Life at the Edge: Punctuated Time and Time Poverty


Feminist Philosophy Quarterly 

Volume 9 | Issue 2 Article 5 

 

 

Recommended Citation 
Burke, Megan. 2023. “Life at the Edge: Punctuated Time and Time Poverty.” Feminist Philosophy Quarterly 9 (2). Article 

5. 

2023 

 

Life at the Edge: Punctuated Time and 

Time Poverty 
 

Megan Burke 

Sonoma State University 

burkemeg@sonoma.edu 
 



Burke – Life at the Edge: Punctuated Time and Time Poverty 

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Life at the Edge: Punctuated Time and Time Poverty 
Megan Burke 

 
 
 
Abstract 

This paper considers the temporal experience constituted by prohibitions 
against sleep that target individuals who are unhoused and sleep outside. More 
specifically, drawing on Cressida Heyes’s account of sleep and anaesthetic time in 
Anaesthetics of Existence, this paper develops a preliminary account of punctuated 
time as a form of time poverty that is acute for those who must sleep outside. It is 
argued that such prohibitions against sleep work to anchor an individual in a totalizing 
presence, thereby instituting a temporal annihilation of subjectivity. Accordingly, this 
paper suggests that the particular experience of punctuated time endured by 
individuals who are unhoused can be understood as a violent interruption of 
subjectivity that pushes them to the edge of lived time. 
 
 
Keywords: temporality, time poverty, homelessness, sleep 
 
 
 

In April 2021, the Medford City Council in Medford, Oregon, approved an 
ordinance that makes unauthorized lying, sleeping, and camping in all public spaces 
in the city a criminal offense. The bill intensified preexisting ordinances that make it 
criminal to sleep in a tent or with “bedding materials'' in most public spaces and came 
just months after cold weather killed Manuel (“Manny”) Barboza-Valerio—a man 
experiencing homelessness who was sleeping outside in Medford without a sleeping 
bag or a tent. The April 2021 ordinance received national attention for its blanket ban 
on sleeping in public. Criticisms of the ordinance point out the inhumanity of the 
criminalization of homelessness and that carceral punishment is not an actual 
solution. As Trista Bauman, an attorney with the National Homeless Law Center says, 
“Laws that punish universal and unavoidable conduct performed by unhoused people 
in public space are ineffective at reducing the number of people who live outside. . . . 
In fact, they have the unintended consequence of entrenching homelessness. They 
make it more difficult to escape" (Moriarty 2021). Others, including Bauman, point to 
the unconstitutionality of Medford’s ordinance, citing the 2018 Ninth Circuit Court of 
Appeals case Martin v. City of Boise, which set the precedent that it is “cruel and 
unusual punishment” to enforce ordinances that prohibit camping in public places 
when those experiencing homelessness have nowhere else to go. In 2019, the 



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Supreme Court of the United States upheld the Ninth Circuit Court’s decision (Letona 
2019).  

Despite the legal precedent, the 2021 Medford ordinance remains in effect. 
The city insists that its ordinance is a “time, place, manner” restriction. The city also 
insists the purpose of the ordinance is not punitive. Rather, the ordinance is a 
regulatory measure that prioritizes public health and serves as a preventative 
measure for wildfires. In “good faith,” the city lowered the ordinance penalties, from 
six months in jail and a $1,000 fine to up to thirty days in jail and a $500 fine (Morty 
2021; Willgoos 2021; Willgoos and Giardinelli 2021). They also made minor changes 
to the law by adopting provisions that allow tents during the winter months (although 
these provisions are notably vague). Medford’s ordinance is not necessarily 
exceptional, however. It is just one of the more visible examples of relentless efforts 
across the United States to punish those who have to sleep in public space.1 

Much is at stake in such prohibitions against sleep. They intensify the power 
of the carceral state and the precariousness of those who are already extremely 
vulnerable to violence, marginalization, and death. While housing advocates and 
activists rightly emphasize the human right to housing, the injustice of late 
capitalism’s skyrocketing housing costs, and the United States’s commitment to 
housing as an entitlement, it is important to consider the existential dimensions of 
such criminalization—as doing so elucidates the depth of the harm caused by 
prohibitions against sleep. Given that sleep deprivation is recognized as a form of 
torture, existing analyses of the relationship between sleep and homelessness tend 
to draw attention to the negative impacts of sleep deprivation on physical, emotional, 
and mental health (Sebastian 1985; Gonzalez and Tyminski 2020). A 
phenomenological account of the lived experience of time actualized by the 
prohibitions against sleep can elucidate the ontological violence at work in such 
criminalization. 

