Focus Fall 1998.tif 84 Focus on Literatltr Christ ian Weise's Masaniello: ReWriting the Peace of Westphalia Evelyn Preuss D na very general sense, the political developments of the Euro­ pean 17th century resem ble those of the 20th century. During their first halves, these centu ries had witnessed devastating wars, and a num ber of treaties between major powers secured a power constel­ lation that was intended to achieve peace through .. balanci.ng of power. While this power equili brium assured -relative peace in the second halves of these centuries, hegemonical endeavors continued to dis­ turb the power balance and put peace at risk. T he 350th ann iversary of the T reaty of Westphalia is an opportune time to investigate how this peace was received by a 17th century European intellectual and arust, who has been considered representative of the political outlook of his era: Christian Weise. Order and stability were desiderata aher the chaos and devas­ tation of the Thirty Years' War, which was concluded by the exhaus­ tion of all parties involved and a long and difficult negotiation process resulting in tbe Peace of Westphalia. This treaty sought to institute order and stability mainly by undercutting the absolutist ambitions of the Holy Roman Emperor. By granting the German princes au­ tonomy, the treaty allowed them to strengthen th eir power exter­ nally and internally. T he Peace of Westphalia settled, or postponed, major disputes on all international leveL It also quieted down con­ fl icts within the Empire caused by France and Sweden, the signatory powers with a tendency to intervene. However, peace was not gai ned within the territories. Here absolutist ambitions threatened economic development and security of the social structu re. T he war had in­ creased societal differences, since the less wealthy bad been less able to protect t hemselves from losses due to war taxation, confiscation, and robbery. This siwation facilitated a central ization and concentra­ tion of power by t hose who had succeeded in preserving their assets duri ng the war. T he empowered prinCes sought absolutist governance Foms on LiUTa /II T Vol. 5, No.2 (\998) 86 FoOts on Liceratttr over the impoverished estates, bourgeoisie and peasantry. The wealthier members of the landed gentry pursued simila r interests (Duchhardt 9+14). The emerging fjeld of political science was a response to this situation, and a noteworthy example is Hermann Conring's scholar­ ship. A proponent of political AriStotelianism, Conring devised a political theory to check (he absolutist tendencies of the territorial princes and the landed gentry. Emphasizing the political role of the estates and their parliamentary organization, he sought co limit the political power of the territorial princes and counterbalance the influ­ ence of the wealthy gentry with other parts of society. He defined the objective of government as mililas rei publicae and aspired to with­ draw any legitimation from a government which solely pursued the interests of a majestas privata (Dreitzel, "Conring" 166-67). Insisting on the primacy of common and constitutional law, he Slrove for the establishment of an administrative basis which prevenred the inter­ ests of the majestas privata from gaining control of the state. As one of the most prominent scholars in the 17th century, Conring was very influential in his own tUne. I His stance was elaborated and popular­ ized by other scholars. Ludolf Hugo and Johann Nikolaus H ertius, for instance, addressed the political situation in the territoria l states more directly (Dreitzel, Monarchiebegriffe 2: 556-61). Weise not only brought Conring's political theory down from the university and the chancellery into the classrooms of secondary schools, he also put it on stage. Weise was born in Zittau in 1642 to P rotestant parents who had emigrated from Bohemia to Upper Lusatia during the Thirty Years' War. From 1660 to 1668, he studied and taught at the University of Leipzig, but fai led in his attempts to acquire the venia legendi. For a few years, he worked as secretary of a Saxon government official at the COurt in H alle and as the Master of Ceremonies at the Schulenburg coun in Magdeburg. H e left courtly life for a professorship in Politi­ cal Science, Rhetorics, and Poetry at the WeiHenfels secondary school, the Gymnasium iLiHstre Augusteum, where he acquired a reputation for his modern teaching methods. In 1678, Weise became the rector of the Zittau secondary school and performed this function until shonly before his death in 1708. \'qeise attracted an imernatio nal student body to the Zinau ReWriting the Peace of Westphalia 87 Gymnasium. The outstanding reputation of th is secondary school motivated sons of the aristocracy to study there instead of a conven­ t ional Riuerakademie, and stipends from the city as well as teaching assistantships enabled students of a lower social standing 1"0 attend Weise's school. Thus the student body was of great social diversity.l His students were future merchants, lawyers, professors, counselors, and rulers; a substantial number of them became involved in second­ ary education like Weise himself and were sources of great innuence fo,· generations to come. Although he did not remain unchallenged in his modern teaching methods, Weise was a distinguished :lnd highly influential intellectual and an important and well-respected citizen of Zittau,l the richest of the cities in rhe Lusatian SecbsSlddteblmd. Despite his enormous productivity and popularity in his own time, Weise and his works do not belong to the Canon of German Studies today. Being considered a typical representative of his era, however, Weise has attracted ntther continuou s interest from scho l­ ars focusing primarily on his political intent. For several reasons, the establishment of this intent has proven very difficult: First, scholars do not see Weise's dramas as part of his comprehensive educational concept, which included political philosophy, rhetoric, and practical political prudence and was designed to suit sons of peasantry, bour­ geoisie, and nobilit y alike," or they fa il to prov ide a content-based analysis of Weise's educational design.s With the exception of Marianne Kaiser's and KJaus Reichelt's studies, Weise emerges as an opportunis­ tic ideologist of absolutist government, although Reichelt conceives o f Weise as a schoo lman quite limited in his political and ethical out­ look. H e defines "die beiden - fur Weise ei nzig denkbaren - Auffassungen von politischen Ordnungssystemen" as absolutist rule or Sliindestaal, i. e. an aristocratic governance. checked by the Diet of the Estates (139). To suppOrt this assumption, Reichelt presumes that Weise possessed a "von lausitzischen und kursachsischen Verhaltnissen gepragte Vorstellungswelt" (139) . Yet. Weise's political writing belies the limitedness and provinciality which Reichelt attributes 1O the scholar. Instead, Weise observed international developments and sough t to find universally applicable principles of gove rnment. While he. as Kaiser suggests, might not have been a supporter of a quasi­ democratic state form.' govern mental models which de-emphasized aristocratic rule may not have been inconceivable to Weise as rhe po- 88 Focl/S on LileratJtr liticaJ scientist. After all, he pUts the role of the nobility in a historical perspective (Polirische Fragen 82), which, while left without conclu­ sion, is reminiscent of his mentor's historicizing acumen: Underdessen lobe ieh die Klugheit des Konigs, der lieber eine begrenzte Macht will als vollstandig machtlos zu sein. Sieher ist, daB heute alles, was der Konig an Auroritar besitzt , ein Geschenk des Volkes isl. Welche Macht er in Zukunn hat wird die Zeitlehren. (qtd. in Dreitzel. Absolutismlls 65-66) • Except for Kaiser, scholars conceive of Weise as a teacher of political science who propagated deception, political murder, and the breach of constitutional taw as governmental principles in the name of Talio staws and [he education of a Poiilicus.7 Scholars mistake these popu lar not io ns for Weise's own con cepti o n of "Polit ische Staats-Klugheit'" (Poliliuhe Fragen 410) and practical political pru· dence. Weise's definition of rmio stallt~ strictly prohibits extra-legal means (419), and he demands that practical pol itical prudence be founded in justice, honor, and ulilitas rei publiqlte (politische Fragen 440). Second, as Reichelt pointS OUt, historical reality, 17th cen· rury political theory, and definitions of absolutist rule are disregarded to the extent that princes and landed gentry are misconceived as guar. antors of the traditional feuda l system.' The thoughts of authors such as Balthasar Graciao are misconstrued to the effect that broad imel. lecrual suppOrt is ascribed to the political strategies of absolutist re. gimes, a suppOrt, in which Weise is implicated (Burger 89). Heinz Ono Burger, for instance, claims that Gracian's no-­ tion of political prudence justifies the ruler's deception of the tide character in Weise's drama Vom Neapoliumischen Haupc-Rebeilen Masaniello. According to Burger, Gracian maintains that the differ. ence between appearance and reality is irrelevant because things are not regarded as what th ey are but what they seem to be (89). Such a concepuon, however, is contradictory to Gracian's text. It is one of Gra~iin'.s !oremos~ conc~rns ~o differentiate between "'[r]ealidad y apanencla (178), slllce nustakmg one for tbe other is detrimental to one's social and spiritual well-being (128 , 178). For Gracian , "[I]a virtud es cosa de veras," virtue is a matter o f truth (228). ReWriting the Peace of Westphalia 89 Simil arly, contemporary notions of absolutism may be ioad· equate to understand conceptions 17th century scholars employed to evaluate governments of their time. Through empirically analyz.ing European governments, Con ring, for instance, arrived at a catalogue of characteristics pertaining to absolutist regimes. !