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commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news 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mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe forensic anthropology vol. 2, no. 2: 61–64 doi: 10.5744/fa.2019.1018 © 2019 university of florida press the analysis of commingled human remains (chr) has become increasingly sophisticated. commingled remains analysis in forensic anthropology was historically based on the bioarcheology of large native american ossuaries (finnegan 1976; stewart 1979; ubelaker 1978). methods for sorting assemblages were often restricted to counting the number of elements by side, articulations, sex, and age. while these attributes are still crucial to the process of evaluating commingled remains, current forensic anthropological practice has expanded into new technologies and innovative software approaches. the situations in which commingling can occur in modern forensic anthropology practice are varied and include mass or natural disasters such as aircraft crashes, earthquakes, and fires; humanitarian and human rights crises; and past military conflicts. these diverse situations, combined with the goal of individual identification, have pushed practitioners to create new methods, use technological innovations, and employ novel solutions to what is ultimately a very old osteological problem. and yet, while this is an old problem to osteologists, ubelaker (2014) reminds us that commingling has only recently been tackled by forensic anthropologists. the articles in this issue highlight many current advances in commingled assemblage examination and are expanded from a poster session titled “science matters: challenges with effecting individual identifications from commingled assemblages” organized for the 70th annual meeting of the american academy of forensic sciences in seattle, washington, in february 2018. they present a subset of some of the challenges facing chr analysis, such as poorly documented or missing historical contexts, incomplete remains, or poor condition of remains. while many of the articles included in this special issue focus on the issues surrounding the sorting and identification of individuals lost in past military conflicts, the systematic approaches, methods, and new technology employed are applicable to any commingled situation. developing and fostering new methods is integral to the future development of the field. the session was conceived by forensic anthropologists associated with the defense pow/mia accounting agency (dpaa), which spearheads efforts to recover and identify missing u.s. service members. the organizers, familiar with several largescale commingled human skeletal projects at the dpaa laboratory, wanted to emphasize different techniques devised by anthropologists both within the agency and at other institutions in order to tackle the myriad issues related to these projects. invited participants presented on several projects, reviewed existing methods of commingling, demonstrated new approaches, and outlined unforeseen challenges to their particular situations. the final session included eleven presentations representing three institutions and eight separate projects (proceedings 2018). we are pleased to present eight papers from that session in this special issue. topics include research on the accuracy of visual pairmatching; a bayesian approach to the association of skeletal remains; tests of the most accurate way to estimate the number of individuals in an assemblage; the use of biological data to inform subsequent dna sequencing strategies; and four case reports from editors’ introduction introduction commingled human remains special issue andrea palmiottoa,b ● carrie brownc* ● mary megyesic abstract: this paper is the introduction to the special issue on commingled human remains analysis within forensic anthropology. it provides an overview of the articles in this special issue of forensic anthropology and the impetus behind the creation of the special issue. keywords: forensic anthropology, commingling, postmortem identification aindiana university of pennsylvania college of humanities and social sciences— anthropology, indiana, pa 15705, usa bdefense pow/mia accounting agency, joint base pearl harbor– hickam, hawai’i 96853, usa cdefense pow/mia accounting agency— laboratory, offutt afb, ne 68113, usa *correspondence to: carrie brown, defense pow/mia accounting agency— laboratory, 106 peacekeeper dr., bldg. 301, offutt afb, ne 68113, usa 62 introduction largescale commingled projects, highlighting challenges faced and the ways in which identification is achieved. the case reports represent projects that were organized around the tenets identified in other seminal commingled projects, such as the korean war project (jin et al. 2014) and those discussed in two volumes on chr edited by adams and byrd (2008, 2014). the korean war project was the first largescale chr project initiated at the dpaa laboratory. based on its success, additional largescale commingled projects have been undertaken by the agency. in this special issue we introduce three ongoing projects at the dpaa associated with world war ii— the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery project, the tarawa project, and the uss oklahoma identification project. each of these projects encompasses hundreds of commingled individuals with complex and unique historical contexts. these diverse projects present challenging situations that require creative solutions from the analytical teams. the focus on world war ii remains in this special issue (and at dpaa) is born out of the historical circumstances of world war ii losses, their recovery, and subsequent processing that often resulted in commingling. all of the world war ii projects at dpaa share a few bureaucratic root commonalities in how the remains were initially analyzed (snow 1948; steere & boardman 1957; trotter 1949). a brief outline of this common history offers some perspective on these projects. after the cessation of fighting, the department of the army, american graves registration services (agrs), took responsibility for the recovery and identification of individual losses under the direction of the quartermaster general (steere 1951). this process included disinterring remains from battlefields and temporary burial sites and delivering them to various processing stations for analysis (steere & boardman 1957). for instance, cabanatuan remains were transported to mausoleums located in manila, while remains from tarawa and the oklahoma were processed at the schofield barracks on oahu (harris 2010; harris & beckinbaugh 2017). dr. mildred trotter was the director of the central identification laboratory on oahu from 1948 through 1949. she oversaw identification efforts at schofield barracks and even visited manila to offer guidance on the identifications of the cabanatuan remains. trotter lamented the difficulties in segregating u.s. service members with such similar biological profiles. the techniques available at the time to resolve commingling were somewhat limited, and trotter and her team were able to identify duplicated elements and separate bones based on traits such as “articulation, size, color, morphology, and/or texture” (trotter 1949). trotter further notes that in most cases, missing skeletal elements precluded the association of continuous skeletal elements. for the most part, however, the enormous number of unidentified remains from world war ii were initially processed and recorded by agrs personnel (steere 1951). as a result, many of the world war ii projects at dpaa are tasked with rectifying commingling caused by lack of osteological knowledge during these initial processing phases. during this post– world war ii historical processing period, unidentified remains were laid to rest in american military cemeteries located around the world (trotter 1949). these individuals were buried as “unknowns” until being disinterred by the dpaa for reanalysis. as a result of these circumstances, the three large world war ii projects highlighted in this issue share some historical similarities that affect the current analysis. the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery project involves american pows from the philippines, many of whom were part of the bataan death march as they were transported to the pow camp on luzon island. the camp was occupied for over 3 years between 1942 and 1945, with thousands of individuals transferred through the camp during that period (harris & beckinbaugh 2017). individuals received inadequate food and medical care, and combined with the associated physical hardships, more than 2,700 pow deaths were reported during this time (harris & beckinbaugh 2017). individuals were buried in mass graves at the camp cemetery by other pows; however, record keeping was difficult under such conditions. in this issue, the cabanatuan project outlines the historic commingling of the remains, coupled with the past erroneous identifications that require historical context, dna, and anthropology to resolve. in her article, megyesi promotes an approach that includes an indepth examination of historical records and past anthropological practices, combined with presentday analytical techniques to resolve commingling and identification issues. the battle of tarawa occurred in november 1943 and resulted in more than 1,100 american and 6,000 japanese and korean casualties on the republic of kiribati, a small island in the pacific. casualties from the battle were buried in temporary cemeteries on the island shortly after the battle (steere & boardman 1957). later, some of these remains were disinterred and transported to the national memorial cemetery of the pacific (nmcp), in hawai‘i, for reburial; however, less than half of the burials were located from kiribati. recent excavations on kiribati have focused on locating and recovering these missing burials. as outlined by taylor et al., analyses in 2016 revealed that in many cases, the skeletal remains of a single individual can be found both in the nmcp remains and in the recently recovered remains from kiribati. upon this discovery, the tarawa team adjusted their methods to facilitate analyses across these varied contexts. using multiple lines of evidence, including chest radiograph comparison, dental association, pairmatching, articulation, and dna analysis, the tarawa team associates remains and ensures they belong to and are reunited with the correct palmiotto et al. 63 individual. the article by taylor et al. gives an overview of the challenges facing the tarawa project team and introduces their multidisciplinary approach to resolving commingled remains for this project, and the article by scott et al. shows how this approach is used with two specific project cases. the goal of the uss oklahoma identification project is to segregate and identify the nearly four hundred individuals missing from the battleship after the 7 december 1941 bombing of pearl harbor. in the 1940s the agrs attempted to treat the associated skeletal remains as a massive group burial, with individuals desegregated and “like” elements bundled together (harris 2010). after the mass burial was denied, the commingling was further exacerbated as analysts attempted to reassociate elements back into discrete individuals (harris 2010). this approach proved impossible based on available technologies, and these patchwork “individuals” were buried as “unknowns” until dpaa re initiated largescale identification efforts in 2015. the extent of commingling was revealed when 177 elements from the first casket were sampled for mitochondrial dna (mtdna) analyses and 95 distinct mtdna sequences were obtained. in this issue, brown provides an overview of the oklahoma project and the steps the project team takes to individually identify remains. since the inception of the project in 2015, the oklahoma team has endeavored to develop new strategies and test existing methods to effectively inventory, segregate, and identify the associated elements. three of the articles in this special issue use the oklahoma assemblage as the basis for research to refine commingled remains analyses. brown and lynch discuss ways in which biological profile data is used to prioritize dna sequencing, legarde tests the accuracy of visual pairmatching, and palmiotto et al. describe the ways in which the project team codifies the approach to inventorying elements and present various methods used to estimate the number of individuals in the assemblage. finally, mccormick considers the implications of traditional osteometric associations, including pairmatching and articulation, when using frequentist and bayesian statistical frameworks for commingled assemblages. in frequentist approaches, an analyst tests the null hypothesis to determine whether two elements are similar enough that they could belong to the same individual. in other words, the null hypothesis works around the concept of exclusion. in bayesian approaches, on the other hand, an analyst attempts to determine whether two elements belong to the same individual, and thus focuses on the concept of association. mccormick tests the feasibility of bayesian associations using measurements from 800 elements. he subsamples this data set to create commingled simulations with a bayesian regression model. correct matches were identified in roughly half of the 7,500 simulations. the eight articles in this issue highlight new approaches, perspectives, and theoretical concerns when attempting to resolve large commingled assemblages. they demonstrate that complex commingling problems can be resolved with a combination of new technology and old evaluation techniques (e.g., snow 1948; stewart 1979; trotter 1949). through this issue, we introduce ways forensic anthropology has built on our foundational anthropological methods and present new technological solutions. each commingled assemblage is unique in its history, challenges, and context. while no single approach is universally applicable, we hope the cases and situations we present here offer strategies for resolution for all the varied casework forensic anthropologists encounter. regardless of the historical context— battlefields, human rights investigations, mass disasters, cremation, and so forth— identification and resolution for the families and their communities are the driving force behind these scientific endeavors and are, at heart, the meaning and importance behind this work. wagner concludes this special issue by summarizing these case studies and research papers with a reminder of the human element and personal perspectives that accompany these projects. as scientists, we must focus on objective methods and standardization for accurate individuation and segregation; however, we must also recognize and acknowledge the significance of this work to those still living. acknowledgments thank you to all of the symposium participants and authors of the enclosed articles. thanks also to dr. aelwen wetherby, who provided helpful feedback on historical citations, and to the anonymous peer reviewer, who provided comments on this introduction. the views expressed herein are those of the authors and do not represent those of the defense pow/mia accounting agency, department of defense, or the united states government. references adams bj, byrd je, eds. recovery, analysis, and identification of commingled human remains. totowa, nj: humana press; 2008. adams bj, byrd je, eds. commingled human remains: methods in recovery, analysis, and identification. san diego: academic press; 2014. finnegan m. walnut creek massacre: identification and analysis. american journal of physical anthropology 1976;45(3): 737– 742. harris h. history of the sinking of uss oklahoma and subsequent attempts to recover and identify her crew. available at: http:// www . public . navy . mil / bupers npc / support / casualty / docu me nts / pow%20mia / uss%20oklahoma%20(bb37).pdf. created march 1, 2010. updated may 4, 2015. accessed june 1, 2018. http://www.public.navy.mil/bupers-npc/support/casualty/documents/pow%20mia/uss%20oklahoma%20(bb-37).pdf http://www.public.navy.mil/bupers-npc/support/casualty/documents/pow%20mia/uss%20oklahoma%20(bb-37).pdf http://www.public.navy.mil/bupers-npc/support/casualty/documents/pow%20mia/uss%20oklahoma%20(bb-37).pdf 64 introduction harris h, beckinbaugh l. historical report: u.s. casualties and burials at cabanatuan pow camp #1. available at: https:// www . dpaa . mil / portals / 85 / documents / reports / u . s . casu alties_burials_cabanatuan_powcamp1 . pdf ? ver=2017 05 08 162357 013. created may 9, 2017. accessed april 8, 2019. jin j, burch al, legarde cb, okrutney e. the korea 208: a large scale commingling case of american remains from the korean war. in: adams bj, byrd je, eds. commingled human remains: methods in recovery, analysis, and identification. san diego: academic press; 2014:407– 424. proceedings of the 70th annual meeting of the american academy of forensic sciences, february 19– 24, 2018; seattle, wa. snow ce. the identification of the unknown war dead. american journal of physical anthropology 1948;6:323– 328. steere e. the graves registration service in world war ii. qmc historical studies no. 21. u.s. government printing office, washington, dc; 1951. steere e, boardman tm. final disposition of world war ii dead 1945– 51. u.s. army, quartermaster corps, qmc historical studies, series ii no. 4. historical branch office of the quartermaster general, washington, dc; 1957. stewart td. essentials of forensic anthropology. springfield, il: charles c. thomas; 1979. trotter m. operations at central identification laboratory. women in health sciences: bernard becker medical library digital collection. available at: http:// beckerexhibits . wustl . edu / mowi hsp / words / trotterreport . htm. created 1949. accessed march 19, 2019. ubelaker dh. human skeletal remains: excavation, analysis, interpretation. taraxacum, washington, dc: taraxacum; 1978. ubelaker dh. commingling analysis: historical and methodological perspectives. in: adams bj, byrd je, eds. commingled human remains: methods in recovery, analysis, and identification. san diego: academic press; 2014:1– 6. https://www.dpaa.mil/portals/85/documents/reports/u.s.casualties_burials_cabanatuan_powcamp1.pdf?ver=2017-05-08-162357-013 https://www.dpaa.mil/portals/85/documents/reports/u.s.casualties_burials_cabanatuan_powcamp1.pdf?ver=2017-05-08-162357-013 https://www.dpaa.mil/portals/85/documents/reports/u.s.casualties_burials_cabanatuan_powcamp1.pdf?ver=2017-05-08-162357-013 https://www.dpaa.mil/portals/85/documents/reports/u.s.casualties_burials_cabanatuan_powcamp1.pdf?ver=2017-05-08-162357-013 http://beckerexhibits.wustl.edu/mowihsp/words/trotterreport.htm http://beckerexhibits.wustl.edu/mowihsp/words/trotterreport.htm forensic anthropology vol. 2, no. 2: 139–142 doi: 10.5744/fa.2019.1020 © 2019 university of florida press “individual identification is a primary goal for forensic anthropologists who work in medicolegal and humanitarian contexts,” palmiotto et al. set out in the opening of their technical note on methods of estimating the minimum number of individuals among commingled remains. no doubt they are right, but their claim has context, as does the more general practice of disentangling and piecing back together bodies— more precisely, their skeletal elements, however partial or fragmented— that the eight contributions to this special issue address. simply put, individually identifying war dead, or victims of violent conflict, natural disaster, or whatever incident of mass fatality, is a relatively modern phenomenon. as historian thomas laqueur argues, “we live in an age of necronominalism; we record and gather the names of the dead in ways, and in places, and in numbers as never before. we demand to know who the dead are. we find unnamed bodies and bodiless names— those of the disappeared— unbearable” (2015:366; emphasis added). there was a time, before this age of heightened “necronominalism,” when neither science nor society required or could accomplish the painstaking act of naming the masses of dead and especially their disarticulated and commingled remains. in many ways, this collection of research articles, case studies, and technical notes bears witness to the social value increasingly ascribed to individuated postmortem identification and the forensic scientific efforts both driven by and enabling that value— a prime example of what science and technology studies scholar sheila jasanoff calls the “co production” of science and society (2004). across these analyses of commingled cases and methods, technologies, and techniques applied to resolve them, we recognize the common aim of restoring individual identity to remains, no matter their state or how many generations removed their primary next of kin. while there is not room here to delve too deeply into how such a value emerged, this special issue invites us to consider some of its implications. i’ll start with one of the most important dynamics affected by efforts to untangle and name the commingled: the relationship between the individual and the collective. individual versus collective we tend to think of commingling in terms of the dead, the individual dead whose remains must be separated out from an aggregate. how many people are buried in a mass grave, or which bones belong to which body? we might give thought to how the individuals ended up as a collective or in a common burial site to begin with: their social identities (fellow combatants buried together, or victims targeted because they were perceived to belong to a common group and thus were killed and disposed of en masse); the nature of the violence, so forceful that it decimated identity and perhaps jumbled bodies; or, as becomes clear from the u.s. military’s world war ii recovery efforts, wellintentioned but unsuccessful attempts to exhume and name them. in their posthumous lives, these recovered remains become collectives of a different sort: the tarawa project, the cabanatuan project, and the uss oklahoma project. the dead populate spreadsheets and shortlists; they become central objects in a world of sorting and reordering. but what of the living, especially those most closely tied to the deceased? we see their traces in some of these chapters. family reference samples are requested; relatives may be notified of potential reexhumations. just as the commingled dead have become enmeshed in a collective not of their own making— first in mass burial, next in recovery and identification efforts— the social networks of those individuals likewise become entangled. take pfc alpha from the cabanatuan project, for example (megyesi, this issue). buried in a common grave in the philippines, his remains were exhumed and identified by the american graves registration service and, in 1949, sent home and buried again in a family conclusion conclusion sarah wagnera adepartment of anthropology, george washington university, washington, dc 20052, usa *correspondence to: sarah wagner, department of anthropology, george washington university, 2110 g st. nw, washington, dc 20052, usa email: sewagner@gwu . edu 140 conclusion plot in the united states. or so his family and community of mourners thought. presumably, some among them tended that plot, visiting it from time to time and on special occasions. fastforward to the 2014 disinterment, when the presentday efforts to account for the unresolved cabanatuan losses exposed past errors, including the misidentification of pfc alpha, whose actual remains were found among three separate caskets. and so the casket holding the erroneously buried alpha had to come out of the ground, and its contents shipped to the defense pow/mia accounting agency’s (dpaa) central identification laboratory in hawai‘i for examination. in that moment, we see how the alpha family belongs to a larger collective— that of war dead relatives, in particular those whose missing have not yet been recovered and identified; in some respects, they had a duty to those other families. the proper restoration of identity to the remains mistakenly buried in their family plot could only be possible if that casket was unearthed. we are left to wonder: how much of the “real” pfc alpha will finally return home? who has survived to bury him anew/for the first time? will the other next of kin— we learn that there are the remains of at least two individuals in his former casket— feel a sense of gratitude toward the alpha family for tending the grave where their missing were mistakenly buried? a strange sociality, putative or realized, arises among the relatives of these commingled dead. for some, the disinterments forge ties of reciprocity hitherto unimagined. in this regard, the alpha case presents a fairly straightforward example, but other world war ii disinterments, including some from the manila american cemetery in the philippines, have proved more fraught terrain for the dpaa. making headlines beginning in 2014 and continuing to this day, a set of families whose missing war dead they believe to be buried as unknowns in the manila cemetery have banded together to sue the u.s. government: they seek to force the disinterment of the graves of their (presumed) relatives’ remains.1 the lawsuit exposes an underlying tension between individual wants and needs and collective values. in insisting that the dpaa focus resources on their particular missing, namely, seven cases from among the 72,000 unaccountedfor from world war ii, the plaintiffs argue for individuated attention. they separate out their missing fallen from the collective, seeking to jump the queue as it were, by seizing the levers of the courts to demand that attention. but, as we can intuit from the three major disinterment/ group projects outlined in this special issue— cabanatuan, tarawa, and oklahoma— there is a strong possibility that the seven cases are bound up— literally, physically commingled— with multiple other unknowns. though perhaps not as 1. dave philipps, “war hero’s family suing in its decadeslong fight to identify remains,” new york times, may 29, 2017, https:// www . nytimes . com / 2017 / 05 / 29 / us / veterans graves alexander nininger . html, accessed january 22, 2019. extreme as the oklahoma “bundles” of mixedup remains interred in individual caskets (see brown, this issue), the minimum number of individuals will hardly be seven. disinterments unearth more than just coffins and bones. they simultaneously raise new and challenge old obligations. we know that approximately 40% of world war ii war dead were buried overseas, the majority of them at their families’ wish, in the national cemeteries created in the war’s aftermath, including in the philippines (edwards 2015:70; piehler 1995:129– 130). by default, unknowns comprised some part of that figure. does the court have an obligation to consider a choice which hypothetically families of the other commingled unknowns might have made? or to broach a corollary question: what if there are no descendants to respect the wishes of primary next of kin that their loved one’s grave, no matter if unknown and unmarked, be left undisturbed? two and three generations removed, it is difficult to know what unnamed relatives of the still unknown would have wanted. that uncertainty reminds us that biological inheritance (dna samples) can neither capture nor convey the stuff of social memory, and that neither science nor the law offers any quick and easy fix to the complexities inherent in projects that seek to “untangle the effects of commingling and account for past misidentifications” (megyesi, this issue). social demands a second important implication raised by the various contributions to this special issue centers on the extraordinary lengths to which societies go to desegregate and individually identify commingled remains. why take such pains? having previously studied the example of postwar bosnia and herzegovina (wagner 2008), i was struck by how the u.s. military’s efforts to account for its missing in action (mia) overlap in certain aspects of scientific approach (e.g., the prominent role of forensic genetics within a multidisciplinary approach) and material obstacles faced (e.g., nonexperts introducing errors, even causing commingling, in early attempts at identification), but also how they differ in significant ways. in part, the differences stem from the missing or unaccounted for themselves and their symbolic weight within their respective societies. in the case of bosnia and herzegovina, efforts to identify the missing persons of the 1992– 1995 war, victims of violent conflict whose mortal remains went unrecovered and/or unnamed for years after arms were laid to rest, represent a form of sociopolitical intervention— an attempt at social repair— spearheaded by the international commission on missing persons. the majority of the forty thousand individuals missing at the end of the conflict were civilians, and thus their recovery and individuated identification were explicitly tied to larger discourses of human rights and https://www.nytimes.com/2017/05/29/us/veterans-graves-alexander-nininger.html https://www.nytimes.com/2017/05/29/us/veterans-graves-alexander-nininger.html wagner 141 humanitarianism, transitional justice, and postconflict social reconstruction (kovras 2017; rosenblatt 2015; wagner 2008). ignoring their absence would tacitly condone the violence that produced it. thus, the international community responded to the demands of surviving kin and rallied around the work of locating the bodies of their missing and developing the infrastructure and expertise to identify them— that of two entitylevel commissions and eventually the missing persons institute, as well as of the international commission on missing persons. piecing back together the remains of victims of statesponsored violence on some level became a synecdoche for the attempts at stitching back together the social fabric of a wartorn society. the example of the u.s. military’s efforts to recover, repatriate, and identify remains of the unaccounted for from world war ii speaks to a different set of sociopolitical aims. though often labeled a “humanitarian” mission, the project of mia accounting is, at its core, about a state demonstrating its capacity to care for those who died fighting on its behalf.2 the missing are, overwhelmingly, combatants— not civilian victims— to whom the united states owes the singular debt of repatriation and individuated care. it is a tradition that stretches back to the civil war. “we still live in the world of the dead the civil war created,” historian drew gilpin faust explains. “we take for granted the obligation of the state to account for the lives it claims in its service” (2008:271). the projects of disentangling the commingled remains from cabanatuan, tarawa, and oklahoma fulfill a longdelayed obligation to those unrecovered and unnamed war dead. at the same time, they do important work for the state in terms of contemporary audiences. on the one hand, they telegraph to current service members that these are the lengths to which the government will go to bring their fallen back and care for their remains. on the other, using the most sophisticated forensic tools available to parse out the commingled allows the state to insist to the broader american public that it spares no resource to honor its fallen, even when faced with challenging circumstances of recovery or complicated conditions of remains. limitations and lessons a final implication discernible in the contributions to this special issue is a point that often gets glossed over in contemporary popular representations of forensic science— namely, that identifying commingled remains is a highly complex process that requires significant time, resources, 2. for example, despite their obvious political overtones, recovery efforts in north korea (currently suspended) have been characterized by dpaa as a “humanitarian endeavor,” and mia accounting for losses in southeast asia during the vietnam war as part of shared “humanitarian goals.” expertise, and often innovations in methods. no one set of cases or one project is the same, though lessons can be learned from one to the next, and “no one scientist works in a vacuum” (taylor et al., this issue). there are whole networks of actors that make identifications possible— not the least of which are families who provide dna reference samples— and scientific knowledge and practice continually evolve. across these articles we hear repeatedly that extensive commingling within largescale populations of unidentified/ unknown dead requires multidisciplinary approaches and “multiple lines of evidence” (scott et al.)— that is, the interplay between fields, from a “prioritization strategy” that marshals antemortem data (brown & lynch) to visual pair matching (legarde), inventory procedures using the zonation method (palmiotto et al.), and the bayesian approach (mccormick). trying to tackle the puzzle from different angles and with multiple, complementary tools is necessary, because at the end of the day, as brown and lynch argue in their technical note on the oklahoma project, “identifications become a race against time.” families of the missing and unaccounted for have waited years, if not decades, and their own looming mortality adds to the urgency of the task at hand. but sometimes in our impatience for resolution we forget two related points that this collection of essays makes clear. first, violent conflict sows chaos, even and especially on the corporeal level. bodies and body parts get jumbled. second, errors and limitations in knowledge can compound that initial violence. there’s a reason why the bundles recovered in the first casket of the “preproject” period for oklahoma (brown, this issue) represented a minimum of 25% of the ship’s casualties— not because mildred trotter did not want to identify the remains, but because her ability to do so was limited by the state of the field at the time. she and her colleagues erred on the side of caution. at the same time, as we saw with the world war ii processing in the 1950s, human error can introduce complications that have farreaching consequences, some of which hamstring contemporary identification efforts because of their inadvertent effects of commingling and even mistakenly identified remains. in rare instances, families of the missing pay yet another price of war when, decades after they have laid their loved one to rest, they learn that those remains must be reexhumed and reexamined. *** taken together, these essays speak to a moment in time, both in terms of the state of the field and the social values underwriting the enterprise of individuated postmortem identification. they are snapshots themselves of this era of “necronominalism.” as i read them, i couldn’t help but wonder what the scientists of the future— possibly those charged with reviewing, maybe even correcting, the work 142 conclusion of contemporary forensic anthropologists, archaeologists, odontologists, and geneticists— will say about such efforts to address commingled remains. perhaps they will have sharper tools at their disposal; perhaps there won’t be the same demand for extracting the individual from the collective; perhaps future warfare will render even that task impossible. just as the world war ii commingled cases provide “insight into historical forensic anthropological investigations” (brown, this issue), this collection may offer a road map for the decisions taken and strategies honed to disentangle the commingled of wars long past, as well as the significant challenges these discrete projects faced. however they read to future audiences, these essays throw into relief the contemporary interplay between forensic science and social values. whether the nameless are civilian victims of violent conflict or combatants sacrificed on behalf of a nation, efforts to identify the commingled are predicated on the insistence that names count and bodies belong. they belong in some place and to some set of surviving kin. the scientific endeavor to restore them to that place and to those kin is an inherently social act. that is to say, recovering, reassembling, and naming individuals who died as a result of war or violent conflict are themselves a form of honoring and remembering. references edwards s. allies in memory: world war ii and the politics of transatlantic commemoration, c. 1941– 2001. cambridge: cambridge university press; 2015. faust dg. this republic of suffering: death and the american civil war. new york: knopf; 2008. jasanoff s, ed. states of knowledge: the coproduction of science and social order. new york: routledge; 2004. kovras i. grassroots activism and the evolution of transitional justice: the families of the disappeared. cambridge: cambridge university press; 2017. laqueur tw. the work of the dead: a cultural history of mortal remains. princeton, nj: princeton university press; 2015. piehler kg. remembering war the american way. washington, dc: smithsonian institution press; 1995. rosenblatt r. digging for the disappeared: forensic science after atrocity. stanford, ca: stanford university press; 2015. wagner s. to know where he lies: dna technology and the search for srebrenica’s missing. berkeley: university of california press; 2008. login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the 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archives subscribe login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe forensic anthropology vol. 2, no. 2: 87–95 doi: 10.5744/fa.2019.1004 © 2019 university of florida press introduction the defense pow/mia accounting agency (dpaa) is responsible for the search for, recovery of, and identification of unaccountedfor u.s. service members from past conflicts; the dpaa scientific analysis directorate (dpaa laboratory) established the tarawa project in the autumn of 2016 to assist with the identification of u.s. casualties from the battle of tarawa. this project is tasked with resolving the commingling of casualties (including the segregation of the u.s. from japanese/korean remains), associating remains recovered directly from the tarawa atoll and/or disinterred from the national memorial cemetery of the pacific (nmcp), and proposing potential identifications of service members to the science director/medical examiner. the nature of the battle, the complex postdepositional history of the casualties, and the ongoing recovery efforts highlight how remains can become commingled and the need to have a multidisciplinary approach to resolving this commingling. even though the list of unaccountedfor u.s. casualties from the battle of tarawa is generally known, the wartime burial procedures combined with the postwar recovery and identification efforts have resulted in a complex commingled assemblage. the postdepositional changes to the island, the extended interval since the incident, the poor preservation of the remains, and the large size of the assemblage all affect the ability to resolve the commingling and identify the unaccountedfor u.s. casualties (adams & byrd 2014). further, the prevalence of an open context of commingling in this assemblage, where the primary burial location is unknown, limits the utility of the burial records associated with a particular casualty (puerto et al. 2014). similar to currentday disaster victim identification (dvi) scenarios, a multidisciplinary approach is necessary to systematically analyze the remains and resolve the commingling, especially given the likelihood of nonu.s. remains commingled with u.s. remains in the assemblage (puerto et al. 2014). historical background in november 1943, u.s. forces began an initiative to invade the japaneseoccupied gilbert islands (now the republic of case report the tarawa project part i a multidisciplinary approach to resolve commingled human remains from the battle of tarawa rebecca j. taylora* ● audrey l. scotta ● anthony j. koehla,b ● willa r. traska ● heli maijanenc abstract: as part of the u.s. navy’s campaign against the japanese during world war ii, the battle of tarawa in november 1943 resulted in over 1,100 u.s. and over 6,000 japanese and korean conscript casualties on and around betio island, tarawa atoll, republic of kiribati. casualties were buried in isolated and mass graves, which were negatively affected by the wartime renovations of the island, resulting in only ~47% of the remains being recovered in the late 1940s. the nature of the wartime burials, multiple postwar disinterments and reinterments, identification efforts in the late 1940s, and postwar anthropogenic changes to the island by the local population have contributed to the commingling of casualties. the defense pow/mia accounting agency established the tarawa project in 2016 to assist in the sorting, association, and identification of the often commingled remains recovered directly from the republic of kiribati and 94 caskets of battle of tarawa unknowns disinterred from the national memorial cemetery of the pacific, honolulu, hawai’i. the project has been able to confirm a minimum number of individuals (mni) of 243 based on unique mitochondrial dna (mtdna) sequences, while inventory of ~9,000 elements indicates a mni of 131 from disinterments and 96 from recent field recoveries. the tarawa project has used a combination of historical research, dna testing, chest radiograph and odontological comparisons, and forensic anthropological and material evidence analyses to help identify 41 of the 84 total service members accounted for from the battle of tarawa since the 1940s. keywords: forensic anthropology, commingling, tarawa adefense pow/mia accounting agency, joint base pearl harbor– hickam, hawai’i, usa bsna international, alexandria, va, usa coulun seudun ammattikorkeakoulu, archaeology, oulu, finland *correspondence to: rebecca j. taylor, defense pow/mia accounting agency, 590 moffet street, joint base pearl harbor– hickam, jbphh hawai’i 96853, usa e-mail: rjwbones@gmail.com received 5 june 2018; revised 18 august 2018; accepted 21 august 2018 88 tarawa project i kiribati), termed operation galvanic. the largest assault took place on betio island in the tarawa atoll from 20 to 23 november 1943, resulting in a large number of casualties (alexander 1993). the u.s. second marine division reported 997 marines and 30 sailors (medical corpsmen) dead, 88 marines missing and presumed dead, and 2,292 injured (alexander 1993). the reported numbers for the japanese forces included 4,690 dead and 146 japanese and korean prisoners taken (alexander 1995; wukovits 2006). due to postbattle accounting efforts, the initial reported numbers have been increased to ~1,150 u.s. and ~6,000 japanese and korean casualties. the large number of fatalities, small size of betio island, and rapid rate of decomposition necessitated quick burial of the casualties (alexander 1993). often trench burials were established using bulldozers with casualties placed shoulder to shoulder wrapped in ponchos and a single marker erected to signify a whole unit (e.g., a single wooden cross inscribed simply with “d218” to refer to d company, second battalion, 18th marine regiment; alexander 1993) or inscribed as “unknown” (wukovits 2006). these burial practices resulted in incomplete documentation of grave locations and the individuals interred in them as well as the accidental commingling of remains (e.g., appendages overlapping with adjacent remains). at least five compulsory cemeteries were created on betio island by the assault troops prior to 24 november 1943, with a total of 43 isolated gravesites or cemeteries reported by 1946 (steere & boardman 1957; wukovits 2006). further, u.s. navy construction members (“seabees”) physically modified betio island (1943– 1946) to meet wartime needs and “beautified” the cemeteries, resulting in burials becoming disassociated from their corresponding markers (steere & boardman 1957). in march 1946 the american graves registration service (agrs) arrived at betio island to recover the war dead and began consolidating u.s. casualties from betio and its neighboring islands into a single lone palm cemetery, but they often found remains skewed from or no remains associated with burial markers (steere & boardman 1957). by may 1946 the agrs had recovered and interred 532 remains (~50% of u.s. casualties) into the lone palm cemetery. just over half of these remains were interred with name associations through infield analysis of grave markers, dental charts, and/or identification media. the rest were designated with an xnumber (e.g., x001) and buried as an unknown. due to the lack of trained recovery personnel and the speed of the 1946 operations, many remains became commingled and/or were not completely recovered. in 1947 the agrs disinterred, chemically treated with a paraformaldehyde powder, and relocated the remains from the lone palm cemetery to the schofield barrack’s central identification laboratory (cil), oahu, hawai’i, for processing and analysis. due to the return of the local residents and population growth, the landscape was further altered after the war (e.g., houses built on top of cemeteries), including evidence of the cemeteries (e.g., removal of grave markers). remains have been intermittently recovered from betio island since the end of world war ii due to accidental discovery through natural disasters and infrastructure developments, as well as formal excavation by the dpaa, its predecessor organizations, and nongovernmental organizations. the nature of these recoveries often resulted in groups of commingled remains being unilaterally turned over to the u.s. government or remains being reburied near their primary discovery location and later excavated from the secondary burial. thus, remains accessioned into the dpaalaboratory have been primarily commingled assemblages of articulated portions of remains and miscellaneous unarticulated elements with minimal associated provenience information, which represent u.s., japanese, and koreans casualties from the battle of tarawa and kiribati nationals. in rare instances, intact in situ burials from wartime trench features have been recovered. historical analysis the schofieldcil processed all casualties from the lone palm cemetery between 1947 and 1949. laboratory personnel confirmed agrs field identifications and identified many of the unknowns through anthropological assessment and comparison to antemortem dental records. historical records of the schofieldcil anthropological analyses indicate that 48 of the 92 unknowns processed through the cil showed some level of commingling, usually duplicated or non matching elements. further, multiple unknowns (xnumbers) believed to be commingled were often processed simultaneously, with elements being removed from or exchanged between unknowns in an effort to segregate the remains. for example, the cil assumed that continuous xnumbers had a shared provenance when in most cases they came from different cemeteries. further, a 1948 agrs review board approved the burial of all of the unknowns as a group. sets of remains were sorted by element in preparation for the group burial, but approval was later rescinded and the 92 unknowns were interred at the nmcp between 1949 and 1950. subsequent to these “individual” interments, one casket containing the remains of at least 10 individuals recovered from betio island in the late 1960s after storms, and another casket containing at least two individuals recovered in the 1970s during infrastructure construction (analyzed by the cilhi without success), were interred at the nmcp. presentday analysis the tarawa project team employs a systematic multidisciplinary commingled human remains (chr) approach following standard dpaa protocols. the six ma and phdlevel taylor et al. 89 anthropologists making up the team process and analyze the project assemblage both to facilitate the association of skeletal and dental elements to a single individual and as a means to identify missing u.s. service members (jin et al. 2014; fig. 1). materials the tarawa project assemblage is a compilation of the 94 caskets disinterred from the nmcp and 83 accessions (aka field accessions) of remains recently excavated from betio island, tarawa atoll, republic of kiribati by the dpaa, its predecessor organizations, and nongovernmental organizations (see fig. 1, ia and ib). to date there are nearly 9,000 elements or groups of elements (i.e., complete articulated hands or feet or seriated sets of ribs and vertebrae) in the assemblage. field accessions comprise ~6,000 of these ~9,000 elements, while remains from disinterred caskets comprise the remainder, with ~75% of the inventorying complete (see fig. 1, iia and iib). the field accessions contain material evidence (me) and osseous remains ranging from a single element to hundreds of elements. further, evidentiary material continues to be recovered and accessioned into the tarawa project assemblage as a result of the dpaa partnering with nongovernmental organizations to maintain active recovery efforts on betio island. preservation of remains varies from excellent to poor across the assemblage. even though most nmcpderived remains were treated with a paraformaldehyde preservative prior to interment, many of the remains exhibit water erosion and are friable. the remains being recovered from betio island are generally in good to excellent condition, but some exhibit evidence of burning and postmortem fragmentation. analytical procedures all remains are systematically inventoried, each element or group of articulated elements is given a unique designator, and preliminary analyses are conducted and peerreviewed (e.g., completeness, developmental status, measurements, and articulation or refit with other elements or fragments within the accession; see fig. 1, iia and iib). after the initial inventory and assessment of morphological reassociations, project personnel select specific elements for mtdna and/or isotope testing. although destructive, these analyses are an important means to reassociate elements given the lack of context for many of the remains. isotopes are being used in lieu of mtdna testing in many instances to help segregate japanese/korean remains from u.s. casualties to ensure efficient use of limited resources. both sanger and next generation sequencing (ngs) methods are being utilized by the armed forces dna identification laboratory (afdil), who conducts dna testing for the dpaa, for yielding mtdna sequences. all preliminary data are entered into the commingled remains analytics (cora) (pawaskar 2016) web application and database for subsequent analyses. the segregation portion of analysis is twofold: segregation of u.s. casualties from foreign nationals, and association of elements for individuation (see fig. 1, iiia and iiib). this step utilizes data from dna and isotope testing, cxr and dental comparisons (shiroma 2017; stephan et al. 2011), morphological assessments (e.g., refitting of fragments, joint articulation, visual and/or statistical pair matching [adams & byrd 2006; lynch 2018a; lynch et al. 2018], and osteometric sorting [byrd 2008; byrd & legarde 2014; lynch 2018b]), historical record and archaeological provenience reviews, and/or biological profile criteria (e.g., age, sex, ancestry, stature, trauma, pathology, etc.) to determine if elements are consistent with a single individual. in addition to reassociating skeletal elements, these methods are used to differentiate japanese and korean from u.s. casualties during the segregation process (christensen 2014; marshall et al. 2018; shiroma 2017). this series of analytical tests are summarized in a report of segregation, which is peer reviewed by another team member (fig. 1, va and vc). unlike other dpaa projects, segregation of remains is not attempted entirely in the blind since the association of the remains and identification can be intertwined. comparison between disinterred remains and field accessions is made when the data from preliminary assessments and the segregation process support a possible association between the two (see fig. 1, iv). for example, when one or more elements return mtdna sequence data, an effort to directly associate these elements with other elements from that accession or provenience is completed. additional comparisons are made with relevant field accessions when the original cemetery information for a nmcp disinterment is known and can be linked to an area that has been excavated. further, historical information from the unknown xfiles can be used as a means to track prior efforts to solve commingling issues, as well as identify potential sources of historical laboratory error and commingling. when the xfile indicates commingling or attempted segregation with other cases, all disinterred cases that were simultaneously processed or had elements interchanged at the schofieldcil are evaluated for possible associations (see fig. 1, iv). as this is part of the segregation process, it too is summarized in a report of segregation (see fig. 1, vb). the project attempts to associate casualty names to remains once they are successfully segregated into discrete individuals (see fig. 1, vi). the association of a set of remains to a specific u.s. casualty is accomplished through comparison of dna sequence data to available family references samples (frs) for u.s. battle of tarawa casualties, postmortem dental charts and radiographs to antemortem dental records and chest radiographs, biological profile criteria to 90 tarawa project i fig. 1—the tarawa project workflow outlining the commingled human remains (chr) processes. at the completion of the reports of association or consolidation (*), the science director/medical examiner is briefed to determine if a case will move forward toward identification. a nonpartisan analyst will conduct a full forensic anthropological analysis in the blind subsequent to the chr process. taylor et al. 91 fig. 2—the process by which a name association is generated during the consolidation/association step. the list of possible individuals is reduced as identification criteria are added until one name is associated with the remains. official military records, and recorded recovery location to disposition records (fig. 2). for example, when an mtdna sequence is obtained, these data are used to generate shortlists of service members with matching frs mitochondrial lines. conversely, if no sequence data was obtained or there is no frs match, the initial shortlist is created from a dental or biological profile comparison to all u.s. casualties and/or historical burial location records (e.g., chaplain’s book, marine corps rosters, and individual casualty cards). ideally, this initial shortlist is iteratively parsed until one name remains, who represents the most likely candidate (see fig. 2). when a list cannot be parsed to one name, additional dna testing may be requested. the additional frs comparison depends on the type of sequencing method used to obtain the mtdna sequence; ngs samples will undergo whole genome comparisons, and sangerderived samples will undergo nuclear testing (e.g., ystr or austr testing). the summary of the potential name association processes are outlined in a report of association or consolidation, dependent on whether the remains came from a single accession or multiple accessions, respectively, and like all other analytical reports is peer reviewed (see fig. 1, vii). at this time the medical examiner/science director is briefed on the case and decides on whether the case moves forward toward identification. if they agree with the project’s findings, a full forensic anthropology analysis is completed in the blind by an analyst not associated with the tarawa project (see fig. 1). if they do not agree with the findings, additional testing is initiated and the case remains with the project until all concerns are addressed. results and discussion extent of commingling thus far, the ~6,000 elements recently recovered from betio island represent a minimum number of 96 individuals (mni). the mni is based on duplication of hand elements and highlights the larger number of small elements recovered from betio island compared to the more diagnostic elements of the skeleton. the majority of the field accessions represent isolated body segments— such as hands, feet, patellae, and miscellaneous elements from throughout the body— and are often associated with material evidence of u.s. origin. this assemblage, when compared to the disinterred accessions, indicates that these elements are the remnants of the agrs recovery efforts in the 1940s likely left in their original burial locations and that they likely reflect additional portions of some of the remains disinterred from the nmcp. archaeological field documentation and preliminary mtdna results indicate that large assemblages of highly commingled, fragmented, and/or burned remains recovered from secondary burial locations are more likely to be japanese in origin (see challenges section below for further details). the ~3,000 elements from the 94 caskets disinterred from the nmcp represent a mni of 131 individuals based on the duplication of elements and morphological and articulation discrepancies. presentday analyses of the disinterred nmcp remains confirm the commingling noted in the historical records. thirtyone of the 94 disinterred caskets exhibit duplication of elements or poor articulation among elements. preliminary mtdna results support these conclusions in six cases. duplication of elements is most common in the hands, feet, and ribs, with 23 unknowns demonstrating this. six cases exhibit poor articulation between elements, with five involving the major elements of the upper limb. the recent excavation of intact burial trenches from betio island revealed the overlap of upper and/or lower limbs between adjacent individuals during their initial interment in 1943. this revelation supports the need for a critical approach to the reanalysis of the disinterred accessions. in these cases, dna analysis is required to resolve the commingling. the afdil analyses have produced 243 unique mtdna sequences with sanger sequencing and 75 complete mitogenome sequences with ngs from 655 samples at the time of publication. these sequences include both u.s. service members and japanese casualties. based on frs and population database searches, 124 of the 243 (~50%) unique sanger generated mtdna sequences are consistent with asian haplogroups, 92 (41%) of the sequences are european, and 9 (~4%) are undetermined haplogroups (marshall et al. 2018). the sangerderived sequences provide a conservative mni of 243 for the entire tarawa project given the possibility that fig. 3—the number of identified individuals from the battle of tarawa since the 1980s. the increase in identifications in recent years is associated with the inception of the tarawa project in 2016 and the recovery efforts on betio island, tarawa atoll, republic of kiribati. 92 tarawa project i mtdna sequences represent multiple individuals and there is overlap between field and disinterred accessions. the chemical treatment of most nmcp remains prevents successful sanger sequencing of these samples, and the tarawa project success rate for ngs is ~47.7% (75 sequences generated from 157). to date there are ~80 ngs samples, 420 sanger sequence samples, and 40 samples for nuclear testing awaiting analyses, so a more definitive mni is not possible at this time. association of remains the systematic inventorying of the field accessions and disinterred battle of tarawa unknowns in conjunction with analyses of the historical records and archaeological provenience have allowed the tarawa project to associate commingled elements within and between the nmcp and field accessions. most cases successfully processed through the project since 2016 have been nearly complete skeletons that did not require dna analysis for reassociation of elements to a single individual. however, 15 of the 41 identified cases have utilized dna in combination with articulation, osteometric sorting, and provenience to confirm the association of the elements. seven of these 15 cases required the association of elements from a disinterred accession to one or more field accessions and led to the refitting of additional fragments beyond the dnasampled elements in six cases. two of the 15 cases involved positively associated remains that originated from four different nmcp caskets. to date, six cases have had nonarticulating clavicles and/or cervical vertebrae included in an accession based on the positive association of the cxr to the same name as a dental and/or dna frs comparison. identifications prior to the inception of the project, identifications of u.s. battle of tarawa casualties were sporadic and primarily relied on biological profile and dental record congruency (figs. 3 and 4). identifications increased after 2013 as a result of the increase in betio island field excavations, frs dna availability, and the integration of cxr comparison as a routine laboratory procedure. at the time of publication, the fig. 4—the types of analyses contributing to individual identifications. the peaks in december 2015 and september 2017 are directly related to the recovery of undisturbed wartime graves. anthropological and dental analysis contribute to nearly all identifications, but other analytical methods are becoming vital for the successful outcome of a case. taylor et al. 93 tarawa project has assisted with the identification of 41 (~50%) of the 82 unaccountedfor service members from battle of tarawa since the 1940s. these numbers are a direct result of the focused efforts of a dedicated commingled human remains team, the approval to disinter the unknowns buried at the nmcp, and the increase in frs dna availability. since 2016, 26 cases utilized a combination of ngs (n = 23) or sanger (n = 11) sequencing, as well as nuclear ystr (n = 2) and autosomal (n = 1) testing (see fig. 4). challenges one of the biggest challenges for the tarawa project is segregating u.s., japanese, and korean casualties due to the extensive commingling of remains recovered from betio island. the project has taken a threepronged approach to sorting u.s. from japanese and korean remains: analysis of skeletal and dental morphology, dna haplogroup analysis, and isotope analysis. the overall morphology has been most useful with dental remains, especially those with non western dentistry (shiroma 2017). any elements that can be directly articulated with the dental remains are currently not submitted for dna sampling. other elements suspected of being nonu.s. in origin based on recovery context are submitted for haplogroup testing prior to producing a full sequence (marshall et al. 2018). elements for which a sequence has already been generated and are unique in the afdil population database also undergo haplogroup testing. based on the mtdna results and the ongoing recoveries on betio island, isotope analysis should allow for the relatively quick segregation of japanese/korean remains from u.s. remains and help prioritize mtdna samples. isotope analysis is the newest method added to the project’s toolkit and, thus, results are not yet reportable. 94 tarawa project i another challenge facing this project is the low number of appropriate frs on file for the unaccountedfor u.s. casualties. afdil has an frs on file for 86% of all of the unaccountedfor from the battle of tarawa, but only 69% of these are mitochondrial references. the tarawa project is limited in the fact that samples processed through ngs cannot undergo nuclear testing as of yet, so the individuals who only have a paternal frs on file cannot be compared to these samples. this limits the ability to reassociate elements and/or eliminate individuals from a shortlist. the tarawa project, like other commingled projects, also has had to contend with limited antemortem records and documentation. chest radiographs are only available for ~25% of all u.s. casualties, and often the only dental records available are from induction records, so may not reflect subsequent dental work. additionally, archaeological field notes (e.g., provenience information and maps) of recovery operations from the 1940s to present are difficult to use to support the association of remains due to lack of or inconsistencies in the field notes. further, it is not uncommon to find identification media (e.g., id tags) with remains that are not the individual; it was common for service members to collect identification tags to account for the fallen, so some individuals may have multiple id media found with them. for these reasons, the project relies on many lines of evidence from multiple disciplines to support the segregation of remains and the identification of a service member. conclusions the confounding disposition history of the u.s. and japanese battle of tarawa casualties has led to many graves being lost over time. the renewed efforts to account for these service members, through the establishment of the tarawa project in 2016, highlight the successes and challenges of undertaking such a complex project. the tarawa project has assisted in the identification of 41 previously unaccountedfor service members, including 26 unknowns disinterred from the nmcp. several of these cases relied on the ability to associate elements recently recovered from betio island to disinterred remains through a multifaceted approach that included the articulation of elements, refitting of fragments, osteometric sorting, dental and cxr comparisons, and/or dna testing (for examples of individual identifications, see scott et al. 2019). furthermore, the systematic inventory and preliminary analysis of remains have allowed us to determine possible relationships between disinterred remains and field recoveries, focus the dna sampling strategy employed, establish an isotope initiative for segregating japanese and u.s. remains, and target areas for excavation on betio island. associations between remains and identifications of service members being made from the tarawa project rely on the totality of evidence and interdisciplinary collaborations from geneticists, historians, archaeologists, odontologists, and anthropologists; no one scientist works in a vacuum. the formation processes associated with commingled contexts vary significantly (e.g., mass disasters versus human rights violations); however, there are several commonalties between these different commingled assemblages (puerto et al. 2014). forensic practitioners working on chr projects must contend with the passage of time, preservation of remains and recovery context issues, poor record keeping, and the availability of antemortem data. as the literature on dvi and commingled remains proposes, and as this project highlights, multidisciplinary approaches are vital to successfully identifying individuals from commingled assemblages. acknowledgments we would like to acknowledge all of the service members who have made the ultimate sacrifice; dpaa’s strategic partner, history flight, inc., for their recovery efforts on betio island; and our project team and colleagues for feedback on this paper. the opinions presented here are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of the dpaa, the department of defense, or the united states government. references adams bj, byrd je. commingled human remains: methods in recovery, analysis, and identification. san diego: academic press; 2014. adams bj, byrd je. resolution of smallscale commingling: a case report from the vietnam war. forensic science international 2006;156:63– 69. alexander jh. across the reef: the marine assault of tarawa. washington, dc: marine corporation historical center; 1993. alexander jh. utmost savagery: the three days of tarawa. annapolis, md: naval institute press; 1995. byrd je. models and methods for osteometric sorting. in: adams bj, byrd je, eds. recovery, analysis, and identification of commingled human remains. totowa, nj: humana press; 2008:199– 220. byrd je, legarde c. osteometric sorting. in: adams bj, byrd je, eds. commingled human remains: methods in recovery, analysis, and identification. san diego: academic press; 2014:167– 192. christensen af. sequence, haplotype, and ancestry: using the mitochondrial dna hypervariable region to predict forensic “race.” in: berg ge, ta’ala sc, eds. biological affinity in the forensic identification of human skeletal remains: beyond black and white. boca raton, fl: crc press; 2014:287– 308. jin j, burch al, legarde c, okrutny e. the korea 208: a large scale commingling case of american remains from the korean war. in: adams bj, byrd je, eds. commingled human remains: methods in recovery, analysis, and identification. san diego: academic press; 2014:407– 424. taylor et al. 95 lynch jj. an analysis on the choice of alpha level in the osteometric pairmatching of the os coxa, scapula, and clavicle. journal of forensic sciences 2018a;63:793– 797. lynch jj. the automation of regression modeling in osteometric sorting: an ordination approach. journal of forensic sciences 2018b;63:798– 804. lynch jj, byrd j, legarde cb. the power of exclusion using automated osteometric sorting: pairmatching. journal of forensic sciences 2018;63:371– 380. marshall c, taylor r, sturkandreaggi k, hebda l, fox a, barritt ross s, et al. an ancestryinformative approach to mitochondrial dna testing of unknowns from the world war ii battle of tarawa. in: proceedings of the xi haploid markers conference, may 17– 19, 2018; bydgoszcz, poland. pawaskar s. cora– commingled remains analytics. version 0.7.1 beta. the university of nebraska, omaha; 2016. puerto ms, egana s, doretti m, vullo cm. a multidisciplinary approach to commingled remains analysis: anthropology, genetics, and background information. in: adams bj, byrd je, eds. commingled human remains: methods in recovery, analysis, and identification. san diego: academic press; 2014:307– 335. scott al, maijanen h, taylor rj, koehl aj, trask wr. the tarawa project part ii: resolved commingling and identification of casualties from the battle of tarawa. forensic anthropology 2019;2(2):96–101. shiroma cy. a comparison of us and japanese dental restorative care present on service members recovered from the wwii era. journal of forensic sciences 2017;62:1627– 1631. steere e, boardman tm. final disposition of world war ii dead, 1945– 51. quartermaster corps, qmc historical studies, series ii, no. 4, washington, dc: u. s. army, 1957. stephan cn, winburn ap, christensen af, tyrrell aj. skeletal identification by radiographic comparison: blind tests of a morphoscopic method using antemortem chest radiographs. journal of forensic sciences 2011;56:320– 322. wukovits j. one square mile of hell: the battle for tarawa. new york: new american library; 2006. login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe forensic anthropology vol. 2, no. 2: 129–138 doi: 10.5744/fa.2019.1002 © 2019 university of florida press individual identification is a primary goal for forensic anthropologists who work in medicolegal and humanitarian contexts. however, when skeletal remains are commingled, analyses and individual identification can become more complicated and even impossible until commingling is at least partially resolved. a collection of bones, or assemblage, with duplicated elements or overlapping portions indicates that commingling is present; however, it should be noted that the lack of duplicated elements does not always indicate that only one individual is present. recovery context and methods, scale of the incident, and the degree of commingling affect which methods may be appropriate to identify and resolve commingling within an assemblage (byrd & adams 2014; ubelaker 2002). one of the first steps in analyzing commingled assemblages is to determine the number of individuals represented, which can be done using a variety of methods. this step is critical for determining the scale of an incident and assessing whether all individuals have been recovered, as well as for planning purposes, to include resource allocation, analytical approaches, and the direction of future recovery efforts. assemblages vary based on recovery context and taphonomic conditions affecting the associated elements, and the various individuating methods can provide different estimates. few methods have been adequately compared or tested on assemblages of known size (lambacher et al. 2016; lyman 2018; mack et al. 2016; marean & spencer 1991; nikita & lahr 2011; robb 2016; sussman 2017), and estimates can be hindered by inconsistent inventory terminology. although the exact number of individuals represented in this assemblage is not known, there is an expected number of individuals based on historical information, which can be compared with the various estimates presented in this article. this article presents the results of several mni methods, highlights a standardized way to inventory skeletal elements, and assesses the most likely number of individuals (mlni) from a large commingled sample. individuating methods mni and mlni are methods used to quantify the number of individuals represented in an assemblage. the mni methods were developed to ensure that each individual is only counted once in an assemblage with the intent of avoiding overestimations. minimum number quantifications have roots in zooarchaeological analyses, which typically include aindiana university of pennsylvania college of humanities and social sciences— anthropology, indiana, pa, usa bdefense pow/mia accounting agency, joint base pearl harbor– hickam, hawai’i, usa cdefense pow/mia accounting agency— laboratory, offutt afb, ne, usa duniversity of south florida, anthropology, tampa, fl, usa *correspondence to: andrea palmiotto, indiana university of pennsylvania college of humanities and social sciences— anthropology, mcelhaney hall rm g1 1011 south drive, indiana, pa 15705, usa e-mail: apalmiot@iup.edu received 7 june 2018; revised 9 august 2018; accepted 29 august 2018 technical note estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage andrea palmiottoa,b* ● carrie ann brownc ● carrie b. legardec,d abstract: estimation of the number of individuals in an assemblage is critical to determine the scale of an incident and whether all expected individuals have been accounted for. however, estimates are affected by recovery and other taphonomic factors inherent to the assemblage, as well as the estimation methods themselves. this study examines several quantification methods using data from the commingled remains of individuals who were aboard the uss oklahoma at the time of its sinking. alternatives to traditional minimum number of individuals (mni) quantifications are presented, to include mni by duplicated elements per mitochondrial dna (mtdna) sequence and use of the zonal inventory procedure. these methods are assessed to determine which provides an estimate closest to the expected population size. potential advantages and limitations associated with each method are discussed. for this assemblage, a combination of mtdna sequencing using hypervariable regions 1 and 2 (hv1, hv2) and element duplication provides the most accurate estimate of individuals, and methods that employ pairmatching perform better than those that do not. keywords: forensic anthropology, commingled skeletal remains, mni, zonation method 130 estimating the number of individuals in commingled assemblages commingled assemblages from multiple species (reitz & wing 2008). mni determines the smallest number of individuals needed to account for the physical remains that are recovered in an assemblage (lyman 1994; reitz & wing 2008). this is typically done by determining the minimum number of elements (mne) for each element, which is generally defined in this application as a single complete bone or tooth (e.g., sacrum, left humerus, etc.), but may include skeletal portions (e.g., proximal left humerus), and therefore must be defined at the beginning of analysis. the most abundant element per taxon represents the mni estimate for that species. variations in mne within an assemblage provide the additional benefit of depicting differential recovery and under represented elements. a more robust mni estimate can be calculated when age or other unique indicators are considered. overall, however, calculations of mne and mni are relatively easy, provided accurate and consistent documentation of the skeletal elements. in cases of fragmented remains, mni is traditionally estimated based on the reported completeness of the most common element (ubelaker 1974; white 1953). present portions of bone (e.g., proximal or distal) are used as the basis of quantification with the goal to identify anatomically overlapping portions. in this study, “traditional” mni and mne are calculated based on simple designations of present portions. however, this method is most effective when assemblages are small, remains are not highly fragmented, and/or only a single analyst consistently assesses the remains. when multiple analysts are involved in the inventory process, or when assemblages are large and/or highly fragmented, differences in interpretations of remains and inventory processes can skew mni estimates. the number of individual specimens per taxon (nisp) is another quantitative measure that in essence is simply a raw count of all of the elements and fragments within an assemblage. this measure should not be used to account for the number of associated individuals, because it may lead to considerable overestimation, particularly when fragmentation is high (dominguezrodrigo 2012; giffordgonzalez 2018; grayson 1984; kline & cruburize 1984; lyman 2018; marshall & pilgram 1993). in zooarchaeological cases, the entirety of fauna at a site is rarely, if ever, recovered. additionally, taxa representation must be accounted for within an assemblage, especially for cases where fauna contain different numbers of bones per skeleton (e.g., fish versus mammal skeletons). in order to explore activity and site use patterns within and across sites, mni is, therefore, a valuable tool. however, mni tends to represent ordinalscale relationships between species, and it is not intended to provide absolute counts of individuals (lyman 2018; reitz & wing 2008). when applied to forensic anthropology, the context for mni assessments differs. only one species is emphasized in forensic anthropology cases, and forensic anthropologists often aim to recover the entirety of a given skeletal assemblage, not subsets of a larger population. for forensic anthropologists, absolute counts are necessary to determine if all expected individuals have been recovered or if additional recovery operations are required. to address one of the issues in mni calculation— the subjectivity of completeness descriptors in initial inventory procedures— knüsel and outram (2004) developed a standardized and replicable method to estimate mni from human remains in bio archae ol o gi cal assemblages. each skeletal element is divided into zones based on expected postmortem breakage patterns as observed in nonhuman archaeological exemplars. the number of zones per element ranges from 1 (e.g., carpals) to 15 (e.g., cranium) and is often characterized by diagnostic traits that allow for the identification of isolated fragments. additionally, at least one zone must be described per identified fragment. knüsel and outram (2004) indicate that zones are counted even if the zone is only partially represented; they do not give any indication how much of a zone should be observable in order to be marked as present. methods that recognize paired elements in an assemblage include grand minimum total (gmt; horton 1984) and most likely number of individuals (mlni; adams & konigsberg 2004). the former produces an mni estimate based on counts of paired and unpaired elements, and the latter calculates the maximum likelihood estimate of the total number of individuals that may have originally comprised an assemblage. additionally, the highest density region (hdr; adams & konigsberg 2004) can be calculated to determine an associated confidence interval for mlni. pairmatching ideally is conducted on the most frequently recovered antimeres. an element must be compared to all contralateral elements and accurately matched. uncertainties in pairmatching will have a negative impact on the accuracy of gmt and mlni. therefore, accurate inventories and pairmatching are critical to estimate the number of individuals represented. mlni recognizes an inherent bias in mni: because mni is calculated using only one element per taxon, any individuals that are not represented by that element will not be accounted for. mlni is based on capturerecapture studies of living animals and has been modified for osseous collections. mlni considers the unlikelihood of recovering 100% of an assemblage and attempts to account for individuals that may not be present in the pairmatched elements. previous assessments of mlni typically have focused on smaller assemblages (<50 individuals) where the size of the original loss population was unknown (konigsberg & adams 2014). mlni has rarely been tested on larger assemblages of known size; konigsberg and adams (2014) assessed variable recovery rates and compared mlni and mni estimates on simulated populations containing up to 150 individuals. they discussed the high accuracy of mlni versus mni (gmt) estimates when recovery rates reached or exceeded 50%. konigsberg and adams (2014) suggest that the remains must palmiotto et al. 131 be well preserved and at least 50% of an assemblage must be recovered to adequately assess mlni. the application of any of these methods is dependent on the condition of the assemblage. taphonomic factors can affect the integrity of bone, such as the amount of fragmentation and degree of preservation. additional concerns include resource availability, allotted analytical time, and expertise of the analysts. not every method can be applied for every situation; therefore, the selection of methods should be carefully considered. materials and methods the assemblage used for this study consists of the commingled skeletal remains recovered from the uss oklahoma. following identification efforts in the 1940s, the number of unidentified oklahoma casualties was established as 394. for information on this assemblage see brown (2019). all elements in the assemblage were inventoried, measured, and labeled prior to other analyses, and all data were compiled in microsoft excel spreadsheets. the elements are largely intact with limited fragmentation. observed taphonomic alterations include adherent oil residue, rust staining, and cortical erosion. inventory of the assemblage includes a traditional description of the completeness and condition of the remains. traditional descriptors were reported; elements were characterized as “partial,” “mostly complete,” or “complete,” while the present portions (e.g., proximal, distal, and shaft) were additionally reported for long bones. at the same time, the presence of zones was recorded. for this research a zone was counted as present if at least 50% of the zone was present. traditional mni and mne estimates are based on the traditional descriptors and present portions. in contrast to traditional mni and mne estimates, we calculate zonation mni and mne wherein the most common zone is identified per element. the zonation method limits the bias of interobserver variation (e.g., what constitutes proximal onethird or distal onefourth) that may exist. because of the low degree of fragmentation in this assemblage, however, we expect that these traditional and zonal mne numbers will be similar. where applicable and during the initial inventory, elements were assessed for pair matches and articulations within each “bundle”1 providing the basis of an anthropologically informed dna sampling strategy (e.g., if an analyst assessed contralateral elements as pair matches, only the left side was sampled for dna testing; see brown 2019). exceptions to this practice include the sampling of all complete cranial remains and all left and right humeri and tibiae to aid 1. remains were interred in bundles, with multiple bundles of remains per casket. for more information on the historical analyses and interment of the remains, see brown 2019. calculations of mni. nearly 5,000 elements were sampled for dna analysis. sequencing of the dna focuses primarily on hv1 and hv2. the initial inventory recorded nearly 13,000 elements. based on the percentages derived from computed tomography volume rendering (rowbotham et al. 2017), approximately 55% of the expected remains are represented. traditional and zonal mne were calculated for the assemblage based on the cranium, humerus, and femur. these elements are included in this study because all mtdna analyses have been completed for cranial and dental remains, both left and right humeri were sampled for dna analyses, and the femur is commonly considered one of the most durable bones in the human body. gmt and mlni were calculated for the humerus because this element was subjected to largescale pair matching. the equations used to calculate gmt and mlni are presented below, where l is the number of left humeri, r is the number of right humeri, and p is the count of the number of pairs (adams & konigsberg 2004): gmt = l + r − p mlni = (l +1)(r +1) p +1 −1 ⎢ ⎣ ⎢ ⎥ ⎦ ⎥ the pairmatching numbers used in this study are from a test conducted by a single, experienced analyst (legarde 2019). since all humeri were sampled for dna, the pair matching results are verified based on mtdna results to date. finally, mni was calculated based on the most numerous duplicated element per mtdna sequence in order to assess how additional information, in this case mtdna data, can aid in more accurate approximations of the population size (e.g., for an mtdna sequence that has no associated skeletal duplication, mni = 1; however, for a sequence that includes three right femora, mni = 3). in attempt to describe the amount of fragmentation present per element within the assemblage, the mne is divided by the nisp (table 1). the resulting value represents the estimated frequency of complete elements, or completion rate. the idea behind it is that an assemblage with no fragmentation will have a 100% completion rate (i.e., nisp = mne), while a highly fragmented assemblage will have a lower table 1—summary of uss oklahoma osseous remains discussed in text. element nisp percent of complete elementsa cranium 421 86.46 left femur 359 95.54 right femur 363 94.49 left humerus 306 95.42 right humerus 304 96.05 apercent of complete elements calculated using nisp divided by zonal mne (see table 2). 132 estimating the number of individuals in commingled assemblages completion rate. this frequency can be used to quickly assess the overall fragmentation of an assemblage once mne has been calculated. additionally, an accepted mni is established based on duplicated elements per mtdna sequence obtained. although there is an expected number of individuals based on historical context (394), theoretically, the results from the duplicated elements per mtdna sequence provide the most accurate representation of the number of individuals because (1) the expected number is based on the available historical information, which may be incomplete; (2) extensive mtdna sampling was conducted for the project; and (3) more than a single element type is considered by the results based on duplicated elements per mtdna sequence. therefore, the mni based on duplicated elements per mtdna sequence is considered the accepted mni and is used to assess the assemblage in terms of the historical mni and the other mni methods. although the accepted mni is a robust calculation that should account for the majority of individuals, it should not be assumed as the actual number of individuals, because (1) not all elements were recovered for this assemblage; (2) not all individuals may be represented by the samples taken for dna analysis; and (3) even if no duplicated elements are present in a sequence, the available elements could still represent more than one individual, and this study does not attempt to determine mni based on other methods (e.g., osteometric sorting, pairmatching [of elements aside from the humerus], or articulation). results a total of 421 crania, 722 femora, and 610 humeri are included in the oklahoma inventory (see table 1). these numbers reflect the nisp for each element and include fragments, which may represent overlapping portions, so these raw counts cannot be used to determine the number of individuals. additionally, the long bone nisp does not include elements that could not be sided during the inventory process. from the humeri, 287 left and 293 right humeri were used for the pairmatching study (representing an approximate 73% humeri recovery rate); the remaining humeral fragments were too incomplete for pairmatching. mne, mni, and mlni estimates are represented in table 2 and figure 1. based on the inventory, 357 mostly complete or complete crania are present, but cranial mne is 364 individuals based on the presence of zone 5 (occipital region; fig. 2). the right distal femur is the most common portion based on traditional reporting (336 individuals), but femoral mne is 343 based on the presence of zone 2 (lesser trochanter region; fig. 3). the right distal humerus is the most common portion based on traditional reporting (289 individuals), but humeral mne is 292 based on the presence of zone 5 (lateral epicondyle region; fig. 4). legarde identified 211 humeri pairs in the pairmatching study (see legarde 2019). based on this assessment, the gmt is estimated as 369. when the pairmatching data are used to calculate the mlni, the result is 398 with the 95% hdr encompassing 385– 414 individuals (fig. 5). additionally, a total of 310 unique mtdna sequences based on hv1 and hv2 results are associated with the project as of february 2018 (2,980 samples processed). when duplicated elements per mtdna sequence are considered, mni is 400. the results indicate variability between mne, mni, and mlni estimates (see table 2, fig. 1). mlni (398) and mni based on the number of duplicated elements per mtdna sequence (400) provide the highest estimates, while traditional mni reporting results in the lowest estimates. discussion in this assemblage, mni by duplicated elements per mtdna sequence and mlni provide estimates that are nearly identical to the expected historical population size. gmt is the next most accurate method, followed by mne based on zones. as expected, the low degree of fragmentation results in similar estimates for traditional and zonal mne; however, table 2—estimated number of individuals (mne, mni, and mlni) for the uss oklahoma assemblage. element method description estimated number of individuals duplicated elementsa mni: mtdna — 400 humeri mlni — 398 (95% hdr 385– 414) humeri mni: gmt — 369 cranium mne: zonation zone #5 364 cranium mne: traditional mostly complete 357 right femur mne: zonation zone #2 343 right femur mne: traditional distal portion 336 right humerus mne: zonation zone #5 292 right humerus mne: traditional distal portion 289 abased on duplicated elements per mtdna sequence (310 sequences from 2,980 samples, as of february 2018). palmiotto et al. 133 fig. 1—estimated number of individuals (mne, mni, and mlni) for the uss oklahoma assemblage, where de = duplicated elements, z = zonation method, and t = traditional method. fig. 2—cranium divided into zones, following the knüsel and outram method (illustration by nandar yukyi and emily streetman). 134 estimating the number of individuals in commingled assemblages fig. 3—femur divided into zones, following the knüsel and outram method (illustration by elizabeth lockett). fig.4—humerus divided into zones, following the knüsel and outram method (illustration by elizabeth lockett). fig.5—the most likely number of individuals (mlni) with the 95% hdr for the uss oklahoma assemblage. zonal mne is consistently higher than traditional estimates among all elements. the accepted mni, determined by duplicated elements per mtdna sequence, provides the most accurate number of individuals associated with this assemblage when considering the number of individuals unidentified following the incident. because this number is slightly higher than the expected loss number of 394, it could indicate that some individuals were mistakenly associated with the oklahoma upon recovery, individuals not listed as oklahoma casualties were on board the ship at the time of the incident, and/or portions of previously identified individuals are present in the current assemblage. while mni by duplicated elements per mtdna sequence is the most accurate, the dna testing for the project is not yet complete; approximately 60% of the total sampled elements were used to estimate the original population size. it will likely take at least another year to process the remaining samples and conduct additional nuclear dna testing. thus, mni by duplicated elements per mtdna sequence does not represent the timeliest or most costeffective strategy, and given that samples are still in analysis, mni may fluctuate as more dna results are received. palmiotto et al. 135 a challenge for both mlni and gmt is that these methods necessitate accurate pairmatching across the entire assemblage. legarde’s study indicates that accurate large scale pairmatching is feasible; therefore, this method can be used to estimate gmt and mlni. however, this may not be possible for all assemblages, and if assemblage size, time limits, and/or condition of the remains precludes the use of pair matching, the zonation method provides a reliable, easily applied alternative. despite the low level of fragmentation (see table 1), zonal mne outperformed traditional mne estimates for all tested elements. the zonation method provides a replicable means to assess fragmented remains, regardless of the degree of fragmentation or the number of analysts working on a project. additionally, the zonation method is standardized, unlike estimates based on traditional and more subjective reporting techniques. because the zonation method can be used accurately where other methods are precluded, it is valuable for forensic contexts. compared to dna, it is also relatively inexpensive, requiring only the analysts’ time. the mlni assessment is consistent with the accepted mni and the historical estimate, and it corroborates previous findings (konigsberg & adams 2014), but on a larger scale. with a humeri recovery rate of approximately 73%, the mlni results of the uss oklahoma are in general agreement with previous simulations (konigsberg & adams 2014). considering that fewer humeri were recovered than femora (approximately 73% versus 85% element recovery, respectively; see tables 1 and 2), it is unknown how mlni may have been affected if femora had been subjected to pair matching instead. furthermore, when using the mlni for planning purposes, the mlni value should be preferred over the associated interval. the associated interval may under or overestimate, which can have negative impacts on planning, resource allocation, field recovery efforts, and analytical approaches. conclusion resolution of commingled assemblages is critical for individual identification. an important first step in this process is to determine the number of individuals represented in an assemblage, and multiple methods exist to complete this task. although it is necessary to have various methods to account for the vastly different types of assemblages and taphonomic conditions affecting the associated elements, very few methods have been compared or tested on assemblages of known size. this study assesses multiple methods of quantifying individuals using remains associated with the oklahoma assemblage as well as introducing mni by mtdna sequence and testing the zonal inventory procedure. traditional methods provided the lowest estimate in this study, while the alternative methods appear to be more accurate. all of the estimates discussed herein can be calculated fairly easily and provide more accurate results than traditional mni estimates, although only mlni and mni by duplicated elements per mtdna sequences provided estimates comparable to the historical estimate. however, among the alternative methods, none is advocated over another, because every osseous assemblage and associated context is different; methods should be considered and applied as appropriate per project. most importantly, before any individuating estimates can be determined, it is critical to inventory remains in a consistent, standardized way. the commingled remains analytics (cora) is a web application that can be used for inventorying commingled human remains assemblages and includes features such as a zone module to assist in mni calculations. it was developed specifically to address challenges associated with ongoing commingled projects at the dpaa. for more information about cora, see brown (2019). if time and cost are not an issue, extensive dna testing and anthropological analysis can be used effectively to estimate the number of individuals present in an assemblage with a high degree of accuracy. when elements are mostly complete, pairmatching can be used to determine gmt and mlni, both of which can provide relatively accurate estimates. this study did not include pairmatching of the most common contralateral elements, did not test differences in estimates when using more than one element type, and did not assess the feasibility of pairmatching in an assemblage with moderatetopronounced fragmentation. although it provided a lower estimate than the other alternative methods in this study, the zonation method is replicable, standardized, useful on complete or fragmented assemblages, and it can be implemented where pairmatching and dna analyses are not options. the zonation method is especially useful in fragmented cases, and therefore can be applied where other methods are precluded. zonal mne outperformed traditional mne even with the low degree of element fragmentation within the assemblage. future research, however, should examine the utility of the cranial zones (see fig. 2). the majority of cranial bones are designated as a zone in and of themselves (e.g., the right and left parietal represent zones 3 and 4, respectively, of the 15 cranial zones). because we determined that half of a zone must be present to be counted, two halves of the right parietal have the possibility of being counted as two individuals, even if they originate from the same individual. it is possible, therefore, in cases where cranial remains are highly fragmented, for the zonal method to overestimate the number of individuals based on cranial fragments. to ensure a standardized and accurate cranial inventory, future research should explore refining cranial zones or possibly testing other methods, such as the landmark method (mack et al. 2016). some slight modifications are recommended to the zones from the original article (knüsel & outram 2004) based on 136 estimating the number of individuals in commingled assemblages practice with the method and applicability for commingled assemblages (appendix a): we renumbered the mandible so that the zones are specific to left and right sides; provided figures for the cranium and mandible separately; updated radius zone “j” to 11 and all ulna letters to numbers for consistency with other elements; changed the carpal and tarsal (except calcaneus and talus) letter scheme to numbers (zone 1 for all carpals); condensed phalanges into a single zone (1) as they are not as probative as other elements and analysis does not greatly benefit from the level of detail that multiple phalanges zones provides; and divided ribs into four zones, breaking zone 3 into shaft (zone 3) and sternal end (zone 4). the oklahoma project presents a robust assemblage with a low degree of fragmentation, which provides an optimal platform to assess individuating methods. additional testing of assemblages with different recovery rates and/or degrees of fragmentation, however, would provide invaluable insight and comparison. future research should focus on the relationship of recovery rate and estimation of the original population size, including the consideration of what elements are potentially more useful for the resolution of commingling and analyses leading to identification. acknowledgments the views herein are those of the authors and do not represent those of the defense pow/mia accounting agency, department of defense, or united states government. this research was supported in part by appointments to the postgraduate and student research participation programs at the defense pow/mia accounting agency administered by the oak ridge institute for science and education through an interagency agreement between the u.s. department of energy and dpaa. portions of this paper were presented at the 70th annual american academy of forensic sciences meeting in seattle, wa. the authors would like to acknowledge the contributions of the armed forces dna identification laboratory: franklin e. damann, jeffery lynch, sarah c. kindschuh, sachin pawaskar, nandar yukyi, emily streetman, elizabeth lockett, yangseung jeong, lara mccormick, petra banks, ashley burch, and sarah shankel. references adams bj, konigsberg lw. estimation of the most likely number of individuals from commingled human skeletal remains. american journal of physical anthropology 2004;125(2): 138– 151. byrd je, adams bj. analysis of commingled human remains. in: blau s, ubelaker dh, eds. handbook of forensic anthropology and archaeology. 2nd ed. new york: routledge; 2014: 226– 242. dominguezrodrigo m. critical review of the mni (minimum number of individuals) as a zooarchaeological unit of quantification. archaeological and anthropological sciences 2012; 4(1):47– 59. giffordgonzalez d. an introduction to zooarchaeology. new york: springer; 2018. grayson dk. quantitative zooarchaeology: topics in the analysis of archaeological faunas. orlando: academic press; 1984. horton d. minimum numbers: a consideration. journal of archaeological science 1984;11(3):255– 271. klein rg, cruzuribe k. the analysis of animal bones from archeological sites. chicago: university of chicago press; 1984. knüsel cj, outram ak. fragmentation: the zonation method applied to fragmented human remains from archaeological and forensic contexts. environmental archaeology 2004;9(1): 85– 98. konigsberg lw, adams bj. estimating the number of individuals represented by commingled human remains: a critical evaluation of methods. in: adams bj, byrd je, eds. commingled human remains: methods in recovery, analysis, and identification. san diego: academic press; 2014:193– 220. lambacher n, gerdauradonic k, bonthorne e, valle de tarazaga montero fj. evaluating three methods to estimate the number of individuals from a commingled context. journal of archaeological science: reports 2016;10:674– 683. lyman rl. a critical review of four efforts to resurrect mni in zooarchaeology. journal of archaeological method and theory 2018; early view. doi: 10 .1007 /s10816 018 9365 3. lyman rl. quantitative units and terminology in zooarchaeology. american antiquity 1994;59(1):36– 71. mack je, waterman aj, racila am, artz ja, lillios kt. applying zooarchaeological methods to interpret mortuary behavior and taphonomy in commingled burials: the case study of the late neolithic site of bolores, portugal. international journal of osteoarchaeology 2016; 26(3):524– 536. marean cw, spencer lm. impact of carnivore ravaging on zooarchaeological measures of element abundance. american antiquity 1991;56(4):645– 658. marshall f, pilgram t. nisp vs. mni in quantification of bodypart representation. american antiquity 1993;58(2):261– 269. nikita e, lahr mm. simple algorithms for the estimation of the initial number of individuals in commingled skeletal remains. american journal of physical anthropology 2011;146(4): 629– 636. reitz ej, wing es. zooarchaeology. 