Focus 2002.tif


42 Fot'NS on Germ:m Studies 

(1766). T rans. Edwa~d Allen McCormick. Baltimore and London: 
Johns Hopkins U"P, 1984. 

Nora, Pierre. "Bet\l;ccn L\lemory and History: w Lieux de Mb!llJire." Reprutllfa­

tio"J 26 (Spring 1989): 7-25. 
Schadeke,Jurgen. Der Deutsche Raw/tag: Guchichtt u"d Gtgenlnm eillU BaHwerkJ. 

:Mlinchen: Piper, 1994. 

Ullmann, Gerhard. "Der gefesselte Reichsrng." 117u4, Baulfl & Wohnen 81.48 
(May 199-1): 55. 

Wefing. Heinrich. Ed. "Dem DlIIudxn Vo/ke"; Der Bundestag im Bntinu 
Rdchstogsgd14ut4. Bonn: Bouvier, 1999. 

Winckelmann, Johann Joachim. Rgkctio1lS on the imitation oj Greek Work; in 
Painting and Sm/pllm (1755). Trans.. E lfriede Heyer and Roger C 
Nonon. La Salle: Open Court, 1987. 

W4rtahNCh der deutschen Cegenll/(lmspnuhe.. Berlin: Abdemie der Wissenschaften 
dec DDR, 1974. 

T he Socialist and Post-socialist Jugend1veihe: 
Symbol o f an Evolving East(ern) German Identi ty 

Anna Saunders 

D n 1990, after a life-span of merely 40 years, the German Demo­
cr:ltIC Republic (GDR) ceased 10 exist. Duang Ihis short lifetime, 

the state went 10 great length s to create amongst its cirizens a strong G DR 
identity, in order to secure their loyalty and devotion, and thus the state's 
very future. This proved necessary nOt only due to the mental and physical 
insecurities left in the wake of the Second \'{!orld War, but was further 
heightened by the presence of West Germany, and the need to "compete" 
for legitimacy. In the attempt to form a new emotional bond will} its people, 
the GDR tllUS developed a rigorous program o f national fes tivals, rOllstng 
demonst:rations of state loyalty and ritual ceremorues designed to In fi ltrate 
every-day life, to compensate for rhe lack of firm historical foundations, 
and to provide a substitute for religious celebrations. As the GD R ma­
nlred, so lOO did its ceremonies developulg increasingly quasi-religious 
characteristics. A soclalist naming ceremony, for example. was lI11roduced 
as an alternative to baptism, couples could get married at sooahsl marriage 
ceremonies. and a harvest festival was adopted as a state occasion (Neubert 
194-95). In 1958, the First Secretary of the Socialist Uni ty Party (SED). 
Walrer Ulbricht, also announced ten "Gebote der soztalistiscben Moral", 
by which all GDR citizens were to abide, and socialist ideology even sub­
scribed to the concept of an "aftcr.life": the fu ture utopia of commu­
nism.1 A "state-religion" thus rapidly formed, aiming nor only to challenge 
me role of ule Protestant atld Catholic churches, whose beliefs and inde­
pendence proved to be a morn. i ll the side of lhe GOR, hut also LO create 
loyalty to the socialist state amongst its citizens, thereby promoting a Strong 
nationaJ identi ty. 

T he J"!,tlfdlJ!tiht was the ultimate example of the WAy ill which 
religious symbolism was employed to both these ends. As-a socialise equiva­
lent to religious confirmatio n., in which 14-ycar-olds swore an oath of loy­
alty to the socialist state, it clearly aimed to d raw young people away from 
the grasp of the Christian community, whi.lst also imbuing them with the 



44 l-"Oais 011 Germ an Studies 

sociaI.iSt morale and encouraging heightened patriotic behavior. Structuc­
ally the ceremony \\''3.S remarkably similar to religious confirmatio n, in­
cluding music such as J1IgenoweiDe anthems, moralistic speeches and an oath 
of loyalty.2 The ceremonies took place in the spring, traditionaUy the time 
for confi.cmation, and notably on Sunday mornings. Preparation for lhe 
event also involved a series of ten classes, at whidl (he fundamentals of 
socialist society were studied and discussed. Clearly it was the difference 
between lhe content of this '~state catechism" and dut of the churches 
that made the two ceremonies so distinct from ooc anoth er. 

Of all the socialist rituals, however, the }ugmdwtihe proved [ 0 be 
wuque. Firstly, unlike so rflatly other aspects o f GD R life, it was not an 
import from the Soviet Union, and found no equivalent in any o f the 
other Eastern bloc countries. Although it was celebrated by a very small 
number o f private, mainly humanist, circles in the Federal Republic, it 
remained foreign to the majority o f \'(?est Germans, and thus enjoyed a 
partiruJady nation-specific starns in the GDR. Secondly, (he jUlpu/u'(iIN 
has survived German unification, and is one of the few remaining institu­
tions o f GDR society to flourish tooay, although it did have to adapt and 
find a new perspective for itself. Indeed, it has become symbolic of (he 
dilemmas of today's Eastern German community, ought between a new 
nation that is not yet fully within its grasp and the nostalgic vision o f onc 
that has slipped out of reach_ This paper will explore the natu.£e and evolu­
tion of national identity in Eastem Germany through dle jllgllldu'eihe, ex­
amining firstly its foundations and relevance in me GDR, before discuss­
ing its development and significance in a unified Germany_ 

Tbt Jorialist 1I1gentiu,ejhe' 

1n accordance with changing G DR policy, the national emphasis of lhe 
JlIgendweihe shifted during the 4D yeus o f socialist rule, and it was in the 
t 980s that this aspect of the ceremony reached its height. The fina l decade 
o f d'e GDR jJigetldu'dhe dms p rovides the most frui tful period o f analysis 
for this srudy. In order to enable a better understanding of the rlnlal's aims 
and effectiveness with regard to national identity during this period, how­
ever, a brief history' of the jugemi»oeihe is fi rst o f all necessary. 

Jugtndu'eihe:. Symbol of Eastern German fdentity 4S 

The tlet'tlopnltnl of t1 IwiomU rilutJl 

\Vhilst the origins of the jH!puiu.-eihe can be traced back to rTeethinking 
ciI:cles of the mid 19'" -cenrucy, the rirual only became a mass phenomenon 
after 1954, when introduced by the SED in East Germany in lhe anempt 
to curb {he influence of tlle chutches. Following the introduction o f the 
more liberal "new course" and the workers' uprising o f 1953, the Slate 
could no t allow itself to be so severe in the persecution of religious com­
munities and youth groups as it had previously been. Thus in the attempt 
to diminish the influence o f the dlUrches through less authoritarian means, 
it introduced the jJlgmdn'tihe, which, despite receiving clear d irection from 
the SED, was given the appearance of being run by an autonomous orga­
nization_ Individual jJlgmdJnihe committees rormed in all regions of the 
GDR Uflder the direction of the Zen/mer A U.IJchll.IJ for jllgendu'tihe, and in 
November 1954, an A Igm! i!'r jllgend/J'eibe was publicized, signed by a num­
ber o f well-known writers and artists such as Johannes R Bt..'Chcr, Stephan 
H ermlin and Anna Seghers. Although {he number o f participan ts in the 
first year o f 1955 totaled only 17% o f all 14-yeac-olds, {hiS rapidly rose to 
87% by 1960, and encompassed over 97% of all young people by the mid 
1970s, a level which was to remain constant until the end o f the GDR 
(DDR-Hollllbilch 693). 