-Ie found that ab­ solutist rulers tended to leave governmental responsibility to self·serv· ing and conniving counselors and were selfish and indulgent them· selves. They were incl ined to violate ancient privileges and constitu· tional law; they also gravitated toward the establishment and use of mi litary force and, in order to finance the military, introduced un· productive taxation. Yet, these characteristics were not unique to ab· solutist monarchies, but also reflected developments to which the richer members of the landed gentry were prone. Thus, Reichelt's restric· tion to "die Auseinandersetzung innerhalb der herrschenden adligen Elite" (138). i. e. the co nfl ict between the monarchy and th e eHates, may impose a limi13tion w hich prevents us from understanding the fu ll scope of 17th century political thinking and Weise's teaching. Thirdly, the question whether Weise su pported any party engaged in the conflicts of the 17th century· the lower classes,' the estates,IO or the absolutist monarchyll • fails co address his ultimatE concern and [he comprehensiveness of his political design. Scholan assume a partisanship on Weise's part for a specific social class 01 institution, as John Lindberg's question "Hofiscb oder gegen hofisch?' poignandy summarizes. But Weise might not have restricted his think iog to such a bipolar scheme. Instead, WeiSt: might have been "hofisch: if the Court in question promoted t be well·being of t he state throug~ prudent politics a.nd obedience to consritutional law; and he migh1 have been "gegenhofisch," if lhe cOurt in question abused its power disregarded constitutional law, and thus endangered lhe stale. In othel words, Weise was far less interested in legitimizing the rule of a cer tain social class or institution than in finding optimal governmenta principles and in teaching these to his students. Ll this context, one must look to the plays which Weise wrOll for the an nual school performances at the Zinau Gymnasium. Thesl performances were at once an integral part of his teaching progran and a public advenising campaign, not only for the school seekin) funding from the city , but also for the city aiming lO establish busi ness and government contacts. 12 This dual character is impOrtalll [( 90 Fows 011 Literalltr the interpretation offered here, since Weise very li kely imended fo r his diverse audiences to gain various experiences from his plays. For his students, Weise certai nly wanted these performances to be a learning experience. His plays provided an opportunity for h is students to test Ius teachings by acting out social roles similar to the ones they were supposed to play in later Lfe. H ence, Weise designed the partS of his plays with the individual characteristics of his students in mind. These roles functioned as d idactic models similar to the ex­ amples which he uses amply in his textbooks to illustrate his points. Only some of the audience, such as the social elite of the city, may have understood Weise's plays in the same way his students did. Considering the social and intellectual diversity of the audience. it wou ld have been very difficuh to construct a single mode of recep­ tion according to which Weise's dramas were supposed to be under­ stood. Each spectator probably understood the plays according to his or her own situation, problems, and concerns. The tax issue of \Y/eise's Vom Neapolitanischen Haupt-Rebtl!en Masanieflo, for instance, was of crucial importance to the Zittau bourgeoisie who were dependent on the export of li nen , and whose businesses were thus vulnerable to heavy taxation. Unli ke Saxon government officials, these bourgeois spectators might have sympathized with a revolt against unfair taxa­ tion . They might have objected to financing the nobility if that nob il­ ity no longer fulfilled its original function of military protect ion, as had become painfully evident for Zin au citizens during the Thirty Years' War (Weise, Polilische Fragen 82). With respect to this heterogeneous audlence, Weise wrote d is­ torting summaries of Masaniello and o ther plays as well as apologetic epilogues. Delivering interp retations, which would be well received by the ruling aristocracy, he sought to place himself above suspicion of political opposition or subversion. These additions to the actual play seem to contradict the issues dealt with and pose problems for the interpretations o f Weise's dramas. Some scholars deal wit h this contradiction,1l while others, especially Burger and Reichelt,'4 Strongly rely on the summaries and epilogues for their interpretation . Mo re­ over, while social upheaval, coup d'etats, and socio-political reversals are prominent topics of his plays, thei r plots are difficult to define due to their paradoxical character. Aiming at changes in the administra­ tion and the preservation of the state at t.he same time, Weise's revolts ReWriting the Peace of Westphal ia 91 defy the schemes of bon om-up or top-down revolutions. lL may be argued that Weise deliberately invites different interpretations by ren­ dering disclaiming sel f-interp retations, by the complexity of his plays, and by rarely provid ing positive figures with whom [he audience could identify. This ambivalent design allowed the different spectators to understand the play according to th eir own political notions, ideas, and imereslS. Since Weise had acquainted his students with comemporary political thinking and with Conring's theory in parricular, his plays may have been far less ambiguous for them than for the original audi­ ence or present-day scholars . H is textbook Policische Fragerl / Das isl: Grundliche Nachricht von der POUTfCA is an example of the effort to make the academic discourse accessible for his studenrs. Polilische Fragen covers a wide variety of topics such as tbe hierarchy of laws, the responsibilities of rulers and subordinates, and optimal principles to guide the development of adminislrative measures. It also provides an overview of the