truth in the law” (2:20) become “unreal” characters. In contrast, 
it remains legitimate to identify a “real” Judean behind the allegedly 
negative portrayal of a “rhetorical” Judean (2:17).

Evaluating the socio-religious realities of first-century Judaism with 
the help of a perceived “Pauline critique” of Judaism is problematic. 



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From an epistemological perspective, this mainstream approach is 
most unsatisfactory because it takes Paul’s own constructions of Israel-
ite identities at face value. Apparently, Paul’s use of “literary” dialogue 
partners (characters in the text like the Judean of Rom. 2:17) is thought 
to convey a universal truth about “real” people (persons in the world 
beyond the text). Granted, Paul argues his case with the help of diatribe; 
and in diatribe, the distance between real audience and fictitious dia-
logue partner is often minimal (Thorsteinsson 2003). However, even 
if one were to conclude that the diatribal figure of the Judean (Rom. 
2:17) was a literary figure with negative moral characteristics, liter-
ary data are lacking to support the universalization of immoral Judean 
conduct beyond the text (Spitaler 2008). Here, the theological dictum 
of universal sinfulness appears to guide attributions of factional or fic-
tional realness to characters and their conduct in the text and people 
in the world beyond the text. The time has come to assess Paul’s charac-
terizations with the same kind of suspicion that the portrayals of, for 
example, Pharisees in the gospel literature receive. Today, no serious 
scholar argues that the gospel authors’ presentation accurately reflects 
historical Pharisees.

Presumably, contemporary scholars attempt reconstructions of the 
past from the vantage point of knowing that previous efforts simply 
were wrong, such as the ones that provided the socio-political and 
theological rationale, disguised as “historical,” for Adversus Judaeos 
rhetoric. That is to say, in post-Adversus Judaeos and post-Holocaust 
times, one’s assessment of Paul’s portrayal of Judeans and Judaism is 
never scholarly neutral. This is especially true when it comes to choos-
ing labels for identifying the ancients, like the Jesus group members 
with their diverse ethno-religious and cultural biographies (Paul lists, 
among others, “Barbarians,” “Judeans,” “Israelites,” “Hellenists” [Phil. 
3:5, Rom.1:14, 2:9, 10, 3:9; 1 Cor. 1:18–31]). At some point, even 
historical analysis is vulnerable to succumbing to the seductive power 
of tradition. Fredriksen’s choice—albeit informed by alternatives and 
therefore reluctant—of calling the earliest participants in the Jesus 
group (Israelites and non-Israelites) “Christians” and Israelites “Jews” 
is, in my opinion, evidence of the influence that tradition in general, 
and terminological convention in particular, has on interpretation.  



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If the above cocktail of summary statements from contemporary lit-
erature fails to reveal that first century Israelites are far too frequently 
labeled collectively “the Jews,” consider the following statements.

a. “Rom. 2:1–5 most likely refers to the Jews because it is the Jews 
who would consider themselves morally superior due to posses-
sion of the law.… 2:1–4 make it clear that the works of the Jews 
are evil” (Schreiner 1993).

b. “If the structure and context of the argument of Romans 2 are 
considered, the argument itself requires that he who sits in judg-
ment above others [2:1] is the ‘Jew’” (Carras 1992).

c. In Romans 2, the “entire race of Jews” is addressed as law-break-
ers (Burnett 2001).

d. “The Jews attempt to fill shoes that are much too large for them, 
and they fail lamentably” (Blumenfeld 2001).

e. “Paul is here treating a fault which was common among Jews, as 
a human problem” (Seifrid 2004).

f. “The covenant people have become part of the problem, not the 
agents of the solution” (Wright 2005).

g. Romans 2:17–24 reveal the “inclination of Jews” to do what is 
wrong in spite of circumcision (Fitzmyer 1993).

Admittedly, there is little consensus about nomenclature. However, 
one of the important insights I gained from studying Fredriksen’s book 
is that, with respect to Adversus Judaeos rhetoric, one’s choice of vocabu-
lary indeed matters. In a work that analyzes the Wirkungsgeschichte of 
this particular polemic, even an ever so cautious embrace of a labeling 
tradition that already many call anachronistic and inherently flawed 
appears to be counterintuitive and contrary to the evidence; it is, in 
Fredriksen’s (2008) words, just another way of endorsing the “language 
of the winners.” In this case, however, the winners are those who suc-
ceeded in establishing a hermeneutics of historicity that embraces mis-
nomers as irrefutable facts. Siding with the “winners” is not inherently 
problematic, but attempting to reconstruct the past with terminology 
that reinforces the reception history of Adversus Judaeos rhetoric is.  
After all, it was the repetition of Adversus Judaeos rhetoric, its concepts 



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and argumentation, that kept it alive throughout the centuries. Argu-
ably, applying anachronistic terminology to the ancients results in pre-
cisely a subtle perpetuation of aspects of the Adversus Judaeos tradition. 
When applied to people living in the first century, the label “Jews”  
reduces historical “Judeans” or “Israelites” to merely rhetorical charac-
ters, and the labels “Christians,” “Christian Jews,” and “pagan Christian” 
(Fredriksen 2008) classify as historical characters that, from the perspec-
tive of the first decades of the first century, are purely rhetorical.

In works on historical phenomena, any label other than “Christian” 
and “Jew” for the earliest Jesus group members is historically more  
accurate and therefore hermeneutically more desirable. For quite some 
time now, social scientists and others (see Malina and Pilch 2006; Esler 
2003; Elliott 2007) have worked hard at dispelling the language ghosts 
of the past and present and developed alternative vocabulary: Judeans, 
Israelites, non-Israelites, Hellenists, Jesus group members, etc. Not that 
I think it necessary that historians pursue “activist” strategies in their 
writings. However, the reception history of Adversus Judaeos rheto-
ric has shown one thing to be true: the written word is never neutral.  
Because Adversus Judaeos rhetoric is an ugly beast waiting to be unleashed 
and devour again, repeating the misnomers of the past is rhetorically as 
powerful as substituting for them historically more accurate (a factual 
judgment), and therefore better (a value judgment), terminology.

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