2nd ed. new york: cambridge university press; 2008. robb j. what can we really say about skeletal part representation, mni and funerary ritual? a simulation approach. journal of archaeological science: reports 2016;10:684– 692. rowbothan sk, blau s, hislopjambrich j. recording skeletal completeness: a standardized approach. forensic science international 2017;275:117– 123. sussman e. comparing methodologies for documenting commingled and fragmentary human remains [master’s thesis]. greenville, nc: east carolina university; 2017. ubelaker dh. approaches to the study of commingling in human skeletal biology. in: haglund wd, sorg mh, eds. advances in forensic taphonomy: method, theory, and archaeological perspectives. boca raton, fl: crc press; 2002: 331– 352. ubelaker dh. reconstruction of demographic profiles from ossuary skeletal samples: a case study from the tidewater potomac. washington, dc: smithsonian institution press; 1974. white te. a method of calculating the dietary percentage of various food animals utilized by aboriginal peoples. american antiquity 1953;18(4):396– 398. palmiotto et al. 137 fig. a1—left mandible divided into zones, following the knüsel and outram method (illustration by nandar yukyi and emily streetman). fig. a2—right mandible divided into zones, following the knüsel and outram method (illustration by nandar yukyi and emily streetman). fig. a3—radius divided into zones, following the knüsel and outram method (illustration by nandar yukyi and emily streetman). fig. a4—ulna divided into zones, following the knüsel and outram method (illustration by nandar yukyi and emily streetman). appendix a. updated images of zones for use in forensic and bio archae ol o gi cal cases, based on the knüsel and outram method 138 estimating the number of individuals in commingled assemblages fig. a5—bones of the left hand divided into zones, following the knüsel and outram method (illustration by nandar yukyi and emily streetman). fig. a6—bones of the right foot divided into zones, following the knüsel and outram method (illustration by nandar yukyi and emily streetman). fig. a7—rib divided into zones, following the knüsel and outram method (illustration by nandar yukyi and emily streetman). fig. a8—first rib divided into zones, following the knüsel and outram method (illustration by nandar yukyi and emily streetman). login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review 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iii–iv doi: 10.5744/fa.2019.1017 © 2019 university of florida press this special issue of forensic anthropology is another contribution to a growing literature aimed at solving what may be the most vexing problem in human identification: large scale commingling of human remains. the contributors to this issue provide us with new ideas concerning methodological approaches, as well as insights emerging from the successful resolution of some of the world’s most difficult identification problems. while the applications center on anthropology, the lessons are more broadly applicable to currentday disasters in which large numbers of fragmented remains must be identified. the central theme running throughout this special issue is that no single discipline is the answer to the problem. complex cases require sophisticated solutions. the resolution of any case involving commingled human remains (chr) requires the employment of a variety of skills, often from more than one forensic discipline. it is now common to select and submit dna samples from remains early in the process and to defer further work until the dna laboratory results are in hand. here we see a handoff from the anthropologist (or pathologist as the case may be) to the dna scientists, and then back to the anthropologist. we need the expert understanding of anatomy and experience sorting remains to select the samples, along with dna expertise to interpret the dna findings. large chr cases (n > 4) create problems of scale that are not of general concern with small cases. methods with modest error rates or random match probabilities (e.g., mtdna) lose power rapidly as the number of individuals increases. therefore, large chr cases force the application of more methods simultaneously and motivate the development of new methods for sorting commingled remains. the fundamental challenge of estimating the number of commingled persons is addressed in this issue with the application of existing methods to a case in which the approximate number is already known. this thoughtful analysis provides a direct assessment of performance for several approaches run against a large case. the most promising of these approaches relies heavily on pairmatching long bones, so another article addresses the accuracy of pairmatching methods directly. here we see the impact of assemblage size on the power of visual pairmatching. another method explored here is for predicting the pairmatch of a long bone based on a set of bone measurements representing size and shape. while the predictive power exhibited is not so high as to be applied as is, it is demonstrated that there is significant information inherent in size and shape of bones that can be exploited for resolving commingling. all of this information should be exploited as far as possible. several articles describe ongoing large chr problems from a variety of postconflict scenarios. each case has special problems to resolve and unique lessons to teach. the uss oklahoma case includes approximately four hundred sailors killed during the december 7, 1941 attack on pearl harbor, hawai‘i. due to the unique circumstances in the aftermath of the battle, the remains of all of the sailors were commingled. the scale of this chr problem presents great challenges. however, the preservation of the remains tends to be excellent, with most bones complete and in good condition. dna testing has proven to be very successful. this case is ideal for the development and validation of new chr methods, since it can support such a wide variety of tests. it is no accident that the computer application commingled remains analytics (cora) was designed using the oklahoma case as the testbed. like the oklahoma case, the battle of tarawa case involves a single loss incident. the approximately five hundred marines and sailors missing on tarawa died in a single battle on a small island. the similarities largely end there. the tarawa case involves both remains buried as “unknown” in a military cemetery and remains excavated recently from the island. thus, field provenience has a role to play along with dna testing and other methods. in what might seem an ironic twist, dna is readily profiled from the excavated remains, which look worse to the eye, but it can preface preface commingled remains special issue john e. byrda* adefense pow/mia accounting agency— laboratory, joint base pearl harbor– hickam, hawai’i 96853, usa *correspondence to: john e. byrd, defense pow/mia accounting agency— laboratory, 590 moffet st., bldg. 4077, joint base pearl harbor– hickam, hawai’i 96853, usa email: john . e . byrd . civ@mail . mil iv preface only be read from the “unknown” remains if nextgeneration sequencing (ngs) is employed. therefore, every attempt is made to link partial remains from the field to remains from the cemetery. remains from a former japanese pow camp, cabanatuan, pose greater challenges than the aforementioned as a result of their having poor preservation, mostly fragmented remains, and special dna challenges that necessitate ngs testing as the standard test. field provenience is somewhat useful, helping to limit the believedtobe groups to more manageable sizes. finally, the massive identification efforts undertaken in bosnia and herzegovina are well known to all in the field of forensic identification, but what is less well known are the ongoing challenges with regard to chr cases in the extant mortuaries. the ordered reexamination of the cases by forensic anthropologists, which led to additional dna sampling, has resulted in a substantial increase in identifications of remains that had hitherto been unidentifiable. the multidisciplinary approach described will serve as a useful guide to those contemplating dnaled identification efforts in the future. forensic anthropology vol. 1, no. 1: 1–3 doi 10.5744/fa.2018.0001 © 2018 university of florida press overview and scope of the journal welcome to forensic anthropology, the only journal devoted to the advancement of the science and professional development of the fields of forensic anthropology and forensic archaeology. forensic anthropology is an inclusive venue created to foster professional discussions about research, policy, and the application of forensic anthropology globally. issues will (at least initially) be published quarterly and available in electronic and print format. subscription information, submission instructions, and other details can be found on the journal’s website: http: //journals .upress .ufl .edu /fa. although forensic anthropology is typically defined as the application of (primarily biological) anthropological methods and theory to medicolegal contexts, the modern application of forensic anthropology is both anthropologically holistic and interdisciplinary in nature. the field encompasses methodological and theoretical aspects of biological anthropology as well as archaeology and sociocultural anthropology. many of the current methods used in forensic anthropology stem not only from the anthropological sciences, but also from chemistry, engineering, biomechanics, biology, and other natural and social sciences. moreover, the scope and application of forensic anthropology is increasingly broad. while forensic anthropological casework most often involves the analysis of unidentified skeletal remains and skeletal trauma in a medicolegal context, it is also applied in contexts beyond traditional medicolegal questions, including addressing legal claims related to the remains of native populations and resolving humanitarian investigations such as war crimes and mass disasters. in recent years there has been growth in educational programs dedicated to forensic anthropology. this has prompted a significant increase in research and the number of publications in the field, with articles appearing in a wide variety of periodicals and edited volumes related to forensic science, anthropology, medicine, anatomy, and imaging, among others. given the broad scope and academically prolific nature of modern forensic anthropology, a scholarly venue is needed that embraces and caters to this holistic, multidisciplinary, and research-rich field. journals focused primarily on anthropology or forensic science are insufficient to meet the needs of the discipline, and the publication of relevant research in numerous (and sometimes disparate) journals makes it challenging to stay abreast of the latest developments, requiring professionals to locate, maintain subscriptions to, and routinely review a wide variety of scholarly journals. forensic anthropology therefore aims to be an inclusive and centralized venue, emphasizing research and technical advancements related to all facets of forensic anthropology. topics of interest for this journal include osteology, skeletal biology, modern human skeletal variation, and forensic archaeology, though contributions in any area that promote, advance, or enhance the field will be considered. the instructive quality of case studies is recognized, and we therefore encourage the submission of case reports with academic or educational merit. the journal will also publish relevant book reviews and consider pertinent review articles. we are dedicated to high-quality content and a rigorous review process. all reviews are double-blind, meaning reviewers are blinded to the manuscript author, and authors are blinded to the reviewers. this process ensures that reviews are fair, with minimal bias. while performing peer reviews can introduction forensic anthropology a journal for our discipline nicholas v. passalacquaa* ● angi m. christensenb ● joseph t. hefnerc aanthropology and sociology department, western carolina university, cullowhee, nc 28723, usa bfederal bureau of investigation laboratory, quantico, va 22135, usa cdepartment of anthropology, michigan state university, east lansing, mi 48823, usa *correspondence to: nicholas v. passalacqua, anthropology and sociology department, western carolina university, cullowhee, nc 28723, usa e-mail: passala5@gmail .com disclaimer: the views expressed are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the fbi. names of commercial manufacturers are provided for identification purposes only, and inclusion does not imply endorsement of the manufacturer or its products or services by the fbi. http://journals.upress.ufl.edu/fa http://passala5@gmail.com 2 introduction be time consuming and tedious, it is a very important part of the scientific publication process, and we encourage our colleagues to assist in these reviews. we aim to maintain a repository of professionals interested in, and dedicated to, high-quality reviews, and anyone interested in serving as a reviewer is encouraged to contact the editors. we are also committed to ethical publishing standards; authors and reviewers must adhere to the ethics in publishing guidelines put forth by the committee on publication ethics (cope 2017). the editorial board and organizational partners the inaugural editors of forensic anthropology are nicholas passalacqua, angi christensen, and joseph hefner, who several years ago began discussing a possible journal with colleagues and researching potential publishers based on the perceived need for a venue dedicated to the discipline. this was largely the result of frustration with currently available venues, combined with the recognition of the large number of forensic anthropology papers published annually. to facilitate the journal’s success, and to demonstrate its aim of inclusiveness, organizational partners were invited to assist in supporting, representing, and promoting the journal. current organizational partners include the american board of forensic anthropology (abfa), the asociación latinoamericana de antropología forense (alaf), and the society of forensic anthropologists (sofa). organizational partners have representation on the forensic anthropology editorial board and receive subscription and promotion benefits. we thank them for their support. in addition, an editorial board comprised of associate editors was selected to represent the diverse specialties, interests, workplaces, and geography of forensic anthropological practice. the current editorial board includes: gregory berg (book review editor), popi chrysostomou, christian crowder, derek congram, paul emanovsky, michael kenyhercz, alexandra klales, jennifer love, james pokines (abfa representative), brian spatola (sofa representative), m. kate spradley, carl stephan, and ivana wolff (alaf representative). we welcome the assistance of our colleagues in making forensic anthropology a success, and encourage participation and feedback. please contact the editors or a member of the editorial board with any questions. impact factor we recognize the importance to some of our colleagues (and/ or their employers) of publishing in a journal with a high impact factor. the impact factor of a journal (which was originated by eugene garfield in the mid-1900s [garfield 2006]) is a metric used (ostensibly) to assess a journal’s relative importance or contribution to a field of study. the overall importance and relevance of a journal’s impact factor is a matter of some debate. because a journal’s impact factor is a function of citations to all articles published in a journal, it does not reflect the quality of any specific article or author (the plos medicine editors 2006). moreover, a journal’s impact factor can be easily skewed by one or two highly cited articles, and journals that publish larger quantities of articles may have lower impact factors than journals that publish fewer articles (campbell 2008). an impact factor does not reflect how well read a journal is or its influence on policy (the plos medicine editors 2006). therefore many feel that impact factors are given too much weight considering they do not actually measure the importance of a journal or the impact it has on a discipline. others have suggested that perhaps such assessments should be adjusted to account for variables such as specialty, citation density, and half-life (garfield 2006). a journal’s impact factor for a given year is calculated as the citations during that year (published in journals indexed in clarivate analytics’ web of science) to all articles published by the journal in the previous two years, divided by number of articles published in the journal in the previous two years deemed to be “citable” by clarivate analytics. despite limitations, the influence of impact factors on authors is recognized, and we therefore wanted to address this topic with our readership. given that the first issue of forensic anthropology is being published in 2018, it will be eligible for an impact factor after the year 2020. the impact factor for 2020 will be calculated as the number of published citations in 2020 to all articles published in forensic anthropology in 2018–2019, divided by the number of citable articles published by forensic anthropology in 2018–2019. examples of recent impact factors related to forensic anthropology are provided below (2016 journal citation reports©). journal of forensic sciences: 1.127 forensic science international: 1.336 american journal of physical anthropology: 2.552 international journal of osteoarchaeology: 1.038 journal of anatomy: 2.182 journal of the american medical association: 37.684 looking forward it is with great pleasure that we introduce this new journal, and we appreciate the support and enthusiasm we have already received from many of our colleagues. we look forward to the continued success of forensic anthropology, knowing that it will depend on support from the forensic anthropological community. we thank our current contributors, reviewers, and associated editors, and we look forward to many more issues of forensic anthropology. introduction 3 references 2016 journal citation reports.© clarivate analytics; 2017. campbell p. escape from the impact factor. ethics in science and environmental politics 2008;8(1):5–7. committee on publication ethics (cope). http: //publicationethics .org /. accessed august 23, 2017. garfield e. the history and meaning of the journal impact factor. journal of the american medical association 2006;295(1): 90–93. the plos medicine editors. the impact factor game. plos medicine 2006;3(6):0707–0708. http://publicationethics.org/ http://publicationethics.org/ login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe forensic anthropology vol. 2, no. 2: 96–101 doi: 10.5744/fa.2019.1003 © 2019 university of florida press introduction in november 1943 a threeday battle ensued between u.s. and japanese forces over control of a strategically located airfield on a threesquaremile pacific island. over 1,100 u.s. and over 6,000 japanese forces and korean conscript laborers were casualties in the 76hour battle for betio island, tarawa atoll, republic of kiribati (at the time, the gilbert islands). the logistics of taking control of the island and utilizing its airfield in combination with the reality of large casualty numbers and a hot, tropical environment led to hasty burials by personnel with limited to no training in proper grave documentation (alexander 1995; wukovits 2006). after the battle an additional 23 u.s. service members lost their lives in aircraft crashes or accidents on or around the atoll and were subsequently buried on betio island. postwar cemetery consolidation efforts led to the repeated disinterment, relocation, and reinterment of u.s. world war ii casualties buried overseas, including those buried on betio island. poor initial burial documentation, multiple relocations, and anthropogenic changes to the island resulted in the disjoining, commingling, and loss of identity of many tarawa casualties (steere & boardman 1957). by the 1949– 1951 interment of the tarawa casualties in their final resting place, the national memorial cemetery of the pacific (nmcp) in hawai’i, 92 of the approximately 1,100 lost were assigned xnumbers (e.g., x001) and buried as unknowns. in addition to the 92 unknowns, 219 sets of incomplete remains were interred as a group, while an unknown number of individuals were incompletely or never removed from their original burial locations on betio island. to date, over 400 casualties from the battle of tarawa remain unaccounted for. in 2016 the defense pow/mia accounting agency (dpaa) began disinterment of battle of tarawa unknowns from the nmcp in a largescale project aimed at resolution of commingling and identification of u.s. casualties (for details see taylor et al. 2019). in addition to the nmcp disinterments, the tarawa project includes approximately 6,000 elements from 83 field accessions representing osseous remains recovered from betio island. this assemblage also includes remains exposed by storm damage in the 1960s and by infrastructure development in the 1970s. archaeological case report the tarawa project part ii resolved commingling and identification of casualties from the battle of tarawa audrey l. scotta ● heli maijanenb ● rebecca j. taylora* ● anthony j. koehla,c ● willa r. traska abstract: the battle of tarawa during world war ii resulted in over 7,000 casualties on an approximately threesquaremile pacific island that necessitated hasty burials, often with poor associated documentation. the loss of original burial information combined with postwar cemetery consolidation efforts resulted in the commingling, disassociation, and loss of identity of casualty remains. this report discusses two cases that are the product of ongoing efforts to recover remains still buried on the tarawa atoll and to identify tarawa unknowns disinterred from the national memorial cemetery of the pacific. both cases involve the reassociation of disinterred elements to elements recently excavated from their original wartime burial locations on betio island. these cases illustrate the steps taken to reassociate elements, the multiple lines of evidence necessary to do so, and the eventual outcome of tarawa project identification efforts. dental and chest radiograph comparisons of the disinterred remains were used to create and narrow short lists of unaccountedfor service members. these comparisons were combined with historical documentation and dna analysis of remains recovered from the tarawa atoll to suggest association of additional elements. articulation, refitting of fragments, pairmatching, and osteometric sorting supported the association of the disparate elements to single individuals. ultimately, the dental and chest radiograph comparisons, biological profile, dna testing, and historical data led to the positive identification of both individuals. the complicated nature of the tarawa commingled assemblage emphasizes the importance of a multidisciplinary approach to the resolution and identification of commingled human remains. keywords: forensic anthropology, commingled remains, tarawa, world war ii adefense pow/mia accounting agency, joint base pearl harbor– hickam, hawai’i, usa boulun seudun ammattikorkeakoulu, archaeology, oulu, finland csna international, alexandria, va, usa *correspondence to: rebecca j. taylor, defense pow/mia accounting agency, 590 moffet street, joint base pearl harbor–hickam, jbphh hawai’i 96853, usa e-mail: rjwbones@gmail.com received 5 june 2018; revised 13 august 2018; accepted 14 august 2018 scott et al. 97 recoveries of skeletal remains have been ongoing by dpaa, its predecessor organizations, and nongovernmental organizations since the mid1990s. these recoveries primarily involve partial skeletons in two contexts: assemblages of remains disturbed but redeposited out of respect by those who accidentally discovered them, and elements never recovered from their original burial locations during postwar cemetery consolidation efforts. these latter category contexts usually involved small elements that may be easily missed by those undertaking hurried disinterments with little osteological training: vertebrae, ribs, hands, patellae, and feet (sometimes still in boots). however, intact individual burials have also been recovered. we will present two cases of skeletal remains disinterred from the nmcp with which elements recovered from ongoing field excavations were associated. the tarawa project employs a multidisciplinary approach to facilitate both the association of skeletal and dental elements to a single individual, and as a means to identify missing u.s. service members following standard protocols for analyzing commingled human remains consistent with the prevailing literature (adams & byrd 2014; jin et al. 2014). all remains in the tarawa project undergo a rigorous commingled human remains analysis (for details on methods see taylor et al. 2019). case 1 in november 2016 a mostly complete skeleton was disinterred from the nmcp as part of the tarawa project. the skull was fractured and incomplete; most of the thoracic elements were missing, including the sacrum; the lower left arm was absent; and left foot elements were also absent. the majority of both hands were absent; only two right carpals were recovered. review of the historical xnumber file revealed a dental chart of the remains with two names indicated as possible associations. both named individuals were killed in the january 1944 crash of a b24 attempting take off from betio island and subsequently buried on the island in the “main marine cemetery” (cemetery 33). during analysis, attempts were made to associate the remains with either of the two individuals named in the xfile dental chart. the right maxilla and right portion of the mandible were missing from the remains, thus preventing a full comparison to antemortem dental charts. dna analysis of remains disinterred from the nmcp has been limited; during postwar identification and consolidation efforts the remains were treated with formaldehyde powder, which inhibits dna amplification and thus limits traditional sequencing using the sanger method. all nmcp tarawa remains must therefore be tested using nextgeneration sequencing (ngs), which only provides a mitochondrial dna (mtdna) profile. nextgeneration testing of the right tibia yielded an mtdna sequence; however, neither candidate had an mtdna family reference sample (frs) on file. additionally, antemortem chest radiographs needed for comparison were not available for either candidate. at that time no other lines of evidence were available and identification efforts were hampered. in july 2017 the dpaa laboratory received remains as a unilateral turnover from history flight, inc, a nongovernmental organization in partnership with the dpaa. during excavations, skeletal elements had been uncovered in situ with an identification tag bearing the name of one of the two individuals named in the xnumber dental chart. an immediate attempt was made to associate the remains recovered from betio island and the xnumber remains disinterred from the nmcp using the methods normally applied to the commingled assemblages. the elements recovered from the betio island field excavations were first inventoried and found to be the same elements missing from the nmcp assemblage (fig. 1). the left radius was sampled for dna analysis but did not yield a profile. the fieldrecovered left radius, ulna, and foot elements were compared to the nmcp right antimeres and visually pairmatched (byrd &adams 2003). the left radius and ulna exhibited sound anatomical articulation with the disinterred left humerus (fig. 2). in addition to visual pair matching and articulation, the left radius and ulna were statistically compared to elements from the right arm using linear regression (adams & byrd 2014; byrd 2008; byrd & legarde 2014). the results of the analysis could not provide statistical evidence for excluding either element, thus supporting the association of the left forearm with the assemblage. the left foot similarly articulated with the nmcp left tibia and fibula, and visually pairmatched the nmcp right foot. the majority of the spinal column was recovered during field excavations, including the sacrum, which articulated with the innominates from the nmcp disinterment (fig. 3). the four vertebrae that were disinterred with the nmcp remains displayed sound anatomical articulations among themselves and with fieldrecovered vertebrae. the right and left hands were recovered during field excavations, except the right capitate and trapezium, which were included in the nmcp assemblage; all hand elements articulated. both patellae were recovered and articulated with the nmcp femora, and the sternal body articulated with the disinterred manubrium. three left ribs and four right ribs were present in the disinterred nmcp assemblage, were morphologically consistent with the nine left and eight right ribs recovered from betio island, and articulated with the recovered vertebrae. all possible articulations between the nmcp remains and the elements recovered from field excavations were tested with positive results. in addition to articulations among elements, several fractured and broken elements had been separated during the fig. 1—homunculus depicting skeletal remains associated with case 1. elements depicted in gray were disinterred from the nmcp. elements depicted in black were recovered from archaeological excavations on betio island, tarawa atoll, republic of kiribati. elements depicted in white are absent. fig. 4—case 1, left scapula, posterior view. the lighter portions were excavated from betio island; the darker portions were disinterred from the nmcp. (photograph by w. lavin) fig. 3—case 1, sacroiliac articulation, superior view. the sacrum was recovered from betio island excavations; the os coxae were disinterred from the nmcp. (photograph by w. lavin) fig. 2—case 1, left elbow, posterior view. the humerus (right) was disinterred from the nmcp; the radius and ulna (left) were found in situ with an identification tag in the individual’s original burial location. (photograph by a. scott) 98 tarawa project ii postwar cemetery consolidation efforts, yet refit perfectly at the margins. the right scapula, left scapula (fig. 4), and right fourth rib (fig. 5) all exhibited postmortem breakage with refitting portions recovered from the two proveniences. the mandible exhibited a midline perimortem fracture consistent with the perimortem fragmentation seen in the cranium. the right maxillary alveolus was separated from the body of the maxilla and exhibited a perimortem fracture at the location of the first molar. the right maxillary alveolus anterior to this location was in articulation with the left maxilla. the right fig. 5—case 1, right fourth rib. the lighter sternal end was recovered during field excavations; the darker portion was part of the nmcp disinterment assemblage. (photograph by w. lavin) fig. 6—case 1, mandible, anterior view. note two distinct taphonomic signatures on each of the mandible halves (the right portion from betio island and the left portion from the nmcp) and the refitting fracture margin. (photograph by a. scott) scott et al. 99 portions of maxilla and mandible were recovered with the remains excavated on betio island and perfectly refit with the left portions disinterred from the nmcp (fig. 6). the refitting of breakage and fracture margins provided strong support to the association of the fieldrecovered elements with the nmcp remains. with the refitting of the maxilla and mandible portions into complete elements, a full dental analysis became possible. comparison of the dental remains to the antemortem records of the individual named on the identification tag yielded a possible match. at the conclusion of dental analysis, the right mandible portion recovered during field excavation was sampled for dna analysis. unlike the remains interred in the nmcp, the remains excavated from their original wartime burial locations regularly yield mtdna sequences through traditional sanger method analysis and can be used for nuclear dna testing. although no mtdna frs data were available for the suspected candidate, the armed forces dna identification laboratory (afdil) had nuclear frs data on file for comparison. the mandible sample was therefore tested for ystr and autosomal dna. according to afdil analytic results, the resulting sequences are consistent with the frs of the service member named on the identification tag. although dna analysis did not contribute to the association of elements in this case, it did contribute to identification. resolution of the fragmentation was achieved through methods normally utilized in commingled assemblages; pair matching, articulation, statistical osteometric sorting, and refitting fracture and breakage margins. the reassociated dental remains provided the basis for a possible name association when compared to antemortem dental records. the skeletal elements recovered from the recent field excavations provided the dna sample necessary for comparison to a frs and led to the positive identification. case 2 similar to the first case, case 2 was disinterred from the nmcp in the autumn of 2016. the cranium was fragmented and incomplete, several vertebrae were missing, all elements of the left arm were absent, and the remains lacked any elements from the hands or feet (fig. 7). initial anthropological analysis suggested a minimum of two individuals were represented, as the articulation of the right ulna with the right radius and humerus was questionable. the occipital, right ulna, and right tibia were sampled for ngs analysis and yielded mtdna to confirm the suspected commingling and aid association of elements. comparison of the partial dentition present in the nmcp remains to all battle of tarawa casualties produced a probable match to a single candidate. although several cervical vertebrae were absent from the nmcp remains, a chest radiograph comparison (cxr) to the dental candidate was possible. this comparison found multiple points of concordance between the radiograph of the postmortem clavicles and vertebrae and the antemortem radiograph of the candidate (fig. 8; stephan et al. 2011). the frs associated with the service member from the cxr and dental association matched with the mtdna sequence shared by several skeletal elements recovered from betio island. in 2013, several large assemblages of fragmented and commingled remains excavated by history flight, inc. were unilaterally turned over to the dpaa laboratory in multiple batches. a left ulna included in one of these assemblages yielded an mtdna sequence matching the frs of the single dental and cxr candidate. the ulna was recovered with an articulating left radius. additionally, four metacarpals, a left patella, a first right metatarsal, and a first left fig. 7—homunculus depicting skeletal remains associated with case 2. elements depicted in light gray were disinterred from the nmcp. elements depicted in dark gray and black were recovered during two separate archaeological excavations on betio island and subsequently unilaterally turned over to the dpaa laboratory. elements depicted in white are absent. fig. 8—case 2, comparison of antemortem chest radiographs of the probable dental match (top) with postmortem radiographs of the left and right clavicles (bottom) white arrows indicate locations of morphological concordance. the images provided are for illustrative purposes only and do not depict the original size and resolution of the images used in the cxr, as these are best viewed onscreen using the electronic file. the difficulty of cxr is illustrated here by the poor quality of the available antemortem radiograph. 100 tarawa project ii metatarsal all yielded the same mtdna sequence. these elements originated from two separate field excavations from the same general provenience of a trench burial in the cemetery 33 area. the nmcp unknown was originally recovered from cemetery 33 in the 1940s. anthropological analysis confirmed the association of the mtdnasequenced elements recovered from the field in 2013 with the partial skeleton disinterred from the nmcp in 2016. the left radius that was recovered in association with the left ulna visually and statistically pairmatched the nmcp right radius. the right ulna originally disinterred with the remains eventually yielded an mtdna sequence not matching that of the other elements, confirming the suspicion of commingling within the nmcp casket. the two first metatarsals were recovered in situ within boots in articulation with the entirety of the elements of their respective feet. the tarsals of each foot articulated with the distal tibiae of the nmcp remains. with the reassociation of the field recoveries to the nmcp remains, the dna analysis required for the disinterred remains was reduced to only the cranial fragments, which could not be articulated with the postcranial elements due to missing portions. the occipital sample yielded an mtdna sequence matching the sampled field elements. despite the original association having been lost through repeated disinterments and reinterments, dna and anthropological analysis led to the reassociation of elements representing a single individual. the dental evidence, chest radiograph comparison, and mtdna data taken in totality provided undeniable evidence on which to base an identification of the reassociated remains. conclusion since 2016, the tarawa project has assisted in the identification of 41 previously unaccountedfor service members, scott et al. 101 including 26 unknowns disinterred from the nmcp. eight of those cases required the reassociation of skeletal elements recovered from field excavations with remains disinterred from the nmcp. while dna is often relied upon for association and identification of commingled remains, its use is not always reliable for cases of complex open commingled populations, in which a definite list of missing individuals is not available (puerto et al. 2014). the ongoing anthropogenic land alterations, lack of original deposition documentation, and occurrence of primary, secondary, and tertiary burials further limit the use of dna for resolution and identification. many of the tarawa cases rely on the ability to associate elements recovered from betio island to nmcp disinterred remains through a multifaceted anthropological approach that includes articulation of elements, refitting of fragments, osteometric sorting, and chest radiograph comparisons. dna analysis and dental comparison provide the basis either for development of preliminary short lists of possible candidates or for identity verification. the two cases discussed here illustrate the complex, multidisciplinary process necessary for resolving commingling and achieving identifications in the tarawa project. due to the nature of the project assemblage, we anticipate more identifications will require the association of elements excavated from their original burial locations to nmcp disinterments. the tarawa project, and other ongoing commingled human remains projects, is one facet of the dpaa efforts to achieve the fullest accounting possible of lost u.s. service members. acknowledgments we would like to acknowledge all of the service members who have made the ultimate sacrifice; dpaa’s strategic partner, history flight, inc., for their recovery efforts on betio island; and our project team and colleagues for feedback on this paper. special thanks to ms. wenona lavin for element photography. the opinions presented here are the private views of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of dpaa, the department of defense, or the united states government. references adams bj, byrd je. commingled human remains: methods in recovery, analysis, and identification. san diego: academic press; 2014. alexander jh. utmost savagery: the three days of tarawa. annapolis, md: naval institute press; 1995. byrd je. models and methods for osteometric sorting. in: adams bj, byrd je, eds. recovery, analysis, and identification of commingled human remains. totowa, nj: humana press; 2008:199– 220. byrd je, adams bj. osteometric sorting of commingled human remains. journal of forensic sciences 2003;48:717– 724. byrd je, legarde c. osteometric sorting. in: adams bj, byrd je, eds. commingled human remains: methods in recovery, analysis, and identification. san diego: academic press; 2014:167– 192. jin j, burch al, legarde c, okrutny e. the korea 208: a large scale commingling case of american remains from the korean war. in: adams bj, byrd je, eds. commingled human remains: methods in recovery, analysis, and identification. san diego: academic press; 2014:407– 424. puerto ms, egana s, doretti m, vullo cm. a multidisciplinary approach to commingled remains analysis: anthropology, genetics, and background information. in: adams bj, byrd je, eds. commingled human remains: methods in recovery, analysis, and identification. san diego: academic press; 2014: 307– 335. steere e, boardman tm. final disposition of world war ii dead, 1945– 51. quartermaster corps, qmc historical studies, series ii, no. 4, washington dc: u.s. army; 1957. stephan cn, winburn ap, christensen af, tyrrell aj. skeletal identification by radiographic comparison: blind tests of a morphoscopic method using antemortem chest radiographs. journal of forensic sciences 2011;56:320– 322. taylor rj, scott al, koehl aj, trask wr, maijanen h. the tarawa project part i: a multidisciplinary approach to resolve commingled human remains from the battle of tarawa. forensic anthropology 2019;2(2):87–95. wukovits j. one square mile of hell: the battle for tarawa. new york: new american library; 2006. login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe forensic anthropology vol. 2, no. 2: 65–71 doi: 10.5744/fa.2019.1001 © 2019 university of florida press introduction commingled human remains (chr) pose a particularly difficult challenge for identification, especially when the commingling is on a large scale. dna analysis is often heavily relied upon to segregate these remains into discrete individuals, but this can be time consuming and costly. anthropological methods, such as pairmatching, should be employed when possible to minimize the number of elements that require dna sampling. when commingled assemblages are represented by relatively small numbers of individuals, visual pairmatching is not a cumbersome task. however, as these assemblages become larger this task becomes more difficult, and it is unknown if accuracy declines. therefore, a study to determine the accuracy rates of visual pairmatching for multiple observers with a variety of education and experience levels was conducted on a large commingled assemblage. because the complete results of this study will not be available until all the dna testing has been completed, this article is primarily a discussion of the parameters of the study and interobserver variability in pairmatching, useful morphology for pairmatching the humerus, and the current status of the results. pairmatching is an important step in determining the minimum number of individuals (mni) or the most likely number of individuals (mlni) of a commingled assemblage, which can help with planning and resource allocation and may drive analytical approaches (konigsberg & adams 2014; palmiotto et al. 2019). konigsberg and adams (2014) conducted a test of the accuracy of visual pairmatching for the humerus, femur, and tibia. a random sample was selected from two populations, one representing 15 individuals and the second representing 30 individuals, with a 60% recovery rate so there would not be an equal number of pairs. their test found that visual pairmatching could be accurately performed by an experienced osteologist. the errors that occurred were from overlooking true pairs, which occurred only for the humeri in the smaller sample but for both the tibiae and humeri in the larger sample. this was an important study for investigating the accuracy of visual pairmatching, but it included only one participant (an experienced osteologist) and was with small to moderate commingled assemblages. the current study seeks to expand upon this research by utilizing a large commingled assemblage. research article preliminary findings from a visual pairmatching study in a large commingled assemblage carrie b. legardea,b* abstract: pairmatching is an important component of commingled human remains (chr) analysis, as it can help to limit the amount of dna testing and contribute to minimum or most likely number of individual calculations. as commingled assemblages become larger, pairmatching becomes more difficult, and it is unknown if accuracy declines. therefore, a study to determine the accuracy rates of visual pairmatching for multiple observers with a variety of education and experience levels was conducted on a large commingled assemblage. because the complete results of this study will not be available until all the dna testing has been completed, this article focuses on the parameters of the study and interobserver variability in pairmatching as well as the current status of the results. in addition, useful morphology of the humerus for pairmatching is identified. the sample consisted of left and right humeri (n = 287 and n = 293, respectively) from the commingled remains of the uss oklahoma, which are currently being segregated and identified by the defense pow/mia accounting agency. five anthropologists completed this study with human osteological experience ranging from two to thirteen years, chr experience ranging from no experience to four years, and the following education levels represented: postba (n = 1), postma (n = 1), and postphd (n = 3). those with more chr experience were more likely to agree than those with phds. participants with the most chr experience had substantial agreement, spent the most time pairmatching, and had high accuracy. keywords: forensic anthropology, humerus, pairmatching, commingled human remains adefense pow/mia accounting agency, offutt afb, ne, usa buniversity of south florida, anthropology, tampa, fl, usa *correspondence to: carrie b. legarde, defense pow/mia accounting agency, 106 peacekeeper dr., bldg. 301, offutt afb, ne 68113, usa email: carrieblegarde@gmail .com received 9 june 2018; revised 21 september 2018; accepted 8 october 2018 66 visual pair-matching the humerus was chosen for this study for two reasons: (1) there is a relatively high degree of bilateral asymmetry exhibited as compared to other long bones, which could make visual pairmatching more difficult (byrd 2008; legarde 2012); and (2) all left and right humeri in the assemblage were sampled for dna, which allows for the accuracy of pairs to be determined. the focus on an element that exhibits bilateral asymmetry is important, because other sorting methods may depend on statistical methods, such as osteometric sorting (byrd & legarde 2014; lynch et al. 2018; thomas et al. 2013), to assist in pairmatching. osteometric sorting is utilized in cases of commingling to sort remains based on size. for pairmatching, this method is based on the principle that left and right elements from a single individual will be similar in size, and a reference population is utilized to provide the baseline for normal variation (byrd 2008; byrd & legarde 2014). this method was developed to be a simple statistical tool with calculations that can easily be done by hand for onetoone comparisons, and formulae are provided for use with one measurement (thomas et al. 2013) or multiple measurements (byrd 2008; byrd & legarde 2014; lynch et al. 2018). osteometric sorting can also be used to create a “short list” of possible antimeres to a given element by doing multiple comparisons at once and excluding those that are most different in size (lynch et al. 2018). this can save time in large commingled assemblages, since it can significantly reduce the number of visual comparisons. however, methods utilizing osteometrics may exclude true pairs exhibiting asymmetry, since these methods are based on the assumption of bilateral symmetry (i.e., left – right = 0). lynch et al. (2018) showed that using the mean leftright difference of the reference sample, rather than zero (proposed by byrd 2008), was better and lowered the number of false negatives (i.e., excluding a true pair). this is more accurate, since it reflects the fluctuating asymmetry exhibited by the reference population rather than relying on the assumption of bilateral symmetry. lynch et al. (2018) further suggested that using absolute values of the leftright difference (i.e., left – right = |d|), along with a halfnormal data transformation, improved the method further, and this is currently the default in automated processes. although osteometric sorting can be a useful tool, the risk of rejecting true pairs because of asymmetry cannot be ignored, as it could have a negative impact on the resolution of a commingled project. it should be investigated whether these asymmetrical pairs would be found with a visual examination. therefore, the frequency with which true pairs are visually matched but are rejected utilizing osteometric sorting (i.e., asymmetrical pairs) will be noted. even when size differs significantly there may be particular features and morphology that are useful in determining a pair match. this has not been explored, particularly on a large scale with multiple observers; therefore, this study also captures details about the morphology used for pairmatching the humerus. materials and methods the sample for this study consists of the commingled skeletal remains of individuals recovered from the uss oklahoma, which are currently being analyzed at the defense pow/mia accounting agency (dpaa). based on historical documentation, these remains likely represent 394 individuals (brown 2019). these individuals are male, between 17 and 52 years of age at death, and have documented ancestries of white, black, and asian american. for a full background on this assemblage, see brown (2019). after attempts to identify these individuals in the late 1940s were unsuccessful, the remains were buried in separate “bundles” within numerous caskets (brown 2019; harris 2010). these bundles represented skeletal elements that were thought to represent a single individual during original identification efforts. therefore, antimeres from a single bundle, designated by the same “x” number, are considered a “historical pair.” however, these bundles have been shown to be highly commingled (brown 2019; brown et al. 2017), so historical pairs are not expected to be a “true pair” (i.e., correct pair). there are 207 humeri historical pairs in the uss oklahoma assemblage. there are likely 14 additional historical pairs, but due to the poor preservation of three caskets the bundles became commingled and historical pairs cannot be determined. there were 117 humeri in bundles without an antimere (i.e., unpaired) and an additional 21 humeri from one bundle that consisted of only humeri. this “humeri bundle” is considered to be humeri that could not be associated to an individual at the time of original analysis and were therefore bundled together. all humeri in this assemblage, except small unassociated fragments, were sampled for dna and were included in this study (n = 580; 287 left and 293 right). this included damaged and incomplete humeri, although the majority are greater than 75% complete and in excellent condition. each humerus was labeled in ink when it was processed in the laboratory after exhumation in 2015. this label reflects the xnumber, which represents the bundle the remains originated from (e.g., x100a). a tag with the dna sample number and a unique number, represented by the bundle number and a designator number (e.g., x100a/201; see fig. 1), was also attached to each humerus. the label on the bone and the attached tag were visible during the study. the participants were instructed to ignore both as much as possible. all humeri were set out on 10 laboratory tables for analysis, with left and right elements separated to save time for each participant. five participants (including the author) completed this study. participants for this study were recruited at dpaa, legarde 67 fig. 1—exemplar humerus with xnumber in ink and attached label providing the xnumber and a unique number associated with this bone. the dna sample number would typically be on the reverse side of this label. table 1—background information for each participant in the study. participant education osteology experience chr* experience p.1 ba 4 years none p.2 phd 2 years <1 year p.3 phd 7 years <1 year p.4 phd 13 years 3 years p.5 ma 10 years 4 years *chr = commingled human remains. which included anthropologists on staff and interns. each participant completed a questionnaire prior to beginning the study to obtain information regarding their highest level of attained education, human osteology experience, and chr experience. education ranged from completed bachelor’s degree to completed doctoral degree (table 1). all participants had at least 2 years of human osteology experience, but experience with commingled human remains ranged from zero to 4 years. participants were not a given particular methodology to follow, because part of this study was to investigate the different approaches people may take to visually pairmatch on a large scale. participants were only instructed to document their process, including the time spent pairmatching, and to determine pair matches for every humerus. this included four possible responses for every humerus: match,1 probable match, possible match, and no match. the three match categories were used to allow for participants to match humeri with differing levels of confidence: match = confident, probable match = fairly confident, and possible match = less confident. although this leaves a level of ambiguity, as one participant may define “fairly confident” differently than another participant, it still provides another level of comparison. the minimum number of possible outcomes for each participant is 293. this reflects pairmatching every possible left humerus and having six unmatched right humeri. the maximum number of possible outcomes for each participant is 580, which reflects no matches. if each participant paired every possible humerus, the total number of outcomes from all participants could range from 293 (all participants agreeing) to 1,465 (all participants disagreeing). there are over 40,000 possible combinations for matching every humerus, thus complete agreement is highly unlikely. the outcomes are compared to determine the level of agreement between participants. for every humerus, participants can agree or disagree in two ways: agree = same match or no match; disagree = different match or one says no match. for an analysis of overall agreement and disagreement between participants, fleiss’ kappa (κ) was calculated using microsoft excel, since this statistic can accommodate multiple independent variables and participants and nominal data (fleiss 1971; hayes and krippendorff 2007). agreement was determined for left and right humeri separately, since κ cannot accommodate the “no match” category for both left and right in one analysis. they are expected to be nearly the same, since they overlap on matches and only differ in the determination of no matches. the strength of the agreement for κ is generally interpreted as the following: ≤0 = poor, 0.01 – 0.20 = slight, 0.21 – 0.40 = fair, 0.41 – 0.60 = moderate, 1. this category was designated as “match” to participants in the study, but for clarity in reporting and discussing the categories and their results, it is considered “confident match” for the rest of the article. 68 visual pair-matching 0.61 – 0.80 = substantial, and 0.81 – 1 = almost perfect (landis & koch 1977; sim & wright 2005). osteometric sorting was done for each match that all participants agreed upon to compare the outcomes of a statistical test and visual assessment. the halfnormalized transformation and absolute value d methodology proposed by lynch et al. (2018) was used with an alpha level of 0.05, and all standard measurements available for each humerus. this is the standard methodology utilized by dpaa for creating short lists for pairmatching. mitochondrial dna (mtdna) results are used to determine the accuracy of the visual pair matches, with humeri yielding the same mtdna sequence a confirmed pair match. however, numerous individuals can have the same mtdna sequence, so the accuracy of all matches cannot be determined via mtdna alone. therefore, a pair match from one of these mtdna sequences is considered a “potential” match. it is likely that these are true pairs, so they are considered a correct match in determining participant pairmatching accuracy, but are explicitly noted. although the minority of mtdna sequences for the uss oklahoma are represented by more than one individual (19%), nearly half of the humeri fall into these sequences (172/399, or 43%). the accuracy of these “potential” pair matches will be determined once all mtdna testing has been completed and segregation of the uss oklahoma remains has been completed. as of august 15, 2018, mtdna analysis is 69% (399/580) complete for the humeri in this study. results methodology was similar for all participants. all participants noted that size was the initial factor for comparing antimeres, followed by general shape and robusticity. all participants stated that the shape of the capitulum and/or trochlea was an important feature for comparison. age indicators or muscle attachment sites, such as the deltoid tuberosity and medial epicondyle, were other commonly noted features. since the humeri were already sorted by side prior to each participant beginning the study, the first step that all participants did was to sort by size. this was primarily done in two ways: continuous sorting from smallest to largest and marking incremental measurements (e.g., 320 mm) with only the lefts (participants 1, 2, and 5), or discrete grouping (e.g., 320– 330 mm) for both lefts and rights (participants 3 and 4). for those who created a continuous line of smallest to largest, one right humerus was checked against left humeri from approximately 20 mm below to 20 mm above the right humerus length, even if a potential match was found. for those who created discrete groups, the left and right humeri within the same measurement group (e.g., 320– 329 mm) were compared to each other. participants 1 and 5 did not remove any type of match so that all lefts and rights were compared within a given length range. participants 2 and 3 removed confident matches as they were found, so no further comparisons were made with these humeri. participant 4 did not note whether any type of match was removed from consideration during the analysis. after comparing all the right humeri to the left humeri, participants checked through unpaired humeri once more. however, two participants specifically noted that they ran out of time to complete this second check. it is possible that this may lead to a higher number of false negatives (i.e., a left humerus noted as “no match” but actually having a pair) for these two participants. the amount of time required to complete the pairmatching assessment ranged from 35 to 55 hours, which occurred over approximately three weeks for most participants. this time did not include sorting the humeri by side as this was done before each participant began the study, which saved a considerable amount of time. the total number of outcomes, which include any match or no match, for each participant ranged from 365 to 425 (table 2). participants 1, 2, and 5 have nearly the same number of outcomes (365, 375, and 369, respectively), while participant 3 has the most (425) and participant 4 falls in between (395). the higher number of outcomes for participants 3 and 4 is likely because they did not have any possible matches. participants 2 through 5 each found approximately 150 confident matches, which is nearly twice as many as participant 1 who noted nearly the same number of confident matches and probable matches (table 2). this indicates that participant 1, who had the least amount of chr experience, was the most conservative. participants 4 and 5 had the most osteological and commingled experience and spent the most time pairmatching. when comparing matches, of any category of one participant to another, there is considerable agreement, ranging table 2—results for each participant in the study. participant time spent matching confident match probable match possible match no match total outcomes p.1 47.0 hrs 88 80 47 150 365 p.2 35.5 hrs 154 30 21 170 375 p.3 35.0 hrs 147 8 0 270 425 p.4 55.0 hrs 156 14 0 225 395 p.5 50.0 hrs 144 32 35 158 369 legarde 69 table 3—number of agreedupon pairs between participants ( bottom, white cells) and the agreement (κ) between participants for left/right humeri (upper, gray cells). the center diagonal numbers in bold italics represent the total number of pairs identified by each participant. p.1 p.2 p.3 p.4 p.5 p.1 215 .522/.520 .432/.485 .561/.566 .566/.593 p.2 124 205 .457/.431 .560/.540 .604/.593 p.3 101 97 155 .505/.521 .502/.514 p.4 126 121 96 170 .614/.622 p.5 140 139 108 137 211 from 96 (participants 3 and 4) to 140 (participants 1 and 5) agreedupon pairs (table 3). participant 1 paired the most humeri, so it is not surprising that this analyst had the highest noted agreedupon pairs. there are also instances where both participants determined that a particular humerus had a pair, but they disagreed on the antimere. it is interesting to note that participants 4 and 5, who have the most chr experience, disagreed on only 14 pairs, which was the lowest number of disagreedupon pairs. occurring more often than pair disagreement was one participant pairing a humerus while the other said there was no match. agreement between most participants was moderate, with fleiss’ kappa ranging from 0.432 to 0.604 (table 3). only participants 4 and 5 showed substantial agreement (κ = 0.614 and 0.622 for left and right, respectively). participant 3 had the lowest level of agreement when compared to other participants, which is partially due to having the lowest number of matches (table 3). there was moderate agreement between participants 2, 3, and 4, who all have a phd (κ = 0.510 and 0.482 for left and right, respectively). this was lower than all betweenparticipant comparisons, except for those with participant 3 (table 3). all outcomes were compared and examined for agreement between participants. there were a total of 794 different outcomes: 389 different pair matches and 405 humeri with no match (table 4). the overall agreement between participants is moderate, with a fleiss’ kappa of 0.587 and 0.596 for left and right, respectively. all participants agreed on 103 outcomes: 36 no matches (19 left and 17 right humeri) and 67 matches (of any level). as of 15 august 2018, 54 (80.6%) of these agreed upon matches have yielded mtdna results and have been confirmed as true pairs. in addition, 40 (59.7%) of these congruent matches are also historical table 4—the number of participants agreeing on matches and no matches. number of participants matches no match total percent 5 (all agree) 67 36 103 13.0 4 60 61 121 15.2 3 40 78 118 14.9 2 39 101 140 17.6 1 (no agreement) 183 129 312 39.3 total 389 405 794 100 pairs, which suggests that these have the most distinct morphology. osteometric sorting excluded four (6%) of these congruent matches as a “statistical pair,” and therefore they would not have shown up on a short list of possible antimeres. this is slightly greater than what would be expected for type ii errors with an alpha level of 0.05. the total number of humeri pairs based on mtdna results is 133, of which 56 are potential pairs (i.e., from an mtdna sequence with mni > 1) and 133 do not currently have a pair. these numbers, as well as the accuracy rates given below, will continue to change as mtdna results are obtained, but they are provided here to show the current accuracy of each participant. a confident match is considered correct if both humeri have the same mtdna sequence. the accuracy rate is the percent of correct confident matches out of the total number of confident matches for each participant (table 5). only accuracy results for those categorized as a confident match are shown here, because this relates to pair matches that analysts are most confident in and would be comfortable identifying them as belonging to a single individual. accuracy for confident matches ranges from 84% to 99% (73/87; 92/93) for the participants in this study, and the historical pairs are currently 52% (69/132) correct. discussion this study demonstrates that pairmatching in a large commingled skeletal assemblage is feasible and well worth the time required. in general, participants took a full 40hour week to pairmatch the humeri, which spanned over multiple weeks for most participants. however, this is significantly less time than dna testing, which can take months or years, depending on the number of samples and the resources and workload of the dna laboratory. pairmatching is an effective method in determining the mlni represented by an assemblage (konigsberg & adams 2014), and it is recommended to do at the beginning of a project to reduce the number of samples submitted for dna testing, if applicable, and therefore save time and money (palmiotto et al. 2019). the methodology of all participants shows the importance of size for pairmatching. the first step for all participants was table 5—number of matches with mtdna results by participant. participant confident matches number incorrect number correct* % correct historical pairs 132 63 69 (26) 52 p.1 63 1 62 (22) 98 p.2 94 11 83 (35) 88 p.3 87 14 73 (29) 84 p.4 101 7 94 (39) 93 p.5 93 1 92 (35) 99 *number in parentheses indicates the number of the total that are potential pairs. 70 visual pair-matching to sort by maximum length of the humerus, with some participants using robusticity as a secondary sorting parameter within length groups. since statistical methods rely on size, this study illustrates the usefulness of osteometric sorting for pairmatching as a first step in creating smaller groupings for visual comparisons. to account for possible asymmetry and ensure the true pair is considered, it may be necessary to be highly conservative and utilize a 99% confidence interval. this study shows an overall moderate level of agreement between participants. the two participants with the most chr experience showed substantial agreement (κ = 0.614 [left] and 0.622 [right]), while those with a phd showed moderate agreement (κ = 0.510 [left] and 0.482 [right]). this suggests that those with more chr experience are more likely to agree on pairmatching than those with a more advanced degree. although there appears to be a fairly large number of humeri where there was no agreement and only one participant chose a particular outcome (39.3%; see table 4), there was still some level of agreement for most humeri. the majority of humeri had only two or fewer outcomes (426, or 73.4%), which shows that it was more common to have three or more participants agreeing on an outcome and then one or two participants choosing a different outcome. this was often the majority agreeing on a pair match, while the other participant(s) concluded no match, or vice versa. it was less common for it to be differing pair matches. in addition, of the 183 pairs with no agreement, 124 (67.8%) were probable matches or possible matches, indicating there was some level of uncertainty for the majority of these. there were only two humeri that had five different outcomes (i.e., each participant paired it to a different humerus), and only another 33 (5.7%) with four different outcomes. it is important to consider the large number of possible matches for each humerus when looking at agreement between participants. the agreement between participants was considered moderate, but the magnitude of kappa can be influenced by many categories because there is more potential for disagreement (sim & wright 2005). in addition, the cutoffs for determining the magnitude of kappa (i.e., moderate or substantial) are arbitrary and must be considered in the context of the variables (landis & koch 1977; sim & wright 2005). there were nearly 300 categories in this analysis, which could be driving kappa lower, so the overall agreement of 0.587 (left) and 0.596 (right) could be considered moderate to substantial. the osteometric sorting results for the congruent matches showed that true pairs found during visual assessment were excluded in statistical analysis. this shows the value of visual comparisons. although the use of the absolute value d and halfnormalized transformation has been suggested as an improvement to lower the number of false negatives (i.e., a true pair excluded with osteometric sorting), using the absolute value of the leftright differences ignores directional asymmetry, which shifts the mean and narrows the distribution. when using numerous measurements, this can cause minimal differences to become significant and lead to the rejection of an antimere that is nearly identical. using the reference sample mean d rather than zero and/or fewer measurements may actually be preferable and will be explored further once all true pairs can be determined. in addition, a slightly higher percentage than expected of false negatives occurred (6%) when utilizing osteometric sorting; however, this was a relatively small sample with only 67 pairs tested and will also be investigated further once all mtdna testing is complete. these preliminary results show that visual pairmatching has relatively high accuracy, ranging from 84% to 99%, regardless of education or experience level; however, the accuracy does appear to increase with experience as well as time spent analyzing pairs. participants 2 and 3 spent the least amount of time pairmatching (35.5 and 35 hours, respectively) and had the most incorrect confident matches (table 5). they also both had less than one year of chr experience. although participant 1 had no chr experience and has high accuracy (98%), this participant was conservative when determining confident matches and took more time pairmatching. similar to konigsberg and adams’s (2014) pairmatching test, overlooking a true pair was more likely to occur than a false positive (“incorrect pair”). this is not surprising due to the large number of no matches noted by all participants, which ranged from 150 to 270 (table 2), and will be explored fully when mtdna testing is complete. a limitation of this study was the small number of participants. due to time and space requirements, only five participants could fully complete the study. two of these individuals stated that they could have spent additional time doublechecking the unpaired humeri, including participant 5, who spent 50 hours pairmatching. this indicates that these participants are more likely to have false negatives because they may have noted a pair match during the review of unpaired humeri. a source of potential bias in this study was the visible label and attached tag (fig. 1) that indicated the specific bundle the humeri originated from (i.e., provenience). two humeri with the same bundle number would indicate a “historical pair,” and therefore someone in the past may have thought that they belonged to a single individual (brown 2019; harris 2010). the participants knew this, so this could have influenced the determination of a pair match, particularly if it was a match the participant was less confident about. however, the participants also knew that a high degree of commingling is present between bundles and that a historical pair does not indicate a true pair. in some cases, seeing two humeri with the same bundle number could make a participant more skeptical and not determine a match. legarde 71 conclusions space and time permitting, visual pairmatching on a large scale can be done to assist in the segregation of commingled human remains. sorting humeri by size was an important first step taken by all participants, followed by comparisons of robusticity and morphology. all participants noted the capitulum and/or trochlea as an important morphological feature for pairmatching the humerus. morphological comparisons were shown to be invaluable in cases of leftright size differences, as evidenced by true pairs identified via visual pairmatching being excluded with osteometric sorting. overall, the participants showed a moderate to substantial level of agreement. the participants with the most commingled human remains experience showed substantial agreement. they also spent more time pairmatching, which corresponded with higher pairmatching accuracy. participants with a phd had only moderate agreement, and the two with less than one year of chr experience spent the least amount of time pairmatching and had the lowest accuracy. this suggests that chr experience is a more important factor than education level for visual pairmatching agreement and accuracy. these results are preliminary, and accuracy rates may change as additional dna results are received. acknowledgments a huge thankyou to those who participated in the study. the views herein are those of the author and do not represent those of the defense pow/mia accounting agency (dpaa), the department of defense, or the united states government. this research was supported in part by appointment to the postgraduate and student research participation programs at the dpaa administered by the oak ridge institute for science and education through an interagency agreement between the u.s. department of energy and dpaa. portions of this paper were presented at the 70th annual american academy of forensic sciences meeting in seattle, washington. references brown ca. the uss oklahoma identification project. forensic anthropology 2019;2(2):102–112. brown ca, legarde cb, damann fe, byrd je. assessing the accuracy of historical associations in a commingled assemblage. in: proceedings of the 69th annual meeting of the american academy of forensic sciences, february 13– 18, 2017; new orleans, la. byrd je. models and methods for osteometric sorting. in: adams bj, byrd je, eds. recovery, analysis, and identification of commingled human remains. totowa, nj: humana press; 2008:199– 220. byrd je, legarde cb. osteometric sorting. in: adams bj, byrd je, eds. commingled human remains: methods in recovery, analysis, and identification. san diego: academic press; 2014:167– 191. fleiss jl. measuring nominal scale agreement among many raters. psychological bulletin 1971;76(5):378– 382. harris h. history of the sinking of uss oklahoma and subsequent attempts to recover and identify her crew. available at: http: // www . public .navy .mil /bupers npc /support /casualty /docu ments /pow%20mia /uss%20oklahoma%20(bb37). pdf . created march 1, 2010. updated may 4, 2015. accessed june 1, 2018. hayes af, krippendorff k. answering the call for a standard reliability measure for coding data. communication methods and measures 2007;1(1):77– 89. konigsberg lw, adams bj. estimating the number of individuals represented by commingled human remains: a critical evaluation of methods. in: adams bj, byrd je, eds. commingled human remains: methods in recovery, analysis, and identification. san diego: academic press; 2014:193– 220. landis jr, koch gg. the measurement of observer agreement for categorical data. biometrics 1977;33(1):159– 174. legarde cb. asymmetry of the humerus: the influence of handedness on the deltoid tuberosity and possible implications for osteometric sorting [master thesis]. missoula: university of montana; 2012. lynch jj, byrd je, legarde cb. the power of exclusion using automated osteometric sorting: pairmatching. journal of forensic sciences 2018;63(2):371– 380. palmiotto a, brown ca, legarde cb. estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage. forensic anthropology 2019;2(2):129–138. sim j, wright cc. the kappa statistic in reliability studies: use, interpretation, and sample size requirements. physical therapy 2005;85(3):257– 268. thomas rm, ubelaker dh, byrd je. tables for the metric evaluation of pairmatching of human skeletal elements. journal of forensic sciences 2013;58(4):952– 956. http://www.public.navy.mil/bupers-npc/support/casualty/documents/pow%20mia/uss%20oklahoma%20(bb-37).pdf http://www.public.navy.mil/bupers-npc/support/casualty/documents/pow%20mia/uss%20oklahoma%20(bb-37).pdf http://www.public.navy.mil/bupers-npc/support/casualty/documents/pow%20mia/uss%20oklahoma%20(bb-37).pdf http://www.public.navy.mil/bupers-npc/support/casualty/documents/pow%20mia/uss%20oklahoma%20(bb-37).pdf forensic anthropology vol. 2, no. 2: 102–112 doi: 10.5744/fa.2019.1013 © 2019 university of florida press the uss oklahoma identification project was established to attempt identifications for the nearly 400 unaccountedfor service members who died during the japanese attack on pearl harbor. the analyses and identifications are completed by the defense pow/mia accounting agency (dpaa), with dna analyses by the armed forces dna identification laboratory (afdil). the mission of the dpaa is to provide the fullest possible accounting for missing u.s. personnel. dpaa laboratories are located in hawai’i, nebraska, and ohio. this unique case report highlights the historical circumstances of the oklahoma loss, including previous attempts at identification and the presentday efforts to identify the oklahoma service members, whose remains are heavily commingled. the project is presented as a case report to highlight the ways in which methods are employed and adapted in order to enact individual identifications from a large, commingled assemblage. analytical procedures, the sample, extent of commingling, the manner in which identifications are made, and project challenges are discussed. the oklahoma project is housed at the dpaa laboratory on offutt air force base, nebraska. the project team comprises a project lead (anthropologist) and approximately 10 anthropology analysts, with dental support from dpaa dentists and dental hygienists. work on the project began in june 2015. historical background on 7 december 1941, the uss oklahoma (bb37)1 was hit by japanese torpedoes during the attack on the u.s. pacific fleet in pearl harbor, territory of hawai’i (fig. 1). the hits severely damaged the ship, which soon capsized (fig. 2). the casualties, which included 429 individuals (415 u.s. navy personnel and 14 marines), represent the secondlargest in the attack, after the uss arizona. recovery efforts began the day following the attack, but they were halted on 16 december 1941. salvage attempts began in july 1942 and continued until may 1944; during this time remains were also recovered (harris 2010). the oklahoma was decommissioned in september 1944, and while in transit to california in 1947 it sank again in the pacific and was not recovered (naval history and heritage command, no date). ultimately, 35 individuals were identified in the years immediately following the attack, but the majority of the remains were buried as “unknowns” in two cemeteries on oahu, territory of hawai’i— nu’uanu and halawa (harris 2010). historical analyses in 1947, the american graves registration service (agrs) disinterred all oklahoma unknowns from nu’uanu and halawa cemeteries. the remains were transferred to the central identification laboratory at schofield barracks (schofield cil) to attempt individual identifications. however, the belief 1. following the u.s. navy hull classification system, bb = battleship, 37 = hull number. navy ships are identified by type of ship and unique hull number within that type. adefense pow/mia accounting agency— laboratory, offutt afb, ne, usa *correspondence to: carrie brown, defense pow/mia accounting agency— laboratory, 106 peacekeeper dr., bldg. 301, offutt afb, ne 681134006, usa email: carrie .a .brown40 .civ@mail .mil received 14 june 2018; revised 13 august 2018; accepted 30 august 2018 case report the uss oklahoma identification project carrie browna* abstract: this unique case report outlines the historical and presentday analyses to identify the nearly 400 individuals who were casualties on the uss oklahoma when it was hit on 7 december 1941 during the japanese bombing of pearl harbor. the project is ongoing, but 152 identifications based on dental, anthropological, and dna evidence have been made as of 9 august 2018. the remains were buried in 62 caskets and 46 graves, and dna and anthropological analyses have revealed them to be extensively commingled across 60 of the caskets. no individual identified to date has had remains originating from a single casket. the background of the assemblage, extent of commingling, and other challenges encountered are discussed. keywords: forensic anthropology, commingling, uss oklahoma identification project, military identification brown 103 fig. 1—aerial view of battleship row on december 7, 1941. the arrow indicates the position of the oklahoma. image available at http: //navsource .org / archives /01 /043 /014303a .jpg. fig. 2—view of the capsized oklahoma. image available at http: //navsource .org /archives /01 /037 /013741o .jpg. http://navsource.org/archives/01/043/014303a.jpg http://navsource.org/archives/01/043/014303a.jpg http://navsource.org/archives/01/037/013741o.jpg 104 the uss oklahoma identification project that the remains would ultimately be identified as a group assemblage drove analytical decisions and processes, including sorting the remains by element in order to bury them in as few caskets as possible. when the request to bury the oklahoma remains as a group was denied, analysts were tasked with reprocessing the remains in order to segregate the skeletal elements into individuals. trotter (1949) reports that segregations were attempted based on articulation, size, color, morphology, and/or texture. these techniques were not enough to effectively segregate the commingled remains, and dr. trotter agreed to certify only the segregation of the cranial and/or mandibular remains of 27 individuals based on dental records (harris 2010). she would not, however, certify any other segregations, including those of postcranial remains associated to the 27 crania/mandibles, due to her belief that the postcranial associations were not made in a scientifically sound manner (harris 2010). the inability to segregate the remains into individuals for identification was likely due to the highly commingled nature of the assemblage and limitations of scientific techniques at the time, especially in the absence of dna technology, and possibly also related to the demographic similarities of the decedent population. the office of the quartermaster general, with oversight of agrs, did not approve of these 27 cranial/mandibular segregations, as they felt that portions of these individuals could still be present in the commingled assemblage. therefore, all disinterred oklahoma unknowns were declared unidentifiable in 1949 and reburied as unknowns in 62 caskets within 46 graves at the national memorial cemetery of the pacific (i.e., the punchbowl) (harris 2010). this left the number of unaccountedfor oklahoma service members at 394. presentday analyses the presentday analyses of the oklahoma remains are divided into two time periods: 2003 to 2015 (preproject) and 2015 to present (project). 2003 to 2015 based on research conducted by a pearl harbor survivor, it was believed that a single casket buried in the punchbowl contained the remains of five oklahoma casualties (harris 2010). the casualties in this casket were associated with dr. trotter’s work— specifically, segregations that she would not sign off on but felt that crania and/or mandibles could be reliably identified using dental records. the joint pow/mia accounting command (jpac)— a predecessor to the present day dpaa— agreed to disinter this casket in an attempt to identify the remains. ultimately, all five of the individuals who were believed to be in this casket were identified in the years following its disinterment, but a larger problem was revealed. in addition to the cranial remains of these five individuals, there were five “bundles” of remains containing postcranial elements. each of these was associated with an oklahoma “unknown” number (xnumber).2 extensive dna testing of nearly 200 of these elements indicated that 95 distinct mitochondrial dna (mtdna) sequences were present. in other words, the remains in the first casket represented a minimum of 25% of the oklahoma casualties. the disinterment of the remainder of the caskets was put on hold until the department of defense and other agencies could agree on a course of action. this included the need to collect dna reference samples from oklahoma families and compile relevant antemortem medical and dental records from unaccountedfor service members. collection of reference samples included maternal relatives for mtdna comparisons and relevant references for nuclear comparisons, to include paternal relatives for ychromosome short tandem repeat (ystr) testing and siblings and children for autosomal short tandem repeat (austr) testing. selfreferences, especially for world war ii cases, are extremely rare, and the dpaa identification process largely relies on mtdna testing, with increasing use of nuclear testing as applicable and available. in 2007 a single casket that was associated with pearl harbor losses but not a specific ship was disinterred from the punchbowl. no commingling was detected, and this casket was quickly identified as a single oklahoma loss. on 14 april 2015 the deputy secretary of defense approved the disinterment of the remaining 61 caskets associated with the oklahoma (work 2015). a timeline of five years was given to identify as many as possible of the 388 individuals carried as unaccountedfor following the previous decade’s efforts. 2015 to present following the approval to disinter, remains were exhumed from the remaining 45 graves at the punchbowl starting in june 2015. the exhumations were complete six months later, in november 2015. dna sampling began in june 2015, and samples were sent to afdil on dover air force base, delaware, where analyses began immediately. the first identifications from the largescale oklahoma disinterment were made in september 2015, based on dental records. by april 2016 nearly 5,000 dna samples had been taken and submitted to afdil for mtdna sequencing. the number of samples submitted in 11 months represents a record 2. xnumbers were assigned to cases that could not be identified and were most commonly assigned by cemetery, forming a twopart numbering system (e.g., nu’uanu x97). the oklahoma xnumbers were assigned in ascending order based on order of recovery (i.e., a lower number indicates remains that were recovered earlier). however, based on the processing that occurred from 1947 to 1949, it is doubtful that the xnumbers are truly meaningful for individual elements. brown 105 for both the dpaa and afdil laboratories. one month later, in may 2016, the full inventory of the project was also completed (described below). during the sampling and inventory phase, identifications were also being made. analytical procedures inventory upon accessioning, the remains in each casket were unpacked and cleaned by bundle at the dpaa laboratory in hawai’i, and each element was labeled with its xnumber as a proxy for provenience. the remains were then repackaged and sent to the dpaa laboratory in nebraska, where analysts were assigned to conduct an inventory of the remains. assignments were made by grave, also referred to as group number, so that the same analyst was responsible for the entire contents of a single grave. since there were 62 caskets buried in 46 graves, some graves have two caskets while others have one. inventory progressed through the groups in ascending order and included the first group from the casket disinterred in 2003. the inventory process entails examining the remains by bundle, identifying and siding all elements, marking completeness using zones (knüsel & outram 2004), collecting data by element, assigning each element a unique designator (see below), and nominating samples for dna testing. some dna samples were collected prior to the inventory process. where this was the case, the samples taken were recorded and assessed; if additional samples were deemed necessary, the analyst nominated them. data collection included: standard and supplemental measurements3 (byrd & adams 2003; byrd & legarde 2014; moorejansen et al. 1994);4 epiphyseal fusion and pubic symphysis component scores (mckern & stewart 1957); antemortem trauma, to include fractures and pathologies; perimortem trauma; unique or otherwise potentially individuating characteristics (e.g., septal aperture); and taphonomic observations. these data were then entered into a single excel spreadsheet. all elements were tagged with their unique designator— composed of the cil case number, group number, xnumber, and numerical designator by region of the body— using small paper tags with string or by adding the information to the dna sampling tag. numerical designators were by the hundreds, with each set of 100 representing a different body 3. a list of measurements and their descriptions can be found at https://cora docs .readthedocs .io /en /latest /forensics anthro guide / measurements /. a measurement guide that standardizes the numbering systems across multiple methods is available at https: //osteocoder .com / wp content /uploads /2018 /04 /standardized_measurements .pdf. 4. at the time data collection started for the oklahoma project, the updated datacollection procedures (langley et al. 2016) had not yet been released, so all measurements were taken following the moorejansen et al. (1994) standards for consistency throughout the duration of the project. region (e.g., 200s are the arm; see fig. 3). this system does not ascribe specific numbers to a specific bone, meaning that there is no empirical difference in 201 versus 299 within the 200s region, but it does allow for easy recognition of the region of origin of the element (i.e., 201 is not always a right humerus, but indicates a bone from the arm). numbers are assigned in ascending order to elements within a particular region as they are encountered during inventory. this system was found to be particularly useful in the oklahoma project, where the entire project was grouped under a single accession number and bundles contained duplicated elements, but the particular designator numbering scheme can be easily changed or adapted based on project context and scope. selection for dna sampling first entailed an assessment of pairmatches and articulations within each bundle.5 this strategy allowed an analyst to nominate one or both paired bones based on their assessment of the pair within the bundle or nominate only one of several bones that articulate (e.g., vertebrae, pelvis). this strategy was not meant to replace larger scale comparisons of elements, but rather as a starting point for dna sampling so that a limited subset of elements would be sampled since dna sequencing is both time and costprohibitive. the exception to the sampling strategy is the nomination of left and right humeri and tibiae regardless of pairmatching in order to collect data on historical and presentday pairmatching accuracy (see below and legarde 2019). all portions of the inventory process were peerreviewed. segregation once the elements are sampled, the samples are sent to afdil for the first round of sequencing, which targets mtdna hypervariable regions 1 and 2 (hvr1, hvr2). afdil produces a large microsoft excel spreadsheet that compares the polymorphisms of each sample for both hvr1 and hvr2 to all other samples in the project as well as all family reference samples (frs) for the oklahoma. this spreadsheet assigns a sequence number to each unique group of polymorphisms seen in the oklahoma data set, and under each sequence number, all associated samples and service members are listed (i.e., those skeletal elements and frs that have the same polymorphisms are listed under a single sequence number). for the oklahoma project, segregation of remains from the assemblage relies first on mtdna sequence data due to the heavily commingled nature of the assemblage (see below) and then on anthropological associations such as pairmatching and articulation. an analyst is assigned work by mtdna sequence, with two goals: 1. determine the number of individuals represented by the skeletal elements with the given 5. bundles are assumed to be historical representations of individuals, that is, the most parsimonious associations of elements made during the reprocessing efforts in the late 1940s. https://cora-docs.readthedocs.io/en/latest/forensics-anthro-guide/measurements/ https://cora-docs.readthedocs.io/en/latest/forensics-anthro-guide/measurements/ https://osteocoder.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/04/standardized_measurements.pdf https://osteocoder.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/04/standardized_measurements.pdf 106 the uss oklahoma identification project mtdna sequence and 2. associate nonsampled or not yet sequenced elements from the greater project assemblage. additional nuclear dna testing— ystr and austr— may be needed to aid in the segregation process, and analysts, along with the project lead, make recommendations to dpaa laboratory management. other regions of the mtdna genome may be helpful for segregation (e.g., vr1, vr2), and upon afdil’s recommendation, elements also can be tested for these regions. nuclear testing is not generally used as a first line of segregation at the dpaa laboratory or in the oklahoma project because of the success in sequencing mtdna from the remains encountered by the dpaa laboratory and because the majority of frs are maternal. however, nuclear testing is useful when attempting to segregate sequences that have elements from two or more individuals. in these instances, when an analyst is unable to fully segregate multiple individuals in a given mtdna sequence using anthropological methods such as visual pairmatching, articulation, and osteometric sorting (byrd 2008; byrd & adams 2003; byrd & legarde 2014), additional testing is requested to attempt to further separate remains. the type of testing requested is dictated by what references are available for service members associated via mtdna and success rates of sequencing for the project as a whole. in the oklahoma project, ystr testing is slightly more successful and there are more ystr frs than austr frs, so it is usually requested first. association of elements without dna data is done by successfully pairmatching or articulating these elements to those yielding a specific mtdna sequence. for pairmatching, the known element’s measurements are compared to all contralateral element measurements in the entire assemblage using an automated version of osteometric sorting (byrd & adams 2003; byrd & legarde 2014; lynch 2018a, 2018b; lynch et al. 2018; also see below). those elements that cannot be excluded as matching the known element based on fig. 3—homunculus depicting the regional designator numbering scheme used for inventory. brown 107 fig. 4—availability of antemortem data for oklahoma casualties, expressed as percentages. a total for all dna frs is given (frs all), and dna is also divided by type (mtdna, y, autosomal). measurements are then visually compared by the analyst, with potential morphological differences recorded on a diagram for the known specimen prior to comparison. if a potential match is identified, the morphology of the match is recorded on a second diagram, and the known specimen and potential match diagrams are compared for similarities. for articulations, generally only those with high reliability are examined and included in the absence of dna data (e.g., pelvis, vertebrae; see hines et al. 2014), and only those within the same original bundle are assessed. occasionally, mandibletocranium articulations are employed to associate elements, but these associations are made only if the dpaa laboratory odontologists agree. once the analyst has determined the number of individuals present and associated additional elements with those sequenced, elements are compared for size differences using osteometric sorting regression to ensure that all elements attributed to a single individual are consistent in size (byrd & adams 2003; byrd & legarde 2014; lynch 2018b). a segregation is complete once all elements have been attributed to discrete individuals and assigned an individual number (e.g., i100). in cases where this is not possible, any remaining elements will be written up as nonattributable and remain in the parent sequence, rather than being assigned an individual number. segregation analysis is peerreviewed in its entirety. following peer review, a forensic anthropology report (far) is written for each segregated individual. this report includes the biological profile, any noted antemortem or perimortem trauma, and any potentially individuating characteristics. association the association process is the means by which a service member’s name is tied to a specific set of remains. for the oklahoma, the results from the far are compared to the dna results, dental records, and antemortem biological data in order to make a recommendation for identification to dpaa laboratory management. at this point, additional nuclear testing (ystr or austr) may also be requested or employed in order to make or strengthen the association. the final association is only as strong as the antemortem data that are available for each service member. the sample antemortem data the available antemortem data for oklahoma casualties are given in figure 4. antemortem biological data are drawn from military records and available for the majority of the oklahoma casualties. all are adult males between the ages of 17 and 52 years at time of death, with a mean age of 24.5 years and a standard deviation of 6.4 years (n = 394). the mean stature is 68.6 inches, with a standard deviation of 2.3 inches (n = 376; unknown for 18 individuals). military records indicate that 359 individuals are “white,” 12 individuals are “black,” and 3 are “asian (pacific islander)”; 20 are of unknown ancestry. dna frs are available for 85% of the casualties, though the numbers are different per dna type (see fig. 4). the most common frs type is mtdna. only three individuals have chest radiographs on file, but due to the high success rate of mtdna sequencing for the oklahoma remains— nearly 99% of samples sequenced for mtdna to date have yielded results— this line of evidence has not yet contributed to an oklahoma identification.6 dental records are available for just under 80% of the casualties, but the strength of this line of evidence varies among the service members. for example, when only induction records are available, they are more useful for an individual with an age at death of 18 versus someone with an age at death of 52, since a greater amount of time has passed between the dental exam and death. a greater amount of time between exam and death means that potentially more dental work could be present but not recorded, which presents challenges for associating dental remains with one service member over another. postmortem data the oklahoma assemblage consists of nearly 13,000 skeletal elements buried in 392 distinct bundles. this number includes both identifiable elements and unidentifiable fragments, although nearly 90% of the elements are both identifiable and 6. the method of radiographic comparison using chest radiographs is employed by the dpaa laboratory because of challenges in obtaining dna from certain cases. this method compares a service member’s antemortem chest radiograph to the remains present (clavicles, lower cervical vertebrae, and upper thoracic vertebrae) to make an identification (stephan et al. 2011). 108 the uss oklahoma identification project complete. fragmentation of the elements is minimal, and preservation is excellent. of the 62 caskets, 60 contained two or more bundles. for these 60 caskets and 390 bundles, on average, there were 8.9 bundles per casket and 32.1 elements per bundle, with a minimum of 4 and a maximum of 175 elements per bundle. these numbers do not include teeth or unidentified fragments. the mni represented by the assemblage using the most numerous duplicated element (cranium) is 357, though the thorax (700; ribs and sternum) has the highest total number of elements recovered (fig. 5). when combining mtdna sequences and skeletal duplication (i.e., the most numerous element for a particular sequence gives the mni for that sequence; all individual mni tabulations by sequence are then totaled across the assemblage), the mni increases to 400. see palmiotto et al. (2019) for a more detailed discussion of estimating the number of individuals in this assemblage. elements are not represented equally. figures 5 and 6 provide data on differences in recovery rate for elements by region; table 1 lists what elements are considered in these counts. the expected number of elements is calculated by multiplying the number of unaccountedfor individuals (394) by the number of elements in a particular series (e.g., 200 fig. 5—count of elements by region, comparing observed and expected. fig. 6—ratio of elements observed to expected, by region. table 1—elements used for the comparison of observed versus expected elements in the oklahoma assemblage. region elements 100 cranium, mandible 200 humerus, radius, ulna 300 carpals, metacarpals, manual phalanges 400 femur, patella, tibia, fibula 500 tarsals, metatarsals, pedal phalanges 600 clavicle, scapula 700 ribs, sternum 800 vertebrae 900 innominate, sacrum, coccyx [arm] = 6). while this does not take into account potential pairs or refits of fragmented elements, this calculation provides an easy comparison in terms of assemblage composition. it is important to note that observed totals do not approach expected totals even for the most numerous region (thorax), indicating that the number of elements recovered is always much less than what would be expected (see fig. 5). note that recovery rates for the hands (300) and feet (500) are especially low, while the recovery rate for the head (100) is the highest, followed by the arms (200) and legs (400). when examining the remains in terms of potential provenience information (i.e., xnumber), there is a difference in terms of what xnumbers were originally buried in nu’uanu versus halawa prior to the 1947– 1949 processing (fig. 7). all xnumbers less than 100 were originally buried in nu’uanu cemetery, while those greater than 100 were buried in halawa. it might then be expected that individuals recovered first and buried in nu’uanu would be less commingled than those recovered later and buried in halawa. yet, the results fig. 7—relationship of xnumber (bundle) to original cemetery. brown 109 fig. 8—relationship of xnumber (bundle) to the number of elements in the bundle representing it. seen thus far suggest that the commingling that occurred during the reprocessing efforts does not seem to have occurred within only one cemetery group (i.e., elements from xnumbers less than and greater than 100 are commingled together). given the extensive commingling noted in this assemblage, it is interesting that there is still a negative correlation between the xnumber and the number of elements in the bundle representing it (fig. 8); a higher xnumber is associated with fewer elements. this makes sense in terms of recovery efforts in the 1940s, since xnumbers were assigned in ascending order, and those remains recovered earlier are likely to have more elements than those recovered months and years postincident. however, given the reprocessing that occurred from 1947 to 1949 it is unclear why the relationship still holds true today, since presumably all elements were equally commingled during the reprocessing phase in the 1940s, especially given what is known about the extreme commingling across the entire assemblage (see below). it is possible that xnumbers were reassigned during the reprocessing phase, so that those remains that were more complete were given lower xnumbers. if this is the case, the xnumbers are virtually meaningless in terms of aiding in presentday segregations given what is known about how great the commingling is. extent of commingling based on the mtdna results from the first casket, where 25% of the oklahoma casualties are represented by at least one skeletal element, it was expected that commingling was extreme. disinterment of the remainder of the caskets confirms this. with the exception of two caskets, multiple bundles are present in each casket, and none of these bundles contain elements from a single individual. conversely, no individual identified to date has skeletal elements from only a single bundle or even a single casket. a preliminary investigation of historical element associations within bundles confirms dr. trotter’s fears that segregations were being made arbitrarily, at least in part (brown et al. 2017). using mtdna results, brown et al. (2017) found that the humeri and tibia are correctly associated to their antimeres 44% and 46% of the time, respectively, but only 6% of the time when humeri are compared to tibiae in the same bundle. while the pairmatching numbers may seem low, it is important to remember that the comparisons undertaken were on the order of 100,000 given the presence of approximately 300 elements of each side for both the humeri and tibiae. thus an accuracy of 50% may represent the best case scenario historically given the limitations of methods 70 years ago. however, 6% likely represents nothing more than chance. figures 9 and 10 demonstrate the extent of commingling; figure 9 depicts a single bundle, and figure 10 depicts an identified individual. in figure 9, the initial byelement inventory on the left does not indicate commingling when just element duplication is considered. however, when mtdna sequences are overlaid, 12 different sequences are seen. thus, a bundle that appears on first glance to be a single individual actually represents portions of at least 12 individuals, and likely more given that not all elements are sampled and the rarity of the mtdna sequence is not considered here.7 in figure 10, that of an identified individual, all skeletal elements are from the same mtdna sequence, but this time the origin of the elements by bundle (xnumber) is depicted. for this individual, who has 17 elements present, 15 came from different bundles. notably, the cranium/mandible and innominate/femur have different sequences, which may speak to the lack of reliability of these articulations for association. both the historical tibia pairmatch and the radiusulna articulation were correct in isolation but were not correct in terms of association to a single individual. while not all dna samples have been sequenced, thus far the data indicate that, on average, commingling is around 80% per bundle. that means that for every 10 elements sequenced in a bundle, 8 will return a different mtdna sequence. thus using a bundle as a true provenience is not possible, and there appears to be no true relationship among elements in any given bundle. 7. rarity of the sequence is determined by afdil and is given as the number of times a group of polymorphisms is seen in the afdil population database (n = 10,428). for the oklahoma project, rarity ranges from 0 to 360 out of 10,428. 110 the uss oklahoma identification project fig. 9—homunculi depicting a single bundle of remains. left, initial byelement inventory with no skeletal duplication; right, elements sampled with sequences indicated. the homunculus on the right does not include elements articulated or pairmatched. note: multiple ribs are present, but only the one sampled is depicted; the teeth are not depicted. fig. 10—homunculi depicting an identified individual. left, all elements present in a single mtdna sequence with a single match to an oklahoma frs; right, element provenience (xnumber) indicated. note: the teeth are not depicted. brown 111 fig. 11—oklahoma identifications by fiscal year (fy). the dpaa fy runs from 1 october to 30 september. note the uptick in identifications following the exhumations in 2015 and the increasing pace of identifications in 2018 due to receipt of increased numbers of mtdna results. data as of 9 august 2018. identifications oklahoma identifications are made using a combination of dna, dental, and anthropological analyses. as of 9 august 2018, 152 identifications had been made (fig. 11). this means that three years following the disinterment of the majority of oklahoma caskets, 35% of the individuals who were unaccounted for following world war ii have been identified. identifications have been made in three phases: pre project (2003 to 2010), initial project (september 2015 to april 2017), and project (july 2017 to present) (see fig. 11). the identifications made prior to the project were those from the initial 2003 oklahoma casket and the single 2007 pearl harbor– associated casket. the five identifications from the 2003 disinterment were cranial/mandibular only, and therefore it is expected that there will be postcranial portions of these individuals commingled with remains from other caskets. the 2007 identification represents a complete set of remains, so it is not expected that commingling of this individual will be seen in the larger oklahoma assemblage. the initial project identifications relied largely on dental identifications, with some support from dna. during this phase, only crania and/or mandibles were identified. like five of the individuals from the preproject identifications, it is expected that additional remains will be associated with these individuals as the project progresses. project identifications include cranial and postcranial remains. these cases are worked fully by the oklahoma team and are presented to dpaa laboratory management, including the dpaa medical examiner (me), and afdil on a regular basis. once dpaa laboratory management and the me agree on the association proposed by the team, the case moves forward for identification. identifications are made by the dpaa me, and families are notified by the respective service casualty office. for the oklahoma this is the navy and the marine corps. challenges beyond the extensive commingling, additional challenges were encountered during the inventory and analysis of the oklahoma assemblage. due to the size of the assemblage, data management and analysis became increasingly difficult in terms of data integrity, access, and scale of comparisons as inventory and analysis progressed. the project was initially inventoried on paper forms and then data were entered into a microsoft excel spreadsheet. this worked relatively well when only one person was working on data entry, but as the project team grew it became very difficult to continue, since excel only allows one individual access at a time. attempts to work in different spreadsheets and merge them together were not successful, and data were often inadvertently deleted, moved, or altered. using microsoft access did not fix these issues, and a more sophisticated option was envisioned. the commingled remains analytics (cora) multiuser web application was developed in a partnership with the university of nebraska at omaha’s college of information science and technology. this application enables byelement inventory; biological profile, trauma, and taphonomy data collection; assignment and dna tracking; and overall project management for commingled remains. the hope for future development of cora includes the ability to integrate other anthropology applications (e.g., fordisc, osteosort). currently, cora is only available for internal use by dpaa, but it is anticipated that it will be released in the future for public use. additional information about cora can be found at https: //cora docs .readthedocs .io /en /latest /. comparisons of elements across the oklahoma assemblage also presented a challenge. with major long bones numbering around 300 for each side, pairwise comparisons for a single element were over 100,000 and precluded by space and time. in order to harness the power of osteometric sorting, osteosort was developed to automate the association process (lynch 2018a, 2018b; lynch et al. 2018). osteosort is available online at https: //osteocoder .com /, and online applications include single pairwise comparisons, articulations, and regression analyses as well as antemortem stature comparisons to maximum length measurements. if multiple element comparisons are desired, osteosort can also be run in the statistical package r (r core team 2014). more information about osteosort is available on the abovecited website. conclusion the oklahoma assemblage provides unique opportunities to better our understanding of techniques used to resolve commingling, as well as insight into historical forensic anthropological investigations. because the elements are largely complete and well preserved, the assemblage offers https://cora-docs.readthedocs.io/en/latest/ https://osteocoder.com/ 112 the uss oklahoma identification project an excellent opportunity to research current methods and develop new ways of analyzing commingled remains. it is anticipated that in addition to the research in this issue, further research on recovery rate, mni, age estimation, osteometric sorting, and reliability of articulations will be conducted, especially once dna sequencing is complete. references brown ca, legarde cb, damann fe, byrd je. assessing the accuracy of historical associations in a commingled assemblage. in: proceedings of the 69th annual meeting of the american academy of forensic sciences, february 13– 18, 2017; new orleans, la. byrd je. models and methods for osteometric sorting. in: adams bj, byrd je, eds. recovery, analysis, and identification of commingled human remains. totowa: humana press; 2008: 199– 220. byrd je, adams bj. osteometric sorting of commingled human remains. journal of forensic sciences 2003;48(4):717– 724. byrd je, legarde c. osteometric sorting. in: adams bj, byrd je, eds. commingled human remains: methods in recovery, analysis, and identification. san diego: academic press; 2014: 167– 191. harris h. history of the sinking of uss oklahoma and subsequent attempts to recover and identify her crew. march 1, 2010. http:// www .public .navy .mil /bupers npc /support /casualty /docu ments /pow%20mia /uss%20oklahoma%20(bb37).pdf. accessed june 1, 2018. hines dzc, vennemeyer m, amory s, huel rlm, hanson i, katzmarzyk c, et al. prioritized sampling of bone and teeth for dna analysis in commingled cases. in: adams bj, byrd je, eds. commingled human remains: methods in recovery, analysis, and identification. san diego: academic press; 2014: 275– 305. knüsel cj, outram ak. fragmentation: the zonation method applied to fragmented human remains from archaeological and forensic contexts. environmental archaeology 2004; 9:85– 98. langley nr, jantz lm, ousley sd, jantz rl, milner g. data collection procedures for forensic skeletal material 2.0. university of tennessee, knoxville; 2016 legarde cb. preliminary findings from a visual pairmatching study in a large commingled assemblage. forensic anthropology 2019;2(2):65–71. lynch jj. an analysis on the choice of alpha level in the osteometric pairmatching of the os coxa, scapula, and clavicle. journal of forensic sciences 2018a;63(3):793– 797. lynch jj. the automation of regression modeling in osteometric sorting: an ordination approach. journal of forensic sciences 2018b;63(3):798– 804. lynch jj, byrd je, legarde cb. the power of exclusion using automated osteometric sorting: pairmatching. journal of forensic sciences 2018;63(2):371– 380. mckern tw, stewart td. skeletal age changes in young american males analyzed from the standpoint of age identification (qrecep45) natick, ma: quartermaster research and engineering command; 1957. moorejansen pm, ousley sd, jantz rl. data collection procedures for forensic skeletal material. report of investigations no. 48. university of tennessee, knoxville; 1994. naval history and heritage command. uss oklahoma (battleship # 37, later bb37), 1916– 1946, https: //www .history .navy .mil / our collections /photography /us navy ships /battleships /okla homa bb 37 .html. accessed june 1, 2018. palmiotto a, brown ca, legarde, cb. estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage. forensic anthropology 2019;2(2):129–138. r core team. r: a language and environment for statistical computing. r foundation for statistical computing, vienna, austria, 2014. http: //www .r project .org /. stephan cn, winburn ap, christensen af, tyrrell aj. skeletal identification by radiographic comparison: blind tests of a morphoscopic method using antemortem chest radiographs. journal of forensic sciences 2011;56(2):320– 322. trotter m. operations at central identification laboratory. 