political situation of the major European powers. F urtherm ore, it discusses the means of practical political prudence and its ethics. Even in t his scholarly context, however, Weise is ap­ prehensive about rendering information that might be co nsidered sub­ versive to the political situation in the German lands . H e cautiously omits Conring's affirmative treatment of the right to political resis­ tance. He does not discuss different governmental models, but passes over issues of power structure. And he avoids any specific reference to the German territories, although he diligently analyzes the social , economic, and political systems o f Denmark, England, France, Po­ land, Portugal, Russia, Sweden, Spain, Turkey, Ven ice, Switze rland, the Netherlands, and the Vatican. The fact , however, that he addressed the problems neglected in Polilische hagen in his plays suggests thal he dealt with these delicate issues in his classes or at least introduced his students to the respective literalure. After all, his students. once t hey had mastered his Politische hagen, could access the writings of major political theorists such as Conring by using either Weise's own li.brary o r the city's, which Weise had greatly expanded and improved. Tak ing into account t hat Weise's plays were part of his peda­ gogical effort and relati ng them to his leaching, one is able to read t hem as rather unambiguous political propositions. Such a readi ng of the Trauer-Spiel von dem Neapofitanischen Haupt =Rebellen Masanielfo 92 Focus on Literalltr will be presemed in the following; a drama which has proven to be the most difficult as well as the most provocative of Weise's works to literary scholarship. The absolurist government of the viceroy Roderigo bas eco­ nomically and socially destabiliz.ed the Spanish province of Naples. The unhappy state of Naples very likely reflected negatively on ilS administrators, since, according to Weise, economic weUare and so­ cial balance are primary tasks o f any government, and the most effec­ tive guarantee for the security of the state is for the government to achieve "dan alle und jede Einwohner gliickselig lebeo" (Politische hagen 414). Weise's students found their teacher's criticism of the heavy taxation Spain levied on its provinces illustrated in the play (Policische Fragen 308). This taxation, they had learned, stifled the economies of Italy and the Netherlands "obwol in beyden ein gesegneter Boden u nd gute Bequemlichkeit zu vielfaltiger Kauffmanschafft gefunden wird" (Pofitische Fragen 295). Furthermore, the viceroy most blatantly violates every principl~ of taxation which their teacher had proposed. While Weise's students had learned "[ m Jan soil die Last mehr auf die Wohlhabenden / als auff die Armeo legen" (Politische Fragen 502), the Neapolitan adm inistration put the tax bur­ den exclusively on the lower social classes. Using the same reasoning as Weise in his Pofitische Fragen, the viceroy's secretary Donato states after the outbreak of the revolt: ""Man hane das Armuth nicht so beschweren sollen" (Werke 1: 177) . While Weise's students had learned "[dJie nothigen Wahren / welche die Armen nicht entrathen k6nnen / sol man nicht so theuer beschweren als die anderen / welchen den Reichen zur Delicaresse dienen" (POlilische hagen S02), the Neapoli­ tan administration levied heavy taxes on the most basic food stuffs of the poor, such as flour and fruit, to the effect that the people were Starving (Werke 1: 176). The many luxury items, however, dest royed by the revolutionaries anest to the fact that the aristocracy had had little difficu lty i.n obtaining tbem. And while Weise's students had learned "[mJan solI nicht EXEMTOS machen / welche von den anderen iibertragen werden" (Pofitische Fragen 502), the Neapolitan administration even made the nobility a beneficiary of t he taxes on fruit and flour, as th e students could Jearn from a conversation be­ tween Duke Ferrante and the viceroy's secretary Donato: FERRANTE. Oer Adel muB unterhalren werden. ReWriting the Peace of Westphal ia 9) DONATO. Aber nidn mit dem Ru in des andern Volcks. (Weeke 1, 177) Weise's students might have also remembered that, according to their teacher, ta.xation should nOt hamper economic development. They had learned that the best way to raise more taxes was to let the economy, and t hus the exchange of goods, t hrive. If the lower classes did not even have enough money to feed themselves, they surely were nOt able to foster an advantageous economic climate through their consumption of other goods. Thus [he poverty of the Neapolitans encumbered economic activity, because they had no ability to par· take in, and hence promote, the exchange of goods. Consequently, the heavy taxation of Naples' citizens could not even lead to increased revenue. Instead, it would resuh in economic devastation. Considering the violation·of every principle of just and pru­ dent taxation, Weise's students probab ly found the viceroy's govern­ ment incapable of pursuing what should be itS most important func­ tion, that is, to achieve the state's security through the welfare of its inhabitants. Unwilling to consider changing its detrimental tax pol i­ cies, the Neapolitan government offered very few incentives for \'(leise's students to identify with its objectives. Weise's students