Once the SED had established a secure place for the jJllfndu'tihe in 
the socialist calendar of national festivals and ceremorues, it began to adapt 
i ts content (0 suit dle ideological nceds of lhe sta te_ By the late 1950s and 
1960s, the number o f yOUflg people receiving [eligious confirmation had 
fallen dramatically, a.nd the state had ultimalcly gained the upper hand in 

its battle against the churches. At the samc tim e, thc need to legitimize the 
CDR became increasingly necessary in thc face of an ever more powerful 
Federal Republic, and the emphasis of the jugmdu'eihe began to shift away 
from the materialist world view towards issues o f citizenship and state 
loyalty. For example, lhe earliest volume of the book presented to jugendweibe 
participants, IVeball- E rtle _ Mensch, published between 1955 and 1972, 
aimed [0 cClUlter religious teachings on creationism by explaimng the de­
velopment o f the universe and scientific phenomena such as atomic dleory. 
In contrast, the later volumes, Der S Ot ia/islllllS - DeiJle We" and VOIl1 SimI 
IIllSms &btllf, laid greater emphasis on themes specific to the GDR and 
socialism, such as the GDR's revolutionary legacy, the relationship o f peace 
and socialism, and the rights and duties o f young citizens. The fo rm or 



46 Fol7lS on Germ:w Studies 

these books was equally revealing. and whilst the eaclier pub lications con­
sisted of contributions by a variety of authors, the fmal volume o f dlC 
19805 contained one single narrative, clearly indicative o f the SED's at­
tempt to tighten its ideological dominance against the background o f re­
newed cold war tensions. The iugendul(ihe thus became an integral pact of 

the GDR education system, completely coordinated with school curricula 
an d free time activities, and increasingly weigh ted towards a patriotic fo­
cus. Indeed, as Egon Freye[~ chairman of the central comnuttec for 
Ju.gends'tihe in the late 198Os. said of these ceremonies: «Sic sollen Ausdruck 

des Vectrauensvedlii.Jmisses zwischen SED und Yolk sein" (Meier 2 11). 

TJu palrio/ic progralJl 

How. then, did rhe JugendJJ.·eibe attempt [ 0 forge this emo no nal bond be­
tween young peop le and their slate? T he program of p reparatory classes 
togecller with the Jligend1J~he books of the 1980s reveal fo ue d istint t themes, 
each of which was clead y designed to create p ride in the fa cllerland: the 
promotion of the achievements of the GDR, as well as that of its "pro­
gressive" historical legacy, the emphasis o n p roletarian internationalism, 
and the attempt to foreground clIe irnpo[t1l.nce of military defense. 

The first of these attempted to familiarize young people with lhe 
ach.ievemcms of the GDR through a variety of activities. Whilst classes 
mOSt commonly involved a guest speaker who then led group discussions 
on themes such as technical and industrial advances, or imp rovements in 
health care and education, participants were also taken ro town halls to 
inspect plans for the fu ture deveiop ment o f their locality, and some groups 
even organized their own mock council meetings. T he ainl here was clearly 
to involve young people in the workings of society, and thus to inspire 
active participation. Indeed, the alteration of the ti tle of one preparntory 
class from "Die \,(fel t verirlden: slch" to ''Die ,'i;/e!t veriindem wir" clearly 
symbolized this attirude.3 Respect for the presen t-day nation as a place of 
natural beauty was also targeted with camping trips and environmen tal 
projects., such as cleaning up local nature reserves, or planting trees in par­
ticipants' home town s. However, these activities were o ften cri ticized for 
their lack o f adequate political content, and as the jugmdweihe chair com­
memed wi th re ference to one tree-planting p roject in the d istricr of l-falle: 

" 1m Mi ttelpunkt der Jugendstunden mtill das Bestreben stehen , das 
SIOdIJM.'1Ij11sein dec Madchen und Jungen Clltwickeln und fescigen zu helfen. 

jli,gtnthJ'tihe: Symbol o f Eastern German Identity 47 

Und da - so meinen wiI - gab es auch in d iesem Jugendsrundcnjahr noch 
Rese(Ven.«~ As this demonstrates, issues of po litical activity and involved 
citizenship were to remain the primary aim. 

T he second theme promoted the "progressive" historical and cul­
nu:aJ legacy of the GDR in order to develop participants' historical con­

sciousness. H ere the study of the anti fascist tradition played an important 
role. Many teenagers were taken to the former concell tration camp at 
Buchenwald. where U1 CY were taught not o nly abou t the evi ls o f National 
Socialism. but also the heroism of Ul(~ antifascist and communist resis­
lance movement. Indeed, so dominant was the attempt to highlight this 
particular tradition that the Jewish vlctims were almost completely neglected. 
However, in accordance widl the SEO's move to widen its historical heci­
tage during the Gnal decade of the G D R, thereby creating a b roader basis 
for national identi ty and increasing the legitimacy of the GDR, the 1980s 
marked a shift towards greater emphasis on "na\'iOllal" history in ]ugUJdu·tihe 
classes. T hus, shortly after the equestrian statue of Frederick the Great 
was reinstated on Unler den Ullden in Berlin in 1980, Lu ther suddenly ap· 
peared in jlll!lldu-eihe books as a great humanist and reformer, having never 
previously been mentioned, and lesser-known German clunkers and IllS­

toneal figures such as Wilhelm Weirl ing dominated to the neglect of more 
renowned foreign figures. 