1949. http: //beckerexhibits .wustl .edu /mowihsp /words /trotterre port .htm. created 2004. accessed june 4 2018. work ro. memorandum for secretaries of the military departments, et al. subject: disinterment of unknowns from the national memorial cemetery of the pacific. april 14, 2015. https: //www .defense .gov /portals /1 /documents /pubs /dsd _ memo_disinterment_of_unknowns_from_the_national _ memorial_cemetery_of_the_pacific .pdf. http://www.public.navy.mil/bupers-npc/support/casualty/documents/pow%20mia/uss%20oklahoma%20(bb-37).pdf http://www.public.navy.mil/bupers-npc/support/casualty/documents/pow%20mia/uss%20oklahoma%20(bb-37).pdf http://www.public.navy.mil/bupers-npc/support/casualty/documents/pow%20mia/uss%20oklahoma%20(bb-37).pdf https://www.history.navy.mil/our-collections/photography/us-navy-ships/battleships/oklahoma-bb-37.html https://www.history.navy.mil/our-collections/photography/us-navy-ships/battleships/oklahoma-bb-37.html https://www.history.navy.mil/our-collections/photography/us-navy-ships/battleships/oklahoma-bb-37.html http://www.r-project.org/ http://beckerexhibits.wustl.edu/mowihsp/words/trotterreport.htm http://beckerexhibits.wustl.edu/mowihsp/words/trotterreport.htm https://www.defense.gov/portals/1/documents/pubs/dsd_memo_disinterment_of_unknowns_from_the_national_memorial_cemetery_of_the_pacific.pdf https://www.defense.gov/portals/1/documents/pubs/dsd_memo_disinterment_of_unknowns_from_the_national_memorial_cemetery_of_the_pacific.pdf https://www.defense.gov/portals/1/documents/pubs/dsd_memo_disinterment_of_unknowns_from_the_national_memorial_cemetery_of_the_pacific.pdf login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to 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introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe forensic anthropology vol. 2, no. 2: 113–120 doi: 10.5744/fa.2019.1014 © 2019 university of florida press historical background cabanatuan prison camp was one of several japaneserun prisonerofwar (pow) camps located on luzon island in the philippines (fig. 1). after the filipino and american surrender on the bataan peninsula on 8 april 1942, there were an estimated 65,000 filipino and 10,000 americans that were transported to various prison camps (morton 1953). many of the pows were forced to walk approximately 100 kilometers across the bataan peninsula (the bataan “death march”) to a temporary prison camp, camp o’donnell. the pows who endured the forced march across the bataan peninsula were in very poor physical condition. at the start of the march they had already spent over four months fighting advancing japanese forces with dwindling supplies of food, medicine, and ammunition. many were suffering from malaria, dengue, dysentery, and hookworm (harris & beckenbaugh 2014). during the march itself, both american and filipino prisoners suffered physical abuse by japanese guards in events that were later judged by an allied military commission to be a japanese war crime (murphy 2014). at camp o’donnell, american and filipino prisoners were housed in separate sections of the camp. starting in june 1942, the japanese relocated the senior american officers to tarlac (a nearby province) and moved the remaining american pows to cabanatuan (kerr 1985; knox 1981). the filipino pows stayed at camp o’donnell until their release. more american pows were sent to cabanatuan after the surrender of corregidor island on 6 may 1942. in general, the americans from corregidor were in better overall physical condition than those from bataan. they had been allowed to keep their personal effects and were even able to purchase supplies at bilibid prison on the way to cabanatuan (knox 1981). cabanatuan prison camp was occupied from june 1942 until the end of world war ii in september 1945. the population of the camp was at its highest (approximately 7,000 to 10,000 men) after the influx of americans from corregidor in june 1942. the camp population fluctuated due to rotating work details where men were taken out of camp for periods adefense pow/mia accounting agency, central identification laboratory, joint base pearl harbor–hickam, hawai’i, usa *correspondence to: mary megyesi, defense pow/mia accounting agency, central identification laboratory, 590 moffett st., bldg. 4077, joint base pearl harbor– hickam, hawai’i 96853, usa email: mary .s .megyesi .civ@mail .mil the opinions expressed in this presentation are entirely those of the author and do not represent an official position of the department of defense. portions of this paper were presented at the 70th annual scientific meeting of the american academy of forensic sciences, seattle, wa, february 19– 24, 2018 received 11 june 2018; revised 29 august 2018; accepted 30 august 2018 case report challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains mary megyesia* abstract: as part of the defense pow/mia accounting agency’s (dpaa) mission to provide the fullest possible accounting for u.s. military personnel lost in past conflicts, disinterments of unknown remains from permanent u.s. military cemeteries have increased (megyesi et al. 2016). individuals who died as prisoners of war (pows) at cabanatuan prison camp and were buried as unknowns in the manila american cemetery and memorial are currently being disinterred and identified at the dpaa laboratory in hawai’i. cabanatuan prison camp was one of several japaneserun pow camps located on luzon island in the philippines. the cabanatuan remains are highly commingled due to a variety of circumstances related to their initial burial, recovery, and past analyses. commingling in the cabanatuan assemblage includes individuals that were identified and resolved soon after world war ii and individuals that were unresolved, or “unknown.” these circumstances create anthropological and historical complexity for these cases. for instance, given a set of remains from a resolved individual, how do we navigate an identification for those remains, and the set of (now unknown) remains that were buried after an erroneous identification several decades ago? identifying the commingled remains of cabanatuan entails revisiting identifications made under completely different operational and scientific standards of the late 1940s. the goals of this article are to introduce the specific challenges of examination and identification of the cabanatuan remains to the forensic anthropology community and to provide an example of a single identification made from this assemblage. keywords: forensic anthropology, commingling, world war ii, prisoner of war, philippines 114 identifying cabanatuan remains fig. 1—map of republic of philippines with location of cabanatuan designated by the star. megyesi 115 of time, in addition to continuous transfers of prisoners to and from other locations. the best estimates indicate there were approximately 5,000 to 6,000 american pows at cabanatuan during 1942 and 1943 (harris & beckenbaugh 2014). conditions at the camp were poor: there was often inadequate food, water, shelter, and medical care. coupled with the severe physical hardships the pows had already endured, the death rate at cabanatuan soared. in total, there were 2,763 confirmed casualties of american pows at cabanatuan, with over half of these deaths occurring in the first 6 months of occupation (harris & beckenbaugh 2014). while cabanatuan was occupied, american pows who died were buried in a prison camp cemetery by burial details made up of other american pows (knox 1981). burials at cabanatuan were conducted on a daily system, such that all individuals who died within a 24hour period were interred together in a mass grave. these mass graves were subsequently numbered by the american graves registration service (agrs) after the camp was liberated (fig. 2). each mass grave is referred to as a common grave (cg) along with the number it was assigned by the agrs (e.g., cg 215). records of the cg burials, to include casualty names, dates, fig. 2—map of common grave designations at cabanatuan prison camp cemetery created by the 111th quartermaster graves registration platoon in august 1945. 116 identifying cabanatuan remains and location of the burials, are incomplete and inconsistent. a roster of names of those buried within any given 24hour period was compiled by american officers, who, like everyone else, were suffering from inadequate food, shelter, and medical care. the difficulty of keeping accurate records was compounded by the high death rate. for instance, in november 1942 alone there were 298 deaths documented. the records compiled by the officers at the time serve as the foundation for all subsequent identification efforts of the cabanatuan remains; however, as a result of these circumstances, associations between an individual and a particular cg are often tenuous. past analyses of cabanatuan remains 1945– 1947 soon after world war ii ended in 1945, the agrs exhumed the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery. the remains were inventoried, preliminary analysis was performed, and many (1,000+) individuals were identified, primarily on the basis of associated identification media (metal id tags) or dental comparison. these identifications were made under less rigorous scientific and methodological standards than the ones we currently employ as forensic anthropologists in the 21st century. associated identification tags could be easily mixed up during the initial field recovery of the cgs. in addition, at the time of death an individual could have been in possession of another person’s identification tag for a variety of reasons. it is unclear exactly how each association was determined and what measures (if any) were taken to mitigate issues that could cause misidentification. as a result, identifications based on id tags are highly suspect and likely represent the majority of the misidentifications made during the historical analysis period. dental identifications made at this time involved a two step process, in which the dental officer making the identification did not directly examine the dental remains. dental charts recording teeth present were created by members of the 111th quartermaster graves registration platoon as the remains were disinterred. copies of these dental charts were sent to two dental corps officers placed on temporary duty in the memorial division of the office of the quartermaster general in washington, dc. the two dental corps officers then compared the dental records of the men who were reported buried at cabanatuan with the dental charts created by the 111th quartermaster graves registration platoon. by early 1947 approximately 284 dental identifications were made via this process (harris & beckenbaugh 2014). as a result of these practices, many of these individuals were misidentified. the unidentified individuals were interred temporarily at the u.s. army air forces cemetery in manila. during this initial period of processing, analysis, and identification, commingling of skeletal elements among individuals within the same cg and between cgs likely occurred, in addition to erroneous identifications. 1947– 1950 starting around 1947, the cabanatuan remains at the u.s. army air forces cemetery were disinterred and moved to the agrs mausoleum at nichols field near manila. dental and skeletal inventories of the remains were produced by civilian embalmers and agrs personnel. stature estimates from long bone lengths were also recorded at this time. the osteological and dental expertise of the individuals analyzing the remains at the mausoleum during this time is unknown. mausoleum staff compared cabanatuan casualty records to skeletal and dental remains and forwarded identification recommendations to memorial division staff located in washington, dc. memorial division staff then either approved or disapproved the identification. during this time, many identifications were rejected by the memorial division staff, often on the grounds that dental records were incomplete and potentially matched several different sets of remains (harris & beckenbaugh 2014). 1950– 1951 in may 1950 the memorial division implemented a focused project dedicated to identifying the cabanatuan remains. it consisted of the cabanatuan project team located in washington, dc, and the field office staff located with the cabanatuan remains at the agrs mausoleum in manila. the project team created and worked with documentation of both the skeletal remains and the cabanatuan casualties. they created a chronological roster of deaths at cabanatuan based on the notes and records of the pows keeping track of the burials at the camp. during this process the project team discovered that individuals were buried together in cgs based on the 24hour period when bodies were collected at the morgue, and not necessarily the same 24hour period that included the hour and date of their death. this difference means that burials at cabanatuan were not systematically conducted based on hour and date of death. while this distinction may seem minor, it did affect how individuals were grouped for eventual burial. with this information the team created a new roster that grouped individuals by accountable burial period, and this new roster was used for all subsequent identification work. in addition, the cabanatuan project team assembled physical and dental information for each casualty. the project team attempted to reconcile casualty records with unknown skeletal remains on the basis of burial period, cg association, age, stature, and dentition. they directed field office staff to examine particular sets of remains, and also asked them to consolidate extra skeletal elements into other megyesi 117 unknown remains in order to make the number of skeletal sets add up to the number of individuals that should have been in a particular cg (harris & beckenbaugh 2014). the consolidations and movement of remains during this phase of the cabanatuan analysis served to further commingle individuals both within and between cgs. the field office staff did not have access to the casualty records and proceeded at the direction of the project team. during this time, the first physical anthropologists were employed at the mausoleum. they examined remains in response to requests from the project team to look for particular traits or trauma or to segregate/consolidate remains the project team believed were commingled. they did not make direct comparisons between unknown skeletal remains and unidentified individuals. the project team recognized that previous misidentifications were causing serious downstream effects in the identification effort. these effects created several interlacing problems. first, casualty records of a misidentified individual would be incorrectly excluded when comparing unknown remains to individuals. second, a set of skeletal remains that in actuality belonged to a misidentified individual would continue to be included in these same comparisons. and finally, the remains that were misidentified and subsequently buried were no longer available to compare to casualty records. in all cases, the correct match between skeletal remains and casualty records would no longer be possible by the project team. an interim report submitted by the project team dated 13 april 1951 outlines that suspected misidentifications could affect approximately 1,319 sets of remains, just under half of the number of total deaths at cabanatuan (lee 1951). in october 1951, a review board that included dr. mildred trotter visited manila to make recommendations on how to proceed with further identifications. dr. trotter wrote: during this entire period, i have learned some of the details of the history of these remains since they were first buried in 1942. this history includes a record of burial, disinterment, reburial, etc., etc., a series of processings with resultant papers for three or four or perhaps more successive years; signatures on the papers which do not carry weight scientifically; identification made and the next of kin notified; questioning of the identification with recommendations for correction by personnel who study the papers at a distance of more than 8,000 miles from the remains. (trotter 1951) in many cases, the review board could not scientifically substantiate pending identifications when the personnel records were compared directly with the skeletal remains. they noted that the remains were very commingled and expressed concern with elements being removed or added to skeletal sets. in light of these findings, the review board recommended that all identifications cease (trotter 1951). subsequently, the remaining unknowns were buried in what is now the manila american cemetery and memorial (macm) in the philippines. historians estimate that between 990 and 1,006 unresolved casualties from cabanatuan are currently at the macm, represented by approximately 936 graves (harris & beckenbaugh 2014). presentday analysis the cabanatuan project is currently housed at the dpaa laboratory in hawai’i and represents one of several large commingled human remains projects that the agency is currently managing. disinterments at macm are ongoing, with planning in progress to possibly disinter all unresolved cabanatuan losses. as of july 2018, 87 caskets have been disinterred. the issues that dr. trotter noted in 1951 still apply to the remains today, and the path forward to identifying the cabanatuan remains must resolve both the commingling and the effects of prior misidentifications. a recent identification of an individual from cabanatuan illustrates how historical research, anthropological analysis, and dna are used to untangle the effects of commingling and account for past misidentifications. cg 717 was originally associated with 14 individuals who were buried at the prison camp cemetery on 19 november 1942. according to the cabanatuan burial roster, pfc alpha (not his real name) died on 19 november 1942 and was buried in cg 717. the office of the quartermaster general later identified skeletal remains as pfc alpha based on dental comparison on 29 october 1946. the remains identified as pfc alpha were buried in a family plot in the united states in 1949. the skeletal elements buried include a nearly complete cranium, dental remains, mandible, clavicles, long bones, and pelvis (fig. 3). three other individuals associated with cg 717 were also identified in the late 1940s during the initial analysis of the cabanatuan remains. the remaining 10 individuals were buried as unknowns at the macm in the early 1950s. in august 2014, 10 caskets associated with cg 717 were disinterred from the macm and sent to the dpaa laboratory in hawai’i for analysis and eventual identification. anthropological and dna analysis of the 10 caskets from cg 717 show that they are extremely commingled, and as of may 2018 there are 15 mitochondrial dna (mtdna) sequences represented in the 10 caskets. these include sequences that are consistent with individuals who were previously identified in the late 1940s, sequences that are consistent with the historical roster of individuals associated with cg 717, and sequences that have no match in the current family reference sample database for cabanatuan losses. skeletal elements with a dna sequence consistent with family reference samples for pfc alpha are present in three 118 identifying cabanatuan remains fig. 3—skeletal homunculus of remains buried as pfc alpha in 1949. shaded areas represent absent portions. megyesi 119 fig. 4—skeletal diagram illustrating commingling present in one of the three caskets in which remains consistent with pfc alpha were located. each color represents a different mtdna sequence. analysis of these remains by dpaa odontologists confirmed that they do not match the available records for pfc alpha. currently, mtdna testing has been inconclusive, and further testing is pending. challenges the cabanatuan remains are buried in individual caskets, yet they represent a highly commingled assemblage. the remains were commingled during the various historical processing and identification efforts. misidentifications during the historical analysis of the assemblage caused cascading effects that fig. 5—skeletal diagram illustrating commingling present in one of the three caskets in which remains consistent with pfc alpha were located. each color represents a different mtdna sequence. different caskets (figs. 4, 5, and 6). these elements include a cranium, dentition, clavicle, long bones, and pelvis, and they duplicate remains that were previously identified and buried as pfc alpha in 1949. the dental remains are consistent with available dental records for pfc alpha. the dpaa laboratory identified pfc alpha in 2016 based on dna and dental analysis, and his primary next of kin has been notified. the remains buried in the united states as pfc alpha in 1949 were misidentified in the late 1940s, during the historical period, when nonexperts were performing analyses. these remains were exhumed and sent to the dpaa laboratory in 2016. the skeletal mni of the set of remains present in the casket is two, based on element duplication. dental 120 identifying cabanatuan remains fig. 6—skeletal diagram illustrating commingling present in one of three caskets in which remains consistent with pfc alpha were located. each color represents a different mtdna sequence. could not be rectified at the time. identifications of the cabanatuan remains present unique challenges that require understanding the history and circumstances of the remains currently buried as unknowns and the remains that were identified in the 1940s. part of the current identification process requires delving into past identifications made nearly 70 years ago under different standards and by nonexperts. eventual identification of all the cabanatuan unknowns will need to consider the large number of misidentified individuals buried across the united states. the unknowns buried at macm represent only a portion of those who died at cabanatuan, adding to the complexity of unraveling future identifications. the historically documented practice of consolidating skeletal elements in order to reconcile the number of sets of skeletal remains for each cg complicates the magnitude of commingling. working from a historical shortlist of individuals recorded in a particular cg, we can use biological profile, dental records, and dna to positively identify individuals and exclude others. as of january 2018 a total of 13 identifications have been made by the dpaa laboratory from the cabanatuan project using this combined methodology. acknowledgments the large commingled projects at the dpaa laboratories are only possible with the combined efforts of many people from various dpaa directorates and other agencies. larry adkinson and bobby bell of the american battle monuments commission, manila american cemetery and memorial, continue to provide support to the dpaa teams deploying to the philippines for the ongoing cabanatuan disinterments. suni edson of the armed forces dna identification laboratory is crucial to the effort to yield dna sequences from the cabanatuan remains. sarah richer is part of the cabanatuan project team and does a variety of analytical tasks in support of the current identification effort. jennie jin, rebecca taylor, carrie brown, and laurel freas are always a source of good advice, solutions, and reality checks. references harris h, beckenbaugh l. casualties of cabanatuan prisoner of war camp #1 and the history of their burials. washington, dc: wwii division memo, defense prisoner of war/missing personnel office; 2014. kerr eb. surrender and survival: the experience of american pows in the pacific, 1914– 1945. new york: william morrow; 1985. knox d. death march: the survivors of bataan. new york: houghton mifflin harcourt; 1981. lee vw. memorandum to the chief, memorial division, “subject: cabanatuan project— interim report.” 13 april 1951. memoranda and reports, 293 grs pacific (cabanatuan): general correspondence, miscellaneous file, 193954; record group 92: records of the office of the quartermaster general, national archives, college park, md. megyesi ms, passalacqua nv, chrysostomou p, dolski mr. commingling among disinterred remains of unknown united states service members from the korean war. in: proceedings of the 68th annual meeting of the american academy of forensic sciences, february 22– 27, 2016; las vegas, nv. morton l. the fall of the philippines. washington, dc: office of the chief of military history, department of the army; 1953. murphy kc. inside the bataan death march: defeat, travail, and memory. jefferson, nc: mcfarland; 2014. trotter m. letter to col. james clearwater, 1 november 1951. mildred trotter papers, special collections of the bernard becker medical library archives, washington university, st. louis. login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe forensic anthropology vol. 2, no. 2: 72–86 doi: 10.5744/fa.2019.1000 © 2019 university of florida press introduction in osteological analysis, commingled assemblages present a situation in which discrete sets of remains are not readily apparent. commingled assemblages, such as ossuaries, are a fairly common situation in bioarchaeology (curtin 2008; herrmann & devlin 2008; ubelaker & rife 2008; willey 1990). with the increasing utilization of forensic anthropologists in arenas such as mass disaster (hinkes 1989; mundorff 2008, 2012; sledzik & rodriguez 2001), cremation litigation (steadman et al. 2008), and human rights investigations (primorac et al. 1996; varas & leiva 2012), resolution of commingling is becoming commonplace (adams & byrd 2008, 2014). forensic analysis of commingled remains focuses on victim identification and reassociating remains into discrete individuals (adams & byrd 2006, 2008, 2014; byrd & adams 2003, 2009). this focus has led to an increase in research on methodology for resolving commingling (adams & byrd 2008, 2014). of the methods available for resolving commingling, osteometric reassociation, which uses statistical models to compare bone dimensions, is considered a reliable and relatively objective technique (adams & byrd 2006; buikstra et al. 1984; byrd 2008; byrd & adams 2003; byrd & legarde 2014; konigsberg & frankenberg 2013; o’brien & storlie 2011; rosing & pischtschan 1995; snow & folk 1970). traditional osteometric sorting logic is a decisionmaking, error mitigation approach (byrd 2008; byrd & adams 2003; byrd & legarde 2014). this approach does not seek to reassociate elements per se; rather the analyst tests the null hypothesis that the dimensions of two bones are similar enough to have derived from the same individual (adams & byrd 2006; byrd 2008; byrd & adams 2003; byrd & legarde 2014). possible matches are eliminated if the calculated pvalue exceeds an analystdefined threshold, or alpha level. bones are reassociated if all other possible matches can be eliminated. this approach implies that, because of broad variation in intraindividual bone size, reassociation is achievable via osteometrics when the assemblage represents a closed population of a smaller number of differentsized individuals (byrd 2008). the logic of reassociation through elimination was first introduced by byrd and adams (2003). a regression model and associated 90% prediction interval, based on the natural logarithm of the summed measurements by element, was research article a novel method for osteometric reassociation using hamiltonian markov chain monte carlo (mcmc) simulation kyle mccormicka* abstract: traditional osteometric reassociation uses an errormitigation approach, which seeks to eliminate possible matches, rather than a predictive approach, where possible matches are directly compared. this study examines the utility of a bayesian approach for resolving commingling by using a probabilistic framework to predict correct matches. comparisons were grouped into three types: paired elements, articulating elements, and other elements. ten individuals were randomly removed from the total sample (n = 833), acting as a smallscale, closedpopulation commingled assemblage. one element was chosen as the independent variable, with the ten possible matching elements representing the dependent variable. a bayesian regression model was constructed using the remaining total sample, resulting in a distribution of possible values that were smoothed into a probability density, and probabilities were calculated. the element with the highest posterior probability was considered the best match. this process was repeated 500 times for each comparison. the correct match was identified 51.60% of the time. paired elements performed the best, at 80.76%, followed by 42.10% for articulating and 33.63% for other comparisons. these results suggest that metric analysis of commingled assemblages is complex and that both eliminationbased and prediction based approaches have a role in resolving commingling. in this regard, the strength of a bayesian approach is versatility, allowing for prediction of the correct match and elimination of possible matches, as well as integration of independent lines of evidence within one cohesive model. keywords: forensic anthropology commingling, bayesian modeling, mcmc simulation adefense pow/mia accounting agency, dod, hawai’i, usa *correspondence to: kyle mccormick, defense pow/mia accounting agency, dod, 590 moffett st., joint base pearl harbor– hickam, afb, hawai’i 96853, usa email: kmccormick9@yahoo .com received 19 june 2018; revised 17 october 2018; accepted 26 october 2018 mccormick 73 constructed. if the bone in question fell outside of the 90% prediction interval, the researcher concluded that the elements are too different in size to be from one individual. the form of decision making used by byrd and adams (2003) follows a neymanpearson approach to hypothesis testing, where decisions concerning the null hypothesis are strictly based on whether a test statistic passes an a priori threshold value (royall 2000). the researcher is making a dichotomous decision whether to reject or fail to reject the null hypothesis. under this paradigm, there is no degree of belief in the null hypothesis— it is either rejected or it is not (royall 1997). the explicit decisionmaking rationale and ease of interpretation of this approach to science has obvious strengths. the elements in question either derive from the same individual or they do not; there are only two possible outcomes (byrd 2008). byrd (2008) provides a more nuanced statistical framework and presents specific osteometric reassociation models for paired, articulating, and other element comparisons. again, possible matches are eliminated by comparing a pvalue to an alpha level (ranging from 0.05 to 0.10, depending on the comparison type). byrd (2008) also provides a means for aggregating multiple test results in more complex commingling situations and introduces the severity principle, which focuses on identifying and mitigating error in decision making (mayo & spanos 2010). decisions concerning the null hypothesis are based on the output of a statistical test. a researcher feels confident in his or her decision concerning a hypothesis if the test has a high chance of detecting the falsity of the hypothesis (mayo & spanos 2010). severity is used to incorporate the strength of evidence into the decision making process. this interpretative shift blends two forms of testing statistical hypotheses: neymanpearson hypothesis testing and fisherian significance testing (lew 2013; royall 1997). these approaches have different purposes: the former sets an a priori criterion (alpha level) for deciding between two competing hypotheses, while the latter attempts to interpret the strength of evidence against the null hypothesis. most contemporary frequentists blend these two forms of hypothesis testing into a third formulation, sometimes referred to as rejection trials (royall 1997). rejection trials use an a priori alpha level as a decisionmaking criterion, similar to the neymanpearson approach, but the researcher subjectively interprets the pvalue as a measure of the strength of evidence against the null hypothesis (royall 1997). while this shift toward including additional information into the decisionmaking process increases subjectivity, it also increases rationality. the decision to reassociate a set of remains should be based on multiple lines of evidence, of which osteometric reassociation is just one (byrd 2008). incorporating multiple lines of evidence into a decision is a subjective process, based in part on the experience of the researcher. it matters if a pvalue is 0.049 or 0.000001— the latter can be regarded as stronger evidence against the null hypothesis than the former. this frequentist logic has obvious strengths. with a focus on the hypothetical frequency of a correct rejection, the results are highly reliable and easy to interpret, if any interpretation is needed. there is, however, an obvious downside to this approach; it does not directly address the primary question of interest, namely, which bones are from the same individual? the sole reliance on eliminating possible matches is peculiar compared to the predictive nature of most other forms of osteological analysis (e.g., age, sex, ancestry, stature estimation). to a bayesian, probability is the numeric representation of the “degree of belief” in a proposition or set of propositions (stark & freedman 2003). this usage is more in line with a layperson’s understanding of probability than the frequentist view of probability as longrun frequencies of an event. a bayesian understanding of probability has shown promise for resolving commingling (konigsberg & frankenberg 2013; mccormick 2016) and other aspects of forensic investigation (brennaman et al. 2017; jantz & ousley 2005; konigsberg & frankenberg 2013). one way to operationalize a bayesian approach is to assign prior probabilities to each possible match, either through prior information or uninformed (equal) probabilities. prior probabilities are multiplied by the likelihood of the data to obtain a posterior probability, which is interpreted as the relative probability of a correct match after incorporating model information (mccormick 2016; byrd & legarde 2014; konigsberg & frankenberg 2013). prior probability distributions can be assigned to the parameters used in estimating the model, such as the slope, yintercept, and error term in linear regression. these prior distributions are used along with the likelihood function of the data to explore parameter space (possible values of the parameter) and to arrive at a posterior distribution for that parameter (kéry 2010; s. m. lynch 2007). model parameters are explicitly treated as distributions, instead of point estimates with uncertainty around that estimate, typically associated with frequentist modeling. the consequence of these different views of parameters is obvious in predictive modeling, such as linear regression. a frequentist regression model results in a single value for model parameters, including the dependent (y) variable. some form of interval estimation (typically confidence and prediction intervals) is required to better understand the uncertainty in parameter point estimates. these intervals are not direct properties of the parameter and are not probabilistic statements that a parameter’s true value lies within a specified boundary (hoekstra et al. 2014; mayo 1982). rather, prior to observing the data, a 95% confidence interval means there is a 95% chance that the interval will contain the true parameter 74 osteometric reassociation using mcmc simulation value (hoekstra et al. 2014; mayo 1982). after the data are observed, the true value is either within the interval or it is not. the interpretation of these intervals is based in a frequentist understanding of probability, leading to pervasive misunderstanding. the osteometric sorting model of byrd and adams (2003), where possible matches were rejected if they fell outside of the prescribed prediction interval, is an example of such a misunderstanding. byrd and adams (2003) is best viewed as a shortcoming of a frequentist approach to problems of prediction rather than statistical acumen. while there are valid criticisms of bayesian modeling, such as subjectivity of prior information and, by extension, posterior distributions, as well as directed sampling strategies (gelman 2008), bayesian modeling does not contain the interpretative pitfalls of a frequentist design. the ease of interpretation, handling of model parameters, and flexibility in model construction are major differences between frequentist and bayesian modeling and are perhaps the main benefits of a bayesian approach. bayesian interpretation and modeling has yet to be applied to resolving commingling. the current study examines the utility of such an approach to osteometric reassociation. materials the data consist of 24 standard limb measurements from a total of 833 individuals curated at the william m. bass donated skeletal collection at the university of tennessee, knoxville. individuals in the current study are predominantly european american adults, ranging in age from 18 to 70 years at death (fig. 1), a majority of which are male (males = 583, females = 250). the number of individuals varies by comparison, as only those with complete measurements for the compared elements were used. fig. 1—ageatdeath distribution of the sample (n = 883). methods measurements the measurements used in this study are from the forensic anthropology data bank (fdb). some interobserver variability is expected, given the multiple contributors to the fdb. bivariate plots comparing left and rightside homologous measurements were used to identify and remove obvious outliers. the number of measurements varies by element (see table 1). the number and quality of measurements should have an influence on reassociation. elements with a large number of highly correlated variables should show the highest accuracy rates. reassociation model this study tests the accuracy of a bayesian approach to osteometric reassociation by simulating smallscale (n = 10) closedpopulation commingled assemblages and predicting the best match using standard osteological measurements and bayesian regression. this process is repeated 500 times for each comparison. accuracy is defined as the correct classification rate, or the number of times the best match is the correct match divided by 500. following byrd (2008), limb element comparisons are grouped into three types: paired, articulating, and other element comparisons (table 2). by virtue of being antimeres, measurements are directly comparable between paired elements. for articulating and other comparison types, table 1—forensic data bank measurements by element. element measurement name fdb # humerus maximum length v40 n = 5 epicondylar breadth v41 maximum vertical head diameter v42 maximum diameter at midshaft v43 minimum diameter at midshaft v44 radius maximum length v45 n = 3 a/p diameter at midshaft v46 transverse diameter at midshaft v47 ulna maximum length v48 n = 4 dorsovolar diameter v49 transverse diameter v50 physiological length v51 femur maximum length v60 n = 8 bicondylar length v61 epicondylar breadth v62 maximum diameter of head v63 a/p subtrochanteric diameter v64 transverse subtrochanteric diameter v65 a/p diameter at midshaft v66 transverse diameter at midshaft v67 tibia condylarmalar length v69 n = 4 maximum proximal epiphyseal breadth v70 distal epiphyseal breadth v71 maximum diameter at nutrient foramen v72 mccormick 75 table 2—osteometric comparisons by type. comparison type femur/femur paired humerus/humerus paired radius/radius paired tibia/tibia paired ulna/ulna paired femur/tibia articulating humerus/ulna articulating humerus/radius articulating ulna/radius articulating femur/humerus other femur/ulna other femur/radius other tibia/humerus other tibia/ulna other tibia/radius other transformation of raw measurements is required to compare elements. partial least squares partial least squares (pls) analysis is a class of techniques for data reduction and latent variable analysis (boulestiex & strimmer 2006; chen & hoo 2011; haenlein & kaplan 2004; rosipal & krämer 2006; wegelin 2000). these techniques share a common method of extracting components— via ordinary least squares regression. pls analysis is similar to principal component analysis (pca) and canonical correlation analysis (cca), which extract orthogonal (uncorrelated) score vectors that are weighted composites of the original data set (rosipal & krämer 2006). typically, the goal with any type of predictive data reduction analysis is twofold: (1) to find linear combinations that well represent the original variables and (2) to find highly correlated linear combinations. because pca captures a maximum amount of variation from the original variables, it is an optimal solution to the first goal. in a predictive framework, where one block of variables is used to predict another block, pca fails to achieve the second goal, because components between blocks of variables have no relationship. on the other hand, cca optimally achieves the second goal by creating linear combinations of each block that are maximally correlated with one another. however, cca fails at the first goal because these components are not designed to capture information or variance within a block and are based on the correlation matrix of raw variables, obscuring the biological meaning of components and making the interpretation of components difficult (bookstein 1991; wegelin 2000). furthermore, cca components are unstable in instances of multicollinearity, and solutions are not uniquely defined when the number of variables is large compared to the sample size (wegelin 2000). simply, pca explains variation within a block of variables and cca explains variation between two blocks of variables. while not optimal, pls achieves both goals by finding linear combinations of variables through the covariance of raw variables that both capture variability and are highly correlated (bookstein 1991; wegelin 2000). components of the xblock (independent variables) are orthogonal, are good representations of x, and are good at explaining y (dependent variables). components of the yblock are orthogonal, are good representations of y, and are highly correlated with the xblock components. stated another way, pls models create components that predict a set of dependent variables from a set of independent variables that have the best predictive power on the dependent variables (chen & hoo 2011). the package “plsdepot” (sanchez 2016) was used in r (r core team 2015) to extract relevant pls components. simulated commingling ten individuals were randomly removed from the total data set. these 10 individuals act as a simulated commingled assemblage. one element is chosen as the independent (x) variable, with the 10 possible matching elements acting as the dependent (y) variable. for example, if we are interested in reassociating a left femur with 10 possible right femora, then the left femur is predicting the right femur. in this situation, the left femur is the independent variable and the right femur is the dependent variable. a left femur is selected from the commingled assemblage and compared to the 10 possible right femur matches. these comparisons are made using the model described below, with the remaining sample (total sample excluding the commingled individuals) acting as training data. bayesian regression the model used for assessing each variable is a simple linear regression, which takes the form of: yi =α + βxi + ε i (1) where yi and xi are the ith case of the dependent and independent variables, respectively. the yintercept is represented by α (alpha), and β (beta) represents the slope, or coefficient by which the independent variable changes in relation to the dependent variable. the error term is εi (sigma) and represents the stochastic part of the model that accounts for all other factors that influence the value of the dependent variable. the yintercept and slope are the deterministic portions of the model. typically, the regression line is fit by finding the line that minimizes the squared vertical distance between all data points. although point estimates for the yintercept and slope are calculated, uncertainty is not incorporated into those estimates. confidence and prediction intervals attempt to deal with this limitation but are often misinterpreted and 76 osteometric reassociation using mcmc simulation misapplied. linear regression of this type is associated with frequentist inference and does not provide an intuitive or easily interpretable way for comparing multiple possible values of yi. bayesians specify regression models in terms of probability distributions, eliminating these inferential limitations. bayes’ theorem is used to specify probability distributions, taking the form of: ρ(θ | y,x)∝ ρ( y |θ ,x)ρ(θ ,x) (2) in this unnormalized form, the posterior probability ρ (θ |y,x) of parameter, θ, given data, y, and constant, x, is proportional (for fixed y and x) to the product of the likelihood function ρ (y|θ,x) and prior ρ (θ,x) (stan development team 2016). the bayesian regression model used in this study assigns a normal distribution to the yvariable, with improper (uniform) prior distributions for regression parameters. unbounded (– ∞ to +∞) uniform priors are assigned to the alpha and beta regression parameters, with a positive uniform (0< to +∞) assigned to sigma. these uniform priors are essentially noninformative, leading the posterior distribution of the regression parameters to be driven by the likelihood of the training data. while on its face this model may seem suboptimal by assigning noninformative prior distributions to the regression model, on a practical level this model is needed because of its flexibility. variable values will change based on the type of comparison and the variable values of the individuals in the training set. thus, an abstracted regression model is needed to help ensure that predictions are realistic for all variables. markov chain monte carlo bayesians view parameters as observed realizations of random variables drawn from a probability distribution. as such, parameters are modeled as distributions. modeling parameters as distributions requires calculus, and calculus is difficult, even for computers. this difficulty and the associated computational modeling time is reduced through markov chain monte carlo (mcmc) simulation. mcmc methods provide a means for exploring the parameter space utilizing equation 2. given a model, a likelihood, and data, mcmc simulates draws from the posterior distribution using quasidependent sequences of random variables (kéry 2010; s. m. lynch 2007). this process is repeated a large number of times to approximate the posterior distribution of the parameter, or parameter space. many algorithms are available for searching this parameter space. all of them require an initial burnin or warmup period (kéry 2010; s. m. lynch 2007; stan development team 2016). this period is the initial sequence of random draws that are strongly influenced by initial starting values and are not representative of the posterior distribution of the parameter (s. m. lynch 2007). the markov chain is considered representative of the posterior parameter space once the chain has converged to equilibrium, or entered a high probability area of the stationary distribution of the parameter (stan development team 2016). the effectiveness of a mcmc algorithm is measured by its ability to quickly reach convergence and exhaustively explore the parameter space. many algorithms are inefficient in these respects because they can rely heavily on initial starting values and incoherently search parameter space (carpenter et al. 2017). hamiltonian monte carlo sampling, however, is both coherent and efficient (carpenter et al. 2017). this method is based on modeling the behavior of particles using the properties of physical system (hamiltonian) dynamics (carpenter et al. 2017; neal 2011). this system state consists of the position of the particle, q, and the momentum of the particle, p (neal 2011). the position and momentum of the particle are described by its potential and kinetic energy, respectively (neal 2011). these energy forms are inversely related. as this particle moves across a surface, its potential and kinetic energy change with the slope of the surface. hamiltonian dynamics are extended to searching parameter space by interpreting the parameter, θ, as the position of a fictional particle at a point in time, with a potential energy defined by the negative log of the probability density of θ and a stochastic momentum variable (neal 2011; stan development team 2016). stated simply, hamiltonian mcmc is an efficient and effective way of exploring parameter space, allowing for the explicit modeling of uncertainty in parameter estimates, including the dependent variable. thus, instead of a point estimate for an expected bone value, hamiltonian mcmc provides a distribution of values. these values are weighted by their relative simulated frequency. convergence of the mcmc simulations is required for the simulated yvalues to be a good predictive representation (stan development team 2016). visual inspection of autocorrelation and chain mixture plots as well as metrics, including rhat and effective sample size values, are methods for assessing model convergence used in this study. the hamiltonian mcmc sampler stan implemented with the package “rstan” (stan development team 2016) in r (r core team 2015) was used to simulate yvalues. specifically, each variable was modeled using 1,000 iterations across four chains with three simulated yvalues per iteration. four chains of 1,000 iterations was chosen over one chain of 4,000 iterations for several reasons. chains can be ran in parallel, or simultaneously, increasing computational efficiency and reducing run time. additionally, chains have random starting values. the convergence and proper mixing of each chain provide another check of correct model behavior. the package “shinystan” (stan development team 2016) was used in r (r core team 2015) to periodically assess model fig. 2—relationship between predictive ability of a variable and the distribution of simulated yvalues, or the standard error around the mean estimate. each sample is 100,000 random draws from a normal distribution with a mean of 0 and different standard deviations. the lighter sample (low) has a standard deviation of 1, and the darker sample (high) has a standard deviation of 3. fig. 3—the density distributions of the samples in figure 2. a high standard error in the estimation of y results in low density estimates, especially for the mean predicted yvalue. conversely, a low standard error results in high density estimates for values around the mean. mccormick 77 diagnostics to confirm proper mixing and markov chain convergence. the default in stan is to treat the first half of iterations as the burnin period (stan development team 2016). thus, for each variable, 6,000 yvalues were simulated. further treatment is required to normalize these values into a probability density function to assess the relative probabilities of each possible match. kernel density estimation kernel density estimation is a means of estimating a probability density function based on the frequency of sample values (duong 2007). this family of techniques fits a continuous line to the shape of the data with a kernel and bandwidth. the kernel is a nonnegative function centered on zero that integrates to one (duong 2007). the bandwidth is a free parameter that determines the width of the data range on which the kernel function is fit. a small bandwidth for the data results in an undersmoothed density estimate, containing spurious data artifacts, and is essentially “connecting the dots” between data points. an overly wide bandwidth results in an oversmoothed density and obscures the underlying structure of these data. the bandwidth used in this study approaches an optimal solution for the density estimate by selecting a bandwidth that is the standard deviation of the kernel function (r core team 2015). the function density( ) in the package “stats” (r core team 2015) was used in r to fit a kernel density to the simulated yvalues. estimating best matches the result of this analysis is a probability density function of yvalues for a given xvalue for each variable on which the values for the 10 possible matches can be evaluated. the function approx( ) in the package “stats” (r core team 2015) was used in r to evaluate densities for each possible match. these densities are used in two ways to estimate the best match: density weight and equal weight. in the first best match estimate, each possibility is weighted by its density estimate for each variable. this calculation takes the form of: pri = ∑(di1…n ) ∑(dtot1…n ) (3) where pri is the match probability for the ith possible match, din is the density estimate of the ith possible match for the nth predictive variable, and dtotn is the density estimate of all possible matches for the nth predictive variable. calculating match probability in this way does not weigh each predictive variable equally. predictive variables that have high correlations between xvalues and yvalues will result in tightly dispersed simulated yvalues, because uncertainty in its prediction is low (fig. 2). conversely, predictive variables that have low correlations also have high uncertainty in yvalue predictions, leading to widely dispersed yvalues (fig. 2). this relationship between predictive ability of a variable and the standard error of simulated yvalues affects the resulting density estimates (fig. 3). with this calculation of match probability, predictive variables with higher correlations will lead to higher density estimates and larger relative contributions to the overall match probability. however, these larger relative contributions may swamp the contribution of other, lower correlated variables, leading to spurious classifications if the best match from predictive variables with high correlations is not the correct match. 78 osteometric reassociation using mcmc simulation the second calculation of overall match probability weighs all predictive variables equally and takes the form of: pri = di1 dtot1 + di2 dtot2 +! din dtotn ⎛ ⎝⎜ ⎞ ⎠⎟ / n (4) where the notation is the same as formula 3. here, densities are normalized into probabilities for each variable. the overall match probability is the sum of these probabilities divided by the number of variables. this way of calculating the best match artificially increases the relative importance of variables with low predictive ability. each method for assessing the best match has possible strengths and weaknesses. thus, each type is employed to empirically address which performs best. quantile tests best match probabilities are a poor metric for recognizing model error. similar to other methods that classify using bayesian probability, one of the possible matches will be classified as the best match even when the actual match is not among the possible choices. thus, it is useful to have another metric by which to assess possible matches. to this end, the 5% and 95% quantiles of the simulated range of yvalues were identified. a possible match failed this test if it fell outside of these boundaries. quantile tests can be interpreted as a twotailed significance test with an alpha level of 0.10. these tests may be used to reject possible matches, similar to the traditional logic, or to aid in identifying model error. there is a major difference between traditional rejectionbased logic, which arrives at a single pvalue, and the quantile tests of this study (adams & byrd 2006; byrd 2008; byrd & adams 2003; byrd & legarde 2014; j. j. lynch 2018; warnkesommer et al. 2019). quantile tests for possible matches were conducted for each variable, with the number of variables ranging from eight for the femur to three for many other comparisons (see table 1). quantile tests allow for the examination of this metric as a means of assessing model error and as a rejection criterion. conducting a quantile test on each variable relates type 1 error rates to the number of variables rather than directly to the possible match. thus, comparisons with more variables increase the number of chances for type 1 error (rejecting a possible match if any variable failed the quantile test). the equation for the expected type 1 error rate for correct matches is: expected error = 1− (1− pfail )n (5) where pfail is the expected chance of failing a quantile test and n is the number of variables. results classification accuracy among all comparison types, the correct match was identified in 51.60% of the simulations (3,870/7,500). correct classification varied by prediction and comparison types (fig. 4). in all but two instances, equalweight comparisons provided the best classification (table 3 and fig. 5). with an average difference of 12.12%, paired elements exhibit the largest difference between prediction types. interestingly, fig. 4—accuracy by comparison and prediction type. table 3—accuracy of osteometric comparison types. comparison type equal weight density weight femur/femur paired 93.00%* 91.60% humerus/humerus paired 86.20% 74.00% tibia/tibia paired 85.60% 75.80% radius/radius paired 71.60% 54.40% ulna/ulna paired 67.40% 47.40% paired overall 80.76% 68.64% femur/tibia articulating 55.40% 51.80% ulna/radius articulating 42.40% 43.20% humerus/radius articulating 35.80% 34.00% humerus/ulna articulating 34.80% 32.20% articulating overall 42.10% 40.30% femur/humerus other 35.60% 34.40% femur/ulna other 35.60% 32.60% tibia/radius other 34.60% 31.40% tibia/ulna other 32.80% 32.40% femur/radius other 32.60% 29.00% tibia/humerus other 30.60% 30.80% other overall 33.63% 31.77% overall 51.60% 46.33% *bold indicates prediction types with the highest correct classification rates. mccormick 79 femur/femur equalweight comparisons only showed a 1.4% improvement. articulating elements and other comparisons, at an average increase of 1.80% and 1.86%, respectively, showed a minimal difference between prediction types. differences in prediction type should be identifiable through the distribution of posterior probabilities. the distributions of density and equalweight posterior probabilities are quite similar (fig. 6). moreover, the differences between median values for equalweight and density predictions are negligible (0.08% for other elements, 0.13% for paired elements, and 0.23% for articulating elements). the strong similarities in prediction type distributions for paired elements are unexpected given the difference in accuracy. given the better or similar classification and similar distributional properties, correct classification refers to equalweight predictions unless otherwise specified. paired elements performed markedly better than the two other comparison types, almost doubling the accuracy of articulating elements. in contrast, the difference between articulating and other comparisons was less than 10% (see table 2). unlike prediction type, the distribution of posterior probabilities by comparison type shows distinct differences (fig. 7). the relatively low accuracies of articulating and other element comparisons result in slightly positively fig. 5—accuracy of all osteometric comparisons by prediction type. skewed normal distribution. paired elements, on the other hand, show a bimodal distribution with a strong positive skew. the shape of these distributions is in line with expectations based on comparison type accuracies. the low accuracy of articulating and other comparisons is due to uncertainty. this randomness leads to posterior probabilities approximating a normal distribution over a large number of trials. the high accuracy of paired elements results in less uncertainty. this structure results in a model that not only predicts the best match well but is also good at identifying bad and notsobad matches, leading to a high density of values near zero, another peak near the median, and a long positive tail. besides identifying the best match, posterior probabilities rank all possible matches. this aspect is most useful when the analyst is trying to cull down possible matches, in openpopulation situations, or in nonpaired comparisons, where correct classification rates are relatively low. tables 4– 6 provide the best match rank of the correct match. for paired element comparisons, the correct match is among the top three best matches in over 97% of the simulations. for articulating and other comparisons, the correct match is among the top five best matches for 85.85% and 81.74% of simulations, respectively. 80 osteometric reassociation using mcmc simulation quantile tests for each variable, possible match values were compared against the 5% and 95% quantiles of the predicted match distribution, resulting in 300,000 quantile tests. there are interesting trends in the behavior of the quantile tests (table 7). correct best match variables failed less often than the expected 10%, with articulating and other comparison variables failing roughly an order of magnitude less. incorrect best match variables failed more often than correct match variables— 10.5% of the time for paired elements, but rarely for articulating and other comparison variables. as expected, variables for other possible matches failed quantile tests more often than best matches. correct matches failed at least one quantile test (type 1 error) less than the expected 39.69% for paired, 30.84% for articulating, and 28.37% for other comparisons. again, type 1 error for articulating and other comparisons was well below expected rates (see table 7). model diagnostics figure 8 shows an example of typical model diagnostics plot results. these plots show that the mcmc model is working quite well and the parameter estimates are reliable. density plots should approximate a normal distribution; autocorrelation plots should look like an inverse exponential curve in histogram form, where autocorrelation is initially high and quickly drops off. chain mixture plots should show no discernible pattern, where each chain moves around parameter space without getting “stuck” in a particular area. metric model diagnostics were also periodically checked, including rhat values and effective sample sizes. an rhat fig. 7—distribution of posterior probabilities for other elements (n = 30,000 for each prediction type), articulating elements (n = 20,000 for each prediction type), and paired elements (n = 25,000 for each prediction type). fig. 6—distribution of posterior probabilities for (a) other elements (n = 30,000 for each prediction type), (b) articulating elements (n = 20,000 for each prediction type), and (c) paired elements (n = 25,000 for each prediction type). mccormick 81 value is an estimate of convergence based on the mean and standard deviation estimated from each chain (stan development team 2016). chains have properly converged with rhat values between 1.0 and 1.2; the closer to 1.0, the better the convergence. rarely were rhat values above 1.0, and in no case was an rhat value above 1.2. effective sample size is an estimate of the information available from each simulation; the closer the effective sample size is to the number table 6—other element comparison correct match rank (n = 3,000 simulations). rank f/h f/u f/r t/h t/u t/r total % correct cumulative % 1 178 178 163 153 164 173 1,009 33.63 33.63 2 109 87 71 96 94 99 556 18.53 52.16 3 73 53 63 84 71 48 392 13.07 65.23 4 35 42 72 69 48 54 320 10.67 75.90 5 22 36 40 36 39 27 200 6.67 82.57 6 19 21 10 23 18 19 110 3.37 85.94 7 23 24 17 21 23 21 129 4.30 90.24 8 20 16 22 7 20 21 106 3.53 93.77 9 11 13 17 7 13 19 80 2.67 96.44 10 10 30 25 4 10 19 98 3.27 100.00 f = femur, h = humerus, t = tibia, r = radius, u = ulna. table 7—quantile test results for all measurements and by individual. type position tests fails % individuals ind. fails % paired best/correct 14,047 640 4.56 2,019 514 25.46 best/incorrect 2,953 310 10.50 481 48 41.16 other possibilities 108,000 66,349 61.43 22,500 21,686 96.38 articulating best/correct 4,666 56 1.20 842 198 5.70 best/incorrect 6,334 107 1.69 1,158 97 8.38 other possibilities 63,000 19,105 30.33 18,000 13,158 73.10 other best/correct 5,193 40 0.77 1,009 34 3.39 best/incorrect 10,307 116 1.28 1,991 104 5.21 other possibilities 85,500 23,639 27.65 27,000 17,452 64.64 total 300,000 110,362 36.79 75,000 53,291 71.05 table 4—paired element comparison correct match rank (n = 2,500 simulations). rank femur humerus tibia radius ulna total % correct cumulative % 1 465 431 428 358 337 2,015 80.76 80.76 2 30 50 61 101 107 349 13.96 94.72 3 4 9 6 23 27 69 2.76 97.48 4 0 6 3 5 18 32 1.28 98.76 5 0 1 1 8 8 18 0.72 99.48 6 1 2 0 4 1 8 0.32 99.80 7 0 1 0 0 0 1 0.04 99.84 8 0 0 0 0 1 1 0.04 99.88 9 0 0 1 0 1 2 0.08 99.96 10 0 0 0 1 0 1 0.04 100.00 table 5—articulating element comparison correct match rank (n = 2,000 simulations). rank f/t u/r h/r h/u total % correct cumulative % 1 277 212 179 174 842 42.10 42.10 2 102 98 98 89 387 19.35 61.45 3 50 65 80 74 269 13.45 75.90 4 17 36 36 36 125 6.25 81.15 5 15 19 30 30 94 4.70 85.85 6 15 16 14 25 70 3.50 89.35 7 7 14 16 21 58 2.90 92.25 8 6 12 18 13 49 2.45 94.70 9 5 12 15 17 49 2.45 97.15 10 6 16 14 21 57 2.85 100.00 f = femur, h = humerus, t = tibia, r = radius, u = ulna. fig. 8—an example of typical model diagnostics. the density plot visualizes the posterior distribution of a parameter. the autocorrelation bar graph represents the correlation or dependency of mcmc draws. the chain mixture or trace plot measures how well the sampler is exploring parameter space. 82 osteometric reassociation using mcmc simulation of simulations, the better the chain convergence. rarely was the effective sample size below 75% of the total number of drawn samples. most effective sample sizes were between 80 and 90% of the total number of draws, yet another confirmation that model chains are properly converging. discussion the strength of a bayesian approach to resolving commingling is its versatility. the posterior distribution of yvalues allows for the prediction of the correct match and mccormick 83 table 8—descriptive statistics of the correlation between variables. comparison type # of vars. avg. r max. r min. r femur/femur paired 8 0.923 0.988 0.852 tibia/tibia paired 4 0.863 0.980 0.755 humerus/humerus paired 5 0.840 0.964 0.722 radius/radius paired 3 0.792 0.964 0.671 ulna/ulna paired 4 0.765 0.958 0.485 all paired 24 0.837 femur/tibia articulating 4 0.646 0.910 0.306 humerus/ulna articulating 3 0.593 0.778 0.344 ulna/radius articulating 3 0.532 0.898 0.096 humerus/radius articulating 4 0.505 0.838 0.079 all articulating 14 0.569 tibia/humerus other 3 0.597 0.823 0.346 femur/humerus other 4 0.574 0.866 0.307 tibia/ulna other 3 0.551 0.775 0.175 tibia/radius other 3 0.540 0.779 0.133 femur/ulna other 3 0.508 0.778 0.155 femur/radius other 3 0.501 0.809 0.114 all others 19 0.545 rejecting possible matches. like most practical applications in forensic anthropology, the analyst must have a clear question to address and a strong understanding of the strengths and weaknesses of the method employed. this study represents a start to understanding those methodological aspects of a bayesian approach to resolving commingling. equalweight variable predictions perform better than densityweighted predictions. a more nuanced look at trends between prediction types, however, suggests underlying factors that may be affecting classification accuracy by type: the number, type, and predictive ability of measurements (table 8). as expected, the more highly correlated variables used in the model, the better the accuracy. this trend may explain the almost nonexistent difference between prediction types for the femur and the large difference for other paired comparisons, like the radius. the correlations between left and right length measurements are the strongest for all elements, and are likely driving densityweighted predictions. for the radii, besides maximum length, there are only two moderately correlated measurements of the midshaft. midshaft measurements are swamped by length in density weighted comparisons, but are able to adjust the best match to the correct match often in equalweight predictions. in femur comparisons, the other strongly correlated variables are able to adjust predictions when lengthbased predictions are wrong, leading to comparable accuracy between the two types. this trend also suggests measurements that quantify different aspects of a bone increase model performance. a likely reason for the high correct classification rates of the femur is the novel information provided by femur measurements. stated another way, if maximum length is in the model, the addition of bicondylar length is unlikely to appreciably improve performance, as these measurements are, at least statistically, essentially the same (r2 = 0.995). adding information on epipcondylar breadth, femoral head size, and subtrochanteric dimensions is likely to show a marked increase in model performance at each step. directly testing this assertion is an avenue for future research. at an overall performance of just over 50%, it would appear that a bayesian approach to osteometric reassociation is impractical in many situations. it is important to consider the difficulty of the question that these models are attempting to answer: what is the best match from among these ten possibilities? this question is an order of magnitude more difficult than the question typically asked in osteometric reassociation: is this one possible match different enough that it can be reliably rejected as a possibility? in this light, an overall performance of just over 50% does not seem so bad. the overall correct classification rate, however, is a misleading metric that obscures some important aspects of osteometric reassociation identified in this study. paired element comparisons are superior to articulating and other comparison types. femora, for example, were correctly matched in 93% of simulations. paired elements are developmentally and (to varying degrees) functionally integrated elements with directly comparable measurements. composite variables are required to directly compare non paired elements. while composite variables are orthogonal and there is a good degree of redundancy by treating each paired element measurement as independent, composite variables are likely obscuring important size and shape relationships that paired element models are able to exploit. this assertion is supported by the lower percentage of quantile rejections for articulating and other type comparisons, where the composite variables may artificially make elements more homogeneous. the use of composite variables should have the largest negative effect in osteometric models based on a rejection criterion. issues identified in rejection based osteometric reassociation models (legarde 2012; mccormick 2016; vickers et al. 2015) have been mitigated in recent improvements to and expansions on the paired element model described by byrd (2008) (j. j. lynch et al. 2018; warnkesommer et al. 2019). while these changes improve model performance, the underlying logic of the approach has remained the same since its description in byrd and adams (2003). the behavior of quantile tests in this study suggests that deriving one composite pvalue as a rejection criterion would be of little value outside of paired element comparisons. indeed, recent research has focused exclusively on paired element comparisons (j. j. lynch 2018; j. j. lynch et al. 2018; warnkesommer et al. 2019). rejecting a possible match, and by extension, identifying model error for best matches, if any variable failed a quantile test appears to be a viable approach 84 osteometric reassociation using mcmc simulation for articulating and other comparisons. this assertion does not apply to paired element comparisons. over 41% of incorrect best matches and 96% of nonbest possibilities fail at least one quantile test, which seems excellent for identifying model error and rejecting possible matches. however, over 25% of the correct best matches also fail at least one quantile test. despite being below the expected type 1 error rate (39.69%), it is an unacceptably high rate compared to an aggregate pvalue. these results suggest the traditional rejectionbased approach is optimal for paired elements. conclusions this study simulated 7,500 closedpopulation commingled assemblages and assessed the accuracy of predicting the correct match using a complete set of limb measurements. the correct match was identified in 3,870 of the simulations, for an overall correct classification of 51.60%. there are several factors to consider when interpreting the results of this study. the sample used to construct the bayesian regression model should be nearidentical to the average simulated commingled assemblage. while the simulated commingled assemblage was removed from the overall sample prior to the construction of the model, the ten random individuals were drawn from the same population of predominantly european american males. drawing the commingled assemblage from the same population as the reference sample should have two main influences on these results. first, the reference sample used to create the regression model is very appropriate for the commingled assemblage and represents a “best case” for predicting the best match. second, the simulated commingled assemblages are, on average, quite homogeneous, making discriminating among possible matches difficult. the relative influence of these factors is beyond the scope of this study. reference sample composition and homogeneity of the commingled assemblage are additional areas of future research. other areas of future research include examining the effect of assemblage size, missing measurements, and different methods of quantifying skeletal elements on classification rates. the reassociation model described above is firmly placed within a bayesian framework, in both model construction and inference. a bayesian understanding of probability is easily interpreted and is in line with practical applications of forensic anthropology, where deductive reasoning is required to make statements about a particular case based on a larger theory of knowledge. this approach is not to say the frequentist paradigm is not without merit. in fact, this study has a major aspect that most frequentists would laud— the simulation of commingled assemblages to directly test model performance over the “long run.” the frequency of correct matches over an extended series of trials is an inductive way to build the theoretical foundation on which deductive statements are made. bayesian modeling is flexible, can be tailored to various types of data, and assumptions can be explicitly built into the model. modeling parameters as distributions provides an intuitive way to directly compare possible matches. the posterior distribution of yvalues can be interpreted in different ways, depending on the goal of the analysis. although rejecting possible matches has been the purview of the traditional, frequentist approach, there is no reason to limit a bayesian approach to just prediction. the beauty of the model presented here is the analyst can have the “best of both worlds” through the ability to predict the best match and reject possible matches to create a short list of possibilities. 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vickers s, lubinski pm, deleon lh, bowen jt. proposed method for predicting pair matching of skeletal elements allows too many false rejections. journal of forensic sciences 2015;60(1): 102– 106. warnkesommer jd, lynch jj, pawaskar ss, damann fe. ztransform method for pairwise osteometric pairmatching. journal of forensic sciences. 2019;64(1):23–33. wegelin ja. a survey of partia1 least squares (pls) methods, with emphasis on the twoblock case. technical report, department of statistics, university of washington, seattle; 2000. willey ps. prehistoric warfare on the great plains: skeletal analysis of the crow creek massacre victims. new york: garland publications; 1990. forensic anthropology vol. 2, no. 2: 121–128 doi: 10.5744/fa.2019.1019 © 2019 university of florida press large commingled assemblages present unique challenges for individual identification, because the segregation of remains into discrete individuals can be difficult and time consuming. these assemblages can be problematic from data management and analytical perspectives, and often an increase in the number of casualties leads to a decrease in the discriminatory power of anthropological techniques such as visual pair matching and articulation (swganth 2013). these challenges can lead to lengthy analytical timeframes and delays in identification, and a multidisciplinary approach to resolving commingling is both espoused and practiced (e.g., salado puerto et al. 2014; swganth 2013). skeletal and dna analyses are commonly employed together in cases of commingling (e.g., damann & edson 2008; finlayson et al. 2017; hines et al. 2014; mundorff et al. 2014; salado puerto et al. 2014). one of the first steps in resolving commingling is for the anthropologist to do as much sorting as possible— via pair matching, articulation, and the biological profile— in order to determine how many individuals are present and then segregate those individuals (damann & edson 2008). provenience and taphonomic evidence should also be used to aid in this process, as applicable and available. even in approaches that rely heavily on dna, the anthropologist maintains an important role in making and verifying associations of elements, detecting and resolving commingling pre and postsampling, confirming biological profile data, and reducing the cost and burden of dna analysis by associating elements (damann & edson 2008; yazedijian & kešetović 2008). part of the skeletal sorting strategy entails relying on interindividual differences in size, morphology, and age to segregate skeletal elements. it is thus important to consider the demographic composition of the loss population and the assemblage, as this can be a significant factor in the resolution of commingling. generally, when faced with a homogeneous group (i.e., composed of individuals of the same sex and similar age, ancestry, and stature) it is more difficult to sort using skeletal techniques. however, as yazedijian and kešetović (2008:280) find, even in a sample composed primarily of “men of fighting age” from a single ancestral background where stature is normally distributed, it is still possible to separate outliers. in cases where remains are extensively commingled, fully skeletonized, disarticulated, and/or lacking provenience or other recovery information, or where the anthropologist is otherwise hindered in sorting remains prior to dna sampling, dna analysis may be relied on heavily to aid in the segregation of skeletal elements. in these instances, dna analysis has the potential to be timeconsuming and costly. what then becomes the best strategy to approach the analysis of adefense pow/mia accounting agency— laboratory, offutt afb, ne, usa *correspondence to: carrie brown, defense pow/mia accounting agency— laboratory, 106 peacekeeper dr., bldg. 301, offutt afb, ne 68113, usa email: carrie . a . brown40 . civ@mail . mil received 11 june 2018; revised 28 october 2018; accepted 14 january 2019 technical note using biological profile data to inform a dna sequencing strategy carrie browna* ● jeffrey james lyncha abstract: frequency distributions of antemortem stature and age for individuals who were casualties onboard the uss oklahoma are visually compared to frequency distributions of point estimates for long bone stature and pubic symphysis age drawn from the large commingled assemblage that is associated with this loss incident. based on similarities in the means and standard deviations of these distributions, a fourtiered dna sequencing strategy is devised to prioritize the sampling of elements that are at least one standard deviation from oklahoma antemortem mean age and/or stature. the rationale for this approach is that elements providing estimates that are at least one standard deviation from antemortem stature and/or age means are more likely to be from individuals who also fall at least one standard deviation from the means for one or both of these categories. this prioritization strategy resulted in nearly doubling identifications during the initial phases of the project. this success demonstrates the ability to use biological profile data to aid in the dna sequencing process and the importance of continued interdisciplinary work in resolving commingled assemblages. keywords: forensic anthropology, resolution of commingling, mitochondrial dna analyses, stature, age 122 biological profile data to inform dna sequencing numerous samples when individuals cannot be reliably segregated prior to dna sequencing? simply sequencing the samples by order of receipt may not represent the best strategy. other researchers have provided information on the preservation of dna by element (e.g., damann & edson 2008; edson et al. 2004; hansen et al. 2017; hines et al. 2014; mundorff et al. 2009; pinhasi et al. 2015), which is useful in terms of what elements should be given priority for dna sampling but not for the order in which they should be sequenced once sampled. currently, there is no known research that addresses how to prioritize samples for sequencing in large, heavily commingled assemblages that cannot be reliably segregated prior to dna analysis. having a strategy to prioritize dna analyses is potentially useful to maximize identifications in the early stages of an ongoing project where dna is crucial to those identifications. rather than waiting for all dna to be sequenced, samples can be prioritized based on which are more likely to be associated with certain individuals (e.g., very tall or very short individuals). in longterm projects where a significant amount of time has passed since the deaths of the individuals, there are fewer surviving family members with each passing year and identifications become a race against time. thus, making identifications quickly is often important. a prioritization strategy may also be beneficial for decreasing the overall number of samples requiring sequencing. as outliers are identified first, sampled elements may be able to be pair matched and dna processing halted for those elements, but it is important to do this in tandem with the dna laboratory. this study compares antemortem and postmortem data from a commingled assemblage with a historically known size (i.e., all casualties from the oklahoma). based on this investigation and on age and stature variation in the population, it then outlines an effective and demographically informed strategy to prioritize dna sequencing of postcranial elements using antemortem age and stature data. this strategy enables the identification of individuals in this assemblage prior to completion of all dna analyses, reducing the pool of missing persons and the time families wait for notification. materials and methods this study employs skeletal elements and mitochondrial dna (mtdna) results from the uss oklahoma assemblage. for information on the assemblage and analyses, including the extent of commingling, see brown (2019). the identification count given here includes only those individuals with postcranial elements that were identified or in analysis as of 1 june 2018 (n = 93), and it does not include any identifications prior to project initiation in 2015. during the inventory process, standard and supplemental measurements were taken for all elements, as applicable (byrd & adams 2003; byrd & legarde 2014; moorejansen et al. 19941), and long bone epiphyseal fusion and pubic symphyses were scored following mckern and stewart (1957). only those elements that were sampled for dna analyses were considered in this study, and those elements that did not have maximum length measurements or the ability to assess age via fusion or the pubic symphysis were excluded. all cranial and dental samples were sequenced prior to the postcranial elements to aid with mni estimation and dental identifications, and thus they also are excluded from this study. for the long bones— humerus, radius, ulna, femur, tibia, and fibula— stature point estimates were calculated by element using linear regression equations from trotter’s black and white male combined data set in fordisc 3 (jantz & ousley 2005). this process was automated in osteosort (2016) in order to create frequency distributions of point estimates by element, pooling the left and right sides. a frequency distribution was also created for the mean ages (point estimates) per pubic symphysis composite score, and again the sides were pooled. no distributions were created for long bone epiphyseal fusion, as the method following mckern and stewart (1957) only provides age intervals by epiphysis per stage of fusion (e.g., proximal humerus, stage 0, observed from 17 to 20 years). descriptive statistics for postmortem estimates providing mean ages were calculated in r (r core team 2014). antemortem ages and statures were drawn from military records. when more than one stature was listed in the records, an average of reported statures was produced and used for comparative purposes. frequency distributions and descriptive statistics for antemortem stature and age were calculated in r (r core team 2014). antemortem and postmortem distributions were compared visually and using descriptive statistics (e.g., similar means and standard deviations). this formed the basis for the tiered prioritization strategy of the postcranial samples submitted for mtdna analyses (see results, below). all samples were sent to the armed forces dna identification laboratory (afdil) for sequencing. results antemortem stature and age distributions are given in figures 1 and 2; postmortem stature point estimate distributions for all six limb bones and pubic symphysis age distributions are given in figures 3 through 9. table 1 provides the mean, standard deviation, and within and outside one standard deviation intervals per distribution. 1. at the time data collection started for the oklahoma project, the updated data collection procedures (langley et al. 2016) had not yet been released, so all measurements were taken following the moorejansen et al. (1994) standards for consistency throughout the duration of the project. brown and lynch 123 comparing figures 1 through 9, there is a clear similarity between distributions of antemortem and postmortem stature and age, though it is noted that the use of mckern and stewart (1957) demonstrates a regression to the mean for pubic symphysis age point estimates as compared to the antemortem data. additionally, the average of tibiae point estimates is an inch shorter than the averages for all other long bones in the postmortem assemblage and for the average antemortem stature of oklahoma crew members. however, because the standard deviation for stature based on the fig. 1—distribution of antemortem statures for the oklahoma sample; mean = 68.56 inches, sd = 2.31 inches, n = 374. the black, dashed, and dotted lines are mean, one standard deviation, and two standard deviations, respectively. fig. 2—distribution of antemortem ages for the oklahoma sample; mean = 24.49 years, sd = 6.4 years, n = 394. the dashed line indicates the median, and the solid line indicates the mean. fig. 3—distribution of stature point estimates for the humerus; mean = 68.26 inches, sd = 1.86 inches, n = 507. the solid, dashed, and dotted lines are mean, one standard deviation, and two standard deviations, respectively. fig. 4—distribution of stature point estimates for the ulna; mean = 68.35 inches, standard deviation = 1.49 inches, n = 328. the solid, dashed, and dotted lines are mean, one standard deviation, and two standard deviations, respectively. 124 biological profile data to inform dna sequencing tibia point estimates is similar to the other long bones and the distribution of point estimates based on the tibia is normal, the tibia data are still used in the prioritization strategy. because of the similar standard deviations, it was determined that the issue is with how condylomalleolar length is being translated into stature and not because of great variation in tibia length.2 of 394 individuals, 160 are at least one standard deviation from the antemortem mean stature 2. for a detailed analysis of this issue, see lynch et al. (2019). the condylomalleolar length of the tibia was measured following the description in moorejansen et al. (1994). fig. 5—distribution of stature point estimates for the radius; mean = 68.44 inches, sd = 1.47 inches, n = 325. the solid, dashed, and dotted lines are mean, one standard deviation, and two standard deviations, respectively. fig. 6—distribution of stature point estimates for the femur; mean = 68.17 inches, sd = 1.97 inches, n = 642. the solid, dashed, and dotted lines are mean, one standard deviation, and two standard deviations, respectively. fig. 7—distribution of stature point estimates for the tibia; mean = 67.08 inches, sd = 1.88 inches, n = 573. the solid, dashed, and dotted lines are mean, one standard deviation, and two standard deviations, respectively. fig. 8—distribution of stature point estimates for the fibula; mean = 68.45 inches, sd = 1.97 inches, n = 360. the solid, dashed, and dotted lines are mean, one standard deviation, and two standard deviations, respectively. brown and lynch 125 fig. 9—distribution of age estimates based on the public symphysis; mean = 24.31 years, sd = 5.21 years, n = 405. the dashed line indicates the median, and the solid line indicates the mean. table 1—descriptive statistics for antemortem and postmortem stature and age distributions, including within and outside one standard deviation intervals. biological parameter mean standard deviation within 1 standard deviation outside 1 standard deviation antemortem stature (inches) 68.56 2.31 66.25– 70.87 <66.25; >70.87 postmortem stature (inches)— humerus 68.26 1.86 66.40– 70.12 <66.40; >70.12 postmortem stature (inches)— ulna 68.35 1.49 66.86– 69.84 <66.86; >69.84 postmortem stature (inches)— radius 68.44 1.47 66.97– 69.91 <66.97; >69.91 postmortem stature (inches)— femur 68.17 1.97 66.20– 70.14 <66.20; >70.14 postmortem stature (inches)— tibia 67.08 1.88 65.20– 68.96 <65.20; >68.96 postmortem stature (inches)— fibula 68.45 1.97 66.48– 70.42 <66.48; >70.42 antemortem age (years) 24.49 6.40 18.09– 30.89 <18.09; >30.89 postmortem age (years)— pubic symphysis 24.31 5.21 19.10– 29.52 <19.10; >29.52 and/or age; this represents 40.6% of the oklahoma loss population that can potentially be segregated based on stature and/or age. it is important to note that biological profile characteristics are not the only means by which segregation occurs in the oklahoma project. dental records, the presence of a dna reference sample, and the commonality of the mtdna sequence are also important factors in segregation and eventual identification. for example, an individual may be of average height and age but have a rare mtdna sequence and thus is easily segregated and identified because no other individuals share that mtdna sequence, while an individual who is an outlier for age and/or stature has no dna reference on file or a common dna sequence and thus takes longer to segregate and identify. for additional information on dna reference samples and the identification process for oklahoma crew members, see brown (2019). the prioritization strategy does not address the overall identification success for the project, which is unknown at this time, but outlines a method by which elements can be moved forward in the dna sequencing queue using height and age estimations, rather than waiting for all dna samples to be sequenced by order of receipt. it is important to note that due to the extensive commingling in this assemblage, very few of the identifications are made without dna data. based on the composition of the loss population and the commingled assemblage and similarities in means and standard deviations, postcranial samples were prioritized in four tiers, representing 32.6% of the total samples submitted to afdil (table 2). the prioritization strategy targeted elements with stature and/or age estimates that fell at least one standard deviation from the oklahoma (antemortem) means. the rationale was to prioritize elements that were more likely to come from individuals at least one standard deviation from antemortem mean height and/or age, as these elements are the easiest to segregate from the commingled assemblage; however, the strategy was not find elements that belong to the same individual. the first tier to be prioritized was long bones with stature point estimates greater than or less than two standard deviations from the point estimate mean per element, as these likely represented the tallest and shortest individuals in the assemblage, respectively. the second tier included those elements that produced age estimates less than or equal to 20 years and greater than or equal to 30 years (stage 0, 1, and 2 fusion for the long bones, and composite scores of 0– 5 and 14– 15 for the pubic symphysis), in order to capture those individuals at or outside one standard deviation from the antemortem mean age. the third tier consisted of elements exhibiting stage 3 fusion, as this generally occurs in the early twenties, and the fourth tier was long bones providing point estimates between one and two standard deviations from the point estimate mean per element. this particular order was chosen to attempt to sequence elements from individuals furthest from the mean first and then progress through the remains from greatest to least deviation from the mean. due to the antemortem age distribution for the loss population, epiphyses fusing in the mid to late twenties were not prioritized as part of the strategy. if an element was placed in multiple levels (e.g., femur with unfused epiphyses and 126 biological profile data to inform dna sequencing table 2—prioritization of samples: descriptions and counts. total dna samples submitted from june 2015 to october 2017, n = 4,749. level description n % of total 0 all cranial and dental 604 12.7 1 stature point estimate ± 2 standard deviations (in inches) 89 1.9 2 age estimate ≤ 20, ≥ 30 (in years) 247 5.2 3 age estimate ~21 (in years) 106 2.2 4 stature point estimate ± 1– 2 standard deviations (in inches) 501 10.5 total all prioritized 1,547 32.6 point estimate of 72 inches), it was given the higher of the ranked priorities. as of 1 june 2018, 44 individuals of the 93 individuals identified, approved for identification, or currently segregated from the assemblage and undergoing analysis were at least one standard deviation from mean stature and/or age. this represents 47.3% of the study sample. figure 10 displays the breakdown of these 44 by status: identified, approved for identification, or currently undergoing analysis and segregated from the commingled assemblage. these 44 individuals represent 27.5% of the 160 oklahoma casualties that are at least one standard deviation from mean stature and/or age. the prioritization strategy resulted in the mtdna sequencing of 943 postcranial samples. when combined with the cranial and dental samples that were processed first, this results in a total of 1,547 samples processed as priority, out of a total 4,749 submitted (32.6%). the completion of the postcranial priority tiers took approximately 18 months, though it should be noted that during this time afdil also processed many other cases and projects as well as additional nuclear testing for the oklahoma project. discussion as of 1 june 2018, mtdna sequencing was just over 65% complete for the entire project, and all priority samples were completed. project analyses have resulted in the identification or segregation of 93 individuals, and nearly half of them are at least one standard deviation from the loss population mean antemortem stature and/or age. this indicates that the biologicalprofileinformed strategy to target specific samples for sequencing, rather than relying on order of submission, can be considered a success in this assemblage in terms of segregating and identifying individuals earlier than if waiting for all dna to be sequenced, because it resulted in nearly double the number of identifications in the initial phase of the project. this strategy does not consider overall project success in terms of identifications, since the project is ongoing, and identifications rely heavily on dna. due to this reliance on dna, ultimately identification is related largely to having a reference sample on file and the relative rarity of that sequence in the oklahoma sample as well as the ability to use other methods to segregate and associate elements and individuals. biological anthropologists use their knowledge of human variation to segregate individuals. in commingled assemblages this variation enables anthropologists to employ smart sampling strategies that can reduce the burden on the dna testing laboratory by associating elements prior to dna analyses. in this case, given the size of the assemblage and high degree of commingling, sorting was not possible prior to dna testing, so variations in size and morphology were employed to inform the order of sequencing. additionally, once an element on a priority list has been sequenced, analysts worked to associate contralateral elements via osteometric sorting (byrd & adams 2003; byrd & legarde 2014) and visual pair matching in order to reduce the burden on afdil by canceling elements that were sampled but subsequently successfully associated to sequenced elements. the prioritization strategy employed here has not resulted in a dramatic decrease in the overall number of samples requiring analysis at afdil. however, even several dozen cancellations enables afdil to put time and resources toward other samples. where this process likely will provide some efficiency is in the association of additional remains to previously identified individuals. because identifications are made prior to all dna samples being sequenced, there are instances in which an element or elements are associated to an individual following identification. in these cases, additional skeletal, dna, and dental reports must be written, as applicable, in order to associate the additional remains. by prioritizing the sequencing of elements that are likely from individuals who are outside one standard deviation in height and/or age, it is more likely that all elements for a single individual will be sequenced first, then segregated, and, fig. 10—identification and analysis of individuals at least one standard deviation from antemortem stature and age means compared to individuals similar to the mean. brown and lynch 127 finally, identified at the same time, thus reducing the workload involved in writing multiple reports later. however, this efficiency has not yet been proven or disproven in the oklahoma project. prioritizing the samples is important given the fiveyear timeline for the oklahoma project and the amount of time that has passed since the incident. while prioritizing likely will not affect the overall number of identifications, it is important in terms of identifying individuals earlier on, thereby reducing the missing persons pool. identification now, rather than once all dna has been processed, is also important for family members. december 2018 marked the 77th anniversary of the bombing of pearl harbor and while there are still living siblings of the oklahoma crew members, there are fewer with each passing year. by employing this strategy, an inherent statement is being made about the usefulness of each element in terms of segregation potential. in this study, elements that do not appear in the priority list are those that do not have information that is considered probative to distinguishing individuals based on the distribution of age and/or stature in the loss population. however, as detailed above, this does not necessarily affect the ultimate identification, as other lines of evidence are also used to support the association of a set of segregated remains to an individual. but, the prioritization strategy can and should be customized based on the demographic composition of the loss population. for example, ancestry was not used for this project, because all crania were sequenced prior to the development of the tiered list. however, had this not been the case, ancestry assessment of the crania would have been included in the tiers, since the oklahoma loss population included only a small number of individuals of asian and african ancestry that would likely have been able to be segregated based on morphology and osteometry. the prioritization strategy outlined here relies on standardized data collection of the entire assemblage. this step is crucial because it provides the baseline for understanding the assemblage in terms of demographic composition and number of individuals represented. in projects where multiple analysts are collecting data on the skeletal remains, it is also important to outline standard protocols, such as what age estimation methods are used, so that data collection is consistent across the assemblage. additional limitations to this method include the availability of antemortem anthropological data, the preservation of skeletal elements, and the recovery of elements. the antemortem and postmortem frequency distributions are only as good as the data available. if biological profile data for the loss population are not available or measurements and estimates cannot be made on the remains due to preservation or absence of elements, it is not possible to create frequency distributions and sort individuals or elements using this strategy. the use of the mckern and stewart (1957) pubic symphysis ages demonstrates a wellknown phenomenon in biological anthropology: age mimicry of the study sample to the method reference sample (bocquetappel & masset 1982). while the oklahoma assemblage is theoretically similar to the mckern and stewart (1957) sample— young, white military males— the samples are not identical. when the mckern and stewart (1957) pubic symphysis is used, it underages the upper end of the oklahoma distribution, pushing individuals closer to the sample mean. finally, this study demonstrates that interdisciplinary work continues to be vital to the resolution of commingling. dna and skeletal analysis should be used in tandem, in a type of feedback loop where each informs the other. in this case, working relationships between anthropologists and dna analysts are vital to the success of the prioritization strategy as well as the project as a whole. conclusion this study demonstrates the utility of using demographic data to prioritize the dna sequencing of elements in a large commingled assemblage. this research focused on isolating potential outliers in both the antemortem and postmortem data and focusing on these individuals for earlier segregations and identifications. because of the demographic makeup of the loss population, the clavicle and innominates were not targeted in the initial priority sequencing strategy. however, they have now been added as the fifth tier in order to aid with age estimates during the association to known individuals phase of the project. references bocquetappel jp, masset c. farewell to paleodemography. journal of human 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2013. accessed may 29, 2018. yazedijian l, kešetović r. the application of traditional anthropological methods in a dnaled identification project. in: adams bj, byrd je, eds. recovery, analysis, and identification of commingled human remains. totowa, nj: humana press; 2008:271– 284. https://osteocoder.com/ http://www.r-project.org/ https://www.nist.gov/topics/forensic-science/anthropology-subcommittee https://www.nist.gov/topics/forensic-science/anthropology-subcommittee login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review 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commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news 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@jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics 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5, no. 3: 193–194 doi: 10.5744/fa.2022.4000a introduction introduction derek congrama,b when i started professional forensic work in 1999 in bosnia, i had just finished the coursework and field school for my master’s degree. i was feeling pretty smart until about 10 minutes after starting work, when i realized how much i still had to learn (this realization is ongoing). i was extremely fortunate to be on teams in the field and morgue staffed by colombians, argentines, peruvians, and guatemalans. ten years later, in 2009, i was helping direct a mass grave excavation course for government forensic scientists in colombia. after about two days of the class, i was pretty certain that the “students” knew about as much or more than the “teachers.” almost a decade after that, in 2017, i returned to colombia with the international committee of the red cross (icrc) to manage a team of three forensic anthropologists. one of whom, angel medina, i had worked with in the former yugoslavia; another, juan felipe berrío, had been in the mass grave excavation course in 2009. the third was pedro pérez torres, co-author of the eaaf biography in this special issue. in the three and a half years that i was with this equipazo pequeño (great small team), we recruited two more remarkable forensic anthropologists from the prosecutor’s office: liliana alvarez and juan benavides caro. between 2006 and 2009, i was doing my doctoral research in spain. the equipazo there is part of the aranzadi zientzia elkartea (aranzadi society of sciences, http://www.aranzadi.eus/?lang=en) from the basque country. there, dr. francisco (paco) etxeberría leads teams in the excavation of clandestine mass graves created during their 1930s civil war or postwar violence. i watched him pull out a vacuum cleaner to clear loose sediment off of skeletons—something i had only previously read about (hochrein 2001)—before he gave victim family members a guided tour of the grave (ever the professor, he captivates his audience and demonstrates by example that the legitimacy of the work rests in its closeness to victim families). i have always been in awe of many latin american forensic scientists and the colleagues in spain: they have seen it all and they take things in stride. the philosophy is often quite distinct from the conventional anglo model that puts up the yellow tape and keeps everyone (sometimes including families) at a distance. perhaps greatest among the things that amaze me about forensics in latin america, however, is the lack of forensic education programs in countries with so great a need. many state scientists and non-governmental organizations (ngos) are constantly working, case after case. the lack of academic programs, comparatively little time for research, and time/incentives to publish, mean that in the english-speaking world we generally know little of their vast and deep experience. that was the inspiration for this special issue of forensic anthropology. the condition was this: if we are going to share their experience and ideas, they also need to be published in their native language. fortuna et al. give us a shocking overview of the scale and complexity of the problem in mexico. despite recent developments in the country to address disappearances and violent death, the problem is not abating. also from mexico, caballero valencia and landa juarez propose a field investigation method that was developed in the us. sadly, even where world-class expertise exists locally and resources abound, authorities in many north american jurisdictions simply do not employ these methods. it is remarkable, then, that we should see the proposal and implementation of these standards in other, “less-developed” countries. molina et al. present a novel experiment. not only is their interdisciplinary research design well laid-out, but they address a “grey” area in terms of responsibility in forensic analysis, that of clothing. according to the authors, this is clearly the job of the archaeologist who specializes in material culture analysis and it provokes the question of what practitioners in north america and europe, for example, are doing and could learn from latin america. another grey area in forensics is presented by serulla rech: the forensic analysis of human remains that are religious relics. i want to acknowledge that dr. serulla rech was the first to submit an article for this special issue and was extremely timely with his revisions. he has suffered the longest wait because of his diligence, tempered only slightly by the fact that the case comes from 1991. when we consider that “forensic” simply refers to legal (rather than the more commonly understood criminal) questions, we are reminded of the pertinence of such cases to our discipline. reyes baeza speaks of the interpretative (cf translation) needs when collecting antemortem information, as the people who are subjects of forensic investigation are often from marginalized populations, those distinct from investigators. this challenge is clear for those involved in international investigations or in countries with great inequality based on ethnic, racialized, or other grounds. even in progressive canada, a judicial review of a serial homicide investigation showed that police had serious problems interviewing members of the lgbtq2+ community because of distrust and lack of empathy expressed by investigators (epstein 2021). when the american academy of forensic sciences section changed its name from “physical anthropology” to just “anthropology”, it was in part a product of the recognition of the multidisciplinary nature of anthropology that this and other articles in this issue demonstrate. like it or leave it, we cannot deny the sometimes-critical importance of adopting methods and perspectives from our cultural colleagues. of course, for most north american forensic anthropologists, the obvious connector between latin and north america is clyde snow (reyes baeza, this issue; pérez torres & congram, this issue). while snow did not “create” forensic anthropology in latin america, he certainly helped it take root. what has grown in the decades since is a testament to the staying power of forensic anthropologists in latin america, seen in particular with luis fondebrider, co-founder and former president of the argentine forensic anthropology team (eaaf) recently assuming the head position of the forensic unit of the icrc. the articles here are complimented by a biography of the eaaf. practically everyone knows about the eaaf, but perhaps without really knowing the eaaf.1 their foundational efforts and orientation are exemplary for our discipline. these articles highlight some of the remarkable work in the spanish-speaking world, but also intimidating and necessary challenges for the region: the need for greater resources, specialized forensic education and research, improved interagency collaboration, increases in specialized staff (e.g., forensic archaeologists and anthropologists), and interdisciplinary work toward identification, among other issues. i owe the contributors of this issue an apology. it took much, much longer to get to print than anyone expected—too long, in fact—and i share responsibility for this. it would be trite to blame the pandemic. i would like to thank and acknowledge the peer reviewers. i also thank devin finn who balanced a new baby with translations. as i rushed to get a proposal for funding of translations into the humanitarian and human rights resource center of the american academy of forensic sciences, i was duped by an automated online estimation system for translations, which gave me a gross underestimate of translation costs. many thanks to aafs hhrrc for giving me what i had asked for, and a very special thanks to the icrc delegation in colombia for covering the additional costs required for translation. i hope you enjoy reading this issue and i hope it inspires more regional exchange in forensic anthropology! references epstein gj. missing and missed; report of the independent civilian review into missing person investigations. available at: https://www.missingpersonsreview.ca/report-missing-and-missed. accessed 11 june 2021. hochrein mj. an autopsy of the grave: recognizing, collecting, and preserving geotaphonomic evidence. in: haglund wd, sorg mh, eds. advances in forensic taphonomy: method, theory, and archaeological perspectives. boca raton, fl: crc press; 2001. 