Sleep is peculiar to consider phenomenologically. As Cressida Heyes (2020) 
makes clear in Anaesthetics of Existence, sleep does not really count as “lived 
experience,” at least not in the tradition of classical phenomenology.2 Given the 
tradition’s emphasis on “lived experience” as the domain of the conscious subject, 
what happens to us when we are unconscious, asleep, drugged up, or deprived of 

 
1 There is an implicit distinction here between people who choose to camp as a form 
of leisure and people who must sleep outside. The latter group may do so for a variety 
of reasons, and some may even “choose” to do so over sleeping in a shelter, but here 
I am not interested in how having to sleep outside comes to be one’s situation. What 
matters is what happens when this is one’s situation. 
2 Many classical phenomenologists have addressed the phenomenon of sleep, but 
they do not tend to examine sleep as a constitutive realm of experience.  



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presence are taken to be nonexperiences—that is, the absence of lived experience. 
This methodological exclusion, Heyes (2020, 24) argues, suggests that “experience” is 
itself a “normative category.” Heyes proposes not to fold the excluded into the 
normative category. Instead, she opens up a new field for a phenomenological investi-
gation. Heyes considers so-called “nonexperiences” as “edge” phenomena in order to 
highlight the constitutive relationship between unconsciousness and consciousness, 
passivity and activity, sleep and wakefulness. In doing so, Heyes offers an intervention 
in phenomenology that affords a way to make sense of and tend to what falls out of 
the bounds of the classical and normative rendering of experience. Echoing Lisa 
Guenther’s (2020, 15) account of critical phenomenology as a method that pulls up 
what “has been rubbed out or consigned to invisibility” by rethinking what counts as 
lived experience, Heyes’s turn to the edge shows how so-called nonexperiences can 
be leveraged or weaponized to reify violent social dynamics and normative 
subjectivity.  

A recurring “edge” of experience discussed in the book is sleep, and I focus on 
it here to explore what it reveals about the annihilation of subjectivity endured by 
those who experience homelessness. More specifically, I offer a few preliminary 
reflections on what occurs when cities and housed citizens withhold the right to sleep 
outside. In thinking with Heyes in this way, I highlight the generative spirit of her turn 
to “nonexperience.” Moreover, at the end of the book, Heyes (2020, 144) remarks, 
“There is plenty about sleep in Anaesthetics of Existence, but it never quite takes 
center stage. In my parallel and successor project, a feminist philosophy of sleep, I 
hope to remedy that.” My reading traces Heyes’s initial insights on sleep in order to 
develop a preliminary account of punctuated time—a form of time poverty that is 
particularly acute for those who must sleep outside. As I will suggest in what follows, 
punctuated time is the experience of one’s time as always about to be interrupted, or 
to use Heyes’s language, it is a temporal experience of always living at the edge.  

Various subjects suffer or endure forms of punctuated time. As a result of 
misogyny and male entitlement, girls and women (and those who are perceived to be 
girls and women even if they are not) are more likely to be interrupted by boys and 
men, and thus girls and women often live the experience of time as punctuated by 
others. Primary caregivers—and mothers, in particular—are likely to have their own 
projects suspended by the labor of care they give to others. People of color have long 
been subjected to a white temporal order as an interruption to (the possibility of) 
existence. Trans experience is often constituted through temporal intervals and 
deferrals that impede the flourishing of trans life. And in contrast to these oppressive 
punctuations, resistance efforts and protests, whether individual or collective, can 
punctuate the dominant temporal order as a gesture of liberation and as a challenge 



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to its violence.3 In other words, there are various ways to consider punctuated time. 
Here, though, I focus only on the experience of punctuated time endured by those 
who must sleep outside. I suggest that a phenomenological consideration of prohibit-
tions on sleeping outside discloses that those experiencing homelessness live the 
edge of being without time. This consideration brings me to a critical point about 
Heyes’s book. I raise a challenge to the class dynamics of their account of anaesthetic 
time, suggesting the need for a more nuanced distinction between being pressed for 
time and living punctuated time. I conclude with a brief consideration of what Heyes’s 
account helps to uncover about the politics of sleep in relation to liberatory 
resistance. 
 
