Focus Spring 1996.tif


Greed and Economic Self-Interest 
in Kleist's "Verlobung in St. Domingo" 

by John S. Angermeier 

o her nearly twO hundred years of almost complete neglect , Kleist's 
W novella "Die Verlobung in St. Domingo," first published under 
the title "Die Verlobung" in the journal Ocr Fr-eimiithige in 1811, has 
re( eody enjoyed considerable critical attention. In his study, Denys 
Dyer singles Out t he "symbol ic proportions" of the "conflict between 
black and white" (39). Pet ra Perry illuminates the "Grausamkeit und 
Unaussohnbarkeit des Rassenkonnikts ." (23). Studies by Hans 
Jakob Weden and Ray Fleming both foclis on the question of the 
racial and social patterns predominant in H aiti and Europe in 1803. 
However, there are also inquiries that investigate the interplay o f the 
two predominant themes of love and race in Kleist's rale. Sigrid Weigel 
exami nes t he "Zusammen hang zwischen Liebesgeschichte und 
Rassenbimpfen . . " (206) . In a similar manner, H erber[ Uerlings 
underscores t h e importance of Kleist's "Verarbeitung einer 
interkulturellen Begegnung" (186). Uerl ings concludes that the 
"Zentralthema ist die Verlobung mit ihren todlichen Folgen" (193), 
and, as Weigel notes, the German word for race, "Rasse,n does not 
appear in "Die Verlobung in St. Domingo" (208). Wolfgang Mieder 
concludes lhat "das TheOla der Novelle gilt niche dem alles aufwi.ih­
lenden Rassenkonflikt" (397). Hence, as intriguing as the issue of race 
may be, it also seems justifiable to illuminate the intricate central 
betrotha l scene. As the title suggests, at the co re of Kleist's work lies 
the question of why Toni Be rtrand and Gustav von der Ried even 
become bet rothed at ali, and under what circumstances their fragi le 
union fai ls. Thus, t he motivations of Gustav and Tont during th is 
crucial section of Kleist's story will be at the center of our examina­
ti on. 

Focus on Lireralur Vol. 3, No. I (1996) 



22 Focus on Literatur 

Scholarship has often viewed Gustav as an egocentric person who 
undergoes no personal development and is concerned only with his 
immediate safety. As Mieder notes, his betrothal to Toni is often 
seen as a "Riickversicherung" (399), a guarantee of his safe passage to 

Port-au-Prince. Though this notion is certainly valid, Gustav's ac­
tions are informed by a constant attention to his economic interest. 
On numerous occasions, Gustav's material considerations and out­
right greed penetrate the narrative surface of the novella and then 
quickly vanish only to resurface again later. Gearey's study does not 
specifically mention economic concerns. However, he states that the 
reader of Kleist's "Die Verlobung in St. Domingo" will "sense a dis­
parity of thought and action'"' (70) and that readers will encounter 
"conflicting and contrasting action" (71). I will artempt to clarify this 
muddled picture by demonstrating the extent to which economic con­
siderations factor into the decisions and thoughts of the characters . 

We wou ld be well advised at this juncture to recall the financial 
di re straits that the author Kleist was in his whole adu lt life. His 
entire correspondence is ruled by an urgent plea for fun ds~e ither for 
trips, daily living expenses, property in Switzerland, or the ill-fated 
Phobu5 project in Dresden. Kleist 's half-sister Ulrike, to whom he 
frequently addressed these frantic pleas, personally suffered consider­
able financial hardsh ip as a result of her soft heart and alt ruistic purse. 
Indeed, the picture of Kleist travelling across Europe and harried by 
economic uncertainty, his plans constantly thwarted by advancing 
Napoleonic troops, recalls images of Gustav and his entourage flee­
ing from the vengeful rebels . Also, as Bernd Fischer points OUl, Kleist's 
close friend during his stay in Switzerland, H einrich Zschokke, de­
voted ten essays to the revolution on Haiti. Zschokke underscored 
"d ie 6konomische Bedeutung der reichen Plantagen H aitis hir 
Frankreich" and wrote of the "fiir Frankreich nicht wieder gut zu 
machende 6konomische Schaden" (101).lt is very likely that Kleist's 
attention was directed toward the economic situation in Haiti by his 
friend, who, as Fischer states, "sich wie kaum ein anderer europaischer 
Politiker und Journalist mit den Vorgangen auf H aiti intensiv ausein ­
andergesetzt hat" (101). The circumstance that the material aspect 
can be t raced in every level of the narrative of "Die Verlobung in St. 
Domingo" certainly justifies further exploration of this motif. 