The mcreasing emphasis on [he GDR nation was not, however, [0 

the exclusion of all other cultures, for p roletarian internationalism consti­
tuted the third theme, and participants met Soviet soldie.rs, studied the 
culture o f the Soviet Union, and even received membership to the Gese/lschtif/ 
for DeuLrch-SQujeftJche Freundschqfl (DSF). Although lhe (elations hip with [ile 
Soviet Union and o ther Eastern bloc countries proved dominan t here, ac­
tive support for o ther socialist nations such as Vietnam, Angola and Tan­
zania was also encouraged. Here the aim was not only to complement [he 
national emphasis of the majority of jlitendutt;he classes, and thus to avoid 
nationalist overtones, but also to secure the socialist alliance. The empha­
sis on proletarian internationalism thus served a dual protective purpose: 
lirst to prevent GDR patriotism from mutaung IntO narrow-minded na­
tio nalism, and second to defend it against hostile propaganda from the 

West 
Protec tion also played a prommenl role in the final cllemeof mili­

tary de fense, which was regarded 10 be lhe most honorable and patriotic 
act of aU. Activities involved discussions wilh army officers, visi ts to bar-



48 Focus on German Studies 

racks and basic military training, and official repons revealed thar the 
illltnd./CilH W2S to be mobilized in the campaign to recruir more young 
people for mlhtary careers. 5 In order ro make such actions legitimate, how­
cvc[, and highlight the strictly defensive role of the East German forces, it 
became necessary to emphasize the hostile image o f me enemy. The pre­
dominant image of dle West portrnyed in preparatory classes was thus one 
of unemployment, violence, racism, and, of course, military aggression: 
«\Vit smd vecpOichtet aile M6glichkeiten des Jugendsrundenprogramms 
zu nU!Zen, den USA-[mpeDalismus und seine Vcrbiind ete.n anzllklagen. 
Reagan zu entlarven, daB, wenn er von Frieden spacht, Krieg. Vernidltung 
lUld Mord meint und prakci.ziert. «6 

The patriotic emphasIs of these classes was funher enhanced by 
elements such as the playing of the national anthem at all ceremonies and 
the frequent laying of wreaths at local antifuscist war memorials. Indeed, 
the ceremonies were seen to ful611 the emotional needs of the community 

at large, and ro quote one official report 'Uie hohe Emorionalitir der 
meisten Reden sowie der Feiem insgesamt h-imerueG bei allen Anwesenden 
cine tiefe Widrung. Das mfft auch auf die Burger zu, die sonst kaum in der 
ideologtschen Arbeit errClcht werden."' The SED intended, thus, for the 
jl/lln/Ilmbe not oruy to assume a central role in the patriotic education of 
teenagers. but also to proVlde a celebcacion of national Identity for the 
GOR populanon at large. 

A potriDlit .J"lIlh? 

The expectations of the parry concerning rhe jlll.tntiJJoeihls ro le in identity 
fo rmation were clearly high . but like so many areas of GDR policy they 
were somewhat LUlfealiStiC. l ndecd, the artirudes of young people rowards 
the ceremony reveal a you th radler di fferent to the patriotic vanguard tha t 
was envisaged. While the hig h participation rate sugges ted thai the 
jllgendu'eiiH had become Widely accepted, those who refused participation 
risked being barred from further education, 3.11d thus endangered future 
career prospects. As a result, the huge majority of young people corrunit­
ted th emselvcs without considerable reflection, and the jllgenJJl'eihe simply 
became a routine event U1 a young person's biognphy. ft was perhaps only 

those who refused to partiapate who took trs coment seriously, for they 
were prepared to nsk a fut.lJ.re life of discrinunanon through its rejection. 
Indeed, organizers consistently complained tllal pacticipants lacked Stn-

j"I.mdnihe: Symbol of Eastern German Identity 49 

cerity in their actions, and to quOte one example: "I ... ] wir legen uns die 
Frage VQr, was kann und muG getan werden, wahrend und nadl der 
Jugendweihe, urn das Ge16bnis bei den I-liilhrlb>en zu vecinnerlidlen, damit, 
wie viel&ch geschieht, das .,a, das geloben Wlr' mcht nw nachgeplappect 
wied, ohoe sich moralisch zur Einhaltung verpf11cht-et zu fiillien" (CIt. in 
Mcicr 25). 

Needless to say, activities with a dear ideologia l agenda found 
linle acceptance amongst young people, and organizers' complamls over 
the lack of personal comrrutmenl towards military defense were particu­
larly rife 10 quote one such erample: "Obwohl cs gerade in diesem Jalu 
viele Jugend srunden gab, in denen eindrucksvoll die No[wend Lgkeit der 
Verteidigungsbercitschaft besprocheo wur.dc, milt esJ ugendtichen schwer, 
daraus SchluBfolgerungen rur ihr eigenes Letx.'n ZlI Zlehen und zum Beispiel 
bcreit zu sein, linger in der NVA Z\I dienen. -" Part of this failure was 
undoubtedly owing to the filCllhal )'Ollng people increa5lOgly Idolized the 
pop and fashion cu1rucc of the \"estern world, and thus losr wi1lmglless to 
see it as the enemy" They were clearly no longer prepared to put unilateral 
blame for the ducat of war o n lhe Westerll world. espcc13l1y whcrc die 
~deral Republic was concerned. As tllelt VISions turned westwards, [he 
question of friendship With the SoVIet Umon fO\U1d equally little accep­
tance amongst young people. and complalOtS about their lack of personal 
comnutment to tlle calise were similar: O<Es schemt uns, dan d ie Fragen der 
Freundschaft zur Sowjenullon III den Jugcndstunden noch zu wenig 
ideDlogiHh zugespitzt werden. Es Wled noch zuvlcl llber die Freundschaft 
geredet, sie zu wenig auf per:s6ruiche I-la.ltungen und !.las Handeln der 
Jugend lichen bewgen!<9 

Clearly, the ideological baSIS o f rhc jllletltllJ'eihe was fae from suc­
cessful. The attraction proved, inslead , to be lhe festive atmosp here. md 
dIe major mo tivatio n for young peop le was undoubted ly p rOVided by fhe 
promise o f money and gifts, the average va lue of which increased dt:a­
matically over the years. Indeed, shops aimed thcu adverusing at prospec­
tive jJ'!,erJdU"elhe participants to such an cx tent lhat It achieved the status of 
a «second" Christmas. I Iowcver, ir was also widely accepted as a rite of 
passage 1..010 adulthood. and seen as an imponanl nlOlUlgpoiOl in thc lives 
of young people. widl the next celebratton of such magnirude normally 

being marnage. Whilsr thiS was frequently understood 00 a super6cw b-e1, 
with YOWlg people making the most of tllelt first oppornul1ty to drink 
alcohol, the age o f fourteen dLd mark a ccrtalll man'Dty, for it was at this 



50 Fot1lS on Germ:m Studies 

age that one received a full passport, entered dIe Fnie DeuLuhe JlIgend (FUn, 
and received increased legal responsibility. For parents it also m:u:kcd a 
new stage in the lives of their children, and family traditions proved viral 

to the jl(,gendIJ'tibe tradition. Indeed, the ritual p rovided a valid excuse for 
family reunions in the East, to which Western relatives could legitimately 
be invited (Kargling 119). Alongwith social conformity, the above motiva+ 
Dons all lacked an ideological basis, and clearly demonstrate the extent 1'0 

which the jllgendJ1-'tihe was rejected as a celebration of p ublic values, and 
accepted instead for its private meaning. Through highlighting the nature 
of the GDR as a "niche society", U1 w hich citizens found true fu lfillment 
onJy in private circles. the jllgendIJ'tiht thus also demonstrated the ultimare 
failure of the SED [ 0 promote a prominent national identity. 