also might have reflected upon the situation in Upper Lusatia or their home territories, where social unrest and upheaval over taxation were common (Schulze 130). If their parents were merchants or peasants, they were probably acquainted wi th such prob lems first-hand. Weise's students certainly knew from the very recent peasant uprising in the neighboring Bohemia that such issues could easi.ly take on large-scale proportions of social upheaval. Since the end of the Thirty Years' War, the Bohemi:1Il landed gentry had drasticall y increased the amount of mandated labor to be rendered by the peasants, against which t hey had petitioned several l imes in vain. In 1680, the peasants resorted {Q an armed uprising, the events of which find some remarkable parallels in the plot of Masaniello (Kaiser 157-58).1' The people of Naples rise against the viceroy's administra­ tion. T he insubo rdination was very likely viewed as a natural conse­ quence of the Neapolitan administration's unjust and imprudem tax policies. Weise taught his students that the abuse of power entails expenditures to fight off the injured parties seek ing retribution. He 94 Focus on Lileralltr noted that because of the Spanish exploitation, the cilizens of Naples had to be bnltally suppressed in order for Spain to keep irs province: " ... so miissen doch die Untertanen sehr scharf gehalten werden / damit sie niehl das Spanische loch vom H alse wer£fen" (Pollt/.Sche nagen 295). The uprising in Masaniello aims at the re-installment of a writ­ ten customs and tax privilege granted to the people of Naples by C harles V. The great emphasis which the revolutionaries place on obtaining th e origi nal document indicated to Weise's students that the privilege represents constitutional law. In a similar context, Weise equates the violation of a Privzlegium with overthrowing the state: "Wir haben das Privilegium Ihre Konigliche Majesrat zu sehen I wer uns daran hindern will / der will den Staat von Spanien iiber den Haufen werffen" (lI7erke 2: 246). Weise's students may have also been reminded that Conring defined absolutist rule as the breach o f consti­ tut ional or fundamental law: "Rex non curat anti qua p rivilegia urbinum, ordinum et populi, sed omnia rescindir et abrogat pro libitu" (qrd . in Dreitzel, Absolutismus 63). This is the second aspect, accord­ ing to which they wouJd have recognized the viceroy's administra­ tion as an absolutist reign, and not as "stiindestaatlich oriemiert[ 1," as Reichelt claims (140). Re-installing constitutional law would nOt only have been a legitim.:l.te ause in the opinion of Weise's students. but also a politi­ cally prudent one . After all, thei r teacher defined the purpose of ratio stalm, or "politische Staats ... Klugheit" (Policische hagen 410), in ac­ cordance with Conring's political theory: Ersclich gehet man darauH I daB die VerCassung des Staates richtig verbleibet / un d daR man vo n dem FUNDAMENte durchaus nicht abweicht / darauff das Einkommen und die Sicherheit gegriindet ist [ ... ] Darnach ist sie (i . e. ratio status] au ch bekiimmert / w ie di e Regiments_ Personen bey ibren Wachsthum und bey guter Sicherheit verbl eiben. Die Gelehrten nennen es FINEM REI PUBUCh: und FINEM IMPERANTIS. (PolitisdJe nagen 41 9) Weise's students had probably also learned about Conring's ReWriting dte Peace of Westphalia 95 position o n the right to resistance. The violation of conslitutionallaw and the endangering of the state by the viceroy represented a situa­ lion wh ich warranted resistance. According to the prevalent Protes­ {ant political theory of their :!ge, Weise's students would have found Masaniello's iniual actions fu lly legitimate. Weise's studen ts very likely knew of communities that had not succeeded in securing their rights in coun, and consequently lOo k thei r causes to the streets in Upper Lusatia (Kaiser 157-8) and else­ where in the German lands (Schulze 129-32). The 1680 peasant upris­ ing in Bohemia showed (hal thi s issue harbored the potcmial of greal social disruption . The Bohemian landed gent ry was not able to con­ trol the situation and asked the Emperor to intervene. The Emperor clushed the uprising with his mi litary. Weise's students may have understood an exchange such as the following as a m ocking rejoinder regardi ng the adequacy of means employed by th e landed gentry and the Emperor in Bohemia: FERRANTE. Gegen rasende Leute gebr.tucht man sich der Scharffe: D b Neapolis hunden tausend Kopffe weniger hat I so wird dem Kon igreiche gar weni g :iIIbgehen. DONATO. So wollen wir diese hunden tausend Personen ohne Zoll passiren lassen / und damit wii rde dem Konigreiche gleichfals nichts abgehen . (U'lerke 1: 178) Likewise, Weise's students could gai n the insight that the peasants killed by the Emperor's army or punished by the Lnperial Investiga­ tive Commission with death or imprisonmen t could not render the statute-labor, which had been the issue of contentio n in the first place. Indeed, Weise trained his students to analyze histo rical models "durch Beyhiilffe del' gesunden Vemunfft" in order to extract guidelines of political prudence, which could be applied to similar situat ions (Polilische Fragen 4) . Consequently, Weise required anal ogical t hink­ ing from his s(Udents. The analogies had to be drawn between histori­ cal events and present situations. History, or histori cal drama for that maner, is thus used as a vehide to transmit ideas about current prob~ lems and issues: "Man thut einen Blick in die HislOrien / weiJ man doch zu den gegenwanigen Exempeln nicht gelassen wird" (polirische Fragen 4). 