In the year 1803, Haiti, the setting of Kleist's novella, is the scene 
of unrest and revolt. The economic structure of France's richest colony 

Economic Self-Interest in Kleist 23 

is shaken to the core . Wealthy white plantation owners are either 
murdered or escape with a murderous mob at their heels . Tn the wake 
of this slave revolt, a new political and economic system will arise . 
Kleist pays particular attention to the economic detail of the new 
order that emerges on rh is devastated island. The notion that rhe lib­
erated slaves are merely securing t heir personal freedom and taking 
revenge on their former white masters simply does not stand up un­
der close scrutiny. The actions of his characters are often consistent 
with the efforts of the black and raciaJly-mixed contingent on the 
island to seek an economic advantage. For Congo H oango, former 
slave and current leader of the revolt, it does not su ffice to murder his 
master, Guillaume Villeneuve. Kleist info rms us that the freed slave 
contributes to the removal of the economic basis of slavery as weJl by 
destroying "die ganze Pfl anzung, worauf die Erben, die in Port au 
Prince wohnten, hatten Anspruch machen k6nnen .. " (699).' Al­
though Congo Hoanga destroys the plantat ion, he inhabits the 
"H errenhaus" a page later, a discrepancy often noted by critics . The 
destruction of the plantation signals the complete obliterat ion of t he 
old ways. Out of the rubble, however, there ari.ses not a "new order" 
but simply a reversed "old order." Significantly, aner ousting his white 
master, Congo Hoango implements a similarly oppressive hierarchy 
by residing in the "H auptgebaude" (700), while his own children Seppy 
and N anky remain in the "Nebengebauden " (701) with the other 
fonner slaves. Only Babekan and Toni are allowed to inhabit the 
"Herrenhaus" with Congo Hoango. They both playa vital role in 
luring the unsuspecting white refugees into a false security, so that 
Congo H oango can butcher and rob them. Lilian Hoverland elabo· 
rates on this phenomenon as follows : "Die Rebellion galt vor allem 
dem Gegensatz zwischen Herren und Untergebenen, sie galt der 
ungleichen Machtverteilung. Bezeichnenderweise ergibt sich nach der 
Vertreibung der Weit1en aber dieselbe Situation wie friiher" (155). 

Enter against this turbulent backdrop Gustav von der Ried, an 
offi cer in the French army sent to restore slavelY 011 the island. As 
Roswitha Burwick notes, he is the "uncommitted soldier, fighting in 
the army of a people that had not only executed his fiancee but also 
suppressed his native country" (325). All outward appearances indi· 
cate th<lt Gustav has adjusted quite well to necessity. Like a chame· 
leon, he adopts the color that best suits his momentary and monetary 
purposes as well. Upon entering the robber's den, Gustav informs 



24 Focm on LiteralUr 

T a ni and Babekan that {he two servants in his group were sent out 
the previous night [0 secure provisions. However, their dangerous 
mission failed because "Furcht, ergriffen und getoret zu werden, hielt 
sie ab, die entscheidenden Schritte deshalb zu run.. .. (703). As 
Kleist's story unfolds, it becomes apparent lhat the Swiss refugees 
entrusted this del icate mission to the right person when they chose 
Gustav. In the end, however, Kleist's irony emerges, as the refugees 
are ultimately saved by Toni's "Gehihl" and not Gustav's "Vemand," 