Sleep and Subjectivity 

Perhaps the most elucidating discussion of the relation between sleep and 
subjectivity occurs in Heyes’s account of rape that is perpetrated against unconscious 
victims. As Heyes (2020, 20) writes, “To be violated while ‘dead to the world’ is a 
complex wrong: it scarcely seems to account as ‘lived experience’ at all, yet it often 
shatters the victim’s body schema and world.” For Heyes, such a rape is an “on the 
edge” event because it is beyond conscious or waking existence, wherein “‘lived 
experience’ might seem notably lacking,” yet it is nevertheless an event that happens 
to a subject (55). Phenomenologically speaking, there is a difficulty that emerges in 
such events of rape: without recourse to the victim’s first-person lived experience 
how can we account for the harm of such a rape? To answer this question, Heyes 
makes an important move and argues “unconsciousness is part of lived experience” 
(4). More specifically, Heyes offers a phenomenological analysis of the significance of 
sleep to subjectivity in order to argue that being raped while unconscious destroys a 
subject’s experience of anonymity and anchors her in a hypervisible present. In other 
words, she loses the capacity to retreat into the night. Following Maurice Merleau-
Ponty, Heyes accounts for sleep as “necessary to my continuing a coherent 

 
3 The week-long protest during April 18–25, 1971, on the National Mall in Washington, 
DC, by thousands of Vietnam veterans shows how the politics of sleep and 
wakefulness exceed the borders of social movements. On April 21, 1972, the Supreme 
Court delivered a verdict banning “sleep activities” on public property, and the 
veterans decided to continue sleeping on the Mall. As Franny Nudelman (2019, 120) 
writes in her book Fighting Sleep, “After hours of passionate debate over whether 
they should obey the law and stay awake or break it by falling asleep, veterans 
decided to sleep. In doing so, they turned sleep into a form of direct action, effectively 
politicizing a condition that might appear beyond the reach of radical organizing.” 
Occupy Wall Street also politicized sleep as direct action in its mass movement 
“sleepful protests” that had thousands of people sleeping on public sidewalks.  



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existence”—not in a mere physiological sense, but in the phenomenological sense of 
being-in-the-world (59). This sense of sleep emerges from its relationship to night, 
which Heyes describes as a spatial experience of “pure depth” in which subjectivity is, 
in Guenther’s words, “unhinged from determinate objects” and concrete limits that 
“distinguish the self from nonself” (59; quoting Guenther 2013, 172).  

For Heyes, as for Merleau-Ponty, we need this experience of night as a respite 
from our conscious, waking life. It is restorative—a generative retreat from the world 
that affords me the capacity to get up and be thrown back into the world. As Heyes 
(2020, 60) writes, the experience of night “offers an opportunity to continue existing 
while taking a break from being myself, exactly, for a while.” Such a retreat is 
necessary to subjectivity because, as Heyes puts it, “I develop my self-identity not only 
actively by distinguishing myself as an individual but also in those moments when I 
retreat from my specificity” (61). When the experience of night overwhelms a subject, 
it bears the potential of destroying her existence. That is, to be immersed in the pure 
depth of night, to not experience the rhythm of waking and resting, is to lose the 
capacity to orient oneself in the world.  

This loss is a result of the way others intervene in our lives. It is being marked 
by a kind of hypervisibility, which can occur in the paradoxical “dark” of solitary 
confinement (Guenther 2013) or by being hailed by stereotypes that overdetermine 
existence and thus corrupt the capacity to open out onto the world (Fanon 1967). 
Heyes shows that to be raped while unconscious, to be sleeping in the sense of not 
being a presence, is to have the most vulnerable dimension of one’s existence violated 
because it is the dimension you need to be a conscious, active subject. Contrary to 
views that suggest being raped while unconscious is “not that bad” because a victim 
is not awake for the violence—that is, she is not conscious while she is being 
violated—Heyes points out the profound and particular harm of such an experience 
of rape. More specifically, Heyes (2020, 72) argues that a girl who is raped while 
unconscious has a harder time recovering herself because she has had the “deepest 
place of anonymity, the part of one’s life when existence is most dangerously yet 
crucially suspended, erased.” The girl becomes “all surface” (63), laid out and 
suspended in pure depth. She becomes dead to the world.  