96 Focus on Literalltr While Weise's drama is supposed to function as a model for his srudems to learn about the governmental problems and contem­ porary political issues, it proves to be unfaithful to its title. The title character only enters the play i.n the middle of the first act and does nOt assume a dominant role throughout the play, neither through hi s actions nor through his stage presence: " ... h is speaking pan is no greater than that of some dozen other main characters" (Aikin 148). Elected by the people to be their leader, the fisherman Masaniello at first seems to be an honest, unselfish, and dedicaled representative of their cause (\trerke I: 214). With these characteris­ tics, he may have reminded Weise's srudents of a model statesman. But soon his actions become debatable. in order to cut the supplies of the complicit aristocracy and to prevent the people from disuniting over property disputes, he orders the houses and the goods of the aristocracy to be destroyed. He also proceeds to administer justice, obviously with good intent (237-38), but with little regard for proper procedure and commensurate pun ishment (238-44). Eventually, his family turns insolent and avaricious, and pressures Masaniello with ambitious expectations, to which he succumbs. Despite these failures, Weise's students may have considered Masaniello the bener ruler in comparison to the viceroy and his aris­ tocratic entourage who show utter neglect of the city's economic and social needs. They have n othing but contempt for their "Regimems-Personen" (Politische Fragen. 419), the people for whom they are supposed to provide a better li fe. The plans to murder MasanieHo, to poison t he wells, and to set the city ablaze from all ends would have clarified fo r the students that the viceroy's admin is­ tration was illegitimate. Masaniello finally acquires the lega1 document in question as well as tbe viceroy's wrinen and publicly sworn promise to respect the law in the futu re, complete with a general pardon for all revolu­ tionaries. The people's leader sees his mission fuUilled. In a dramatic gesture of utmost modesty, he begs the archbishop and the viceroy to rid him of the pompous garb which they had persuaded him to wear. Yet, th is seemingly happy ending is only the turning po int of the play, a cheap trick to make Masaniello fee l at ease and to disarm the people. Instead of secu ring the results of the revolt, MasanieJlo fol­ lows the lnvitation of the archbishop and the viceroy, and is poisoned ReWriting the Peace of Westphalia 97 with wine which he had unduly accepted as a royal gift. I' The poison causes MasanieHo to go mad. The viceroy presents himself as a savior to the people, has MasanieHo murdered, takes bloody revenge on the revolutionaries, and strengthens his military control over rhe prov­ ince with Spanish troops. Weise's students certain ly perceived Masaniello as lacking any kind o f practical po litical prudence. Their teacher bad warned them: "wer nieht simuliren und dissimuliren kan I der wird bey der REPUBLIQUE wenig Nutzen schaffen" (Po/itische hagen 440). Con­ sequently, Masaruello causes the revolt to fail and becomes respon· sible for even more misery for the Neapolitans. Likewise, however, the viceroy and the archbishop possess o nly what Weise called "Machiavelliscbe BoBheit" (Po/itische Fragen 444), not political pru­ dence. The teacher demanded that one nOt onl y be able to recognize betrayal, but proscribed betrayal itself: "Inmittelst muB man den Bemlg kennen Jernen I wie man die gifftigen Krauter kennel I nielll I daG man sie brauchtl sondern daB man sich dafur hutet" (Poftische Fragell 445). The viceroy's deceitful actions even attack the very basis of the societal organization, because t hey destroy the fa ith necessary to es­ tablish and maintain such organizations: Ein redlicher Mann halt dasjenige I was er einem andern versprochen hat. [ ... J Nun bestehet das gantze Politische Wesen auff gewissen PACT IS dadurch die Leute miteinander verbunden werden. [ ... J WO Treue und Glaube nicht gelten I da sind die Vorschlage zu allen Tractaten, die Alliances, Handel \lnd Wandel verdorben. (Politische Fragell 433-34) Since the archbishop was instrumental in tbe deception and murder committed by the viceroy, it is hardly conceivable that Weise's stu· dents would have considered his character "der einzige wirkliche Politicus in diesem Stuck" (Szarora 205). Scholars have sought to iden­ tify Weise's own voice with either the archbishop or the fool, both of which have a clear understanding of the situation and provide critical, at times sarcast ic commentary on the viceroy's actions. Both side op­ portunistically with the party that has the better prospect to win the political struggle, whereby the fool is a bit more short-sighted than the sly archbishop. T he assumption, however, that Weise's voice could 98 FoClts 011 Lileratltr be identified with either of these characters is untenable, since both of these figures contribute only to the reproduction and deepening