Like mOst white inhabitants of rhe island, G ustav and hi s party 
were only able to save themselves with "'einigen H abseligkeiten" (706) 
during their escape from the rebels. In his fear, Gustav appeals to 
Toni and Babekan on an emotional level as "mitleidigen Menschen" 
(703) who do not share the "unerhone Erbitterung, welche aH e 
Einwohner dieser Insel ergriffen hat . . . "(705). On a cognitive level, 
however, he is well aware that economic considerations might out­
weigh altruism in assuring Babekan and Toni 's aid. The idea of mon­
erary compensation is present in Gustav's mind when he states: "I-Iabt 
die Gefalligkeit, mir fUr reichlichen Lohn ein ige Korbe mit Lebens­
mitteln und Erfrischungen anzufiillen . .... (703). It becomes appar­
ent that he counts on their greed rather than on their human compas­
sion to help him out. GUStaV promises them "jede Belohnung, die ihr 
nur verl3ngen magt," if they agree to harbor his party and grant them 
a day or twO of rest in their house (704). In the same vein, Gustav 
speaks of a financially rewarding undertaking, of "das Geschaft, sie in 
die N iederlassung einzufuh ren ... " (704). Note the equivocation in 
Gustav's approach to securing aid. On the surface, he appeals to the 
"good Samaritan" in Toni and Babekan. Deep down, however, Gustav 
remembers the razing, torching and looting of Fort Dauphin at the 
hands of the rebels. His true appraisal of Toni's and Babekan 's senti­
ments is evident in the financia l undertone to his altruistic plea. 

Traditionally, Babekan and Congo Hoango are viewed as ideo­
logically pure. They are portrayed as revolutionaries who have shelved 
personal desires in favor of a higher cause, as freedom fi ghters who 
selflessly advocate the annihi lation of all whites on the island. Burwick 
sees Babekan as an idealistic revolutionary "who fights for her cause 
without any compromises- (325). Ray Fleming claims that she is Mthe 
most frighteningly consistent character in the story" because she is 
indeed "personall y and politically committed to her cause ... " (315).2 
Uerlings states: "Aile Teilnehmer der haitianischen Erhebung rachen 

Economic Self-Interest in Kleist 25 

sich fur in der Vergangenheit erliuenes Unrecht, an keiuer Stelle 
ratlchen eine davon abweichende Zielvorstellung oder ein anderes 
Motif auf" (193). These testimonies to Sabekan 's "pure" character do 
nOt account for her greed, however, and the lengths to which she will 
go to satisfy it. Babekan's remarks to Toni, in which she instmcts her 
to sexually entice the "Fremder" so that he does not Oee, are very 
telling: "Sie bemerkte, daB die Sache wichtig sci, indem die Familie 
wahrscheinlich bet dichtli che Habse ligkeiten mit sich fuhre; und 
fo rderte die Tochter au f, sie aus allen Kraften in dem Vorhaben, das 
sie ihr angegeben, Z li 1Illlerstut zen" (7 11). Her interes t in the 
"betraclnli che Habseligkeiten" of the Swiss re fugees would indicate 
that she does not view the sb ve revolt solely as an opportunity to 
ensure her freedom or take personal revenge (71 t). For Babekan, as 
for other revolutionaries on the island, political chaos presents an 
excellent opportunity to ensure their economic fmUfe. 

Babekan 's intermediOite position as a mulatto between rhe white 
refugees and the blacks as represen ted by Congo Hoango is precari. 
ous at best. When Gustav first sees her countenance in the door his 
thoughtS are "ganz von Mohren und Negern erfiilh" (705). Though 
Congo tolerates the "kreolische Halbhunde" T oni and Babekan in 
his house for their role in murdering and plundering whites (704), 
Babek::m points out to Gustav that he begmdges them "das kleine 
Eigentum, das wir hinterlassen wiirden" (704). C ritics 1lJ.\'c often called 
attention lO the b Cl that Toni and Babekan's skin color places them 
squa rely between the whites and the "pure" blacks. As Almute 
Wedekind underscores in an hislOric study, the mulattoes' interme­
diate position in HJiti had economic as we ll as racial reasons. 
Wedekind states that the mulattoes ;'were generally treated as second 
class citizens, much like the American Negro in the southern states 
unti l recentl y. Since they could nOt adva nce socially or profess ion­
ally, Lhey concentrated 0 11 the only acti vity open to them: the acqui­
sition of property" (27). 