The post-socialist 'jllgmdJJ1eihe' 

In 1990, it was asswned by a great many Gennans (har the inscinlcion of 
the jHgmdu'tihe would simply disappear along with the GDR., the SED and 
its youth o rganizatio ns. Die Zeit. for example, typicall y rcported: 
'jugendweihe ~ 1990? D och, es gibt sie noch. Zum lelZten Mal" C'Se.id 
ihr'). However, following an initial lull in participation inunediately aftcr 
unification, the number taking pari has now reached over 60% o f all 14-
year-olds, in some areas reaching almost 70%.10 The jHl,tndlJ-'eihe is thus o ne 
of the few fo rmal institutions of CDR socielY to ha~ sw:vived with such 
success; the FDJ, for example, struggles to exist today, and thc SED can 
only continue its ufe under a differcnt name and radically reformed ap­
pearance. However, while th e jllgendJJleihe flourishes in Easrern Germany, it 
has aroused little interest in the West, condemned as a conununist ritual 
that can no longer claim a meaningful place in today's society, and dis­
missed as mere Ostalt,ie. Indeed, to quote the Fnie Pmsein 1998: «Mit dem 
Ritual Jugendwei he fwirdJ unter Verl eugnung de:! tatsac hhche n 
Zusammenhange der Hang zur DDR-NostaJgie gepflegt« (cit. in filing 
51). The fixed geographical boundaries o f this ritual certainly suggest that 
it feeds off a common Easrern menr:aiity, thus extending beyond the bounds 
of a purely private celehcatlo n. However, where can the foundatio ns of 
this mentali ty be found, an d what role does dIe jugendJlJeihe play in the 
rad ically different social and po litical climate of Germany roday? Can it, 
indeed, be anything more meaningful than ritualized nostaJgia for a world 
tha t has slipped om of [each? 

jUl,em/wtiiK. Symbol of Eastern German Identity 51 

&jonned yet t'Oid of lIIeaning? 

Structurally, there have been surprisingly few changes stnce 1989/90, and 
although (hc jllg~lIIhnihe is now organized by several competing groups, {he 
JlllmsJu/t'tnilligulI!,jugmdlJ1eihe e. V, which took over from the fo rmcr GDR 
organization in 1990, is by far the largest and most influential. II Many of 
the employees and volunteers who organized the soctitlist ritual stmply 
continued in their duties following lUufication, and as a result the basic 
organizational structure has remained almost identical. lndeed, whilst tJIC 
ceremony no longer claims an official sratus WitJUil the education system, 
schools frequently continue to be the centetS of activity. Ceremonies still 
take p lace between March and May, with the j"gelldJnihe «year" beginning 
in November. Although the rigid strucn1re o f obligatOry classes no longer 
exists, a program of voluntary events still constinues an inte!,rral part o f 

the jllgwdJl'tihe. T he ceremony itself naturally remains the central focus, 
incorporating all the traditional elements such as speeches, music, and the 
presentation of a book and flower along with the j"l,endu1eihe cecuficatc. 
Only twO major components are omitted today: the uniform oath, whidl 
was abandoned in late 1989 in fuvor of an optional and freely-written 
"promise», and the GDR national andlenl, wluch has not, interestingly, 
been replaced with that of the Federal Republic. 

T he major organizational diffcrcnce is, of COUI se, that the 
jugwdJJ1eihe is no lo nger controlled by anyone political party, an element 
reflected in its ideological content, which bas clearly been forced to adapt 
to [he pluralism o f present-day society. Themes such as the evils of impe­
rialism, the special fri end shlp with Russia and tJIC emphasis on military 
prorection are, of course, now all absent.. Indeed, today's o rgrullzers are 
caceful to make Sllle dut no remnants of GDR ideology arc le tt to i1Ilger, 
and activities center around the immediate lives of young people, focusing 
o n issues such as love, friendship and drugs, With viSitS to carcer centers 
and charitable organizations. 12 Although the n1.'1lorilY of themes are dearly 
roored i.n present-day materialist socicty, history is nOt entirely neglected, 
for in the at temp t to revise the GDR's historiograp hy of the Third Reich, 
this period is still featured. Indeed, excursions to Buchenwald and othcr 
formerconcentrauon camps continue, only the emphasis is now placed on 
the fute of tJle Jews rather than the antifascist victims. Interestingly, how­
ever, the srudy of Germany's paSt focuses very rarcly o n issues concerning 



-, ,- Focu.; on German Studies 

the G DR, and any real examination of the immediate socialist past and the 
structures o f ule GDR is avoided. T lus is no clearer tha.n in the ]lIgend/Jilihe 
tradition itself, for o fficial literature frequently emphasizes the ritual 's 19"'_ 
century humanist roots rather than choosing to dweU on its stronger G DR 
history, and as a result its fonner repressive natw:e often rcrnalnS forgot­
ten. Understandably, this provokes much criticism &om religious corrunu­
oities, and especially fro m those who experienced discrimination due [ 0 

non-participation. Indeed, as o ne man complained: «My punishment was 
not being allowed to 80 to grammar school Peopk have fo rgotten how 
mud l sufferi ng w:tS connected with the Jugendweihe" ("East Germans" 
18). In canttasl to th e strucrure o f the ri rual, its con tent has radically 
changed, yet the old and new )lI/,mdu1tiht filld one similarity here, for both 
refrained from truly examining the most d ifficult and debated areas o f 
their immediate social history. 

A closer examination o f the program o f events offered. to young 
participants today reveals the extent to which the modern )ugmdweihe (e~ 
flects, Clther dian p rescribes, the interests o f young people. The 2000/ 
200 1 brochure for Saxony~Anhalt, for example, devotes 23 pages to day 
trips and holidays, 18 to free-time activities, spOrts e\'ents and discos, 12 to 

themes such as drugs, love, relationships and careers, and a mere four pages 
to political activities (The best). Not only this, but the voluntary nature o f 
events invariably means that those concerning political and social issues 
never even take place due to lack of numbers. In contrast, the events which 
aro use the greatest ifllerest, such as fashion shows and sports tournaments, 
o ften appear to be devo id of any didactic conten t. It is here that many 
critics o f theJlIgendu'tihe find justi fication in their claim that the ceremony 
has become no tillng mOre than empty nostalgia for a fi ctitious rosy past, 
and to quote lhe Dml.uhe AI/genltine SOlllllogsbiall in 1999: «nas Fest sci 
<weitgehend inhaltsleec' r._.) Ein kciftiger SchuG O stalgie ist auch mit Un 
Spiel'" (cit. in G riese 38). 