1. editor’s note: this is perhaps an unsuccessful attempt to use a clever play on words because of different forms of “to know” in spanish; see spanish translation. ainternational committee of the red cross bdepartment of archaeology, simon fraser university login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe forensic anthropology vol. 5, no. 3: 239–250 doi: 10.5744/fa.2020.2023a © 2022 university of florida press population variation can be explored using metric analysis of the human cranium (algeehewitt 2016; hefner et al. 2016; howells 1973; relethford 1994; 2010; roseman & weaver 2004; wrobel et al. 2018). in forensic anthropology, these analyses are incorporated in the estimation of ancestry, or broad geographical origin (algeehewitt 2017; dunn et al. 2020; hefner et al. 2016; spradley 2014a; stull et al. 2014). these studies rely on known data obtained from reference samples to create population affinity estimation models generating probabilistic statements for an unknown individual’s population affinity. the level of resolution in these models can range from broad to narrow, generally representing some form similar to the three or fivegroup ancestry, social constructs and peerperceived classifications, or even finer population levels (hefner 2018). applying these models expedites the identification process in forensic casework and increases our understanding of group similarity within localized geographical arenas or larger geopolitical boundaries. using these data, we investigate intraregional variation in a sample from antioquia, medellín, colombia. colombians account for approximately 2%, or roughly 1.1 million, documented immigrants to the u.s. each year (lópez 2015). in 2015, the u.s. was the second most common destination for outmigration from colombia (carvajal 2017). following current u.s. governmental classifications, colombians are included in the broad demographic category hispanic. this paper reinforces the argument for populationspecific methods beyond hispanic and emphasizes the need for representative comparative datasets. we agree with ross et al. (2004) and spradley (2014a, 2014b) that the term hispanic is uninformative to the assessment of geographic origin in a forensic context. we present support for finer levels of resolution in po pulation affinity estimation, specifically for hispanic groups. when we do use the term hispanic in this paper, we apply it as it is used in the united states’ governmental classifications to distinguish persons originating from latin america. we understand this term is not reflective of selfidentification or ethnicity. materials and methods data used in this study include craniometric measurements collected from skeletal material originating in antioquia, adepartment of anthropology, michigan state university, east lansing, mi 48824, usa bdepartamento de antropología— fcsh, universidad de antioquia, medellín, colombia *correspondence to: kelly r. kamnikar, department of anthropology, 655 auditorium drive, michigan state university, east lansing, mi 48824, usa email: kamnikar@msu . edu received 17 july 2019; revised 29 april 2020; accepted 02 may 2020 research article craniometric variation in a regional sample from antioquia, medellín, colombia: implications for forensic work in the americas kelly r. kamnikara* ● joseph t. hefnera ● timisay monsalveb ● liliana maria bernal florezb abstract: population affinity estimation is frequently assessed from measurements of the cranium. traditional models place individuals into discrete groups―such as hispanic―that often encompass very diverse populations. current research, including this study, challenges these assumptions using more refined population affinity estimation analyses. we examine craniometric data for a sample of individuals from different regions in antioquia, colombia. we first assessed the sample to understand intraregional variation in cranial shape as a function of birthplace or a culturally constructed social group label. then, pooling the colombian data, we compare cranial variation with global contemporary and prehistoric groups. results did not indicate significant intraregional variation in antioquia; classification models performed poorly (28.6% for birthplace and 36.6% for social group). when compared to other groups (american black, american white, asian, modern hispanic, and prehistoric native american), our model correctly classified 75.5% of the samples. we further refined the model by separating the pooled hispanic sample into mexican and guatemalan samples, which produced a correct classification rate of 74.4%. these results indicate significant differences in cranial form among groups commonly united under the classification “hispanic” and bolster the addition of a refined approach to population affinity estimation using craniometric data. keywords: forensic anthropology, craniometric analysis, population affinity estimation, human rights, biological distance 240 cranial variation in antioquia, colombia table 1—interlandmark distances used in analysis. abbreviation measurement abbreviation measurement gol xcb zyb bbh bnl bpl mab aub nlh nlb wfb* fob* cranial length cranial breadth bizygomatic breadth basionbregma height cranial base length basionprosthion length maxillaalveolar breadth biauricular breadth nasal height nasal breadth minimum frontal breadth foramen magnum breadth obb obh ekb dkb frc pac occ fol mdh mal* ufbr* ufht* orbital breadth orbit height biorbital breadth interorbital breadth frontal chord parietal chord occipital chord foramen magnum length mastoid height maximum alveolar length upper facial breadth upper facial height adapted from langley et al. (2016). (*) indicates a measurement used in the intraregional colombian analysis. table 2—colombian sample by birthplace and social group. birthplace social group n uraba a 6 occidente a 17 oriente b 29 suroeste b 44 nordeste c 6 norte d 25 valle de aburra e 89 total: 216 *adapted from monsalve & hefner (2016). medellín, colombia; a sample from the forensic databank (fdb; jantz & moorejansen 1998); and a sample of prehistoric native american data from the howells dataset (1973) and the national museum of natural history (jth). a separate discussion for each sample follows. colombian sample the craniometric data in the colombian sample comprises 19 interlandmark distance measures (table 1) from 243 individuals (males = 172; females = 70; unknown = 1). this sample— referred to hereafter as the colombian sample― originates from the osteological reference collection (n = 317) housed at the university of antioquia, medellín, colombia (monsalve & hefner 2016). this collection contains individuals with known birth years between the 1950s and the current century, with ageatdeath values ranging from birth to 99 years. many of the individuals in the colombian sample originate from the san pedro cemetery museum and the university cemetery in the city of medellín, but have birth locations from multiple municipalities within the department of antioquia (table 2; figure 1). to ensure ethical use of data, we only included those individuals who donated their remains or were donated responsibly by next of kin for skeletal research. information on phylogeographical social classifications were included in our analysis, although the nature of selfassignment or assignment after death is not known (see table 2). as social group is used to distinguish living peoples in colombia, we also test the classificatory power of those labels derived from the osteological collection. monsalve and hefner (2016) provide a discussion on the roles social groupings play in antioquia. lastly, we pooled the colombian sample for comparison to other groups from the fdb, the howells data, and the nmnh. comparative samples a subset of individuals from the fdb (n = 654), the howells dataset (n = 268), and the nmnh (n = 60) were compared to the colombian sample (see table 3). the fdb is a repository for cranial and postcranial measurements from identified skeletal remains (moorejansen & jantz 1998). our analysis includes samples representing american black, american white, asian, and individuals identified as hispanic in the fdb. these samples were selected to reflect the current demographic structure of the u.s. data for the american black, american white, and asian samples in the fdb include samples from the terry, bass, and hammantodd skeletal collections and identified casework submitted to the fdb by forensic practitioners across the u.s. the fdb hispanic sample broadly reflects hispanic individuals as defined by u.s. practices, and includes individual with origins from a number of countries (e.g., costa rica, el salvador, guatemala, honduras, mexico, puerto rico, and panamá) (jantz & ousley 2005). due to small sample sizes (n < 2) for some countries in the fdb hispanic sample, we limited our samples to the mexican and guatemalan individuals. we also compiled a third comparative sample representing prehistoric native americans derived from the howells dataset and the nmnh. this sample was included to attempt to reflect groups with similar population histories to indigenous populations in the americas. statistical analyses all analyses were conducted using r statistical software (r core team 2018), a free software environment for statistical computing and graphics. to remove the influence of sex on the data, all observations were first scaled and centered (setting mean to 0 and standard deviation to 1). for the majority of the sample, complete observation was the norm. however, some of the samples did have missing data. this includes (percent missing): asian (9%), colombian (33%), and prehistoric native american (8%). individuals with ten or more missing ilds were removed entirely from the analysis. missing values were imputed, by variable, using the mice kamnikar et al. 241 package (van buuren & groothuisoudshoorn 2011). this method is appropriate for imputation of several data types, including continuous data. we used the predictive mean matching approach to select a random observation from the pool of observed values (by variable) to replace a missing value (van buuren & groothuisoudshoorn 2011). outliers were identified using cook’s distance. birthplace and social group were tested among the intraregional sample for associations with craniometric measurements using a multivariate analysis of variance (manova) and pairwise analysis of variance (anova). the manova was used to examine the effect of social group and birthplace on cranial morphology, while the pairwise anovas examined the individual relationships between the ilds and the grouping variables. a canonical (linear discriminant function [ldfa]) analysis quantified the relationship between samples and measured variability within and between each to develop prediction equations. for intraregional tests, the dependent variables were birthplace and social group. in the more comprehensive comparative analysis, geographic origin was the dependent variable. in both ldfas, prior probabilities were set to simulate equal probability of group membership. one analysis explored classification accuracies for the american black, american white, asian, pooled colombian, prehistoric native american, and pooled hispanic samples; a second analysis separated the hispanic sample into colombian, guatemalan, and mexican groups. all models were crossvalidated using a leaveoneout (loocv) procedure. finally, we calculated mahalanobis distances (d2) using the hdmd package (mcferrin 2013) to assess similarity/dissimilarity and explore potential group relatedness. results intraregional variability within antioquia cook’s distance identified six potential outliers; however, four were from the uraba (n = 6) region and one from the nordeste (n = 6) region. due to these already small samples, the outliers were not removed. the manova results indicate significant effects (α = 0.05) for both birthplace and social group. the pairwise anovas identified significant interaction between (1) birthplace and bbh, fig. 1—map of antioquia, colombia (monsalve & hefner 2016). table 3—sample distribution. sample size males females unknown total colombian 172 70 1 243 american white 126 74 200 american black 101 99 200 asian 151 8 1 160 native american 146 175 7 328 arikara 42 27 69 ― santa cruz 51 51 102 ― blackfeet 25 45 70 ― indian knoll 11 16 27 ― smithsonian (jth) 17 36 7 60 ― hispanic 94 mexican 74 9 83 ― guatemalan 6 5 11 ― total: 1,198 *the subset of individuals in the american black, american white, and asian groups were randomly selected using the rand() function in excel. 242 cranial variation in antioquia, colombia bnl, bpl, mab, and nlh, and (2) social group and bbh, bpl, mab, and nlh. the ldfa tested the influence of birthplace on cranial variability. figure 2 illustrates the group centroids and their relationships. the overall correct classification rate by birthplace using loocv was 28.6%; an accuracy above random allocation (~14%). correct classifications range from 16.7% (nordeste, uraba) to 37.1% (valle de aburra) (table 4). here, the regions with the highest accuracies were valle de aburra followed by occidente (28.6%) and norte (28.0%). uraba and nordeste had the lowest classification accuracy at 16.7%, just above random, which could indicate disparate populations or issues related to sample size (n = 6) for both groups (figure 2). to understand if social designations influence craniometric variability (i.e., gene flow), a second ldfa was performed using social group categories. performance rates were not high, although group classification increased to 36.6%. the highest classification accuracy was 43.8% (table 5). figure 3 shows the centroids for each social group. in order to understand overall similarity, a mahalanobis distance (d2) matrix was calculated using birthplace and social group (tables 6 and 7). here, suroeste and oriente are similar, while the rest of the groups appear as separate branches. uraba is most unlike other groups (figure 4). social groups ‘a’ and ‘d’ are most similar to each other, as are ‘b’ and ‘e’; however, social group ‘c’ is distinct from all other groups (figure 5). variability among the colombian sample and comparative samples the ldfa of the colombian and the comparative samples perform well (figure 6). the american black, american white, and colombian sample exhibit slight overlap, but overall good separation. there is significant overlap between the hispanic, prehistoric native american, and asian samples. table 8 provides the classification accuracies for each group, with an overall model accuracy of 74.7%. the lowest classification rate is for the combined hispanic group (50.0%), while all other groups had classification accuracies higher than 71.0%. an additional ldfa on the refined hispanic dataset has a similar overall classification rate (71.4%). figure 7 illustrates the separation of the ldfa on the test sample. however, group classification rates vary considerably (table 9). the fig. 2—the first two discriminant axes, by birthplace. kamnikar et al. 243 table 4—classification rate of colombian sample by birthplace (loocv). nordeste norte occidente oriente suroeste uraba valle de aburra ccr (%) nordeste 1 0 0 2 2 0 1 16.7 norte 3 7 6 3 2 1 3 28.0 occidente 0 2 4 4 2 1 3 28.6 oriente 5 5 2 6 7 2 2 20.7 suroeste 6 7 1 7 9 6 8 20.5 uraba 0 1 0 1 2 1 1 16.7 valle de aburra 10 13 7 8 12 6 33 37.1 overall 28.6 table 5—classification rate of the colombian sample by social group (loocv). group a group b group c group d group e ccr (%) group a 5 5 1 5 4 25.0 group b 11 23 13 14 12 31.5 group c 0 4 1 0 1 16.7 group d 6 3 3 10 3 40.0 group e 11 14 10 15 39 43.8 overall 36.6 fig. 3—the first two discriminant axes, by social group. 244 cranial variation in antioquia, colombia colombian sample classifies moderately well (84.7%) with eight individuals misclassifying as mexican and two individuals misclassifying as guatemalan, the two other hispanic reference samples (table 9). the mahalanobis distances among the refined sample are presented in table 10. the d2 values for the colombian group was closest to american whites and mexicans, followed by the prehistoric native americans and guatemalans, then the mexican and asian and american black samples (figure 8). fig. 4—unrooted dendrograms projecting the mahalanobis distances. table 6—mahalanobis distance (d2) matrix on birthplace. nordeste norte occidente oriente suroeste uraba nordeste — norte 12.41 — occidente 12.67 6.39 — oriente 9.61 8.21 9.21 — suroeste 10.96 8.99 9.54 7.52 — uraba 19.70 14.32 13.32 14.52 10.94 — valle de aburra 11.18 10.07 10.52 9.81 7.02 12.30 table 7—mahalanobis distance (d2) matrix on social group. a b c d a — b 7.62 — c 13.84 9.78 — d 7.27 7.87 12.41 — e 9.26 7.37 11.18 10.07 fig. 5—unrooted dendrograms projecting the mahalanobis distances; see table 2 for relationship between social group and birthplace. discussion colombian cranial variation to understand cranial variation and its relationship to social and geographical categories in antioquia, several statistical models explored the interaction of cranial morphology to a priori group labels. the models did not perform well when birthplace or social group were used to ‘identify’ potential subsamples within the antioquian sample. heavy overlap of all groups in the ldfa suggest relative homogeneity across the groups in antioquia. interestingly, when plotting birthplace (see figure 2), the ellipses for the uraba and nordeste cohorts exhibit the least amount of overlap compared to the other groups. this may indicate differences in cranial shape that make uraba and nordeste more unique, but the small sample size (n = 6) and the inclusion of outliers may play a kamnikar et al. 245 role in these distributions. socially defined category ‘b’ (oriente and suroeste) and ‘e’ (valle de aburra), are geographically proximate and exhibit heavy overlap in the ldfa plot and are likewise similarly positioned in the d2 plot (see figure 5). social groups ‘a’ (uraba and occidente) and ‘d’ (norte) did not exhibit much overlap in the ldfa, despite geographical proximity; however, these two groups were more similar on the d2 plot (see figure 5). meaningful patterns did not emerge to relate craniometric variables to birthplace or social group categories. additional study with a larger sample size could clarify or support our results. classifying individuals by birthplace or a peerperceived social category using cranial measurements does not work well in antioquia. while this system can be used with some success in places like the u.s. and south africa (stull et al. 2014) where social race is used by the legal and law enforcement community as a ‘culturally constructed labeling system’ (sauer 1992:109), it cannot be applied in colombia, despite distinguishing individuals by social group or ethnicity (monsalve & hefner 2016). using mms data, monsalve and hefner (2016) found no significant differences in trait expression by birthplace, but more intraregional variation (46.0%) could be explained with mms trait data compared to the craniometric data (26.0%) used in this study. monsalve and hefner (2016) identified three main clusters (occidentea, suroesteb, and urabaa; valle de aburrae and nordestec; fig. 6—the first two discriminant axes for the sixgroup analysis. table 8—classification rate of colombian and comparative groups (loocv). american black american white asian colombian hispanic prehistoric native american ccr (%) american black 142 14 3 6 22 10 72.1 american white 10 148 3 16 11 6 76.3 asian 4 5 113 2 24 11 71.0 colombian 7 19 2 205 8 2 84.4 hispanic 9 9 11 2 45 14 50.0 prehistoric native american 15 9 31 1 20 251 76.7 overall: 74.7% 246 cranial variation in antioquia, colombia fig. 7—the first two discriminant axes for the sevengroup analysis. table 9—classification rate of colombian and comparative groups; refining the hispanic group (loocv). american black american white asian colombian guatemalan mexican prehistoric native american ccr (%) american black 139 14 3 6 9 18 8 70.1 american white 10 145 3 16 4 9 6 75.1 asian 3 5 110 1 10 20 10 69.2 colombian 6 18 2 206 2 8 1 84.7 guatemalan 0 1 1 0 5 3 3 38.5 mexican 10 8 6 2 13 31 9 39.2 prehistoric native american 15 10 27 0 33 13 229 70.0 overall: 71.4% table 10—mahalanobis distance (d2) matrix on the refined sample. american black american white asian colombian guatemalan mexican american black — american white 11.64 — asian 14.92 13.85 — colombian 15.85 13.56 15.34 — guatemalan 16.34 17.17 13.60 15.12 — mexican 11.65 11.78 7.82 13.86 10.62 — prehistoric native american 13.26 15.27 12.41 14.80 10.65 9.52 kamnikar et al. 247 and orienteb and norted) based on midfacial and vault characteristics. these clusters are not present within our results, indicating craniometric variation is not measurably different across groups or adequately captured by the ilds used in this study. further attempts to classify based on socially defined groups did not improve classifications with mms data, which is similar to results reported here. craniometric analysis of the colombian sample as a single dataset produced promising results. while other researchers noted heavy overlap with hispanic craniometric data (namely mexican and guatemalan samples) (dudzik & jantz 2016; hughes et al. 2019), the colombian sample, e.g., “hispanic”, did not overlap or misclassify considerably with these groups. this pattern was evident in the ldfa classification models, where colombians most frequently misclassified as american whites. despite these results, classification accuracies were high for all groups except mexican and guatemalan samples. d2 scores for the colombian sample were closest to the american white and mexican samples, followed by the prehistoric native american, guatemala, asian, then american black samples. proximity to and misclassifications in the american white sample suggest a significant european ancestral component in antioquia. morphological and genetic research in colombia suggests a diverse population structure corresponding to african, european, mesoamerican, and south american origins (bryc et al. 2010; lopez et al. 2012). fig. 8—unrooted dendrograms projecting the mahalanobis distances (pre na = prehistoric native american; colom = colombian; black = american black; white = american white; guate = guatemalan). in antioquia, geographical barriers, most notably the andes mountain range, have contributed to population isolation and development of the paisa, a distinct regional identity based on sociopolitical processes and ancestral origins. the paisa includes a racial hierarchical component (posada 2003), corresponding to ‘whiteness’ or ‘white’ ethnic groups (álvarez 1996). genetic studies in antioquia demonstrate a significant european component, with smaller contributions from african and native american groups (bravo et al. 1996; carvajal carmona et al. 2000; sandoval et al. 1993). a significant genomic contribution from a male, spanish founder population, persists in the ychromosome of individuals in the region today (carvajalcarmona et al. 2000). interestingly, the majority of mitochondrial dna contributions came from four amerindian founder linages (carvajalcarmona et al. 2000). because craniometric data is highly heritable (adhikari et al. 2016; relethford & harpending 1994; roseman & weaver 2004; šešelj et al. 2015), and genetic structure in the antioquian region indicates a large european contribution through migration (bravo et al. 1996; carvajalcarmona et al. 2000), it is not surprising that the cranial phenotype is comparable to the american white sample of the groups tested. both populations are genetically descended from european populations (bryc et al. 2010, 2015), and therefore, are more similar to each other than other groups used in this analysis. migration and restricted gene flow in antioquia could explain the separation between the colombian sample and the asian derived samples (asian, guatemalan, mexican and prehistoric native american). genetic studies identify a mix of african, european, and native american genetic contributions to populations in antioquia (bryc et al. 2010; wang et al. 2008), which could explain these results. comparing our results to monsalve and hefner’s (2016) conclusions, we found that craniometric data has a higher classification accuracy (74.7%: pooled hispanic data; and 71.4%: separate hispanic groups) when compared with results derived with artificial neural network analysis used on cranial mms traits (48.0%). in their study, colombians misclassified as american black (10.0%), american white (16.6%), and hispanic (10.0%) individuals (monsalve & hefner 2016). our craniometric analysis shows less frequent misclassification for the same groups: american black (2.5%), american white (7.4%), asian (0.8%), prehistoric native american (0.4%), and the two hispanic groups: mexican (3.2%) and guatemalan (0.8%). further comparison of the spatial distribution using the two approaches illustrates similar patterning. the pca using cranial mms data identified four clusters: 1) hispanic and american white, 2) pacific islander and asian, 3) american black, and 4) colombian. the d2 results from this metricbased study identified three clusters: 1) asian and mexican, 2) guatemalan and prehistoric native american 3) american black, american white, and colombian. again, the separation of the colombian sample 248 cranial variation in antioquia, colombia from the hispanic samples in both analyses bolsters calls for the refinement of this category in population affinity estimation. we recommend that colombians from antioquia not be included under the broad heading hispanic, but as a separate sample in comparative analysis. implications for future work in the region there are several implications for future forensic work in the americas and within colombia. while we could not distinguish individuals by birthplace or social group using craniometric data, cranial variation is not necessarily homogeneous in colombia. these results warrant additional testing of the antioquian sample against other regions in the country. for example, mountainous and costal populations may differ from each other, which may be true for individuals born in cities like barranquilla or cartagena compared with bogotá or cali. identification of larger, intraregional variation within colombia may have direct implications for current migration events from venezuela (faiola 2018; miami herald 2018), potentially providing an option for estimating geographic origin in the region. additionally, regional studies in colombia may provide useful for identification efforts for unidentified individuals from colombia’s armed conflict, which potentially number into the 100,000s (fondebrider 2016). we hope our results stimulate this type of research in the region and other countries, especially those involved in mass migration events, as a possible avenue for estimating geographic origin. all three hispanic samples in this study (mexico, guatemala, and colombia) are grouped under one classificatory group within traditional population affinity estimation models. however, the level of separation between the colombian sample from the mexican and guatemalan samples warrants a rethinking of population affinity estimation for this group. our results support previous findings by spradley et al. (figueroasoto & spradley 2012; spradley 2014b; tise et al. 2014) and ross et al. (ross et al. 2014; humphries et al. 2015) suggesting populations in latin america, while geographically proximate, show considerable cranial variation. we suggest practitioners consider the origin of hispanic samples and the use of pooled data in three or fivegroup models. hispanic samples, such as the subsample from the fdb, comprise individuals from neighboring countries like costa rica, cuba, el salvador, guatemala, mexico, puerto rico, and panamá (anderson 2008). differences among these groups are certainly apparent at a finer level of refinement since each was subjected to a unique historical migration and evolutionary events. while the debate over appropriate and necessary levels of population affinity refinement for forensic casework is ongoing, this research bolsters support toward a more refined approach. the addition of this regional sample to modern, reference datasets allows for population specific models for colombians (hefner & spradley 2018; spradley 2016). future research using this and other diverse samples from latin america is poised to address current issues in forensic anthropology research and practice. conclusion this study aimed to assess if craniometric analysis can be used to identify intraregional variation within antioquia, medellín, colombia. while we failed to demonstrate separation based on birthplace or social labels, the pooled colombian sample separated well from other comparative groups, including other populations traditionally classified under the term hispanic. this study demonstrates heterogeneity within latin american populations, offering further support to the call for refinement of the hispanic category. following the suggestions outlined in hefner and spradley (2018), we advocate a broadlevel analysis, followed by further refinement, especially within the hispanic group designation. as more data are collected on this diverse group and incorporated into reference databanks, researchers will identify patterned differences and nuances within those samples. understanding and investigating these patterns could have profound implications for diasporic events in the americas and contribute to identification in forensic casework in latin america and the u.s. in this study, the regional antioquian sample was most useful when grouped together as a single colombian dataset, and compared to other hispanic and nonhispanic groups encountered in forensic casework. this approach could be useful when incorporating reference data for new hispanic populations. further studies should incorporate cranial mms and craniometric data together, as previous research demonstrates more accurate classification results when combined (hefner et al. 2014). references adhikari k, fuentesguajardo m, quintosánchez m, mendoza revilla j, chacónduque jc, acuñaalonzo v, et al. a genomewide association scan implicates dchs2, runx2, gli3, pax1 and edar in human facial variation. nature communications 2016;7:11616. algeehewitt bfb. 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criteria in south florida cuban americans. journal of forensic sciences 2004;49:11– 16. sandoval c, de la hoz a, yunis e. estructura genética de la población colombiana. revista de la facultad de medicina– universidad nacional de colombia 1993;41(1):3– 14. sauer nj. forensic anthropology and the concept of race: if races don’t exist, why are forensic anthropologists so good at identifying them? journal of social science and medicine 1992;34:107– 111. šešelj m, duren dl, sherwood rj. heritability of the human craniofacial complex. the anatomical record 2015;298: 1535– 1547. spradley mk. metric ancestry estimation from the postcranial skeleton. in: berg ge, ta’ala sc, eds. biological affinity in forensic identification of human skeletal remains: beyond black and white. boca raton, fl: crc press; 2014a: 83– 94. 250 cranial variation in antioquia, colombia spradley mk. metric methods for the biological profile in forensic anthropoology: sex, ancestry, and stature. academic forensic pathology 2016;6(3):391– 399. spradley mk. toward estimating geographic origin of migrant remains along the united states– mexico border. annals of anthropological practice 2014b;38:101– 110. stull ke, kenyhercz mw, l’abbe en. ancestry estimation in south africa using craniometrics and geometric morphometrics. forensic science international 2014;245:206e1. tise me, kimmerle eh, spradley mk. craniometric variation of diverse populations in florida: identification challenges within a border state. annals of anthropological practice 2014;38: 111– 123. van buuren s, groothuisoudshoorn k. multiple imputation by chained equations (mice) v.2.5; 2011. wang s, ray n, rojas w, parra mv, bedoya g, gallo c, et al. geographic patterns of genome admixture in latin american mestizos. plos genetics 2008;4(3):e1000037. wrobel g, hair a, biggs j. introducing the maya crania photogrammetry initiative. in: proceedings from the 16th annual meeting of the belize archaeology symposium, june 2018; san ignacio, belize. forensic anthropology vol. 4, no. 4: 309–318 doi: 10.5744/fa.2021.0017 © 2022 university of florida press “if we wish to get the greatest efficiency in forensic identification, we should stop trying to do it in a way in which the very real local variation becomes mere static to confuse the results, and try to do it in a way in which local variation makes a positive contribution to correct diagnosis.” (brues 1992:127) introduction though it has been stated that it is not possible to sort humans into more categories than continental origins (williams et al. 2005), forensic anthropologists do this all the time, often working within a continent. forensic anthropologists commonly refer to this practice as ancestry estimation. but is ancestry what we are really estimating? what we call ancestry and how we refer to it, harkens back to 19thcentury racial typology— when skulls were observed and forced into one of three to five groups. then along came the modern synthesis which shifted the focus from categorization to exploration of phenotypic diversity through an evolutionary lens (huxley 1942). inspired by huxley, sherwood washburn proposed the new physical anthropology (1951) which brought the tenants of the modern synthesis into biological anthropology. with this paradigm shift and to distance ourselves from the typology of the past, biological and forensic anthropologists changed the terms caucasoid, mongoloid, and negroid, to european, asian, and african. this was a small step to distance the discipline from the typology, as was the use of the term ancestry as a replacement for the word race. however, the change in terminology was a substitution of names while, at the time, maintaining the status quo with the often used three group model. new methods of estimation have been developed since the name change, along with data collection representing more diverse population groups. however, the term ancestry estimation is still used frequently in practice, what does it mean and is it what we are really estimating? ancestry refers to ancestral origins which could include continental origins or ethnic affiliation. ancestral categories such as african, asian, or european are broad and not informative for describing global or local population structure or for use in forensic case work. although publications have highlighted the uniqueness of united states population groups with respect to migration, gene flow, genetic drift, and secular change, (edgar 2009; manthey et al. 2017; ross et al. 2003; spradley et al. 2008; tise et al. 2014) the notion of continental ancestry persists. ousley et al. (2009) among others, demonstrated that population groups can be accurately classified, using craniometric data, into social race categories within the united states (u.s.), by time period, ethnic affiliation, and geographic boundaries further demonstrating that ancestry (i.e., categorization into african, asian, and research article what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? kate spradleya* ● richard l. jantzb abstract: while american forensic anthropologists often state that they estimate ancestry, is that what they are really estimating? although typological terminology, the oids, was replaced with continental terminology, the change was linguistic rather than substantive. the american population is comprised largely of immigrants. genetic data suggests a high degree of admixture within american population groups. further, data from documented skeletal collections suggest that americans have undergone secular changes. our paper addresses the uniqueness of the american population as compared to ancestral continental and geographic origin groups to address what it is that forensic anthropologists are really estimating, ancestry or something else? we conclude, based on uniqueness of american population groups, that what forensic anthropologists are estimating is best described as affinity, a term that indicates similarity and is not exclusively attached to definitions of race and ethnicity. keywords: forensic anthropology, population affinity, ancestry, craniometric, anthropological genetics, biological distance adepartment of anthropology, texas state university, san marcos, tx 78666, usa bdepartment of anthropology, university of tennessee, knoxville, tn 37996, usa *correspondence to: kate spradley, department of anthropology, texas state university, 601 university dr., san marcos, tx 78666 e-mail: mks@txstate.edu received 06 april 2021; revised 16 june 2021; accepted 02 july 2021 310 what are we really estimating? european) is not what forensic anthropologists are estimating. yet, despite evidence to the contrary, introductory textbooks frequently suggest that forensic anthropologists, in practice, are estimating continental ancestry (bass & trimble 2005; black & ferguson 2011; byers 2016; christensen et al. 2019; gill & rhine 1990; klepinger 2006). the term population affinity is an estimation of group membership indicating morphological or genetic similarity to a welldefined group and is based on some measure of statistical distance. recent publications highlight an increase in the use of this term (berg & ta’ala 2014; pilloud & hefner 2016; ross et al. 2004; ross et al. 2011). forensic anthropologists are good at estimating population affinity within the u.s. because assortative mating practices shaped by miscegenation laws, racism, and social class have shaped our current population structure (gross & edgar 2021). the ability of forensic anthropologists to estimate population affinity is an application of anthropological genetic studies, however this is rarely if ever discussed within forensic anthropology textbooks and neglected in the broad literature with the exception of a few (algee-hewitt & goldberg 2016; relethford 2009). the purpose of this paper is to explore american population structure through comparison with ancestral groups to provide further insight to the estimation of population affinity and how it differs from ancestry. background forensic anthropologists in the u.s. can estimate population affinity because of population structure. population structure refers to the genotype and phenotype frequencies that reflect mating structures. population structure has long been studied by both population geneticists and anthropologists. population geneticists study the genetic composition of populations, including changes in genotype and phenotype frequency resulting from the evolutionary processes of selection, genetic drift, mutation, and gene flow over time. anthropological geneticists focus on biocultural processes relating to genetic and environmental interactions at the population level, most often studying the normal variation of complex traits (crawford 2007), including craniometric data. further, anthropological genetic analyses include theoretical models to test hypotheses focusing on microevolutionary processes related to population history (relethford & lees 1982:113). anthropologists have long been at the forefront of studying the cultural and behavioral factors that impact population structure through the study of anthropological genetics (algeehewitt & goldberg 2016; crawford 2001, 2007; livingston 1958; relethford & lees 1982). anthropological genetics uses modelbound methods to test hypotheses concerning human evolution, selection, and population differentiation (algeehewitt & goldberg 2016:558). however, modelfree methods explore population structure when testing explicit models of gene flow and drift are not central questions. human behavior, influential on human history, is not static and as such, neither are populations. population size, migration, and secular change all impact population structure. the u.s. has a generally welldocumented population history with an everchanging population structure that has been the focus of much research (algee-hewitt 2017; bryc et al. 2015; go et al. 2019; reich et al. 2012). archaeological and historical documentation provides knowledge of the ancestral origins of the current population groups within the united states. the narrative of these origins is largely supported by early studies of classical genetic markers and elaborated on through more recent studies focusing on genome sequencing. using snp data with selfreported u.s. census bureau categories, bryc et al. (2015) found that african americans are genetically similar to africans with variable amounts of european admixture and detectable, although low proportions of native american admixture. previous studies have specifically linked the african ancestry to west africa (baharian et al. 2016; bryc et al. 2010) which is also consistent with historical narrative. further, there is detectable structure in the variation of european admixture; african americans in the southeast have less european admixture than in the north and west (baharian et al. 2016; bryc et al. 2010). the u.s. hispanic1 population is the second largest population group with the majority of the population having geographic origins in mexico, puerto rico, el salvador, and cuba (noebustamante 2019). further, foreign born individuals comprise a significant portion of these population groups, mexican (31%), salvadoran (57%), and cuban (56%) (noebustamante 2019). genetic studies highlight the complex population structure of hispanic origin countries which influences further structure within the united states. mexico exhibits clinal variation with higher amounts of european admixture in the north and less in the central and peninsular region (ruizlinares et al. 2014), which has been documented with genetic and quantitative data (rubicastellanos et al. 2009). puerto rico and cuba also have documented complex genetic structures with differing levels of native american, european, and african admixture resulting from unique population histories while more african admixture is found in cuba and puerto rico (cintado et al. 2009; hanis et al. 1991). thus, the u.s. hispanic population is not genetically homogenous, rather it is complex with detectable structure evident 1. the term hispanic is used over latinx for several reasons. according to the pew research center hispanic trends, approximately 76% of individuals living in the u.s. with geographic origins/ancestral ties to latin america have not heard of the term latinx and only 3% use it (noebustamante et al. 2020). additionally, at this time, it is the most common term utilized for reporting missing and unidentified persons. spradley and jantz 311 across the country. european americans have considerable admixture with other european groups and with african and native americans, although in relatively small amounts (bryc et al. 2015). in addition to the influences of population history and gene flow on population structure, skeletal secular changes have been documented in african and european americans (jantz 2001; jantz & meadows jantz 2016). in particular, an increase in cranial base height has provided an increase in overall vault height for both groups (jantz 2001; wescott & jantz 2005) along with vault width and cranial base length (jantz & meadows jantz 2016). investigating limb bone allometry in european americans, jantz and meadows jantz (2017) found that significant changes occurred in a short period of time suggesting that the unique american environment has disrupted developmental canalization. although significant secular changes in skeletal morphology have occurred over the past century, such changes do not obscure underlying genetic structures (relethford 2004) and support the use of skeletal morphology in exploration of population structure. given the complex population history, varying degrees of genetic admixture among all u.s. groups, and secular changes in skeletal phenotype due to a unique american environment, are american population groups similar to their ancestral populations? in the following analyses we use craniometric data and biological distance analysis to explore the pattern of quantitative variation among individuals who selfidentified into three u.s. census bureau racial and ethnic categories and geographically defined population groups in the u.s. (african american, hispanic american, and european american) as compared to their ancestral geographic origin groups. the resulting structure from the biological distances will be discussed within the framework of the ancestry vs the affinity of local populations. materials and methods craniometric data from u.s. and worldwide groups (table 1) are used to generate biological distances. u.s. groups represent selfreported or nextofkinreported group labels that fit within the office of management and budget’s (omb) statistical directive no. 15 that outlines race and ethnic categories for federal bureaucratic reporting purposes. these categories are also used by the national missing and unidentified persons system or namus, which is a national missing and unidentified persons database used in medicolegal investigations. the omb does not capture the range of variation or local group level for all u.s. citizens. however, it does capture the most often used terminology employed by forensic anthropologists when providing estimates of group membership for the biological profile. the data utilized in the subsequent analyses for american groups were based on availability and represent the three largest population groups table 1—sample groups group female male time period curator /reference african gold coast ashanti cameroon calabar dogon togo south african 10 13 10 7 52 7 44 10 17 31 16 47 28 57 19th century 19th century 19th century 19th century 17th– 18th centuries 19th century 20th century american museum of natural history ” ” ” https:// web . utk . edu / ~auerbach / howl . htm berlin society for anthropology, ethnology and prehistory 20th century american african american american/hispanic european american zuni 101 13 169 20 171 59 343 24 20th century 20th century 20th century 16th– 17th centuries forensic anthropology data bank ” ” smithsonian institution asian japan hainan 55 38 64 45 20th century 18th– 19th centuries dudzik, 2015 https:// web . utk . edu / ~auerbach / howl . htm european croatian czech german italian portuguese 0 35 21 114 64 31 44 58 106 68 20th century 19th century 19th century 20th century 20th century vienna natural history museum vienna natural history museum and charles university smithsonian institution and charite anatomy cattaneo et al. 2018 weisensee 2008 latin american mexican migrant mexican mayan guatemalan migrant guatemalan mayan 15 20 15 0 156 42 25 74 20th century 20th century 20th century 20th century mexican, guatemalan, and migrant craniometric dataset ” ” forensic anthropology foundation of guatemala 312 what are we really estimating? in the u.s., african american, hispanic american, and european american. there is currently a lack of skeletal data available for asian americans and contemporary native americans. however, with the development of new mexico decedent image database (https:// nmdid . unm . edu / ) and other large datasets derived from ct images (colman 2019; stull 2020), such data should increase in the future. population groups and data craniometric data (following definitions outlined in howells 1973) from african american, european american, and hispanic americans come from the forensic anthropology data bank (https:// fac . utk . edu / background / ) and represent 20thcentury birth years. these groups consist of positively identified individuals with selfreported or next of kin reported affinity. although selfreported and next of kin reported mostly consist of the terms black or white, in this paper we use the terminology african american and european american to convey the combination of ancestry and geographic birthplace/nationality. while the african and european americans were born in the u.s., the hispanic american sample consists of individual with ancestral ties to mexico who were either born in the u.s. or born in mexico and moved to the u.s. shortly after birth. the west and central african data were collected from the american museum of natural history and were part of the felix von luschan collection within the royal museum of ethnology in vienna, austria (smith 2002). the exact time period they represent is unknown, although likely 18th and 19th century (smith 2002). the dogon come from the (howells 1973) craniometric data set and are published online. togo are part of the von luschan collection at the berlin society for anthropology, ethnology and prehistory. these african data represent primary areas of origin for the enslaved africans forced to immigrate to the new world. the south african data is from l’abbé et al. (2013) and comes from the pretoria bone collection. latin american data are represented by indigenous guatemalan and mexican mayans and migrants from mexico and guatemala that died in u.s./mexico border states, predominately arizona and texas and (spradley 2020). all latin american groups, mexican and guatemalan mayan and migrants, have 20th century birth years and are well defined in the literature (hughes et al. 2017; spradley 2021). a southwest native american group, zuni, was also included in the analysis in addition to two asian groups, hainan (howells 1989) and japanese (dudzik 2015). native americans, including indigenous groups in mexico and central america, have asian ancestry from prehistoric migration (hughes et al. 2019). data from europe spans the west and east and includes a czech sample that contains known individuals collected from the vienna natural history museum in austria and charles university in the czech republic. the croatian data are from the vienna museum of natural history. italian data were obtained from manthey et al. (2018). the portuguese data come from the new lisbon skeletal collection (weisensee & jantz 2011). methods our research question addresses the pattern of variation among u.s. population groups as related to their ancestral, geographic origins, and as such the purpose is not classification. rather we explore the pattern of population relationships through biological distance. the u.s. population groups are compared to ancestral and local groups based on historical narrative and supported by genetic studies. african americans are compared to west and central africans, along with european americans. european americans are used in lieu of the european groups as the european american sample more closely approximates the population group with contributing gene flow to african americans. the hispanic american group is compared to all latin american and european americans. the hispanic comparison also includes asian and native american groups due to shared ancestry. european americans were compared to european groups as well as south africans as the latter have a similar population history with european americans. analyses were completed following procedures outlined in (jantz & spradley 2014) to produce mahalanobis and fst distances. sexes were pooled to increase the overall sample size and sex differences were removed by centering on sex specific means. fordisc 3.1 was used to generate the covariance matrices and means for each group which were centered and pooled. the eigenvalues and eigenvectors were extracted to obtain the principal component scores to compute mahalanobis distances (d2) and obtain the canonical variates to create twodimensional plots. the plots are used to assess population structure and structure coefficients are used to interpret the craniometric variation. results the cv plot featuring african americans (figure 1) shows the african american group intermediate to the west and central africans and european americans on the first axis. the second axis highlights geographical patterns among the west and central african groups with nigeria (gold coast) most differentiated from mali (dogon) and situates african americans with west africans. almost all variables contribute to cv1 as indicated by the structure coefficients (see table 2). the pattern of loadings presents a clear pattern of morphometric variation. high scores on cv1 result from a wide cranial base, long cranial base length and vault height, f1 t2 spradley and jantz 313 fig. 1—african american cv plot. table 2—structure coefficients variable african american european american hispanic can1 can2 can1 can2 can1 can2 aub 0.947 0.036 – 0.671 0.593 – 0.316 – 0.732 bbh 0.768 0.087 0.783 0.222 0.616 0.729 bnl 0.881 0.423 0.700 0.086 0.849 0.464 bpl – 0.723 0.608 0.300 0.242 dkb – 0.875 0.260 – 0.507 0.672 – 0.685 0.381 ekb – 0.658 0.228 – 0.097 0.160 fol 0.237 0.266 0.887 0.226 0.744 0.153 frc 0.839 – 0.202 0.868 – 0.018 0.869 0.284 gol 0.763 0.556 0.935 – 0.249 0.938 0.104 mdh 0.700 0.468 0.611 0.770 0.765 0.080 nlb – 0.971 – 0.088 – 0.764 0.332 nlh 0.895 0.202 0.500 – 0.451 obb 0.942 – 0.067 0.389 0.369 0.764 – 0.413 obh 0.156 0.093 0.229 – 0.765 – 0.385 – 0.572 occ 0.938 – 0.147 0.952 0.189 0.753 0.335 pac 0.006 0.910 0.738 – 0.349 0.824 0.349 xcb 0.661 – 0.581 – 0.908 0.357 0.313 – 0.496 zyb – 0.269 0.001 – 0.723 0.513 – 0.766 0.147 high nasal height and narrow nasal aperture and interorbital distance. the reverse is the case for low scores on cv1. cv1 reflects a pattern of variation normally associated with africaneuropean variation. high scores on cv2 mainly reflect longer basionprosthion and basionnasion lengths, and a longer, narrow cranial vault. what is noteworthy in figure 1 is that african americans are about equidistant from west africans and european americans. this is shown quantitatively in the first column of table 3. african americans are slightly more similar to three african groups (ashanti, cameroon, and togo) than to european americans. but african americans are slightly more similar to european americans than they are to three other african groups (calabar, dogon, and gold coast). the distances show african americans to occupy the approximate midpoint between africans and european americans. the fst distances in the first row of table 3 are all around 0.06, presenting the distances as a proportion of total variation attributable to between groups. the cv plot for hispanics (figure 2) situates the u.s.born group intermediate to european americans and latin american and asian groups, with european americans the most differentiated. cv1 mainly serves to separate euroamericans from the indigenous maya groups and hainan. the second axis separates the asian groups from all other groups. considering hispanic and latin american groups, the hispanic american group is most similar to the mexican migrant group, followed by the guatemalan migrants and most differentiated from the mexican and guatemalan mayan groups (table 4). further, the mexican and guatemalan migrant groups are intermediate to hispanic american and guatemalan mayan groups. high scores on cv1 mainly reflect long cranial bases (table 2), generally long crania with narrow nasal apertures and narrow bizygomatics. cv2 reflects narrow cranial bases and high vaults, small orbits and wide interorbital breadth. the european american cv plot (figure 3) highlights that european americans, south africans, and portuguese are distanced from all other european groups on the first axis. the croatians and czechs are more similar to one another as are the germans and italians. the second axis emphasizes the intermediate nature of the european americans as compared to the south african and portuguese groups (table 5). the table 3—mahalanobis distances (below diagonal) and fst distances (above diagonal) for groups used in african analysis. af_am ash cal cam dog eu_am goc togo af_am 0.000 0.058 0.078 0.057 0.062 0.059 0.063 0.056 ash 8.931 0.000 0.025 0.018 0.027 0.157 0.009 0.011 cal 12.200 3.668 0.000 0.014 0.027 0.173 0.027 0.031 cam 8.643 2.700 2.082 0.000 0.027 0.159 0.019 0.018 dog 9.544 3.981 4.059 3.985 0.000 0.151 0.047 0.029 eu_am 9.102 26.727 30.075 27.285 25.522 0.000 0.175 0.155 goc 9.682 1.381 4.019 2.836 7.176 30.635 0.000 0.022 togo 8.481 1.605 4.572 2.676 4.344 26.325 3.304 0.000 314 what are we really estimating? structure coefficients show that high scores on cv1 are associated with long cranial bases, high vaults, generally longer vaults and narrow vaults and faces (table 2). high scores on cv2 reflect greater vault and face breadth, low orbits, and greater mastoid height. discussion our results provide evidence of geographic structure in that american population groups are differentiated from their geographic, ancestral origin groups. thus, these american groups represent local population groups and local variation found in the u.s.. these results are not surprising given the population histories of each group and the documented gene flow and secular changes that have taken place in the american population over the past 150+ years (jantz 2001; meadows jantz & jantz 1999; spradley 2006; wescott & jantz 2005). it is possible that the dissimilarity of the american groups to their ancestral groups is due to a lack of directly comparable reference data, especially for the european americans. however, the groups used in the present analysis fig. 2—hispanic american cv plot. table 4—mahalanobis distances (below diagonal) and fst distances (above diagonal) for groups used in hispanic analysis. eu_am ghisp hai jap hisp am mmaya ushisp zuni gmaya eu_am 0.000 0.064 0.085 0.058 0.048 0.095 0.031 0.098 0.089 ghisp 9.801 0.000 0.046 0.032 0.007 0.035 0.020 0.029 0.019 hai 13.359 7.015 0.000 0.019 0.042 0.069 0.050 0.039 0.045 jap 8.847 4.713 2.734 0.000 0.026 0.058 0.025 0.031 0.027 mhisp 7.288 1.012 6.353 3.822 0.000 0.040 0.012 0.031 0.023 mmaya 15.034 5.210 10.597 8.862 5.964 0.000 0.046 0.061 0.051 ushisp 4.577 2.891 7.584 3.637 1.695 7.022 0.000 0.036 0.025 zuni 15.585 4.324 5.821 4.623 4.626 9.340 5.443 0.000 0.018 gmaya 14.080 2.820 6.733 3.974 3.368 7.670 3.753 2.688 0.000 fig. 3—european american cv plot. table 5—mahalanobis distances (below diagonal) and fst distances (above diagonal) for groups used in european analysis. czech eu_am ger por saf ita cro czech 0.000 0.078 0.018 0.071 0.091 0.018 0.023 eu_am 9.464 0.000 0.066 0.042 0.040 0.044 0.071 ger 2.066 7.956 0.000 0.052 0.086 0.015 0.032 por 8.543 4.954 6.203 0.000 0.067 0.043 0.085 saf 11.227 4.674 10.501 8.064 0.000 0.074 0.100 ita 2.047 5.176 1.696 5.002 8.896 0.000 0.024 cro 2.669 8.543 3.698 10.395 12.502 2.699 0.000 spradley and jantz 315 represent groups that are documented or have reliable contextual information along with available craniometric data. the american population groups used in the current analyses have ancestry in africa, europe, and mexico, all of which have documented population structure. structure has been documented within africa using genetic and craniometric data and is thought to be influenced by ethnicity, language, and geography (keita 1990; spradley 2006; stull 2013; tishkoff et al. 2009), although genetic distance and geography have varied strengths (tishkoff et al. 2009) likely due to the bantu migration. europe is also highly structured based on geography. relethford et al. (1980) found variation among local populations in ireland using anthropometric data, but also found that as migration increased, among group variation decreased. further, novembre et al. (2008) demonstrated that across europe, an individual’s residence can be predicted geographically within a few hundred km based on snp data. mexico also demonstrates geographic structure on a clinal scale, with higher european admixture in the north and the least in the south and peninsular regions with central mexico presenting intermediate (algeehewitt et al. 2018; hughes et al. 2013, 2017). the within group variation in africa, europe, and mexico is not found within american population groups. using craniometric data and unsupervised clustering, algeehewitt (2016) demonstrated that that the american population can be resolved into three basic clusters, african american, european americans, and native american/hispanic. however, she found relatively little within group structure. algeehewitt’s results are also in line with genetic studies. micheletti et al. (2020) found that over 90% of african americans have genes from four major regions of west africa suggesting that any initial structure resulting from the african diaspora has been lost. although the degree of admixture is patterned with higher percentages of african ancestry in the southeastern u.s. (baharian et al. 2016). although european immigrants came from many geographic areas within europe, genome wide snp data found relatively little structure in european americans, identifying only nw europeans, se europeans, and ashkenazi jews (price et al. 2008). while structure has been found in hispanic americans, with more hispanics of mexican origin in the west and caribbean in the east (bertoni et al. 2003), algeehewitt (2016) did not find structure in her hispanic sample, most likely because her sample was predominantly of mexican origin. our results indicate similarity hispanic americans and mexican migrants; however, they are also differentiated. the mexican migrants are less similar to the mexican and guatemalan mayans as they are thought to exhibit more admixture (spradley 2021), yet they are still differentiated from hispanic americans with mexican ancestry. craniofacial secular change has been documented in historic to modern african and european americans (jantz 2001; jantz & jantz 2016; jantz & meadows jantz 2000; spradley 2006; wescott & jantz 2005) but less so in hispanic americans (spradley et al. 2016). studies focusing on african and european americans find that both groups show changes in the same direction with a most notable increase in vault height, particularly in the cranial base (wescott & jantz 2005). secular change can result from a variety of factors including gene flow, improvements in overall health conditions, and plasticity. given that both african and european americans have shared the same environment for over several hundred centuries, population structure is still apparent among these two groups. however, our analyses suggest that african americans are more similar to european americans than admixture proportions would predict, possibly due to the shared american environment. although secular change has influenced the overall craniofacial morphology of american population groups, such changes do not obscure the underlying genetic structure (relethford 2004). therefore, secular change is not the sole driver of dissimilarity between american groups and ancestral groups. given the similarities between these two groups and their intermediate or dissimilar positions relative to their ancestral groups, an additional analysis, to highlight and contextualize our results within a forensic anthropological framework, was performed. a discriminant functional analysis (dfa) was performed to assess how well these american groups classify when compared to their ancestral groups. a crossvalidated classification matrix is presented in table 6. only 29 african american misclassify into the african group, only 7 more than classify into the european american group. these results agree with the intermediate position of african american presented in our cv plot. further, west africans only misclassify into the african american group. a total of 61 european americans classify into the european group and 20 as african american. interestingly, europeans misclassify into all other groups. given that 75% of african americans and 84% of european americans are correctly classified into their own group, we suggest that the ability to predict group membership can be referred to as affinity. table 6—classification matrix n afr_am eur_am european w. african % correct afr_am 270 202 22 17 29 74.8 eur_am 509 20 427 61 1 83.8 european 406 56 61 279 10 68.7 w. africa 242 27 0 0 215 88.8 316 what are we really estimating? conclusions forensic anthropology has traditionally been a subdiscipline of skeletal biology. however, it should also be considered a subdiscipline of anthropological genetics. brues (1992) understood population structure (and simulated it) before forensic anthropology crystallized as a discipline. analyses of population structure through biodistance, including estimations made by forensic anthropologists, employ fundamentals of anthropological genetics and skeletal biology, and provide insights regarding mating structures, geography, and environment, and their impact on quantitative trait variation and local population structures. we suggest that the ability to predict group membership at the level of local variation rather than global variation can be referred to as affinity. all of which is to say that it is vitally important that forensic anthropologists understand the populations from which their cases are drawn. our three analyses suggest that when forensic anthropologists provide an estimation of group membership within the u.s., they are providing an estimation of population affinity rather than ancestry. the estimation of affinity is more specific than ancestry and considers local variation (e.g., hispanic american, african american, european american). if we compare craniometric data from an unknown individual to african americans, hispanic americans, european americans, or other contemporary american groups, then we are estimating which group the unknown is most similar to, and therefore the estimation would be considered affinity. is the suggested difference between ancestry and affinity trivial? on the surface, perhaps. however, maier et al. (2021) recently pointed out confusion and inconsistencies with terminology in forensic literature concerning the terms ancestry and race and how they are perceived as interchangeable. they call for discussions of standardization to improve practice and public engagement. affinity provides more flexible terminology that is dependent on the researcher to fully contextualize and describe the groups used in the analyses. further, it is more flexible and can be used in areas where population structure exists but is influenced by geographic boundaries, isolation by distance, or cultural assortative mating practices rather than prescribed racial or ethnic variation. references algeehewitt bf, hughes ce, anderson be. temporal, geographic and identification trends in craniometric estimates of ancestry for persons of latin american origin. forensic anthropology 2018;1(1):4– 17. algeehewitt bfb. population inference from contemporary american craniometrics. american journal of physical anthropology 2016;160(4):604– 624. algeehewitt bfb, goldberg a. better together: thinking anthropologically about genetics. american journal of physical anthropology 2016;160(4):557– 560. algee-hewitt bf. geographic substructure in craniometric estimates of admixture for contemporary american populations. american journal of physical anthropology 2017;164(2): 260– 280. baharian s, barakatt m, gignoux cr, shringarpure s, errington j, blot wj, et al. the great migration and africanamerican genomic diversity. plos genetics 2016;12(5):e1006059. bass wm, trimble mk. human osteology: a laboratory and field manual. columbia: missouri archaeological society; 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2005:231– 245. williams fl, belcher rl, armelagos gj. forensic misclassification of ancient nubian crania: implications for assumptions about human variation. current anthropology 2005;46(2): 340– 346. research article forensic anthropology vol. 5, no. 3: 228–238 doi: 10.5744/fa.2019.0036a research article analysis and identification of damages caused by canine (canis lupus familiaris) manipulation of woven textiles as cultural evidence in forensic cases gabriela molinaa* ● stefano de lucab ● fabiana scarsoc abstract: scavenging of human remains by dogs can make the process of identification and analysis of perimortem trauma difficult. numerous scientific studies have been published about the damage caused to osseous remains by dogs due to postmortem consumption or lethal attacks. however, few studies deal with the issue of the analysis of clothing associated with human remains. the purpose of this investigation was to identify patterns of damage caused by domestic dogs to commonly used, woven textiles. forty-five cloth bags were used (20 × 30 cm each), made by hand with three different types of woven textile (15 of each textile): stretch (polyester with elastic), denim, and polyester, with a thickness of 40.84, 57.95, and 31.46 threads per cm², respectively. the canine sample consisted of 15 dogs, differing in size, age, and sex, coming from the “fundación chile mestizo,” in santiago, chile. through analysis of variance, researchers examined the relationship between the type of textile and presence of damage, and later, they calculated the frequency of damage according to type of textile. the statistical program minitab 19 was used to do this. according to the results, four types of patterns were identified: puncture and mastication, present in 62% and 75% of the cases, respectively; perforation; and “hole and tear” damage in 91% of the analyzed cases. regarding the relationship between textile type and frequency of damage, researchers found that the thickness and weight of the textile are directly connected to the type of damage. keywords: forensic archaeology, scavenging, dogs, woven textiles, damage, thickness introduction in the human rights unit (uddhh) of the medical legal service (sml, servicio médico legal), all evidence linked to judicial cases coming from the metropolitan region of santiago and other regions of the national territory (an average of 68 cases per year, from 2007 to 2019) (garrido & intriago 2012) is analyzed. this evidence includes clothing and human remains in different states of conservation: complete, fragmented, burned, saponified, or putrefied. in most cases, remains are found with clothing and personal accessories, which are analyzed by archaeological experts to reconstruct and identify them. these remains show damage of medicolegal interest, such as injuries from firearms or knives, signs of combustion, or scavenging activity, which complicate the identification of perimortem trauma (colard et al. 2015). existing studies in the scientific literature about manipulation of cadavers and human remains by animals are used as theoretical support when researchers describe marks left due to animal consumption (coard 2007; erkol & hösükler 2018; haglund et al. 1988, 1989). of these, dogs (canis lupus familiaris) are primarily involved in cases of occasional scavenging and consumption of decomposing remains, especially in sectors of cities where trash is collected or along the banks of rivers, where dogs, alone or in a pack, scavenge the cadavers of homeless individuals, homicide or suicide victims, or remains that come from illegal burials (haglund et al. 1989). in closed spaces, the dogs themselves may eat the remains of their owners who have died in circumstances of natural or violent death (colard et al. 2015). the most obvious differences in both cases are the location of injuries on the corpse: in the case of attack and consumption in closed spaces, the presence of clothes and the dog’s bond with its owner (rossi et al. 1994; rothschild & schneider 1997), mean that the majority of injuries occur in the face, neck, and sometimes, hands. on the other hand, in open spaces, injuries to the upper and lower extremities and torso are more common. in both cases, the marks left on bones, soft tissue and skin present similar characteristics (colard et al. 2015). occasionally, the clothing remains are found separately, damaged, and without any association to biological remains. expert archaeological analysis of articles of clothing is very important, firstly because it can provide valuable information and orientation about the physical characteristics of the individual, including size, stature, age, and probable gender. in addition, it allows the registration and identification of damage caused by third parties, which are of medicolegal interest (haglund 1997). in this way, archaeological expertise complements the anthropological analysis of biological remains. currently, studies do not exist about damage caused by dogs to clothing associated with cadaverous remains, apart from one investigation about manipulation by other carnivores; in this case, tigers (leonov 2011). for this reason, in the archaeological analyses carried out by the uddhh, investigators proceed from the hypothesis that there is a morphological and physical similarity between the collection of marks left by dog bites on the skin and those observed on the textiles of which the clothing is composed. in effect, the skin, because of its natural elasticity (cua et al. 1990), can behave in a way similar to textiles used in making common items of clothing like elastane, nylon, or cotton, yielding patterns already typically documented in bone: punctures, when the force exerted by the teeth is not sufficient to perforate the cortical tissue of the bone; perforations, when the bite destroys the surface of the cortical tissue, reaching the cancellous bone; longitudinal canals; and lastly, signs of dragging or wrinkles, which leave parallel lines on the cortical tissue of the bone. regarding soft tissue, it is common to observe, particularly on the skin, a kind of damage called hole and tear, which corresponds to a tear caused by dragging, a result of the biting and pulling action of the dog (colard et al. 2015; haglund et al. 1988, 1989). in fact, when a dog bites elastic and resistant tissues like the skin, muscles, or a textile, he shakes his head causing violent twisting and breakage of the fibers that they are made of (fonseca et al. 2015). however, in the case of textiles, damage caused can vary according to the mechanical properties of tension, twisting, friction, and flexion. at the same time, these properties change depending on the (natural or synthetic) nature of the fabric, the molecular composition of the fibers (halsey et al. 1945; tan et al. 1997), and the moisture of the environment to which the textile is exposed. for instance, when exposed to high levels of moisture, textiles made of natural fibers increase their resistance. in contrast, synthetic textiles are less resistant in moist environments (meredith 1946). finally, certain chemical treatments of natural fibers or clothing made with mixed natural and synthetic fibers can improve the mechanical properties of the articles of clothing (ali 2001). resistance to tension is one of the most important properties of a woven fabric: this refers to the maximum amount of force that a textile can withstand before it breaks. breakage is due to the application of prolonged, unstable force that varies in intensity according to the location of the force, and based on variables such as the geometry of the textile’s structure, its design, the thickness of the weft and warp, and the presence of irregularities in the fibers (mobarak hossain 2016). the intensity of the mechanical force that develops from a dog’s bite depends on the size of the specimen and the interaction of the forces exerted by the chewing muscles (masseter, temporal, pterygoid, digastric), the maxilla and jaw bones, the tmj, the brain and teeth, and variable dimensions and morphology. according to various studies (dessem 1989; miller 1993), during an attack the vertical forces of the dog bite can surpass 450 pounds per square inch (31*104 n/m2). the domestic dog is a carnivorous animal with omnivorous options depending on the circumstances (koscinczuk 2017). it can consume human remains only when the flesh is relatively fresh, without marks of insect activity or signs of decomposition (sincerbox & digangi 2018). due to its diet, the domestic dog has very developed chewing muscles, especially the masseter and temporal muscles which exert strong force in the process of biting. along with studies undertaken on two osteological collections of dog skulls (ellis et al. 2009), researchers have observed that brachycephalic dogs present a less intense bite than that of large-sized, short-faced dogs. however, the force of the bite as measured on skeletonized skulls does not exactly reproduce the real bite. moreover, measuring the strength of the bite in living dogs is more difficult because of the problems that arise when one tries to control the animal (kim et al. 2018). an adult dog’s permanent teeth consist of 42 dental pieces, according to the following dental formula: 2 (i 3/3 c1/1 pm 4/4 m2/3) = 42 teeth (figure 1) (haglund et al. 1989; hillson 2005) fig. 1—illustration of dog’s (canis lupus familiaris) dental anatomy. modified from bell 1965. the principal objective of this study was to identify patterns of damage caused by the manipulation of street dogs in textiles commonly used, but with distinct physical characteristics: generic synthetic fabric, polyester (pet) and denim or jeans (cotton or minimal percentage of elastane). the study proceeds from the following null hypothesis (h0): patterns in textiles like those observed in bone and human skin do not exist. materials and methods first, two initial trials were carried out at the municipal kennel in the city of la serena in the region of coquimbo, chile. for the first trial, two samples were used; one of them consistent with a long bone of a male goat, with minimal presence of dry soft tissue, and the other consisted of fresh pig legs. the remains were wrapped, but not enclosed, in light-colored, denim fabric, which is a common and resistant material. the other was wrapped in a mixed, woven fabric very common in t-shirt manufacturing, made of cotton and polyester, and black in color. the dogs selected for the experiment were an older adult male and two male brother puppies. for the second experiment researchers used denim and a mixed cotton-polyester fabric, light blue in color. the light color was chosen to facilitate the observation of marks left by the dogs. another variable that changed was the kind of bone: remains of cow bones with connecting tissue. the dogs in the second phase were two adult females, the first called “kuki,” who was being treated for a fracture in one of her extremities, and the second, “mangy,” who suffered from canine mange or scabies. the first day, kuki received the bones wrapped in denim and mangy those wrapped in mixed fabric, both in unfastened cloth bags. two days later, in a second phase, kuki was given bones wrapped in mixed fabric and mangy those wrapped in denim. the objective of this second trial was the comparison between the marks left by the same animal on two distinct types of fabric and the different reactions of the textile fibers. after the trials, a final experiment was carried out for three days in the “chile mestizo” foundation, located in la pintana commune, metropolitan region of santiago. the sample formed by 45 fresh front leg bones of pigs (sus scrofa) which had soft connecting tissue. this sample was chosen for the similarity between swine and human bones (aerssens et al. 1998). forty-five cloth cloth bags were made with three different types of woven fabric, and each one contained a bone sample: 15 polyester cloth bags, made of jersey fabric; 15 denim cloth bags, with flat gabardine stitch; 15 cloth bags made of synthetic stretch fabric. fifteen ribbons of different colors and shapes were used as distinctive markings for each sack. the woven fabrics selected are commonly used, and in addition, make up most of the clothing that the uddhh receives for forensic case analysis. before the experiment, the woven fabrics were analyzed to determine their thickness and weight, in the research and quality control of leathers and textiles laboratory (lictex, for its acronym in spanish) of the department of chemical engineering at the university of santiago (usach), and under the standards of control of british standard bs en 12127:1998, textiles (beever 2014). all the samples were previously photographed with a nikon d3000 camera, with the respective labels and metric indications. researchers employed 15 adult, healthy dog specimens, which lived in the same area in the kennel (table 1); in addition, dogs of different levels of disability were included. this sample was selected to represent street dogs, very abundant in the chilean dog population, and involved more frequently in cases of consumption of human remains nationally. during the entire experimental process, the dogs manipulated the samples for a maximum of thirty minutes. investigators used two different forms to register their information. in the first, the dog’s characteristics (age, sex, and physical features) were described; the second tracked the type and color of the ribbon of each sack. once the damaged textiles were recovered, and after extracting the whole or fragmented bone, the fabric samples were photographed again with labels and measurements. afterwards, they were stored in hermetic black (ziploc-type) plastic bags that were previously perforated to prevent moisture from developing. the plastic bags were marked and labeled according to the characteristics of the fabric, the dog that caused the damage, and the date of the experiment. table 1—distribution of the dog sample according to sex, age, and size.     name   age   sex   size 1   leal   a   m   g 2   bossa   a   f   g 3   telma   a   f   g 4   floqui   a   m   m 5   pepo   a   m   m 6   jabalí   a   f   m 7   wallaby   a   m   g 8   ema   g   f   g 9   rolf   a   m   g 10   flo   a   f   p 11   ivy   a   f   p 12   elmo   a   m   p 13   lola   a   f   g 14   blanca   a   f   m 15   suki   a   m   m 16   rayita   a   f   g sex: m = male; f = female age: a = adult; g = geriatric size: p = small; m = medium; g = large when the experimental process in the field was finalized, the fabrics were transported to the facilities of the uddhh of the sml in santiago. first, due to the adhesion of saliva to the organic remains, the samples were submitted to a natural drying process at a temperature of approximately 21 degrees over a period of one week inside one of the laboratories of the unit, with artificial ventilation provided by an extraction hood. next, the fabric samples were photographed with a nikon d300s camera to register the damage present at the macroscopic level. finally, through microscopic analysis with a leica mz16a brand stereo microscope, all damage to the 45 fabric samples were observed and photographed at different levels of magnification (7.1×–200× magnification with incorporated digital camera): 1) weft and warp; 2) fiber; and 3) tips of the fibers. the effect of the kind of fabric on the presence of damage was determined for the statistical analysis, through the analysis of variance with the program minitab 19. subsequently, the frequency of observed damage was calculated by type of fabric. the first author (gmd) conducted the observation and analysis of the damage. with respect to the researchers’ level of experience, the veterinary doctor (fsg) possesses vast experience in his field, so he assisted in the observation and control of the conduct and behavior of the dogs, and in the cataloguing of information on the sample specimens. the forensic archaeologist (sdl) and the forensic anthropologist (gmd) did not have previous experience in the analysis of damage caused by canines. however, the forensic archaeologist specializes in the analysis of ballistic and weapons damage for expert analyses of clothing in forensic cases, and as a result, he directed the methodological process of observation and analysis. results in the first experiment domination by the “alpha male” of the group was observed, a younger and stronger dog that violently picked up the sample but did not intervene in the fabric except to protect it. failing to act, the denim sample was given to an older dog of medium strength, which bit the fabric, and left different kinds of marks. the second sample, a mixture of cotton and polyester was given to three mixed-race puppies: two of them left various bite and scratch marks, specifically using the upper and lower canines and the carnassials. in the denim samples, damage such as “tab pulling,” attributable to the hole and tear mechanism, and various punctures around the main damage site were observed. the visual recognition of damage to the polyester cloth was more complicated due to the dark color of the sample (figures 2 and 3). in the second trial, the observed damage consisted of hole and tear patterns with tab-pulling and perforations (figure 4). many punctures were found on the denim. in this experimental phase it was observed that: 1) the same dog can leave different traces or marks depending on the characteristics of the woven fabric used; 2) different pairs of perforations are probably attributable to the simultaneous action of the upper and lower canine teeth; and 3) the same dog may cause pairs of perforations of different size and shape and nibbling marks due to the action of the carnassials. fig. 2—denim sample with hole and tear damage (authors’ records). fig. 3—polyester sample with hole and tear damage (authors’ records). fig. 4—denim sample with hole and tear and dragging damage (kuki dog) (authors’ records). during the final experimental phase, the dogs exhibited calm temperaments, but their behavior with respect to the sample was different each day. from the beginning the dominant nature of the two young, large female dogs was evident. beyond leaving marks on their respective samples, they intimidated the other dogs to give up their samples. similarly, there were other dogs which after the first day of experimentation did not show interest in the sample, changing the planned sequence of dogs and samples. regarding the thickness and weight of the woven fabrics, the synthetic stretch fabric, the fibers of which are composed of exactly equal and neat threads, with flat and simple stitches, measured 40.84 threads per cm2 (ali 2001). the thickness of the denim fabric was measured at an average of 57.95 threads per cm2 and the polyester 31.46 threads per cm2. in the stretch fabric samples, perforations, punctures, signs of nibbling, and hole and tear damage were clearly observed. there was not major structural damage except for the presence of fraying (figure 5). in all the denim samples, researchers observed greater destruction of the surface, with clear alterations in shape, color, and structure of the fabric. in fact, the dogs generally required more energy to reach the piece of meat inside the sack, which was evidenced by more well-defined damage of greater severity on the entire surface and in the structural fibers. according to the morphology of the observed damage, there were six instances of typical hole and tear damage, meaning they showed a rounded appearance, of different size and always accompanied by puncture and perforation marks along with the clear fraying of the fibers on the edge of the damaged area (figure 6). the nine remaining cases presented atypical hole and tear damage (figure 7), with an irregular appearance, and the presence of linear tears, located on the upper and lower edges along the structure of the fabric. fig. 5—stretch (bistrech) sample with hole and tear and fraying (authors’ records). fig. 6—denim sample with typical hole and tear and dragging damage (authors’ records). fig. 7—denim sample with atypical hole and tear damage, where a more linear or rectangular shaped damage may be observed (authors’ records). fig. 8—polyester sample with hole and tear damage and perforations caused by nibbling (authors’ records). hole and tear damage were only observed in 11 polyester samples. multiple perforations and chewing marks were observed around them (figure 8). in accordance with the results of the frequency of damage, the punctures and mastication are the least frequent damage in the samples, in 62% and 75% respectively of all the cases, while the perforation and hole and tear damage are observed in 91% of the cases studied. regarding the frequency of damage, perforations and hole and tear damage are the most common among all the analyzed samples (table 2). with respect to the relationship between type of fabric and damage, it was observed through anova that the type of fabric does not influence the variance of damage described because in all the analyzed samples, the same types of damage were observed, except in the case of polyester, in which punctures were not observed (table 3). a clear pattern of fiber structure was not observed. the results of the microscopic analyses of the observed damage were inconclusive. it was not possible to link the different characteristics observed exclusively to specific consumption activities: fibers cut in a straight line, some ends flattened and cut, fibers with tips evened out and were cut in the shape of a heart, there were tips of fibers with clear cuts, wrinkled and folded fibers, and sharp fibers. table 2—distribution of damages by type of textile. type of damage   type of textile     stretch (%)   denim (%)   polyester (%) perforations   100   80   93 punctures   93   93   0 hole and tear   80   100   93 signs of mastication   86   46   93 table 3—anova analysis. one-way anova: damage caused versus fabric type source   df   ss   ms   f   p fabric type   2   2.98   1.49   0.47   0.627 error   42   132.27   3.15         total   44   135.24             variance = 1.775; r-squared = 2.20%; adjusted r-squared = 0.00% df: degrees of freedom; ss: sum of squares; ms: mean squares; f: fisher value; p: p value. level   n.   significance   cse   --------+--------+--------+--------+------- 1   15   8.867   1.959   (---------------*---------------) 2   15   8.267   1.668   (---------------*---------------) 3   15   8.400   1.682   (---------------*---------------) --------+--------+--------+--------+-------   7.70   8.40   9.10   9.80 cse (clustered standard error) = 1.775 95% individual confidence intervals for significance based on clustered standard errors. discussion the focus of this research was the damage caused by dogs’ manipulation of woven fabrics, a topic that has yet to be researched in the forensic literature. we defined the parameters of the study, the characteristics of the methodological design, and the variables to examine. the project benefited from the constant guidance of a multidisciplinary team of professionals in archaeology, anthropology, and veterinary medicine, who collaborated throughout the study. the most serious challenges arose during the development of the methodological design as researchers did not have an adequate environment in which to carry out the experiments. it was not clear how to prepare a sample that would not affect the dogs’ welfare, and researchers had only an approximate idea of the dog’s behavior. finally, researchers had to create a process from scratch to register information about the canine sample selected. for this reason, previous trials were fundamental to verify the guidelines of the methodology as designed. similarities and differences exist between the behavior of the domestic dog (canis lupus familiaris) and the wolf (canis lupus), determined by their shared genetics and the process of artificial and natural selection which they have undergone. for example, aggressive behavior in order to establish relations of dominance is a characteristic that wolves and dogs share (beaver 1999). in fact, in planning the first trial, researchers did not consider the possibility of the dominant nature of a “macho” or “alpha female” emerging from the hierarchical relations inside the cages shared by various dogs (beever 2014), a situation that created conflicts when researchers left the first sample in a cage with four dogs. researchers carried out the second trial a month later with two adult female specimens, each in her respective individual cage. as in the previous test, the manipulation of the fabric sample occurred very quickly, and if we treat them as isolated specimens, we can observe the mechanisms through which the dogs manipulate the samples: first, the dog begins to lick and then bite with the back teeth (premolars and carnassials) to soften the fabric, and then it manipulates the fabric with its front teeth (incisors and canines), shaking and pulling forcefully to get to the piece of meat inside. these results coincide with observations in real cases of lethal attacks and the consumption of remains in the process of decomposition (erkol & hösükler 2018; feola et al. 2014). in the final experiment in the chile mestizo foundation, the behavior of the dogs varied according to the specimen and day: in general, they acted similarly in terms of the effectiveness of their manipulation of the fabric cloth bags and the patterns. however, due to the amount of space and the presence of vegetation, some dogs, upon following their predatory instinct and hunting abilities (kherkove 2004), moved away to protect the sample and hide it among the bushes of the enclosure. this made recovering the textiles difficult given the level of dispersion (haglund et al. 1989). even though it was a closed space, the area was very large and the presence of dense patches of vegetation made it possible for the dogs to hide and store the sample and consume it later (haglund et al. 1989). this behavior is very common in real cases, where dogs, wolves, or bears manipulate an animal carcass or human remains in decomposition to break them up into distinct parts, bring them to their dens, or to different locations, in order to hide and eat them (pokines & kerbis peterhans 2007). another aspect that made the development of the final experiment difficult was the correct assignation of a specific sample to each dog. despite using an identifying tape on each fabric sack, some more dominant dogs got a hold of other dogs’ cloth bags, causing disorder that partially altered the guidelines of the methodological design. moreover, it was observed that despite a constant supply of nourishment, and the absence of competition among the dogs for food, the specimens analyzed reacted immediately in the moment in which the sample was given. in addition, when the dogs finished manipulating the fabric and consuming the bone inside, they immediately went to the researchers to demand more samples. this confirmed the fact that especially in situations of competition among specimens, or among street dogs that lack contact with other dogs or with humans, a process of desocialization can result, which generates more aggression in the animals and less control of their stress. for this reason, most foundation specimens were mixed-race dogs with different periods of exposure to life in the street. with respect to the fabric samples studied, three commonly used types were selected that make up many of the articles of clothing studied by archaeological experts in judicial cases of the medico-legal service of santiago. it is worth highlighting that for this experiment, woven fabric samples and not garments were used, in contrast to real situations of manipulation by scavenging animals. all the fabrics used to make the samples, except the denim, were purchased in stores and did not show any type of previous wear and tear due to wash cycles, ironing, or use (dann 2011). according to the literature, domestic washing modifies the structural aspects of the textile fibers and causes progressive thinning out and loss of thickness (carr 2017). the denim samples were made from recycled jeans. as such, the presence of wear due to everyday use and normal washing, drying, and ironing processes was noted. this permitted a greater approximation of reality for studies in forensic laboratories, in which the cultural evidence that is typically received does not correspond to fabrics that were never used, but rather mainly to entire or fragmented articles of clothing, with their respective qualitative cultural characteristics related to manufacturing (size, presence of tags, decorations, seams, clasps, and zippers), and as such with evident alterations in shape, structure and color that can change the appearance of the fibers. in terms of the physical and mechanical properties of the woven fabrics analyzed, the relationship between the type of stitching and thickness is fundamental to bring about specific characteristics of damage. the density of the fabric, just like thickness, are the variables that determine the evident differences in damage. in effect, the densest and most resistant textiles generally show minor, but better-defined damage, because they absorb more energy, as in the case of denim (e.g., carr 2017; laing & carr 2005). this is consistent with the results of this study, which demonstrated that thickness is directly proportional to the degree of deformation of the fabric and the variation of observed damage (laing & carr 2005). for example, the polyester samples, which are thinner than the other fabrics, showed less diversity of damage and made it more difficult to identify a specific pattern. less thickness implies reduced resistance of the woven fabric to the dogs’ actions and to a greater quantity of less diverse damage, and as such, this permitted fewer possibilities to identify patterns. studies have shown that damage caused by knives, for instance, are more extensive and better defined in the case of new, unwashed clothing, given that they maintain their original elasticity (cowper et al. 2015). in this study, an analysis of clothing was carried out based on three levels of observation (taupin & cwiklik 2011): first, macroscopic (general quantitative and qualitative features of the woven fabric); second, weft and warp; and finally, at the microscopic level, examining the morphology of the fiber ends. according to the results of this investigation, the null hypothesis (h0) was rejected: the presence of clear patterns of damage was observed at the microscopic level, which is comparable with those normally observed, also at the microscopic level, on skin and bone tissue. despite the fact that the bones used for the cloth bags were different each time, the results of both previous trials coincided with those of the final experiment: the marks on the fabric samples coincide with those described on bone tissue (punctures or perforations, signs of chewing or nibbling), while those comparable with that found in soft tissue, especially skin, correspond specifically to hole and tear damage (byard 2016; colard et al. 2015; haglund 1997; rossi et al. 1994; schotsmans et al. 2016). the perforations and hole and tear damage are observed most frequently, in 91% of the samples. these patterns are the result not only of the action of the animals’ teeth but also its claws. in the case of hole and tear, the tab-pulling action produced by the mechanism of the dog securing the sample with the claws and pulling in the opposite direction with the incisors and canines (figure 9) (haglund 1997). fig. 9—process of manipulation of the sample by a dog (hole and tear damage). the dog secures the sample with a paw and pulls with the teeth (authors’ records). due to the dimensions of the damage, its characteristic morphology and the structural deformation of the fabric, hole and tear demonstrates the most marked difference among the cases observed and can provide the most reliable illustrative information about the actor that caused it. in fact, it can be considered a diagnostic characteristic: this pattern is useful when differentiating a dog’s bite from that of other animals, in which neither the shaking and pulling action nor the involvement of prominent canines occurs, as with a knife wound (prahlow 2001). however, to cause punctures or perforations, which are normally located near more serious damage like hole and tear, the dog simply holds down the sample with its claws and digs its teeth into the fabric, in particular the canines, while to leave nibbling marks the dog, in addition to holding down the fabric with both claws, bites laterally with the carnassial molars. (figure 10) (feola et al. 2014). fig. 10—image comparing damage caused by canine manipulation of textile samples (left); bone tissue (above right); and skin (below right). the white arrows show the chewing marks. modified from haglund 1997; haglund et al. 1988. on the skin, according to the specific kind of teeth that the dog has (20 teeth in the maxilla and 22 teeth in the jaw), the morphology of these injuries depends on the angle of the bite: if the dog bites in a lateral direction, the marks of the molars and premolars leave parallel lines, and following that a deeper incision caused by the dog. if the dog bites frontally, it causes a partially curved impression that reproduces the dental arc, causing two deep and symmetrical punctures corresponding to the canines (colard et al. 2015; feola et al. 2014). with respect to hole and tear damage, a puncture with a round hole is usually observed, caused by the maxillary canine or that of the jaw. it is accompanied by abrasion of the fabric and parallel linear abrasion marks, which corresponds to the action of the claws and is normally located close to the area of the bite. in accordance with more recent archaeozoology and taphonomy studies, four categories of marks caused by dogs have been identified on bone, which have been included within the most generic category of mastication damage punctures, perforations, nicks, marks and wrinkles (binford 1981; lyman 1994; pobiner 2007; pokines & kerbis peterhans 2007). the first two categories of marks are normally caused by the direct pressure of the teeth exerted perpendicularly on the bone: the punctures do not usually pierce the cortical bone, while the perforations, caused by canines and carnassials, can penetrate the cortical tissue reaching the spongy tissue of the bone. the latter two categories, occurring normally in a “u” or “v” shape and found in the epiphysis of long bones, are due to the dragging action of the teeth on the bone. in addition, erkol and hösükler (2018) argue that different races of dogs have different size teeth, jaws, biting force and different eating habits and patterns that can affect the morphology of marks they leave on the bone. in a study carried out by young and collaborators (young et al. 2015), in a sample of six deer carcasses, researchers detected the presence of punctures and wrinkles, but not of perforations on dry bones manipulated by two races of domestic dog (canis lupus familiaris). the hypothesis is that, in the absence of soft tissue, tendons and muscles, domestic dogs, due also to their good nutrition, are not interested in bone marrow, biting and eating only the cortical tissue. in effect, the intensity of each mark depends on the presence of soft tissues and clothing around the bone: the teeth that leave marks more frequently are found in the front part of the dental arch (incisors and long and sharp canines) and as such, they are far from the zone of greater pressure exerted by the molars and the temporomandibular joint (tmj). it is evident that, if the bone is still covered by skin, muscular tissues and clothing, the perforations and punctures will be more severe in the upper layers, meaning on the articles of clothing and on the soft tissues. of course, the thickness and physical and mechanical properties of the fabrics determine the degree of intensity of the marks. at the microscopic level, all the fibers showed, at the ends, different morphologies that do not correspond to any specific pattern of damage. additionally, due to the low quality and lack of clarity of the image obtained at maximum enlargement (200×) in the stereo microscope, it was very difficult to differentiate the patterns and associate them to specific morphologies. this shows that, in contrast to the damage caused to fibers by the impact of a ballistic projectile (mushroom-shaped morphology), for instance, or by a cut produced by a knife (flat and thin morphology), in which it is possible to observe at the microscopic level precise patterns of behavior on the ends (meredith 1946), with this type of damage it was not possible to link the variability of the attack or the consumption by the dog, a highly dynamic and mobile actor, to a uniform pattern of damage in the fibers. it is worth mentioning that analytical tools like the scanning electron microscope (sem) exist (up to 50,000× enlargement) that can be very useful in examining damage in threads and fibers. however, it is also important to remember that this tool has limited usefulness in the forensic field given that it is a technique that involves the cutting and destruction of the sample; is not available in all institutions and forensic environments; is not quantitative (depending on the subjective interpretation of the observer); and finally, it cannot always provide additional information for the analysis. conclusions this study has the advantage of broadening the investigation of an area that until now has not been extensively researched, that of textile analysis in the forensic field generally, and of the analysis of damage caused by dogs to articles of clothing specifically. forty-five samples of three different types of woven textiles—synthetic stretch fabric, polyester and denim (cotton and elastane)—were manipulated by a group of fifteen mixed-race dogs (canis lupus familiaris) which came from the kennel of the chile mestizo foundation in santiago, chile. the main objective of the investigation was to determine whether patterns of damage emerged on commonly used woven fabrics for the purposes of forensic identification. the damage patterns coincided with the scavenging or attack marks left by the dogs on soft tissue and bone, already described: punctures, perforations, hole and tear and chewing. of these four, perforations and hole and tear damage occurred most frequently. in contrast, punctures were observed only on the stretch and denim fabrics and not on polyester, due to its low thickness. as such it can be concluded that variation in the observed damage is directly associated with the characteristics of density, thickness, and weight of the woven fabrics, and consequently with their level of structural resistance. the characteristics of the agent that causes the damage, in this case a dog, should also be considered; its weight, size, age and behavior influence the final effects on the textiles. this study has various limitations: first, the absence of theoretical antecedents. however, carrying out two preliminary trials permitted researchers to study options, observe behaviors, and arrange details, ultimately implementing a coherent experimental design. the designed experiments were performed in controlled environments where the number of dogs present was limited, in contrast to a real setting in which large packs of dogs can cause anatomical parts or clothing fragments from the same corpse to be dispersed. as a result, it is important to consider that a series of different dogs may participate in the manipulation of a dead body in open spaces. second, with respect to the fabric sample, even if they were commonly used textiles, they were primarily new fabrics that had not been previously used or washed, dried, or ironed—all variables that tend to alter the original characteristics of the fabric, especially its weight and thickness. in addition, the samples were fragments, not complete garments. one of the objectives of future investigations is primarily to incentivize professionals in the forensic field to undertake new contributions to the study of manipulation of woven fabrics by animals, particularly dogs. in addition to this, another objective is to evaluate the importance of postmortem structural alterations in the preservation of the analyzed damage. acknowledgments first, thanks to the dr. carlos ybar research institute and the uddhh of the medico-legal service of santiago, for allowing me to work in their facilities. to the textile engineer maría neira, and to the lictex of the usach for providing instructions about the methodology of the study of textiles. finally, i would like to thank the municipal kennel of la serena and the chile mestizo foundation directed by ingrid loza, for making this research project possible. references aerssens j, boonen j, lowet g, dequeker j. interspecies differences in bone composition, density, and quality: potential implications for in vivo bone research. endocrinology 1998;139:663–670. ali m, jabber mian a, nurul islam m, rawul abial md, syed fazal ek, sarwaruddin chowdhury am. physico-mechanical properties of fabrics prepared from blend of sulphonated jute fibre with natural and synthetic fibres. indian journal of fibre and textile research 2001;26:414–417. beaver b. canine behavior. a guide for veterinarians. philadelphia: w. b. saunders; 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[unpublished phd dissertation]. newark, nj: rutgers university; 2007. pokines jt, kerbis peterhans jc. spotted hyena (crocuta crocuta) den use and taphonomy in the masai mara national reserve, kenya. journal of archaeological science 2007;34:1914–1931 prahlow ja, ross kf, lene wjw, kirby db. accidental sharp force injury fatalities. the american journal of forensic medicine and pathology 2001;22:358–366. rossi ml, shahrom aw, chapman rc, vanezis p. postmortem injuries by indoor pets. the american journal of forensic medicine and pathology 1994;15:105–109. rothschild ma, schneider v. on the temporal onset of postmortem animal scavenging: “motivation” of the animal. forensic science international 1997;89:57–64. schotsmans emj, marquez-grant n, forbes s. forensic analysis of the dead and the depositional environment. in: schotsmans emj, marquez-grant n, forbes s, eds. taphonomy of human remains. oxford, uk: wiley-blackwell; 2016. sincerbox s, digangi e. what big teeth you have: taphonomic signatures of north american scavengers. in: digangi e, sincerbox s, eds. forensic taphonomy and ecology of north american scavengers. cambridge, ma: academic press; 2018:63–148. tan p, tong l, steven g. modelling for predicting the mechanical properties of textile composites—a review. composites part a: applied science and manufacturing 1997;28:903–922. taupin j, cwiklik c. scientific protocols for forensic examination of clothing. boca raton, fl: crc press; 2011. young a, stillman r, smith mj, korstjens ah. scavenger species-typical alteration to bone: using bite mark dimensions to identify scavengers. journal of forensic sciences 2015;60:1426–1435. amardoqueo fernandez #171 departamento 1103, providencia, santiago 8320000, chile bservicio médico legal, unidad de derechos humanos, avenida la paz n°1012 independencia, santiago, santiago 8380454, chile cuniversidad católica de temuco, laboratorio de odontología forense, temuco, chile *correspondence to: gabriela molina, hernando de aguirre #1900, departamento 203. providencia, santiago 7510744, chile e-mail: diaz.molinagabriela@gmail.com received 02 september 2019; revised 07 february 2020; accepted 05 march 2020 forensic anthropology vol. 5, no. 3: 206–213 doi: 10.5744/fa.2019.0019a introduction the author secured permission for the investigation of the remains attributed to james alphaeus (also called james the lesser) through a request made to the general management of historical and documentary heritage of the ministry of culture of the council of galicia in 1991. the condition of the sacred relic of the osseous remains required that the investigation take place in the chapel of relics of the cathedral, with the permission of the dean, for only ten days. removal of the remains from the cathedral environment to carry out complementary examination was not permitted. the study was performed in november 1991. the religious authorities of the cathedral of santiago de compostela decided to submit this relic for scientific study to find out what the real contents of the james alphaeus shrine were. the author proposed the most extensive and profound anthropological study of the case considering these spatial and temporal limits. scientific study of religious relics modern scientific study of religious relics is not widespread. searching in various scientific search engines for bibliographic references containing the words “relic and bone” generates only a dozen relevant articles, and doubts linger in all of these studies about the identity and authenticity of the remains and the restrictions that church authorities put in place regarding their investigation (alterauge et al. 2016; ball 2017; van strydonck et al. 2009). no documentation exists of any scientific study of relics in the santiago de compostela cathedral since the end of the nineteenth century, when it was established that human remains found in the crypt might belong to james the greater (freijeiro & pardo 1989). the identity and/or authenticity of remains is a central aspect of every scientific study of a relic or of historic human remains, but it is almost impossible to turn to genetic studies, which can help establish identity (martínezgonzález 2012). for this reason, the identity and authenticity of an ancient religious relic can only be either excluded (if the required information exists) or estimated. it is possible that the identity of the remains belonging to the saint or relevant historic personage cannot be confirmed. the relic of james alphaeus mauricio burdino (later the antipope gregory viii) brought the head of james alphaeus, apostlebishop of jerusalem, from that city in 1108 ad. doña urraca (queen of castilla y león in the twelfth century) seized the relic and gave it to diego gelmirez, bishop of santiago who, as part of a special ritual, deposited it in a gold chest in 1116 ad. in 1322, archbishop don berenguel de landoria sent the bust that we know today to be carved (barral 1991). bishop diego gelmírez received the head as a symbol of his own personal case report a forensic anthropological study of human remains attributed to the apostle james alphaeus fernando serrullaa,b* abstract: we present the forensic anthropological study of the relic of the skull of james alphaeus, which was preserved in the chapel of the relics of the cathedral of santiago de compostela (spain). the remains consist of skull fragments and another few bones, which are in a state of carbonization and highly fragmented. the results show that the remains belong to a mature adult male individual, and the injuries to the skull were probably produced by a cutting blunt instrument such as a sword. these results lead us to doubt the identity of the remains. keywords: forensic anthropology, carbonization, sword, james alphaeus, james the lesser, relic ainstituto de medicina legal de galicia, unidad de antropología forense, hospital de verin, verin, ourense 32600, spain bsociedad de ciencias aranzadi, antropología física, alto de zorroaga s/n donostia, san sebastian 20014, spain *correspondence to: fernando serrulla, instituto de medicina legal de galicia, unidad de antropología forense, hospital de verin, verin, ourense 32600, spain email: fernandoserrullarech@hotmail . com received 31 may 2019; revised 04 october 2019; accepted 04 october 2019 © 2022 university of florida press serrulla 207 triumph, without doubting its attribution to james the greater (xacopedia 2015). the bustshrine of james alphaeus is also called caput argenteum. it is a silver, gilded bust measuring 48.5 × 48.5 × 26 cm. it is the most famous of the shrines of “tesouro compostelano” (figure 1). it contains primarily cephalic osseous remains attributed to james alphaeus. the work (possibly made in 1322) is attributed to rodrigo eans, the silversmith of the cathedral (barral 1991). importantly, in 1921, a fire destroyed various relics of this chapel. although it seems that the fire did not directly affect this shrine, it is possible that the fire’s heat may have indirectly affected the remains due to the metallic composition of the bust. the life and death of james the lesser james alphaeus was one of jesus’ apostles and is called the “brother of jesus” in the sacred scriptures. james the lesser occupies ninth place in the four lists of the apostles. mark gave him the name “lesser” to differentiate him from the other apostle james, who was the son of zebedee and john’s brother. he was probably younger and smaller than james “the greater.” for this reason, james alphaeus is also known by the name james the lesser (hophan 1957). the new testament also makes repeated allusions to james as “jesus’ brother.” as hophan (1957) states, this presents a problem for understanding the meaning of the description “brother of jesus” and whether james, brother of the lord, is the same as the apostle james the lesser, alphaeus’s son, a dilemma that experts on the scriptures have not yet cleared up.1 1. the word “hermanos” has a broader meaning in the ancient and modern language of the east, in some ways equivalent to our term “cousin.” it refers not only to strict brotherhood, but also to other degrees of close kinship like nephews, brothersinlaw, and cousins, and even to express an intimate friendship or shared nationality. according to information recovered by ancient historians of the catholic church (hegessipus), james alphaeus died in the year 62 ad when he was 92 years old after living an ascetic life. there are three different versions of his death (martyrdom): 1) according to hegessipus, james alphaeus was pushed from the top of the temple by the pharisees and then stoned. the same author adds that shortly afterwards, a textile worker (batanero) dealt him a blow with his stick and smashed james’ head. as a result, a stick or cudgel always appears in representations of james alphaeus (de cesarea 2008). 2) in this same text by eusebio de cesarea, there is a second version of james alphaeus’s death: he was thrown down and stoned but also, a textile machine worker who was there, “picking up a stick which he used to whip the animals, struck justo’s head and with this happy martyrdom ended his days” (de cesarea 2008). 3) according to josefo,2 ananías held a judicial council and brought james (jesus’ brother) and others before it, accusing them of violating the law. he was sentenced to be stoned (barclay 1988). all versions of the manner of james alphaeus’s death seem to coincide with the fact that he possibly died as a consequence of a traumatic brain injury produced by a stick or a textile worker’s cudgel, or as a result of the impact of stones on his head. each scenario involves blunt, but not sharp, instruments. the life and death of santiago the greater it is also worth highlighting in this historical introduction that james the greater died at the age of 49, decapitated by herod agrippa i, possibly in the year 44. there are references to the death of james the greater in acts of the apostles (12, 1– 3) and in other texts in which his death by decapitation with a sword is confirmed. this type of death was the customary penalty among jews condemned for idolatry, a crime of which james the greater could have been accused (castellá ferrer 1610). material and methods the osseous remains extracted from the shrine of james alphaeus are presented in table 1. it shows many bone fragments in a state of complete carbonization and incomplete 2. antigüedades de los judios, 20, 9, 1. fig. 1—reliquary bust of james alphaeus. 208 violent death of the apostle james alphaeus calcination with white impregnations, some of which have been reduced to dust. from a total of 25 identifiable osseous fragments that were selected, we created 6 groups based on relationships of morphological consistency. the fragments were attached using cyanoacrylate. measurements of the fragments were taken with a vernier caliper. conventional anthroposcopy and anthropometry were performed (brothwell 1987; reverte coma 1981, 1991; rivero de la calle 1985). removal of the bones from the cathedral in order to undertake complementary studies (radiological, chemical dating) was not authorized, so we were not able to carry them out. the methods employed to estimate sex and age were chosen according to the material present in the study and, in all cases, the recommendations established by the spanish association of forensic anthropology and odontology (serrulla 2013). results we explain on one hand the results of the study related to the reconstructive identification and on the other hand, the signs of trauma and taphonomy found. information on reconstructive identification table 2 shows information of anthropological interest. information on reconstructive identification is compatible with a skull belonging to a mature, adult male (estimated age range according to the meindllovejoy method 31– 65 years old, median 45.2). signs of trauma found in the left frontal zone (pieces 6 and 7), there is an oblique section of diploe with structural deformity in the outer table consistent with a perimortem injury produced by a cutting blunt instrument that may be continuous with the clear border of the section found in pieces 9, 10, and 11 (figs. 2– 4). it is not possible to evaluate the pattern of the associated fracture. in the interparietal area (posterior sagittal suture area), an oblique section of diploe of about 64 mm in length is observed, with signs of incomplete calcification. it appears to be without signs of osseous regeneration on the edges, and it has an accompanying fracture pattern compatible with an injury produced by a cutting blunt instruments (figure 3). table 1—identifiable osseous pieces found in the interior of the shrine of james alphaeus. nº description maximum measurements conservation 1 frontal orbital margin and squama 114 × 59mm carbonized 2 left frontal orbital apophysis 29 × 16 mm incomplete calcination 3 frontal frag. right frontal squama 26 × 18 mm incomplete calcination 4 frontal frag. right frontal scale 50 × 26 mm incomplete calcination 5 frontal frag. right frontal scale 19 × 15 mm incomplete calcination 6 frontal frag. left frontal scale long max: 66 mm carbonized 7 frontal frag. left frontal scale long max:10 mm carbonized 8 spongy frag. and internal table 12 × 3 mm incomplete calcination 9 right parietal frag. long max: 71 mm carbonized 10 right frontal frag. long max: 90 mm carbonized 11 right parietal frag. long max: 54 mm carbonized 12 right parietal frag. long max: 98 mm carbonized 13 interparietal triangular frag. long max: 51 mm carbonized 14 interparietal frag. 47 × 7 mm incomplete calcination 15 right parietal frag. long max: 29 mm carbonized 16 interparietal frag. 48 × 34 mm carbonized 17 right parietooccipital frag. 83 × 28 mm incomplete calcination 18 left temporal frag. 54 × 33 mm carbonized 19 left temporal frag. 64 × 28 mm carbonized 20 left mastoid frag. 49 × 29 mm carbonized 21 left temporal frag. 21 × 24 mm carbonized 22 upper maxillary frag. anch max: 26 mm carbonized 23 left first upper molar (26) l max: 17.3 mm carbonized 24 low rib fragment l max: 43 mm carbonized 25 upper rib fragment l max: 24 mm carbonized serrulla 209 table 2—information relevant to anthropology. md: mesiodistal; mldbcrn: mesiolingualdistalbuccal crown. the scores assigned to estimate the sex are based on the criteria in ferembach (1980), cited by krenzer (2006). nº description information of interest 1 frontal orbital margin and scale glabella (+1), orbital margin (+1) and frontal bone inclination (+1). (+1): male. 6 frontal frag. left frontal scale perimortem injury by cutting blunt instrument 7 frontal frag. left frontal scale perimortem injury by cutting blunt instrument 9 right parietal frag. outer coronal suture: significant closure; internal: complete straight line of fracture continuous with 10 and 11. 10 right frontal fragment outer coronal suture: significant closure; internal: complete straight line of fracture continuous with 9 and 11. 11 right parietal fragment open parietotemporal d suture. (age range: 31– 65 years) (meindllovejoy 1985) straight line of fracture continuous with 9 and 10. 12 right parietal frag. open d parietotemporal suture. 14 interparietal frag. perimortem injury by cutting blunt instrument complete closure sagittal suture (s3 and s4) (age range: 31– 65 years) (meindllovejoy 1985) 17 right parietooccipital frag. incipient closure lambdoidal suture (l2 and l3). (age range: 31– 65 years) (meindllovejoy 1985) 23 left upper first molar (26) long md crown 11 mm diameter mldbcrn: 11.3 mm estimated for the second upper molar: probability: male:70– 73% female:26– 29% (viciano 2012) fig. 2—left frontal bone injury by a cutting blunt instrument. photograph modified through small changes in luminosity, contrast and saturation to allow for observation of the injury in the carbonized bone. fig. 3—right parietal bone injury produced by cutting blunt instrument. photograph modified though small changes in luminosity, contrast and saturation to allow for observation of the injury in the carbonized bone. fig. 4—edge of the coronal suture on the right side. in the right frontal parietal area, a peculiar alignment of the fragments with the left frontal injury is observed. the fracture margin of this injury through the diploe is distinctly perpendicular. the injury is compatible with a cut produced by a cutting blunt instrument (fig. 4). together the three injuries described above are depicted in figure 5, which includes guides indicating the location of the injuries in the skull and the frontal and parietal fragments. study of heat damage a large part of the frontal bone shows an appearance of incomplete calcination both inside and outside of the skull: 210 violent death of the apostle james alphaeus a white, grayish color with some blackish areas. a small solid impregnation, whitish in color, is evident in the outer table. the fact that the bone has maintained its structure (it is not fragile) with an apparently low degree of moisture is notable. the parietal fragment, in contrast, shows an intense black matte color due to carbonization on a large part of its surface except in the occipital area. the posterior interparietal border and part of the anterior border with the frontal bone show a grayish, white color of incomplete calcination. as with the frontal fragment, the bone has maintained its structure well and shows a very low degree of moisture. the other bones (upper jaw, molar, and rib fragments) appear completely carbonized without whitish or grayish areas. discussion of results historical aspects and circumstances of death from an academic point of view, many authors have criticized the socalled “sacred scripture,” especially the work fig. 5—group of frontal bone fragments (ectocranial view); b: group of right parietal fragments, where the letter “a” indicates the frontal area injury (figure 4) and the letter “b” the injury described for the interparietal area (figure 3); c: graphic representing the view from above of the combinations of frontal and parietal bone fragments, where the letter “a” indicates the cutting blunt frontal injury and the letter “b” the cutting blunt interparietal injury (red arrows). d: graphic showing the front view of the frontal and upper maxillary bone fragments. of “ancient historians of the church” who seem to mix legend, literature, and real events in their writings (martos garcía 2012). like other experts (gunkel 1928), this author asserts for example that some scriptural texts like genesis are full of legends, as well as a significant portion of the bible, both the new and old testaments. while they are texts of enormous cultural and religious importance, the writings of hegessippus, eusebio de cesarea, and flavio josefo do not meet the same scientific and methodological standards in the current historical investigation. as a result, some facts relevant to this investigation cannot be taken as completely certain, as there could be some information that we employ today as antemortem data about which— in the scope of the forensic sciences— their veracity is usually unquestioned. for instance, it seems logical that errors could exist about the age of death and year of birth of both james alphaeus and james the greater. errors are possible even in the manner of their martyrdom: james the lesser possibly died from the textile worker’s stick, and james the greater was probably decapitated by herod. the entire journey of james the lesser’s head could be even more inaccurate, starting with the burial site (jerusalem) to its arrival to the hands of bishop gelmírez in compostela in 1116. many more sources of uncertainty could have emerged during the hundreds of years during which the supposed the head of james the lesser spent in the cathedral. the cathedral was invaded on many occasions by pirates and thieves and suffered all kinds of attack. in the fourteenth century, the cathedral was transformed into a fortress to protect it from medieval attacks, constructing defensive towers such as the clock tower (torre de reloj) (garcía iglesias 1993). biological profile and injuries discovered the estimation of sex and age in this case is based on very few elements: just three characteristics of the frontal bone were examined to estimate the sex, and little more than a few centimeters of observable cranial sutures for the age. in the case of the sex, the molar was also examined, applying measurement criteria estimated from the second molar (viciano 2012), with a result favoring the male sex (70– 73%). however, in regards to the sex, the features examined (glabella, supraorbital margin, and frontal bone inclination; the three with masculine scores) are characteristics with considerable sexual dimorphism (walrath et al. 2004). viciano finds that there is almost a 30% probability that it is not male, so the fact that it was not possible to examine more features implies significant uncertainty; this should be considered. in relation to age, it should be mentioned that the method used (meindl & lovejoy 1985) has been widely criticized for the wide margins of age that it provides for its reliability (ruendigt et al. 2018). in this case, there is even more serrulla 211 uncertainty, given that it has not been possible to evaluate the complete state of all the sutures of the cranial vault, the base, nor other characteristics of other bones. in any case, it seems reasonable to conclude that the skull is that of a mature adult individual. according to what is known about the individual, the skull may belong to a person more than 35 years old (robledo et al. 2013). this biological profile does not allow us to eliminate either james alphaeus or james the greater as the person to whom this skull may belong. however, the results obtained from the study seem more compatible with james the greater than with james alphaeus. few doubts remain about the violent perimortem origin of the injuries and the instrument that caused death, particularly those found in the interparietal and left frontal area. we are looking at lesions likely produced by a cutting blunt instrument such as a sword (berg 2008). many authors have characterized the diagnostic aspects of this type of injury well: a distinct section of diploe, an associated fracture pattern, and signs of structural deformity on the edge of the outer table (aromatario et al. 2016; kanz & grosschmidt 2006; petrone et al. 2018). the position in which the injuries discovered appear is notable. on one side the parietal, the fracture pattern indicates that the frontal lesion was anterior to the parietal, as the lines of the parietal pattern are not continuous with the frontal bone but instead end on the cut line on the right side of the frontal bone. on the other hand, the existence of these two strikes on the skull allows us to argue that the case could be related to the socalled “death by three strikes” (reverte coma 1981) in which the condemned prisoner suffered first a hit on the side of the head that knocked him unconscious (which in this case corresponds to injury a in figure 5c), then a second strike, once the victim is on the ground, that aims to kill with a blow to the back of the head (injury b in figure 5c), and finally a third strike, decapitation, to assure the prisoner is dead. in our case there is only evidence of the first two blows, given that it has not been possible to examine the vertebrae of the neck. agreements and disagreements: are the remains of james alphaeus authentic? death by a cutting blunt instrument accords more with the death of james the greater, who was executed by decapitation in the year 44 ad at the age of 49. we do not have the same evidence to support the hypothesis of james alphaeus’s death, at the age of 92 in the year 62 ad (compatible information), possibly with a worker’s stick or by stoning (incompatible information). the results of this study show that the osseous remains discovered in the shrine of james alphaeus perhaps do not belong to this saint, if we accept as valid the historical information about the manner of his death (martyrdom). they could also belong to the james the greater. since the arrival of james alphaeus’s head to compostela in 1116, the church, through bishop gelmírez, expressed doubts about whether it belonged to james the lesser. according to sources, gelmírez had no doubt that the head belonged to james the greater. mauricio burdino, the bishop of braga, who brought the head from the holy land, stated that the head was that of james the greater, seemingly to discredit the compostelan church, which was his rival. the compostelan church preferred not to question whether they may have had the entire body of james the greater. for this reason, they attributed it to james the lesser. when it became known that the cathedral of ancona (italy) also claimed to have the head of james alphaeus, more doubts emerged. in contrast to james alphaeus, scientific studies exist about james the greater. the historical information relevant to the scientific studies performed on the remains attributed to james the greater dates to the end of the nineteenth century. a report by three university professors from santiago de compostela confirmed that they could belong to the apostle james; since then, there do not seem to be doubts. excavations carried out in the cathedral of santiago de compostela in 1878– 79 permitted the location of osseous remains 30 m deep in the greater chapel behind the altar. during the excavation, a roman mausoleum was found with the inscription of the name of one of the disciples to which the sacred scripture attributes the transport of james the greater’s body from jerusalem (athanasios martyr) (freijeiro & pardo 1989). this incident led pope leo xiii to believe that they could be the remains of the apostle. through cardinal payá, he ordered that they be studied by three professors from the universidad de santiago (antonio casares, francisco freire, and timoteo sánchez freire) who reached the following conclusion in an expert ruling made july 20, 1879, in response to three concrete questions that church representatives posed to them: 1) the wellknown bones belong to three incomplete skeletons of as many individuals, of different development and age: of these, those of the first two passed away between the end of the second and the middle of the third physiological stage of life; while the third skeleton seems also to have been in this third stage. 2) it is not possible to state with certainty the age of the bones; but considering the state of their integrity and composition, which is so similar to that of a celtic skeleton mentioned, they are centuries old. 3) regarding the age, it seems logical that the bones may have belonged to the bodies of the holy apostle and his two disciples. 212 violent death of the apostle james alphaeus the current assessment of these conclusions allows us to argue the following: 1) as a result of the age assessment undertaken and considering the life expectancy at the end of the nineteenth century in galicia, during the last third of the nineteenth century (45 years according to muñoz pradas [2005]), the experts did not include the age of james the greater in any of the three thirds that they discuss. however, we cannot exclude it solely based on the age assessment that we carried out. nothing is mentioned about the sex of the individuals, which is notable because during that period physical anthropology in spain was only beginning to be established in university environments (reverte 1991). 2) it is possible that the bones may be ancient not only for the reasons presented, but rather mainly because of the archaeological context in which they were discovered (close to a roman mausoleum). 3) the phrase in which the remains are arbitrarily attributed to the apostle and his disciples does not seem to have much scientific basis. it may be foolish to attribute the remains to these persons solely because of a hypothetical age compatibility and for the nonspecific estimated postmortem interval (“centuries of existence”). currently no professional would allow an identity estimation based on this information. taphonomic aspects regarding the study of the heat damage we should add that in accordance with the experimental studies of bone cremation and other studies, we now understand how bone behaves when it is affected by heat, according to temperature (devlin & herrman 2008; holck 1996; symes et al. 2015; walker et al. 2008). in their studies, these authors show the different changes in coloration that bone undergoes at different temperatures. it is important to consider this in these experimental studies so that the authors do not create the exact conditions in which the examined bones were burned in this case. in the case of the remains attributed to james alphaeus, the dry bone was stored in a metal container, meaning the bone was affected only by the heat of the oven effect produced by the container, not burned by the oven directly. although these conditions were not reproduced in the studies mentioned, in general there seems to be agreement that the carbonization of the bone (black matte color) occurred at around 600°c, while the calcination (gray whitish color) was obtained at 800°c, during a period of at least 30 minutes. it is also interesting to highlight in this section that two different types of fracture patterns of the skull bone are evident in the few fragments examined: a) in the right parietal fragment there is a pattern of fracture characteristic of cutting blunt perimortem injuries, with primary and secondary lines of fracture derived from the depletion of energy in the tomb (pope & smith 2004; symes et al. 2015). b) in the frontal fragment (above the orbits) there are disorganized fractures without a clear pattern and evidence of delamination of the outer table, signs of postmortem injuries produced by heat (pope & smith 2004; symes et al. 2015). along with the frontal bone injuries compatible with those produced by a cutting blunt instrument, not enough bone was preserved to evaluate its fracture pattern. as such we can confirm that the parietal and frontal injuries produced by a cutting blunt instrument are clearly perimortem and not the result of the taphonomic effect of heat. conclusions the fragments of bone discovered in the shrine of james alphaeus possibly belong to a mature adult, male individual older than 35 years of age. the examined remains show signs of perimortem injuries produced by a cutting blunt instrument like a sword. the injury to the frontal bone was produced before the parietal lesion and was possibly the result of an execution, the socalled “death by three strikes” in which the third strike (though not present in this case) was cutting off the head. the signs of trauma found in the skull bones show signs of decapitation. from this we can deduce two hypotheses, if we accept the martyrdom described by historians of the catholic church and scriptures: 1) that the remains do not belong to james alphaeus. 2) that the skull may belong to james the greater. the examined skull is incomplete, very fragmented, and shows significant structural damage caused by heat. it is estimated that it could have been subjected to temperatures between 600 and 800°c. 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martínezgonzález lj, martínezespín e, álvarez jc, albardaner f, rickards o, martínezlabarga c, calafell f, lorente ja. surname and y chromosome in southern europe: a case study with colom/colombo. european journal of human genetics 2012;20(2):211– 216. martos garcía ae. el método de la historia de las formas: hermann gunkel y las leyendas de la “biblia”. tejuelo 2012;13:48– 69. meindl rs, lovejoy co. ectocranial suture closure: a revised method for the determination of skeletal age at death based on the lateralanterior sutures. american journal physical anthropology 1985;68(1):57– 66. muñoz pradas f. geografía de la mortalidad española del siglo xix: una exploración de sus factores determinantes. boletin de la associación de geógrafos españoles 2005;40:269– 310. petrone p, brunetti a, niola m, di lorenzo p, borrelli l, buccelli c, graziano v. to kill or be killed: the coup de grâce for a warrior after multiple sword wounds. anthropologischer anzeiger 2018;75(4):311– 323. pope ej, smith 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antropología forense. asociación española de antropología y odontología forense (aeaof); 2013. http:// www . aeaof . com / web / blog / recom enda ciones en antropologia forense aeaof 2013 . pdf. symes sa, rainwater cw, chapman en, gipson dr, piper al. patterned thermal destruction in a forensic setting. in: schmidt cw, symes sa, eds. the analysis of burned human remains. london: academic press; 2015:17– 59. van strydonck m, ervynck a, vandenbruaene m, boudain m. anthropology and 14c analysis of skeletal remains from relic shrines: an unexpected source of information for medieval archaeology. radiocarbon 2009;51(2):569– 577. viciano j. métodos odontométricos para la estimación del sexo en individuos adultos y subadultos [doctoral thesis]. granada: universidad de granada; 2012. https:// hera . ugr . es / tesisugr / 21453512 . pdf. accessed april 21, 2019). walker pl, miller kwp, richman r. time temperature, and oxygen availability: an experimental study of the effects of environmental conditions on the color and organic content of cremated bone. in: schmidt cw, symes sa, eds. the analysis of burned human remains. london: academic press; 2008:129– 135. walrath de, turner p. bruzek j. reliability test of the visual assessment of cranial traits for sex determination. american journal of physical anthropology 2004;125:132– 137. xacopedia. santiago el menor. ediciones bolanda. xunta de galicia. http:// xacopedia . com / santiago_el_menor. created 2015. accessed april 17, 2019. login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author 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navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe artículo de revisió forensic anthropology vol. 5, no. 3: s195–s205 doi: 10.5744/fa.2022.4004b artículo de revisión cuerpos no identificados en el contexto mexicano maria fortunaa* ● laura corralesb ● alan robinsonc ● roxana enríguez fariasd ● nicholas marquez-grante,f resumen: el hallazgo de fosas clandestinas se ha convertido en un hecho recurrente durante los últimos diez años en méxico, estimándose que podrían existir más de 2000 repartidas por todo el país (guillen et al. 2018). menos conocidas, reportadas y atendidas son las fosas comunes, localizadas en panteones municipales o estatales, que albergan cuerpos de personas no identificados y de las cuales no hay un censo oficial. se estima que existen unos 26000 cuerpos en calidad de no identificados (segob 2019a) y anualmente, tan solo en la ciudad de méxico, son destinados a la fosa común cementerial casi 500. se requieren proyectos integrales en ciencia forense, que mitiguen el alto porcentaje de cuerpos sin identificar, que coordinen la correcta inhumación de cuerpos y su registro en fosas comunes. la crisis humanitaria vigente y la complejidad del contexto precisan considerar las imbricaciones entre casos de desaparecidos y cuerpos no identificados, entre búsqueda e identificación. palabras clave: antropología forense, no identificados, fosa común, méxico, derechos humanos introducción américa latina comparte una historia común: décadas de dictaduras marcadas por violaciones sistemáticas a los derechos humanos, incluidas en planes o iniciativas en contra de la instauración del socialismo por medio de la implementación de regímenes autoritarios ante la debacle de las democracias liberales (feierstein 2009, presidencia de la nación 2011). bajo la doctrina de seguridad nacional, latino américa vivió la ocupación sin precedentes de su territorio: la tortura, violencia sexual y todo tipo de ejecuciones sistemáticas y extrajudiciales se normalizaron. en guatemala se estima que provocaron la muerte de aproximadamente 37,000 personas y en argentina las violaciones a los derechos humanos estaban extendidas a toda la población, sin importar sexo o edad (conadep, s/f; sabino, 2016). pese a que en méxico el origen de esta violencia no sigue las mismas directrices que en el resto de latinoamérica (no se considera que la violencia se haya desencadenado a partir de dictaduras militares), sus consecuencias son las mismas y se han perpetuado a lo largo de los décadas, manteniéndose vigentes en la actualidad hasta el punto en el que crímenes como la trata de personas o esclavitud forman parte de un negocio muy lucrativo, en las que participan también las fuerzas de seguridad del estado, crímenes que son parte de la génesis de la desaparición de personas (lópez 2019). entre 1960 y 1980 se instauró lo que se conoce como la “guerra sucia”, un periodo marcado por persecuciones, torturas y desapariciones forzadas por parte del estado (cndh 2020; guevara & chávez 2018). lucio cabañas o el propio rosendo radilla, cuyos casos de desaparición forzada llegaron ante la corte interamericana de derechos humanos en el año 2001, son solo dos de los muchos ejemplos de dicho periodo. bajo esta “guerra”, la mayoría de los desaparecidos eran campesinos insertados en guerrillas o en grupos de izquierda (rodríguez 2017). por otro lado, a finales de los años sesenta y principios de los setenta, las masacres estudiantiles, como la del 2 de octubre de 1968 en tlatelolco o la ocurrida el 10 de junio de 1971, conocida como la masacre del corpus o el halconazo, pusieron de manifiesto el uso de la represión sin miramientos del estado y el asentamiento de la desaparición como un método normalizado de castigo social. una de las etapas más cruentas de la historia reciente del país fue la protagonizada por la guerra contra el narco (2006–2012) bajo la presidencia de felipe calderón hinojosa. en 2015, un informe de human rights watch afirmaba que desde el año 2006 habían desaparecido 22,000 personas de las que aún se desconocía su paradero y hasta abril del 2014, nadie había cumplido sentencia por ello (human rights watch 2015). el país sufrió una fuerte militarización que llevó a ciertas ciudades, como ciudad juárez, a convivir con más de 2,000 militares durante el operativo conjunto chihuahua (2008–2012), en donde se tuvo un saldo de más de 7,000 muertos y cerca de 1,000 torturados, sin que haya un conteo fiable de desaparecidos (corrales & padilla 2019). con el sexenio de enrique peña nieto, las cifras de homicidios dolosos, secuestros, torturas y desapariciones forzadas parecen haberse incrementado. casos como la desaparición de los 43 estudiantes de ayotzinapa pusieron al país en el foco mundial y la problemática de las desapariciones forzadas o las fosas clandestinas comenzaron a salir a la luz, después de décadas (eaaf 2016). por otro lado, el crimen organizado mueve miles de millones de dólares al año, con respecto a la trata de personas, extorsiones, esclavitud o incluso compra de migrantes (lopez 2019). en muchas ocasiones los grupos criminales están vinculados en la desaparición de personas con el permiso de trabajadores del estado (cndh & naciones unidas 2015; guevara & chávez 2018). según federico mastrogiovanni (2014), el crimen organizado cotiza el valor de un migrante entre 2,000 y 5,000 dólares. estos son “vendidos” al crimen organizado, muchas veces por parte de policías federales, militares o agentes de migración. anualmente, más de 150,000 migrantes cruzan el país siguiendo rutas peligrosas. en 2009, se registraron 9,578 migrantes secuestrados en sólo 6 meses, y entre abril y septiembre del 2010, hubo más de 11,300 secuestros en este grupo tan vulnerable (cndh & naciones unidas 2015). un ejemplo que conmocionó al país fue la aparición, en el año 2010, de 72 migrantes centroamericanos y sudamericanos masacrados a manos del grupo criminal “los zetas”, apilados en una nave industrial en san fernando, tamaulipas, o la matanza de cadereyta, en la que 49 migrantes fueron descuartizados, con el fin de sembrar terror (nájar 2010; pérez 2015). como consecuencia, méxico aparece desde hace años en la lista de los países más peligrosos del mundo, con una cantidad de homicidiosque han llevado a los medios a comparar al país con siria (gallegos 2017; world atlas 2019). las cifras hablan de 390 fosas clandestinas halladas entre 2009 y 2014, con 1,418 cuerpos y 5,786 restos humanos, siendo guerrero, jalisco, chihuahua, coahuila y tamaulipas los estados con más cantidad de fosas (ibero & cmdpdh 2018). desde la entrada del gobierno de andrés manuel lópez obrador y la im plementación del registro oficial de fosas, se han ubicado 81 sitios con 222 fosas clandestinas y 337 cuerpos encontrados (gobierno de méxico 2019a), aunque de acuerdo con reportes independientes en el país podría haber más de 2000 fosas de este tipo (adondevanlosdesaparecidos.org 2018). a este contexto de fosas clandestinas se suman las 74.214 personas cuyos familiares no tienen certeza de dónde están. de ese total, 37.506 forman parte del registro nacional de personas extraviadas y desaparecidas y 36. 708 corresponde a cuerpos de personas que no han sido identificadas. los cuerpos de personas no identificadas tras su valoración en el servicio médico forense son enviados a fosas comunes de panteones municipales o estatales del país, de las que no existen recuentos oficiales (martínez 2019). el contexto mexicano de crisis forense es explicado por la complejidad de su naturaleza, en la que conviven personas desaparecidas, no identificadas, fosas comunes y clandestinas. como atestiguan organismos internacionales o equipos independientes, la desatención por más de 10 años ha agravado la problemática, a lo que se suma la urgencia de dar respuesta a los familiares con la creación de políticas públicas verdaderamente independientes y el fortalecimiento de las instituciones (sotomayor 2019; souza & franco 2019). el objetivo de este artículo de revisión es dar a conocer la situación actual de cuerpos no identificados, exponiendo las investigaciones realizadas, las cifras publicadas, el colapso de los servicios medico forenses y la ausencia de estrategias de gestión para la inhumación de cuerpos en fosas comunes. la actual situación del país requiere de intervención forense coordinada e integral, que dimensione la complejidad multifactorial de problema. los no identificados los individuos nn (derivado del latín nomes necio “nombre desconocido”) comprenden sujetos no identificados tras su valoración o examen en el servicio médico forense. resulta necesario discernir entre individuos no identificados e individuos identificados no reclamados. los individuos no reclamados (nr) son aquellos sujetos identificados posterior mente a su necropsia médico legal, pero que no han sido reclamados por familiares. el sistema de información nacional de personas extraviadas y fallecidas no identificadas (sinpef) adopta los términos de pfsi (persona fallecida sin identificar) y pfnr (persona fallecida no reclamada). el registro del sinpef está compuesto por tres bases de datos diferentes, de las que destacamos dos (cndh 2018) que aportan recuento de cuerpos o individuos desaparecidos o no identificados en el país: •  personas extraviadas, desaparecidas o ausentes (sinde), con 32,236 registros abiertos. •  personas fallecidas no identificadas (sinfani), con 16,361 registros. la secretaría de gobernación (segob) reconoce que no se cuenta con cifras oficiales, sino que se trata de estimaciones, calculándose la cifra de 26.000 cuerpos no identificados (arleta 2019). en la actualidad esta situación comprende un proceso vigente y en la mayoría del país está rebasada la capacidad que tienen los servicios forenses para el manejo de cadáveres, estimándose que 6 cuerpos son enviados a la fosa diariamente (michel 2013). cuerpos de personas que quedan en el anonimato, indigentes, extraviados, ancianos abandonados, migrantes o víctimas de asesinato, representan la población de cuerpos no identificados o no reclamados. en la ciudad de méxico (cdmx), de los aproximadamente 5000 cadáveres que llegan a ser recibidos cada año, 1 de cada 10 no logra ser identificado (miranda 2019). de enero de 2014 a noviembre de 2018 la fosa común de la capital del país recibió un total de 2.852 cuerpos de los cuales sólo 30 pudieron ser identificados y posteriormente reclamados. según el instituto de ciencias forenses (incifo) del tribunal superior de justicia, en la cdmx cada año, desde 2013, un promedio de 470 cuerpos termina en calidad de no identificados, es decir, casi 40 al mes (hernández 2017). en otros estados de la república las cifras se elevan, como el caso de chihuahua, que envió a fosa común cerca de 3.770 cuerpos de 2007 a 2018, o nuevo león que de 2010 a 2017 inhumó 1.428 cuerpos (martínez 2019). miguel alemán, un municipio fronterizo en el estado de tamaulipas, a pesar de contar con solo 27 mil habitantes (sedesol 2010), durante el periodo 2010–2016 fue el epicentro de una ola de violencia sin precedentes que afectó a cuatro municipios aledaños (guerrero, mier, camargo y díaz ordaz). más de 4 mil personas perdieron la vida en ese periodo (ruiz & león 2016), con más de la mitad de ellas siendo inhumadas como personas fallecidas sin identificar (“pfsi”) en panteones municipales de diversas localidades. pero muchos de los cuerpos incluidos en la categoría de no identificados no se relacionan con eventos de muerte violenta. en la capital del país existen 4354 personas en situación de calle, de acuerdo con el censo levantado en 2017 por el instituto de asistencia e integración social (iasis), donde la hipotermia consta como una de las causas de muerte más frecuente (ladata 2017). el instituto de asistencia e integración social ofrece servicios de asistencia social en 10 centros, pero la discriminación contra la población callejera los acompaña hasta su muerte. de acuerdo con la ley general de salud (1984), el artículo 347 expone que los cadáveres no reclamados dentro de las 72 horas posteriores a la pérdida de la vida, y aquellos de los que se ignore su identidad, serán considerados como personas desconocidas. ante la ausencia de identificación y/o reclamo del cuerpo se siguen los mismos procedimientos hasta su inhumación final en fosa común (mendoza, 2013; redacción chilango, 2018). los altos porcentajes de cuerpos nn pueden explicarse por la insuficiencia de recursos, la ausencia en la centralización de toda la información disponible y por el desfase metodológico presente en los protocolos nacionales (pgr 2012, 2015a, 2015b). la agencia de investigación criminal (aic) de la procuraduría general de la república (pgr) y su coordinación general de servicios periciales emitieron en 2014 el “diagnóstico de la infraestructura y operatividad de los servicios forenses” donde se dimensionó la precariedad de los servicios médicos forenses estatales. este diagnóstico expone la falta de personal especializado e infraestructura, así como la ausencia de homologación en el trabajo con cuerpos no identificados o no reclamados, y la falta de gestión y control de inhumaciones en fosa común. los servicios médico forenses estatales operan con un total de apenas 442 médicos y únicamente 648 peritos especializados en la identificación de cadáveres. de las 32 entidades federativas, en 18 se considera la genética forense, en 22 se toman huellas dactilares y solamente en 7 es contemplada la antropología forense (herrera 2018). se estima que operan cerca de 5.900 especialistas forenses, existiendo un déficit de antropólogos y arqueólogos forenses, que apenas llegarían a los 60 en todo el país (redacción el imparcial 2019). el análisis exhaustivo del perfil biológico, el perfil individualizante y el estudio de los materiales asociados al cuerpo, comprenden los principales bloques de análisis en el proceso de identificación humana. dichos bloques y pasos claves constan en la sección sobre el tratamiento de cadáveres y restos humanos para la obtención de datos post mortem del protocolo nacional (pgr 2015b). se establece que en el caso de cadáveres no identificados o con identificación tentativa, el médico debe garantizar la disponibilidad de un archivo básico, constituido por la descripción externa e interna del cadáver, descripción de prendas, fotografía, ficha necro dactilar, examen dental, muestras en reserva y registro sobre el destino final del cadáver. pero como lo atestiguan la multitud de casos denunciados en años recientes, se omiten los mínimos establecidos que garantizarían en gran medida la identificación de cuerpos (milenio 2016; villa 2016; zamundo 2016). traslado e inhumación en fosa común en el contexto actual de méxico, las elevadas cifras de cuerpos nn, la falta de recursos y saturación de espacios, justifican la utilización de entierros para el resguardo de estos cuerpos, para que quizás de manera posterior puedan ser identificados tras el reconocimiento y reclamación familiar. el término “fosa común” aplica de manera general al lugar en el que se realiza el entierro masivo de cuerpos no identificados, con aprobación legal y fines humanitarios o de saneamiento. dichas inhumaciones se relacionan con eventos como hambrunas, epidemias, catástrofes naturales o conflictos bélicos (fortuna & nociarova, 2019; thieren & guitteau, 2000). otras definiciones propuestas sugieren que una fosa común debe contener un mínimo de seis individuos enterrados de manera desorganizada (skinner 1987), o un mínimo de dos cuerpos que estén en contacto físico entre sí (mant 1987). por el contrario, schmitt (2001) establece que no solo debe contener un mínimo dos cuerpos, sino que estos deben compartir la manera de muerte. es importante señalar la distinción entre fosas común y fosa clandestina, que designa entierros ilegales que albergan restos de personas ejecutadas extrajudicialmente (jesse & skinner 2005). en méxico, los cuerpos que tras su valoración forense caen en la categoría de nn pueden seguir distintas rutas antes de su inhumación en fosa común. en la cdmx algunos de ellos son destinados directamente a la fosa ubicada en el panteón civil de dolores, y otros son mantenidos en las cámaras frigoríficas hasta la demanda de la autoridad ministerial. sin embargo, la gran mayoría se derivan a centros educativos “en préstamo temporal” con fines docentes y de investigación (guazo & hernández 2015). existen convenios entre el tribunal superior de justicia y el incifo con distintas instituciones como la escuela médico militar o facultades de medicina de diferentes universidades, entre ellas la universidad nacional autónoma de méxico (unam) o el instituto politécnico nacional (ipn) (pgjdf 2013). un ejemplo es la facultad de medicina de la unam, que recibe anualmente alrededor de 150 cuerpos nn los cuales permanecen en préstamo temporal 12 meses y 7 días, para posteriormente ser trasladados e inhumados en fosa común. el mayor panteón de la cdmx, el panteón civil de dolores, aloja en sus 240 hectáreas los restos inhumados de gente ilustre, y la única fosa común de la ciudad (figura 1 y 2). este último espacio tiene una superficie de ocho mil metros cuadrados y en él existen 300 fosas, donde cada mes ingresan de 60 a 80 nuevos cuerpos nn (el universal 2016). desde el año 2000 aproximadamente, se lleva a cabo un registro de los cadáveres que llegan a la fosa y en resguardo del incifo queda el expediente de identificación. el reglamento de cementerios del distrito federal (1984) establece que para que el cuerpo de una persona desconocida sea enviado a la fosa común debe estar relacionado de manera individual con un número de acta y/o de carpeta de investigación, y cumplir los requisitos establecidos por las instancias de salud y registro civil. los procedimientos que regulan el tránsito de los nn hasta fosa común son el código nacional de procedimientos penales (cnpp 2016) y el protocolo de cadena de custodia (acuerdo a009 de 2015), que contemplan que, ante la ausencia de identificación o reclamo, los individuos serán trasladados a fosa común, y es a los servicios periciales a quien compete su traslado e inhumación. según estos procedimientos, la designación de espacios y su señalización compete a los servicios municipales de panteones y a la secretaría de salud. pero el cumplimiento de los procedimientos establecidos en los protocolos o la gestión de las fosas es nulo, como lo atestiguan los casos de extravío de cuerpos presuntamente inhumados en fosa común. el caso del panteón palo verde en xalapa (veracruz) delata la serie de irregularidades que se comenten en la gestión de cuerpos nn y su inhumación en fosa común (milenio digital 2016). las denuncias de familiares de colectivos destaparon las negligencias cometidas por la fiscalía, manipulando y ocultando cadáveres, extraviando cuerpos, realizando inhumaciones irregulares o exhumaciones fallidas con fines de recuperación de cuerpos reclamados por familiares (villa 2016; zamundo 2016). se ha reportado la inexistencia o pérdida de registros de cuerpos nn y su ubicación en fosas o el incumplimiento sistemático de los protocolos, ya que los cuerpos son enviados a fosa sin al menos la etiqueta de referencia. por otro lado, a los familiares no se les reporta el hallazgo del cuerpo a pesar de existir denuncia de desaparición previa y carpeta de investigación abierta, o la negación de contar con peritos independientes que arrojen claridad al caso ante la falta de confianza en las instituciones oficiales (la opinión 2018). fig. 1—área de la fosa común en el panteón civil de dolores, ciudad de méxico. fig. 2—ejemplo de fosa común masiva del panteón civil de dolores, ciudad de méxico. otro ejemplo es el caso de la fosa común del panteón municipal de tetelcingo (morelos), con cadáveres enviados desde la coordinación regional de servicios periciales. las irregularidades en la inhumación de cuerpos y el incumplimiento de protocolos fueron develados en un informe de la universidad autónoma del estado de guerrero (uaem 2016), en el que se señalaba que pudieron cometerse crímenes de lesa humanidad. investigaciones posteriores de animal político (ureste 2016) además de la publicación número 3 de la revista resiliencia (robledo et al. 2016), especializada en derechos humanos, han permitido conocer los pormenores de estas fallas y omisiones llevadas a cabo por las autoridades de la fiscalía del estado. durante la intervención de la fosa común, en la que presuntamente fueron inhumados 150 cuerpos, solo se localizaron 117 y se presume la existencia de una tercera fosa que no ha sido investigada todavía. por otra parte, 34 de los cuerpos no contaban con carpetas de investigación y a 12 cuerpos no se les había practicado una necropsia, a pesar de que 9 de ellos mostraban huellas de violencia. del total de los 117 cuerpos inhumados, 84 presentaban huellas de violencia y/o tortura; cuatro cadáveres no tenían cráneo y otros cuerpos habían sufrido amputaciones de miembros o incluso aparecieron con órganos extirpados sin razón clara aparente. durante la inhumación de cuerpos por parte de la fiscalía, el uso de protocolos y manuales para el manejo de cadáveres, la identificación de estos, así como los protocolos para el tratamiento de restos y fosas fueron ampliamente omitidos y se llegó a descartar el resguardo de ropas y elementos asociados a los cuerpos que pudiesen aportar datos para su identificación. en ningún momento hubo un análisis antropológico forense de los restos, reduciendo la investigación a la toma de 4 o 5 muestras óseas para análisis de adn en el 97% de los restos. tras la exhumación científica al analizarse la disposición y características de la fosa y de los cadáveres se afirmó que “dan cuenta de una inhumación con características de clandestinidad, similares al patrón de inhumaciones ilícitas realizadas en zonas controladas por grupos criminales” (ureste 2016). al llevar a cabo las exhumaciones también se presentaron numerosos problemas, ya que las propias autoridades no tenían conocimiento de aspectos como la ubicación y dimensiones de la fosa, la disposición final de los individuos, etc. otro punto alarmante fue la falta de inventario o embalaje de los cuerpos o la ausencia de espacios destinados a la observación de familiares, colectivos etc. el 96% de los cuerpos habían sido inhumados con una etiqueta con datos de sus carpetas de investigación, pero en el 50% de estas no era posible leer la información y en otro 23% los rótulos dentro de botellas de plástico se habían extraviado (robledo et al. 2016). las irregularidades en la inhumación de cuerpos en fosa común también quedan reflejadas en las investigaciones realizadas por el equipo mexicano de antropología forense (pérez guzmán 2018). establecen puntos críticos en la ruta de los cuerpos nn desde los servicios medico forenses (semefos) hasta su inhumación en fosa común, donde destacan la ausencia de criterio en el tiempo de permanencia en los semefos, pudiendo estar de 72h. hasta años, o la falta de homologación en el sistema de etiquetado. por otro lado, los registros de la cadena de custodia se realizan de manera deficiente o en algunos casos se encuentra completamente ausente. el traslado hasta el panteón a veces es realizado por servicios funerarios en contraposición a lo que establecen los procedimientos anteriormente expuestos. otro grave problema es la inscripción en el registro cementerial, por lo general los panteones no cuentan con registro sistemático del ingreso de cuerpos nn o su localización y ubicación en fosa, y todo queda en manos del administrador de cada cementerio. el emaf realiza una aproximación a las tipologías de fosas comunes existentes en panteones, no encontrando uniformidad, así pueden localizarse entierros colectivos (diacrónicos), múltiples (sincrónicos) e individuales (almela 2012), directamente en suelo o en cemento, en hileras dispersas o concentrado en algún punto marginal del panteón. resulta necesario el desarrollo de una estrategia integral, que respete los distintos procedimientos contemplados desde la salida de los cuerpos nn del servicio médico legal hasta su inhumación en fosa común. dichos individuos no identificados, según el artículo 128 de la sección cuarta de la ley general en materia (2017) (…) “no pueden ser incinerados, destruidos o desintegrados, ni disponerse de sus pertenencias”. además, según el artículo 56, “… los cadáveres de personas desconocidas que remita el servicio médico forense para su inhumación en la fosa común deberán estar relacionados individualmente con el número de acta correspondiente”. pese a que las leyes vigentes así lo determinan, la situación de acumulación de cadáveres en algunos servicios médicos forenses (semefo) del país han llegado a tal grado que ciertas fiscalías, como la de jalisco, decidieron comenzar a cremar cadáveres nn. jalisco es un estado cuyo índice de desapariciones ha ido en aumento desde el año 2007. los informes más recientes señalan que hay 7,695 personas reportadas como desaparecidas en la entidad (cedhj 2018). debido a la cantidad de cadáveres no identificados y no reclamados que han llegado a las instalaciones de la fiscalía, desde el año 2006 y amparándose en la ley general de salud (1984) que permite hacer uso del horno crematorio en caso de que haya riesgo sanitario inminente, se han incinerado un total de 1,559 cuerpos hasta el 2015 (cabral, 2019; robles, 2019), es decir, una quinta parte de los desaparecidos en el estado. continuando con el ejemplo de jalisco, en el año 2018 apareció un camión denominado thermo king #1 circulando por varios municipios del estado con 273 cadáveres en su interior. posteriormente se supo de la existencia de un segundo camión, el thermo king #2. la cifra de personas no identificadas y no reclamadas que se encontraban en ambos camiones y en cámaras fijas del instituto jalisciense de ciencias forenses, ascendía a 444, de los cuales, algunos habían permanecido en el servicio médico forense hasta 34 meses (cedh 2019). la intervención de la comisión nacional de derechos humanos ante la violación de los derechos post mortem, así como el trato indigno que recibieron y la incertidumbre que despertó este episodio en la sociedad mexicana, dejando patente la necesidad de atender con carácter de urgencia la situación que sufren los cuerpos no identificados y no reclamados en méxico. otro ejemplo reciente de inhumación masiva y legal de cuerpos no identificados en fosa común en méxico es el acaecido tras el sismo de magnitud 8.1 ocurrido el 19 de septiembre de 1985 en la ciudad de méxico. la cifra de fallecidos según la cruz roja mexicana ascendió a 10,000. en este contexto, los no identificados fueron a las fosas comunes de dos panteones: el panteón civil de dolores y el panteón civil de lorenzo tezonco. en el primero, se enterraron alrededor de 1,600 víctimas, cavando más de 15 fosas de 1,5 por 2,5 m y 3 m de profundidad, durante ocho días seguidos y durante 24 horas al día, entre 25 y 30 personas. los cadáveres, según reportó el sepulturero para un medio de comunicación, iban envueltos en sábanas y “… se iban acomodando como iban llegando, a lo largo o atravesados, como cupieran” (pérez & casillas 2015). en el panteón de lorenzo tezonco la dinámica fue diversa. se hicieron siete hileras de fosas con profundidades de entre 2 y 9 metros, donde se enterraron un aproximado de 1,155 a 1,300 cadáveres durante 20 días. aparte hubo 800 cuerpos identificados, pero no reclamados, que fueron enterrados en otra fosa cercana a la hilera (milenio 2017; pérez & casillas 2015). la gestión adecuada de los cadáveres es uno de los aspectos más complejos cuando se desborda la capacidad de los sistemas y el entierro permite el almacenamiento temporal más prolongado. existen guías internacionales que abordan la gestión de cadáveres en este tipo de situaciones o contextos (cicr 2016) o reglamentos de panteones que establecen como las fosas comunes deben ajustarse a unos criterios mínimos que aseguren la fácil localización del individuo nn. los cadáveres deben enterrarse en fosas individuales claramente marcadas, y solo cuando la cifra sea elevada se recurrirá al entierro colectivo, con profundidades de 1,5-3 m. y siempre marcadas en superficie. las fosas comunes deben constar de una zanja que contenga una fila única de cuerpos, cada uno colocado paralelo al otro y con una separación de 0,4 m entre ellos. cada cuerpo debe enterrarse con su número único de referencia consignado en una etiqueta resistente a la humedad, y claramente marcado sobre la superficie y con la localización topográfica exacta para referencia futura. derechos humanos, derechos post mortem y antropología forense en los últimos 30 años el despliegue de técnicas forenses aplicadas a la investigación de las consecuencias de la violencia política y la intervención de la antropología forense ha resultado indispensable para la identificación de víctimas y la interpretación del evento de muerte (doretti & snow 2003). el campo de la antropología forense y otras ciencias forenses ha madurado en los contextos de investigaciones relacionadas con violación a los derechos humanos, considerando a los restos humanos como una fuente de verdad sobre el pasado (moon 2013). la identificación de restos humanos ha llegado a ser crítica para la dignificación de los muertos y sus familiares, surgiendo términos como el de humanitarismo forense, que comprende la aplicación del conocimiento científico y su metodología a la resolución de problemas legales vinculados a violaciones a los derechos humanos (moon 2014). convergen la investigación científica y la lucha por los derechos humanos, tanto en la reconstrucción de los hechos, la localización e identificación de las víctimas, así como en la devolución de los restos a las familias. la práctica humanitaria se rige por el derecho internacional humanitario (dih) que expresa dos básicos: la protección de la dignidad de los muertos y la atención a las necesidades de los deudos (tidball-binz 2012). el dih regula el tratamiento de los muertos, y específicamente establece que es obligación de las partes del conflicto la búsqueda, recuperación e identificación de las víctimas (cicr 2003), así como el derecho de los familiares a conocer el paradero de sus seres queridos. se estipula que los muertos deben ser identificados y tratados de manera respetuosa, procurando el respeto de sus ritos o creencias religiosas, así como su inhumación en fosas individuales. los protocolos del dih requieren que los muertos sean tratados como si tuvieran derechos, o al menos, el derecho a la dignidad. en la asamblea general de interpol de 1996, sobre identificación de víctimas de desastres, se estableció que “… los seres humanos tienen derecho a no perder sus identidades después de la muerte” (interpol 1996). la intervención de equipos independientes, no gubernamentales, de carácter humanitario y científico técnico se ha multiplicado en los últimos años en méxico. entre ellos destacan los trabajos realizados por el equipo argentino de antropología forense (eaaf), la fundación de antropología forense de guatemala (fafg), o el equipo mexicano de antropología forense (emaf) centrados sobre todo en casos de desaparecidos y fosas clandestinas (eaaf 2016; huffschmid 2015). un ejemplo en el abordaje de cuerpos nn y fosas comunes es el de miguel alemán en tamaulipas, donde aceptando las limitantes de la fiscalía y los servicios periciales estatales, se solicitó la colaboración de los servicios periciales de la antigua pgr y de la división científica de la policía federal. adicionalmente se contó con apoyo de la cooperación alemana en méxico (giz) quien envió a un especialista forense y contrató a expertos de la fundación de antropología forense de guatemala (fafg) para asesorar a la fiscalía y a los peritos en el diseño, elaboración y ejecución del proyecto (pgje 2018). el proyecto forense en miguel alemán permitió demostrar que en méxico es posible y necesario coordinar esfuerzos interinstitucionales para investigar el tema de las fosas comunes en el contexto de personas desaparecidas y las pfsi (redacción capital méxico 2017). el actual gobierno ha hecho pública la intención de generar medidas focalizadas en atender la problemática de los desaparecidos y los no identificados, concentradas en el plan de implementación de la ley general en materia de desaparición forzada y el sistema nacional de búsqueda. este plan considera la creación de un instituto nacional de identificación forense (inaid), o la creación de un sistema único de información tecnológica e informática (suiti), que alberge los datos del registro nacional de personas desaparecidas o no localizadas, el de fallecidas no identificadas o no reclamadas, y un banco nacional de datos forenses. se reinstala la comisión nacional de búsqueda, que tiene entre sus principales objetivos la creación de nuevos protocolos y programas de búsqueda y exhumación. el gobierno expresa la intención de contar con asistencia técnica internacional como la oficina del alto comisionado para los derechos humanos de la onu, la comisión interamericana de derechos humanos (cidh), el comité internacional de la cruz roja y la cooperación alemana (arleta 2019). el marco legislativo nacional contempla el derecho a la dignidad de los muertos. un ejemplo es el artículo 346 de la ley general de salud (1984), que expone que “… los cadáveres no son objetos de propiedad y siempre serán tratados con respeto, dignidad y consideración”, o el reglamento de cementerios del distrito federal (1984), que establece la necesidad de poseer un registro con información sobre las inhumaciones, exhumaciones y re inhumaciones (artículo 34) y menciona que las inhumaciones o incineraciones de cadáveres sólo pueden darse bajo la autorización del juez del registro civil siempre y cuando haya un certificado de defunción (artículo 42). por otro lado, la ley general de víctimas (2013), establece que “… una vez plenamente identificados y realizadas las pruebas técnicas y científicas a las que está obligado el estado […] la entrega de los cuerpos u osamentas de las víctimas a sus familiares deberá hacerse respetando plenamente su dignidad y sus tradiciones religiosas y culturales”. tal y como rescata villareal (2003), el derecho al tratamiento decoroso del cadáver y restos y el respeto a la honra son pilares fundamentales de los derechos post mortem del individuo. en cuanto a las familias, la ley general de víctimas (2013), las cataloga como víctimas indirectas que tienen el derecho a recibir información “clara, precisa y accesible” por parte de los servidores públicos, así como a que su seguridad sea garantizada en todo momento. igualmente, pueden estar presentes en exhumaciones y deben ser informados de los procedimientos y protocolos que se siguen en las mismas. en la ley general en materia de desaparición forzada de personas, desaparición cometida por particulares y del sistema nacional de búsqueda de personas (2017), se establece la necesidad de “… localizar a las familias de las personas fallecidas identificadas no reclamadas, en coordinación con las instituciones correspondientes, para poder hacer la entrega de cadáveres o restos humanos […]”. los familiares han reportado sistemáticamente irregularidades en las investigaciones sobre sus desaparecidos, además de amenazas o victimización de las víctimas, que ha tenido como resultado que se hayan unido, formando colectivos a lo largo y ancho del país y tomando parte en las iniciativas de leyes que hoy están vigentes, como la ley en materia de desaparición forzada. en la reciente audiencia pública “desapariciones forzadas y la propuesta del mecanismo extraordinario de identificación forense”, el alto comisionado de las naciones unidas para los derechos humanos en méxico alertó sobre la “emergencia forense” que vive el país, señalando la necesidad de instaurar un mecanismo internacional de asistencia técnica forense, que aborde la identificación de cuerpos almacenados en los servicios médico forenses o inhumados en fosas comunes de panteones (oacnudh 2019). el 9 de mayo de 2019, funcionarios de la secretaría de gobernación, representantes de organizaciones internacionales como la onu o la cruz roja internacional y familiares de víctimas de desaparición se reunieron para comenzar a trabajar en dicho mecanismo, bajo la premisa de que este sea “como un órgano especial de carácter extraordinario con independencia técnica y administrativa, con recursos propios y apoyo internacional, técnico y financiero, a fin de abordar, con exclusividad, la problemática forense en materia de identificación de personas, que incluya una perspectiva transnacional para la identificación de personas extranjeras desaparecidas en méxico” (movimiento por nuestros desaparecidos en méxico 2019a, 2019b; segob 2019b). consideraciones finales méxico pasa por una crisis humanitaria y de estado de derecho sin precedentes. el proceso vigente con casi 40,000 personas desaparecidas y un cálculo de 26,000 cuerpos sin identificar precisa un abordaje científico forense basado en la defensa de los derechos humanos, que asegure investigaciones prontas, imparciales e independientes. no se sabe cuántas fosas hay en méxico, y cuando dejarán de producirse. la desatención al problema de los no identificados y la falta de gestión en su inhumación en fosas comunes es plasmada por la ausencia de investigaciones o cifras oficiales. se trata de un proceso vigente, que apenas está comenzando a abordarse, siendo información de tipo hemerográfica la única disponible para dimensionar el contexto actual. la adecuada movilización de los recursos y especialistas necesarios determinará en gran parte el éxito de las identificaciones, así como la comunicación con familiares y la correcta gestión de los datos por parte de las autoridades estatales. la centralización sistemática resultará esencial para aumentar la posibilidad de encontrar coincidencias entre las solicitudes de búsqueda de personas desaparecidas y la información disponible o conocida sobre los no identificados. resulta primordial adoptar los principios aportados desde los protocolos vigentes en materia de arqueología y antropología forense (cicr 2006; interpol 2018; protocolo de minnesota 2016), disciplinas esenciales en el abordaje de este contexto, donde se mezclan fosas clandestinas, fosas comunes, personas dadas por desaparecidas y cadáveres no identificados. pero no es la antropología forense, ni la genética forense, ni la odontología forense, por si sola, la que identifica a una pfsi: es la suma de los datos post mortem y la disponibilidad de datos ante mortem. por lo tanto, la profesionalización incluye conocer todos los eslabones de la cadena; es decir, hay que entender cuál es la contribución de cada especialidad, ya que ningún especialista logrará una identificación en aislamiento (wade 2016). por otro lado, métodos de identificación humana ajustados a la población deberían ser considerados en los protocolos de trabajo de los servicios forenses. la diversidad de la población mexicana (kirkwood 2000) suma a las dificultades técnicas, la necesidad de investigar y desarrollar métodos de población dependientes. existen trabajos de antropología forense en instituciones como la universidad nacional autónoma de méxico (unam), la escuela nacional de antropología e historia (enah) o colaboraciones con universidades extranjeras, que aportan metodologías y ecuaciones ajustadas a la población mexicana, en estimaciones como la edad de muerte (cerezo-román et al. 2014; escorcia et al. 2015; muñoz et al. 2018), el sexo (sánchez-mejorana et al. 2011; spradley et al. 2015) o la estatura del individuo (menéndez garmendia et al. 2018). de la revisión expuesta pueden desprenderse los siguientes puntos de atención que explican el actual contexto de cuerpos nn en méxico: •  ausencia de una estrategia nacional interdisciplinar de profesionalización en ciencia forense. •  infraestructura y recursos insuficientes. necesidad de generar investigación, actualizar metodologías y establecer convenios científicos entre instituciones de distinta naturaleza que puedan contribuir a paliar las necesidades y a proporcionar datos e información verídica y oficial. •  deficiente comunicación con familiares y ausencia en la centralización sistemática de información, que resulta esencial para aumentar la posibilidad de encontrar coincidencias entre las solicitudes de búsqueda de personas desaparecidas y la información disponible o conocida sobre los no identificados. •  incumplimiento y desfase de los protocolos y puntos básicos en identificación humana, que respete los distintos procedimientos contemplados desde la salida de los cuerpos nn del servicio médico legal hasta su inhumación en fosa común. •  ausencia de estrategias integrales que contemplen las imbricaciones entre personas desaparecidas y cadáveres no identificados, entre gestión de fosas clandestinas y fosas comunes, o en los procesos de búsqueda e identificación. referencias almela ra. términos y conceptos para el estudio de las prácticas funerarias en arqueología. revista historia autónoma 2012;1:13–20. arteta i. ¿hay 26000 cuerpos sin identificar en méxico? segob no lo sabe, solo tiene estimaciones. animal político. may 15, 2009. https://www.animalpolitico.com/2019/05/cuerpos-sin-identificar-mexico-segob/ arteta i. búsqueda inmediata, mecanismos especiales: lo que 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unión europea en kosovo, kosovo, bosnia and herzegovina dequipo mexicano de antropología forense (emaf), ciudad de méxico 06500, méxico ecranfield forensic institute, cranfield university, shrivenham, swindon, oxfordshire sn6 8la, uk fwolfson college, oxford, oxfordshire ox2 6ud, uk *correspondencia a: maria fortuna, universidad nacional autonoma de méxico, ciudad universitaria, coyoacan, ciudad de méxico, 04510, méxico e-mail: fortunamurillo@gmail.com recibido 6 mayo 2020; revisado 10 junio 2020; aceptado 13 junio 2020 artículo de investigación forensic anthropology vol. 5, no. 3: s251–s261 doi: 10.5744/fa.2022.4001b artículo de investigación adaptación del protocolo weldon spring como propuesta para la búsqueda de cadáveres e indicios en superficie en áreas naturales protegidas y de conservación ecológica de la ciudad de méxico lorena valencia caballeroa ● erica itzel landa juárezb,a* resumen: las instituciones encargadas de administrar e impartir justicia de la ciudad de méxico carecen de metodología, técnicas, protocolos y personal altamente capacitado para la búsqueda de personas desaparecidas, por tal razón, no existe una estructura, ni organización para tal acción. para evitar que se siga actuando de manera empírica, decidimos proponer un modelo de búsqueda de cuerpos humanos e indicios en superficie, tomando en cuenta el conocimiento y experiencia del protocolo weldon spring, el cual fue creado, adoptado y aplicado en los estados unidos de norteamérica para casos de desastres masivos. la adaptación de dicho protocolo para la ciudad de méxico está enfocado a las áreas naturales protegidas y áreas de conservación ecológica, debido a que son las zonas donde es más probable que se depositen cuerpos humanos, producto de delitos causados por los grupos de delincuencia organizada urbana. es decir, esas áreas se encuentran geográficamente en las partes altas y alejadas de la ciudad, además de que son zonas que carecen de iluminación, medios de transporte, servicios y seguridad públicos; y que constituye el 23.7% del suelo en conservación. con este modelo hacemos hincapié de la importancia de hacer un equipo sólido de trabajo, de conocer las áreas naturales, saber cómo está constituida la delincuencia organizada urbana, y también de la necesidad al aplicar la prospección remota y a pie, además de hacer un recorrido organizado que es en transectos, tomar en cuenta el impacto social y económico de usar elementos tecnológicos actuales para georreferenciar el sitio y la implementación de cédulas para registrar los eventos. palabras clave: arqueología forense, ciudad de méxico, búsqueda introducción esta propuesta que hacemos es con el objetivo de aportar un protocolo de actuación para realizar búsquedas, de cuerpos humanos sin identificar, científicas y sistematizadas en superficie de sitios naturales de difícil acceso en la ciudad de méxico. hasta el momento no se cuenta con algún modelo o protocolo de acción para la búsqueda de cuerpos humanos e indicios en superficie, mucho menos existe la figura del arqueólogo y antropólogo forense, a pesar de que la cantidad de personas desaparecidas es alarmante en nuestro país. por esta razón, es imperante proponer un modelo de acción que sea útil para las particularidades geográficas, ambientales, sociales y sobre todo tomando en cuenta el comportamiento criminal que se está presentando en la ciudad de méxico. al respecto, retomamos el protocolo weldon spring, debido a que es un modelo que ya está estudiado, experimentado, comprobado y certificado para situaciones en desastres masivos en estados unidos de norteamérica, por lo tanto, retomamos los pasos y fases para adecuarlas y aplicarlas en áreas geográficas extensas y suelo accidentado por cerros, valles y planicies que conforman las áreas naturales protegidas de la ciudad de méxico. dichas áreas se sitúan en lugares altos, de temperaturas bajas, poco pobladas, con poco acceso a los servicios públicos, escases de la seguridad púbica y lo más importante que es en donde se han encontrado los cuerpos de personas violentadas, tanto por individuos, como por grupos de delincuencia organizada urbana que actúan en el interior de la ciudad y la zona conurbada. la propuesta para las búsquedas que brindamos está dividida en dos partes, la primera es la preparación de los equipos y la segunda es la localización, documentación y recuperación de indicios. la segunda parte esta subdividida en tres fases. la fase i corresponde a la documentación escrita a través de la narración, el registro fotográfico y en video sin sonido; la fase ii corresponde a la actuación del equipo de búsqueda por medio de la prospección remota y a pie, explorando transectos; finalmente la fase iii es la que se aboca a la recuperación de indicios y registro en cédulas de anatomía humana, del esqueleto humano, de narrativa, y de registro fotográfico (ver anexo en linea). estamos convencidas que con la aplicación de este modelo de búsqueda, que tiene las bases científicas necesarias, las instituciones de gobierno obtendrán resultados satisfactorios, justificados y sustentables ante las familias de las víctimas, el juez y la sociedad. antecedente del protocolo weldon spring a finales del año de 1990, se modificó el protocolo de arqueología forense el cual fue desarrollado específicamente para ser aplicado a sitios abiertos y ante situaciones de gran escala o magnitud, donde interactúa la diversidad del medio ambiente y la evidencia. en el año 2000, este protocolo fue puesto a prueba y supervisado por personal profesional altamente capacitado del federal bureau investigation (fbi), en un lugar llamado weldon spring, ubicado al este de missouri, estados unidos de norteamérica (dirkmaat 2012). el protocolo de weldon spring demostró ser mejor en el aspecto cuantificable respecto a la cantidad de indicios recabados, en establecer el registro tridimensional de la localización de cada indicio y realizar la investigación en sólo una jornada de trabajo. a través del tiempo, tanto las circunstancias delictivas, como los avances tecnológicos y los experimentos realizados en situaciones controladas, han propiciado que dicho protocolo haya sufrido cambios, sin embargo, éstos han permitido asegurar su credibilidad y practicidad al momento de aplicarlo. en el año de 2009, cuando el vuelo del avión número 3407 se dirigía hacia el aeropuerto internacional de buffalo niágara, impactó en una casa en los suburbios de clarence center en nueva york. los 49 pasajeros a bordo y un individuo que se encontraba en los alrededores del inmueble, murieron. ante esta situación se aplicó el protocolo weldon spring y fue una oportunidad para hacer cambios e integrar los lineamientos del uso de la estación total para el señalamiento de los puntos anatómicos del cuerpo humano que se deben de tomar en cuenta (dirkmaat 2012). en wattsburg, pennsylvania, en el año de 2009, se realizó un ejercicio en un ambiente controlado, en el cual se simuló un escenario después de una explosión de bomba en un lugar abierto, con el objetivo de comparar dos procesos de registro. hubo dos equipos que realizaron las mismas actividades, pero con diferentes elementos de trabajo. a un equipo se le asignó un corredor del transecto, además utilizó el código de barras y computadoras de mano o tablets; y al otro equipo, en otro corredor del mismo transecto se le asignó la estación total y el registro manual. al final del ejercicio, se valoró cuál de los dos equipos trabajó en menor tiempo para concluir la investigación. también es importante mencionar que gracias a este ejercicio se recomendó la formalización de dos equipos de registro fotográfico (dirkmaat 2012). en el mismo año, en el lugar de williamsport en pennsylvania, se realizó otro ejercicio con una explosión de bomba en un auto y dentro se colocó un cerdo. durante este ejercicio, se decidió incluir el código de barras, varias estaciones totales y la conexión simultánea de un teléfono móvil militar a una computadora. en el año de 2010, en erie pennsylvania, se realizó el tercer ejercicio con detonaciones de bombas en automóviles con el objetivo de experimentar y hacer cambios en el protocolo para comprobar su utilidad y practicidad. a partir de estos ejercicios, se implementó una unidad de sistema de posicionamiento global (gps) y un sistema satelital de navegación global (gnss), reduciendo el tiempo de colección de indicios en un 300% de tiempo, y la tercera modificación fue agregar un segundo “equipo de fotografía” y un segundo “equipo de recolección” (dirkmaat 2012). es importante mencionar que el protocolo seguirá presentando cambios, de acuerdo con los avances tecnológicos y las necesidades del sitio; por lo que en un futuro se espera que se realicé un análisis espacial en tiempo real a través del sistema de información geográfico o geographic information system (gis). el protocolo weldon spring aplicado a un lugar geográfico diferente y en situaciones similares, en cuanto a la búsqueda de indicios en superficie, puede usarse en la ciudad de méxico. para llevarlo a cabo, es necesario realizar cambios para adecuarlo a las áreas naturales propias de la ciudad, a las carencias de seguridad de quienes realizarán la búsqueda, al conocimiento de la forma de actuar de los grupos delictivos tan particulares y también tomar en cuenta las carencias de tecnología y presupuesto que sufre la ciudad. áreas naturales protegidas y de conservación ecológica de la ciudad de méxico las áreas naturales protegidas y de conservación ecológica de la ciudad de méxico son los espacios físicos naturales en donde los ambientes originales no han sido significativamente alterados por las actividades antropogénicas (humanas), o que requieren ser preservadas y restauradas, por su estructura y función para la preservación de la biodiversidad y de los servicios ambientales. en la ciudad de méxico actualmente existen 23 áreas naturales protegidas (anp) decretadas, de las cuales 7 son parques nacionales, las cuales están administradas por la comisión nacional de áreas naturales protegidas (conanp). sumando toda la superficie de las anp´s locales tenemos un total de 21,047.01 hectáreas, que representan 23.79 % del suelo de conservación de la cdmx. dichas áreas están protegidas con el objetivo de conservar los recursos naturales de importancia especial, ya sean especies de fauna o flora que se encuentran catalogados en algún estatus de riesgo (raras, amenazadas, endémicas, peligro de extinción) o bien son ecosistemas representativos a nivel local (sedema.cdmx.gob.mx). este porcentaje del 23.79% de recursos naturales protegidos se encuentran alejados de las zonas urbanas, son de difícil acceso a ellas, carentes de servicios públicos y con nula seguridad pública, por lo que son sitios que tienen las características idóneas para abandonar cadáveres humanos. la secretaría del medio ambiente de la ciudad de méxico (sedema), la cual se fundó en al año de 1997, es una dependencia de la administración pública del gobierno de la ciudad de méxico, que tiene a su cargo la protección del entorno ambiental para promover un desarrollo sustentable urbano. dicha secretaría se ha dado a la tarea de inventariar las áreas naturales protegidas y áreas comunitarias de conservación ecológica. es importante mencionar que cada área tiene un nombre, la fecha en que fue decretada como área natural protegida, se proporciona su localización, las hectáreas de la superficie, el departamento administrativo quien está a cargo de su mantenimiento y cuidado. éstos pueden estar en alcaldías, ejidos, en la comunidad, en una comisión como en la dirección general de la comisión de recursos naturales (dgcorena), o en la secretaria del medio ambiente y recursos naturales (semarnat), finalmente, se indica el tipo de vegetación de ese lugar (ver tablas 1 a 6). delincuencia organizada urbana, organización criminal urbana o crimen organizado urbano. el crimen organizado urbano es un conjunto de personas dedicadas a las actividades ilícitas para capturar rentas, con escala urbana y posibles conexiones transnacionales. por lo general, tiene un comando local, poca jerarquía y mayor centralización de actividades y funciones. las organizaciones ilícitas enfrentan costos de transacción particulares que intentan cubrir con actos que van desde la evasión fiscal, hasta la captura del aparato de estado. algunos son muy competitivos en los mercados dinámicos, como el de drogas. para mantenerse tienen que combinar otras actividades como extorsión o secuestro, trata de personas, sistemas de transporte, redes migratorias, mercado del entretenimiento, turismo o bienes raíces (alvarado 2014). a comienzos de los años 80, fue cuando surgió como tal la delincuencia organizada en la ciudad de méxico, debido al desplazamiento forzado de familias causado por la llegada de grandes industrias y comercios de diferentes países que compraron grandes extensiones de tierra de agricultura a bajo costo, dejando sin trabajo a los campesinos, pequeños comerciantes de las localidades; por lo tanto, las familias que vivían en michoacán, guerrero, oaxaca, chiapas tabasco y veracruz tuvieron que dejar sus pertenencias y hogar para desplazarse a la ciudad de méxico y empezar con una vida económica diferente a la que estaban acostumbrados. las familias reconstruidas en la ciudad se asentaron en los barrios populares y fundaron sus tiendas de abarrotes que abastecían a los vecinos, sin embargo, la primera generación que nació en dichos barrios se dedicó a otro tipo de comercio y fue el de la venta informal de electrodomésticos y ropa, productos que traían de los estados unidos de norteamérica y los vendían a costos muy bajos. esta actividad económica les benefició porque obtuvieron grandes ganancias y posteriormente fueron víctimas de la extorsión de otros comerciantes, policías o grupos de criminales y debido a esta situación, algunos de ellos, decidieron organizarse para enfrentarlos, creando de esta manera organizaciones que actuaban fuera de los marcos de la ley de manera violenta. de esta manera, a finales de los años 80, las organizaciones criminales urbanas ya tenían un grado de organización, extensión territorial, un número de afiliados, jerarquías y un tipo de actividades ilícitas dispares (alvarado 2014). con el paso de los años, estas organizaciones se han especializado y actualmente operan dos tipos de grupos dedicados a actividades ilícitas que son las trasnacionales y las de comercio a detalle, cualquiera de las dos emplea violencia a gran escala y se observa en una tasa de muertes violentas y desaparecidos (alvarado 2014). los grupos delictivos que actúan en la ciudad son la familia michoacana en las alcaldías venustiano carranza, iztacalco, gustavo a madero; en los municipios de huixquilucan, naucalpan y tlanepantla. el cartel jalisco nueva generación, el cártel de juárez en la alcaldía de miguel hidalgo; los rodolfos en el sur de la ciudad y en el estado de méxico; la unión de tepito en la colonia morelos, y las alcaldías cuauhtémoc, azcapotzalco, venustiano carranza; la fuerza anti-unión en la colonia morelos, y las alcaldías de cuauhtémoc y azcapotzalco; el cártel de tláhuac en alcaldías de tláhuac, xochimilco y milpa alta; el cártel de beltrán leyva en sur de la cdmx, alcaldía tlalpan, municipios de ecatepec y texcoco (periódicos: el metro, el gráfico, el universal, la jornada, la razón, la crónica, reporte índigo, milenio y la prensa 2017-2018). la magnitud de las actividades es notablemente mayor que en cualquier otra ciudad de la región, ejemplo de éstas son: el robo de autos, narco menudeo, piratería, tráfico sexual, homicidios y ejecuciones. el caso de la ciudad de méxico presenta una tasa de muertes violentas mucho más baja que el promedio. fig. 1—mapa del gobierno de la ciudad de méxico. secretaría del medio ambiente. áreas naturales protegidas y áreas de valor ambiental. tabla 1—inventario de áreas naturales protegidas y áreas comunitarias de conservación ecológica de la ciudad de méxico de acuerdo con la sedema. número   nombre   fecha de decreto   localización   superficie decretada en ha.   administración   tipo de vegetación 1   cumbres del ajusco.   19 de mayo de 1947, diario oficial.   delegación tlalpan.   920.00   dgcorena   bosque de pino y oyamel. 2   desierto de los leones.   27 de noviembre de 1917, diario oficial.   delegaciones cuajimalpa y álvaro obregón.   1,529.00   dgcorena   bosque de oyamelpinoencino y pastizales. 3   insurgente miguel hidalgo y costilla.   18 de septiembre de 1936, diario oficial.   delegación cuajimalpa y en los municipios de ocoyoacac, huixquilucan del estado de méxico.   1,836,336 de las cuales solo 336.00 ha. están en la cdmx.   semarnat   bosque de oyamel, bosque de pino. 4   cerro de la estrella.   24 de agosto de 1938, diario oficial.   delegación iztapalapa.   1100.00   semarnat     5   el tepeyac.   18 de febrero de 1937, diario oficial.   delegación gustavo a. madero.   1,500.00   semarnat   matorral xerófilo y bosque artificial de eucalipto, pino y cedro. 6   fuentes brotantes de tlalpan.   28 de septiembre de 1936, diario oficial.   delegación tlalpan.   129.00   delegación tlalpan.     7   lomas de padierna.   22 de abril de 1938, diario oficial.   delegación magdalena contreras.   670.00   semarnat   bosque artificial de cedro.             subtotal   6,184.00         tabla 2—zonas sujetas a conservación ecológica. número   fecha de decreto   fecha de decreto   localización   superficie decretada (ha)   administración   tipo de vegetación 1   cumbres del ajusco.   19 de mayo de 1947. diario oficial.   delegación tlalpan.   920.00   dgcorena   bosque de pino y oyamel. 2   desierto de los leones.   27 de noviembre de 1917, diario oficial.   delegaciones cuajimalpa y álvaro obregón.   1,529.00   dgcorena   bosque de oyamelpinoencino y pastizales. 3   insurgente miguel hidalgo y costilla.   18 de septiembre de 1936, diario oficial.   delegación cuajimalpa y en los municipios de ocoyoacac, huixquilucan del estado de méxico.   1,836,336 de las cuales solo 336.00 ha. están en la cdmx.   semarnat   bosque de oyamel, bosque de pino. 4   cerro de la estrella.   24 de agosto de 1938, diario oficial.   delegación iztapalapa.   1100.00   semarnat     5   el tepeyac.   24 de agosto de 1938, diario oficial.   delegación gustavo a. madero.   1,500.00   semarnat   matorral xerófilo y bosque artificial de eucalipto, pino y cedro. 6   fuentes brotantes de tlalpan.   28 de septiembre de 1936, diario oficial.   delegación tlalpan.   129.00   delegación tlalpan     7   lomas de padierna.   22 de abril de 1938, diario oficial.   delegación magdalena contreras.   670.00   semarnat   bosque artificial de cedro.             subtotal   4, 438.013         tabla 3—zona de conservación ecológica número   nombre   fecha de decreto   localización   superficie decretada (ha)   administración   tipo de vegetación 1   ecoguardas.   29 de noviembre de 2006, gaceta oficial del d.f.   delegación tlalpan.   132.63   sma   bosque de encino y matorral xerófilo. 2   sierra de santa catarina   21 de agosto de 2003, gaceta oficial del d.f.   delegaciones iztapalapa y tláhuac.   220.55   dgcorena   pastizal, matorral xerófilo. 3   la armella.   9 de junio de 2006 gaceta oficial del d.f.   delegación gustavo a. madero.   193.38   dgcorena   matorral xerófilo y bosque artificial de eucalipto, pino y cedro. 4   la loma.   20 de abril de 2010 gaceta oficial del d.f.   delegación álvaro obregón.   77.33   dgcorena   bosque de encino.             subtotal   623.89         tabla 4—zona ecológica y cultural número   nombre   fecha de decreto   localización   superficie decretada (ha)   administración   tipo de vegetación 1   bosque de tlalpan.   17 de junio de 2011 gaceta oficial del d.f.   delegación tlalpan.   252.86   delegación tlalpan.   bosque de encino, matorral xerófilo, bosque artificial de eucalipto, cedro y fresno. 2   cerro de la estrella.   2 de noviembre de 2005, gaceta oficial del d.f.   delegación iztapalapa   121.77   delegación iztapalapa.   bosque artificial de eucalipto cedro y relictos de matorral xerófilo.             subtotal   374.63         tabla 5—reserva ecológica comunitaria número   nombre   fecha de decreto   localización   superficie decretada (ha)   administración   tipo de vegetación 1   san nicolás totolapan.   29 de noviembre de 2006, gaceta oficial del d.f.   delegaciones magdalena contreras y tlalpan.   1,984.70   ejido   bosque de oyamelpino encino y pastizales. 2   san miguel topilejo.   26 de junio de 2007 gaceta oficial del d.f   delegación tlalpan.   6,000.29   comunidad   bosque de oyamel, bosque de pino, pastizal. 3   san bernabé ocotepe.   21 de junio de 2010 gaceta oficial del d.f.   delegaciones magdalena contreras y álvaro obregón   240.38   comunidad   bosque de encino-pino-oyamel, bosque de oyamel, bosque de pino. 4   san miguel ajusco.   16 de noviembre de 2010 gaceta oficial del d.f.   delegación tlalpan.   1,175.99   comunidad.   bosque de oyamel, bosque de pino, pastizal             subtotal   9,401.36         tabla 6—zona de protección hidrológica y ecológica número   nombre   fecha de decreto   localización             1   los encinos.   1 de diciembre 2009, gaceta oficial del d.f.   delegación tlalpan.   