Heyes’s account tends to emphasize the spatial features of sleep. In Institution 
and Passivity, Merleau-Ponty’s (2010) consideration of sleep is more explicitly 
attuned to its temporal significance. In describing sleep as passivity, he writes, “To 
sleep is neither immediate presence to the world nor pure absence. It is being in the 
divergence” (Merleau-Ponty 2010, 148). Here, the temporal structure institutes this 
dimension of being. Or as Merleau-Ponty says later on, “Sleeping consciousness is not 
therefore a recess of pure nothingness; it is encumbered with the debris of the past 
and present. It plays with them” (207). The depth of the night that envelops the 
subject, which allows her to retreat, is made possible by the temporal rhythm of sleep. 



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Insofar as this temporal depth renders a subject’s reawakening in her particularity 
possible, the “nonexperience” of sleep is not atemporal. Its distinct temporal 
rhythm—neither pure presence nor pure absence—is a condition of possibility for 
living an open structure of time. 

Paying further attention to the relation between lived time and sleep helps us 
understand not only how a victim who is raped while unconscious is not just laid bare 
in space (and not just literally) but also why Heyes (2020, 66) claims the girl is “frozen 
in time.” This language of being temporally frozen is language that I have used to 
describe the temporal structure of normative feminine existence as it is instituted 
through the pervasive threat of rape (Burke 2019). On my account, to be frozen in 
time is to become deeply anchored in the present; it is to become severed from one’s 
past and to live the future as foreclosed. Rape is a particularly pernicious event in the 
institution of this closed structure of time because of the way it animates histories of 
power and social meanings of rape that aim to destroy a victim’s life (Mann 2021). In 
the aftermath of rape, lived time freezes because others have the power to hold you 
to a particular moment in time. You get stuck there, held down, and pinned to the 
bed; and in the case of Audrie Pott, which Heyes (2020, esp. 52–53, 64–66) discusses 
at length, you get trapped in the images of your naked, violated body circulating on 
social media.  

The temporal structure of the harm of being raped while unconscious is 
therefore significant. The victim is pushed to the edge of her time because her 
existence is suspended in the depth of night. Ultimately, it is because sleep or 
unconsciousness is a generative temporal edge of experience that its violation 
through rape undoes a subject. On this point, Heyes’s contribution to feminist 
phenomenology is important. If sleep is treated as a nonexperience, then the “tacit 
belief . . . that being less aware of one’s assault while it is happening makes it less 
damaging” persists (Heyes 2020, 55).  

 
Being without Sleep  

Heyes’s account of being raped while unconscious exposes the existential 
damage of the weaponization of sleep. Their account underscores how sleep can be 
weaponized to violate existence or destroy subjectivity. This point is already well 
known in analyses of sleep deprivation as torture. Heyes’s analysis points toward 
other events, ones in which torture is seemingly not at stake but that nonetheless 
underscore the intersubjective dimension of sleep and that expose how others can 
weaponize sleep in ways that legislate subjectivity by denying the capacity for sleep. 
As a result, Heyes’s analysis invites us to think about how a restorative “edge 
experience” of sleep is a matter of how others allow for a subject’s rhythms of waking 
and sleeping.  



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This point brings me back to sleep and the experience of homelessness. 
Medford’s prohibition on camping, lying, and sleeping leaves those without “proper” 
shelter with no way to retreat into the night. As a result, the ordinance is a mechanism 
that destroys subjectivity by stripping those who are unhoused of the capacity to 
sleep. To prohibit sleep, as Heyes’s account reveals, is to push a subject to the very 
edge of lived time. By making it more difficult to find a place to sleep, camping 
prohibitions are part of the arsenal of surveillance mechanisms used by the state, 
mechanisms which construct a hostile architecture of presence to annihilate the 
existence of those who are unhoused. Such efforts work to anchor a person 
experiencing homelessness in a totalizing presence, a presence that has the power to 
make one into a pure absence. Distinct from the rape victim, the individual 
experiencing homelessness who is prohibited a place to sleep is denied the temporal 
movement between sleeping and waking by being forced to stay awake.4 One is 
denied the unconscious dimension of experience by being forced and surveilled into 
a mode of pure presence. Efforts like prohibitive ordinances, “sweeps,” and shelter 
regulations enforce this temporal experience, putting a subject on the edge of lived 
time itself. 