Babekan notes that Congo Hoango is totally committed to the 
"business" at hand of ridding rhe island of the white race, that he "an 
dem Geschaft Tei l ninllnt, das ga nze Gesc hlecht derselben von cler 
Insel zu verti lge n ..... (704). Here again, the economic side of the 
slave revolt surfaces. The term "Geschaft" in Kleist's short fiction is 
by no means limited to "Die Verlobung in St. Domingo." This word 
is also prominent in "Dcr Findling," "Michael Kohlhaas," "Die heilige 



26 Focus on LileralJtr 

Giciiie," "Die Marquise von 0.," and "Das Erdbeben in Chile" (Lend­
ers 168). As demonstrated by Kohlha3s' wife Lisbeth, characters in 
Kleist's works frequently risk life and limb to further the "Geschaft" 
of those close to them. 

Perhaps nowhere in Kleist's ficlion are the concepts of body and 
business linked more closely than in the central betrot hal scene in 
"Die Verlobung in St . Domingo." As Mieder says, Gustav's engage­
ment to T oni is typically viewed as a decisio n made by his "Verstand" 
(398). T oni, on the other hand, is guided by her "Gefiihl." It is true 
that Gustav's thoughts revolve around his immediate personal safety. 
Following his assignation with Toni "sah er so viel ein , dan er gerenet, 
und in dem Hause, in welchem er sich befand, fur ihn nichts von 
dem Madchen zu befurchten war" (710). To be sure, however, Toni 
also represents a singular opportun ity for Gustav to immediately re­
gain the financ ial losses rhat he and his group have suffered at t he 
hands of the black looters. JUSt as Babekan's beau Bertrand denied his 
parentage of Toni to marry a "junge reiche Braut" (706), Gustav, at 
least in part, woos Toni for her fi nancial assets. Toni's financial po­
tential is crucial to Gustav's attraction, even before their betrothal is 
physically consummated. Robert E. Glenny remarks on Gustav's treat­
ment of Toni as an object, not a human being, as follows: "Gustav's 
private world does not incorporate Toni as a person; he has aconcep­
tion o f Toni that is flat and lacks differentiation" (146). Toni is ac­
quired by Gustav as "property" through the sexual act. Perhaps th is 
is also a coll aborating reason that Toni is forbidden on pain of deat h 
to have sexual intercourse with strangers. T he sexual t ra nsaction as­
sures Gustav the right to Toni's "dowry" in Europe, as well as el im i­
nating H oango's and Babekan's truSt in her for any further finan­
cial ly lucrative murder schemes. H ence, T oni guarantees bOlh Gustav's 
short-term physical safety and his long-term financ ial security. 

It has often been noted that Gustav teasingly questions Toni about 
the qualifications of a potential future husband: "ob es v ielleicht ein 
WeiGer sein musse, cler ihre Gunst davon trage?" (709) . It should come 
as no surprise, however, thac his first question is concerned with the 
fi nancial assets of her potential groom. Concerni ng t he slighted black 
suitor, Komelly, Gustav inquires tellingly: "Fehlt es ihm denn an 
Ve rmogen, urn sich hauslich, wie du es wilnschest, mit d ir nieder­
zulassen?" (708). This question is indeed revealing, fo r it assumes that 
Toni, like he himself, places more emp hasis on the financial situat ion 

Economic Self-Interest in Kleist 27 

o f a future spouse than on feelings of affection . As Toni informs 
Gustav, Kornelly toO has profited from the general economic up­
heaval on the island: "'KorneUy isr, seit der lerzten Wendung der Dinge, 
ein reicher Mann geworden; seinem Vater ist die £anze N iederlassun g, 
die sonst clem Planzer, seinem Herren , geho rte, zugefa ll en" (708). 
Only after eli minating economic considerations as a reason for Toni's 
rejection of Kornell y does he inquire "scher-ze nd" into the issue of 
race (709). When Gustav is told t hat Toni's father is "ein reicher 
Marseill er Kaufmann " (705), his im erest, both on a physical and fi­
nancial plane, is immediately aroused. He expresses what can only be 
an opportunistic desire to help her in claiming the position and in­
heritance that is rightfully hers. Gustav lells Toni .. 

indem er ihre Hand fa fhe: dan sie ja in diesem Faile ein vornehmes 
und reiches Madchen wa re. Er mumene sic auf, diese Vonei\e 
geltend zu machen, und rneinte, dla sie l-Ioffnung hane, !loch einmal 
an der Hand ihres Vaters in glanzendere Verhaltn isse, als in denen 
sie jew lebte, eingefuhrt zu werden! (706). 