of the conflict, not to its solution. In fact, the characters o f the politick­ ing archbishop and his entourage of rather worldly monks could have served as a reminder of Weise's criticism concerning po litical involve­ ment of the Catholic Church. The teacher had explicitly criticized the cooperation of the Catholic church with Spain in order to keep the provi nces of Sicily and Naples under Spanish rule: Was Italien berrifft / ist Span ien mil clem Pabst und den ub rigen Staaden deshalben einig / dafi man alles IN STATU QUO fein ruhig soli bleiben lassen. Drum werden sie wol allen moglichen FleiB an wenden / damit urn selbige Gegend kein weitlaufftiges Kriegs- Feue r ausbrechen m age. (Politische hagen 303) Accordingly, the archbishop is called "ein Erhalter des Estaats" (Werke 1: 197) for abusing his religious authority over the citizens of Naples and Masaniel lo, that is, as a keeper of tbe Spanish estate, not a keeper of the state of Naples. Again, Weise implicitly equates the violation of constitutional law with the annihilation of the state of Naples . Con ring, who supported the complete separation of state administra­ tion from religion and advocated religious tolerance, even made the Catholic clergy responsible for the rise of absolute monarchies: "lmmer wenn Kleriker als Stellverteter des Monarchen regieren, wird der Freiheitdes Volkes Abbruch getan; den geistlichen Dienern verdanke die 'monarchia herilis' ihren Aufstieg» (Dreitzel, Absolutismus 64). Weise's students might have deduced that Conring's opinion was not only fo rmed by contemporary politics, but also inspired by hisrorical observation . The Thirty Years' War had been started for presumably religious reasons. The Catholic Emperor sought absolutist control over the H oly Roman Empire. and the Protestant princes and estates endeavored to counteract these absolutist ambitions of the Catholic central power. Apart from the war being a subject of history, we can assume that it still was very vivid in the public and private imagin a­ tion of the time. Except for a few comm emorative plagues. there was hardly any physical evidence of the impact the Thirty Years' War had on Ziuau (pescheck 1: 37, Dudeck 37). Still, Weise's students prima- ReWriting the Peace of Westphalia 99 rily belonged to the ge neration which had been born into th e horro rs of this war. With respect to the im pact of the Th iny Yea rs ' War on the polit ical outlook of the 17th century, it is important to em phasize the play's comment on militaristic institutions and their use by absoluti st rulers; a topic. which has been entirely neglected by scholars so far. lmmediareiy after the defeat o f the Neapoliran revolt, t he arch bishop advises the viceroy to secure his victory: "Es wi rd rath sam seyn [ ... ] daB also fon die Spanischen Soldate n wiederum auf ihre Post en angewiesen werden" (Werke 1: 386). G iven the po rtrayal o f the armed forces throughout the drama, Weise's s[Udents were unlikely to per­ ceive th is advice as the reestablishment of law and order. In Masa1llello, the armed fo rces stand for chaos and un law~lness . The army of ban­ dits assassinate Masaniello in a church whi le he is negotiati.ng the rein­ statement of constitulionallaw. The unarmed and helpless MasanielJo is s bO( by four men. According to the most prominent character of the play, the fool, the army is an organization of robbers: "Und wie sprechen die Soldaten: es ist keine Siinde / das ich stehle / der H err behalt doch nichts davon: nehm ichs nicht / so nimts ein ander" (179). The portrayal of the armed forces in Masanielio was reminis­ cent of the way in which the T hirty Years' War was fought . The fact that the military plays such an important part in thi s school drama also has a concrete historical background. As examples may serve the miJitary defeating the Bohemian peasant uprising and the absolut ist po licies of Johann Georg ill, who was preoccupied with militaristic institutions. Aher becoming the Elector of Saxony in 1680, Johann Georg m had immediately starred government reforms, spent a great amount o f tax revenue on the military and by 1682 had o rganized Saxony's first standin g amlY. a fo rce of 10,000 men (Naumann 137). Weise's students could learn from Conring what role the military would play in the Saxony of Johann Georg m: Nach Conrin gs Auffassung bedurfte jede Despotie und T yran ni s fremder oder landese igener Soldner. di e KriegfUhrung mit Soldnerheeren bedurhe wiederum groBer Steuerleistungen der Umertanen: Die absolute MOJ1 archie wird von Beginn als Erorberungs-, Militar- und Finanzst aat gesehen. (Dreitzel, Absolutismus 64-65) 100 Focus on Literatltr The foo l also explains these military functions in the by far longest monologue of the play. The fool is mocking the fortification of power with the help of armies. He creates his own army, an army of fools. His foolish soldiers then terrorize him, want to be fed and are rather insat iable . The fool gives three reasons for building his own army. First, everybody seeks to protect himself with armies. Second, he needs subordinates in order to exert power. He cannot establish a hierarchy being by himself, "denn wa ich einen Soldaten hencken lasse / so mulS jeh seIber dran / und daout ist das Regiment ruiniret" (Werke 1: 208). Last but not least, he intends to