25.01   dgcorena   bosque de encino, matorral xerófilo. incidencia de homicidios dolosos en la ciudad de méxico en los años de 2015 a 2018 la necesidad de contar con un modelo de búsqueda de cadáveres es porque además de que no existe, los índices de homicidio y feminicidio ascienden conforme pasan los años. dicha información proviene del boletín estadístico de la incidencia delictiva en la ciudad de méxico, el cual es publicado por el gobierno de la ciudad de méxico o cdmx y la procuraduría general de justicia (ahora fiscalía general de justicia). según la estadística publicada, en los meses de enero a diciembre del año 2015, el número de homicidios dolosos, incluyendo feminicidios, fue de 854 personas con un promedio diario de 2.3 personas; en el año de 2016 en homicidios dolosos que incluyen feminicidios es de 952 personas, es decir, un promedio diario de 2.6; en el año de 2017 los homicidios dolosos, que incluyen a los feminicidios, fueron de un total de 1,085 casos, desglosando dicha cifra, se reporta que es un promedio diario de 3.0 homicidios. mientras que el reporte estadístico del año 2018, los casos aumentan, debido a que la cantidad es de 1,265 casos y un promedio diario de 3.5 homicidios (http:www.pgjcdmx.gob.mx). ante esta situación, es imperante que se establezcan protocolos, métodos y técnicas innovadoras que se ajusten a las necesidades sociales de la ciudad de méxico. de weldon spring, missouri a la ciudad de méxico. el protocolo weldon spring ya fue propuesto con modificaciones para plantearse en méxico, dicho planteamiento lo realizó la arqueóloga andrea muñóz en su tesis de licenciatura de arqueología. dichas propuestas, las retomamos para que se puede aplicar en zonas naturales protegidas y ecológicas de la ciudad de méxico. este nuevo protocolo está compuesto de tres fases y 6 pasos a seguir. destacando la conformación de los equipos que trabajarán en conjunto haciendo un recorrido a pie, la actividad de caminar en línea recta por el sitio en compañía del equipo de búsqueda, el cual tienen la encomienda de observar el lugar e identificar los indicios, para que acto seguido coloquen un marcador cerca del indicio. posteriormente, se presenta el equipo de recuperación, el cual utiliza una estación total electrónica con el objetivo de precisar geográficamente cada marca que señalizó el equipo de búsqueda. en todo momento se encuentra el registro de equipo de fotografía, el cual tiene como tarea documentar los indicios señalados. cada foto tiene una escala 1:10, señaliza el norte a través de una flecha e incorpora el testigo métrico. después, los restos humanos son colectados por el equipo de recuperación para ser llevados al instituto de ciencias forenses (incifo). también es necesario hacer mención, que dicho protocolo tiene 3 prioridades que tiene que cumplir (muñoz 2014), los cuales son los siguientes: prioridad i. localizar, documentar y recuperar restos humanos sin mezclarlos ni desasociarlos, llevando a cabo una estrategia de localización y recuperación efectiva y eficiente. prioridad 2. localizar, registrar y recuperar los indicios asociados buscando documentar cuidadosamente su relación espacial a los restos humanos. prioridad 3. documentar y registrar todo lo que se pueda del sitio para obtener la información contextual posible. esto para coadyuvar al máximo en la investigación y ayudar a reconstruir eventos, los cuales darán respuestas a conductas expresadas en los mismos. preparación. a. establecer una firme cadena de comunicación entre especialistas para aprovechar al máximo conocimientos y recursos. una vez que fue designada el área a investigar en la ciudad de méxico, es necesario que se reúnan los arqueólogos forenses, antropólogos forenses, criminalistas, fotógrafos, así como los policías de investigación y el ministerio público. se convoca a una reunión, con el objetivo de compartir información relacionada con la carpeta de investigación, para que los peritos y los policías conozcan el contexto en que se desenvolverá la búsqueda y de esta manera planificarla. b. determinar las características físicas de lo que se busca. los antropólogos forenses deben de tener conocimiento de la entrevista am/pm (antemortem/posmortem). dicha entrevista es la información obtenida por el antropólogo forense a través del análisis óseo de los restos o cadáveres (posmortem) y ésta es cotejada con la información de las particularidades observables de la persona cuando se encontraba con vida (antemortem). para que dicho cotejo arroje resultados confiables, la información antemortem debe ser comparable con los datos posmortem (mejía & palma 2018). por esta razón, los antropólogos deben de conocer las características físicas del o de los individuos que buscarán, es decir, el sexo, la edad cronológica, la estatura, peso en kilogramos; así como las características físicas particulares, las cuales son: las cicatrices de heridas, operaciones quirúrgicas, tatuajes, implementos odontológicos u ortopédicos. c. determinar la accesibilidad del sitio boscoso y terreno. previo a una investigación del sitio, se hace una búsqueda de información escrita y visual, acerca de las condiciones ambientales, el clima; las características de la vegetación, es decir, la flora silvestre que crece en cada temporada del año, así como el tipo de fauna, la geología que corresponde a los tipos de suelos que existen; la temperatura promedio registrada; también es importante conocer si el sitio a investigar se encuentra cercano a algún sitio de relevancia histórica. esta información será evaluada para conocer las limitantes de acceso y/o salida del sitio con el objetivo de planear la cantidad de gente que participará, saber si existirá interferencia de las señales de gps, comunicación de teléfonos, así como también conocer los puntos de reunión y el área que será resguardada por medio de la vigilancia de perímetros (dirkmaat 2012). para el caso de las áreas naturales de la ciudad, no es conveniente el acordonamiento debido a que las extensiones de búsqueda son grandes y por la pérdida de tiempo que resultaría acordonar. debe considerarse la aplicación de la teoría arqueológica conductual (codding y bird 2015; muñoz 2014; schiffer 2014), que consiste en investigar el grupo social que se encuentra cercano o en los alrededores del sitio a investigar. el conocimiento de la historia, política, la cultural y la religión de esa población ayudará a formular de mejor manera las estrategias de entrada y salida al lugar, el tipo de resguardo del sitio y la seguridad de los participantes. d. establecer un sistema de rastreo de restos humanos (srrh). este sistema debe de asegurar que los indicios sean debidamente registrados a través de la escritura, fotografía y video para que después sean recolectados en concordancia con el cuerpo al que están relacionados. dichos registros se realizan con el apoyo de cédulas. proponemos la cédula de registro anatómico del cuerpo humano, cédula de registro anatómico del esqueleto humano, cédula de registro de narración (antes y durante la búsqueda) y cédula de registro fotográfico (ver anexo en linea). fase i. registro del sitio de hallazgo se llevará a cabo por tres equipos, los cuales tendrán tareas distintas. se divide de ese modo para agilizar el proceso (dirkmaat 2012). paso 1. registro inicial. a.   equipo narrativo. llevan a cabo una narrativa inicial (ni). 1.   descripción general del lugar (clima, vegetación). 2.   registrar actividades. 3.   actualizar ni cada 30 minutos. 4.   utilizar cédulas de llenado en papel o de preferencia digital. b.   equipo de fotografía digital. realizan foto-documentación general. 1.   fotografiar el sitio desde los cuatro puntos cardinales. 2.   hacer tomas detalladas del sitio y elementos de interés. 3.   registro detallado de cada fotografía (punto cardinal de donde fue tomada y registro métrico). c.   equipo de video. video-documentación general del sitio 1.   instalar cámaras de video en zonas donde se pueda observar y registrar la mayor parte del sitio y las actividades realizadas en él. 2.   grabar en panéo lento el sitio y área circundante con el sonido apagado. 3.   la cámara puede colocarse en distintos puntos panorámicos. 4.   debe realizarse un registro detallado de las tomas. paso 2. preparación del sitio para la recuperación. el equipo de búsqueda realiza una prospección remota del sitio de hallazgo o investigación (mendoça 2001), con el objetivo de que durante el recorrido conozcamos el sitio, y utilizando instrumentos como las cartas topográficas, fotografías aéreas de la región con la ayuda de imágenes satelitales y en 3d proporcionadas por programas como google earth, en imágenes satelitales de sagarpa (incluyendo análisis de imágenes con sistema de información geográfica sig) y también si es posible, con el empleo de vehículos aéreos no tripulados -uav´s o un dron. 2.1. las cartas topográficas son proporcionadas por el instituto nacional de estadística y geografía (inegi), y en su mayoría son de escala 1:50,000. estas cartas tienen características topográficas, orográficas, hidrográficas y de asentamientos humanos actuales y obras civiles, en cada una se cubre un total de 960 km² y engloba el territorio nacional en un total de 2025 cartas (inegi 2013). 2.2. en las fotografías aéreas e imágenes satelitales se pueden observar anomalías en el terreno que no parezcan de origen natural y relacionarlas con las cartas topográficas, esto es, examinar detenidamente si hay evidencia de estructuras y las marcas que dejan en la superficie. en esta etapa se delimitará el área a recorrer (muñoz 2014). las tomas fotográficas aéreas deben ser verticales, es decir, con 90° perpendiculares al suelo. se toman en intervalos para que al menos se observe el 60% de la fotografía anterior en la siguiente, de ese modo se pueden traslapar y a través de un estereoscópico se cree la ilusión de tercera dimensión (conocida como estereopar) al observar dos fotografías subsecuentes. esta técnica se denomina fotogrametría. a través de ella se ubican patrones en el terreno que son invisibles desde el nivel del suelo. este tipo de fotografía es útil porque permite observar cambios en el terreno por acciones antropogénicas y se puede localizar anomalías que hoy no es posible reconocer por el crecimiento demográfico, o por acción de la naturaleza (muñoz 2014). 2.3. fotografías aéreas de imágenes en 3d proporcionadas por el programa de paga de google earth (google earth pro). es una excelente herramienta que permite vistas satelitales de zonas específicas que el investigador requiera. además, estas zonas se actualizan cada 6 meses a un año, dependiendo del lugar, esto es una ventaja porque permite detectar las diferencias del terreno si se coteja con información del satélite sagarpa o con imágenes de drones. se localiza el área a investigar, se georreferencia con coordenadas universal transversal mercator (utm) y con la herramienta de selección de áreas, proporciona un aproximado del área a prospectar en metros cuadrados. la desventaja de esta herramienta es que las imágenes no son en tiempo real y no necesariamente reflejan marcas de alteración reciente en la vegetación (muñoz 2014). 2.4. fotografías aéreas de imágenes en 3d proporcionadas por el programa de sagarpa. bajo el convenio del satélite sagarpa, es posible capturar imágenes del territorio mexicano en tiempo reciente. esta herramienta permite observar en la superficie de un lugar con más precisión y como está actualmente (blancas 2015). 2.5. vehículos aéreos no tripulados (jensen 1996). uav´s o un dron (muñoz 2014). es posible adaptar un vuelo con un dron y equipo automatizado de fotografía para crear fotogramas que después puedan ser unidos, crear una ortofotografía que se pueda cotejar con los indicios encontrados. la altura a la que el dron tiene que realizar el vuelo es de manera perpendicular a dos alturas, es decir, 6 y 12 metros del suelo. se debe designar un jefe de equipo que guíe, vigile y detenga el dron cuando se deba a lo largo de la búsqueda, esto permitirá que los miembros del equipo tengan la oportunidad de colocar banderillas cerca al indicio. fase ii. búsqueda de indicios y restos humanos en superficie. paso 3. establecer el datum primario del sitio (señal o marca). debe ser de carácter permanente, si es posible. a.   seleccionar área con mayor visibilidad. b.   colocar estación total, nivelar y mediar la altura. c.   crear el punto de calibrado. d.   recorrido de superficie y prospección, es la actividad de caminar para observar el paisaje (parcak 2009). se debe hacer un minucioso examen visual del área, prestando especial atención a las posibles transformaciones del paisaje y procurando hallar los indicios que fueron marcados anteriormente por el equipo. el recorrido se realizará en transectos y sin marcas o tramas que limiten físicamente dicho recorrido, también llamado plotless methods (parcak 2009), el cual consiste en caminar en línea recta y regresar en línea recta, lado a lado en un espacio rectangular y sin estacas, y se tomarán los árboles como límites (mendoça 2001). este método se emplea porque permite inspeccionar un terreno amplio en una sola jornada de trabajo sin ocupar grandes cantidades de personal (morales & javir 2000), porque además el contexto presenta una variada cantidad de animales que están en movimiento, el suelo será probablemente accidentado y también habrá elementos inanimados. fase iii. registro final y recuperación paso 4. registro de indicios y restos humanos. se debe llevar a cabo el trabajo inmediatamente detrás del equipo de búsqueda. registrar todo dato espacial de indicios y restos. equipo de registro (dirkmaat et al. 2012). a.   el etiquetador de códigos es para adherir una etiqueta o código de barras único a cada banderilla. b.   el operador del lector de código de etiqueta o de barra deberá escanear el código y retransmitir la información al operador del gps vía walkie-talkie y realizará una breve descripción del indicio abanderado previamente. paso 5. toma de fotografías detalladas digitales. equipo de fotografía (dirkmaat et al. 2012). a.   se coloca la escala, flecha norte, y una banderilla con código a la vista, todo junto al indicio o resto humano. b.   la fotografía se toma perpendicularmente en un ángulo de 90° al suelo. deben tomarse varias fotografías de un mismo objeto y de ese modo. c.   c. el operador de lector de códigos de etiqueta o de barras del equipo de fotografía escanea el código, incluye una breve descripción del contenido de la foto y su número, y lo incluye en la base de datos. d.   colocarán una × en la parte trasera de la banderilla fotografiada, indicando que el indicio o resto se encuentra listo para ser recuperado. paso 6. recuperación de indicios y restos humanos. son los que colectan los indicios y restos humanos para iniciar la cadena de custodia. equipo de recuperación (dirkmaat et al. 2012). a.   indicios y restos humanos pequeños deben ser embalados en bolsas de plástico y papel respectivamente (cada uno en su bolsa para no mezclarlos). los restos e indicios más grandes deben ser embalados en recipientes (bolsas de cadáveres para los restos) más grandes. b.   colocar la banderilla con el código de barras dentro de la bolsa (los códigos deben ser a prueba de agua o deben colocarse en otra bolsa para que no se puedan salir o perder). c.   el duplicado del código de barras que está dentro de la bolsa debe ir pagado fuera de la misma. d.   los indicios y restos humanos deben ser entregados al responsable de la cadena de custodia. tabla 7—resumen de la aplicación del protoloco weldon spring para la ciudad de méxico en áreas naturales protegidas y de conservación ecológica. preparación   fase i. registro   fase ii. búsqueda   fase iii. recuperación    a. comunicación.    b. conocimiento de características de personas.    c. antecedentes de flora, fauna, geología, clima e historia del lugar.    d. preparar cédulas.   paso 1. equipo narrativo, fotográfico y de video. paso 2. equipo de búsqueda-prospección remota.   paso 3. establecer datum y prospección potless method.   paso 4. equipo de registro de indicios y restos humanos. paso 5. equipo de fotografía de indicios y restos humanos. paso 6. equipo de recuperación de indicios y restos humanos. fuente: erica itzel landa juárez. de esta manera se debe llevar a cabo la aplicación del protocolo en el contexto de la ciudad de méxico (ver tabla 7). conclusiones hasta el momento, en la historia de la criminalidad y la procuración de justicia de la ciudad de méxico, ha imperado el método empírico y la ciencia es tomada en cuenta sólo como un lujo y no como una necesidad. por tal motivo, no existen protocolos de actuación en muchas áreas y menos en la búsqueda de cadáveres debido a que hasta hace poco ha sido considerada como una necesidad. aún no existe un modelo de investigación arqueológico forense para la fiscalía de la ciudad de méxico, ni el personal que debería llevar a cabo el trabajo arqueológico, por lo tanto, al no contar con un arqueólogo, ese trabajo es realizado a veces por el antropólogo forense, por supuesto cuando se dispone de éste. en su defecto y en la mayoría de las ocasiones, el bombero es quien dirige y lleva a cabo el trabajo; situación que, si bien no demerita el conocimiento y experticia del cuerpo de bomberos, el conocimiento de los modelos teóricos de comportamiento, las técnicas de prospección y de excavación, la identificación de restos óseos humanos y procesos tafonómicos no corresponde con su formación. así que los expertos idóneos son los arqueólogos forenses y antropólogos forenses. por esta situación, decidimos investigar el modelo que pudiera ser el idóneo para aplicarlo a la ciudad de méxico, debido a que la incidencia de personas privadas de su libertad en las vías públicas, en los servicios de transporte público, ya sea taxis, combis, microbuses, autobuses, metro y hasta en autos propios, para que posteriormente sean privadas de la vida y abandonadas en sitios alejados de las zonas urbanas de la ciudad, ha aumentado sobremanera y de forma alarmante. asimismo, esos hechos se comenten con fines de robo, feminicidio, homicidio, secuestro y trata de personas. situación que ha incrementado sus cifras cada año y la procuración de justicia se ha visto rebasada ante esta situación. el modelo que proponemos lo retomamos del protocol weldon spring que en los estados unidos de norteamérica se aplica para casos de desastres en masa. dicho protocolo ya ha sido analizado, experimentado, cambiado, verificado y certificado para un uso confiable desde el año de 1990, por lo tanto, es posible tomarlo en cuenta para adecuarlo a las situaciones que se presentan en la ciudad de méxico y en áreas naturales protegidas y ecológicas de dicha ciudad, para la búsqueda de cadáveres en superficie a pesar de que las causas de muerte sean diferentes a los causadas por desastres masivos. las áreas naturales de la cdmx constan de un 23.79% de su territorio, situación por la cual es donde es más probable que depositen cadáveres en esas zonas que en las calles, avenidas, centros comerciales, plazas, kioskos, puentes, ya que las cámaras de seguridad permitirían tener un elemento que permita identificar a las personas que cometen tales actos de violencia o bien que la existencia de testigos impidiera el cometido delictuoso. por lo tanto, es un área extensa para esconder cuerpos humanos. estas áreas son de difícil acceso debido a que son parajes poco explorados en los cuales abunda la flora y la fauna silvestre, además de que entre vagabundos y delincuentes es menos frecuente que se decida acceder a ellos. sin olvidar que todo ello hace muy difícil que se lleven a cabo las investigaciones. por otra parte, se ha logrado determinar que los homicidios dolosos a veces están perpetrados por una o dos personas sin pertenecer a un grupo de delincuencia organizada, o bien, en otras ocasiones los responsables son personas que pertenecen a algunos de los grupos criminales urbanos que coexisten en la ciudad. respecto a estos grupos, es importante mencionar que muchos de sus integrantes ya están identificados con nombres y apellidos, quien es el jefe del grupo, los lugares donde se encuentran y a veces desde el año en que se fundaron. esta información sin duda es de suma importancia. asimismo, se sabe la característica principal de los grupos urbanos y sus intereses en el comercio a detalles y los comportamientos de castigo hacia el enemigo, los cuales son diferentes en comparación con las maneras de actuar de un grupo rural. como se mencionó anteriormente el comercio a detalle que se establece en la cdmx es el de la piratería, narcomenudeo, robo de autos, tráfico sexual y secuestro. el protocolo que proponemos y como se pudo leer a lo largo del texto consta de diferentes pasos muy bien establecidos y delimitados, así como de las actividades que debe realizar cada una de las personas involucradas en el equipo de investigación. el empleo de esta propuesta innovadora será un antecedente para la aplicación del primer protocolo de búsqueda de cadáveres en áreas naturales de la ciudad de méxico, será de beneficio para la institución que procura y administra justicia en su labor de apoyo a los familiares, quienes buscan a un ser querido que fue privado de la libertad y posteriormente privado de la vida, sin conocimiento de las autoridades ni de familiares. también se obtendrá la localización original y la posición del cuerpo sin identificar, la identificación de agentes tafonómicos responsables de dispersar los restos humanos y explicar por qué los restos biológicos no están donde deberían de estar anatómicamente, el máximo número de elementos óseos y evidencia, mayor información acerca de cuánto tiempo el cuerpo se encontró en el suelo, entre mucha más información. referencias alvarado mendoza a. crimen organizado en una ciudad de américa latina: la ciudad de méxico. quito. revista latinoamericana de estudios y seguridad, 2014;19:129–145. alvarado n. sobrinos de mando de la policía de investigación identificados. la prensa. noviembre 3, 2017:33. alvarado n. no que no, cárteles en cdmx hace 3 o 4 años. la prensa. septiembre 12, 2018:3. alzaga i. detienen a el betito en cdmx y a 2 del cártel de sinaloa en eu. el mileno. agosto 9, 2018:16. blancas j., barba l, ortíz a., and carballo d. percepción remota y prospección arqueológica en la laguna, tlaxcala. revista de investigaciones arqueométricas 1(1);2015:1-13. blancas d. unión de tepito, cártel que controla penales de dcmx. la crónica. junio 8, 2017:4. codding bf, bird dw. behavioral ecology and the future of archaeological science. journal of archaeological science 56;2015:9-20. dirkmaat dc. forensic anthropology at the mass fatality incident (commercial airliner crash scenes). in: dirkmatt dc, ed. a companion to forensic anthropology. hoboken, nj: wiley-blackwell; 2012:136–156. dirkmaat dc, chapman en, kenyhercz m, cobo. ll. enhancing scene processing protocols to improve victim identification and field detection of human remains in mass fatality scenes. national institute of justice document 2no. 238744. erie, pa; 2012. domínguez p. banda de colombianos roba mata y plagia en 24 estados. milenio. agosto 24, 2017:26. espinosa a. abaten al líder de la unión de tepito en estacionamiento de gam. la prensa. octubre 12, 2017: 2. fondebrider l, mendoça mc. protocolo modelo para la investigación forense de muertes sospechosas de haberse producido por violación de los derechos humanos. oficina del alto comisionado de las naciones unidas para los derechos humanos. proyecto mex/00/ah/10; 2001. instituto nacional de estadística y geografía, 2013. jensen jr. introductory digital image processing: a remote sensing perspective. hoboken, nj: prentice hall. martínez, c. exhiben nexos de zetas con policías de papantla. milenio. octubre 2, 2017:15. mejía jm, ortega pa. la entrevista a familias en la búsqueda e identificación de personas extraviadas o desaparecidas. dimensión antropológica 72(25);2018:141—172. morales h, javir, f. prospección y excavación: principios metodológicos básicos. en benítez de lugo erich, l.: el patrimonio arqueológico de ciudad real: métodos de trabajo y actuaciones recientes. ciudad real: uned; 2000:355-368. muñoz va. propuesta metodológica para la búsqueda, excavación, registro y recuperación de cadáveres e indicios asociados en fosas clandestinas. [licenciatura disertación]. méxico: escuela nacional de antropología e historia; 2014. nava f. amieva pide que el betito sea enviado a penal federal. la razón. agosto 15, 2018:12. parcak, s h. satellite remote sensing for archaeology. nueva york: routledge; 2009. procuraduría general de justicia de la ciudad de méxico-pgjcdmx. https://www.pgjcdmx.gob.mx. acceso 23 de agosto 2019. ruiz k. atrapan a sucesor de el betito en santa fé. la razón. octubre 31, 2018:17. schiffer mb. behavioral archaeology: principles and practice. new york, ny: routledge. secretaría del medio ambiente-sedema. https://www.sedema.cdmx.gob.mx. acceso 19 de agosto 2019 y 23 de noviembre 2019. adepartamento de innovación en material biológico humano, facultad de medicina, universidad nacional autónoma de méxico, coyoacán, ciudad de méxico, méxico bprocuraduría general de justicia de la ciudad de méxico, identificación humana, colonia del valle sur, benito juárez, ciudad de méxico, méxico *correspondencia a: erica itzel landa juárez, procuraduría general de justicia de la ciudad de méxico, identificación humana, avenida coyoacán 1635, colonia del valle sur, benito juárez, c.p. 03104, ciudad de méxico, cdmx 06720, méxico e-mail: itzeliuras@yahoo.com recibido 02 septiembre 2019; revisado 23 noviembre 2019; aceptado 11 diciembre 2019 login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe forensic anthropology vol. 5, no. 3: s206–s213 doi: 10.5744/fa.2019.0019b © 2022 university of florida press introducción el autor accede al estudio de los restos óseos atribuidos a santiago alfeo (también llamado santiago el menor) por solicitud de la dirección xeral de patrimonio histórico e documental de la consellería de cultura de la xunta de galicia en 1991. la condición de reliquia sagrada de los restos óseos obliga a realizar el estudio en la propia capilla de las reliquias de la catedral compostelana con autorización del deán de la misma y durante 10 días. no se permitió la salida de los restos del ámbito catedralicio para la práctica de pruebas complementarias. el estudio se realizó en el mes de noviembre de 1991. los responsables religiosos de la catedral de santiago de compostela decidieron someter a estudio científico ésta reliquia al objeto de conocer realmente qué contenía el relicario de santiago alfeo. el autor se planteó el estudio antropológico del caso lo más extenso y profundo posible teniendo en consideración estas limitaciones espaciales y temporales. el estudio científico de las reliquias religiosas el estudio científico moderno de las reliquias religiosas no está muy extendido. la búsqueda en varios buscadores científicos de referencias bibliográficas con las palabras “relic and bone” apenas nos permite encontrar una decena de artículos de interés y en todos subsiste la duda de la identidad y autenticidad de los restos y las limitaciones que plantean las autoridades eclesiásticas para su estudio (ball 2017; alterauge et al 2016 y van strydonck et al 2009). en la propia catedral de santiago de compostela no consta el estudio científico de ninguna reliquia desde finales del siglo xix, fecha en la que se estableció la compatibilidad de unos restos humanos hallados en la cripta con el hecho de que pudieran pertenecer a santiago el mayor (freijeiro y gonzalez 1989). la identidad y/o la autenticidad de los restos es un aspecto nuclear de todo estudio científico en una reliquia o estudio de restos humanos históricos pero casi nunca es posible recurrir a estudios genéticos que pueden ayudar a establecerla (martínezgonzález, 2012). por este motivo la identidad y la autenticidad de una reliquia religiosa antigua solo puede ser o excluida (si existen datos que así lo permitan) o estimada, sin llegar a ser posible en ninguno de los casos estudiados la confirmación de que los restos pertenecen al santo o personaje histórico atribuido. la reliquia de santiago alfeo la cabeza de santiago alfeo, apóstolobispo de jerusalem, es traida desde allí por mauricio burdino (después antipapa gregorio viii) en 1108 dc. doña urraca se apodera de la reliquia y la regala a don diego de gelmirez, obispo de santiago que, objeto de un culto especial la deposita en un arca de oro en 1116 dc. el arzobispo don berenguel de landoire mandó labrar el busto que hoy conocemos en 1322 (barral, 1991). el obispo diego gelmirez recibe la cabeza reporto de un caso estudio antropologico forense de los restos humanos atribuidos al apóstol santiago alfeo fernando serrullaa,b* resumen: presentamos el estudio antropológico forense de la reliquia del cráneo de santiago alfeo conservada en la capilla de las reliquias de la catedral de santiago de compostela (españa). la reliquia está formada por algunos fragmentos del cráneo y otros pocos huesos en estado de carbonización y altamente fragmentados. los resultados muestran que los restos pertenecen a un individuo varón, adulto maduro y la presencia de lesiones craneales producidas probablemente por un instrumento cortocontundente tipo espada. estos resultados nos permiten dudar de la identidad de los restos. palabras clave: antropología forense, carbonización, espada, santiago alfeo, santiago el menor, reliquia ainstituto de medicina legal de galicia, unidad de antropología forense, hospital de verin, verin, ourense 32600, spain bsociedad de ciencias aranzadi, antropología física, alto de zorroaga s/n donostia, san sebastian 20014, spain *correspondencia a: fernando serrulla, instituto de medicina legal de galicia, unidad de antropología forense, hospital de verin, verin, ourense 32600, spain email: fernandoserrullarech@hotmail . com recibió 31 mayo 2019; revisado 4 octubre 2019; aceptado 4 octubre 2019 serrulla s207 como un triunfo personal pero sin poner en duda su atribución a santiago el mayor (xacopedia, 2015). el bustorelicario de santiago alfeo es llamado también caput argenteum. se trata de un busto en plata sobredorada de 48,5x48,5x26 centímetros. es el más famoso de los relicarios del ‘tesouro compostelano’ (figura 1). contiene esencialmente restos óseos cefálicos atribuidos a santiago alfeo. la obra se atribuye a rodrigo eans (posiblemente realizada en 1322), el platero de la catedral (barral 1991). es importante indicar el hecho de que en 1921 un incendio destruyó varias reliquias de esta capilla y aunque parece que el fuego no afectó directamente a éste relicario, es posible que por la naturaleza metálica del busto, el calor del incendio afectara indirectamente a los restos (barral 1991). la vida y la muerte de santiago el menor santiago alfeo fue uno de los apóstoles de jesús y es llamado en los textos sagrados ‘hermano de jesús’. santiago el menor ocupa en las cuatro listas de los apóstoles el noveno lugar. este apelativo del ‘menor’ se lo da marcos para distinguirlo del otro apóstol santiago, hijo de zebedeo y hermano de juan. probablemente era más joven y más pequeño que santiago ‘el mayor’, el de más edad, el más alto. por esto a santiago alfeo también se le conoce con el nombre de santiago el menor (hophan 1957). el nuevo testamento hace también repetidas alusiones a santiago como ‘hermano de jesús’. como afirma hophan (1957) se presenta aquí el problema del sentido que se dá aquí al calificativo de ‘hermano de jesús’, y de si santiago, hermano del señor, es el mismo que el apóstol santiago el menor, hijo de alfeo, problema que los expertos en historia sagrada no han conseguido aclarar hasta la fecha.1 1. la palabra ‘hermanos’ tiene en el lenguaje del oriente antigüo y moderno una significación más amplia, equivalente en cierto modo a nuestro término ‘primo’. no se refiere tan sólo a la hermandad estricta, según los datos recogidos por los antiguos historiadores de la iglesia católica (hegessipus) santiago alfeo murió en el año 62 dc a la edad de 92 años tras llevar una vida ascética. de su muerte (martirio) hay tres versiones diferentes: 1) según hegessipus, santiago alfeo fue empujado desde lo alto del templo por los fariseos y apedreado después. el mismo autor añade que poco después un batanero le asestó un golpe con su maza y le destrozó la cabeza. por esto en la representación de santiago alfeo siempre aparece una maza de batanero o clava (de cesarea 2008). 2) en este mismo texto de eusebio de cesarea, se hace sin embargo una segunda versión de la muerte de santiago alfeo: se repite que fue precipitado y apedreado pero añade que un batanero de profesión que estaba allí presente, ‘cogiendo un fuste con el que solía azotar a las bestias golpeó la cabeza del justo y así con éste feliz martirio terminó sus días’ (de cesarea 2008). 3) según josefo2, ananías celebró un consejo judicial y llevó ante él a santiago (el hermano de jesús) y a otros bajo la acusación de violar la ley. fue condenado a ser apedreado (barclay 1988). en cualquier caso todas las versiones del modo de muerte de santiago alfeo parecen coincidir en que posiblemente murió como consecuencia de un traumatismo cráneoencefalico producido bien por la maza o el fuste de un batanero o bien por el impacto de piedras sobre su cabeza. en todos los casos instrumentos contundentes pero no cortantes. la vida y la muerte de santiago el mayor conviene destacar también en esta introducción histórica que santiago el mayor murió con 49 años decapitado por herodes agripa i posiblemente el año 44. hay referencias de la muerte de santiago el mayor en los hechos de los apóstoles (12, 13) así como en otros textos en los que se confirma la muerte por decapitación con espada. este tipo de muerte era la pena habitual entre los judíos condenados por idolatría, delito del que pudo ser acusado santiago el mayor (castelláferrer, 1610). material y métodos los restos óseos extraídos del relicario de santiago alfeo se presentan en la tabla 1. se trata de un gran número de fragmentos óseos en estado de carbonización completa y sino también a otros grados de parentesco próximo, como sobrinos, cuñados, primos e incluso para expresar una amistad íntima y hasta el paisanaje (barclay 1988). 2. antigüedades de los judíos 20,9,1. fig. 1—busto relicario de santiago alfeo. s208 muerte violenta del apóstol santiago alfeo calcinación incompleta con impregnaciones blancas, algunos de ellos reducidos a polvo. se seleccionaron un total de 25 fragmentos óseos identificables de los cuales pudimos formar 6 grupos dadas sus relaciones de concordancia morfológica. los fragmentos fueron adheridos con cianoacrilato. las medidas de los fragmentos han sido tomadas con pie de rey. se ha practicado un estudio antroposcópico y antropométrico convencional (brothwell 1987; reverte coma 1981/1991; rivero de la calle 1985). no estaba autorizada la salida de los huesos de la catedral para realizar estudios complementarios (radiológicos, químicos o de datación), por lo que éstos no han podido hacerse. los métodos empleados para la estimación del sexo y la edad han sido seleccionados de acuerdo al material presente en el estudio y en todo caso se han seguido las recomendaciones establecidas por la asociación española de antropología y odontología forense (serrulla, 2013). resultados expondremos por un lado los resultados del estudio relativo a la identificación reconstructiva y por otro los signos traumáticos y tafonómicos hallados. datos de identificación reconstructiva la tabla 2 muestra los datos de mayor interés antropológico. los datos de identificación reconstructiva son compatibles con que el cráneo pertenezca un varón, adulto maduro (rango de edad estimado según método de meindllovejoy 3165 años, media 45,2 años). signos traumáticos hallados en la zona frontal izquierda (piezas 6 y 7) existe una sección oblicua del diploe con deformidad plástica en la tabla externa compatible con lesión perimortal producida por instrumento cortocontundente que puede tener continuidad con el borde neto de sección hallado en las piezas 9, 10 y 11 (figuras 2 y 4). no es posible evaluar el patrón de fractura asociado. en la zona interparietal (zona de la sutura sagital posterior) se observa una sección oblicua del diploe de unos 64 mm de longitud con signos de calcinación incompleta sin signos de regeneración ósea en los bordes y con un patrón de fractura acompañante compatible con lesión producida por instrumentos cortocontundente (figura 3). en la zona frontoparietal derecha se observa una peculiar alineación de los fragmentos en línea con la lesión frontal tabla 1—piezas óseas identificables halladas en el interior del relicario de santiago alfeo nº descripcion medidas maximas conservacion 1 frontal borde orbitario y escama 114 × 59mm carbonizado 2 frontal apófisis orbitaria izda 29 × 16 mm calcinación incompleta 3 frontal frag. escama frontal dcha 26 × 18 mm calcinación incompleta 4 frontal frag. escama frontal dcha 50 × 26 mm calcinacion incompleta 5 frontal frag escama frontal dcha 19 × 15 mm calcinación incompleta 6 frontal frag escama frontal izda long max: 66 mm carbonizado 7 frontal frag escama frontal izda long max:10 mm carbonizado 8 frag de esponjosa y tabla interna 12 × 3 mm calcinación incompleta 9 frag parietal derecho long max: 71 mm carbonizado 10 fragmento frontal derecho long max: 90 mm carbonizado 11 fragmento parietal derecho long max: 54 mm carbonizado 12 frag parietal derecho long max: 98 mm carbonizado 13 frag triangular interparietal long max: 51 mm carbonizado 14 frag interparietal 47 × 7 mm calcinación incompleta 15 frag parietal derecho long max: 29 mm carbonizado 16 frag interparietal 48 × 34 mm carbonizado 17 frag parietooccipital derecho 83 × 28 mm calcinación incompleta 18 frag temporal izquierdo 54 × 33 mm carbonizado 19 frag temporal izquierdo 64 × 28 mm carbonizado 20 frag mastoides izquierda 49 × 29 mm carbonizado 21 frag temporal izquierdo 21 × 24 mm carbonizado 22 frag maxilar superior anch max: 26 mm carbonizado 23 primer molar superior izqdo (26) l max: 17,3 mm carbonizado 24 frag costal bajo l max: 43 mm carbonizado 25 frag costal alto l max: 24 mm carbonizado serrulla s209 izquierda. el borde de esta lesión forma en el diploe un plano de sección neto perpendicular al mismo. lesión compatible con sección producida por instrumento cortocontundente (figura 4). en conjunto las tres lesiones descritas se representan en la figura 5 que incluye gráficos indicativos de la ubicación en el cráneo de las lesiones y los conjuntos de fragmentos (frontal y parietal). tabla 2—datos de interés antropológico hallados. md: mesiodistal; mldbcrn: mesiolingualdistobucal corona. las puntuaciones asignadas para la estimación del sexo están basadas en los criterios de ferembach (1980) citado por krenzer (2006). nº descripcion datos de interes 1 frontal borde orbitario y escama glabela (+1), borde orbitario (+1) e inclinación frontal (+1). (+1):masculino. 6 frontal frag escama frontal izda lesión perimortal por instrumento cortocontundente 7 frontal frag escama frontal izda lesión perimortal por instrumento cortocontundente 9 frag parietal derecho sutura coronal externa: cierre significativo; interna: completo línea recta de fractura en continuidad con 10 y 11. 10 fragmento frontal derecho sutura coronal externa: cierre significativo; interna: completo línea recta de fractura en continuidad con 9 y 11. 11 fragmento parietal derecho sutura parietotemporal d abierta. (rango edad: 31– 65 años) (meindllovejoy 1985) línea recta de fractura en continuidad con 9 y 10. 12 frag parietal derecho sutura parieto temporal d abierta. 14 frag interparietal lesión perimortal por instrumento cortocontundente cierre completo sutura sagital (s3 y s4) (rango edad: 31– 65 años) (meindllovejoy 1985) 17 frag parietooccipital derecho cierre incipiente sutura lambdoidea (l2 y l3). (rango edad: 31– 65 años) (meindllovejoy 1985) 23 primer molar sup izdo (26) long md corona 11 mm diámetro mldbcrn: 11,3 mm estimado para el segundo molar superior: probabilidad: masculino:70– 73% femenino:26– 29% (viciano 2012) fig. 2—lesión frontal izquierda por instrumento cortocontundente. fotografía modificada mediante pequeños cambios de la luminosidad, contraste y saturación para permitir observar la lesión en el hueso carbonizado. fig.3—lesión parietal derecha producida por instrumento corto contundente. fotografía modificada mediante pequeños cambios de la luminosidad, contraste y saturación para permitir observar la lesión en el hueso carbonizado. fig. 4—borde de la sutura coronal en el lado derecho. estudio de la afectación por el calor gran parte del frontal estudiado muestra por exo y endocráneo un aspecto de calcinación incompleta: color blanco grisáceo s210 muerte violenta del apóstol santiago alfeo producción de los ‘antigüos historiadores de la iglesia’ en cuyos textos parecen mezclarse leyenda, literatura y hechos reales (martos & garcía 2012). este autor de acuerdo con otros expertos (gunkel 1928) afirma por ejemplo que algunos textos como el génesis está lleno de leyendas así como una parte importante de la biblia, el nuevo y viejo testamento. los textos de hegessippus, de eusebio de cesarea así como de flavio josefo aún siendo textos de enorme valor cultural y religioso, desde el punto de vista de la metodología de la investigación histórica actual, no pueden ponerse al mismo nivel científico. por esto algunos hechos de relevancia en esta investigación no pueden entenderse como indubitados como podrían ser algunos datos que hoy en día empleamos como datos antemortem sobre los que en el ámbito de las ciencias forenses no suelen existir dudas acerca de su veracidad. por ejemplo, en relación con la edad de la muerte y años de nacimiento de santiago alfeo y de santiago el mayor, parece lógico pensar que pueden existir errores. pueden existir errores también incluso en el modo de martirio de ambos: santiago el menor muerto posiblemente por el palo de un batanero y santiago el mayor decapitado por herodes. mucho más inexacto podría ser todo el recorrido de la cabeza de santiago el menor desde su lugar de enterramiento (jerusalem) hasta que llegó a manos del obispo gelmírez en compostela en 1116. muchas más fuentes de inexactitud pueden añadirse durante los cientos de años que pasó la supuesta cabeza de santiago el menor en la catedral invadida en muchas ocasiones por piratas, ladrones y sufriendo todo tipo de asedios: en el siglo xiv la catedral se transformó en edificio defensivo para protegerla de estos ataques medievales construyéndose torres defensivas como la torre del reloj (garcía iglesias, 1993). relativo al perfil biológico y a las lesiones halladas la estimación del sexo y la edad en este caso está basada en muy pocos elementos: apenas tres rasgos del frontal para el sexo y poco más de unos pocos centímetros de suturas craneales observables para la edad. en el caso del sexo también ha sido valorado el molar aplicando criterios métricos estimados del segundo molar (viciano 2012) con un resultado favorable al sexo masculino (7073%). aunque en relación al sexo los rasgos valorados (glabela, borde supraorbitario e inclinación frontal, los tres con puntuaciones masculinas) son rasgos con bastante dimorfismo sexual (walrath et al 2004) y en el trabajo de viciano hay casi un 30% de probabilidad de que no sea masculino, hay que tener en cuenta que no ha sido posible valorar más rasgos lo que siempre implica un importante margen de error. en relación con la edad hay que decir que el método empleado (meindl & lovejoy 1985) ha sido ampliamente criticado tanto por los amplios márgenes de edad que aporta como por su fiabilidad (ruendigt et al 2018). en nuestro caso fig. 5—a: conjunto de fragmentos frontales (visión exocraneal); b: conjunto de fragmentos parietales derechos, donde se indica con la letra ‘a’ la lesión de la zona frontal (figura 4) y con la letra ‘b’ la lesión descrita para la zona interparietal (figura 3); c: gráfico que representa en visión superior los conjuntos de fragmentos frontales y parietales, indicando con la letra ‘a’ la lesión cortocontundente frontal y la letra ‘b’ la lesión cortocontundente interparietal (flechas rojas). d: gráfico que representa en visión anterior los fragmentos frontales y maxilar superior presentes. con algunas zonas negruzcas. en la tabla externa se observa alguna pequeña impregnación sólida de color blanquecino. llama la atención el hecho de que el hueso conserva bien la estructura (no está frágil) con un aparente grado muy bajo de humedad. el fragmento parietal por el contrario muestra en una gran parte de su superficie un intenso color negro mate de carbonización excepto en un área occipital, el borde interparietal posterior y parte del borde anterior con el frontal que muestran un color blanco grisáceo de calcinación incompleta. como en el fragmento frontal el hueso conserva bien la estructura y aparenta un grado muy bajo de humedad. los demás huesos (maxilar superior, molar y fragmentos costales) presentan un total aspecto de carbonización sin áreas blanquecinas o grisáceas. discusión de resultados relativo a los aspectos históricos y circunstancias de la muerte muchos autores han criticado desde el punto de vista académico la llamada ‘historia sagrada’ especialmente la serrulla s211 debemos añadir más incertidumbre ya que no ha sido posible evaluar el estado completo de todas las suturas de la bóveda, ni de la base, ni tampoco otros rasgos en otros huesos. en cualquier caso parece razonable considerar que estamos ante el cráneo de un individuo adulto maduro. de acuerdo con las recomendaciones sobre el particular el cráneo podría pertenecer a una persona mayor de 35 años (serrulla, 2013). este perfil biológico no permite excluir ni a santiago alfeo ni a santiago el mayor como la persona a la que pudiera pertenecer este cráneo aunque por los resultados obtenidos de este estudio parece más compatible con santiago el mayor que con santiago alfeo. en cuanto a las lesiones halladas no nos surgen muchas dudas ni de su origen violento perimortal ni del instrumento causante de las mismas, especialmente la hallada en la zona interparietal y la frontal izquierda: estamos ante lesiones producidas probablemente por un instrumento corto contundente tipo espada (berg 2008). sobre este tipo de lesiones muchos autores han caracterizado bien sus elementos diagnósticos: sección neta del diploe, patrón de fractura asociado y signos de deformidad plástica en el borde de la tabla externa (petrone et al 2018; aromatario et al 2016 y kanz & grosschmidt 2006). en relación con el conjunto de lesiones halladas nos llama la atención la posición en la que aparecen las mismas. por un lado el patrón de fractura parietal indica que la lesión frontal fue anterior a la parietal ya que las líneas del patrón parietal no se continúan en el frontal sino que terminan en la línea de corte del lado derecho frontal. por otro lado la existencia de estos dos golpes en el cráneo nos permite argumentar que el caso pudiera tener relación con la llamada ‘muerte de los tres golpes’ (reverte, 1981) en la que en aplicación de la pena ‘capital’ en época romana, el ajusticiado sufría un primer golpe en el lateral de la cabeza que lo aturdía (que en este caso se correspondería con la lesión a de la figura 5c), un segundo golpe con la víctima ya en el suelo pretendía la muerte al golpear desde atrás la cabeza (en este caso se correspondería con lesión b de la figura 5c) y un tercer golpe para asegurar la muerte por decapitación. en nuestro caso podría existir evidencia solo de estos dos primeros golpes, ya que no ha sido posible acceder al examen de las vértebras del cuello. concordancias y discordancias: es autentica la reliquia de santiago alfeo? la muerte por un arma cortocontundente concuerda mejor con la muerte de santiago el mayor que fue ajusticiado mediante decapitación en el año 44 dc a la edad de 49 años. no tenemos las mismas evidencias con la hipótesis de la muerte de santiago alfeo que murió a la edad de 92 años el año 62 dc (dato compatible) posiblemente con el palo de un batanero y/o apredreado (datos incompatibles). por tanto los resultados de este estudio demuestran que posiblemente los restos óseos hallados en el relicario de santiago alfeo no pertenecen a éste santo si damos como válidos los datos históricos del modo de muerte (martirio) que sufrió. sí que por el contrario podrían pertenecer a santiago el mayor. la iglesia ya desde la llegada de la cabeza de santiago alfeo a compostela en 1116 mostró a través del obispo gelmírez dudas de que pudiera pertenecer a santiago el menor. según las referencias gelmirez no dudaba que fuera la cabeza de santiago el mayor. el obispo de braga mauricio burdino que trajo la cabeza desde tierra santa afirmaba que era la cabeza de santiago el mayor al parecer para desacreditar a la iglesia compostelana con quien rivalizaba. la iglesia compostelana no deseaba poner en duda que tuvieran el cuerpo íntegro de santiago el mayor y por esto la atribuyó a santiago el menor. más dudas se añadieron a la cuestión cuando se supo que la catedral de ancona (italia) también argumentaba tener la cabeza de santiago alfeo (xacopedia, 2015). a diferencia de lo que ocurre con santiago alfeo, sobre santiago el mayor sí existen estudios científicos. los datos históricos relativos a los estudios científicos realizados sobre los restos atribuidos a santiago el mayor se remontan a finales del siglo xix. un informe de tres profesores universitarios de santiago de compostela confirmó que podrían ser los del apóstol santiago y desde entonces no parecen existir dudas. las excavaciones realizadas en la catedral de santiago de compostela en 187879 permitieron localizar unos restos óseos a treinta metros de profundidad en la capilla mayor detrás del altar. durante la excavación se halló un mausoleo romano con la inscripción del nombre de uno de los discípulos a los que la historia sagrada atribuye el transporte del cuerpo de santiago el mayor desde jerusalem (athanasios martyr) (freijeiro & gonzalez 1989). este hecho hizo pensar al papa león xiii que podrían tratarse de los restos del apóstol por lo que ordenó a través del cardenal payá un estudio de los mismos a tres profesores de la universidad de santiago (antonio casares, francisco freire y timoteo sanchez freire) quienes concluyeron en un dictamen pericial el 20 de julio de 1879 lo siguiente en respuesta a tres preguntas concretas que les hicieron los representantes de la iglesia: 1. los huesos reconocidos pertenecen a tres esqueletos incompletos de otros tantos indivíduos, de desarrollo y edad diferentes: de los cuales, los de los dos primeros grupos cruzaban el tránsito del segundo al último tercio de la duración media y fisiológica de la vida; mientras que el tercero parece que estaba en este. 2. no es posible fijar con exactitud la antigüedad de los huesos reconocidos; pero teniendo en cuenta su estado de integridad y composición, tan parecida a la de los del esqueleto céltico citado, puede asegurarse que cuentan siglos de existencia. s212 muerte violenta del apóstol santiago alfeo 3. en cuanto a la antigüedad se refiere, no parece temeraria la creencia de que dichos huesos hayan pertenecido a los cuerpos del santo apóstol y de sus dos discípulos. la valoración actual de estas conclusiones nos permite sostener lo siguiente: 1. por la valoración de la edad realizada y considerando la esperanza de vida a finales del xix en galicia el último tercio del siglo xix (45 años según muñoz pradas 2005) los peritos no incluirían la edad de santiago el mayor en ninguno de los tres tercios de los que hablan, aunque bien es verdad que no podríamos excluirlo solo por esta valoración que hacemos. nada se dice respecto al sexo de los individuos y llama la atención porque en aquella época la antropología física en españa estaba empezando a destacar en los ámbitos universitarios (reverte 1991). 2. es posible que los huesos sean antigüos aunque no solo por las razones argumentadas sino sobre todo por el contexto arqueológico en el que fueron hallados (próximos a un mausoleo romano). 3. no parece tener mucho fundamento científico la frase en la que atribuyen de forma muy arbitraria los restos al apóstol y sus discípulos. podemos pensar que es en cierto modo temerario atribuir los restos a estas personas solo por una hipotética compatibilidad etaria y por el inespecífico intervalo posmortem estimado (‘siglos de existencia’). en la actualidad ningún profesional admitiría ni tan siquiera una propuesta de identidad con estos datos. los aspectos tafonómicos en cuanto a lo relativo al estudio de la afectación por el calor tenemos que añadir que de acuerdo a estudios experimentales con cremaciones de huesos y otros estudios, hoy día conocemos el comportamiento del hueso a los efectos del calor según la temperatura alcanzada (holk 1996; devlin & herrmann 2008; walker et al 2008; symes et al 2015). estos autores muestran en sus estudios los diferentes cambios de coloración que sufre el hueso con las distintas temperaturas. es importante considerar que los estudios experimentales en los que se basan estos autores no reproducen exactamente las condiciones en las que se quemaron los huesos estudiados, ya que en el caso de la reliquia atribuida a santiago alfeo lo que se quemó fue hueso seco contenido en un recipiente metálico, es decir el hueso se afectó por el efecto horno que el recipiente produjo afectándose solo por el efecto del calor y posiblemente no de forma directa. aunque estas condiciones no han sido reproducidas en los estudios mencionados, en general parece existir acuerdo en que la carbonización del hueso (color negro mate) llega a producirse en torno a los 600ºc de temperatura, mientras que la calcinación (color gris blanquecino) se consigue con 800ºc durante al menos 30 minutos. es también interesante destacar en este apartado que se observan en los escasos fragmentos estudiados dos tipos diferentes de patrones de fractura del hueso craneal: a) en el parietal derecho se trata de un patrón de fractura característico de las lesiones cortocontundentes perimortales con líneas primarias y secundarias de fractura derivadas del agotamiento de la energía en la bóveda (pope & smith 2004; symes et al. 2015). b) en el frontal (encima de las órbitas) hay fracturas desordenadas sin patrón organizado y con delaminación de la tabla externa, signos que se corresponden con lesiones posmortales producidas por el calor (pope & smith 2004; symes et al. 2015). junto a las lesiones frontales compatibles con ser producidas por instrumento cortocontundente no se conserva suficiente hueso para valorar su patrón de fractura. podemos por tanto confirmar que las lesiones parietales y frontales producidas por instrumento cortocontundente son claramente perimortales y no son el resultado del efecto tafonómico del calor. conclusiones los fragmentos de huesos hallados en el relicario de santiago alfeo posiblemente pertenecen a un individuo varón, adulto maduro en cualquier caso mayor de 35 años. los restos estudiados presentan signos de lesiones perimortales producidas por un instrumento cortocontundente tipo espada. la lesión frontal se produjo antes que la parietal y posiblemente se trate de un caso de ajusticiamiento por la llamada ‘muerte de los tres golpes’ en la que el tercero (aunque no está presente en este caso) era la sección del cuello. los signos traumáticos hallados en los huesos del cráneo estudiado muestran signos de decapitación. esto nos permite deducir dos cuestiones de mucho interés si consideramos cierto el martirio descrito en los textos de los historiadores de la iglesia y la historia sagrada: 1) que los restos posiblemente no pertenezcan a santiago alfeo. 2) que el cráneo podría 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https:// hera . ugr . es / tesisugr / 21453512 . pdf. accessed april 21, 2019). walker pl, miller kwp, richman r. time temperature, and oxygen availability: an experimental study of the effects of environmental conditions on the color and organic content of cremated bone. in: schmidt cw, symes sa, eds. the analysis of burned human remains. london: academic press; 2008: 129– 135. walrath de, turner p. bruzek j. reliability test of the visual assessment of cranial traits for sex determination. american journal of physical anthropology 2004;125:132– 137. xacopedia. santiago el menor. ediciones bolanda. xunta de galicia. http:// xacopedia . com / santiago_el_menor. created 2015. accessed april 17, 2019. login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, 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a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian 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mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue 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email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe forensic anthropology doi: 10.5744/fa.2023.0016 copyright © 2023 university of florida press introduction accurate and reliable methods of personal identification are crucial in medicolegal scenarios. correct identifications provide family members with closure and facilitate forensic investigations; thus, medical examiners and coroners strive to obtain a positive identification as quickly as possible. incorrect identifications can have dire consequences, including an emotional burden on families, the possible hindrance of investigations, and a high likelihood of legal ramifications. in lieu of or in addition to more familiar methods of identification (e.g., dna, fingerprints, dental records), identifications can be based on radiographic and computed tomographic (ct) comparisons using the frontal sinus (for reviews see christensen & hatch 2018; pereira et al. 2021). the frontal sinus is an airfilled, mucuslined space between the external and internal cortical layers of the frontal bone located just above the orbits. typically, this structure consists of paired (right/left) lobes separated by an intersinus septum. each of the airfilled lobes expand superiorly and laterally as a series of septa (bony walls) and arcades (or scallops), which vary in size, shape, and number. while most individuals have some presence of the frontal sinus, others may exhibit bilateral aplasia. bilateral aplasia (i.e., complete absence of a frontal sinus in adults) frequencies are reported to range between 2% and 24%, although this may be higher in arctic and oceanic populations (aydinlioglu et al. 2003; buck et al. 2019; butaric et al. 2020; fatu et al. 2006; hansen & owsley 1980). when the frontal sinus is present, there is a high degree of variation in the frontal sinus, with lobal presence/absence, positioning relative to the orbits, overall size, and morphology varying across individuals. left and right lobal asymmetry is also common, further increasing possible levels of variation (fatu et al. 2006); even monozygotic twins express visually different frontal sinuses (see asherson 1965; kjaer et al. 2012; schuller 1943). the individualistic nature of the frontal sinus makes this structure valuable in terms of personal identification. the research article agerelated changes to frontal sinus traits and implications for forensic identification naeema abdulrazaka ● lauren nicole butarica* ● heather marie garvina abstract: forensic studies on frontal sinus identification are often limited to adult samples or utilize static, simulated antemortem images, which overlook any potential temporal changes in sinus morphology. further, studies on frontal sinus growth typically utilize lateral radiographs and/or are crosssectional. the current study utilizes a longitudinal sample of frontal radiographs to determine the age at which forensically relevant frontal sinus traits stabilize during growth and development. the sample includes 1500 radiographs of 141 individuals (66f/75m) ranging from three to 56 years of age (yoa). for each individual, trait ageofstabilization was recorded by identifying the year at which each coded trait became consistent across images. our results demonstrate that frontal sinus traits stabilize on average 10– 15yoa, with sinus presence being the first to stabilize and arcade counts the last. females generally stabilized earlier (9– 14yoa) versus males (10– 15yoa). however, sex differences were generally not statistically significant. further, traits displayed a high degree of variation with wide standard deviations (~3 years). however, by 21yoa almost all individuals displayed stabilization in all traits, suggesting that little change should be expected with lateraged postmortem radiographs. still, given the amount of variation, forensic practitioners should be cautious using frontal sinus identification methods in subadults, especially when years may have elapsed between images. when conducting a radiographic comparison that involves a subadult antemortem image, the results of this study may help the practitioner interpret whether the differences between antemortem and postmortem radiographs can be explained by age and time elapsed between radiographs. keywords: forensic anthropology; personal identification; radid; paranasal sinuses ades moines university, anatomy, west des moines, ia, usa *correspondence to: lauren nicole butaric, des moines university, anatomy, 8025 grand avenue, west des moines, ia 50266, usa email: lauren . butaric@dmu . edu. lauren nicole butaric (orcid: 0000-0003-3743-2408) heather marie garvin (orcid: 0000-0002-9787-4366) this research was funded by national institute of justice, grant number 2020-75-cx-0013. received 26 june 2023; revised 18 august 2023; accepted 11 september 2023 fa_xx_xx_36_abdulrazak_2p.indd 1fa_xx_xx_36_abdulrazak_2p.indd 1 11/11/23 2:57 pm11/11/23 2:57 pm 2 frontal sinus growth figure 1—histogram illustrating number of radiographs distributed across age in years for males and females. most commonly utilized and earliest proposed method for sinus identification is visual assessment, where investigators visually compare antemortem and postmortem radiographic images of frontal sinuses and determine whether they morphologically match either with sidebyside comparisons or via superimposition (e.g., atkins & potsaid 1978; culbert & law 1927; hashim et al. 2015; jablonski & shum 1989; kullman et al. 1990; marlin et al. 1991; murphy & gantner 1982; nambiar et al. 1999; owsley 1993; quatrehomme et al. 1996; schuller 1921; ubelaker 1984). however, due to increasing concerns for more statistically validated and rigorous techniques (christensen 2004; national research council 2009), individuals have questioned whether visual assessment is too subjective (see christensen 2005; christensen & hatch 2018). because of this, more statistically objective and quantitative methods of radiographic frontal sinus comparisons have been developed utilizing metrics, coding of qualitative traits, and/or sinus outline analyses (e.g., cameriere et al. 2005; christensen 2004, 2005; cox et al. 2009; reichs & dorion 1992; riberio 2000; soares et al. 2016; tatlisumak et al. 2007; uthman et al. 2010; also see pereira et al. 2021 for a systematic review of methods). regardless of method, frontal sinus identification studies are often limited to adult samples or compare duplicated postmortem radiographs thereby only simulating an antemortem postmortem comparison. although postmortem radiographs may be retaken in such comparisons to incorporate error from small deviations in radiographic orientation, if skeletal remains are utilized it eliminates any challenges with the superimposition of soft tissue structures. additionally, these study methods overlook any potential temporal (i.e., age related) changes in sinus morphology, particularly during the subadult period (see kirk et al. 2002). thus, one area of concern for the use of the frontal sinus in identification relates to patterns of growth and development of the frontal sinus, as well as stability of sinus morphology throughout one’s life. however, little is known regarding frontal sinus growth and development in general, and studies assessing sinus ontogeny are often contradictory. several studies attempt to assess ages of appearance and growth cessation of the frontal sinus. during fetal development, the frontal recess (which will later become the frontal sinus) emerges as an outpouching from the nasal capsule either directly or indirectly via ethmoidal air cells (kasper 1961; scheffer 1916; weiglein 1999). however, most of the growth and development of the frontal sinus occurs postnatally. since it is not welldeveloped at birth, visualizing this sinus radiographically is difficult at young ages. while reported to appear radiographically as young as the age of two (davis 1914; kirk et al. 2002; maresh 1940; park et al. 2010; quatrehomme et al. 1996; weiglein et al. 1992; yoshino et al. 1987), it is typically not radiographically visible until 6– 8yoa (dolan 1982; duque & casiano 2005; enlow & hans 1996; scuderi et al. 1993; tatlisumak et al. 2007, 2008). around this time, the frontal sinus usually expands superiorly above the orbital borders and is more easily distinguished from the ethmoidal air cells, which tend to obscure smaller frontal sinuses in radiographs. the linear dimensions, overall shape, and complexity of the frontal sinus continues to increase with age into early adulthood, with most sinus growth occurring during puberty (brown et al.1984; butaric et al. 2022a; fatu et al. 2006; gagliardi et al. 2004; quatrehomme et al. 1996; sardi et al. 2018). the age at which the frontal sinus reaches its adult size and shape is also still largely unknown. generally, terminal development of the frontal sinuses has been suggested to occur by 18– 20yoa (brown et al. 1984; butaric et al. 2022a; fatu et al. 2006; schuller 1921; marek et al. 1983; prossinger 2001; rennie et al. 2017; sardi et al. 2018; spaeth et al. 1997; yun et al. 2011). studies on sinus size (e.g., sinus volume, area, or linear dimensions) indicate that while the sinuses tend to appear earlier in males (brown et al. 1984; gagliardi et al. 2004), females tend to reach their adult state earlier (brown et al. 1984; gagliardi et al. 2004; prossinger 2001; sardi et al. 2018). finally, some studies suggest there may be additional changes that occur later in life, with conflicting accounts of sinuses either enlarging (fatu et al. 2006; mclaughlin et al. 2001; tatlismuak et al. 2017) or decreasing in size during senescence (e.g., akhlagi et al. 2016; emirzeoglu et al. 2007). one of the primary issues in establishing when the frontal sinus attains adult maturity is that most ontogenetic publications are crosssectional (e.g., bargouth et al. 2002; buyuk et al. 2017; fatu et al. 2006; mahmood et al. 2016; moore & ross 2017; park et al. 2010; patil & revankar 2013; prossinger 2004; sardi et al. 2018; spaeth et al. 1997; tehranchi et al. 2017; weiglein et al. 1992; yun et al. 2011), limiting the understanding of individual growth patterns. when longitudinal studies have been conducted, they are largely focused on lateral radiographs (e.g., brown et al. 1984; gagliardi et al. 2004; nathani et al. 2016; ruf & pancherz 1996a,1996b; shah fa_xx_xx_36_abdulrazak_2p.indd 2fa_xx_xx_36_abdulrazak_2p.indd 2 11/11/23 2:57 pm11/11/23 2:57 pm abdulrazak et al. 3 table 1—sample composition of number of radiographs and individuals based on collections utilized in the current study, not including individuals with bilateral aplasia. aaof collection radiographs (n) individuals (n) bolton brush 308 (136f/ 172m) 30 (14f / 16m) burlington 620 (300f / 320m) 63 (28f / 35m) forsyth twins 60 (31f / 29m) 7 (3f / 4m) mathews 31 (24m / 7f) 4 (1f / 3m) oregon 481 (284f / 197m) 37 (20f / 17m) totals 1500 (775f/ 725m) 141 (66f / 75m) et al. 2003), which do not capture the full scope of sinus visible in frontal views (e.g., arcades, septa, asymmetry). more recently, butaric et al. (2022b) analyzed a longitudinal sample of frontal radiographs to assess frontal sinus shape based on outlines. using averaged loess trendlines, these authors found that on average sinus shape stabilized around 14– 16yoa for females, with male shape stabilizing around 18– 20yoa. while informative, that study was limited to closed outline shape and could not capture certain identifiable features, such as varying presentation of intra and intersinus septa or asymmetry in lobal presence. thus, the age at which frontal sinuses reach their maximum number of arcades and septa— features that are arguably the most indicative for personal identifications— remains relatively unknown. purpose of current study while visual, metric, coding, and outline identification methods vary in specific protocols and sinus traits utilized, most methods rely on consistent sinus traits in antemortem and postmortem images and any developmental changes in sinus morphology— particularly the number of arcades and septa and/or arcade/cell expansions— could affect match accuracy. however, as mentioned above, agerelated changes to these traits during ontogeny and into adulthood are not well documented, and there are no reported standards for minimum decedent ages for frontal sinus identification nor acceptable time intervals between antemortem and postmortem radiographs. as such, the current study aims to assess agerelated changes in several frontal sinus traits to better understand potential method limitations in medicolegal frontal sinus identification. unlike previous studies, this study utilizes a longitudinal (versus crosssectional) sample of frontal (versus lateral) radiographs. the aim was to longitudinally evaluate changes in frontal sinus traits relevant to coding, outline, and visual assessments, to specifically investigate the age at which these traits stabilized during growth and development. the overall purpose is to determine the minimum ages at which traits, regardless of method utilized, can be applied reliably for radiographic identifications. materials and methods sample a longitudinal sample of radiographs available online as part of the american association of orthodontists foundation (aaof) legacy growth collection were used in this study (https:// www . aaoflegacycollection . org / aaof). the legacy collection includes a total of nine ontogenetic radiographic collections developed by multiple us and canadian universities between 1930 and 1985 for growth and development studies (for reviews, see aljewair et al. 2018; baumrind & curry 2015). most of the growth studies attempted to collect radiographs either annually or semiannually from study participants from around 3– 5yoa into early adulthood. to maximum sample sizes, our study used radiographs from the specific burlington, bolton brush, oregon, mathews, and forsyth collections as they had available frontal radiographs with widest age ranges (table 1). radiographs in these collections of males and females were visually assessed, and images of poor quality (e.g., over exposed) that obscured sinus traits (see trait descriptions below) were excluded. individuals who did not possess at least one image 18 years or older and/or those with less than four usable radiographs were also excluded. these inclusion parameters ensured that adult sinus morphology was captured for each individual and that agerelated sinus changes could be documented over a series of radiographs for each individual, while maintaining acceptable sample sizes. these protocols resulted in 146 available individuals; however, among this sample five individuals (2m, 3f; 3.4% of the sample) exhibited bilateral aplasia and, thus, were not included in further analyses. those displaying unilateral presence of the sinus (i.e., aplasia of either the right or left lobe) were included in the study and represented 3.4% of the total sample (rightside unilateral aplasia: 2f; leftside unilateral aplasia: 1f/2m). this final sample, counting those with unilateral aplasia, includes 1500 radiographs from 141 individuals (66f/75m) ranging from three to 56yoa (see fig. 1 for distribution of ages). in terms of number of images per individual, the median number of radiographs per individual was 10; average number of radiographs was 10.7; minimum number of radiographs was four; and maximum number of radiographs was 24. in terms of oldest radiographic age available, 31 (13f/18m) individuals had an oldest age at 18; 30 individuals (16f/14m) at 19yoa; 51 individuals (20f/31m) at 20yoa; and 28 individuals (16f/12m) at 21yoa or older. trait collection the radiographs were opened in imagej (schneider et al. 2012), enlarged to 3000 pixels, and brightness and contrast were manually adjusted to best visualize the frontal sinus. for each image, a total of nine traits (see fig. 2 and table 2) were assessed following trait definitions presented in fa_xx_xx_36_abdulrazak_2p.indd 3fa_xx_xx_36_abdulrazak_2p.indd 3 11/11/23 2:57 pm11/11/23 2:57 pm 4 frontal sinus growth previously published coding methods: cameriere et al. (2005), tatlisumak et al. (2007), and yoshino et al. (1987). note, while the coding methods include metric dimensions, due to the potential introduction of additional error (see cameriere et al. 2005; tatlisumak et al. 2007) and the radiographs not possessing an accurate scale, metric dimensions were not included in the current study. however, a new trait, “lateral extension of the sinus,” was included to provide a scalefree measurement of relative sinus breadth (see table 2) the traits were collected without images being blinded; in other words, consecutive years of an individual could be viewed simultaneously to better ensure the accuracy of the figure 2—frontal radiograph with collected traits demarcated on the right (fsr) and left (fsl) frontal sinus lobes. note arcades are defined along the outer margins of the sinus and do not include internal air cells. see table 2 for additional trait definitions; sob, supraorbital. table 2—descriptions and coding for sinus traits utilized in this study. also see figure 2. name of trait* description code recorded presence (l/r) absolute “presence” or “absence” of lobe absent/present presence above supraorbital line (l/r) “presence” or “absence” of lobe extension above the supraorbital line absent/present taller lobe whether the right or left lobe extends farther superiorly (or are equal) right/left/equal lateral extension (l/r) lateral extension of lobe relative to orbit 0: does not reach orbital medial border; .5: at orbit medial border; 1: past medial border, but does not reach orbit midline; 1.5: at orbit midline; 2: past orbit midline lobes separated whether right and left lobes are joined at the intersinus septum or are separated (i.e., discontinuous) separated/joined arcades (l/r) number of arcades or scallops on the lobe count (e.g.,1,2,3,); if unclear a possible range was provided with minimum used in analyses intrasinus complete (l/r) number of intrasinus septa that continue to the lobal borders, thereby splitting the sinus into separate compartments count (e.g.,1,2,3) intrasinus partial (l/r) number of partial or incomplete intrasinus septa (do not reach lobe border) count (e.g.,1,2,3) supraorbital cells (l/r) number of air cells located just above the orbits; may appear darker in color count (e.g., 0,1,2,3) * (l/r) indicates that the trait was scored separately for the left and right lobes. fa_xx_xx_36_abdulrazak_2p.indd 4fa_xx_xx_36_abdulrazak_2p.indd 4 11/11/23 2:57 pm11/11/23 2:57 pm abdulrazak et al. 5 trait identification and age progression, as well as potential effects of differential orientation, given that the aim of the paper was to assess the anatomical stabilization of these traits not to test method reliability. frontal sinus presence/ absence was collected in two ways: first considering the frontal sinus as any pneumatization regardless of whether it reached the supraorbital line, and secondly considering sinuses present only when they extended above the supraorbital line. owing to the issue of superimposition, whereby ethmoidal air cells may obscure the frontal sinus, several studies advocate the use of the supraorbital line (christensen, 2004, 2005; cox et al. 2009; hashim et al. 2015; hanson & owsley 1980). in such cases, the frontal sinus is only deemed present if it expands superiorly above a line drawn across the upper borders of the orbits. while this method ensures one is capturing the frontal sinus (as compared to ethmoidal cells), it is not necessarily biologically accurate (see butaric et al. 2020). since a potential air space could be tracked through older ages, we were able to discern ethmoidal air cells from frontal sinus lobes. as such, we opted to collect sinus presence with and without the supraorbital line so that our sinus appearance results would be comparable across a wider range of studies. several structures were difficult to initially assess, with vague definitions provided in the original literature; thus, more precise definitions were standardized during a trial run. for example, the intersinus septum presented ambiguously several times, as it seemingly branched out in multiple directions. in such cases, only one intersinus septum path was selected based on being closer to the midline and/or based on the origin that was displayed in earlier radiographs for that individual. additionally, the number of arcades was also sometimes difficult to discern owing to radiographic quality, especially when utilizing the zoom feature for closer inspection. sometimes small, subtle indentations were visible and appeared to create smaller arcades. therefore, the range of possible interpretations of arcade number were documented; for statistical analyses, the minimum counts were used. arcades were counted along the outer contours (i.e., outlines) of the right and left lobes separately, using the intersinus septum to differentiate between lobes. any arcades that did not extend to the outer contour of the sinus or did not extend to the superior margins were not counted. presence/absence, count, and coded data for the traits across the 1500 radiographs were recorded. for each individual, the trait ageofstabilization was recorded by identifying the year at which each coded trait became consistent throughout the later ages. for example, if an individual’s age range was 10– 20 years and they presented with two arcades at 10yoa but then increased to five arcades at 13yoa, and this number remained consistent (five) until 20yoa, it was recorded that their arcade count stabilized at 13 years. all subsequent analyses were carried out on these ageofstabilization data. note that in the legacy collection, ages are given in year and months at each radiograph; for the purpose of this study, age was recorded as the given year regardless of month (both “16 years 1 month” and “16 years 11 months” were both recorded as 16yoa), following butaric et al. (2022b). for most individuals, several years had occurred between available radiographs. thus, for each stabilization year recorded, the number of years since the previous image was also collected given that the trait may have stabilized at sometime between those two images. continuing with the previous individual example, if their arcade count stabilized at 13yoa and their immediate previous radiograph was at 10yoa, then three years was recorded as their “years since last.” for individuals who had a trait stabilize within the same year (example, age of stabilization was 13 years 8 months of age, with last known radiograph 13 years 3 months), 0.5 was used for the years since last value. finally, it is important to note that for sinus traits across several individuals no previous ages were accounted for (i.e., the trait appeared stabilized at the first available radiograph); in such cases, the years since last value was recorded as “not applicable” to prevent the assumption of that individual stabilizing at that particular age. to account for discrepancies associated with these temporal gaps in radiographs, analyses were conducted on two separate samples: (1) the complete sample (referred to as “full sample”), providing larger sample sizes and greater sinus variation, regardless of the temporal gaps or missing images, and (2) a subsample that included only those individuals in which stabilization of the trait occurred within the radiographic sample with no more than two “years since last” (referred to as “2year transitional sample”). although the 2year transitional sample presents a more limited sample size depending on the sinus traits, its use should eliminate potential bias from including individuals where the transitionyear was not directly observed. all data were collected on right and left sides separately. however, preliminary analyses indicated no significant differences in the timing of appearance and/or stabilization of right versus left sides for paired traits. thus, to get an overall idea of trait stabilization, the maximum ageofstabilization between the left and right sides of each individual was utilized to represent the time at which a trait fully stabilized in the overall sinus. for example, if an individual had left lobe presence stabilize at age 10 and right lobe stabilize at age 12, the final age of stabilization for lobe presence was recorded as 12yoa. statistical analyses descriptive statistics were used to analyze the ageat stabilization data. for each trait the average, minimum, maximum, standard deviation (sd), count, and approximated 95% confidence interval (+/− 2sd) were calculated for each fa_xx_xx_36_abdulrazak_2p.indd 5fa_xx_xx_36_abdulrazak_2p.indd 5 11/11/23 2:57 pm11/11/23 2:57 pm 6 frontal sinus growth trait. these data were also plotted to visually assess the ages of stabilization across the two samples, as well as sex differences. preliminary analyses suggested that the data largely followed a normal distribution, and thus parametric statistical analyses were performed. twotailed student ttests with bonferroni corrections were conducted to test for sex differences in ages of stabilization. all statistical analyses were conducted in spss version 28.0 (ibm corp, 2021). results initial investigations into the data revealed similar trends for ageofstabilization along all traits between the full sample and the 2year transitional sample. owing to these similarities and to streamline the results, only the results of the full sample analyses are presented below. results for the 2year transitional sample are provided in the supplementary materials (see fig. s1 and table s1). table 3 presents the full sample descriptive statistics for trait ages of stabilization, with sexes pooled and separated. ageofstabilization averages are illustrated in figure 3. trends for the pooled sample will be discussed first, followed by analyses of sexbased differences. as expected, sinus presence/absence is the first trait to stabilize (pooled average: 10.03yoa), with frontal sinus presence above the supraorbital line occurring a few years later (pooled average: 12.04yoa). arcade count was the last trait to stabilize (pooled average: 15.02yoa). for the remaining traits, stabilization occurred on average around 11– 15yoa. beyond these average values, the large range encompassed by the two standard deviations and min/max values indicate a high degree of individual variability in agesofstabilization. for example, the two standard deviation range for arcade count stabilization was 9– 21 years, with a minimum of 6 years and maximum of 21 years. sex differences in ages of trait stabilization females reached ages of stabilization on average approximately one to two years earlier than males for most sinus traits. similar to the trends discussed above, sinus presence among females was the first trait to stabilize with an average of 9.52 years of any presence and 11.23 years for presence above the supraorbital line. sinus presence was also table 3—descriptive statistics for the ages of stabilization (in years) of frontal sinus traits for the full sample by pooledsex, males, and females. minimum (min), maximum (max), average (avg) ages, as well as standard deviations (sd) are provided. the pvalues for the student ttests of sex differences also provided. see table 2 for definitions. variable sex n min age max age avg age sd neg 2sd pos 2sd test stat pvalue presence pooled 141 4 16 10.028 3.207 3.614 16.442 f 66 4 16 9.515 3.034 3.446 15.584 − 1.797 .075 m 75 4 16 10.480 3.306 3.868 17.092 presence above supraorbital line pooled 136 5 20 12.044 3.466 5.112 18.976 f 64 5 20 11.234 3.250 4.734 17.735 − 2.624 .010 m 72 5 20 12.764 3.515 5.735 19.793 taller lobe pooled 131 4 20 11.053 3.617 3.820 18.287 f 63 5 19 10.429 3.495 3.438 17.419 − 1.923 .028 m 68 4 20 11.632 3.657 4.319 18.945 lateral extension pooled 140 4 24 13.836 3.351 7.133 20.539 f 65 4 19 12.769 3.111 6.547 18.992 − 3.658 <.001* m 75 6 24 14.760 3.296 8.169 21.351 lobes separated pooled 127 4 20 10.827 3.434 3.958 17.696 f 58 4 19 10.086 3.363 3.361 16.812 − 2.264 .025 m 69 5 20 11.449 3.394 4.662 18.236 arcades pooled 129 6 21 15.0155 3.0413 8.9328 21.0982 f 61 6 21 14.377 3.302 7.772 20.982 − 2.27 .025 m 68 6 20 15.588 2.684 10.221 20.955 intrasinus septum: complete pooled 64 4 20 12.703 3.201 6.302 19.104 f 26 4 16 11.077 3.273 4.531 17.623 − 3.682 <.001* m 38 9 20 13.816 2.660 8.497 19.135 intrasinus septum: partial pooled 69 9 26 14.884 3.003 8.879 20.889 f 30 9 21 13.933 2.900 8.134 19.733 − 2.385 .020 m 39 9 26 15.615 2.908 9.800 21.430 pooled 57 5 19 11.561 2.994 5.573 17.550 supraorbital cells f 26 5 16 10.692 2.768 5.156 16.228 − 2.065 .044 m 31 5 19 12.290 3.024 6.242 18.339 bold pvalues indicate significance at .05; * indicates significance for bonferronicorrected pvalues at .005. fa_xx_xx_36_abdulrazak_2p.indd 6fa_xx_xx_36_abdulrazak_2p.indd 6 11/11/23 2:57 pm11/11/23 2:57 pm abdulrazak et al. 7 the first to stabilize in males, at an average of 10.48 years and 12.76 years above the supraorbital line. among males and females, the minimum age of appearance for the frontal sinus was the same: 4yoa without the supraorbital line, and 5yoa when considering the supraorbital line. similar to the pooled sample, arcade count was also the last sinus trait to stabilize for each sex. on average, female arcades stabilized around 14.38 years, with males around 15.59 years. both sexes displayed minimum ages of stabilization as low as 6 years, with maximum ages of arcade stabilization being 20 and 21 for males and females, respectively. student ttests revealed significant differences between the sexes in the age of stabilization when considering unadjusted pvalues (i.e., p < .05). however, when considering bonferroni corrections (p < .005), significant sexbased differences were only found for two traits: complete intra sinus septa count (p < .001) and lateral extension of the sinus relative to the orbit (p < .001). discussion overall, our results demonstrate that frontal sinus traits stabilize on average between 10 and 15yoa (among pooled sexes), with sinus presence being the first to stabilize and arcade counts the last to stabilize (regardless of sex). although not directly measured in the current study, this finding may suggest that frontal sinus growth in size is closely integrated with arcade count; in effect, as the frontal sinus grows, arcade numbers increase as well. this trend figure 3—distributions of the ages of stabilization of frontal sinus traits from the full sample for averages and +/− two standard deviations among the male (blue triangles), female (red circles), and pooled (grey squares) subsamples. traits organized by age of appearance. see table 2 for trait definitions. sob, supraorbital. fa_xx_xx_36_abdulrazak_2p.indd 7fa_xx_xx_36_abdulrazak_2p.indd 7 11/11/23 2:57 pm11/11/23 2:57 pm 8 frontal sinus growth can be visualized in the exemplar individuals provided in figures 4 and 5, which showcase an individual with large/ complex sinuses and small/simpler sinuses, respectively. the later timing of arcade count stabilization could potentially suggest a correlation with sinus size, where larger sinuses are more likely to be more complex compared to smaller sinuses (also see smith et al. 2010). size traits, however, were unable to be included in the present study and thus the relationship was not directly tested. with the lack of sinus size data, it is also important to highlight that the stabilization of the sinus traits included in this study does not mean that sinus size stabilized at those times. an individual may have stabilized in all the traits tested, but then still have sinus expansion without altering number of arcades and septa (also see butaric et al. 2022a). overall, the finding of sinus stabilization occurring between 10 and 15yoa, on average, aligns well with previous studies reporting full maturation of the frontal sinus being attained by midtolate teenage years (brown et al. 1984; butaric et al. 2022a; gagliardi et al. 2004; sardi et al. 2018; spaeth et al. 1997). this age of stabilization for traits also corresponds with the general age of puberty, during which many other skeletal elements reach maturity (buyuk et al. 2018; mahmood et al. 2016). similarly, 95% of cranial growth and development is reported to cease around 14– 18yoa (björk 2007; farkas et al. 1992; humphrey 1998). along these lines, previous studies also suggest pneumatization of the frontal sinus may correlate with cranial growth and development, particularly with anterior brain expansion (enlow 1975:120; shapiro & chorr 1980; takahashi 1984; but see sardi et al. 2018). the current study also found sex differences in stabilization trends, with females generally stabilizing approximately onetotwo years prior to males for individual sinus traits (see table 3, fig. 3). overall, female traits stabilized at 9– 14yoa on average compared to 10– 15yoa for males. the earlier presence of female sinuses contradicts two previous studies (brown et al.1984; gagliardi et al. 2004), which, while also longitudinal, utilized lateral radiographs. theoretically, the difference in orientation should not affect sinus presence; however, lateral radiographs would capture the first appearance of either the left or right lobe (with an inability to distinguish which one or the age at which both lobes became present). our study assessed sinus presence ageofstabilization across both lobes, which would be of more forensic relevance as it represents the final, stabilized state of sinus presence for that individual (i.e., the age at which you would not expect any further changes in sinus presence). if we were to instead look at the first appearance of either sinus lobe, we still see that females (on average) first present any indication of a sinus at 8.77yoa, again earlier than males at 9.48yoa. however, the sex differences in the stabilization of sinus presence did not maintain statistical figure 4—visual representation of sinus growth of a relatively large and complex sinus (burlington 152m). fa_xx_xx_36_abdulrazak_2p.indd 8fa_xx_xx_36_abdulrazak_2p.indd 8 11/11/23 2:57 pm11/11/23 2:57 pm abdulrazak et al. 9 significance once a bonferroni correction was applied; thus, these literature discrepancies in sinus presence between males and females may be a consequence of random sampling and/or the specific individuals included within each study. each study also utilized different population groups, and it is unclear whether there would be population differences in sinus trait stabilization. the remaining sinus traits captured in the current study follow similar patterns presented in previous studies focusing on linear dimensions and overall size/shape. brown et al. (1984) found vertical height of adult sinus was obtained at 14.95yoa for females and 17.51yoa for males (on average). when examining linear dimensions, spaeth et al. (1997) reported that sinus growth ceases at 15– 16yoa for females and 18yoa for males. sardi et al. (2018) identified sinus stabilization for volumetric and linear data at 14.6yoa for females and 20yoa for males. most recently, butaric et al. (2022b) indicated frontal sinus shape (as determined by outlines) established around 14– 16yoa for females versus 18– 20yoa in males. thus, the results of the current study and previous studies follow wellestablished trends in skeletal maturity throughout the skeleton, with females tending to reach maturity (in this case frontal sinus stabilization) earlier than males (bulygina et al. 2006; eveleth & tanner 1990; roche 1968; nikitovic & bogin 2014; wells 2007). despite these observable trends, bonferroni adjusted pvalues, however, did not find statistical sexbased differences in agesof stabilization for most traits. the lack of statistical significance may in part be due to the high degree of individual variation observed in ages of stabilization throughout the sample. this was true for all traits as demonstrated by the large min/max ranges and 95% confidence intervals. the minimumtomaximum range spanned most of the sample age range for many of the traits (e.g., stabilization of lateral sinus extension ranged from 4 to 24 years in the pooledsex sample; see table 3). it is unclear what individualspecific traits may influence the ages of stabilization. future studies could assess relationships with cranial size, sinus size, and sinus complexity or direct relationships with other skeletal maturation traits. overall, however, the results of this study do suggest that most sinus traits stabilize by the age of 21 years, with the two outliers being male partial intrasinus septa (26 years maximum) and male sinus lateral extension (24 years maximum). although the 95% confidence intervals indicate that sinus traits stabilize by 21yoa, it should be noted that the study sample only had 28 individuals with radiographs at 21yoa or older. future studies could confirm this age limit with older individuals. forensic implications given the amount of variation observed in frontal sinus trait stabilization and overall growth and development of the sinus, forensic practitioners should be cautious using frontal sinus identification in subadults, especially when years may figure 5—visual representation of sinus growth of smaller, simpler sinus (burlington 865m). fa_xx_xx_36_abdulrazak_2p.indd 9fa_xx_xx_36_abdulrazak_2p.indd 9 11/11/23 2:57 pm11/11/23 2:57 pm 10 frontal sinus growth have elapsed between images. although the average ages of stabilization spanned 9– 15yoa depending on the sinus trait that is being observed, the two standard deviation ranges extended to 21yoa for some traits. based on these results and previous literature, medicolegal practitioners can expect sinus traits to likely remain constant after 21yoa. if a sinus radiographic comparison involves an antemortem radiograph from an individual’s late teens, it is possible that some traits may not have reached final stabilization and these explainable differences must be considered. with an antemortem radiographic image from an individual 15yoa or earlier, changes in trait presence and counts should almost be expected, with the amount of change likely related to the time between that antemortem radiograph and postmortem radiograph. the data presented in this paper may be used as a guide to assess which specific traits would be expected to be stabilized at a given age range. with this in mind, caution is particularly warranted for arcade counts, as well as complete and partial intrasinus septa. during data collection, while only a few instances were noted, these structures did exhibit reversals (i.e., decreases in counts). for example, in six individuals arcade count was noted to increase during growth and development, and then decrease before increasing again as the sinus continued to pneumatize into the frontal bone. it is likely that most of these reversals are not biologically accurate, but instead are artifacts of poor radiographic quality or varying radiographic orientation. while individuals with true reversals were few, they were observed (e.g., number of septa may have decreased as the sinus enlarged and arcades became joined). forensic practitioners should be aware of this possibility when working with subadult radiographs and also understand that radiographic quality and/or orientation could also cause “false” reversals or differences in lobe, septa, and arcade presence (see further discussion below). along with radiographic quality, scoring subjectivity can also introduce artificial variation. sinus traits, such as supraorbital cells, are not welldefined in the literature and little guidance is given for scoring ambiguous traits. previous literature suggests that arcades are defined when one arc changes direction (i.e., creates an indent in the sinus outline; besana & rogers 2010), which seems straight forward in theory. however, while some arcades exhibited visible indentations, there were multiple occurrences where only faint indentations were observed, and it was unclear whether it should be counted as a separate arcade. lower radiographic quality and/or presence of soft tissue structures can further exacerbate this issue by obscuring clear borders/ septa. for example, difficulty in assessing arcade counts could have biased results and possibly contribute to the later ages of stabilization of arcades. a post hoc assessment of radiographic images with late arcade count stabilization, however, supports a biological basis to the older timeline in arcade count stabilization. thus, while subjectivity may play a role, the variation in ages of stabilization observed is likely not the result of a few outliers. this is further supported by the similarity between minimum/maximum ages and two standard deviations. some traits are also interrelated; a misinterpretation of a complete septum as a partial septum affects both the partial and complete septa counts. there were also multiple instances where the intersinus septum would branch off in several directions, questioning what constituted an inter sinus septum versus a complete septum within a lobe. a misidentification of a complete septum as the intersinus septum would affect left and right lobe traits. while many of these issues were mitigated in the present study by assessing consecutive ages to confirm traits, they could have an impact on forensic radiographic comparisons that have limited number of images. the greatest impact would be on sinus coding methods (e.g., cameriere et al. 2005; tatlisumak et al. 2007; yoshino et al. 1987). these methods score the various traits and then concatenate them into a chain code. a single difference in arcade counts or complete/partial septa results in a completely different chain code, which theoretically could result in either a misidentification or more likely erroneous exclusion of an identity if there was strict use of the coding method. likewise, age related changes would result in different chain codes and identification issues. outlinebased frontal sinus identification methods (e.g., christensen 2004, 2005; cox et al. 2009) may be more protected against quality and subjectivityrelated trait identification issues; although, interpretations of arcades and indentations could result in slight differences in outline tracings between antemortem and postmortem images. age related changes in arcade numbers, lateral and vertical sinus extensions, however, would also impact sinus outlines. thus, outline methods have to be cognizant of potential growth and development changes in these traits. furthermore, given that outline methods typically use a supraorbital line, placement of that line along with head orientation during radiography, could potentially include/exclude features near the line, thereby changing the outline contours (see butaric et al. 2022b). indeed, slight differences in orientation are not necessarily limited to outlinebased methods. slight variations in orientation may affect whether more inferiorly located sinus traits fall above or below the supraorbital line placement, and consequently whether they are included in counts. the ability to view consecutive radiographs of an individual allowed informed decisions about whether presence/absence of traits was an anatomical change or due to cranial orientations. furthermore, only those radiographs in which cranial position appeared consistent were included in this study and the supraorbital boundary was only utilized for trait presence/ absence, not for counts or other variables. still, forensic fa_xx_xx_36_abdulrazak_2p.indd 10fa_xx_xx_36_abdulrazak_2p.indd 10 11/11/23 2:57 pm11/11/23 2:57 pm abdulrazak et al. 11 practitioners should be aware that slight variations in orientations may be another source of discrepancy when considering a potential match or nonmatch— particularly among smaller sinuses or arcades nearer the supraorbital borders (also see butaric et al. 2022b). none of the more objective frontal sinus coding or outline methods can adequately account for or interpret potential agerelated changes (or ambiguous trait scores), as these methods provide binary results (match or no match). given these concerns, visual assessment of frontal sinus radiographic comparisons may be the most accurate, particularly when subadult antemortem radiographs are involved. the subjectivity of the visual assessment, a characteristic typically avoided in methods, can be a major benefit when radiographic assessments require interpretations of whether the observed differences in the antemortem and postmortem radiographs may be explained by age or radiographic quality. the frontal sinus agerelated results presented in this study will be a useful tool in these interpretations, assisting practitioners in differentiating what changes should and should not be expected during growth and development. limitations inherent to the current study while the present study is the first to assess the growth and development of specific forensicallyrelevant frontal sinus traits in longitudinal frontal radiographs, and thus contributes novel information, the study does have several limitations. first, radiographs were not available at every age for every individual in this study, causing temporal gaps in the data. thus, ages of stabilization recorded may not be precise. however, this was partially accounted for by generating a 2year transitional sample, which returned results similar to the full sample data set (see supplementary materials). further, as discussed above, this study had a limited sample of radiographs beyond 21yoa. owing to this, we have limited insight into potential agerelated changes past this age. additional longitudinal sinus studies are necessary to assess any changes in adult sinus morphology. however, given modernday radiation and ethical concerns, obtaining longitudinal samples may be challenging. the current study was also limited in terms of population diversity. individuals part of the aaof legacy collection are overwhelming of european ancestry (aljewair et al. 2018). as global variation in frontal sinus size and shape is widely reported (balzeau et al. 2022; buck et al. 2019; hanson & owsley 1980; noback et al. 2016; rennie et al. 2017; yoshino et al. 1987), the results of this study may not be directly applicable to other populations. however, it is encouraging that the current results align with previous subadult studies from diverse regions, including aboriginal australian (first national australians) measured by gagliardi et al. (2004) and argentinians measured by sardi et al. (2018). still, future studies should strive to feature diverse groups to understand population differences in frontal sinus development. although, larger and more diverse samples are always beneficial, for similar reasons discussed above, longitudinal radiographic samples, particularly those including subadults without pathological conditions or trauma, will be difficult to obtain. conclusion despite the limitations discussed above, the current study is one of the first to investigate frontal sinus trait ages of stabilization utilizing a longitudinal sample of subadult frontal (i.e., ap/pa) radiographs. our results indicate that, on average, the ages of stabilization for frontal sinus traits occur between the ages of 10 and 15 years, with frontal sinus presence being the earliest (around 10 years) and arcade count being the latest at 15yoa. while females generally reached stabilization ages one to two years earlier than males, sex differences were generally not statistically significant. ageofstabilization standard deviations were around three years, indicating that that there is an approximate 12year range during which trait stabilization occurs, depending on the individual. this high degree of variation in trait stabilization makes predicting agerelated changes difficult. by 21yoa, however, most individuals displayed stabilization in sinus traits, suggesting that little developmental change should be expected with lateraged postmortem radiographs. given that the ageofstabilization 95% confidence intervals extend to 19, 20, or 21yoa for various sinus variables, it appears that some individuals may continue to undergo slight sinus changes during this timeframe. the majority of these changes were limited to visually minor changes, such as addition of a small arcade, appearance of a full septum to replace a partial septum, extension of one sinus to just above the supraorbital line, etc. although minor, such changes still need to be considered during radiographic identifications and could propose problems for coding methods. when conducting a radiographic comparison that involves a subadult antemortem image (e.g., <18yoa), the practitioner must interpret whether the differences between antemortem and postmortem radiographs can be explained by age and time between radiographs. this article presents the data to support such interpretations. care must be taken in such cases to not use age to erroneously explain interindividual differences in sinus morphology. false positive or false negative identifications can have dire consequences to the family of the deceased, as well as potentially severe legal implications. owing to these consequences, visual identification methods are recommended over more objective sinus comparison methods, as even the slightest variation in a single fa_xx_xx_36_abdulrazak_2p.indd 11fa_xx_xx_36_abdulrazak_2p.indd 11 11/11/23 2:57 pm11/11/23 2:57 pm 12 frontal sinus growth trait (such as that due to 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factors that influence frontal sinus pneumatization. investigative radiology 1980;15:191– 202. doi:10 . 1097 / 00004424 198005000 00004 smith va, christensen am, myers sw. the reliability of visually comparing small frontal sinuses. journal of forensic sciences 2010;55:1413– 1415. doi:10 . 1111 / j . 1556 4029 . 2010 . 01493 soares cb, almeida ms, lopes pde m, beltrão rv, pontual ados a, ramosperez fm, et al. human identification study by means of frontal sinus imaginological aspects. forensic science international 2016;262:183– 189. doi:10 . 1016 / j . forsciint . 2016. 03 . 030 spaeth j, krugelstein u, schlöndorff g. the paranasal sinuses in ctimaging: development from birth to age 25. international journal of pediatric otorhinolaryngology 1997;39:25– 40. doi:10 . 1016 / s0165 5876(96)01458 9 takahashi r. the formation of the human paranasal sinuses. acta otolaryngologica 1984;97:1– 28. doi:10 . 3109 / 0001 64 88 40 9121162 tatlisumak e, asirdizer m, bora a, hekimoglu y, etli y, gumus o, keskin s. the effects of gender and age on forensic personal identification from frontal sinus in a turkish population. saudi medical journal 2017;38(1):41– 47. doi:10 . 15537 / smj . 2017 . 1 . 16218 tatlisumak e, ovali gy, asirdizer m, aslan a, ozyurt b, bayindir p, et al. ct study on morphometry of frontal sinus. clinical anatomy 2008;21(4):287– 293. doi:10 . 1002 / ca . 20617 tatlisumak e, yilmaz ovali g, aslan a, asirdizer m, zeyfeoglu y, tarhan s. identification of unknown bodies by using ct images of frontal sinus. forensic science international 2007; 166(1):42– 48. doi:10 . 1016 / j . forsciint . 2006 . 03 . 023 tehranchi a, motamedian sr, saedi s, kabiri s, shidfar s. correlation between frontal sinus dimensions and cephalometric indices: a crosssectional study. european journal of dentistry 2017;11:64– 70. doi:10 . 4103 / 1305 7456 . 202630 ubelaker dh. positive identification from the radiographic comparison of frontal sinus patterns. in: rathbun t, buikstra je, eds. human identification. springfield: charles c. thomas; 1984:399– 411. uthman at, alrawi nh, alnaaimi as, tawfeeq as, suhail eh. evaluation of frontal sinus and skull measurements using spiral ct scanning: an aid in unknown person identification. forensic science international 2010;197(13):124.e1– 124.e7 doi:10 . 1016 / j . forsciint . 2009 . 12 . 064 wells jck. sexual dimorphism of body composition. best practice & research clinical endocrinology & metabolism 2007;21: 415– 430. doi:10 . 1016 / j . beem . 2007 . 04 . 007 weiglein ah. development of the paranasal sinuses in humans. in: koppe, t, nagai h, alt kw, eds. the paranasal sinuses of higher primates: development, function, and evolution. chicago: quintessence publishing co., inc; 1999:35– 50. weiglein a, anderhuber w, wolf g. radiologic anatomy of the paranasal sinuses in the child. surgical and radiologic anatomy, 1992;14(4):335– 339. doi:10 . 1007 / bf01794761 yoshino m, miyasaka s, sato h, seta s. classification system of frontal sinus patterns by radiography. its application to identification of unknown skeletal remains. forensic science international 1987;34(4):289– 299. doi:10 . 1016 / 0379 0738(87) 90041 7 yun is, kim yo, lee sk, rah dk. threedimensional computed tomographic analysis of frontal sinus in asians. journal of craniofacial surgery 2011;22:462– 467. doi:10 . 1097 / scs . 