Gustav is not building castles in the air. As H ans Jakob Werlen 
notes, "his paternity guarantees legitimacy to t he daughter's quest to 
retu rn to Europe" (463). We can also imagi ne lhat Gustav von der 
Ried, a mercenary adept at adjusting to various political and social 
ci rcumstances, would not be easily dissuaded from staking his legit i­
mate fina ncial claim once he has wedded Toni. Part of the reason 
why T oni is not wise to Gustav's economic rec ko nings is surely rooted 
in t he fact that she reacts to Gustav on t he basis of feeling. As H ans 
H olz. correctl y states, however, Guslav's t ragic m isreadi ng of T oni 
and her actio ns is also due to "den durch die Unzulanglichkeit der 
Sprache bedingten lrrgang des Mensche n" (104). 

T he parallels between T oni and Gustav's former fiancee, Marianc 
Congreve, whi ch stem from both characters' willingness to sac rifice 
themselves for thei r beloved, have often been noted. H oweve r, one 
si milarity has not been memioned: bot h women are daugluers of 
"Kaufmanner" (709) . Gustav, in keep ing with his financ ial interests, 
felt ugliick lich genug" when he became engaged to Mariane (709). 
When wooing Toni, he immediately emp hasizes t he extent of his 
financial assets: "Er besch rieb ihr, welch ein kleines Eigemum, frei 
und unabhangig, er an den Ufern der Aar besitze . ." (710). He 
obviously feels that such security as he is able to offer will he a derer-



28 FoCIIs on Literalltr 

mining factor in making up her mind. 
Only Toni acts on tmly altruistic or romantic sentiments. She 

expresses her disagreement with the plans thal are in stOre for Gustav 
even while realizing thal this dissent could cost her her life. She la­
ments her compatriots' wish to "oach Art der Rauber, iiber ihn 
herfallen, ihn toten und auspliindern ... "(712). Toni's labeling of 
Babekan and Congo Hoango as "Rauber" certainly excludes them 
from the category of "pure" revolutionaries. Toni, however, iSlfuiy 
free of greed. Her transformation from accomplice to caring bride is 
underscored when we are informed that she "sah den Jungling, vcr 
Gatt und ihrem Herzen, nicht mehr als einen blo~en G asl, clem sic 
Schutz und Obdach gegeben, sondern als ihren Verlobten uncl Gema hl 
an" (715). No longer is she merely concerned with the physical wel­
fare of Gustav; in her mind, he has already become her future hus­
band. It can be speculated, however, that even before she encoun­
tered Gustav, Toni's actions were guided by her "Gefuhl" rathenhan 
material concerns. Had Toni been motivated by greed, she would 
have surely married rhe newly-rich Kornelly. In contrast to Gustav, 
Babekan, and Congo Hoango, Toni's decisions are guided by her 
heart, nOt her head. 

As stated earlier, Gustav's actions are ruled by his concern for 
safety as well as material gain. His belief that l oni has betrayed him 
is tragic but not illogical. These thoughts are consistent with his chlr· 
acter and cool, opportunistic nature . By becoming a mercenary, 
Gustav has shown rhat his primary loyally is not with his count ry, 
but is for sa le to the highest bidder. His mistrust of Toni is rooted in 
the assumption that , if paid enough, she roo would exchange loyal­
ties and betray her husband. Gustav s3vagely murders Toni, with the 
narrator commenting that h.e "'stie6 sie mit dem FuB von sich, und 
warf sich, indem er sie eine Hure nannte, wieder au f das Bette niede r" 
(723) . Gustav, having sold himself as a mercenary to the French army, 
hypocritically de nounces Toni as a whore . 

After Gustav's mUl"der of Toni and his suicide, the only course of 
action remaining to Herr St romli is to return to Switzerland, pur­
chase a house, and subsist on «clem Rest seines kleinen Vennogens .. " 
(725). It is cenainly not accidental that H err Stroml i uses Congo 
H oango's son as a hostage, a sort of "'Ruckvers icherung," in his re­
treat. Although the virtue o f tnlst plays a considerable role here, the 
pledge of a hostage to ensure a safe flight should not be overlooked. 