Working against being trapped in pure presence, people experiencing 
homelessness may engage in what one unhoused man, “Joe,” refers to as time 
discipline:  

 
Where and how you sleep is often a matter of discipline when 
residentially challenged… If you’re sleeping in a car or RV, shelter or 
friend’s couch, you have the issue of finding a place to sleep and being 
up and about before the rest of the world is. Usually in a shelter, you 
have to be up and out by a certain time. If [you’re sleeping in] a vehicle, 
you have to have it moved by a certain time. If you’re working you have 
to find ways to make the job fit your situation or vice versa. You’re on 
others’ schedules. And this is where sleep deprivation hits the hardest. 
It adds up. (Olsen 2014) 
 

 
4 I do not mean to make a clean distinction between victims of rape and victims of 
inadequate housing. There are certainly reasons to consider the compounding ways 
rape and the prohibitions against sleeping in public, including state surveillance on 
the streets, are used against those who are unhoused and to consider how the 
experience of rape may be a condition for the experience of inadequate housing. 
Here, though, I am referring to the experiences of rape discussed by Heyes—the ones 
that happen at predominantly white, affluent, high school parties.  



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To exist “on others’ schedules,” as “Joe” does, is to live punctuated time. Generated 
by the social and material conditions of homelessness, to live time as punctuated 
means that your temporal experience is acutely subjected to the hostility of external 
forces. To live time in this way is to experience time as profoundly contingent on the 
social power of others. The point here is not that temporality is or should be purely 
subjective. Rather, the point is that people experiencing homelessness are likely to 
have their time overwhelmed by others. “Joe” finds a way to negotiate the loss of his 
time, but he is nevertheless severely subjected to others’ time and what others do to 
his time. To not become trapped in presence is “a matter of discipline.”  

Here, I would like to make a critical point about Heyes’s consideration of time 
poverty in Anaesthetics of Existence. Heyes describes a kind of class privileged time 
poverty experienced by the white, middle-class moms who self-medicate in order to 
cope with life in late capitalism. But “Joe” lives a very different experience of time 
poverty. His temporal poverty is a specter of death. To live time as punctuated in the 
way he does is to live at the edge of being without time. It is to live every day with the 
possibility of becoming a pure absence by being frozen in pure presence. There is thus 
an important distinction to make between different experiences of time poverty that 
occur in the postdisciplinary time of late capitalism. This difference could be pursued 
further in Heyes’s account.  

Heyes (2020, 99) describes anaesthetic time “as a logical response” to and “a 
way of surviving” the depleting economy of postdisciplinary time that results from the 
material conditions of living in a milieu when work is always possible, when 
multitasking is required, and in which work and life are conflated. Heyes draws 
attention to its particularly gendered dimension, noting that anaesthetic time is often 
marketed to and taken up by white, middle-class women so they can “relax into a 
form of life at high speed” (112). This experience of anaesthetic time stands in stark 
contrast to the dangerous ways poor women and women of color are framed as 
anaesthetic subjects, which Heyes points out. She writes, “For all those individuals 
who use anaesthetic time as a respite from the labor of communicative capitalism, 
there are also those who are thrown out by systems of labor as surplus and are 
anaesthetized as a way of managing or subduing them” (114). But it is here that Heyes 
could develop an important distinction to clarify the particular lived experience that 
is the focus of her analysis. Anesthetic time is a mode of subjectification of the socially 
privileged, while anaesthetized time is that which demarcates who is to be discarded. 
To be sure, I would agree that these are both “edge experiences,” but a consideration 
of this difference would better elucidate how postdisciplinary time structures 
temporality in different ways depending on the material conditions of one’s 
existence.  

From this difference between the socially privileged experience of anaesthetic 
time and the socially disadvantaged experience of being anaesthetized, an important 



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distinction in the experience of time poverty emerges. On Heyes’s account, those who 
have the social privilege to “take the edge off” do so because they experience time as 
if there is not enough of it. When there’s “so much to do,” one lives time as if there is 
not enough of it. From such a situation, anaesthetization is a way to experience time 
as more open. It is to relax into time that is jam-packed. It is to “check out” so the 
intensity of reality subsides. In this shape of time, time is impoverished—but only 
because one is pressed for time to slow down and expand. In contrast, to endure 
homelessness—as one materialization of being anaesthetized—is to experience time 
as relentlessly broken. In this form of time poverty, sleep is used against those who 
are unhoused to destroy subjectivity. As such, this kind of time poverty imperils one’s 
ability to experience time at all.  