partake in crime: "N lin wil ieh helffen rauben / brennen / todschlagen / und was sonst var sieben freie Kunste in der Welt mehr sind . Aber einen Mangel hab ich noch . . . . " - an army (Werke 1: 207) . Weise's critique of the militaristic means employed to establish absolutist control could hardly be clearer to those acquainted with his political phi losophy. Summarizing the analysis of Masaniello, one finds that \Y/eise characterized the Neapolitan administ ration according to Cooring's definition of absolutist rule. A selfish ruling elite disregards the wel­ fare of the state and its inhabitants. In doing so, the administration endangers the state and even violates constittltionallaw. In order to maintain its power, it has to rely on the clergy and use military force . Considering that absolutist ambit ions were the political motives pro­ pelling the Thirty Years' War, MasaniefLo responds to this historical legacy by proposing ex negativo a political design , which can secu re social and political peace. The very issue proposed in Masaniello refers us to the Thirty Years' War: taxatio n had been the bone of conten­ tion which led to the outbreak of the war) since the Emperor sought to expand his power th rough fiscal means at the cost of the Bohemian estates. Both the tax privilege that the people of Naples wanted to reinstall and the Peace of Westphalia were constitutional laws which curtailed the power of the monarch and the ruling elite, and t hus provided for the common welfare. Weise's Masanielio provided his students with an effective model to test his teachings. T he play does not offer a simplistic affir­ mation of the lea rning material. Instead, it provides only negative examples and is essentially open-ended. With the revolutionary effort coming to naught and the administration determined to continue its business as usual, the initial conflict is unresolved. ReWriting the Peace of Westphalia 101 The play was performed February II, 1682, and may have been intended as an homage to Coming, who had died the previous year. Thus, "[die) vieleo nachdencklichen Lehren I welche aus dieser H istoric hervor strahlen" (Werke 1: 372) that IllS students and his au· dience were supposed to learn from the play, may intentionally be t he most pronounced and most complex representation of Conring's policicallegacy in Weise's plays. While aUlonomous and autocratic rulers and their administrators tend to serve themselves more readily than the commonwealth, constitutional laws suppOrt the common good and ensure that one element of the social body cannot gain the upper hand. It is not a political or social party against which Conring and Weise take a stance. Instead, they criticize the breach of constiw­ tionallaw for the sole advantage of t4e majestas privata. They argue against unconstirutional government. Hence we see the Neapolitan revolution fa il at the moment when its leader Masaniello becomes self-indulgent and thus turns into an absolutist ruler himself. Weise's students w~uld have noticed that not only Masan iello's lack of political prudence caused the downfall of the revolc. At the same time, his lack of political pmdence could only be so disastrous because he represented an enormous concentra­ tion of power in the first place. Staging Conring's political ideas, Weise's "nachdenckliche[ ) Lehren" (Politische hagen 372) call for a universally extended application of the Peace of Westphalia concept of a disempowered power. A concentration of power as seen in the hands of t he evil-spirited viceroy as well as in the hands of the well­ meaning Masaniello is always prone to misuse if not kept in check by representative political bodies. The play was written at a time in which political events seemed to unsettle the political landscape of Upper Lusatia for reasons similar to the causes of the Tbirty Years' War. Weise's Masaniello can be read as an attempt to rewrite the Peace of Westphalia because genuine and dependable order and stability could, according to Weise, only be gained if all parts of society were in­ cluded in the design of the peace. Yale University 102 Focus on Literalltr Notes lConring is most noted today as the founde r of German legal his­ tory on account of his De orlgmejuT15 Gemuwlci (Herberger and Stolleis 46). Yet in his own time, Conring was a scholar of international reputation and influence. From 1650 to 1660 he was the personal physician of and pol iti.cal counselor to Queen Christina of Sweden, advising her also during the time of her abdication . H e also received a scholarship from King Louis XN of France, who sought to influence political scholars to render a positive judg­ ment of his government by such financial advances (Dreitz.el, Abso/utismlls 59). But Conring showed himself unimpressed by such favors and insread criticized French Absolutism: "Der franzosische Staat ist eine Despotie, die vorrangig nach den Interessen des H errschers regien wird .... Es heilh, daIl das Volk zur Armut verurteilt ist, und ... daIl die Privilegien in Frankreich nicht beachtet werden" (63·4). lFor detailed information concerning the student body of the Zinau sec:ondaryschool during Weise's rectorship, see Horn 163-68. As Kaiser points Out, the statistics which Horn provides, may not be represeOlative (165). 'For Weise's connections in the schol