Economic Sel f~lnterest in Kleist 29 

It is clear that economic consider-uions influence characters at 
every juncture and at every level of Kleist 's novella. Furthermore, 
characters view and lreat each other as possessions from the begin­
nin g to the end. This is no chance occurrence: as Dyer notes, ""Die 
Verlobung' is very carefully and close ly constntcted" (33). As previ­
ously noted, Kleist's economic preoccupat ion in "Die Verlobung in 
St . Domingo" has its parallels in his own life. T be end of t he novella 
is no exception. By killing Toni, Gustav removes the financial basis 
of his existence. H e then Sh001S himself in th e head . The similariti es 
between Toni's death and Gustav's subsequent suicide, on the one 
hand, and the death of H enriette Vogel and Kleist 's suicide at the 
Wannsee, on the N her, have often been noted, but few have noted 
the economic parallel. As Curt H oho H indicates, Kleist is th reatened 
by "v611ige Mittellosigkeit" towards the end of his life (J63) . Like 
Kleist, Gustav is financially impoverished. Like Kleist, he is betrayed 
by his senses and cannot obtain the final truth here on eanh. Like 
Kleist, he shooLS a woman through the hean and himself through t he 
head, thereby punishing the organ of "Vernunft" that has betrayed 
him. Once more, life imitates fict ion as economic hardship and faulty 
reasoning cause tragedy in Kleist's personal fate and in his Domini­
can "'Verlobung" as well. 

UniverSIty 0/ Iowa 

Notes 

1 All references to Kleist's novella in this text are taken from Sembdner. 
2 Ray Fleming states that, "in the case of 8abekJn the personal has so 

completely become indistinguishable from the political" (3 17 n. 10). In view 
of the economic motivating factors underlying Babekan 's actions, T find it 
more compelling to side with R. K. Angress, who states that I-Iermann in 
Kleist's Die Hermalllls5chlacht is "the only consistently political being in all 
of Kleist's works" (26). 

Wo rks Cited 

Angress, R. K. "'Kleist 's T reatment of Imperialism: 'Die Hermannschbcht' 
and 'Die Verlobung in Sl. Domingo.'- A/oTl:mhe/te 69 (1977); 17·33. 

Burwick, Roswitha. ""Issues of Language and Commu nication: Kleist's 'Die 
Verlobung in SI. Domingo. ". Genllall Quarterly 65 (1992): J 18·327. 



30 Foem on Literalltr 

Dyer, Denys. The Stories O[ Klwt: A Critical SWdy. New York: Holmes & 
Meie r, 1977 . 

Fi scher, Bernd. lronische Metaphysik. Die Erzahlungen Heinrich von Kleists. 
Mii nchen: Fink, 1988. 

Flemi ng, Ray. "Race and the Difference it Ma.kes in Kleist's 'Die Verlobung 
in S1. Domingo.'" German QltaYUr/y 65 (1992): ]06·) 17. 

Gearey, John. Hemnchvon Kleist: A 5111dy in Tragedyand AnXiety. Philadel· 
phia: U of Pen nsylvania, 1968. 

Glenny, Roben E. The MamplliatiOn of Reality in Works by HeinridJ von 
Kleist. New York: Lang, 1987. 

Hohoff, Curt. HeinYlchvoll Kleisr. Hamburg: Rowohh, 1958. 
Holz, Hans Hei nz.. Macht Imd Ohnmacht deT Sprache: Unce»uchllngen zwn 

SpracbwrSliindnis und SCI! Hemrich 11011 Kfeist.5. Frankfurt: Athenaum, 
1962. 

Horn , Peter. "Hatte Kleist Rassenvorun eile? Eine kritische Auseinander­
setzung mit der Literatur zur 'Verlobung in St. Do mi ngo. '" Monatshefte 
67 (1975), 11 7-128. 

Haverland, Lil ian. Heinrich von Kleist lind das Prinzip deT Geslahung. 
Ko nigstein: ScriptOr, 1978. 