\Vhile it cannot be denied that dle jllgmdJl..'rihe has lost the peda­
gogical unpo rrance it once claimed to ho ld, it does still attemp t to shape 
the coUective identity o f participan ts by encouraging responsible citizen­
ship. However, due to the problematic oarure o f appealing to a natio nal 
identity in tbe new German states since Ullification , the emphasis o f the 
jugmdu1eibe bas shifted away from dIe national to the regional and suprana­
tio nal levels. In 13randenburg, for example, participants' certificates in the 
mid-1990s cited the following words: «Die Brandenburger sind bekannt 

}tlgtt/dU/eihe: Sym bol o f Eastecn German identi ty 53 

fur ihre Tugenden, und sic sind sto lz darau£ Oazu zihlt auch, d:U3 sich 
diescs Land den Ruf erwo rben hat, I-l eimstatt geistigcr, religioser lind 
weltanschaulichcr To leranz zu sein. Bewahren Sie diesen in der heutigcn 
Zeit unscltiiczbaren Weet [ . .. J So sichecn Sic auch die eigene Identi tat. [ . . . J 

Bleibcn Sie Brandenburger! Das Land bmucht Sie!" (K.noblich; cit. In 
jllgtlldll~ihe certificate). O ther regio ns, such as Saxony, have adopted similar 
str:.ttegies. for example by presenting participants with books on local tra­

ditions o r engravings of their towns ('East Germans>~ 18; Meier 55). In 
many ways. the new regional structure o f the l"leresse'l~nlnigllltf. only serves 
to further dlis trend, and local pride is undoubtedly emerging as a reactio n 
to dIe de<:ades o f enforced G DR centralism. Most impo rtantly, however, 
regional iden tity provides a comfortable compromise: whils t allowing un­
ambiguous pride in o ne's identiry. it still pwvides for an Eastern German 
dlaf"dCter, yet does nOt exdude allegiance to all~German citizenship. At the 
o ther end o f [he scale, appeal is also made to European ci tizenship, which 
provides a similal' <sa fe' identi ty. Indeed, the o fficial j llgmdweihe book of 
the mid-1990s, entitled Europa - Eifl KOfllintni lllld seifle Stootm, inr.rod uces 
the history, countries and traditions o f an European countries to its read4 
ers. In contraSt to dIe regional tradition, which p rovides many o f ti le nec­
essary emo tional ami historical elements o f a collective identity, the em~ 

phasis o n Europe points rather to the future. T he app c..1.1 to the suprnna­
tional level has even been taken one step further, for the presentjll!p"JU'eihr 
volume takes the form of a reference book named D ie lWeI! i ff der Jl'ir leben. 
nlis includes no t only a chap ter dedicated to each conti.nent, but also scc~ 

tions on naluml resources. different (eligio ns and customs, a history o f the 
United Natio ns, and short biograp hies of children from a vanelY o f COlln~ 
tries. The aim is clearly to crea te amo ngst roday's yourh an awareness o f 
lheir identi ty as world citizens, encouraging tilem to respect values sud l as 
to lerance, equaliry and justice, and teadling them that their actio ns as indi­
viduals can make a difference. 

It would , however, be incorrect to claim that tile jllgmdll 'rihe fails 
to lncorporate any clements of a natio nal identity. D espite the o mission of 
the natio nal anthem and the clear absence of state symbolism today, some 
ceremonies tum instead to German culrure as the foundation for an all ­
German identity. making use o f patrio tic poems by Goethe and Schiller. 
or musical excerpts by Badl and Beethoven (CDie Pcmlidlkciten" 28). 
O thers look towards the country's narural heri tage, and in 1993 and 1994 
the encyclopedia Dm/schlalld Soschihl isl "rISer umdwas published fo r the 



54 F(J(1IJ on Germ :m Srudies 

In/erwtnlltrtini,gll!lt. in o rder to accompany the jlll,mdll 'tihe. As a cross be­
tween a travel guide and a road adas. this volume aimed to introduce the 
different regions o f tile Federal Republic to its young citizens thro ugh 
theic narurallaodscapes - once again conveniently apolitical in nature. Even 
though the majori ty of JuglNtiR'tihe activities today clearly lack an ideologi­
cal agenda, the ritual still incorporates elements of identity formarion, and 
although these concentrate primarily on the regional and individual identi. 
ties of young people, pride in German citizenship is still encouraged. This 
is done, however, in a careful , over-cautious way, demonstrating just how 
far tile ritual has moved from its fo rmer status as a compre hensive celebra­
tion of supposed national virtues. 

A ll initiation info the Eastern G emJOfI cOfllomlli (y? 

The apparent lack o f display of national pride does nOt mean to say, how­
evet, that the rirual has lost its function as a public festival. Ironically, this 
element appeacs to have increased in importance, for in reaction to the 
reforms that swept from West to E ast following unification, the ceremony 
has become symbolic o f the attempt to reassert an Eastern identity. In 
conttast to other Eastern bloc counmes such as Poland or H ungary, where 
citizens still remained Poles and Hungarians following the demise o f com­
mwt.ism, G DR citizens clearly ceased to be GDR citizens, and the reform 
o f their country went hand in hand with a new natio nal identity. T he de­
sire to retain not o n1y an element o f fiuniliaoty, but also self-worth, was 
thus widespread, and the jJlgenmnihe provided an ideal ritual in which East­
ern Germans could take p ride as their own, for its long trad ition dating 
back to the 19110 century conveniently freed it from the shackles o f an all­
communist past. Indeed , the twO elements rendering dlis ceremony so 
unique are closely related, fo r the fact that it was not an import from dle 
Soviet Union has p robably secured its furure life tn unified Germany. 
Whereas dle m..1.jori ty of West Germans, who know li ttle about its histo ry, 
dismiss it to be a relict o f socialist society, many in the E ast value it as a 
source o f stabili ty in a society marked by turbulent change. The determi­
nation to retain the ceremony has thus become an act o f de fiance in the 
face o f the West, and those who argue that the j llgendu'eihe survives today 
simply due to irs rele ... -ance in the private sphere overlook an impo rtant 
aspect o f its development (see Neubert 168). Indeed. to quo te the 
A'lilte/deull(h, newspaper: «lhren Wert hane die Veransta lrung, weil 

jllltifilweihr. Symbol of Eastern Gennan Idenri ty 55 

O stdeutsche sieh ein StUck D eurungsho heit zuriickhohen libet" eine OO R­
Geschidue, d ie wolll aJlzu o ft von Westdeutschcn geschn ebcn win:!. [ .. .]" 