0b01 3e3182074367 fa_xx_xx_36_abdulrazak_2p.indd 14fa_xx_xx_36_abdulrazak_2p.indd 14 11/11/23 2:57 pm11/11/23 2:57 pm —-1 —0 —+1 supplemental materials table s1—descriptive statistics for the ages of stabilization (in years) of frontal sinus traits for the full sample by pooledsex, males, and females. minimum (min), maximum (max), average (avg) ages, as well as standard deviations (sd) are provided. the pvalues for the student ttests of sex differences also provided. see table 2 for definitions. variable sex n min age max age avg age sd neg 2sd pos 2sd test stat pvalue presence pooled 48 4 16 10.958 3.175 4.608 17.309 f 19 5 14 10.211 2.551 5.108 15.313 − 1.42 0.163 m 29 4 16 11.448 3.480 4.487 18.409 presence above supraorbital line pooled 89 5 20 12.236 3.195 5.847 18.625 f 42 6 20 11.571 2.923 5.726 17.417 − 1.882 0.032 m 47 5 19 12.830 3.338 6.153 19.506 taller lobe pooled 50 5 18 12.420 3.375 5.670 19.170 f 23 5 18 11.739 3.414 4.911 18.567 − 1.327 0.191 m 27 6 18 13.000 3.293 6.413 19.587 lateral extension pooled 99 6 20 14.131 2.867 8.398 19.865 f 45 6 19 13.333 2.884 7.565 19.102 − 2.602 0.011 m 54 9 20 14.796 2.701 9.394 20.199 lobes separated pooled 54 5 19 11.574 3.172 5.230 17.918 f 23 5 16 11.000 2.939 5.123 16.878 − 1.149 0.256 m 31 6 19 12.000 3.317 5.367 18.633 arcades pooled 86 6 20 14.837 2.934 8.969 20.705 f 45 6 20 14.022 3.258 7.507 20.538 − 2.853 0.006 m 41 8 20 15.732 2.248 11.237 20.227 intrasinus septum: complete pooled 40 8 19 13.325 2.325 8.676 17.975 f 18 8 16 12.611 2.227 8.158 17.064 − 1.807 0.039 m 22 10 19 13.909 2.287 9.336 18.483 intrasinus septum: partial pooled 53 9 20 14.528 2.350 9.828 19.229 f 26 9 20 13.846 2.634 8.579 19.113 − 2.144 0.037 m 27 11 18 15.185 1.861 11.463 18.908 supraorbital cells pooled 30 7 19 12.533 2.649 7.236 17.831 f 13 8 16 12.077 2.565 6.948 17.206 − 0.821 0.419 m 17 7 19 12.882 2.736 7.411 18.354 bold pvalues indicate significance at .05; * indicates significance for bonferroni corrected pvalues at .005. fa_xx_xx_36_abdulrazak_2p.indd 15fa_xx_xx_36_abdulrazak_2p.indd 15 11/11/23 2:57 pm11/11/23 2:57 pm 16 frontal sinus growth figure s1—distributions of the ages of stabilization of frontal sinus traits from the full sample for averages and +/− two standard deviations among the male (blue triangles), female (red circles), and pooled (grey squares) subsamples. traits organized by age of appearance. see table 2 for trait definitions. sob, supraorbital. fa_xx_xx_36_abdulrazak_2p.indd 16fa_xx_xx_36_abdulrazak_2p.indd 16 11/11/23 2:57 pm11/11/23 2:57 pm login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe forensic anthropology vol. 7, nos. 2–3: 59–61 doi: 10.5744/fa.2024.0007 copyright © 2024 university of florida press —-1 —0 —+1 stephen d. ousley (figure 1) left us too damn early. we were not expecting it, so the hole he left is felt, in one way or another, nearly every day. the many words you are about to read cover only a hair’s breadth of his contributions and only scratch the surface of his enormous influence on a wide variety of topics in the field and the many research methods used by forensic and biological anthropologists today. to honor steve ousley, his friends and colleagues, former students, and family members produced this collection of papers. this festschrift should have been while he was alive— to thank him, honor him, and recognize his many and varied contributions. but that was not the case, so here we present a posthumous honor to our friend (fig. 1). ousley’s contributions to biological and forensic anthropology, at first glance, seem to have no central theme. he published on a variety of issues, topics, and methods in the field and never seemed to limit himself to any one scholarly pursuit. at least not overtly. he pursued every question with enthusiasm and gazellelike intensity, striving to better the field through the robust, quantitative analysis of data. data, more than anything else, drove him. as a developing scholar, he was drawn to data applications; first in his position as manager of the armed forces institute of pathology’s (afip) brain data base, then through his graduate student days. his attraction to data and what they could tell us only intensified as he progressed through his career. in the 1990s, chance, luck, and fortune handed him something we should all hope for: a mentor with a keen sense of ousley’s abilities, a mentor who had the wherewithal to help ousley hone his budding interests in human skeletal biology, quantitative methods, and computer programming. i (rlj) immediately saw steve’s fluidity with data and what it could tell us. throughout the development of the forensic anthropology databank (fdb), fordisc, and all of our subsequent collaborations, steve was always a source of new ideas to further our understanding of the questions at hand. as his journey from a budding enthusiast to a pivotal figure in the field unfolded, ousley’s contributions were not introduction the machines are winning: essays in honor of stephen d. ousley (1961–2022)1 richard jantza ● joseph t. hefnerb,* abstract: stephen d. ousley left us too damn early. we were not expecting it, so the hole he left is felt, in one way or another, nearly every day. the many words you are about to read cover only a hair’s breadth of his contributions and only scratch the surface of his enormous influence on a wide variety of topics in the field and the many research methods used by forensic and biological anthropologists today. to honor steve ousley, his friends and colleagues, former students, and family members produced this collection of papers. this festschrift should have been while he was alive— to thank him, honor him, and recognize his many and varied contributions. but that was not the case, so here we present a posthumous honor to our friend. keywords: forensic anthropology; fordisc; history of science adepartment of anthropology, university of tennessee, knoxville, tn, usa bdepartment of anthropology, michigan state university, east lansing, mi, usa *correspondence to: joseph t. hefner, department of anthropology, michigan state university, 655 auditorium road, 355 baker hall, east lansing, mi, 48824 usa. email: hefnerj1@msu . edu submitted and accepted 17 april 2024 fig. 1—steven d. ousley (left) and richard l. jantz (right), ca. 2006, collaborating, thinking, and expounding at the university of tennessee, knoxville, tn. 1. this article is part of the festschrift for stephen d. ousley. -1— 0— +1— 60 the machines are winning just milestones documenting his journey, but beacons for the entire forensic anthropological community. this evolution from the individual to the collective is encapsulated in this festschrift dedicated to his work. the special issue stands not only as a testament to ousley’s profound influence, but also as a platform to further his legacy by those he inspired and mentored. herein the full scope of his impact should come into sharp focus, bridging the personal narrative of a mentor and innovator with the collective endeavor of advancing forensic anthropology. each of the papers in this festschrift highlights, we hope, the breadth and depth of ousley’s work. many of the authors are former students of his, who have gone on to lustrous careers of their own. his voice, his mentoring, his nagging and honing, are clear in many of them. as one never willing to back down from a fight and always willing to take on a challenge, he encouraged, he goaded, he agitated, and he inspired. the papers in this festschrift honoring steve ousley are grouped into two broad categories. several are biographical because they describe how he contributed to the authors’ professional development and/or steve’s impact on the field of biological anthropology. other articles are more /applied. these papers present scientific analyses of populations or statistical questions. steve contributed to all these papers, either directly or indirectly, but either way they would not have been possible without his contribution. biographical papers steve’s brother, sister, and wife, joined me (jth) to frame steve’s childhood and development as an anthropologist, exploring the roots of his lifelong love of travel, armored tanks, beer, and data. born on march 10, 1961, in cheverly, md, he carved a distinguished career after earning degrees from the university of maryland and the university of tennessee. steve contributed significantly to our field: as laboratory director at the smithsonian’s repatriation osteology laboratory, and as a professor at mercyhurst university and the university of tennessee. perhaps best known for codeveloping fordisc, his work greatly impacted practice and research in forensic anthropology, but these days he is best remembered for his generosity, humor, and passion for life. hollinger, dudar, and jones discuss the importance of steve’s contributions to the smithsonian’s repatriation laboratory. it was there that some of steve’s software packages were born, including osteoware and 3skull, both still widely used today. with literally tens of thousands of human remains, repatriation required agile data management and data collection resources. steve managed all the moving parts required for data collection, management, standardization, and analysis, as well as outreach to descendant communities. the authors take the reader through steve’s scientific contributions to the repatriation office and what it meant for repatriation in the united states more generally. seguchi and best discuss steve’s role as an educator and distill the basic way steve approached scientific questions. adhering to these simple but important rules is recommended for researchers in biological/forensic anthropology. seguchi and best highlight steve’s dedication to data as the essential element in addressing scientific questions. they also highlight his role in repatriating human remains to claimant groups, illustrating his moral responsibility. readers will come away from this paper with an appreciation of steve the scientist and steve the person. pawaskar and colleagues present a remarkable picture of steve. this picture emerges from steve’s 7000mile road trip visiting colleagues and institutions around the country. steve was attempting to implement his vision of what a 21st century forensic anthropology should look like. the story is told by colleagues steve visited during his road trip, sometimes incorporating his own words from email communications. this paper lays out steve’s vision of how forensic/biological anthropology should go from the traditional quantitative techniques of the 20th century to machine learning and artificial intelligence. readers will also see steve as his colleagues saw him: easy going but with a side of science, and occasionally a belgian ale, but always at the forefront of our field. from these reminiscences we learn there was no better colleague. edgar et al. detail the impact steve had on the evolution of their scientific careers. they place steve’s contributions in historical context, and how steve provided the impetus to move beyond traditional techniques and theory. they illustrate in exquisite detail what the move to virtual osteology would look like and the central role steve played (and would have continued to play) in the transition. readers will come away from this paper with a deeper understanding of the breadth of steve’s abilities, his insight, and dedication to the advancements of our science. theoretical/applied mintz et al. deal with the intractable problem of identifying individual vertebrae. while this has traditionally been accomplished morphologically, the authors apply a multivariate statistical approach based on measurement data. the classification rate is not perfect, but the method provides probabilities unavailable using the traditional morphological methods. the authors also provide an importable fordisc data set allowing the method to be readily implemented. manthey et al. address the question of differentiation of the frontal bone between euroamericans and germans, two populations of european ancestry. they use geometric morphometry and semilandmarks to quantify curvature of the frontal. the differentiation between these two european jantz and hefner 61 —-1 —0 —+1 derived populations emphasizes the need to distinguish population specificity from ancestry in forensic applications. hefner, ousley, and richardson place macromorphoscopic traits in the historical context of racial typology, then proceed to demonstrate how that is no longer the case. they demonstrate that macromorphoscopic traits have a role to play, alongside metric traits, in estimating population affinity. they provide detailed description of the traits, their distribution in the world samples, and an extensive statistical analysis. a program performing the analyses is provided, along with an invitation to provide feedback. stull et al. specifically address the question of the relationship between morphological traits (mms) and metric traits. the analysis is supported by statistical procedures capable of handling both data types. the analyses are couched in terms of mode of ossification, anatomical regions, and functional modules. in general, relationships between the two types of traits is low, emphasizing their combined use will lead to better estimates of population affinity. spiros and nakhaeizadeh present a picture of how machine learning (ml) and artificial intelligence (ai) will be integrated into forensic decisionmaking. they illustrate the potential ml and ai have for forensic applications well beyond estimation of population affinity or sex, and the increased interaction between forensic anthropological researchers and other disciplines such as computer science and ethics. most importantly, they demonstrate why ml and ai should be used to enhance human decisionmaking, rather than replace it. konigsberg and frankenberg get into a highly technical consideration of the f test typicality probabilities as calculated by fordisc. their point of departure is the ongoing discussion the authors were having with steve concerning how the f typicalities should be calculated. they argue that fordisc’s calculations are incorrect and present the proper calculation, which can hopefully be included in the next version of fordisc 4.0. readers will come away with an appreciation of steve’s command of complex issues and his love of a good argument. milner et al. take up the intractable question of age estimation, especially in older adults. they compare results from transition analysis based on expanded age markers, known as ta3, to maximum likelihood methods based on an expanded, international data set. the authors emphasize steve’s commitment to all areas of the project, from trait identification to data acquisition to analysis. the authors emphasize that there is still progress required to improve age estimation, and unfortunately steve will not be part of it. jantz et al. round out the theoretical and applied papers in an analysis of african migrants, who died in a tragic 2015 shipwreck off the coast of libya. analyzing over 300 crania, the authors explore cranial morphometrics in light of african cranial variation. their robust and intriguing analysis of those data allowed a thorough reconstruction of cranial morphology and ship demographic structure. finally, we round out this festschrift with a select bibliography, outlining not only steve’s scholarly contributions, but also his data collection trips, student mentoring, and more generalized contributions to the field of forensic anthropology. steve’s work left an indelible mark on the intersection between biological anthropology and statistical approaches to the study of human variation and has enriched our understanding of population affinity estimation. with a career characterized by rigor, innovation, and a passion for discovery, his insights will remain a constant part of our work for the long term. within this collection of papers, memories, and research endeavors lies a testament to the profound and enduring influence of steven d. ousley, phd. with heartfelt affection and our deepest appreciation, we dedicate this compilation to his memory. steve, your absence is keenly felt, and your contributions continue to resonate within our scientific community. you are missed. robot roll call (fig. 2). reference ousley sd, jantz rl, hefner, jt (2018). from blumenbach to howells: the slow, painful emergence of theory through forensic race estimation. forensic anthropology: theoretical framework and scientific basis wiley:2018:67– 97). fig. 2—robot painting by gudrun richter, steve’s wife. forensic anthropology vol. 5, no. 3: s214–s227 doi: 10.5744/fa.2022.4003b antecedentes en el cementerio parroquial de penco (cpp), región del biobío, chile, ocurre un derrumbe de nichos tras el terremoto del año 2010 (gaytán 2010; guerra & reyes 2012; reyes 2011). los nichos sepulcrales contenían alrededor de 400 individuos en diversos estados de descomposición, aunque la mayoría en estado de esqueletización. de aquellos 400 individuos, 100 aproximadamente fueron identificados por familiares en días posteriores al derrumbe. los 300 cuerpos restantes1, fueron sistematizados y analizados por un equipo voluntario de estudiantes y profesionales de antropología, bajo los parámetros de la antropología forense2. el otro componente del desastre3, está representado por alrededor de 1. el número exacto de individuos corresponde a 388, de los cuales existen individuos duplicados debido a que varios cuerpos perdieron su continuidad anatómica posterior al derrumbe. se calcula que alrededor de 300 difuntos corresponderían a los cuerpos sin identificar tras realizar cruce con libros de la administración del cementerio. 2. si bien la intervención se realiza bajo parámetros forenses, es importante destacar que no existen procesos judiciales asociados. 3. definido como “disrupción del funcionamiento de una comunidad (. . .) que exceden la habilidad de la comunidad o sociedad afectada de hacer frente” (boer et al. 2018, p.2). 203 familias, quienes exigen la identificación y devolución de sus seres queridos difuntos. por tanto, el objetivo principal de la intervención es reestablecer la materialidad del vínculo entre familiares y difuntos, a través de la identificación de los cuerpos esqueletizados, bajo estándares cientí­ ficos de la antropología forense. la identificación humana4, con base en restos óseos, es un proceso comparativo que se origina por diversas causas (desastres naturales, crímenes comunes, entre otros), las cuales pueden alterar o dificultar el reconocimiento de la identidad de una persona. en el proyecto de identificación humana en el cpp, se detectó un problema de índole epistemológico­ metodológico en la captura y manejo de datos antemortem5 y postmortem6, y posterior comparación, que utiliza la información entregada por el círculo social de las víctimas7. es en el proceso de captura e interpretación de la información donde se sitúa la propuesta de investigación, denominada semiología forense, argumentación teórica­ metodológica que permite interpretar información provista en la entrevista antemortem. para la investigación se hace 4. identidad no comprende una definición por sí misma, más que la condición necesaria para un proceso de conocimiento del “otro” (vera 2002). comprendiendo a que se refiere el concepto de identidad, el acto de identificación por tanto corresponde al de establecer dicha identidad (thompson & black 2007). 5. perfil social del individuo, relevado desde el relato de familiares y/o cercanos a la víctima. 6. perfil biológico del individuo, relevado desde los restos óseos correspondientes a la presunta víctima. 7. persona que padece daño por culpa ajena o por accidente fortuito (rae). artículo de investigación semiología forense: perspectiva metodológica aplicada en contexto de identificación humana erika reyes baezaa,b* resumen: con el objetivo de mejorar prácticas, y aumentar la calidad de procesos en la identificación de personas, se propone un marco metodológico y entrevista que permita rescatar información antemortem de padecimientos, enfermedades y lesiones, denominado semiología forense. la propuesta se realiza sustentada en la experiencia recabada en la intervención del cementerio parroquial de penco, chile. se analizaron 28 casos, los que corresponden a 61 entrevistas en total, a través de una comparación diacrónica de contenido entre los años 2010– 2016. el análisis cualitativo y porcentual de la entrevista semiológica evidencia un aumento en la cantidad y calidad de información complementaria al proceso de identificación humana con base en restos óseos. palabras claves: semiología forense, metodología, entrevista antemortem auniversidad de concepción, chile bcementerio parroquial de penco, chile *correspondencia a: erika reyes baeza, universidad de concepción, biobío, chile e­ mail: erikareyesbaeza@gmail . com recibió 31 agosto 2019; revisado 30 julio 2020; aceptado 31 julio 2020 © 2022 university of florida press reyes baeza s215 énfasis en enfermedades, lesiones y padecimientos, a través del análisis de 28 casos. la pregunta de investigación8 es ¿de qué manera es útil la propuesta de semiología forense en un proceso de identificación humana, particularmente en el contexto del cementerio parroquial de penco, región del biobío, chile? se analizaran entrevistas realizadas en una primera etapa entre los años 2010 y 2013, en comparación con entrevistas ejecutadas el año 2016 utilizando el recurso semio­ lógico forense, correspondiente a pauta y entrevista. la comparación revela el rol de una estrategia contextualizada en la recolección de datos antemortem, además de aspectos metodológicos del procedimiento. semiología forense existe una constante preocupación por mejorar y aumentar los estándares científicos de la antropología forense, lo que se traduce en re­ evaluar la disciplina desde lo teórico, me todológico y técnico (dirkmaat & cabo 2012). en búsqueda de optimizar el proceso de identificación humana, y aumentar el estándar de calidad (fleischman et al. 2019), se propone la re­ evaluación del rescate y análisis de la información antemortem. para tal propósito se vincula la semiología, desde un enfoque clínico9, y la interpretación de padecimientos, enfermedades y lesiones sufridas en vida por el difunto no identificado, del cual se requiere recolectar información antemortem para reconstruir su identidad social. la enfermedad ha sido objeto de estudio de la antropología física, permitiendo inferir desde una lesión ósea, el actuar de múltiples factores medioambientales y culturales (ramírez 2007), por tanto, es posible considerar a este tipo de modificaciones un rasgo individualizante en el proceso de identificación con base en restos óseos (barreto et al. 2005; boer et al. 2018). considerada dentro de las corrientes interpretativas (ramírez 2007), la semiología es una herramienta que permite nombrar lo que significa. desde su enfoque clínico, gazitúa (2017) contempla la instancia de entrevista con el paciente, donde se levantan datos de signos y síntomas de la posible enfermedad, incluyendo factores socioculturales que inciden en dicha comprensión. además, hace referencia a la posibilidad de que el enfermo no pueda comunicarse, ante lo cual se entrevistará a familiares o conocidos que posean información sobre los signos o síntomas evidenciados socialmente de la enfermedad, construyéndose el diagnóstico con 8. surge del proceso de tesis de magister bajo guía de dr. omar a. barriga y co­ guía mg. ricardo gomes, en programa “investigación social y desarrollo”, universidad de concepción, chile. 9. semiología clínica se define como ciencia que estudia signos y síntomas de enfermedades, considerando a los síntomas como subjetividades de la enfermedad y signo como manifestaciones objetivas, siendo propósito de la semiología llegar a un diagnóstico a través de las diversas manifestaciones que pueda presentar una determinada enfermedad (gazitúa 2017). información narrativa y la información del examen físico, posibilidades que revisten similitudes a una entrevista antemortem. ante lo mencionado, el enfoque de semiología clínica no se adecua por completo a la problemática que caracteriza a los procesos de identificación humana. en dichos contextos, generalmente, se ven afectadas comunidades de menores recursos económicos, despojados de sus derechos humanos, poblaciones indígenas y/o rurales sin acceso a salud y educación, lo cual dificulta la obtención de registros odontológicos o de atención biomédica (barreto et al. 2005; salado s.f.). además, se debe considerar que la entrevista para cons­ tatar un proceso relativo a enfermedad, lesión o pade­ cimiento, se realiza a un familiar del difunto, persona que tuvo que presentar un desarrollo importante de la patología, además de expresar o comunicar la sintomatología a su contexto social próximo. dicho recuerdo esta mediado por la memoria de los familiares (emaf 2016), y sin el reconocimiento social previo del individuo (guglielmucci 2017), se dificulta llevar a cabo el proceso de identificación. por tanto, el término semiología forense se nutre de la semiología clínica enfocada en los procesos de enfermedad e interpretación de síntomas y signos. se incluyen desde las habilidades comunicativas en la entrevista médica (gazitúa 2017; rodríguez et al. 2009), hasta la visión interdiscipli­ naria con la antropología en la formación de estas habilidades de comprensión holística del sujeto al momento de su entre­ vista, y el conocimiento de sus saberes vinculados a sus procesos de padecimiento y enfermedad (olivero & barráez 2011). el enfoque etnográfico, por su parte, contempla al investigador como principal instrumento, guiando la aproxi­ mación al campo y sujetos de estudio, desde el desconocimiento al reconocimiento (guber 2011). este enfoque se torna útil al abordar diversos contextos socioculturales, en donde son requeridas herramientas desde las ciencias sociales para la recolección de testimonios antemortem (barreto et al. 2005). identificación humana e información antemortem los procesos de identificación humana se caracterizan a partir de las causas que producen la pérdida de identidad, sin embargo, los casos más complejos se evidencian cuando los cuerpos están en avanzado estado de descomposición o esqueletizados. la antropología forense representa la aplicación del conocimiento y metodología en antropología a temas médico legales, que incluyen la detección, recuperación y análisis de restos óseos humanos (ubelaker 2019). la información del individuo, junto a los datos antemortem, permite concluir con el objetivo de la identificación (ubelaker et al. 2018). la recolección de datos antemortem se realiza en la investigación preliminar por disciplinas humanistas con s216 semiología forense competencias en la realización de entrevistas (barreto et al. 2005; cardoza 2017; guglielmucci 2017; emaf 2016; instituto nacional de medicina legal y ciencias forenses 2016), sin embargo, este no siempre es el caso (cicr 2014a, 2014b). se recomienda que la recolección de información antemortem se realice por personal calificado, específicamente de las ciencias sociales (barreto et al. 2005; emaf 2016; instituto nacional de medicina legal y ciencias forenses 2016), quienes llevan a cabo la construcción del relato del individuo vivo desaparecido en relación con sus características físicas, médicas y personales. este relato es fundamental al momento de realizar el proceso de identificación, ya que junto a la información postmortem (sexo, edad, estatura y rasgos individualizantes de la osamenta), los datos son ponderados en la búsqueda de desaparecidos (instituto nacional de medicina legal y ciencias forenses 2016). por tanto, el proceso de identificación científica es una sumatoria de técnicas, de carácter multidisciplinar, donde es posible la identificación al vincular el cuerpo con una identidad pre­ existente (guglielmucci 2017). existe la necesidad sociocultural de otorgar identidad a un cuerpo muerto, proveniente de la ritualidad en torno al cambio de estado individual, pero consensuado colectivamente, denominado “rito de paso” (van gennep 2008). la muerte de un individuo tendrá efectos sobre su contexto social, además de poseer una carga de significados culturales, lo que permite su entendimiento a través de la antropología (cartay 2002; thomas 1991). sin embargo, en contextos en donde el cuerpo del difunto desaparece, se generan nuevas estrategias por parte de los sobrevivientes para afrontar el problema de la muerte, ante la imposibilidad de llevar a cabo los ritos funerarios socialmente establecidos (panizo 2011). los rituales anteriormente mencionados, además de cumplir una función para el difunto, permiten que los deudos puedan reintegrarse a la sociedad (panizo 2011; pérez 2010; thomas 1991; van gennep 2008). antropología forense en américa latina y chile durante los últimos 30 años, la antropología forense se ha transformado en una alternativa para las familias que han perdido a sus seres queridos, bajo diversos contextos (aranguren & león 2020). el proceso de recolección de memoria, de cada víctima y de la comundiad (cardoza 2017), y la participación del perito en la identificación de los cuerpos, promueven la restitución de derechos, dignidad humana y posibilidad de duelo y justicia (huffschmid 2019). durante la década de los ochenta, el dr. clyde snow, antropólogo norteamericano, es designado a colaborar en casos de violación a los derechos humanos (ddhh), apo­ yando la formación de equipos locales de antropología forense, siendo pioneros argentina y chile (asociación latinoamericana de antropología forense [alaf] 2016). desde la antropología y arqueología se conforman equipos de trabajo, bajo la premisa de aportar en el esclarecimiento de la verdad y justicia, quienes ayudados por el dr. snow, aportan en los complejos escenarios sociopolíticos de los países de américa latina arremetidos por violentas dictaduras mi ­ litares (dutrénit 2012). en chile, el inicio de la antropología forense se confi­ gura a través de la necesidad de aportar con la búsqueda, recuperación e identificación de víctimas ilegalmente inhumadas, bajo el contexto de dictadura militar que arremetió contra el país durante los años 1973– 1990, conformándose el grupo de antropólogos forenses (gaf), en el año 1989 (padilla & reveco 2004; bustos & intriago 2015). la duración del equipo se extiende hasta 1994, fecha en la cual la agrupación deja de contar con participantes. actualmente, la labor de identificación de víctimas es realizada por la “unidad especial de identificación forense”, entidad multidisciplinaria constituida en el año 2003, adscrita al servicio médico legal de chile. la unidad se ha abocado a la tarea de investigar casos de violaciones a los ddhh, y con el transcurso del tiempo, han asumido la “búsqueda y recuperación, identificación de víctimas desconocidas, verificación de identidad, causa de muerte, repatriación y paternidad póstuma” (garrido & itriago 2012, p. 37). además, cuentan con base de datos centralizada de información antemortem y postmortem, además de mantener contacto con las fami­ lias de las víctimas (bustos & intriago 2015). surge en noviembre del año 2019, una agrupación de antropólogos y antropólogas forenses, denominado “equipo chileno de antropología forense y derechos humanos”10 (echaf), quienes bajo la contingencia del estallido social en chile, se proponen conformar una entidad no gubernamental y sin fines de lucro, poniendo al servicio de la comunidad a la antropología forense en el esclarecimiento de casos de violación a los ddhh, además de aportar en procesos legales, verdad y reparación. aun no existen datos concretos de su labor, debido a su reciente conformación. metodología supuestos metodológicos del proceso de identificación humana en el cementerio parroquial de penco, región del biobío, chile la investigación tiene un enfoque argumentativo, con la finalidad de comprender y validar el instrumento técnico, complementado con el análisis de datos cualitativos (tabla 1), a través de su comparación diacrónica, además de aplicada. surge como propuesta en torno a la re­ evaluación del instrumento utilizado en la recolección de información antemortem 10. https:// echaf . cl /. reyes baeza s217 en el contexto del cpp, y cómo dichos datos son útiles en un proceso de identificación humana. el contexto se caracteriza por ser una intervención que basa sus resultados en la utilización de técnicas tradicionales de la antropología forense (barreto et al. 2005; cardoza 2017; guglielmucci 2017; instituto nacional de medicina legal y ciencias forenses 2016;), debido a la ausencia de recursos para implementar la técnica de extracción de adn. por ende, se ha llevado a cabo de manera sistemática y ordenada, involucrando todas las evidencias disponibles del individuo que perdió su identidad, datos que provienen de la investigación forense preliminar, además de la información postmortem, correspondiente a la relevada del análisis antropológico forense del cuerpo (alaf 2016). para la construcción del perfil osteobiográfico del difunto, se debe considerar que no todas las patologías en vida de un individuo poseen directa relación con el sistema óseo, por lo que la biografía patológica del individuo se verá limitada bajo este supuesto (ortner 2011). además, como se menciona en apartado anterior, la construcción del perfil tabla 1— comparación datos categóricos entre entrevistas d2 (año 2010— 2013) y esf (año 2016), y cotejo cualitativo de la información. entrevista d2 respuestas entrevista d2 entrevista esf respuestas entrevista esf resultado de comparación cualitativa de información rasgo característico del difunto (tara) dedo tullido mano izquierda duración permanente. se presentaba como dedo recogido accidente, probable daño nervio rasgos físico específicos del difunto malinterpretación de lesión traumática como tara lesión de origen traumático del difunto el difunto presentaba fracturas/accidentes accidente, tuvo problemas en un dedo de la mano, lo tenía tieso, cicatriz en la frente, en uno de los costados frontales, no recuerda lado debido caída borracho correspondencia de información con categoría de análisis el difunto se quejaba de dolor en columna o huesos el difunto se quejaba de dolor o padecimiento no sin dato versus dato “no” actividades en vida del difunto fútbol (infancia y adolescencia), boxeo (18– 19) esporádico, servicio militar (18– 19), carga y descarga en bodega (26 años en adelante), club de tejo ocupación principal/usual del difunto varios trabajos, el alcoholismo no permitía mantener trabajos las actividades mencionadas coinciden. se precisa en la segunda entrevista la temporalidad de las actividades realizadas, junto al contexto de su realización. otras ocupaciones realizadas en vida por el difunto servicio militar 18 años, barra cosmito cortaba maderas, trabajos esporádicos, boxeador antes de los 18 años durante 4 años, fútbol esporádicamente, estibador carga descarga en puerto­ esporádico otras actividades que representaran tensión para el cuerpo del difunto enfermedades padecidas durante la vida del difunto alcoholismo padecimiento de enfermedad importante durante la vida del difunto no, solo alcoholismo mismo dato otras observaciones médicas del difunto otros operaciones quirúrgicas del difunto no primera entrevista no incluye categorías, se precisa información en segunda entrevista el difunto presentaba amputaciones no el difunto poseía implantes no el difunto poseía prótesis ortopédica no fecha realización de entrevista 23­ 03­ 2010 fecha realización de entrevista 29­ 6­ 2016 datos presentes entrevistador/a sin información entrevistador/a nombre del entrevistador consignado se precisa información en segunda entrevista s218 semiología forense osteopatológico es realizado por familiares y cercanos al difunto, proceso mediado por diversos factores que pueden disminuir, e incluso obviar, condiciones patológicas o lesiones sufridas en vida por el individuo. en consecuencia, baraybar (2008) propone la utilidad de las categorías emic11 y etic12 en el levantamiento de información antemortem y postmortem, y posterior cotejo de ambos campos de información. así mismo, el equipo mexicano de antropología forense (emaf 2016) menciona el actuar del forense como “traductor y sistematizador” de la información que los familiares otorgan (32). se deduce, que dentro de la información proporcionada, por la evidencia física y sociocultural del sujeto por identificar, existen parámetros previstos en los cuales ambos deben concordar. dicho proceso debe estar mediado por la estandarización del lenguaje, tanto desde la información postmortem como antemortem. en el caso del cpp, se traduce en la utilización de fichas de registro postmortem y entrevista semiológica forense, siendo esta última detallada a continuación. construcción de entrevista semiológica forense se ejecutó siguiendo el cuestionario realizado por el comité internacional de la cruz roja (cicr s.f.) de información antemortem versión 1.0, el cual expone los componentes de la entrevistas antemortem, sin embargo es un formato genérico para casos en los cuales existen cuerpos con tejido blando y no cuerpos esqueletizados. dicho formulario incorpora consideraciones en cuanto a la direccionalidad de las preguntas a realizar por parte del entrevistador, lo que es ajustado al formato que se crea para el contexto de la intervención en el cpp, y su posible utilización en otros contextos de identificación humana con base en restos óseos. la pauta de entrevista, denominada “guía de recolección de información antemortem”, se compone de una breve introducción que describe su finalidad, además de detallar aspectos formales del contexto de la entrevista, datos del entrevistado(a) que deben ser consignados, y aspectos técnicos de la entrevistas, como observaciones generales y grabación de audio. en la entrevista se registra la información del familiar, o cercano, que asista a la reunión con el investigador, con el propósito de recoger información respecto al difunto que se busca identificar. se incluyen datos sobre el contexto de la entrevista (lugar, entrevistador/a, fecha y folio del caso), información del entrevistado/a, datos del difunto/a— físicos y médicos, además de situaciones que hayan generado estrés y remodelación del sistema esquelético­ , apartado de vestimenta y ajuar funerario, percepción del entrevistado respecto 11. categoría emic: rasgos físicos objetivos a categorías reconocibles para los familiares. 12. categoría etic: traducción de datos provenientes de familiares y testigos en categorías objetivas. al proceso, y datos técnicos de la entrevista (entrega de docu­ mentación por parte de la familia, observaciones finales, datos faltantes, grabación de la sesión). la entrevista tiene un carácter semi­ estructurado, con el objetivo de generar una pauta de conversación, pero es dentro de cada ítem donde se aplica el enfoque etnográfico por parte del entrevistador. en anexo 1 se incluye pauta de recolección y entrevista de registro antemortem, donde se muestran lo citado en la investigación. muestra y procesamiento de datos la muestra corresponde a 61 entrevistas, de las cuales 32, denominadas entrevistas d2, corresponden a datos secun­ darios provistos por el equipo de intervención antropológica en el cpp, recopiladas entre marzo 2010 y enero 2013. un segundo periodo (junio– septiembre 2016), consigna el uso de la entrevista semiológica forense (esf) en 29 entrevistas. los casos a considerar en la muestra fueron los que contaran con entrevistas d2, y entrevistas con enfoque semiológico forense. los casos analizados fueron un total de 28, en los que se considera más de una entrevista en algunos de ellos. la distribución etaria de los difuntos es entre 46 y 98 años, además de ser 17 individuos masculinos y 11 individuos femeninos. debido a que los casos se encuentran activos, los datos son confidenciales. dentro de las limitaciones de la muestra, se puede mencionar que el número de entrevistas semiológicas forenses dependen de la disponibilidad de las familias en concederlas, por lo que no fue posible implementar el recurso metodológico a todos los familiares entrevistados en las primeras etapas de la intervención. el análisis de datos se realizó por medio de la construcción de malla temática cualitativa en función de las categorías de entrevistas d2 y esf, además de ser comparativas diacrónicamente (tabla 1). las categorías de análisis corresponden a las temáticas abordadas de enfermedades, lesiones, pade­ cimientos y contexto de entrevista. las variables indepen­ dientes corresponden a los instrumentos utilizados (d2­ esf). las codificaciones, observables en tabla 2, corresponden a la ausencia de dato, la existencia de dato, que puede o no coincidir con la categoría de análisis planteada en la entrevista. el dato precisado corresponde al aumento de información, y dato mal interpretado, se refiere a la falta de correspondencia entre el dato otorgado en la entrevista y la categoría de análisis. ejemplo de mal interpretación se observa en tabla 1, donde un posible anquilosamiento del dedo, posterior a accidente, se interpreta como rasgo característico congénito, debiendo haberse incorporado en la categoría de lesión de origen traumático. la ponderación cualitativa de la información se refleja a través de porcentajes del cotejo de información codi­ ficada (tabla 3). finalmente, se aplica la herramienta chi­ cuadrado, con el objetivo de evaluar la dependencia de variables categóricas según entrevista utilizada, consi­ derando un valor de p < 0,05. reyes baeza s219 resultados y análisis los resultados de la prueba chi­ cuadrado arroja, para todos los casos, la dependencia de las variables analizadas en función de la entrevista utilizada, en este caso considerando la entrevista d2 y entrevista semiológica forense. a continua­ ción se realiza análisis y discusión por categoría según resultados porcentuales. 1. rasgo característico o tara/rasgo físico específico: existe una tendencia general en las respuestas de las entrevistas d2 de dejar sin dato las categorías analizadas (tabla 3). en las entrevistas utilizando el recurso de la semiología forense, se hizo hincapié a los entrevistadores en consignar todo tipo de información, que posteriormente pueda ser evaluado por el equipo que realiza los análisis osteológicos. lo propuesto se refleja en el caso de características física, aumentando desde un 37,5% de casos que consignan datos de características físicas en la entrevista d2, a diferencia de un 62,06% de casos en la entrevista semiológica (tabla 3). también se puede apreciar que en la entrevista d2, existen dos casos en los cuales se profundiza el dato sobre las características, siendo en la esf cinco casos en los cuales se profundiza sobre la entrevista. es evidente también que no existen datos malinterpretados en la esf, a diferencia de la existencia de un caso en la entrevista d2 en la cual el dato fue mal interpretado. ejemplo de lo anterior se observa en tabla 1, respecto a rasgo característico. 2. lesión de origen traumático/presentaba fractura­ accidentes respecto a la variable, en la entrevista semiológica se incorpora la posibilidad de accidentes, ya que en la entrevista d2 se refería exclusivamente a fracturas o lesiones traumáticas sufridas por los individuos, situación en la cual pudo ser evidente el cambio. como se observa en la tabla 3, existe un 37,5% de casos sin datos en la entrevista d2. con el uso de la esf, existe solo un caso sin dato, lo que representa una profundización en la entrevista de las historias de vida del difunto, recordadas y compartidas por el familiar o cercano entrevistado. en los casos que consignan dato para la variable de lesión o accidentes traumáticos, según tabla 3, en la entre­ vista d2 representa un 50% de los casos, mientras que para la esf un 86,2%. una profundización de dato se ejemplifica en la tabla 1, considerando en la categoría observada, que si bien las lesiones traumáticas no son evidentes para el caso, eventualmente se podrían presentar signos en huesos de la mano o cara. para la categoría de dato precisado, en 12,5% de casos para la entrevista d2 se presenta más información, en comparación a 10,34% casos de la esf. la diferencia se puede asociar al tiempo tabla 2— codificación numérica de categorías analizadas en entrevista antemortem d2 y entrevista semiológica forense (esf). ficha d2 entrevista esf codificación cotejo rasgo característico (tara) rasgos físico específicos 0: sin dato 1: dato 2: dato precisado 3: dato mal interpretado* lesión de origen traumático presentaba fracturas/accidentes 0: sin dato 1: dato 2: dato precisado 3: dato mal interpretado queja de dolor en columna o huesos queja de dolor o padecimiento 0: sin dato 1: dato 2: dato precisado 3: dato mal interpretado actividades en vida ocupación principal/usual del difunto otras ocupaciones realizadas en vida otras actividades que representaran tensión para el cuerpo 0: sin dato 1: dato 2: dato precisado 3: dato mal interpretado enfermedades padecidas durante la vida padecimiento de enfermedad importante durante la vida otras observaciones médicas 0: sin dato 1: dato 2: dato precisado 3: dato mal interpretado otros operaciones quirúrgicas presentaba amputaciones poseía implantes poseía prótesis ortopédica 0: sin dato 1: dato 2: dato precisado 3: dato mal interpretado fecha fecha 0: sin dato 1: dato entrevistador/a entrevistador/a 0: sin dato 1: dato *dato mal interpretado refiere a la falta de correspondencia entre el dato que se otorga en la entrevista, y la categoría de análisis. s220 semiología forense transcurrido en la aplicación de entrevistas, o quien haya dado la primera entrevista, si fue familiar directo, indirecto u otra persona cercana al difunto. para este tema no existen casos mal interpretados. 3. queja de dolor en columna o huesos/queja de dolor o padecimiento en la esf, la categoría se complementa con padecimientos relativos a otras regiones corporales, entendiendo que es preferible mantener posibilidades que enriquezcan los procesos de interpretación y valoración del relato antemortem aportado por familiares o cercanos al difunto. como se observa en tabla 3, respecto a entrevista d2, persiste porcentaje alto de respuestas sin dato, y para la esf un mayor porcentaje de respuestas con dato, considerando un 72,42%. son relevantes las respuestas precisadas, correspondiendo a 6,25% de casos en la entrevista d2 y un aumento a 17,24% en la esf. una respuesta precisada, como se observa en caso 004 (tabla 1), correspondería a la respuesta de “no”. 4. actividades en vida/ocupación principal­ usual del difunto, otras ocupaciones realizadas en vida, otras actividades que representen tensión para el cuerpo en la esf se profundiza en esta variable, considerando que las modificaciones óseas que pudieran existir, complementarían la construcción de la osteobiografía con datos postmortem, bajo una perspectiva holística del individuo. además, se considera la temporalidad de las actividades, y es útil como recurso para complementar la historia de vida del sujeto. como se verifica en tabla 3, no existen casos para la categoría “sin dato”, lo que se puede relacionar a que usualmente toda persona dedica tiempo a alguna actividad en el transcurso de su vida. respecto a las respuestas, existe un 87,5% de casos con dato para la entrevista d2 y un 51,72% de casos para las entrevistas semiológicas forenses. la diferencia radica en que para la entrevista semiológica forense, existe un 48,27% de casos que reflejan datos precisados, en comparación a las respuestas de la entrevista d2. en esta cate­ goría, se alcanza mayor información al realizar diversas preguntas en función de la misma respuesta, como se observa en tabla 1, lo que permite complementar y/o agotar posibilidades con el entrevistado en relación a las acti­ vidades que puedan interpretarse posteriormente por los investigadores. para la variable de actividades en vida, no existen datos malinterpretados. 5. enfermedades padecidas durante la vida/padecimiento de enfermedad importante durante la vida, otras observaciones médicas existe necesidad de conocer diagnósticos y tratamientos médicos del sujeto en vida. para dicho objetivo, en la entre­ vista semiológica forense, se proponen dos preguntas, en contraste con la pregunta de entrevista d2, en donde se explora la posibilidad de interpretar observaciones tabla 3— comparación porcentual entre variables entrevistas d2 (año 2010– 2013) y esf (año 2016). categorías variables (frecuencia) porcentaje respuesta codificación 0 1 2 3* rasgo característico/rasgo físico específico entrevista d2 (17) 53,12% (12) 37,5% (2) 6,25% (1) 3,12% entrevista semiológica forense (6) 20,60% (18) 62,06% (5) 6,89% 0 lesión de origen traumático/ presentaba fractura­ accidentes entrevista d2 (12) 37,5% (16) 50% (4) 12,5% 0% entrevista semiológica forense (1) 3,44% (25) 86,2% (3) 10,34% 0% queja de dolor en columna o huesos/ queja de dolor o padecimiento entrevista d2 (15) 46,87% (15) 46,87% (2) 6,25% 0% entrevista semiológica forense (3) 10,34% (21) 72,41% (5) 17,24% 0% actividades en vida/ocupación principal­ usual del difunto, otras ocupaciones realizadas en vida, otras actividades que representen tensión para el cuerpo entrevista d2 0% (28) 87,5% (4) 12,5% 0% entrevista semiológica forense 0% (15) 51,72% (14) 48,27% 0% enfermedades padecidas durante la vida/padecimiento de enfermedad importante durante la vida, otras observaciones médicas entrevista d2 (10) 31,25% (10) 31,25% (7) 21,87% (5) 15,62% entrevista semiológica forense (1) 3,44% (23) 79,31% (5) 17,24% 0% otros/operaciones quirúrgicas, presentaba amputaciones, poseía implantes, poseía prótesis ortopédica entrevista d2 (31) 96,87% (1) 3,12% 0% 0% entrevista semiológica forense (2) 6,89% (26) 89,65% (1) 3,44% 0% fecha entrevista d2 (7) 21,8% (25) 78,12% entrevista semiológica forense 0% (29) 100% entrevistador/a entrevista d2 (7) 21,8% (25) 78,12% entrevista semiológica forense 0% (29) 100% *dato mal interpretado: refiere a la falta de correspondencia entre el dato que se otorga en la entrevista, y la categoría de análisis. reyes baeza s221 médicas o tratamientos en cuidados específicos que pudo tener el difunto/a. también, se precisa en la pregunta de “enfermedad importante en vida”, aquellas visi­ bilizadas durante periodos prolongados, con posibilidad de ser socializadas y tener posible efecto en el sistema óseo del individuo. en relación al tema, se presenta un 31,25% de respuestas sin dato para la entrevista d2 (tabla 3), a diferencia de un 3,44% de casos para la esf. en el caso de las respuestas con dato, un 31,25% presenta información en la entrevista d2, en comparación a un 79,31% para la entrevista semiológica. lo anterior, resalta la profundización de información en entrevista semiológica, en relación a los posibles diagnósticos y tratamiento médicos, y como estos podrán ser interpretados en un proceso de cotejo. para los casos analizados, la mayoría de los difuntos no poseía padecimientos importantes en vida, o registros médicos, que sean recordados por los entrevistados, lo que permite descartar enfermedades o tratamiento que hubieran requerido atención médica. la ausencia de dato, sin que se consigne el origen de esta, responde a falta de estandarización metodológica al aplicar la entrevista (utilización de respuestas si­ no­ incierto). un punto a destacar, es la existencia de cinco casos malinterpretados en las respuestas de la entrevista d2, frente a la ausencia de este tipo de casos en la esf. 6. otros/operaciones quirúrgicas, presentaba amputaciones, poseía implantes, poseía prótesis ortopédica respecto a categoría “otro” en la entrevista d2, en la esf se desglosan categorías relevantes a interpretar en la evidencia ósea, que pueden no haber sido consideradas en respuestas anteriores. en la tabla 3, se observa que para dicha variable existe para la entrevista d2 un 96,87% de respuestas sin dato y un 3,12% de respuestas con dato, a diferencia de las respuestas de la entrevista semiológica forense, en la cual se expresa un 6,89% de respuestas sin dato y un 89,65% de respuestas con dato. para casos con dato, en su mayoría corresponden a respuesta “no”, en donde se precisa que el sujeto no posee dichas condiciones. por tanto, se evidencia la importancia de consignar dato que refleje respuesta a la preguntada dada, ya sea que no exista dicha condición en el sujeto, lo que permite descartar la posibilidad. “no” es una respuesta útil como aporte metodológico en la construcción del sentido de la información antemortem del sujeto del cual se busca su identidad. 7. fecha y entrevistador/a corresponden a datos técnicos, que permiten conocer la temporalidad y a quienes se hicieron responsables de realizar las entrevistas. en cuanto a la variable fecha, según tabla 3, para la entrevista d2 existe 21,8% de casos sin dato en contraste a un 78,12% de respuestas con dato. por su parte, en las respuestas de entrevista semiológica forense, existe un 100% de consignación de la fecha en las entrevistas. la variable entrevistador, considera en las respuestas de la entrevista d2, un 21,8% de las respuestas falta de dato, y para la esf, existe un 100% de respuestas con dato, esto quiere decir, con el nombre del entrevistador/a. en tabla 1, se evidencia la consignación de fecha de entrevista, sin embargo, no ocurre lo mismo para el dato de “entrevistador.” en general, del análisis destaca que las categorías respecto a “enfermedades, padecimientos y lesiones” representadas por las preguntas realizadas en la entrevista d2 y posteriormente en la esf, comprenden un variado rango de mejoras que se pueden obtener al implementar la propuesta. principalmente, se define la ausencia y mala interpretación de los datos, como respuestas con mayor frecuencia en la entrevista d2. lo anterior, se debe al voluntariado y expe­ riencia de quienes entrevistaron en primera instancia, además de no contar con coordinador del proceso, lo que se abordará en discusión. en cuanto a la esf, se caracteriza por las alternativas en las preguntas realizadas, que puedan ser interpretadas de manera integral. por ejemplo, en el caso de las preguntas de “lesión de origen traumático/presentaba fracturas o accidentes”, se despliega la posibilidad de tomar en consideración parte del relato de vida del sujeto por identificar, lo que permite activar recuerdos, y abrir las posibilidades en las respuestas, para obtener mayor información a inter­ pretar por el equipo. en el mismo sentido, en la categoría de “dolor en columna/queja de dolor o padecimiento”, con la perspectiva de ampliar el rango corporal en donde se pudieron evidenciar dolencias, por parte del sujeto que se busca identificar, los datos precisados permiten al equipo reconstruir el perfil del individuo. esta reconstrucción se realiza en función al cotejo con la información postmortem, en donde se evidencian cambios entésicos, fisuras óseas, fracturas remodeladas, articulaciones con presencia de labiación y/u osteofitos, entre otros. considerando la edad de la muestra (46 y 98 años) es posible para este contexto realizar un abordaje holístico del cuerpo, sumado a la historia de vida provista por el testimonio de las familias. respecto a consideraciones técnicas, la cantidad porcentual de información receptada en la esf aumenta en comparación a la entrevista d2. ejemplo de lo anterior, corresponde a detalles como incluir las categorías de “no,” “si,” “incierto,” que se contemplaron en la entrevista semiológica, lo que aumenta la certeza de cada respuesta, ante un vacío que no es posible de interpretar. por ende, la calidad de cada ítem respondido permite considerar o descartar una mayor cantidad de variables en el cotejo de información antemortem y postmortem. sumado a lo anterior, el despliegue de preguntas en las categorías analizadas, precisan detalles tales como duración de procesos, lo cual incide en la interpretación s222 semiología forense de las enfermedades, lesiones y padecimientos que pudiesen haber influido en la vida de los individuos difuntos, consi­ derado en un aumento de cantidad y calidad de información. discusión en función del análisis presentado, al inicio de la intervención en el cementerio parroquial de penco, destaca la participación voluntaria de estudiantes y profesionales en formación, lo que se refleja en la falta de estandarización y exigencia en cuanto a la calidad de las entrevistas analizadas. el proceso de construcción del relato osteobiográfico debe realizarse por profesionales de las ciencias sociales, cali­ ficados y con entrenamiento previo, considerando la relevancia que tiene la información antemortem en el proceso de identificación (barreto et al. 2005; emaf 2016; instituto nacional de medicina legal y ciencias forenses 2016). además, el profesional tiene la responsabilidad de estar familiarizado con las concepciones de enfermedad o pade­ cimientos de los sujetos entrevistados (salado & ríos 2002). por lo analizado, no sorprende que exista ausencia en las respuestas de las primeras entrevistas, además de falta de profundización de los datos, considerando la inexperiencia de los entrevistadores. además, no hubo capacitación al respecto, ya que al ser una intervención de carácter huma­ nitario, al comienzo se intentó dar respuestas rápidas ante el desastre. con la utilización de la esf, se refleja coordinación en el equipo de trabajo, como lo sugiere la alaf (2016) y el instituto nacional de medicina legal y ciencias forenses de colombia (2016), contando con un coordinador/a de proceso que pueda estar al tanto de los estándares en las herramientas de levantamiento de datos, en este caso antemortem, acompañado de una pauta de instrucciones (anexo 1). además, los coordinadores deben promover la creación e implementación de protocolos claros y eficaces, para capa­ citar a nuevos integrantes del equipo, con la premisa de asegurar la calidad del proceso de identificación (fleischman et al. 2019). en torno a la realización de entrevistas, estas deben ser realizadas bajo consenso de los participantes del equipo. si este se conforma por antropólogos forenses y socioculturales, como es el caso del cpp, se propone que en primeras instancias se realicen por antropólogos/as socioculturales acompañados por antropólogos/as forenses. estos últimos conocen cuáles son las posibilidades de interpretación en los vestigios óseos de las respuestas de los familiares, permitiendo direccionar y profundizar en las preguntas realizadas. esta sugerencia fue útil en la re­ evaluación del instrumento de recolección de información antemortem en el cpp, ya que al revisar las categorías de análisis de la entrevista d2, y sus respuestas, había rasgos posibles de observar en los cuerpos, que no estaban siendo averiguados. lo anterior, refleja el despliegue de preguntas en la esf por cada categoría de análisis, aumentando las posibilidades de interpretación de las respuestas por parte del equipo forense. la recomendación de incluir a un perito social en la reco­ lección de información antemortem, idealmente antropólogo sociocultural, se debe a las herramientas con las que cuenta para realizar la recolección de testimonios (barreto et al. 2005). en el contexto del cpp, se torna necesaria la utilización de métodos tradicionales de la antropología forense (baraybar 2008; cardoza 2017; guglielmucci 2017), considerando la imposibilidad de aplicar herramientas moleculares para establecer la corroboración de identidad de los sujetos. querales (2019), menciona que si bien el adn juega un rol que permite realizar una “identificación certera y científica” (p. 68), la significación del proceso por parte de familiares trasciende los límites de las ciencias forenses (68). por ende, y considerando la necesidad de mejorar los procedimientos y cimentar el carácter científico de la antropología (alaf 2016; dirkmaat & cabo 2012), para asegurar la calidad del proceso de levantamiento de información antemortem, se detecta una falencia en la aplicación de la entrevista, se realiza la mejora del instrumento, y se adopta una mejora del procedimiento (fleischman et al. 2019), que en este caso corresponde a la entrevista con enfoque semio­ lógico forense. además, considerar que una entrevista ética, rigurosa y atenta, confiere dignidad al proceso, y por ende, a la familia. respecto a las categorías analizadas en general, y considerando la comparación diacrónica entre entrevistas, éstas dependen en gran medida de la claridad del recuerdo que el entrevistado/a tenga sobre el difunto/a. como explicita jelin (2002) “el sentido del pasado en un presente, y en función de un futuro deseado” (12), corresponde en el caso del cpp a la intención de las familias por recuperar la identidad de sus difuntos, sin embargo la brecha de tiempo puede modificar y/o ignorar detalles útiles para el proceso de identificación. algunas modificaciones corresponden a la idealización de la persona a identificar, recordándoles sin enfermedades, por ejemplo, ante lo cual el entrevistador/a debe considerar ese posible sesgo en las respuestas. a lo anterior, se suma la pérdida de identidad del difunto debido a la catástrofe socio­ natural del terremoto, lo que denota un hecho traumático para quién se le pide revivir los recuerdos (ramos 2017). la problemática en torno a la identificación, y el cómo establecer un proceso exitoso, dependerá de las limitaciones de cada uno de los saberes y técnicas empleadas (gu ­ glielmucci 2017), por lo que será el cumulo de ellas, lo que dirija a un resultado satisfactorio. la evaluación de las respuestas provistas en la entre­ vista d2, dan pie a la reflexión de los datos antemortem requeridos, y cómo aumentar las posibilidades de obtenerlos reyes baeza s223 desde los familiares de los difuntos del cpp, considerando el tiempo transcurrido y la naturaleza sensible de las respuestas. en esta investigación se ha querido plasmar parte de la argumentación y aplicación de la semiología forense, como estrategia metodológica de recolección de información antemortem. en relación a lo anterior, es posible mencionar que los datos de naturaleza cualitativa, generados bajo el marco de la semiología forense, si bien permiten complementar y evaluar la información antemortem de utilidad en el proceso de identificación, se profundiza también en la relación con los familiares. el indagar y conectar recuerdos, mediados por las preguntas realizadas, es un proceso altamente sensible, acompañado de lágrimas y sonrisas por parte de quienes recuerdan a sus seres queridos. para quien entrevista, integrantes del equipo, profesionales y/o estudiantes en formación, refuerza el compromiso social y ético con la comunidad, además de mejorar la vinculación e interpretación de información en el proceso de identificación, cuando se cotejan los datos antemortem y postmortem. en la intervención del cpp, junto a proponer mejoras en las prácticas representada por la utilización de la entrevista semiológica forense, se ha promovido la participación de las familias (reyes et al. 2016), más allá de la entrega de información antemortem. aranguren y león (2020), ahondan en esta relación entre el antropólogo forense y la comunidad, destacando el carácter “intersubjetivo y dialógico” (74), vínculo que permite entrar en contacto con la realidad de la comunidad y las familias, además de permearse por las demandas de “quien reclama a otro ausente” (91). esta vinculación se ha establecido con las familias afectadas, a través de reuniones y talleres, donde se han explicitado las capacidades de la antropología y sus áreas, profesionales idóneos para conducir procesos de identificación humana con base en restos óseos. también se les ha sensibilizado respecto a la importancia del perfil antemortem y postmortem en el proceso de identificación, consensuando que, si bien la respon­ sabilidad de la intervención es de los profesionales, los resultados se validan colectivamente con los afectados por la naturaleza de los datos posibles de rescatar del contexto. conclusiones la problemática abordada en el cpp, es definida desde lo social, por familias que buscan restablecer la materialidad del vínculo ritual funerario con sus difuntos, a través de la identificación de los cuerpos. desde el punto de vista científico y disciplinar, se enmarca en la propuesta de mejores prácticas para la antropología forense, enfocándose en potenciar la información y calidad del relato antemortem, así como estrategias que permitan robustecer el corpus teórico, meto­ dológico y técnico de la disciplina en el proceso. la herramienta semiológica forense se construye enfocándose en las categorías de enfermedad, lesiones y padecimientos. se precisó la revisión metodológica de cada pregunta, sus alcances y objetivos en función a la información obtenida, posible de traducir en dato científico por el equipo, y ser aplicada al cotejo con información postmortem. se incorpora, además, el enfoque etnográfico y la percepción transcultural de la muerte, lo que fortalece el vínculo entre el equipo científico y las familias. el aporte de la entrevista semiológica forense, en el contexto del cpp, se remonta al comienzo del proceso de identificación humana, en el cual es indispensable contar con una organización centralizada que permita visibilizar la importancia de la información que proviene del contexto social del individuo por identificar. además, se debe promover la inclusión de antropólogos socioculturales en la recolección de información, y de ser necesario, el correcto entrenamiento de miembros de la sociedad civil, estudiantes y profesionales de diversas áreas, dependiendo de la envergadura del contexto. si bien el modelo de entrevista semiológico, puede no ser aplicable a la diversidad de contextos que requieran identificación humana, si es necesario incluir la reflexión en torno a la herramienta de levantamiento de información antemortem, o su re­ evaluación, propuesta que apunta a mejorar los estándares de calidad, como ha sido en el caso del cpp. las limitaciones en cuanto a su aplicación, provienen de, en primer lugar, la fuente de información que representa la memoria de las familias y cercanos a la persona que ha perdido su identidad. como se menciona en el texto, el contexto de la pérdida de identidad, el tiempo que transcurre entre la desaparición y la intervención, además de la significación del hecho, para quien es entrevistado, pueden afectar la memoria y la percepción del recuerdo. en el caso del cpp, las fami­ lias sufrieron la interrupción del “descanso” de sus seres queridos, generando una ruptura en torno a la ritualidad funeraria y el vínculo material, representado en el cuerpo del difunto al interior del nicho sepulcral, que se pierde. una segunda limitación se debe a la falta de preparación al implementar el instrumento técnico, que para el caso de la intervención en el cpp, se pensó en el transcurso de la investigación, y no al comienzo de ella. se requirió generar instancias de trabajo interdisciplinario entre peritos sociales y forenses, para comprender la aplicabilidad de las preguntas en la entrevista antemortem, y su posterior interpretación cotejados con los datos osteológicos. además, se realizaron jornadas junto a los familiares involucrados, en donde se explica el contenido de la entrevista antemortem, haciéndoles partícipes en el proceso de identificación y los alcances de sus resultados, promoviendo su empoderamiento y participación en los resultados del proceso. la formulación e inclusión del enfoque semiológico forense en el contexto del cpp, nace de afrontar una investigación de gran impacto social, que hasta la fecha ha concretado 27 identificaciones, motivo por el cual la búsqueda de s224 semiología forense mejorar los procesos se transforma en un desafío constante, por las familias y comunidades afectadas por la pérdida de identidad de sus seres queridos. referencias aranguren j, león j. de la pasión por el hueso al dolor de los demás: la experiencia de profesionales en antropología forense ante la desaparición forzada de personas en colombia. sociología y tecnociencia 2020;10.1:72– 93. asociación latinoamericana de antropología forense. guía latinoamericana de buenas prácticas para la aplicación en antropología forense. colombia: alaf; 2016. baraybar jp. when dna is not available, can we still identify people? recommendations for best practice. journal of forensic sciences 2008;53:533– 540. barreto mi, bacigalupo c, centro andino de investigaciones antropológico forenses. la investigación antropológica forense en casos de graves violaciones a los derechos humanos: lineamientos básicos. lima: centro andino de investigaciones antropológico forenses; 2005. boer h, blau s, delabarde t, hackman l. the role of forensic anthropology in disaster victim identification (dvi): recent developments and future prospects. forensic sciences research 2018. doi: 10 . 1080 / 20961790 . 2018 . 1480460. bustos p, intriago m. the chilean forensic medical service. in: ubelaker d, ed. the global practice of forensic science. hoboken, nj: john wiley & sons, ltd; 2015:39– 47. cardoza cr. investigación antropológica forense y memoria en la búsqueda de personas desaparecidas en contextos de violaciones de derechos humanos en el perú. memoria(s) 2017;(1)69– 85. cartay r. la muerte. fermentum 2002;12(34):447– 470. comité internacional de la cruz roja (cicr). cuestionario para recolectar datos antemortem de personas desaparecidas versión 1.0. ginebra: cicr. comité internacional de la cruz roja (cicr). ciencias forenses y acción humanitaria. ginebra: cicr; 2014a. comité internacional de la cruz roja (cicr). acompañar a los familiares de las personas desaparecidas. ginebra: cicr; 2014b. dirkmaat d, cabo l. forensic anthropology: embracing the new paradigm. in dirkmaat d, ed. a companion to forensic anthropology. hoboken, nj: blackwell publishing ltd; 2012:3– 40. dutrénit s. los equipos de antropología forense en américa latina: coadyuvantes en el camino de la verdad y la justicia. red universitaria sobre derechos humanos y democratización para américa latina 2012; 25– 53. equipo mexicano de antropología forense (emaf). la importancia del proceso de investigación forense en casos de desaparición forzada. taller impartido al comité los otros desaparecidos de iguala, guerrero. guerrero: emaf; 2016. fleischman j, pierce m, crowder c. transparency in forensic anthropology. in: fulginiti l, hartnett­ mccann, galloway a, eds. forensic anthropology and the united states judicial system. hoboken, nj: john wiley & sons ltd; 2019:71– 88. garrido c, itriago m. the “unidad de identificación forense” and human rights in chile. cuadernos do geevh. 2012;1(2): 32– 41. gaytan e. cambios en los vínculos afectivos entre difuntos y deudos en situación de desastre: 27/f 2010 chile. la emergencia invisible. sociedad hoy 2010;97– 111. gazitúa r. manual de semiología 2017; obtenido de http:// pub licacionesmedicina . uc . cl / manualsemiologia / default . html. guber r. la etnografía. buenos aires: siglo veintiuno; 2011. guerra c, reyes e. intervención antropológica en cementerio parroquial de penco (chile). actas del tercer congreso latinoamericano de antropología 2012;1– 10. guglielmucci a. identidades fragmentadas: los procesos de identificación forense en casos de desaparición forzada avá; 2017: (30) 105– 136. huffschmid a. los (des)bordes de la justicia: agencias y procesos forenses a partir de las fosas comunes del presente (mexicano). in: dutrénit s, nadal o, eds. pasados recientes, violencias actuales. antropología forense, cuerpos y memorias. ciudad de méxico: instituto de investigaciones dr. josé maría luis mora; 2019:31– 67. instituto nacional de medicina legal y ciencias forenses. estándares forenses mínimos para la búsqueda de personas desaparecidas, y la recuperación e identificación de cadáveres. bogotá; 2016. jelin e. los trabajos de la memoria. madrid: siglo xxi de españa; 2002. olivero r. barráez c. importancia de la semiología médica en la adquisición de competencias del médico. salus 2011;31– 36. ortner d. what skeletons tell us. the story of human paleopathology. virchow archive 2011;247– 254. padilla e, reveco i. memorias del grupo de antropología forense y su aporte al campo de los derechos humanos en chile. v congreso chileno de antropología. colegio de antropólogos de chile a.g 2004;ii:1100– 1108. panizo l. cuerpos desaparecidos: la ubicación ritual de la muerte desatendida. in: hidalgo c. ed. etnografías de la muerte. ri tuales, desapariciones, vih/sida y resignificaciones de la vida. buenos aires: ciccus­ clacso; 2011:17– 39. pérez m. el proceso de duelo y la familia 2010:279– 204. ramírez j. nuevos retos en el estudio de la enfermedad desde la antropología física. estudios de antropología biológica 2007; (xiii) 863– 883. ramos j. (2017). entre heridas y huellas el dolor crece: memoria en procesos de dolor y enfermedad en ayacucho. +memoria(s) 2017;(30)19– 39. reyes e. estudio de rasgos no métricos craneales en el cementerio parroquial de penco: un enfoque comparativo [phd dissertation]. chile: universidad de concepción; 2011. reyes e, guerra c, gomes r. identificación humana y antropología: un aporte metodológico desde la realización de talleres con familiares. revista científica forense 2016;173– 190. rodríguez t, blanco m, parra i. las habilidades comunicativas, entrevista médica, relación médico­ paciente. revista cubana de medicina militar 2009;79– 90. salado m. patologías óseas. museo de tenerife; 2015. http:// www . museo sdetenerife . org / assets / downloads / file ­ 111 ­ 9fe09d2507 . pdf. salado m, ríos l. la importancia de la osteopatología en la identificación de restos óseos humanos. xv simposio de investigaciones arqueológicas en guatemala 2002;721– 729. thomas lv. la muerte. barcelona: paidós ibérica, s.a; 1991. thompson t, black s. forensic human identification. boca raton, fl: taylor & francis; 2007. ubelaker d. new directions in forensic anthropology. en: martell d. the future of forensic acience. john wiley & sons ltd; 2019:1– 18. ubelaker d, shamlou a, kunkle a. contribution of forensic anthropology to positive identification: a critical review. forensic sciences research 2018. doi: 10 . 1080 / 20961790 . 2018 . 1523704. van gennep a. los ritos de paso. madrid: alianza editorial; 2008. vera jl. las andanzas del caballero inexistente. reflexiones en torno al cuerpo y la antropología física. méxico d.f.: centro de estudios filosóficos, políticos y sociales vicente lombardo toledano; 2002. reyes baeza s225 anexo 1 pauta de recolección de información antemortem, propuesta semiológica forense la presente guía está construida para acompañar al entre­ vistador, a cargo de registrar la información antemortem (am) que provean los familiares y/o conocidos del difunto del cual se busca recuperar su identidad. se utilizó como fuente el “cuestionario para colectar datos antemortem de personas desaparecidas versión 1.0” propuesto por el comité internacional de la cruz roja. es importante recalcar que la información registrada en esta entrevista proporcionará los datos antemortem del difunto, datos que posteriormente serán utilizados en el proceso de confrontación con los datos postmortem (pm), por lo que la calidad y profundización de las respuestas entregadas por los familiares y cercanos al difunto es de vital importancia para el proceso de identificación final. la entrevista, por lo general, debe ser realizada por un/a entrevistador/a principal, en un ambiente seguro y que permita a la familia o conocidos sentirse cómodos para entregar la información requerida. instrucciones de llenado de la entrevista antes de comenzar, es indispensable completar la información sobre el lugar donde se realiza la entrevista, fecha, nombre completo del entrevistador/a y número de folio de la entrevista, el cual representará el perfil del difunto de manera codificada. en el caso de las nuevas entrevistas (entrevistas realizadas por segunda o más veces), dejar el número de folio en blanco, ya que debe ser completado con el número de folio asignado en primera instancia. sección informante y contacto primario: información proporcionada por el familiar o conocido del difunto. sección datos del difunto 2.1 datos generales. en esta sección, los datos que se pueden presentar incompletos o como aproximaciones, son las fechas de nacimiento y/o defunción. para ambos casos, señalar qué se consideró para posibles aproximaciones. registrar comentarios. 2.2 ocupación del difunto: ocupación principal durante su vida, actividad más constante en el tiempo, de mayor duración temporal. apartado “otras ocupaciones que realizó en su vida”, enfatizar las que comprometen actividades de esfuerzo físico, o patrones de actividad física. 2.3 descripción física: en el caso de estimaciones refe­ rentes a peso y estatura, señalar qué se consideró para posibles aproximaciones. registrar comentarios. 2.4 rasgos físicos específicos. en apartado de “rasgos característicos”, considerar particularidades congénitas o adquiridas, que pudieran ser observables en el individuo en vida. algunos ejemplos corresponden a cojeras, malformaciones, ausencia de extremidades o partes de miembros de origen congénito, desviación de columna, entre otros. en apartado de “dolores y padecimientos”, considerar el plano subjetivo e interpretación de una posible enfermedad, esto desde la visión del familiar o conocido sobre la experien­ cia y síntomas que el individuo en vida expresó socialmente. es de suma importancia describir de manera detallada las impresiones de familiares o relativos de las dolencias o padecimientos, ya que estos podrían conducir a un posible diagnóstico en la lectura de la información postmortem en el proceso de cotejo de datos am y pm. 2.5 historial médico. considerar en respuestas referidas a enfermedades o posibles diagnósticos, consultar si algún otro miembro de la familia sufre del mismo padecimiento o problema médico. incluir: quién, nombre, relación con la persona desaparecida. en apartado de “fracturas/accidentes,” considerar ahondar en el tratamiento de lesiones, o bien la descripción de posibles accidentes que haya podido sufrir el individuo en vida, con la correspondiente temporalidad de los eventos. en el apartado de “operaciones quirúrgicas,” es fundamental la descripción del evento, temporalidad y, si en dicha intervención, se le introdujo algún tipo de dispositivo médico al individuo, que pudiera estar presente al momento de ser inhumado (ejemplo de dispositivos: marcapasos, mangueras, bolsa de colostomía, métodos de control de reproducción, entre otros). en apartado de “implantes” considerar la temporalidad y función de dichos dispositivos. en apartado de “enfermedades” considerar los diagnósticos formales, o en su defecto, el detalle de signos y síntomas para un posible diagnóstico. recordar que si bien el enfoque es en las enfermedades que puedan tener alguna inferencia en tejido óseo, en algunos casos, enfermedades de tipo metabólico u otras, podrían asociarse a lesiones óseas, por lo que si desconoce las posibles implicancias de la enfermedad, registre todo lo relatado por el entrevistado/a. s226 semiología forense entrevista de registro de información antermortem, propuesta semiológica forense lugar de entrevista: fecha: nombre entrevistador: folio n°: 1. informante y contacto primario 1.1. datos del informante nombre completo del informante: sexo: femenino: ( ) masculino: ( ) fecha de nacimiento: _____ / _____ / _______ tipo de relación con el difunto: domicilio: teléfono(s) de contacto: email: información adicional (anotar a continuación nombres/relación con el difunto/información de contacto si algún otro fami­ liar se encuentra presente al momento de realizar la entrevista o si existe algún familiar con el que es posible contactar para conseguir información adicional en un futuro). 2. datos del difunto 2.1. datos generales nombre completo del difunto: sexo: femenino: ( ) masculino: ( ) fecha de nacimiento: _____ / _____ / _______ si la fecha de nacimiento es estimada, explique por qué: lugar de nacimiento: fecha de defunción: _____ / _____ / ________. edad al morir: _______ años. si edad al morir o fecha de defunción es estimada, explique por qué: causa de muerte: hospital donde fue atendido: se realizó autopsia: si ( ) no ( ) lugar donde se realizó autopsia: si es mujer, ¿tuvo hijos(as)?: si ( ) no ( ) ¿cuantos(as)?: bloque y nicho en el que se encontraba el difunto: ¿sus restos eran parte de una reducción?: si ( ) no ( ) 2.2. ocupación del difunto ocupación principal/usual: tiempo, lugar en que realizó la actividad y a qué edad: otras ocupaciones que realizó en su vida (incluya duración y edad en la que realizó la actividad): otras actividades que podrían presentar alguna tensión para el cuerpo (deportes, actividades artísticas, pasatiempos, juegos, etc. incluir edad cuando se practicaba y duración de dicha actividad): 2.3. descripción física complexión corporal: muy delgada: ( ) delgada: ( ) media: ( ) robusta: ( ) muy robusta: ( ) peso: ___________ kgs. si es un estimado, explicar por qué: peso aproximado al momento de fallecer: ________ kgs. si es un estimado, explicar por qué: estatura: _________ cms. si es un estimado, explicar por qué: color de pelo. (incluir cantidad, longitud, color, tipo, estilo, si fue teñido, si usaba cabellera artificial): reyes baeza s227 2.4. rasgos físicos específicos ¿el difunto poseía algún rasgo característico (deformación o tara) en su cuerpo? señalar presencia de deformaciones o características físicas de nacimiento. incluir rasgo – localización – lateralidad – edad y duración – detalles generales. ¿se quejaba de algún dolor o padecimiento? indicar tipo – localización – lateralidad – edad y tiempo de duración – detalles generales. si ( ) no ( ) incierto ( ) 2.5. historial médico ¿presentaba fracturas/accidentes?: si ( ) no ( ) incierto ( ) señalar tipo de fractura/accidente – localización – lateralidad – edad y duración ­ tratamiento – descripción general. ¿presentaba operaciones quirúrgicas?: si ( ) no ( ) incierto ( ) señalar tipo de intervención – localización – lateralidad – edad y duración – descripción general. ¿presentaba amputaciones?: si ( ) no ( ) incierto ( ) señalar tipo de amputación – localización – lateralidad – edad – descripción general. ¿poseía implantes?: si ( ) no ( ) incierto ( ) señalar tipo de implante – localización – lateralidad – fecha de implantación – descripción general. ¿poseía prótesis ortopédicas?: si ( ) no ( ) incierto ( ) señalar tipo de prótesis – propósito – localización – fecha – material y datos de manufactura – detalles. ¿padeció de alguna enfermedad importante durante su vida?: si ( ) no ( ) incierto ( ) señalar tipo de enfermedad – señales físicas presentes – duración de la enfermedad – detalles generales. otras observaciones médicas. considerar tratamientos tradicionales/no formales. objetos relacionados a condición médica del difunto (dispositivos intrauterinos, sondas de alimentación o deposición, marcapasos, entre otros).incluir tipo, propósito, marca de fábrica, cantidad, descripción. login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe biography forensic anthropology vol. 5, no. 3: 262–266 doi: 10.5744/fa.2022.4002a biography biography of the equipo argentino de antropología forense (eaaf) pedro david pérez-torres, dlafa,1 ● derek congram phd, dlafb,c,2* introduction at the beginning of 2020, the news that the argentine forensic anthropology team (eaaf) had been nominated for the nobel peace prize was announced and quickly spread in argentina and among professional and scientific networks around the world. the candidacy of this non-governmental organization was made by karina batthyány, executive secretary of the latin american council of social sciences, and alejandro villar, rector of the national university of quilmes (argentina), who argued in the application the importance of the eaaf’s trajectory for 35 years applying science to the search for truth and collaboration with justice, searching for missing persons and providing answers to their families. the impact of eaaf’s work is global in scale. currently they have worked in more than 60 countries with “victims of enforced disappearances; ethnic, political, institutional, gender-based and religious violence; contemporary disappearances; drug trafficking; human trafficking, organized crime, immigration processes; wars and armed conflicts; accidents and catastrophes” (clacso, 2020). the eaaf celebrated its 36th anniversary this year. they began as a group of students and today there are 70 professionals from different forensic disciplines that make up the organization and who are simultaneously providing services in different countries at the request of governments, non-governmental organizations and family organizations. this biography is based principally on an interview with eaaf founder and president3, luis fondebrider. a biography of the eaaf seemed like an easy win for the authors. both have worked with eaaf members and the second author has known the president and two of the founders for more than 20 years. another of the eaaf founders used to be the boss of both authors. yet, here is the catch: the eaaf is always busy. they are always working. their publication list is not long compared with those of academics, but where would they find time for that? as noted on an argentine government website, the eaaf is characterized by their low profile, more focused on el hacer que el decir (actions, rather than words) (https://www.senado.gob.ar/upload/17743.pdf). their evangelism comes in the form of mentorship and tutoring: applied accompaniment, which translates to constant flights around the world and an overwhelming caseload, mixed with a more recent dedication to research. despite the strong personal and professional ties with key figures of the eaaf and their unwavering will to please, it is really very difficult to hold their attention for a sustained interview and follow-up clarifications. this is not, of course, a criticism. the eaaf has their focus clearly on cases and the families of the disappeared, rather than friendly chats for biographies in an academic journal. in this biography we will review the origins of the eaaf, its legacy and their main challenges. origins beginning in 1984, democracy had returned to argentina after the civic-military government that had ruled for seven years. at that time, the grandmothers of the plaza de mayo (a non-governmental human rights organization that was looking for their children born in captivity or who were disappeared along with their parents), were looking for support around the world to try to reunify the disappeared children with their grandparents. this is how they came into contact with eric stover, a researcher at the american association for advancement of science (aafs) in washington, dc, who responded to the request and who was a delegate along with a commission of six forensic science professionals who traveled to buenos aires to assess the situation. one of the six investigators was clyde snow, who from his first visit was tied to the process of the grandmothers of plaza de mayo and the recently created national commission on the disappearance of persons (conadep). when visiting argentina, snow decided to meet with judges and prosecutors who were already conducting exhumations and “the first thing he noted was the precariousness and carelessness in the excavation methods and treatment of the remains in the first exhumations of clandestine graves” (clacso, 2020). during that first visit, snow also decided to meet with a group of argentine students in a hotel, to whom he explained his proposal to exhume bodies and later identify them so that they could be returned to their families, to bring the necessary evidence to trial, and to contribute to the clarification of the circumstances of death of these missing persons. these students took some time to think about snow’s proposal, and the next day they agreed. thus, the eaaf was conceived one night in a hotel room in buenos aires.4 this group of students, who had not had any type of experience in forensic anthropology, made the decision to dedicate themselves to a relatively new discipline in the world at that time. they spent two years in training and working among the graves and morgues under the guidance of snow. the eaaf was born following quite particular social and political circumstances in the republic of argentina during the civic-military government, and which resulted in the disappearance of between 10,000 and 30,000 people. the lack of precision of the number reflects the secrecy of the disappearances and the challenge of the search. social pressure and the interest of the grandmothers of the plaza de mayo to find their loved ones also prompted the creation of the eaaf, allowing this team to be a pioneer in latin america and the world in applying forensic anthropology to investigations of serious, largescale human rights violations, always having families as the axis of the investigative and scientific process. families of the disappeared, however, were divided about the best way to move forward and whether or not they supported exhumations, as described at length by rosenblatt (2015:83–122). in addition to the grandmothers of the plaza de mayo, were the mothers of the plaza de mayo, which later split into two groups: the linea fundadora (founding line), which supported exhumations, and the asociación madres was generally against them. this made the work of the eaaf challenging at first, their legitimacy very much grounded in representing family interests via exhumations of those disappeared by state forces. ultimately, the eaaf has managed to balance divergent interests and as rosenblatt (2015) notes, “[t]he responsiveness to the different views of families is the hallmark of an approach to exhumation that the argentine team was just beginning to articulate and that would eventually become their most recognizable signature” (p. 90). one of the milestones in argentina that allowed the development of forensic anthropology was the testimony of snow at the trial of the members of the military juntas, where his role as expert witness demonstrated the injuries of the bodies that had been exhumed from different clandestine graves, bringing to light the importance of this discipline to demonstrate, through scientific evidence, the circumstances of the death of the disappeared. although the group had been working since those early days, in may 1987 the eaaf was officially born. its founding members were morris tindball-binz, patricia bernardi, mercedes doretti, luis fondebrider, darío olmo, and alejandro incháurregui, with clyde snow as an honorary member. to commemorate the event, instead of bronzing the first pair of shoes, they did so with their first trowel5. political environment in argentina during a “troubled childhood” at the end of the 80s, the political climate in the republic of argentina was quite vibrant, characterized by a period of transition from a civil-military government to a democracy that was still weak at the time. human rights protests were common and widespread among the civilian population. in 1986 and 1987, the argentine government passed two laws, severely restricting investigations and prosecutions of those responsible for crimes during the military government (crawford 1990; roehrig 2009). the young group of students questioned the need to continue with the work they had been doing since the initial exhumations. however, several human rights organizations pushed for the continuation of the work of the eaaf, emphasizing the continuing need to search for the disappeared, provide answers to relatives and provide conclusive evidence of what happened in the past. due to this unstable climate of political excitement of the time, many organizations of relatives of disappeared persons and human rights defenders did not trust the forensic institutions of the argentine state. they saw in the eaaf an independent alternative that applied multidisciplinary scientific rigor. the eaaf quickly gained the trust of organizations such as the grandmothers of the plaza de mayo, with which they have worked together now for 36 years, searching for and identifying the disappeared. the eaaf in the world the eaaf was the first child of several forensic anthropology teams in latin america. bearing the responsibility of the eldest, they accompanied and supported the growth of other teams, in guatemala, chile, uruguay, and peru. as in all families, there was a mixture of love, friendship, arguments, and antagonisms. during this youth, it was sometimes difficult to manage things between sibling organizations. each one had a vision of how things should be, but still, you have to respect the decisions of others and how they handle their work in their respective quarters. the eaaf has the luxury of being very well recognized and many groups call them for assistance, but you have to find a balance with the existing capacity in the country. in the end, as for many families, they found how to live together and collaborate, all dedicating themselves to the work of bringing people responsible for decades of systematic violence in their countries to justice and providing answers to the families of disappeared persons. in forensic anthropological practice, it is normal to have both moments of pride and frustration, so teams and personnel are always involved in complex situations. according to luis, what has generated the most pride for the team is being able to provide answers and deliver human remains to the families who have been looking for their disappeared loved ones, as well as being able to contribute to justice during investigations by providing scientific evidence within judicial processes. in argentina, the eaaf uses the mantra of truth, justice, reparation and memory; applying science to these social processes is another of the great sources of pride for the eaaf. on the other hand, there are frustrations over the slowness of the processes, especially when states are very bureaucratic. you can see both sides in their work: the eaaf alone has achieved 850 identifications of missing persons from the period of the military government. this constitutes 24 identifications per year (not counting their work in other countries). however, it is difficult not to think about the minimum 9,000 who remain missing and unidentified in argentina. fig. 1—a young eaaf: morris tidball binz, dario olmo, luis fondebrider, patricia bernardi, and alejandro inchaurregui. absent from the image: mercedes (mimi) doretti. in 2020, already 36 years old, the eaaf has matured, the product of decades of work in complex political contexts. we asked fondebrider about the debate that exists among members of the anthropology section of the american academy of forensic sciences, and the position one should take in the face of social problems such as the black lives matter movement in the usa. he pointed out that the eaaf had been involved from its first day in a sociopolitical environment where state forensics had collaborated—passively or actively—in crimes of the state. luis says “getting involved is not being partial”, forensic anthropology comes from the same anthropology as a science that studies and seeks to understand the human being in all its social, historical, biological and linguistic dimensions. getting involved in social movements such as black lives matters is not taking sides with one side or the other, but rather speaking out on what is right or wrong. the eaaf today eaaf’s growth has been progressive and its expansion has been notable. of that group of six apprentice students who carried out exhumations and analyzed the bones recovered from cemeteries and morgues of buenos aires and throughout argentina, today it is a team of 70 people in four offices: buenos aires, mexico city, new york, and a forensic genetics laboratory in córdoba, argentina. they are professionals from various disciplines: anthropology, archaeology, biology, medicine, genetics, physics, architecture, computing, and geography. the eaaf continues to be an alternative for those families that require an expert team when they doubt the official governmental system. in some countries, this is important because people might have reason to believe that governments are, in fact, responsible for disappearances and other crimes. the eaaf has been called on to act as subject matter experts by judges and prosecutors in multiple countries. the eaaf also acts at the request of various entities that have developed a search for missing persons and identification of bodies in different contexts, such as the united nations international criminal tribunal for the former yugoslavia, the international criminal court, the international committee of the red cross, the committee on missing persons in cyprus, and others. fig. 2—eaaf founders morris tidball-binz (now un special rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions) and luis fondebrider (now head of forensic unit of the international committee of the red cross). note to young readers: the item in morris’ hand is what was known as a telephone. something that has characterized the eaaf is that it has gone beyond the scientific processes of searching for missing persons and identifying bodies. they have carried out work in training of forensic personnel from different countries, they have worked on complex problems such as femicide and the search for disappeared migrants within the framework of the border project in the us and central america, they have participated in processes of the application of new technologies for searches and applied them to complex cases such as the missing students in ayotzinapa, mexico, as well as the use of information management technology (e.g., eaaf & cedehm 2021). in this way, the eaaf not only seeks to solve cases and alleviate the pain of families, but also advance science and its application, while also supporting the local development of expertise. this last aspect is fundamental: we will always lack experts to investigate. a strong tendency to promote oneself as the only solution or the best solution is evident in many non-governmental organizations. in the eyes of the eaaf, the only sustainable solution is local development, especially in countries that do not have much external support from wealthy countries for geopolitical reasons. thus, the eaaf has had a strong focus on south–south support. in 2015, this south–south approach was made clear in a talk by fondebrider at the university of toronto in canada. a professor asked how her students could get involved helping the eaaf with their work in argentina. fondebrider replied by saying that it seemed more necessary for her students to help the population of indigenous women in canada (where there is a rate of disappearance and homicide six times higher than other groups of women in the country, department of justice canada, 2017). challenges of the eaaf and latin american forensic anthropology according to fondebrider, the main challenge in the region is to be able to link new professions of forensic sciences such as biology, physics, geology, genetics, and others, and to apply it to the search for missing persons and human identification. today, teams are increasingly linking different areas of forensic sciences to generate multidisciplinary work that generates comprehensive responses, a greater impact on investigations, and to produce better results. another of the significant challenges is the creation of public policies to make investigations more effective. the eaaf wants to see itself beyond just being that group of scientists who exhume bodies; it wants to see itself as a technical reference organization that can offer advice on forensic issues. at the latin american level, it is considered that greater solidarity among the profession is needed, leaving behind private interests. also, fondebrider considers leading a discussion on the implementation of a quality control system of particular importance. despite many references in the world to international standards (e.g., l’abbé & steyn, 2012; traithepchanapai et al. 2016), a protocol at the international level as highlighted by thompson et al. (2018) and as promoted by skinner et al. (2003), for example, is currently not very realistic. there are many ways to do things that lead to the same result. from fondebrider’s standpoint, the basic minimum must be established and then consensus must be sought. in latin america, it is important to talk about the standardization of processes, although they should not be universal; each institution should create its own protocols and processes that are not imposed and that are contextualized. the eaaf and the nobel peace prize nomination the nobel peace prize nomination is just the latest of the accolades bestowed upon the eaaf. in 2007, founding member mercedes “mimi” doretti received the macarthur genius award. science is always contributing to society. the eaaf is doing a job that would otherwise have never happened, thanks to the organizations of victim relatives. in the end, the eaaf did not win the nobel peace prize (fondebrider predicted as much), but they consider that the nomination is a great recognition of the many people who work on the team and with the team. the nomination will clearly generate a visibility of the discipline at a global level that has to be used intelligently in order to reach other more complex spaces where decisions are made and where public policies are created. thinking of the future we do not know how to qualify the life stages of organizations, but the eaaf is far from senescence. we asked fondebrider for his advice to the new generation of forensic scientists. he replied by highlighting the importance of social responsibility and of assuming that responsibility. we must not withdraw from or ignore social processes in which we are immersed. we should engage in more dialogue with other actors in science, know the scope and limits of our discipline and understand that it can be made better by others. references clacso. postulan al equipo argentino de antropología forense al nobel de la paz. https://www.clacso.org/en/postulan-al-equipo-argentino-de-antropologia-forense-al-premio-nobel-de-la-paz/. created february 13, 2020. accessed: march 27, 2021. crawford kl. due obedience and the rights of victims: argentina’s transition to democracy. human rights quarterly 1990;12(1):17–52. department of justice canada. missing and murdered indigenous women and girls. just facts, research and statistics division. available online at: https://www.justice.gc.ca/eng/rp-pr/jr/jf-pf/2017/docs/july04.pdf. created 2016. accessed may 2, 2021. eaaf, cedehm. nuevas tecnologías en búsqueda forense: recursos para la crisis de desapariciones en méxico. equipo argentino de antropología forense and centro de derechos humanos de las mujeres. available online at: https://eaaf.org/el-eaaf-presento-el-libro-nuevas-tecnologias-en-busqueda-forense/. accessed may 2, 2021. l’abbé e, steyn m. the establishment and advancement of forensic anthropology in south africa. in: dirkmaat dc, ed. a companion to forensic anthropology. malden, ma: blackwell publishing ltd. 2012:626–638. roehrig t. executive leadership and the continuing quest for justice in argentina. human rights quarterly 2009;31(3):721–747. rosenblatt a. digging for the disappeared; forensic science after atrocity. stanford, ca: stanford university press; 2015. skinner m, alempijevic d, djuric-srejic m. 2003) guidelines for international forensic bio-archaeology monitors of mass grave exhumations. forensic science international 2003;134:81–92. thompson t. jiménez gaytan d, bedoya sánchez s, pleitez quiñónez an. forensic anthropology: whose rules are we playing by? contextualizing the role of forensic protocols in human rights investigations. in waterlow j, schuhmacher j, eds. war crimes trials and investigations; a multi-disciplinary introduction. cham, switzerland: palgrave macmillan; 2018;59–80. cham, switzerland: palgrave macmillan. traithepchanapai p. mahakkanukrauh p, kranioti ef. history, research and practice of forensic anthropology in thailand. forensic science international 2016;261:167.e1–167.e6. 1.  anthropologist, graduate of the university of antioquia; forensic specialist of the international committee of the red cross; certified and endorsed member of the latin american directory of forensic anthropology; member of the board of directors of the association of latin american forensic anthropology. 2.  forensic specialist for the international committee of the red cross delegation for east asia; research associate at the munk school of global affairs, university of toronto; adjunct professor, simon fraser university (canada); certified and endorsed member of the latin american directory of forensic anthropology. 