Kl eist, Hein rich von. Wlerke in emem Band. Ed. Helmut Sembdner. Miinchen: 
Hanser, 1966. 

Lenders, Win fried, Helmut Schanze, and Hans Schwene, eds. Wdrterbuch 
zu Heinricb von Kleist. Tiib ingen: Ni emeyer, 1989. 

Mjeder, Wolfgang. "Triadische Grundst ruktur in Heinrich von Kleists 
'Verlobung in St. Domingo .'» Neophilologus 58 (1974): 395-405. 

Perry, Petra. Moglichkeit am Rande der It'Iahrsrheinlichkeit. Die 'iamastische 
Situation" In der Kleistischm Novel/'stik . Wien: Bohlau, 1989. 

Uerlings , Herbert. "Preussen In Haiti? Zur interkuhu rellen Begegnun g in 
Kleists 'Verlobung in 51. Domingo.'" KleislJahrblich (1991) : 185-20 1. 

Wedekind, Almute. "Die V~!obung in St. Domingo": Kleisl's Novelle ill Trans· 
lation as a Basis for Opera and Drama. New York: Lang, 1983. 

We igel, Sigrid. "Der Korper am Kreuzpunkt von Liebesgeschichte und 
Rassendiskurs in Heinrich von Kleists Erzahlung 'Die Verlobu ng in Sf. 
Domingo.''' KleistJahrbllch (199 I) : 202·217. 

Werl en, Hans Jakob. "Seduction and Betrayal: Race and Gender in Kleist 's 
'Die Verlobung in Sc. Domingo.'M Monauhefte 84 (1992): 459-47 1. 

Franz Kafkas Der ProzeJS: 
Die Problematik des Schriftstellerseins 

als sozialer Konflikt 

Chris Prang 

On cler Ausein:mdersetzung mit Franz. Kafkas Roman Der Prozejf 
hat sich die Germani sti k bislang weitgehend auf d ie Behandlu ng 

vo rnehmlich einer Frage konzemriert, naml ich de r Frage nach K.s 
Schuld. Einc A nnaherung an den Roman von dieser Seite, je nach 
Standpull kt mit Verweis auf judische bzw. christliche Elemenle ode .. 
Kafkas Biographie, w ird scheinbar dadurch provoz iert, daG innerhalb 
des Rom angeschehens dem eigentlichen Grund , der zu r Verhaftun g 
K.s fi.ihrt , ni e wirklich nachgegangen wird . Stan ley Corngo ld meint, 
dafi Kafkas Schri flStcllersein eng mit Schuld zusammenhan gt (229). 1 
Hieraus leite sich ein Rechtfertigungszwang gegeniiber einer U mge· 
bung ab, d ie anderes als Schreiben von Kafka erwartet. 

Was eine so lche Einschatzung von vo rnherein problemat isc h 
erschcincn Bi{k, ist die T :n sache, da!! keine eigem liche D ifferenz.ierun g 
z wi sc h en o bjckt iver Schuld und ve rinnerlichtem Schul dge fiihl 
vorgenommen wird . N ur so kann Corngold mit Bez\lg auf den Prozejf 
fo tge rn, " Kafka pUlS a guilty persona of himself on t rial fo r having 
decided against marriage and for t hat bachelorhood in w hich he could 
apply h imself to literature" (239).2 

Im Prozejfgeh t Josef K. aus der Oberzeugung der eigellen U nschuld 
heraus selbS[ der Schuldfrage gar n icht nacho Stan dessen bcsehafl igt 
er sich von Beginn an damit, h inter d ie N aLU r des G erichts zu kommen 
und dessen AUloritatsanspruch zu klaren . K. fo rmuliert selbst: "d ie 
Hauplfrage ist . von wem ieh ange klagt bin?" (IS).) 

Ge rade da die Schuld frage un gelost bleibt , wurde sie von de r 
Literalurwissenschafl als o ffenba r entse heidend aufgefafh und in der 
H offn ung, h ier den Schllissel zum Verstandnis des RomJns zu finden, 
ins Zentrum verschiedenster Interpretationsani.itze geriickt. Dabei sind 

Focus on Li/era/llr VoL 3, N o. I (1996)