(CiL in Griese 41). 
[t is. however. no t o nly the principle o f the j1lgelld1lJt ffle thal an­

dlOes it firmly in the East, for an Eastern navor also permeates the cer­
emonies and preparatory activities. which frequently pia)' on an anti-\'';lest­
em sentiment. O ne songwriter's perfo rmance at a ceremo ny in Eastern 
BerM in 1992, for ellample, included a lesson in West German acronyms, 
teaching those present the meaning o f GmbH: <CGeh6rt meincm Bruder 
H elmut" ! (Bollwahn 5). Even today, discussions about con tempo rary soci­
ety often employ terms such as Ellmbogmge.se/Lscbaji, and focus o n the im­
mediate problems of li fe in the East, such as unemployment and ucban 
renewal, thereby providing defmi lio n fro m the West. Speeches often hark 
back to the "people's revo lutio n" o f 1989, stressing the role p layed by the 
GDR people in bringing down lhe Wall, and citing slogans such as Rosa 
Luxemburg's famous line: «Die Freiheit 1s t: immcr d ie Freiheit des 
Andersdenkenden!" Tn many ways, dle j lll!ndu'eihe has, thus, become an 
institutio n welcoming young people intO .. he community o f Eastern Ger­
many at large. In a region wh.ich has been subject to radical transformation 
over the past decade, this ritual appears to offer srabllity and continuity, 
crea ring me feeling o f a close-knit community in the face o f \Vesterners 
who are o ften perceived as arrogant and lacking understanding. Indeed, it 
could be argued that o nly now has the j llgend/Nih' Il"uly readled lhe srarus 
o f a people's festival mat to uches the real emo t.ions o f all involved. 

Whilst today's 14--year-o lds clearly accep t the ritual as a cultural 
model, materialist motivations remain constant, with the promise o f money 
and gi fts forming the prime incentive. Indeed, participants can frequently 
be hea.rd to make COlnmentS such as "es W:\runge fa hr so wie Geburlstag", 
o r "es ist ein bi!3chen Weihnachten im Fru hling!" ('"1Jngefahr" 31). How­
ever, with a participation rate o f over 60%, peer pressure is also elltremeiy 
in fluential, ironically lending new life to the previously despised element 
of social conformity. In maoy ways, the jJtgelf(/weih, is increasingly adopting 
the markings of an initiatio n into socia.llife, and as onc 14-year-old girl 
claimed: " ja vielleicht nadl der Jugendweihe hat sich dec Kiassellverband 
irgendwie ein biBchen enger geschlosscll [ . . . ] vorher gab's da irgendwie 
immer paar T riippchen lIod cUlzelne waren auch alleine oder so aber jer-.a 
arbeiten wit sagar mal mit den J Uflgs zusammen ganz was Neues" (eil. in 

Dohnert 245). Despite a clear individualiza tion o f youth culrure since the 



56 Porus on German Studies 

6ill of the wall, the Juynda.·tihe thus still remains a collective comillg of age 
ritual, welcoming young people en masse intO a new phase o f Life. In coo­
traSt to the plw:alism of today's socicry and the progresslve1y earlier age at 
which children mature, it seems that the GDR tradition o f treating " the 
youth" as a homogenous group has not entirely disappeared (Griese 15). 
Indeed, being a member of a larger collective offers some kind of wel­
come security and identity to yOlUlg people themselves, many of whom 
may have experienced dle chaos o f parents' unemployment or invoiwlt3ry 
retraining. Ironically. the collective tbus appears to have adop ted a simjlar 
tole as the "niche" in dIe GDR, offering an escape from (he pressures o f 
everyday life. and pcoviding a positive, ahernative identity. 

How, then, does this identity relate to dIe nation? Does (he collec­
tive element of the jllgend_iheencourage an Eastern identity amongst young 
people today? Many believe this not to be the case, adhering to the thesis 
typified by the journalists Kersrin and Gwmar Decker: «Die Ostdeutschen 
sterben aus. Man erkennt es damn, daB schon Wlsece Kinder das \Vort 
DDR aussprechen, als sagten sie Der drcilligjahrige Krieg oder Das alte 
Rom ( ... J Unsere Kinderweroen keine Ostdeutschen meltr sein" (Decker 
and Decker 9). It seems that d lere is a certain amount o f truth here, for 
today's jllgwnnihe participants do show dear signs o f identification with a 
unified Germany, and po pular culture, such as music, fashion and the elec­
tronic media are clearly orientated towards lhe West. LaSt year's booklet o f 
jll,gendlniht activities in Saxony-Anhalt, for ex:ample, cites a selection o f 
icems which teenagers in one SdlOOI class considered to be «in" and «our". 
M one would expect, the lists assiduously foUow the music charts and 
fashion magazines, but two entries prove rather more revealing: whilst 
c~GDR" stands under the heading "our", Bllnduliga is said 10 be «in" (The 
Ins/ 8). Trivial though this example may seem, it demonstrates this 
generation's desire to look to the future rather than dle past for its identity. 

However, while young people today may claim to have no interest 
in (he paSt, it is undoubtedly a force that continues to manifest itself, and a 
nwnber of trends suggest that the transition from '~ast German" to '~ed­
eral cicizen" may take longer than one generation. Indeed , the importance 
attributed (0 the collective is o f great influence here, for young East Ger­
mans today continue to define themselves in (he face o f the West. How­
ever, it is not only here that the young generation finds definition, for its 
clear acceptance o f the jugend/J'eibe also reveals a willingness to maintain 
certain Eastern traditions. Indeed, an opinion poll cacrted out by the 

jllunduttihe: Symbol o f Eastern German Identity 57 

Allensbach Institute in 1995 revealed dllU the youngest age-group of 16-
29 proved to be most ill favor o f keeping dIe jll,gellf/I1'eiht tradition, with as 
many as 85% giving it their support, in contrast (0 an average o f 77% 
amongst o lder gcneratlons (NoeUe-Neumann and Kocher 10: 587). Al­
though young people are, in many ways, adapting to a unified Germany, it 
seems that an E ast German community may well outlive the memory o f 
rile G DR, and for the time being the JlIgmdu.'tiht, along with its Eastern 
flavo r, is set to stay as a key expression of tlus alternative identity. 

Cant/usiall 

W hilst transition is continuous, and a more integrated future lies on lhe 
honzon, the institution o f the j/{gendwtihe clearly highlights the p resent 
dilemmas of a people whose nation disappeared overnight. Allhough a 
craving for stability, coupled with resentment towards dIe \'\'lest, may have 
created a desire 10 retain the Jugmdu-eihe as a principle rat her lhan a peda­
gogical institution, it cannOt be claimed dl3.1 it occupies a purely nostalgic 
and meaningless function in today's society. Indeed, popuJar recepl10n o f 
dle ceremony has become indicative o f the desire to create a new Eastern 
i.dentity. S}'mbolic o f the quest for a genuine identity, thejll,gmtlu'eihe before 
and after 1990 thus share one important feamre, for each has been ac­
cepted and utilized by dIe population for its own needs. Tn lhe CDR, 
where aut.horities increasingly accentuated the elemento f sl:ate-loyalty, the 
ri tual became popular for its private meaning. whcreas teday's ceremony, 
which ll3.s consistently avoided empllasizingan overt national identity, has 

unofficiaJly become dedicated to Eastern Ge.rman values. T he jlltP"Ju'tiht 
as a popular tradition thus appears to ha\'e turned full circle, for it is now 
being utilized in (he way the SED originally intended in 1954: as a ccr­
emony to create stability in the East, and to encourage an emotional bond 
between a threatened community and its citizens. It is only In the absence 
of dle GDR nation, however, that this has proved possible.. 