The issue here is not that Heyes neglects to point out that anaesthetic time is 
lived by those who are socially privileged. Indeed, Heyes (2020, 99) claims it is “subtly 
marketed to more privileged women.” My point is that a sharper distinction between 
anaesthetic time and anaesthetized time would better draw out the intersubjective 
dimension of temporality. It would better elucidate how lived time is structured by 
others and how it is maldistributed in late capitalism. What would we then grasp 
about the material and intersubjective conditions that allow a subject to affectively 
alter her own time, who gets to slow time down, and who gets to experience the 
rhythm of waking and sleeping? How might such a distinction disclose the conditions 
of the temporal harm endured by those who are unhoused?  

 
The Politics of Sleep 

Cressida Heyes has written a book that inspires us to pay more attention to 
the existential and ethical dimensions of sleep and that asks us to consider the role of 
sleep in liberatory movements. Her book encourages us to understand that how and 
if we sleep, and how we wake, are about the ways others hold time open for us. 
Indeed, Heyes draws our attention to the ethical and political dangers of anaesthetic 
time. “It is more an absence or an evasion than a way of being present,” Heyes (2020, 
124) writes. While anaesthetic time might be an individual survival strategy of socially 
privileged subjects, a way to manage the overwhelmed time of a postdisciplinary 
world, it also allows us to retreat from the world. This kind of retreat is a condition of 
possibility for the persistence of forms of anaesthetization that subjugate and 
destroy.  

Following Heyes’s innovative work, my comments here have begun to show 
that living the edge of being without time is a weaponization of temporality that 
works to undo, and often end, the existence of those who are unhoused. Anesthetic 
time, as a time of checking out, is a condition that makes the reality of such harm 
possible. As Heyes (2020, 124) writes, we should not “all go to sleep in lieu of feminist 
revolution.” The distribution of sleeping and wakefulness, of living social conditions 



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that allow one to sleep and to retreat from one’s self, have an important role to play 
in resisting and responding to the particular forms of violence waged against those 
who are unhoused.  

 
 

References 
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Guenther, Lisa. 2013. Solitary Confinement: Social Death and Its Afterlives. Minneap- 
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———. 2020. “Critical Phenomenology.” In 50 Concepts for a Critical Phenomenology, 
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Heyes, Cressida J. 2020. Anaesthetics of Existence: Essays on Experience at the Edge. 
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Letona, Crys. 2019. “Supreme Court Lets Martin v. Boise Stand: Homeless Persons 
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Merleau-Ponty, Maurice. 2010. Institution and Passivity: Course Notes from the 
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Mann, Bonnie. 2021. “Rape and Social Death.” Feminist Theory. Published ahead of 
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Moriarty, Liam. 2021. “Homeless Advocates Push Back on Proposed Medford 
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Nudelman, Franny. 2019. Fighting Sleep: The War for the Mind and the US Military. 
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Olsen, Hanna Brooks. 2014. “Homelessness and the Impossibility of a Good Night’s 
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Sebastian, Juliann G. 1985. “Homelessness: A State of Vulnerability.” Family and 
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Willgoos, Megan. 2021. “Tents to Be Banned in Medford after Prohibited Camping 
Ordinance Passes through Council.” KTVL News 10, April 2, 2021. https://ktvl 
.com/news/local/tents-to-be-banned-in-medford-after-prohibited-camping-
ordinance-passes-through-council. 

Willgoos, Megan, and Christina Giardinelli. 2021. “Greenway Campers React to 
Proposed Ordinance Banning Use of Tents.” KTVL News 10, March 22, 2021. 
https://ktvl.com/news/local/greenway-campers-react-to-proposed-
ordinance-banning-use-of-tents. 

 
 
MEGAN BURKE (they/them/theirs) is associate professor of philosophy at Sonoma 
State University. They work primarily in feminist philosophy, critical phenomenology, 
and trans philosophy, and are the author of When Time Warps: The Lived Experience 
of Gender, Race, and Sexual Violence (University of Minnesota Press, 2019). 


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