University of Bris/oJ 

Notes 

I For a detailed analysis of religious symbolism used in the GDR, see: 
Not/magie, Alan. B{(ildiflg the Eart Germdfl Ayth. HisloncalMylho/Qgy (Jfld Voulh Propa­
gaRita ill rhe Germdn DemOClulie Republic, 1945-1989. lI..fichigan: U of Michigan P, 



58 FoCtis on Germ:m Studies 

1999. 
2 An example of such an anthem is the Kenlaft tifr jl<$.tfldwdh4, text: LoUIs 

Pumberg. music: Ernst HerrTWln Meyer, SAPMO-BArch, D 21/23 
J T &{IlMIf,!' des ZottrakJr ANJSWJlIJU for J"l!Jfb'ti& am 16. Mai 1984. SAPMO· 

Barch. OY 21/ 18, 291. 
• T~Il~ tkt 'UlIInlfe" AMJJchMSJU am 5. Ma: 198). SAPMO-Ihrch. DY 21/ 

18,55. Emphasis In original. 
, Exphcidy stated by Egon Preyer at the T ,€IIJtg tiM Zl"tm!ell AUJsdJltlIU 

for jllgtndu.'uhe am 15. Alai 1985. SAPMO-Barch. DY 21/ 19. 63. 
, Toglllfg dts ZelllrrJkn Allu(hNIIIS ftJr fllf,tlld/l.'tiht am 8. NO~'II1Ibtr 1983. 

SAPMO-Barch. DY 21/18.176. 
1 InJormotion tl/J1J AJlImff Ikr ptgtndwdbeJt:itnl 1986. SAPMO-Barch. DY 

30/J IV 2/9.05/15. 
• T.:glilfj: da Ulltrak" Allumltlsu for JII!/ndrnihe am 6. Mui 1981. SAPMO­

Barch. DY 21/17, 31. 
• Tqg.lo'ngdu ZelltrakIJAUISciJlmu(1IJI6.5. 1980. $APr.,·IO -Barch. DY 21/ 16, 

187. Emphasis in original. 
\1 For example 11\ Magdebucg 2000, accordmg (0 tilt records of the 

Landesverband Sachsen-Anhalt dcr Interessenvereinigung Jugendweihe e. V. See 
also Gnese, Hanmut M. Ed. O~'l!.mIMak im iNglIldaftu. Munstcr. LIT, 2000: 
122-

" This was officially renamed the IniertlWllJtrrini,gungjiir hHmaniitiJ(he 
J~ndarbdt lind J'«tnth'e1he e. V. in August 1992 The only other major organization 
offering theJll§nbelhe throughOUt the east IS the 1-illlllOlliJIlJrhtr VeWand'DmlsdJlalldt, 
founded in 1993. which names Its nnl3.l the Jll!!ndFElER. Others, such as the 
D~utJ(hn- F"itilnIetr-Verfx1/f(i, operate within smaller regional circles. 

uSee, foc example, ZIJiJ(heA Nicht mehrllnd NodJ !liml and The but oj lift. 

$APMO-BArch: 

Archiv:a.1 Sources 

Snftung Archlv der l>:arteien und Massenocganisa 
tionen dec DOR 1m Bundesardllv 
DY 21: Zentraler AusschuB fur- Jugendweihe 
DY 30: SED (all files ci ted are from the Abteilung 

Volksbildung) 

jJl!,tHdniix. Symbol of Eastern Gc[man Idenoty 59 

\"'('orks Cired 

Adaln. I-Iorst. "Gedanken zur Jugcndweihe". lf7tislhllm - Ulfjril.:kn in DUliJ(hfond, 
Band J: Bt4huIgswmn lind Piit/ago!,lk 1m &lritUgdlid. Eds. Gced Buddin 
and I lans Dalllke. Bcrl in: KOLOG-Vcrlag. 1994.366-73. 

Block, Patricia. Chrisuan John, and Regina Malskles. EWwal im Ubtn! ~II 
ElJtr7lrotgeber ZNr Ju,gendFE/SR I Jugendu,tJhe. Berlm: H Uffiamsuschcr 

Verband Deutschlands, 2001. 
Bollwahn. Barbara. "Vom 5Datsakt zum Kulrucprogramm." TAZ·8ttlin 30 

March 1992: 5. 
Bob: Alexander and Hartmut Griese. Eds. Dtllurh·tkutsrhe )lIgen4[o"(/;II"!.. 

, Thtoretisfiullnd vnpirisfhl Stllmen zur Ulge tilr Jugelld lIIll of/(uuuefKr Siehl. 

Munchen: Juvcotl, 1995. 
Chowanski, Joachim and Rolf Dreier. Die jugendnhe - Eine KHltlfrgeJ(hirhu sell 

1852. Berlin: edition os1, 2000. 
Decker, Gunnar :and Kerstm Dener. GeftblsauJbriidJe oder E1ngpuhtmtrf dtr 

Olftkli/.Jfhl. Bedm: Das Neue Berlin, 2000. 
DDR.Handhs«h. Kaln: Verlag \XrlSsen und PoiJok, 1985. 
Oer Sozia/ismus- Dune Welt. Berlin: Verlag Neues Ltben. 1982. 
Dtlltsrhland SO Sch6l1 lIt IIII/tr LmuL Berlin: Benelsmann, 1993. 
Diedench, Georg. Bernd Schafer, and Jorg Ohlemacher. J/lgtndlUl~ III tkr DDR 

Gmhirhlt und polilisdu Buuu(ung aUI chrisllidur Sitht. Schwenn: 
Landeszenmlc rur politische Bildung Mecldenburg-Vorpommen). 

1998. 
"Die Peinlichkeiren und Goefhe sind gebheben." TAZ·lJtJ'un 2 Apnl 1991: 28. 

Die IV'" ill dtr lIir kbtll. Berlin: Berlclsmann. 1998. 
Dehnert. Albrecht. "Jugendweihe ZWIschen Familie, Polluk und RebgJon. Eine 

emplnsche $rudie zum Fonbesrand der Jugendwelhe m 
Ostdcutschland." ReligioJer lind KJ"hlicher Il7andel in Osttkl/mhlam/. 
Opladen: Leske + 13udrich, 2000. 236-58. 

Eppclmann, Ramer ct.al. I!.ds. UxiCOIl da DDRSor}alismlls. Paderborn: 
Ferdinand Schenmgh. 1996. 

Europa _ EIII Konllnelllllnd JelIlt SloaItll. Scrim: Bertelsmann, 1997. 
Gnesc; Hartmut M. Ed. Obtr;gangmll/ou im )1I,gelldalter-/Nglndu.'tihl, Konf,!ma~oll, 

Firmung lind Alttrnali~n POJiflOnen lInd Perspd!lit>tll aJ/I "n",tkn 1mh. 
Munster: LIT, 2000. 

nling. Susann. Die JlI§ndll'tiht im WOIIdd dtr ZaJ - &11 FMI du JIIJlnd DdtI' osidtlludJt 
Familienmu/ition? Sturtgart: Ibidem-Verlag. 2000. 

"Jugendfeicr fUr N lcht--Chris tcn." Maukburg~r VolkIffimm~ 10 t-. lay 200 L 
Kargling. KMtheinz, "Ene Feier mit 5chhps und Schwips." •... daj! tkr AlellsdJ 

lIat urnen mufl.' Bildung und E'zjehulIg in DDR.Jchliun - VO'l"lb<n. 
Il7irklichkattn, AnstcJJlen. Magdeburg: l\lagdcburger Museumshcfte, 



60 Focus on Germ:lD Studies 

1999. 115-19. 

Meier, Andreas. JNgendweihe-JugelldFEfER Bin tklluchts nostalgisdm fiJI tor lind 
l1afh 1990. brunchen: dtv, 1998. 

Neubert. Erhart. Lexicon do DDR-SOZidiisIfINI. Ed. Rainer Eppelman et.aL 
Paderborn: Ferdmand Schoningh, 1996. 

Mohrmann, Ute, " Pesmalcen am Brauch. Jugendweihe var und naeh der 

'Wende'." AlItoglkultwrim Umbmcb. Ed. Wolfgang Kaschuba et.al. 
Weimar/Wien: &hlau, 1996. \97-213. 

Noelle-Neumann, Elisabeth and Renate KOcher. Eds. AlkllsbadurJahrfmch tltr 
Dl!11oskopU 199J.1997, Band 10: DemlJshJpi.uhe Enltkh"§,,. Munchen: 
KG. Saur, 1997. 

Nothnagle, Alan. Building the Emf GnmQn My/h. Hiswrit:al A!Jlho/v (llId l'Olltb 
Propagalulo in the Germall DtmOffi.ltk fVpllb!ic, 1945-1989. Michigan: U of 
Michigan l~ 1999. 

"Seid iht bereit ... ?,' Die 'hit 27 April 1990. 

The Imt of life. Ed. Interessenvereinigungjugcndweihe c.V Sachsen-Anhah, 
2ooo/200 t. 

" Ungefahr so wie Geburtstag." TAZ-Btrlin 27 April 1996: 31. 
Urban, Dedef and Hans W Weinzen. Jugtlld obne BehnlltniJ? 30 Jahre /(Qnjirmalion 

IIndJugendweihe im anderen Deutschland, 1954-1984. Berlin: 
Wichern-Verhg, 1984. 

Vom Si"n IInJtro UheIlJ. 5'" 00. Berlin: Verlag Neues Leben, 1987. 
WtItdl_ Enk - Mensch, 17'" ed. Berlin: Verlag Neues Leben, 1969. 
"Zur Ablehnung der Jugendweihe Ul der DDR aufgefordcrt." Toguspiege/3 April 

1988. 
Z.iIdun Nifht mehr lind Noch nidi!. Ed. Humanistischer Verband Deutschlands. 

Blank & Reschke, 1994. 

'T'homas Manns Schwere StuIJde. 
Schi ller lUld Goethe Krise und Ausweg? 

Thomas Schneider 

r.wi1 an soli sich nicht uber den Umfung meiner Acbei[ wundern. Man 
I1U dad nicht vergessen,. weldl groBe L.cistungen man voUbriflgen kann, 
wenn einem die Zeit und de[ FleiG ZI.I[ Vcrfiigung stchen", e[kla.ne Tho­
mas Mann in cinem Gesprach mit Paul Pereszlenyi. "Die Zeit war mit 
gegeben als ein Gcsehenk, wofur ich selbst nichts kannC< ( .... ..it. meh Hansen 
3(3). Zei t war ihm in hohem MaJ3e gegcbcn, dcnn zum Zcitpunkt dcs 
zitierlell Inte[views, das am 1. Juni 1955, also ninf Tage vor seinem SO. 
Gebunstag, in der Stuttgarter Zeitung veroffentlid lt wurde, korUlIC er 
immcrhin auf 60 Jahre schri ftstellenscher Tiillgkcit zuriickblic.ken lind lune 
tatsiichlieh gro6e Leisrungen vollbr:acht. zumindest wasden bercl.dulichen 
Umfang seiner ALbeiten betci.fft. "Andcrs ist es mit dem Aeill lind mit 
dem Willen zur ALbeit, deren Bedeutung mir erst klar wurde, als idl mich 
mit dem Leben Schillers eingehend beschiiftigte.« Diese:r Aussage ist be!CItS 
eincfflSl :lU nehmender Hinwcisauf die zenttalc Bedcutungder Iiteranschen 
Auseina ndersetzung mit cle m Leben und Werk Friedrich SchiJlers und def 
dantus hervorgegangenen Studie SehU/ere Stmuie Zli cntnehmen . Zwar ist· 
gewill nieh t anzunehmen, d ill T homas Mann vor dicser Zeit nieht flcir3 lg 
oder gar faul gewcsen sei, zweifel.1os \Vird jedoch deutlich, dal3 scit jehcr 
d ie Oriennerung an dichterischen Vorbildern ein nich l unwesenuleher 
Faktor seiner Motivation und ein MotOr seines Schreibens gewescn 5eill 
mull. 

,,Schiller war immer f1eillig, was audl viclle.ieht mit der Kiir.le seines 
Lebens zusammenhangt. Dies diirftc das P hano men erklihen, daB 
Schciftsteller und KUnstler, derco Leben nur vcrhaltrusmiillig kurz ist, melS! 
so produkrivsind, daB ihr Lebenswcrk jenes lange arbeitender SchriftsteJlcr 
weit tibertrifft." Dies/! Aussage magzunachsl befremden, da dec Eindruck 
cntstehcn kann, Mann p,enze stch hier bcwul3t von Schille r ab und sprcdlc 
diesem den FleiB, sich selbst hingegen das unve[dicnle Geschenk cines 
langen (A rbeits~) Lebens zu.. Diese Vermu(ung erweist sich jedoch als nieh!