3. during the review of this biography for publication, luis was hired to be the director of the forensic unit of the international committee of the red cross (icrc). this biography reflects the opinions and experience of the eaaf and should in no way be misconstrued as representing the opinion or position of the icrc. 4. some might object to this analogy as distasteful, but we believe that snow would have liked it. 5. some details added for dramatic effect. ainternational committee of the red cross, medellin, colombia binternational committee of the red cross, bogota, colombia cdepartment of archaeology, simon fraser university *correspondence to: derek congram, international committee of the red cross forensic, calle 96 #11b-37, bogota 110221, colombia e-mail: congram@sfu.edu received 27 march 2021; revised 02 may 2021; accepted 25 may 2021 review article forensic anthropology vol. 5, no. 3: 195–205 doi: 10.5744/fa.2022.4004a review article unidentified bodies in the mexican context maria fortunaa* ● laura corralesb ● alan robinsonc ● roxana enríguez fariasd ● nicholas marquez-grante,f abstract: the discovery of clandestine graves has become a recurrent event during the last ten years in mexico, and there could be more than roughly 2000 distributed all over the country (guillen et al. 2018). mass graves specifically are less well-known, reported, and addressed; they are located in municipal or state cemeteries which house unidentified bodies and of which there is no official census. an estimated 26,000 bodies are considered unidentified (segob 2019a), and every year in mexico city alone almost 500 bodies are sent to the mass graves in cemeteries. comprehensive efforts in forensic science are required to mitigate the high percentage of unidentified bodies and coordinate the correct burial and registration of bodies in mass graves. the ongoing humanitarian crisis and the complexity of the context require that investigators look at overlaps between cases of disappeared persons and unidentified bodies, and between searches and identification. keywords: forensic anthropology, unidentified bodies, mass grave, mexico, human rights introduction latin america shares a common history: decades of dictatorships marked by systematic violations of human rights, which were included in plans or projects against the establishment of socialism through the implementation of authoritarian regimes in the context of the collapse of liberal democracies (feierstein 2009; presidencia de la nación 2011). under the national security doctrine, latin america experienced an unprecedented occupation of its territory: torture, sexual violence, and all types of systematic and extrajudicial executions were normalized. in guatemala it is estimated that approximately 37,000 people died as a result, and in argentina human rights violations affected the entire population, without regard to sex or age (conadep n.d.; sabino 2016). even though in mexico the origin of the violence did not follow the same guidelines as in the rest of latin america (violence was not considered to have been unleashed by military dictatorships), its consequences are the same and have been perpetuated over decades. these conditions continue today to the extent that crimes like human trafficking or slavery form part of a very lucrative business in which state security forces also participate. these crimes are part of the origin of disappearance (lópez 2019). between 1960 and 1980 what is known as the “dirty war” was established, a period defined by persecution, torture and forced disappearances carried out by the state (cndh 2020; guevara & chávez 2018). the cases of disappearance of lucio cabañas or rosendo radilla, which reached the inter-american court of human rights in 2001, are only two of the many examples from that period. under this “war,” most of the disappeared persons were peasant farmers presented as members of guerrilla or leftist groups (rodríguez 2017). in addition, at the end of the 1960s and beginning of the 1970s, massacres of students, like that carried out on october 2, 1968 in tlatelolco, or on june 10, 1971, known as the corpus christi massacre or the hawk strike, demonstrated the use of indiscriminate state repression and the establishment of disappearance as a normalized method of social punishment. one of the cruelest phases in the country’s recent history was the war on drugs (2006–2012), which took place under the presidency of felipe calderón hinojosa. in 2015, a report by human rights watch stated that 22,000 people had disappeared since 2006, their whereabouts remained unknown in april 2014, and no one had been sentenced for the crimes (human rights watch 2015). the country underwent an intense militarization which brought over 2,000 soldiers to some cities including ciudad juárez, which during operation conjunto chihuahua (2008–2012) left 7,000 people dead and around 1,000 tortured. officials did not conduct a reliable count of disappearances (corrales & padilla 2019). under president enrique peña nieto, the numbers of homicides, kidnappings, torture, and forced disappearances seem to have increased. cases like the disappearance of 43 students in ayotzinapa attracted international attention, and the problems of forced disappearance and clandestine graves began to come to light, after decades (eaaf 2016). in addition, organized crime moves billions of dollars each year as a result of its involvement in human trafficking, extortion, slavery, and even the purchase of migrants (lópez 2019). in many cases criminal groups are involved in forced disappearance with the complicity of state workers (cndh & united nations 2015; guevara & chávez 2018). according to federico mastrogiovanni (2014), organized crime estimates the value of an immigrant to be between $2,000 and $5,000 usd. they are “sold” to criminal groups, often by federal or military police or migration agents. more than 150,000 migrants travel across the country every year, following dangerous routes. in 2009, 9,578 migrants were reported kidnapped in just six months, and between april and september 2010, there were more than 11,300 kidnappings of members of this vulnerable group (cndh & united nations 2015). one example that moved the country was the appearance of 72 central and south american migrants massacred at the hands of criminal organization “los zetas” and piled into an industrial park in san fernando, tamaulipas, or the cadereyta massacre, in which the bodies of 49 migrants were quartered, to sow fear (nájar 2010; pérez 2015). as a result, mexico appears in the list of the most dangerous countries in the world, with a homicide count that provokes comparisons to syria in the news media (gallegos 2017; world atlas 2019). the numbers point to 390 clandestine graves found between 2009 and 2014, with 1,418 bodies and 5,786 human remains. the states of guerrero, jalisco, chihuahua, coahuila and tamaulipas have the highest numbers of graves (ibero & cmdpdh 2018). since president andrés manuel lópez obrador took power and the implementation of the official graves registry began, 81 sites have been located with 222 clandestine graves and 337 bodies found (government of mexico 2019a), although according to independent reports there could be more than 2,000 graves of this kind in the country (adondevanlosdesaparecidos.org 2018). in addition to the issue of clandestine graves, there are 74,214 people whose relatives do not know where they are. of that number, 37,506 appear in the national registry of missing and disappeared persons, while the remaining 36,708 correspond to bodies of people that have not been identified. after their examination in forensic medical services the bodies are sent to mass graves in municipal or state cemeteries throughout the country, of which there are no official counts (martínez 2019). the forensic crisis in mexico is explained by its complex nature, in which disappeared and unidentified persons and clandestine and mass graves coexist. international bodies and independent teams attest to the fact that inattention for more than ten years has made the problem worse, to which is added the urgency of giving answers to relatives of victims through the creation of truly independent public policies and the strengthening of institutions (sotomayor 2019; souza & franco 2019). the purpose of this review article is to provide information on the current situation of unidentified bodies by explaining the investigations that have been carried out, published figures, the collapse of forensic medical services, and the absence of strategies for managing the burial of bodies in mass graves. the current situation in mexico requires coordinated and comprehensive forensic involvement, which takes stock of the multifaceted complexity of the problem. unidentified bodies (nn) nn individuals (derived from the latin nomes necio, “unknown name”) refer to persons who remain unidentified following their examination in the forensic medical service. it is necessary to distinguish between unidentified individuals and unclaimed identified individuals. the unclaimed individuals are those persons identified after their legal medical necropsy but who have not been claimed by family members. the national information system of missing and deceased persons (sinpef, for its initials in spanish) adopts the term “unidentified deceased person” (pfsi) and “unclaimed deceased person” (pfnr). the sinpef registry is composed of three different databases, and we highlight two (cndh 2018) that contribute to the recount of bodies of disappeared or unidentified individuals in the country: •  lost, disappeared, or missing persons (sinde), with 32,236 registered. •  deceased, unidentified persons (sinfani), with 16,361 registered. the interior secretary (segob) admits that it does not have official figures but rather estimations, calculating a total sum of 26,000 unidentified bodies (arleta 2019). these estimates refer to an active process, and in most of the country the management of corpses exceeds the capacity of forensic institutions, with an estimated six bodies being sent to a mass grave daily (michel 2013). bodies of anonymous individuals, the poor, missing, abandoned elderly persons, migrants and murder victims comprise the population of unidentified or unclaimed bodies. in mexico city (cdmx), of the approximately 5,000 corpses that are received each year, 1 of every 10 cannot be identified (miranda 2019). from january 2014 to november 2018 the mass grave of the country’s capital received a total of 2,852 bodies of which only 30 were able to be identified and later claimed. according to the forensic sciences institute (incifo) of the superior court of justice, in the cdmx, every year since 2013 an average of 470 bodies end up as unidentified, meaning almost 40 per month (hernández 2017). in other states of the republic the figures are higher, like in chihuahua, which sent close to 3,770 bodies to mass graves from 2007 to 2018, or nuevo león, which buried 1,428 bodies from 2010 to 2017 (martínez 2019). miguel alemán, a border town in the state of tamaulipas, despite having only 27,000 inhabitants (sedesol 2010), was the epicenter of a wave of unprecedented violence that affected four neighboring municipalities during the period 2010–2016. (guerrero, mier, camargo and díaz ordaz). more than four thousand people died during that period (ruiz & león 2016), with more than half of them buried as unidentified deceased persons (pfsi) in municipal cemeteries in different towns. but many of the bodies that are categorized as unidentified are not related to experiences of violent death. in the capital there are 4,354 people who live in the street, according to the census carried out in 2017 by the institute for assistance and social integration (iasis), where hypothermia is documented as one of the most frequent causes of death (ladata 2017). the institute of assistance and social integration offers social assistance services in ten centers, but discrimination against street residents plagues them until their deaths. article 347 of the general health law (1984) stipulates that corpses unclaimed within 72 hours after death and those whose identities are unknown will be considered unknown persons. the same procedures are followed until final burial in a mass grave in the absence of identification and/or reclamation of the body (mendoza 2013; redacción chilango 2018). the high percentages of nn bodies can be explained by insufficient resources, the lack of centralization of all available information, and the methodological gaps in national protocols (pgr 2012, 2015a, 2015b). in 2014, the criminal investigation agency (aic) of the attorney general’s office (pgr) and its general expert services organization released the “diagnostic of the infrastructure and operativity of forensic services” in which officials evaluated the precarity of state forensic medical services. this diagnostic demonstrates the lack of specialized personnel and infrastructure, as well as the absence of standardization in working with unidentified or unclaimed bodies, and the lack of management and control of burials in mass graves. the state medical forensic services operate with a total of just 442 doctors and only 648 experts specialized in the identification of bodies. of the 32 federative entities, in 18 forensic genetics is employed, in 22 fingerprints are taken, and in only 7 forensic anthropology is taken into account (herrera 2018). it is estimated that around 5,900 forensic specialists operate in the country, and an insufficient number of forensic anthropologists and archaeologists, of whom there are just 60 in the whole country (redacción el imparcial 2019). the exhaustive analysis of the biological profile, the targeted individual profile, and the study of the materials associated with the body comprise the principal elements of analysis in the process of human identification. these elements and key steps appear in the section on the treatment of corpses and human remains in order to obtain postmortem information in the national protocol (pgr 2015b). in the case of unidentified bodies or those that have been tentatively identified, the doctor should ensure that a basic file is available, which contains information on various elements: the external and internal description of the corpse, description of clothing, photographs, postmortem fingerprint chart, dental examination, reserve samples, and a record of the corpse’s final destination. but as many reported cases in recent years show, the most essential processes that guarantee the identification of bodies are omitted (milenio 2016; villa 2016; zamundo 2016). removal of body and burial in mass grave in mexico’s current context, the elevated nn body counts, lack of resources, and saturation of spaces justify the use of burials to protect these bodies so that perhaps they can be identified subsequently after recognition and reclamation by family members. the term “mass grave” applies generally to the place in which the mass burial of unidentified bodies takes place, with legal approval and humanitarian or sanitary objectives. these burials are associated with events like famines, epidemics, natural disasters or armed conflicts (fortuna & nociarova 2019; thieren & guitteau 2000). other proposed definitions suggest that a mass grave should contain a minimum of six individual bodies buried in a disorganized way (skinner 1987), or a minimum of two bodies in physical contact with one another (mant 1987). in contrast, schmitt (2001) argues that not only should it contain a minimum of two bodies, but that these bodies should share the manner of death. it is important to emphasize the distinction between mass grave and clandestine grave; the latter involves illegal burials that hold remains of persons executed extrajudicially (jesse & skinner 2005). in mexico, the bodies which after their forensic examination fall into the category of nn can follow different paths before their burial in a mass grave. in cdmx, some of these bodies are sent directly to the mass grave located in the civil cemetery of dolores, and others are kept in cryogenic chambers until the request comes from the ministerial authority. however, most are sent to educational institutions “on temporary loan” for teaching and research purposes (guazo & hernández 2015). agreements between the superior court of justice and the incifo (forensic sciences institute) with different institutions like the military medical school or medical faculties in different universities, among them the national autonomous university of mexico (unam) or the national polytechnical institute (ipn) (pgjdf 2013). for instance, the faculty of medicine at unam receives around 150 nn bodies every year which remain there on temporary loan for 12 months and seven days, to be removed subsequently and buried in a mass grave. the largest cemetery in cdmx, the civil cemetery of dolores, houses in its 240 hectares the buried remains of famous people and the only mass grave in the city (figures 1 and 2). the mass grave has a surface of 8,000 square meters and contains 300 graves, where each month they bury between 60 and 80 new nn bodies (el universal 2016). since approximately 2000, officials have maintained a registry of the corpses that enter the mass grave. these identification records are held by incifo. the regulations of federal district cemeteries (1984) establish that the body of an unknown person may only be sent to a mass grave if it is linked to an individual certificate number and/or investigation file, and it must comply with the requirements set out by the health and civil registry agencies. the procedures that govern the movement of nn bodies to a mass grave are the national penal procedures code (cnpp 2016) and the chain of custody protocol (acuerdo a009 de 2015), which provides that in the absence of identification or reclamation, individuals will be transported to a mass grave, and removal and burial falls to the expert services. according to these procedures, the designation and marking of spaces are the responsibility of the municipal cemetery and the health secretary. but there is no compliance with the requirements established in the protocols or the management of the graves, as the cases of misplaced bodies presumably buried in mass graves demonstrate. the case of the palo verde cemetery in xalapa (veracruz) exposes a series of irregularities that are often discussed regarding the management of nn bodies and their burial in mass graves (milenio digital 2016). complaints filed by relatives who are members of organizations (colectivos) searching for their family members revealed the negligence committed by the public prosecutor’s office: manipulating and hiding corpses, losing bodies, carrying out irregular burials or faulty exhumations in efforts to recover bodies claimed by family members (villa 2016; zamundo 2016). records of nn bodies and their location in mass graves have been reported as nonexistent or lost, and the fact that the bodies are sent to the grave without even a reference label is evidence of the systematic lack of compliance with protocol. in addition, the discovery of a body is not reported to the deceased individual’s relatives even when they have previously filed a report of the person’s disappearance and the investigation file remains open. officials also refuse to rely on independent experts who can shed light on a case in the context of a lack of trust in official institutions (la opinión 2018). fig. 1—mass grave area in the dolores civil cemetery, mexico city. fig. 2—example of a mass grave in the dolores civil cemetery, mexico city. another example is the case of the mass grave in the municipal cemetery of tetelcingo (morelos), which has corpses sent from the regional expert services coordinator. the irregularities in the burial of bodies and the lack of compliance with protocols were revealed in a report by the autonomous university of the state of guerrero (uaem 2016), which indicates that crimes against humanity were committed. subsequent investigations by animal político (ureste 2016), in addition to the human rights-centered journal resiliencia (robledo et al. 2016) made public the details of these failures and neglect carried out by authorities of the state public prosecutor’s office. during the incursion into the mass grave in which 150 bodies were allegedly buried, only 177 were found and it is presumed that there is a third grave that still has not been investigated. additionally, 34 of the bodies did not have investigation files and autopsies had not been performed on 12 of the bodies, despite that nine of them showed marks of violence. of the 117 total bodies buried, 84 showed evidence of violence and/or torture; four cadavers did not have skulls and other bodies had suffered amputations of limbs or even appeared with organs removed for no apparent reason. during the burial of the bodies by the public prosecutor’s office, the use of protocols and manuals for the handling of cadavers, their identification, and the protocols for the treatment of remains and graves were broadly ignored. officials failed to set aside and catalogue clothing and elements associated with the bodies, which could have provided information for their identification. a forensic anthropological analysis of the remains was never done, reducing the investigation to taking four or five bone samples for dna analysis in 97% of the remains. upon analyzing the layout and characteristics of the graves and the corpses after the scientific exhumation, it was clear that it was “a burial with characteristics of clandestinity, similar to the pattern of illegal burials carried out in zones controlled by criminal groups” (ureste 2016). undertaking the exhumations also created many problems, given that the authorities themselves lacked knowledge of aspects like the location and dimensions of the grave, the final arrangement of the buried individuals, etc. another alarming element was the lack of inventory or packaging of the bodies or the absence of spaces established for the observation of relatives, collectives, etc. 96% of the bodies had been buried with a tag that contained information from their investigation files, but in 50% of these it was impossible to read the information, and in the other 23% the labels inside the plastic bottles had been lost (robledo et al. 2016). the irregularities in the burial of bodies in mass graves are also reflected in the investigations undertaken by the mexican forensic anthropology team (emaf, for its initials in spanish) (pérez guzmán 2018). they establish critical points on the journey of the nn bodies from the forensic medical services (semefos) to their burial in mass graves, where they highlight the absence of guidelines during their stay in semefos, which could be from 72 hours to years, and the lack of standardization in the labeling system. moreover, records of the chain of custody are poorly done or in some cases are completely absent. transport of the body to the cemetery is sometimes done by funerary services, in contrast to the requirements established in the previously mentioned procedures. another serious problem is the inscription in the cemetery registry. generally, cemeteries do not maintain a systematic record of the entry of nn bodies or their location or position in mass graves, and everything is in the hands of the administrator of each cemetery. the emaf carried out an estimation of the typologies of existing mass graves in cemeteries and found that they lack uniformity. collective (diachronic) burials can be found, as well as multiple (synchronic) and individual burials (almela 2012), directly in the ground or in cement, in dispersed rows or grouped together in a peripheral part of the cemetery. the development of a comprehensive strategy that respects the different procedures involved, from the departure of nn bodies from the legal medical service to their burial in a mass grave is necessary. the unidentified individuals, according to article 128 of the fourth section of the general law on forced disappearance (…) (2017) “cannot be incinerated, destroyed or disintegrated, nor separated from their belongings.” in addition, according to article 56, “.… the corpses of unknown persons that the forensic medical service remits for burial in a mass grave should be uniquely identified with the corresponding certificate number.” despite the fact that current laws define it this way, the situation of accumulation of cadavers in some semefos in the country has reached such a degree that certain public prosecutors, like that in jalisco, decided to start cremating nn corpses. in jalisco, the rate of disappearances has been increasing since 2007. the most recent reports indicate that there are 7,695 people reported as disappeared there (cedhj 2018). due to the quantity of unidentified and unclaimed corpses that have arrived to the public prosecutor’s facilities, in line with the general health law (1984) which allows for the use of a crematory oven in the case of imminent sanitary risk, a total of 1,559 bodies have been incinerated from 2006 to 2015 (cabral 2019; robles 2019), or one-fifth of disappeared persons in the state. also in jalisco, in 2018 a truck with the name thermo king #1 began circulating in various municipalities of the state with 273 cadavers inside. subsequently the existence of a second truck thermo king #2 came to light. the number of unidentified and unclaimed persons that were found in the two trucks and in the facilities of the jalisco forensic sciences institute rose to 444, some of which have remained in the forensic medical service for up to 34 months (cedh 2019). the intervention of the national human rights commission on the violation of postmortem rights, as well as the undignified treatment that the bodies received and the uncertainty that the episode generated in mexican society, demonstrates the urgent need to address the treatment that unidentified and unclaimed bodies in mexico receive. another recent example of legal mass burial of unidentified bodies in a mass grave in mexico is what happened following the 8.1 magnitude earthquake that took place september 19, 1985 in mexico city. the number of deceased according to the mexican red cross reached 10,000. in this context, the unidentified bodies went to mass graves in two cemeteries: the civil cemetery of dolores and the civil cemetery of lorenzo tezonco. in the former, around 1,600 victims were buried. between 25 and 30 people dug more than 15 graves of 1.5 by 2.5 meters and 3 meters deep, during eight consecutive days for 24 hours per day. the cadavers, according to the gravedigger’s comments to a media source, “came wrapped in sheets, and they placed them into the graves as they arrived, laid them lengthwise or across, however they fit” (pérez & casillas 2015). in the lorenzo tezonco cemetery, the dynamic was different. seven rows of graves with depths of between two and nine meters were dug, and during a 20-day period approximately 1,155 to 1,300 corpses were buried there. 800 identified but unclaimed bodies were also buried in another grave close to these rows (milenio 2017; pérez & casillas 2015). the adequate management of cadavers is one of the more complex aspects when the capacity of the systems is overwhelmed, and burial allows for prolonged temporary storage. international guidelines address the management of corpses in this kind of situation or context (cicr 2016), and cemetery regulations determine how mass graves should be adapted to some minimum standards that assure the easy location of an nn individual. the cadavers should be buried in individual, clearly marked graves, and collective burial is practiced only when the number is high, with depths of 1.5 to 3 meters, and always marked on the surface. mass graves should consist of a trench containing a single row of bodies, each one placed parallel to the other and with bodies separated by .4 meters. each body should be buried with its unique reference number recorded on a moisture-resistant label, and clearly marked on the surface and with the exact topographic location for future reference. human rights, postmortem rights, and forensic anthropology over the last 30 years the deployment of forensic techniques applied to the investigation of the consequences of political violence and the role of forensic anthropology have become indispensable for the identification of victims and the interpretation of the death event (doretti & snow 2003). the field of forensic anthropology and other forensic sciences have developed in contexts of investigation of human rights violations, which consider human remains as a source of truth about the past (moon 2013). the identification of human remains has become critical for the dignity of the dead and their relatives, with the emergence of terms like forensic humanitarianism, which applied scientific knowledge and its methodology to the resolution of legal questions linked to human rights violations (moon 2014). scientific research and the struggle for human rights have converged, as much in the reconstruction of events, the location and identification of victims, as in the return of the remains to families. humanitarian practice is governed by international humanitarian law (ihl) which emphasizes two basic principles: the protection of the dignity of the dead and attention to the needs of their relatives (tidball-binz 2012). ihl governs the treatment of the dead and specifically establishes the obligation of parties to an armed conflict to carry out searches, recovery, and identification of victims (cicr 2003), as well as the right of families to know the whereabouts of their loved ones. it stipulates that the dead should be identified and treated in a respectful way, ensuring respect for their traditions and religious beliefs, and their burial in individual graves. ihl protocols require that the dead be treated as if they have rights, or at least, the right to dignity. in the interpol general assembly in 1996, it was established that “… human beings have the right not to lose their identities after death” (interpol 1996). the intervention of independent, nongovernmental teams of humanitarian and technical-scientific nature has increased in recent years in mexico. the work carried out by the argentine forensic anthropology team (eaaf), the forensic anthropology foundation of guatemala (fafg), or the mexican forensic anthropology team (emaf) stands out, focused mainly on cases of disappeared persons and clandestine graves (eaaf 2016; huffschmid 2015). a model appeaorch to nn bodies and mass graves is that of miguel alemán in tamaulipas, where accepting the limitations of the public prosecutor’s office and expert services, the collaboration of expert services of the former attorney general and the scientific division of the federal police was requested. in addition, they had the support of the german corporation for international cooperation (giz), which sent a forensic specialist and hired experts from fafg to advise the public prosecutor’s office and experts in the design, development, and execution of the project (pgje 2018). the forensic project in miguel alemán showed that it is possible and necessary to coordinate interinstitutional efforts in the investigation of mass graves in the context of disappeared and unidentified persons in mexico (redacción capital méxico 2017). the current government has publicly announced its intention to create measures focused on responding to the problem of the disappeared and unidentified, which are grouped together in the plan for implementation of the general law on forced disappearance and the national search system. this plan proposes the creation of a national institute of forensic identification (inaid) or the creation of a single system of technological information and information technology (suiti), which would house the information in the national registry of disappeared persons and persons not located, that of the unidentified or unclaimed deceased persons, and a national forensic databank. the national search commission is being reinstated, which has the creation of new protocols and programs for search and exhumation among its priorities. the government has expressed the intention of including international technical assistance from the office of the un high commissioner for human rights, the inter-american human rights commission (iahrc), the international committee of the red cross (icrc), and giz (arleta 2019). the national legislative framework considers the right of the dead to dignity. an example is article 346 of the general health law (1984), which explains that “corpses are not property and will always be treated with respect, dignity and consideration,” or the regulation of federal district cemeteries (1984), which establishes the need to maintain records with information about the burials, exhumations and reburials (article 34) and mentions that the burials or incinerations of corpses can only be conducted with the authorization of the civil registry judge and only when there is a death certificate (article 42). moreover, the general victims law (2013) establishes that “once the technical and scientific tests which the state is obligated to undertake have been fully identified and carried out […] only then the return of the bodies or bones of the victims to their family members should be done, fully respecting their dignity and religious and cultural traditions.” just as villareal (2013) notes, the right to proper treatment of a corpse and human remains and respect for its honor are fundamental pillars of the postmortem rights of the individual. regarding the relatives, the general victims law catalogues them as “indirect victims” who have the right to receive “clear, precise, and accessible” information provided by public servants, and to have their security always guaranteed. similarly, they may be present at exhumations and should be informed about the procedures and protocols followed in these events. the general law on forced disappearance of persons, disappearance committed by private actors and the national search system (2017), establishes the need to “locate the families of the identified and unclaimed deceased persons, in coordination with the corresponding institutions, to be able to return the cadavers or human remains […]”. the relatives have reported systematic irregularities in investigations about their disappeared family members, in addition to threats or victimization of the relatives themselves, which have united them. they have formed collectives throughout the country and participated in proposing laws that are now in effect, like the law on forced disappearance. in the recent public hearing “forced disappearances and the proposal for an extraordinary mechanism for forensic identification,” the united nations high commissioner for human rights in mexico raised the alert about the “forensic emergency” that the country is experiencing, indicating the need to set up an international mechanism for technical forensic assistance, that might address the identification of bodies in storage in the forensic medical services or buried in mass graves in cemeteries (oacnudh 2019). on may 9, 2019, officials from the interior ministry, representatives of international organizations like the un and the international red cross and relatives of victims of disappearance met to begin working on this mechanism, under the premise that it be “like a special body of an extraordinary nature with technical and administrative independence, with its own resources and international technical and financial support, with the objective of addressing, exclusively, forensic problems related to the identification of persons, which includes a transnational perspective for the identification of foreigners disappeared in mexico” (movimiento por nuestros desaparecidos en méxico 2019a, 2019b; segob 2019b). final reflections mexico is undergoing an unprecedented humanitarian and rule of law crisis. the current process with almost 40,000 disappeared persons and an estimated 26,000 unidentified bodies demands a forensic scientific approach based on the defense of human rights, which guarantees timely, impartial, and independent investigations. we do not know the number of graves in mexico nor how many may be created in the future. the absence of official investigations and statistics reflects the inattention to the problem of unidentified bodies and lack of management of their burial in mass graves. this is an ongoing process which has barely begun to be addressed, and journalistic information is the only kind available to evaluate the current context. the adequate mobilization of resources and the necessary specialists will largely determine the success of the identifications, as well as the communication with family members and the correct management of information by state authorities. systematic centralization will be essential to increase the possibility of finding matches among requests for searches for disappeared persons and the available information about the unidentified bodies. it is fundamental to adopt the principles provided by current protocols on forensic archaeology and anthropology (cicr 2006; interpol 2018; minnesota protocol 2016), critical disciplines in the approach to this context, where clandestine graves, mass graves, persons considered disappeared and unidentified corpses mix. but it is neither forensic anthropology nor forensic genetics nor forensic dentistry alone that identifies a deceased unidentified person: instead, it is the sum of the postmortem information and the availability of antemortem information. as such, professionalization demands knowing all the links in the chain; the contribution of each specialization must be understood, given that no specialist will achieve an identification in isolation (wade 2016). in addition, methods of human identification adapted to the population should be considered in the work protocols of the forensic services. the diversity of the mexican population (kirkwood 2000), in addition to technical difficulties, makes it imperative to investigate and develop methods for dependent populations. there are projects in forensic anthropology in institutions like unam, the national school of anthropology and history (enah) or collaborations with foreign universities, that provide methodologies and formulas adjusted to the mexican population, for instance, in estimations of age at time of death (cerezo-román et al. 2014; escorcia et al. 2015; muñoz et al. 2018), or the sex (sánchez-mejorana et al. 2011; spradley et al. 2015) or stature of the individual (menéndez garmendia et al. 2018). we can take away the following points from the review, which analyzes the current situation of nn bodies in mexico: •  absence of a national interdisciplinary strategy for professionalization in forensic science. •  infrastructure and insufficient resources. need to produce research, update methodologies, and establish scientific agreements among different institutions that can contribute to mitigating needs and sharing data and accurate and official information. •  insufficient communication with family members and a lack of systematic centralization of information, which becomes essential to increase the likelihood of finding overlap between the petitions for searches for disappeared persons and the available or known information about unidentified bodies. •  failures and discrepancies regarding compliance with the protocols and basic elements of human identification, which respect the different procedures from the departure of nn bodies from the legal medical service to their burial in a mass grave. •  absence of comprehensive strategies that consider the overlaps among disappeared persons and unidentified corpses, between management of clandestine graves and mass graves, or in the processes of search and identification. references almela ra. términos y 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mexico ecranfield forensic institute, cranfield university, shrivenham, swindon, oxfordshire sn6 8la, uk fwolfson college, oxford, oxfordshire ox2 6ud, uk *correspondence to: maria fortuna, universidad nacional autonoma de méxico, ciudad universitaria, coyoacan, mexico city, 04510, mexico e-mail: fortunamurillo@gmail.com received 6 may 2020; revised 10 june 2020; accepted 13 june 2020 research article forensic anthropology vol. 5, no. 3: 251–261 doi: 10.5744/fa.2022.4001a research article adaptation of the weldon spring protocol as a proposal for the search for cadavers and evidence in protected natural areas and areas of ecological conservation in mexico city lorena valencia caballeroa ● erica itzel landa juárezb,a* abstract: the institutions responsible for administrating and providing justice in mexico city lack the methodology, techniques, protocols, and highly trained personnel to carry out the search for disappeared persons. neither a structure nor organization exist to carry out this work. to avoid continuing to act solely empirically, we decided to propose a model for searching for human remains and surface evidence. we took as a guide the knowledge and experience of the weldon spring protocol, which was created, adopted and applied in the united states for cases of mass disasters. the adaptation of this protocol to mexico city is focused on the protected natural areas and areas of ecological conservation, since they are the zones where human bodies are most likely deposited, a product of crimes carried out by urban organized crime groups. those areas are located in the higher and more remote parts of the city, and in addition they lack illumination, modes of transportation, public services and security; and they constitute 23.7% of the land under conservation. with this model we stress the importance of developing solid work team; knowledge of natural areas and how urban organized crime is constituted; and the need to carry out prospecting remotely and on foot. it is also important to create a route organized in transect lines and to consider the social and economic impact of using current technological tools to geo-reference the site and the implementation of index cards to register events. keywords: forensic archaeology, mexico city, search introduction the proposal we are making seeks to contribute to, propose a field protocol to conduct scientific and systematized searches for unidentified human bodies on the surface of natural sites that are difficult to access in mexico city. no model or action protocol for the search for human bodies and evidence on the surface has been developed so far. the forensic archaeologist and forensic anthropologist exert little influence on investigative processes, even though the number of disappeared persons in the country is alarmingly high. as a result, it is imperative to propose an action model that may be useful for specific geographic, environmental, and social characteristics, especially considering the criminal behavior that occurs in mexico city. we take up the weldon spring protocol, given that it is a model that researchers have studied, experimented with, verified and certified for mass disasters in the united states. as such, we focus on its steps and phases to adapt and apply them to extensive geographic areas and the hills, valleys and plains that make up the protected natural areas in mexico city. these areas are found in high places with low temperatures and are sparsely populated. they have little access to public services and security. most importantly, these areas are where bodies of victims of violent killings are found, acts carried out by individuals but also by organized crime groups that operate in the city’s interior and surrounding urban areas. the proposal for the searches that we offer is divided into two parts: the first is preparation that the teams undertake, and the second is the location, documentation and recovery of evidence. the second part is divided into three phases. phase i corresponds to the written documentation through narration, a photographic record and video without sound; phase ii corresponds to the activities of the search team through remote prospecting and on foot, exploring in transect lines; finally, phase iii focuses on the recovery of potential evidence and the documentation on index cards of body parts, bones, a narrative record, and the photographic record (see annex). we are convinced that with the application of this search model, which meets scientific standards, government institutions will obtain satisfactory results that are fair and viable for victims’ families, judges and society. history of the weldon spring protocol at the end of 1990, the forensic archaeology protocol which was developed specifically for open spaces public places and in large-scale disaster situations where environmental diversity and evidence interact, was modified. in 2000, the protocol was tested in an effort supervised by highly trained, professional personnel of the federal bureau of investigation (fbi), in a place called weldon spring located in eastern missouri, united states (dirkmaat 2012). the weldon spring protocol proved to be quantifiably better with respect to various factors: the number of items of potential evidence collected; in establishing the three-dimensional record of each item’s location and carrying out the investigation in a single day of work. over time, specific criminal circumstances, technological advances and tests carried out in controlled conditions have brought about changes in the protocol. however, these changes have facilitated the credibility and practicality of the protocol when it is applied. in 2009, when flight 3407 was heading toward the buffalo niagara international airport, it collided with a house in the suburbs of clarence center in new york state. the 49 passengers on board and one person who was nearby died. facing this situation, researchers drew on the weldon spring protocol. it was an opportunity to make changes and integrate the guidelines for using a total station for the assignment of anatomical points of the human body that should be considered (dirkmaat 2012). in wattsburg, pennsylvania in 2009, an exercise in a controlled environment was carried out in which researchers simulated an environment following the explosion of a bomb in an open space. the purpose of the exercise was to compare two documentation processes. there were two teams that performed the same activities, but with different work tools. one team was assigned a transect corridor, and it also used bar codes and hand-held computers or tablets; the other team, in another transect corridor, was assigned the total station and manual registration. at the end of the exercise, researchers calculated which of the two teams took less time to conclude its investigation. in addition, thanks to this exercise the formation of two photographic record teams was recommended (dirkmaat 2012). in the same year, in williamsport, pennsylvania, researchers performed another exercise in which a bomb was detonated in a car that contained a pig. during this exercise, researchers included bar codes, several total stations and the simultaneous connection to a mobile military telephone and a computer. in 2010, in erie, pennsylvania, the third exercise using detonations of car bombs was carried out, with the purpose of testing and making changes in the protocol to verify its utility and practicality. after these exercises, global positioning system (gps) and global navigation satellite system (gnss) units were implemented, which reduced the time required to collect objects by 300%. the third modification was to add a second “photography team” and a second “collection team” (dirkmaat 2012). the protocol will continue undergoing changes, according to technological advances and site-specific needs; for instance, real time spatial analysis using a geographic information system (gis) is anticipated. the weldon spring protocol could be adapted to the different geographic context of mexico city to guide a search for evidence on the ground surface. to carry this out, it is necessary to adapt the protocol to the city’s natural areas; to consider the lack of security for those carrying out the search; and knowledge about how specific criminal groups operate. also, researchers must keep in mind the lack of technology and budget from which the city suffers. protected natural areas and areas of ecological conservation in mexico city the natural areas protected and ecologically preserved in mexico city are those natural physical spaces where human activities have not significantly altered the original environments, or that require preservation and restoration due to their structure and the role they play in the preservation of biodiversity and environmental services. in mexico city 23 protected natural areas (anps, for their initials in spanish) have been created by decree, seven of which are national parks administered by the national commission of protected natural areas (conanp). the total surface area of the local anps is 21,047.01 hectares, which represent 23.79% of conservation lands in mexico city. these areas are protected to conserve natural resources that are of special importance, whether they are fauna or flora that are categorized as being at various levels of risk (rare, threatened, endemic, in danger of extinction) or local-level representative ecosystems (sedema.cdmx.gob.mx). this 23.79% of protected natural resources are found away from urban areas, are not easily accessible. they lack public services, particularly security, which makes them ideal places for dumping human bodies. the secretary of the environment of mexico city (sedema), which was founded in 1997, is an agency administered by the government of mexico city, which has under its authority the protection of the environment to promote sustainable urban development. this department carries out inventories of protected natural areas and community areas under ecological conservation (figure 1). each area has a name, the date when it was declared a protected natural area, and the inventory provides its location, area in hectares, and the administrative department in charge of its maintenance and care. these can be in a mayor’s office, public lands, in the community, in a commission like the general management of the natural resources commission (dgcorena), or in the secretary of the environment and natural resources (semarnat). finally, the type of vegetation present in the area is also noted (see tables 1-6). urban organized crime and criminal organizations urban organized crime may be understood as a group of individuals dedicated to illicit activities to generate income focused on the city but sometimes with transnational connections. in general, these groups operate with a local boss, little hierarchy and centralization of activities and roles. illegal organizations confront specific transaction costs that they try to cover with activities that range from tax evasion to coopting the state. some are very competitive in dynamic markets like the drug trade. to sustain themselves, they have to combine activities like extortion or kidnapping, human trafficking, migratory networks, entertainment markets, tourism, or real estate (alvarado 2014). at the beginning of the 1980s organized crime surged in mexico city due to the forced displacement of families caused by the arrival of massive industries and businesses from different countries that bought large quantities of agricultural land at low cost, leaving peasants and local small-scale businesspeople without work. so, the families that were living in michoacán, guerrero, oaxaca, chiapas tabasco and veracruz had to leave their belongings and homes to relocate to mexico city and start an economic life different from that to which they were accustomed. the families rebuilt their lives in the city, settling in shantytowns and opening convenience stores to supply their neighbors. however, the first generation born in these neighborhoods worked informally, selling electrical appliances and clothing, products that came from the united states and which they sold at very low prices. this economic activity benefited this generation because its members made large profits, but they later became victims of extortion by other businesspeople, police, or criminal groups. in response, some of them decided to organize and confront these groups, creating organizations that operated violently and outside of the law. by the end of the 1980s, urban criminal groups were organized, and they had territorial control, a considerable number of members, hierarchical relations, and a range of disparate illicit activities (alvarado 2014). as the years passed, these organizations specialized, and now two kinds of groups dedicated to illicit activities operate— transnational and retail. both groups engage in large-scale violence, evident in rates of violent deaths and disappearances (alvarado 2014). the criminal groups that operate in the city are la familia michoacana in the boroughs venustiano carranza, iztacalco, and gustavo a madero; and in the towns of huixquilucan, naucalpan and tlanepantla. the jalisco nueva generación cartel and the juárez cartel operate in the borough of miguel hidalgo; los rodolfos in the south of the city and the state of mexico; the unión de tepito in the settlement (colonia) of morelos, and the boroughs cuauhtémoc, azcapotzalco, venustiano carranza; the fuerza anti-unión in the morelos settlement, and the boroughs of cuahtémoc and azcapotzalco; the cartel of tláhuac in boroughs of tláhuac, xochimilco and milpa alta; the beltrán leyva cartel in the south of mexico city, borough of tlalpan, towns of ecatepec and texcoco (el metro, el gráfico, el universal, la jornada, la razón, la crónica, reporte índigo, milenio y la prensa 2017-2018). the magnitude of criminal activities is notably greater than in any other city in the region. these include car theft, retail drug dealing, piracy, sex trafficking, homicides and executions. the case of mexico city involves a rate of violent deaths much higher than the average in other locations. incidence of homicides in mexico city from 2015 to 2018 the need for a model for searching for dead bodies is urgent because the rates of femicide and homicide are continually increasing as the years pass. this information comes from the statistical bulletin of the incidence of crime in mexico city, which is published by the government of mexico city or cdmx and the attorney general’s office. according to published statistics, from january to december 2015, the number of homicides, including femicides was 854 people, a daily average of 2.3 people; in 2016 homicides including femicides reached 952 people, meaning a daily average of 2.6; in 2017 intentional homicides including femicides reached a total of 1,085 cases, a daily average of 3.0 homicides. the 2018 statistical report documents an increase to 1,265 homicide cases and a daily average of 3.5 homicides (http: www.pgjcdmx.gob.mx). fig. 1—map from the government of mexico city, secretary of the environment. natural protected areas and areas of environmental value. table 1—inventory of protected natural areas and communal ecological conservation areas in mexico city according to sedema (secretary of the environment). number   name   date of decree   location   area in hectares (ha.)   administration   type of vegetation 1   cumbres del ajusco.   may 19, 1947, diario oficial.   tlalpan delegation.   920.00   dgcorena   pine and oyamel fir forest. 2   desierto de los leones.   november 27, 1917, diario oficial.   cuajimalpa and álvaro obregón delegations.   1,529.00   dgcorena   oyamel firpineoak forest and pastures. 3   insurgente miguel hidalgo y costilla.   september 18, 1936, diario oficial.   cuajimalpa delegation and in the municipalities of ocoyoacac, huixquilucan in the state of mexico.   1,836,336 of which only 336.00 ha. are in cdmx.   semarnat   oyamel fir, pine forest. 4   cerro de la estrella.   august 24, 1938, diario oficial.   iztapalapa delegation.   1100.00   semarnat     5   el tepeyac.   february 18, 1937, diario oficial.   gustavo a. madero delegation.   1,500.00   semarnat   xerophilous brush and artificial eucalyptus, pine and cedar forest 6   fuentes brotantes de tlalpan.   september 28, 1936, diario oficial.   tlalpan delegation.   129.00   tlalpan delegation.     7   lomas de padierna.   april 22, 1938, diario oficial.   magdalena contreras delegation.   670.00   semarnat   artificial cedar forest.             subtotal   6,184.00         table 2—zones under ecological conservation. number   name of order   date of order   location   area (ha)   administration   type of vegetation 1   cumbres del ajusco.   may 19, 1947. diario oficial.   tlalpan delegation.   920.00   dgcorena   pine and oyamel fir forest. 2   desierto de los leones.   november 27, 1917, diario oficial.   cuajimalpa y álvaro obregón delegations.   1,529.00   dgcorena   oyamel firpineoak forest and pastures. 3   insurgente miguel hidalgo y costilla.   september 18, 1936, diario oficial.   cuajimalpa delegation and in the municipalities of ocoyoacac, huixquilucan in the state of mexico.   1,836,336 of which only 336.00 ha. are in cdmx.   semarnat   oyamel fir forest, pine forest. 4   cerro de la estrella.   august 24, 1938, diario oficial.   iztapalapa delegation.   1100.00   semarnat     5   el tepeyac.   august 24, 1938, diario oficial.   gustavo a. madero delegation.   1,500.00   semarnat   xerophilous brush and artificial eucalyptus, pine and cedar forest 6   fuentes brotantes de tlalpan.   september 28, 1936, diario oficial.   tlalpan delegation.   129.00   tlalpan delegation     7   lomas de padierna.   april 22, 1938, diario oficial.   magdalena contreras delegation.   670.00   semarnat   artificial cedar forest.             subtotal   4, 438.013         table 3—ecological conservation zones. number   name   date of order   location   area (ha)   administration   type of vegetation 1   ecoguardas.   november 29, 2006, gaceta oficial del d.f.   tlalpan delegation.   132.63   sma   oak forest and xerophilous brush. 2   sierra de santa catarina   august 21, 2003, gaceta oficial del d.f.   iztapalapa and tláhuac delegations.   220.55   dgcorena   pasture, xerophilous brush. 3   la armella.   june 9, 2006, gaceta oficial del d.f.   gustavo a. madero delegation.   193.38   dgcorena   xerophilous brush and artificial eucalyptus, pine and cedar forest. 4   la loma.   april 20, 2010, gaceta oficial del d.f.   álvaro obregón delegation.   77.33   dgcorena   oak forest.             subtotal   623.89         table 4—ecological and cultural zones. number   name   date of order   location   area (ha)   administration   type of vegetation 1   bosque de tlalpan.   june 17, 2011, gaceta oficial del d.f.   tlalpan delegation.   252.86   tlalpan delegation.   oak forest, xerophilous brush, artificial eucalyptus, cedar y ash tree forest. 2   cerro de la estrella.   november 2, 2005, gaceta oficial del d.f.   iztapalapa delegation.   121.77   iztapalapa delegation.   artificial eucalyptus-cedar forest and relicts xerophilous brush.             subtotal   374.63         table 5—communal ecological reserves. number   name   date of order   location   area (ha)   administration   type of vegetation 1   san nicolás totolapan.   november 29, 2006, gaceta oficial del d.f.   magdalena contreras y tlalpan delegations.   1,984.70   public land   oyamel fir-pine-oak forest and pastures. 2   san miguel topilejo.   june 26, 2007, gaceta oficial del d.f   tlalpan delegation.   6,000.29   community   oyamel fir forest, pine forest, pasture. 3   san bernabé ocotepe.   june 21, 2010, gaceta oficial del d.f.   magdalena contreras y álvaro obregón delegations.   240.38   community   oak-pine-fir forest, oyamel fir forest, pine forest. 4   san miguel ajusco.   november 16, 2010, gaceta oficial del d.f.   tlalpan delegation.   1,175.99   community   oyamel fir forest, pine forest, pasture.             subtotal   9,401.36         table 6—hydrological and ecological protection zone. number   name   date of order   location   area (ha)   administration   type of vegetation 1   los encinos.   december 1, 2009, gaceta oficial del d.f.   tlalpan delegation.   25.01   dgcorena   oak forest, xerophilous brush. this situation demands that innovative protocols, methods, and techniques be established and adapted to the social needs of mexico city. from weldon spring, missouri to mexico city in her undergraduate thesis in archaeology, archaeologist andrea muñoz has proposed modifications for adapting the weldon spring protocol to mexico. we take up the proposed changes so that they can be applied to natural and ecological protected zones in mexico city. this new protocol is composed of three phases and six steps to follow. it emphasizes the composition of the teams that will work together covering the route on foot, the activity of walking in a straight line through the site accompanied by the search team, which has the task of observing the site and identifying objects. they immediately place a marker near each piece of potential evidence. subsequently, the recovery team uses an electronic total station to specify geographically each point indicated by the search team. at all times the photography team’s register is available, which documents the indicated items. each photo has a scale of 1:10, indicates north with an arrow and includes a metric scale. afterwards, the recovery team collects the human remains and brings them to the institute of forensic sciences (incifo, its acronym in spanish). the protocol has three priorities which it must fulfill (muñoz 2014), which are the following: priority 1. locate, document and recover human remains without mixing or disassociating them, carrying out an effective and efficient location and recovery strategy. priority 2. locate, register and recover the associated objects, carefully documenting their spatial relationship with the human remains. priority 3. document and register everything that can be observed from the site to obtain the best possible contextual information. this contributes to the investigation and helps reconstruct events, which will explain the behaviors that produced these scenes. preparation a. establish a strong chain of communication among specialists to take maximum advantage of their knowledge and resources. once the area in mexico city to be investigated is designated, the forensic archaeologists, forensic anthropologists, criminalists, photographers, as well as the investigative police and the public prosecutor’s office should meet to share information related to the case, so that the experts and police become familiar with the context in which the search will unfold and can plan accordingly. b. determine the physical characteristics of that being sought. the forensic anthropologists should have knowledge of antemortem/postmortem (am/pm) interviews. this interview contains the information obtained by the forensic anthropologist through the skeletal analysis of the remains or corpses (postmortem), and this is compared with the information about the observable characteristics of the person when he or she was alive (antemortem). for the comparison to provide reliable results, the antemortem information should be expressed in a way that is comparable with the postmortem information (mejía and palma 2018). for this reason, the anthropologists should know the physical characteristics of the individual(s) for which they are searching, including the sex, chronological age, height, weight in kilograms, and specific physical characteristics such as: scars from injuries, surgeries, tattoos, and dental or orthopedic implements. c. determine the accessibility of the wooded site and land. before beginning an investigation of the site, a search for written and visual information is carried out regarding the environmental conditions; the climate; the characteristics of the vegetation, meaning the wild flora that grows in different seasons of the year, and the type of fauna; the geology that corresponds to the existing types of soil; the registered average temperature; also it is important to know whether the site to be investigated is located close to any site of historical relevance. this information will be evaluated to know the limitations of access and/or exit from the site to be able to plan the number of people who will participate, to know if there will be interference with gps signals, telephone communication, and to know also the meeting points and the area that will be protected by perimeter security (dirkmaat 2012). in the city’s natural areas, the cordoning is not convenient because the ranges of the search are large, and the team loses time cordoning the area. application of behavioral archaeology theory (codding and bird 2015; muñoz 2014; schiffer 2014) should be considered, which consists of researching the social group that is found close to or surrounding the site of investigation. knowledge of the history, politics, culture and religion of that population will help to develop the best possible entry and exit strategies, the type of site protection and the security of participants. d. establish a human remains tracing system (srrh, for its initials in spanish). this system should assure that potential evidence is properly recorded in writing and through photography and video so that later they can be gathered with the body with which they are related. these records are made with the help of index cards. we propose the human body anatomical record index card; human skeleton anatomical record index card; and narration (before and during the search) record index card; and the photographic record index card (see annex). phase i. registration of the investigation site will be carried out by three teams, which will have different tasks. the work is divided this way to speed up the process (dirkmaat 2012). step 1. initial registration. a.   narrative team. develops an initial narrative (in). 1.   general description of site (climate, vegetation). 2.   record activities. 3.   update in every 30 minutes. 4.   use identity index cards filled out on paper or digitally (preferred). b.   digital photography team. carries out general photo-documentation. 1.   photograph the site from the four cardinal directions. 2.   take detailed photos of the site and features of interest. 3.   detailed record of each photograph (cardinal direction from where it was taken and metric scale). c.   video team. general video documentation of the site. 1.   install video cameras in zones where the largest part of the site and activities carried out in it can be observed and recorded. 2.   record the site and surrounding area in slow motion and with the sound off. 3.   the camera can be positioned in different panoramic locations. 4.   the team should make a detailed record of the photographs. step 2. preparation of the site for recovery. the search team performs a remote exploration of the discovery or investigation site (mendoça 2001), to be able to know the site better during the search route. the team members use tools like topographic maps, aerial photographs of the region with the help of satellite images and 3d images provided by programs like google earth, sagarpa satellite images (including gps analysis of images), and also if possible, with unmanned aerial vehicles (uavs) or drones. 2.1. the topographic maps are provided by the national institute of statistics and geography (inegi), and the majority are at 1:50,000 scale. these maps have topographic, orthographic and hydrographic characteristics, and depict current human settlements and infrastructure projects. each one covers a total of 960 km² and comprises the national territory in a total of 2025 maps (inegi 2013). 2.2. in the aerial photographs and satellite images anomalies on the ground that do not seem naturally occurring can be observed and compared with the topographic maps. the purpose of this is to examine carefully if there is evidence of structures and the traces that they leave on the ground. in this phase the area to cover will be demarcated (muñoz 2014). the aerial photographs should be vertical, at 90° angles to the ground. they should be taken in intervals so that at least 60% of the previous photograph can be seen in the next photo. this way they can overlap, and the illusion of a third dimension (known as stereopsis) is created with a stereoscope by observing two subsequent photographs. this technique is called photogrammetry. by doing this, researchers can locate patterns on the land that are invisible from the ground. this type of photography is useful because it allows researchers to observe changes on the land due to anthropogenic actions. anomalies can be located that today are not possible to identify because of demographic growth or natural activity (muñoz 2014). 2.3. aerial photographs of 3d images made available by google earth pay program (google earth pro). this is an excellent tool that allows satellite views of specific zones that the researcher could need. in addition, these zones are updated every six months to a year, depending on the site. this is an advantage because it allows one to detect the differences on the land if they are compared with information from the sagarpa satellite or drone images. the area to investigate is located and georeferenced with universal transverse mercator (utm) coordinates and with the area selection tool, it provides an approximation of the area to explore in square meters. the disadvantage of this tool is that the images are not in real time and do not necessarily reflect recently altered marks on the vegetation (muñoz 2014). 2.4. aerial photographs of 3d images made by the sagarpa program. recent images of mexican territory can be taken under the sagarpa satellite agreement. this tool facilitates observation of the ground more precisely and as it is currently (blancas 2015). 2.5. unmanned aerial vehicles (uavs) or a drone (jensen 1996). researchers can fly a drone mounted with automated photography equipment to create images that can later be joined to create orthophotography that can be compared to the potential items discovered on scene. the height at which the drone should fly is perpendicular at two heights, 6 and 12 meters from the ground. a team leader should be designated who guides, monitors and stops the drone when necessary throughout the search, which will allow team members the opportunity to place small markers close to potential evidence. phase ii. search for evidence and human remains on the ground surface. step 3. establish the primary datum of the site (signal or mark). it should be permanent, if possible. a.   select area with the greatest visibility. b.   set up total station, and level and measure the elevation. c.   create the calibration point. d.   carry out the prospection route along the ground, which is the process of walking to observe the landscape (parcak 2009). researchers should perform a detailed visual examination of the area, paying special attention to possible transformations of the landscape and finding the objects that were previously marked by the team. e.   the route will be realized in transect lines and without marks or connecting lines that physically limit the route, also called “plotless methods” (parcak 2009), which consists of walking and returning in a straight line, side to side in a rectangular space without putting down stakes. trees are used as boundaries (mendoça 2001). this method is employed because it allows for the inspection of a wide area in a single workday without calling for much personnel (morales & javir 2000). in addition, this method is useful because the environment involves various animals moving around, the ground will probably be uneven and there will likely be objects on the surface. phase iii. final documentation and recovery. step 4. sweep for potential evidence and human remains. this work should be carried out immediately after the search team finishes its work. record all spatial information regarding objects and remains. registration team (dirkmaat et al., 2012). a.   the code tagger attaches a label or unique bar code to each marker/pennant. b.   the operator of the code tag (or bar code) reader should scan the code, resend the information to the operator of the gps via walkie-talkie and create a brief description of the previously registered object. step 5. taking detailed digital photographs. photography team (dirkmaat et al. 2012). a.   the scale, north arrow, and a pennant with visible code are placed together with the object or human remains. b.   the photographs are taken perpendicularly to the ground. various photos of the same object should be taken that way. c.   the operator of the code tag (or bar code) reader of the photography team scans the code, includes a brief description of the content of the photo and its number and includes it in the database. d.   they will place an × on the back side of the photographed pennant, indicating that the object or remains are ready to be recovered. step 6. recovery of objects and human remains. researchers collect the objects and human remains to begin the chain of custody. recovery team (dirkmaat et al. 2012). a.   small objects and human remains should be packed in plastic bags and paper respectively (each one in its own bag so they do not mix). the larger remains and objects should be packed into larger containers (cadaver bags for the remains). b.   place the pennant with the bar code inside the bag (the codes should be waterproof or be placed in another bag so that they cannot fall out or get lost). c.   the duplicate of the bar code that is inside the bag should be pasted outside the bag. d.   the objects and human remains should be handed over to the person responsible for the chain of custody. this how the application of the protocol should be carried out in the context of mexico city (see table 7). conclusions to date, in the history of criminality and public prosecution in mexico city, the empirical method has prevailed, and employing science is considered a luxury rather than a necessity. for this reason, field protocols in many areas do not exist, especially in the search for human bodies because until very recently they was not considered necessary. a forensic archaeological investigation model does not exist for the attorney general’s office of mexico city, nor are there personnel to carry out archaeological work. without an archaeologist, the forensic anthropologist sometimes does this work when he or she has time for it. otherwise, in the majority of cases, a firefighter is the person who directs and carries out the work; without devaluing the knowledge and expertise of firefighters, their training does not include familiarity with theoretical behavior models, prospection and excavation techniques, identification of human skeletal remains and taphonomic processes. so, the ideal experts are forensic archaeologists and forensic anthropologists. table 7—summary of the application of the weldon spring protocol to mexico city in protected natural areas and areas under ecological conservation. preparation   phase i. documentation   phase ii. search   phase iii. recovery    a. communication.    b. knowledge of persons’ characteristics.    c. precursors of flora, fauna, geology, climate and history of site.    d. prepare index cards.   step 1. narrative, photographic and video teams. step 2. search-remote prospection team.   step 3. establish datum and plotless method prospection.   step 4. registration of potential evidence and human remains team. step 5. photography of potential evidence and human remains team. step 6. recovery of potential evidence and human remains team. source: erica itzel landa juárez. given this situation, we decided to investigate an appropriate model that could be applied in mexico city. the incidence of people abducted in public streets, from public transport services, whether taxis, combis, microbuses, buses, the metro and even from private cars, who are later killed and abandoned in sites far from the urban centers of the city, has increased enormously and alarmingly. at the same time, these acts are committed as part of robberies, femicide, homicide, kidnapping and human trafficking. these incidents have increased every year and the public prosecutors have been overwhelmed by the situation. the model that we propose is adapted from the weldon spring protocol, which has been applied in cases of mass disasters in the united states. this protocol has been analyzed, tested, adjusted, verified and certified for use since 1990. as such, it should be considered and adapted to situations that arise in mexico city, particularly in protected natural and ecological areas of the city, to search for cadavers above ground, even though causes of death may be different from those brought about by massive disasters. natural areas make up 23.79% of the area of mexico city, and they are more likely sites for dumping bodies than the city’s streets, avenues, malls, plazas, kiosks, and bridges. security cameras would allow the people that commit such violent acts to be identified in such locations, or the existence of witnesses would impede them from committing the crime. as such, this is a vast area in which to hide human bodies. these areas are difficult to access, little-explored expanses where wild flora and fauna abound. even homeless people and criminals rarely decide to enter these areas. all this makes it difficult to carry out investigations. moreover, homicides are sometimes perpetrated by one or two people who do not belong to an organized crime group, or in other cases those responsible are people who belong to some of the urban criminal groups that coexist in the city. many members of these groups have already been identified by name, as well as the identity of the group’s leader, the places where they meet and sometimes the year in which the group was founded. this information is very important. also, we know that the principal characteristic of urban groups is their interest in the retail sector. the retributive behaviors that they employ against the enemy differ from the ways in which rural groups operate. as was mentioned earlier, the retail industry that was established in mexico city is associated with piracy, drug dealing, car theft, sex trafficking and kidnapping. the protocol that we propose and lay out in the text consists of various well established and defined steps, as well as the activities that each person involved in the investigation team should perform. employing this innovative proposal will set a precedent in applying the first protocol for searching for cadavers in natural areas of mexico city, and it will be beneficial to the institution that investigates and administers justice, especially in its work in support of family members who are searching for a loved one who was abducted and killed without the knowledge of the authorities or relatives. using the model proposed here will also provide other information, including: the original location and position of the unidentified body; the identification of postmortem agents that may have scattered the human remains; an explanation for why the biological remains are not where they should have been anatomically; the maximum number of skeletal elements and evidence; better information about how much time the body was on the ground surface, among many other kinds of information. references alvarado mendoza a. crimen organizado en 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wiley-blackwell; 2012:136–156. dirkmaat dc, chapman en, kenyhercz m, cobo. ll. enhancing scene processing protocols to improve victim identification and field detection of human remains in mass fatality scenes. national institute of justice document 2no. 238744. erie, pa; 2012. domínguez p. banda de colombianos roba mata y plagia en 24 estados. milenio. agosto 24, 2017:26. espinosa a. abaten al líder de la unión de tepito en estacionamiento de gam. la prensa. octubre 12, 2017: 2. fondebrider l, mendoça mc. protocolo modelo para la investigación forense de muertes sospechosas de haberse producido por violación de los derechos humanos. oficina del alto comisionado de las naciones unidas para los derechos humanos. proyecto mex/00/ah/10; 2001. instituto nacional de estadística y geografía, 2013. jensen jr. introductory digital image processing: a remote sensing perspective. hoboken, nj: prentice hall. martínez c. exhiben nexos de zetas con policías de papantla. milenio. octubre 2, 2017:15. mejía jm, ortega pa. la entrevista a familias en la búsqueda e identificación de personas extraviadas o desaparecidas. dimensión antropológica 72(25);2018:141—172. morales h, javir, f. prospección y excavación: principios metodológicos básicos. in benítez de lugo erich, l.: el patrimonio arqueológico de ciudad real: métodos de trabajo y actuaciones recientes. ciudad real: uned; 2000:355-368. muñoz va. propuesta metodológica para la búsqueda, excavación, registro y recuperación de cadáveres e indicios asociados en fosas clandestinas. [licenciatura disertación]. méxico: escuela nacional de antropología e historia; 2014. nava f. amieva pide que el betito sea enviado a penal federal. la razón. agosto 15, 2018:12. parcak, s h. satellite remote sensing for archaeology. nueva york: routledge; 2009. procuraduría general de justicia de la ciudad de méxico-pgjcdmx. https://www.pgjcdmx.gob.mx. acceso 23 de agosto 2019. ruiz k. atrapan a sucesor de el betito en santa fé. la razón. octubre 31, 2018:17. schiffer mb. behavioral archaeology: principles and practice. new york, ny: routledge. secretaría del medio ambiente-sedema. https://www.sedema.cdmx.gob.mx. acceso 19 de agosto 2019 y 23 de noviembre 2019. adepartment of innovation in human biological material, medical faculty, universidad nacional autónoma de méxico, coyoacán, mexico city, mexico battorney general of mexico city, human identification *correspondence to: erica itzel landa juárez, attorney general of mexico city, human identification, avenida coyoacán 1635, colonia de valle sur, benito juárez, c.p. 03104, ciudad de méxico, cdmx 06720, méxico e-mail: itzeliuras@yahoo.com received 02 september 2019; revised 23 november 2019; accepted 11 december 2019 login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or 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the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author 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individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to 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archives subscribe login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe artículo de investigación forensic anthropology vol. 5, no. 3: s228–s238 doi: 10.5744/fa.2019.0036b artículo de investigación análisis e identificación de daños por intervención de cánidos (canis lupus familiaris) en tejidos textiles como evidencia cultural asociada en casos forenses gabriela molinaa* ● stefano de lucab ● fabiana scarsoc resumen: la intervención carroñera en restos humanos por parte de perros (canis lupus familiaris) puede dificultar el proceso de identificación y el análisis de traumas perimortem. se han publicado numerosos estudios científicos acerca de los daños provocados por perros en restos óseos, como consecuencia de consumo postmortem o de ataques letales. sin embargo, escasean aquellos relativos al análisis de vestimentas asociadas a los restos humanos. el objetivo de esta investigación fue identificar patrones de daños causados por perros domésticos en tejidos textiles de uso común. para ello, se utilizaron 45 sacos, de 20 × 30 cm cada uno, elaborados manualmente con tres tipos distintos de tejidos textiles (15 por textil): bistrech, mezclilla y poliéster, con una densidad de 40,84; 57,95 y 31,46 hilos por cm², respectivamente. la muestra canina consistió en 15 ejemplares de diferente tamaño, edad y sexo, procedentes de la “fundación chile mestizo” de santiago (chile). se analizó, mediante análisis de la varianza, la relación entre tipo de textil y presencia de daños y, posteriormente, se calculó la frecuencia de daños observados por tipo de textil. para ello se utilizó el programa estadístico minitab 19. según los resultados obtenidos, se identificaron cuatro tipos de patrón: punción y masticación, presentes en el 62% y 75% de los casos, respectivamente; perforación y el daño de hole and tear, con una frecuencia del 91% de los casos analizados. con respecto a la relación entre tipo de textil y daños observados, se observó que la densidad y el peso del tejido están directamente asociados con el tipo de daño presente. palabras claves: arqueología forense, carroñeo, perros, tejidos textiles, daños, densidad introducción en la unidad de derechos humanos (uddhh a continuación) del servicio médico legal (sml a continuación) de santiago, se analizan todas aquellas evidencias vinculadas a casos judiciales procedentes de la región metropolitana de santiago y de otras regiones del territorio nacional (una media de 68 casos al año, desde el 2007 al 2019)(garrido e intriago 2012), que incluyen vestimentas y restos óseos en distintos estados de conservación: esqueletos completos, fragmentados, quemados, saponificados o putrefactos. en la mayoría de los casos, los restos cadavéricos se encuentran asociados a prendas de vestir y accesorios personales, a los que se les realiza una pericia arqueológica para su reconstrucción e identificación. estos restos muestran daños de interés médico legal tales como lesiones por armas de fuego o armas blancas, signos de combustión y de actividad carroñera que dificultan la identificación de los traumas perimortem (colard et al. 2015). para la descripción de las marcas de consumo animal, se utilizan, como respaldo teórico, los estudios existentes en la literatura científica acerca de la intervención de animales en cadáver y restos humanos (coard 2007; erkol y hösükler 2018; haglund et al. 1988; haglund et al. 1989). de ellos, los perros (canis lupus familiaris) son mayormente involucrados en casos de carroñeo ocasional y consumo de restos en descomposición, especialmente en los sectores de acopio de basura de las ciudades o a lo largo de las riberas de los ríos donde, perros solos, o en jauría, se alimentan de restos de cadáveres de individuos en situación de calle, víctimas de homicidios, de suicidios o de restos procedentes de inhumaciones ilegales (haglund et al. 1989). en el caso de espacios cerrados, las mismas mascotas pueden alimentarse de los restos de su dueño fallecido, ya sea en circunstancias de muerte violenta o natural (colard et al. 2015). las diferencias más evidentes, en ambos casos, consisten en la localización de las lesiones en el cadáver: en el caso de ataque y consumo en espacios cerrados, la presencia de vestimentas, y el vínculo de la mascota con su dueño (rossi et al. 1994; rothschild y schneider 1997), hacen que la mayoría de las lesiones se concentre en cara, cuello y, a veces, en manos; por otro lado, en espacios abiertos, son más comunes las lesiones en extremidades superiores, inferiores y en el torso. en ambos casos, las marcas dejadas en huesos, tejidos blandos y piel muestran características similares (colard et al. 2015). en ocasiones, los restos textiles se encuentran aislados, dañados y sin ninguna asociación con restos biológicos. el análisis arqueológico pericial de las prendas de vestir es de gran importancia porque, en primer lugar, puede brindar información valiosa y orientar acerca de las características físicas del individuo, ya sea talla, estatura, edad y probable género también; además, permite registrar e identificar la presencia de daños de interés médico legal provocados por terceros (haglund 1997). de esta manera, las pericias arqueológicas complementan el análisis antropológico de los restos biológicos. en la actualidad, no existen estudios acerca de los daños provocados por perros en prendas de vestir asociadas a restos cadavéricos, excepto un trabajo sobre la intervención de otros carnívoros, tigres en este caso (leonov 2011). por esta razón, en las pericias arqueológicas de la uddhh, se procede a partir de la hipótesis de una relación de similitud morfológica y física entre el conjunto de marcas provocadas por las mordeduras de perros en la piel y las que se observan en los textiles que componen las prendas. en efecto, la piel, por su naturaleza elástica (cua et al. 1990), podría comportarse de manera similar a los textiles utilizados en la confección de prendas comunes, como el elastano, el nylon o algodón, dando lugar a patrones típicos ya documentados en el hueso: punciones, cuando la fuerza aplicada por los dientes no es suficiente para perforar el tejido cortical del hueso; perforaciones, cuando la mordida logra colapsar la superficie del tejido cortical llegando al tejido esponjoso; canales longitudinales; y, por último, los signos de arrastre o surcos, que dejan líneas paralelas sobre el tejido cortical del hueso. en cuanto al tejido blando, es común observar, particularmente en la piel, un tipo de daño denominado hole and tear (perforación y desgarro), correspondiente a un desgarro con presencia de lengüeta de arrastre, resultado de la acción de mordida y jale del perro (colard et al. 2015; haglund et al. 1988; haglund et al. 1989) de hecho, cuando un perro muerde tejidos elásticos y resistentes como la piel, los músculos o un textil, sacude con fuerza su cabeza provocando la torsión violenta de los mismos y generando quiebre de las fibras que los componen (fonseca et al. 2015). sin embargo, en el caso de los textiles, los daños provocados pueden variar de acuerdo a sus propiedades mecánicas de tensión, torsión, fricción y flexión. a su vez, estas propiedades cambian según la naturaleza (vegetal o sintética) del tejido, la composición molecular de sus fibras (halsey et al. 1945; tan 1997) y la humedad del ambiente al que está expuesto el textil. por ejemplo, expuestos a niveles elevados de humedad, textiles con fibras de origen vegetal, aumentan su resistencia. por el contrario, textiles sintéticos disminuyen su resistencia en ambientes húmedos (meredith 1946). finalmente, ciertos tratamientos químicos de las fibras naturales, o la fabricación de prendas con tejidos mixtos, naturales y sintéticos, pueden mejorar las propiedades mecánicas de las vestimentas (ali 2001). la resistencia a la tensión es una de las propiedades más importantes de un tejido textil: consiste en la máxima cantidad de fuerza que un textil puede resistir antes de su quiebre. este último se debe siempre a la aplicación de una fuerza prolongada e inestable que varía en intensidad según la localización de la fuerza, y en base a variables como la geometría del entramado del textil, su diseño, la densidad de trama y urdimbre y la presencia de irregularidades en las fibras (mobarak hossain 2016). en la mordida de un perro se desarrolla una fuerza mecánica cuya intensidad depende del tamaño del ejemplar y de la interacción de las fuerzas ejercidas por los músculos masticadores (masetero, temporal, pterigoideo, digástrico), los huesos del maxilar y de la mandíbula, la articulación temporomandibular (atm), el cráneo y los dientes, de dimensiones y morfología variables. según varios estudios (dessem 1989; miller 1993), las fuerzas verticales de mordida de un perro, durante un ataque, pueden sobrepasar las 450 libras por pulgar cuadrado (31*104 n/m2). en cuanto al perro doméstico, se trata de un animal carnívoro con opciones omnívoras que, dependiendo de las circunstancias (koscinczuk 2017), puede consumir incluso restos humanos, siempre que se trate de carne relativamente fresca, sin marcas de acción de insectos ni signos de descomposición (sincerbox y digangi 2018). debido a su dieta, posee músculos masticadores muy desarrollados, especialmente masetero y temporal, que ejercen una gran fuerza en el proceso de mordida. de acuerdo a estudios realizados en dos colecciones osteológicas de cráneos de perros (ellis et al. 2009), se ha observado que los perros braquiocefálicos muestran una mordida de menor intensidad que la de los perros de gran tamaño con cara corta. sin embargo, la fuerza de mordida medida en cráneos esqueletizados no reproduce exactamente la mordida real. además, medir la fuerza de mordida en perros vivos es más difícil debido a los problemas generados a la hora de controlar el animal vivo (kim et al. 2018). la dentición permanente de un perro adulto consiste en 42 piezas dentales de acuerdo a la siguiente formula dental: 2 (i 3/3 c 1/1 pm 4/4 m2/3) = 42 dientes (figura 1) (haglund et al. 1989; hillson 2005) fig. 1—ilustración de la anatomía dental del perro (canis lupus familiaris). modificado de: bell af. dental disease in the dog. journal of small animal practice. 1965; 6(6):421–428. el objetivo principal de este trabajo fue identificar patrones de daños, provocados por la intervención de perros callejeros en textiles de uso habitual y con distintas características físicas: textil sintético genérico, textil poliéster (pet a continuación) y mezclilla o jeans (algodón y mínimo porcentaje de elastano). se trabajó desde la siguiente hipótesis nula (h0): no existen patrones en los textiles similares a los observados en el hueso y en la piel humana. materiales y métodos en primer lugar, se realizaron dos ensayos previos en el canil municipal de la ciudad de la serena, región de coquimbo, chile. para el primero se utilizaron dos muestras, una de ellas consistente en un hueso largo de macho cabrío, con mínima presencia de tejido blando ya seco, y la otra consistió en patas de cerdo frescas. los restos se envolvieron, sin ajustar, en textil mezclilla de color claro, un material común y resistente, mientras que el otro, en un tejido textil de tipo mixto, de algodón y pet, de color negro, muy común en la confección de camisetas de vestir. los perros seleccionados para el experimento fueron un macho adulto anciano y dos cachorros machos hermanos. para el segundo ensayo se utilizaron mezclilla y textil mixto de algodón y pet, de color celeste. el color claro se eligió para facilitar la observación de las marcas de intervención. otra variable que cambió fue el tipo de hueso: se utilizaron restos de huesos de vacuno con presencia de tejido ligamentoso. los perros de esta segunda fase fueron dos hembras adultas, la primera llamada “kuki”, en tratamiento médico por una fractura en una de sus extremidades y, la segunda, “la sarnosa”, afectada por sarna sarcóptica o canina. el primer día, “kuki” recibió los huesos envueltos en mezclilla, y “la sarnosa” aquellos envueltos en el textil mixto, ambos en sacos sin ajustar. dos días después, en una segunda instancia, a “kuki” le fueron entregados los huesos envueltos en textil mixto y, a “la sarnosa”, aquellos envueltos en mezclilla. el objetivo de este segundo ensayo fue la comparación entre las marcas del mismo animal para dos tipos distintos de textil para, de esta forma, compararlas finalmente entre ellas e investigar la reacción de las fibras textiles. después de los ensayos, se realizó un experimento final de tres días en la fundación “chile mestizo”, ubicada en la comuna de la pintana, región metropolitana de santiago. la muestra estaba formada por 45 huesos frescos de extremidades delanteras de cerdo (sus scrofa), con presencia de tejido blando ligamentoso. se eligió esta muestra por la similitud del hueso de suinos o suiformes con los huesos humanos (aerssens et al. 1998). en relación al textil, se elaboraron manualmente 45 sacos, confeccionados con tres diferentes tipos de tejido textil, para contener cada uno de ellos una muestra de hueso: 15 sacos de pet, con tejido de punto jersey; 15 sacos de mezclilla, con punto plano gabardina; 15 sacos de textil sintético bistrech, de punto plano y simple. se utilizaron también 15 cintas de diferentes colores y formas, por cada saco, como signos distintivos para cada saco de los tres tipos de textiles. los tejidos textiles seleccionados son de uso común y, además, son textiles que componen la mayoría de prendas que recibe la uddhh para la pericia de casos forenses. previo al experimento, los tejidos textiles fueron analizados, para determinar densidad y gramaje, en el laboratorio de investigación y control de calidad en cueros y textiles (lictex) de la facultad de ingeniería química de la universidad de santiago (usach), y bajo los estándares de control de british standard bs en 12127:1998, textiles (beever 2014). todas las muestras fueron fotografiadas previamente con una cámara marca nikon d3000, con los respectivos rótulos y testigo métrico. con respecto a los perros, se usaron 15 ejemplares adultos y sanos que convivían en un mismo sector en el interior del canil (tabla 1); además, se incluyeron perros con distintos niveles de discapacidad. esta muestra se seleccionó por representar perros callejeros, muy abundantes en la población canina chilena, e involucrados con más frecuencia en los casos de consumo de restos humanos en el contexto nacional. durante todo el proceso experimental, los perros intervinieron las muestras durante un tiempo máximo de 30 minutos. para el registro de datos, se usaron dos fichas distintas, la primera en donde se describieron las características del perro (edad, sexo y rasgos físicos); y la segunda, en donde se registró el tipo y color de cinta de cada saco. una vez retirados los textiles dañados, y tras extraer el hueso entero o fragmentado, se fotografiaron nuevamente las muestras textiles con rótulo y testigo métrico. luego, fueron guardadas en bolsas plásticas herméticas, tipo ziploc, previamente perforadas para impedir la formación de humedad. las bolsas plásticas fueron marcadas y rotuladas de acuerdo a las características del textil, del perro que generó los daños, y de la fecha del experimento. tabla 1—distribución de la muestra de perros de acuerdo a sexo, edad y tamaño.     nombre   edad   sexo   tamaño 1   leal   a   m   g 2   bossa   a   f   g 3   telma   a   f   g 4   floqui   a   m   m 5   pepo   a   m   m 6   jabalí   a   f   m 7   wallaby   a   m   g 8   ema   g   f   g 9   rolf   a   m   g 10   flo   a   f   p 11   ivy   a   f   p 12   elmo   a   m   p 13   lola   a   f   g 14   blanca   a   f   m 15   suki   a   m   m 16   rayita   a   f   g sexo: m= masculino; f = femenino. edad: a = adulto; g = geriátrico. tamaño: p = pequeño; m = mediano; g = grande. finalizado el proceso experimental en terreno, se trasladaron los textiles a las dependencias de la uddhh del sml de santiago. en primer lugar, debido a la adhesión de saliva y restos orgánicos, las muestras se sometieron a un proceso de secado natural, a una temperatura de 21 grados aproximadamente, durante una semana, en el interior de uno de los laboratorios de la unidad, con ventilación artificial por campana de extracción. a continuación, se fotografiaron nuevamente todas las muestras textiles con una cámara marca nikon d300s para registrar, a nivel macroscópico, los daños presentes. finalmente, mediante análisis microscópico con una lupa estéreomicroscópica marca leica mz16a, se observaron y fotografiaron todos los daños de las 45 muestras textiles, a distintos niveles de aumento (7,1x a 200x de aumento con cámara digital incorporada): 1) trama y urdimbre; 2) fibra; y 3) extremos de fibras. para el análisis estadístico, se determinó la influencia del tipo de textil en la presencia de daños, mediante el análisis de la varianza con el programa minitab 19. posteriormente, se calculó la frecuencia de daños observados por tipo de textil. la primera autora (gmd) realizó la observación y análisis de los daños. en cuanto al nivel de experiencia de los investigadores, la médica veterinaria (fsg) posee una vasta experiencia en su campo, por lo que colaboró en la observación y control de la conducta y comportamiento de los perros, y en la elaboración de las fichas de registro de los ejemplares de la muestra. el arqueólogo forense (sdl) y la antropóloga forense (gmd) no contaban con experiencia previa en el análisis de daños provocados por cánidos. sin embargo, el arqueólogo forense es especialista en el análisis de daños balísticos y de armas blancas para la realización de pericias de prendas de vestir en casos forenses, por lo que orientó metodológicamente todo el proceso de observación y análisis. resultados en el primer ensayo se evidenció la situación de dominio del “macho alfa” del grupo, un perro más joven y fuerte que recogió violentamente la muestra para finalmente no realizar ninguna intervención en ella, excepto custodiarla. al no observar reacciones, se entregó la muestra de mezclilla a un perro anciano, medianamente robusto, que mordió el textil, y dejó marcas de diversos tipos. la segunda muestra de textil mixto de algodón y pet fue entregada a tres cachorros mestizos: dos de ellos dejaron muchas marcas de mordeduras y rasgados, observando en este caso el uso específico de los caninos superiores e inferiores y de las muelas carniceras. en las muestras de mezclilla se observaron daños como lengüetas de arrastre, atribuible al mecanismo propio del hole and tear, y variadas punciones alrededor del daño principal. en cuanto al tejido de pet, el reconocimiento visual de daños resultó más complicado por el color oscuro de la muestra (figuras 2 y 3). en el segundo ensayo, los daños observados consistieron en patrones de hole and tear con lengüeta de arrastre y en perforaciones (figura 4). en la mezclilla, además, se observó gran cantidad de punciones. en esta fase experimental se observó que: 1) un mismo perro puede dejar huellas o signos variables dependiendo de las características del tejido textil utilizado; 2) varias parejas de perforaciones son probablemente atribuibles a la acción simultánea de los dientes caninos superiores e inferiores; 3) un mismo perro podría provocar, en el mismo tejido, parejas de perforaciones de diferente tamaño y forma y huellas de mordisqueo por la acción de las muelas carniceras. durante el desarrollo del experimento final, los perros mostraron un temperamento calmado pero, su comportamiento con respecto a la muestra, fue diferente cada día. desde el primer momento, se evidenció el carácter dominante de dos perras grandes y jóvenes que, tras marcar su respectiva muestra, intimidaban a otros perros para quitarles las muestras. de igual forma, hubo otros ejemplares que, luego del primer día de experimentación, no mostraron interés en la muestra, alterando la secuencia original de sucesión de perros y muestras. en cuanto a los datos de densidad y el gramaje de los tejidos textiles, el bistrech, cuyas fibras están compuestas de filamentos ordenados y exactamente iguales, con punto de tejido plano y simple, mostró una densidad de 40,84 hilos por cm (ali 2001). en el caso de la mezclilla, se estimó un promedio de densidad de 57,95 hilos por cm.2 y para el pet, se obtuvo una densidad de 31,46 hilos por cm2. fig. 2—muestra de mezclilla con daño de hole and tear (registro propio). fig. 3—muestra de poliéster con daño de hole and tear (registro propio). fig. 4—muestra de composición mixta con daño de hole and tear y lengüeta de arrastre (perra kuki) (registro propio). en las muestras de bistrech se observaron claramente perforaciones, punciones, signos de mordisqueo y hole and tear. no hubo mayor daño estructural salvo por la presencia de deshilachado (figura 5). en el caso de la mezclilla, en todas las muestras se observó una mayor destrucción de la superficie, con alteraciones evidentes de forma, color y estructura del tejido. de hecho, los perros, por lo general, requirieron una mayor energía para acceder al trozo de carne en el interior del saquito, hecho evidenciado por un daño de mayor contundencia y mejor definido en toda la superficie, y en las fibras del entramado. según la morfología del daño observado, aquellos de hole and tear típico, es decir, de apariencia redondeada, de diferente tamaño y acompañados siempre de marcas de punción y perforación junto a deshilachado marcado de las fibras en el borde del daño, fueron 6 (figura 6). los 9 casos restantes presentaron un hole and tear atípico (figura 7), con apariencia irregular, y presencia de rasgaduras lineales, ubicadas en bordes superiores e inferiores a lo largo del entramado del tejido. fig. 5—muestra estirada (bistrech) con agujeros, rasgaduras y deshilachado (registro propio) fig. 6—muestra de textil mezclilla con daño típico de hole and tear con lengüeta de arrastre (registro propio). fig. 7—muestra de textil mezclilla con daño atípico de hole and tear, en donde se observa una forma más longitudinal o rectangular del daño (registro propio). fig. 8—muestra de textil pet con daño de hole and tear y perforaciones por mordisqueo alrededor (registro propio). en el caso del pet, se observó exclusivamente presencia de daño de hole and tear en 11 muestras. a su alrededor se observaron múltiples perforaciones y huellas de mordisqueo (figura 8). de acuerdo a los resultados de frecuencia de daños, las punciones y masticación son los daños menos frecuentes en las muestras, en un 62% y 75% respectivamente del total de los casos, mientras que perforación y el daño de hole and tear se observaron en el 91% de los casos analizados. en cuanto a la frecuencia de daños por tejido textil, las perforaciones y el daño de hole and tear son aquellos más frecuentes en el total de las muestras analizadas (tabla 2). con respecto a la relación entre tipo de textil y daños, se observó, mediante análisis de la varianza anova, que el factor tipo de textil tipo no es influyente en la variedad de daños descritos debido a que, en el total de las muestras analizadas, se pudieron observar los mismos daños, salvo en el caso del pet, en el que no se observaron punciones (tabla 3). tabla 2—distribución de los daños de acuerdo al tipo de textil. tipo de daño   tipo de textil     bistrech (%)   mezclilla (%)   pet (%) perforaciones   100   80   93 punciones   93   93   0 hole and tear   80   100   93 signos de masticación   86   46   93 tabla 3—análisis anova. anova de un factor: daño provocado versus tipo tela fuente   gl   sc   sm   f   p tipo tela   2   2,98   1,49   0,47   0,627 error   42   132,27   3,15         total   44   135,24             varianza = 1,775 r-cuadrado = 2,20% r-cuadrado ajustado = 0,00% gl: grado de libertad; sc: suma de los cuadrados; sm: suma de las medias; f: valor de fisher; p: valor p. nivel   n.   signif.   desv.est.a.   -----+---------+---------+---------+--- 1   15   8,867   1,959   (------------*------------) 2   15   8,267   1,668   (------------*------------) 3   15   8,400   1,682   (------------*------------) -----+---------+---------+---------+---   7,70   8,40   9,10   9,80 desv.est.a. (desviación estándar agrupada) = 1,775 95% de intervalos individuales de confianza para la significancia basada en desviación estándar agrupada. a nivel de estructuras de fibras, no se observó un patrón claro. si bien se analizaron microscópicamente todos los daños observados, no se obtuvieron resultados concluyentes. se observó exclusivamente una variedad de rasgos que no fue posible asociar a acciones específicas de consumo: fibras cortadas de forma recta, algunos extremos aplastados y cortados, fibras con puntas aplanadas, fibras con puntas aplanadas y partidas con apariencia de corazón, puntas de fibras con cortes neto, fibras arrugadas y dobladas, y fibras puntiagudas. discusión en el presente estudio se analizaron los daños provocados por la intervención de perros en tejidos textiles, argumento aún sin investigar en la literatura forense. para este propósito, cabe destacar que se consideró de gran importancia poder definir en primer lugar, los parámetros de la investigación, es decir, las características del diseño metodológico y las variables a examinar. por este motivo, se contó con la orientación constante de un equipo multidisciplinario de profesionales de la arqueología, de la antropología y de la medicina veterinaria, quienes colaboraron durante todo el desarrollo del estudio. las mayores complicaciones surgieron durante la etapa de desarrollo del diseño metodológico ya que se carecía de un escenario adecuado para realizar los experimentos, se desconocían las modalidades de preparación de una muestra que no afectara el bienestar de los perros, se tenía una visión aproximada de la conducta del perro y, finalmente, había que generar desde cero el proceso de registro de datos de acuerdo a la muestra canina seleccionada. por esta razón, los ensayos previos fueron fundamentales para comprobar las directrices de la metodología diseñada. en cuanto a la conducta del perro doméstico (canis lupus familiaris), existen semejanzas y diferencias con la del lobo (canis lupus), determinadas por su genética compartida y por el proceso de selección natural y artificial a la que ha sido sometido. por ejemplo, el comportamiento agresivo, para establecer relaciones de dominio, es una característica que comporten aún lobos y perros (beaver 1999). de hecho, en la planificación del primer ensayo, no se consideró la posibilidad del carácter dominante de un “macho” o “hembra alfa” dentro de las relaciones de jerarquía en el interior de jaulas compartidas con más perros (beever 2014), situación que generó conflictos al momento de dejar la primera muestra en una jaula de cuatro perros. el segundo ensayo se llevó a cabo un mes más tarde con dos ejemplares de hembras adultas, ambas en sus respectivas jaulas individuales. al igual que en el ensayo anterior, la intervención de la muestra fue muy rápida y, al tratarse de ejemplares aislados, se observaron los mecanismos mediante los cuales un perro suele intervenir la muestra: primero, comienza a lamer y luego muerde con los dientes posteriores (premolares y muelas carniceras) para ablandar el tejido textil y, a continuación, interviene con los dientes anteriores (incisivos y caninos) el tejido para, finalmente, sacudir y jalar con fuerza para acceder al trozo de carne en su interior. estos resultados son coincidentes con los observados en casos reales de ataques letales y de consumo de restos en proceso de descomposición (erkol y hösükler 2018; feola et al. 2014). en el experimento final, en la fundación “chile mestizo”, la conducta de los perros fue distinta según el ejemplar y el día: por lo general, actuaron en manera similar en cuanto a la eficacia de la intervención de los sacos de textil y los patrones; sin embargo, debido a la extensión del espacio y a la presencia de vegetación, algunos perros, al seguir su instinto de depredador y sus habilidades como cazador (kherkove 2004), se apartaron para proteger la muestra y esconderla entre los matorrales del recinto, dificultando así la etapa de recuperación de los sacos de textil a causa del nivel de dispersión (haglund et al. 1989): si bien se trataba de un espacio cerrado, el sitio era muy amplio y la presencia de manchas tupidas de vegetación facilitó el ocultamiento y custodia de la muestra por parte de los perros, para luego consumirla con tranquilidad (haglund et al. 1989). esta conducta es muy común en casos reales cuando perros, lobos u osos intervienen una carcasa de animal o restos humanos en descomposición para desarticular partes aisladas, llevarlas en repetidas ocasiones a su madriguera, o a diferentes lugares, para esconderlas y alimentarse (pokines y kerbis peterhans 2007). otro aspecto que dificultó el desarrollo del experimento final fue la correcta asignación de una muestra específica a cada perro. a pesar de usar una cinta identificadora en cada saco de textil, algunos perros más dominantes, se hicieron con los sacos de otros perros, generando un desorden que alteró parcialmente las directrices del diseño metodológico. además, se observó que, pese a un suministro constante de alimento y, a la ausencia de competencia entre perros por la comida, los ejemplares estudiados reaccionaron de inmediato en el momento en el que se les entregó la muestra y, además, al terminar de intervenir un textil y consumir el hueso en su interior, fueron de inmediato a exigir más muestras a los investigadores. lo anterior confirmó el hecho de que, especialmente en situaciones de competencia entre ejemplares, o en perros callejeros que carecen o han carecido de contacto con otros perros o con humanos, puede producirse un proceso de desocialización que genera más agresividad en los animales y menor control del estrés. a este propósito, la mayoría de ejemplares de la fundación eran perros mestizos con diferentes periodos de exposición a la vida callejera. con respecto a las muestras de tejidos textiles analizados, se seleccionaron tres tipos de uso común que, además, componen muchas de las prendas analizadas por los peritos arqueólogos en los casos judiciales del servicio médico legal de santiago. cabe destacar que para este experimento se usaron muestras de tejido textil y no prendas de vestir, a diferencia de las situaciones reales de intervención por fauna carroñera, u ocasionalmente carroñera. todos los textiles usados para confeccionar las muestras, exceptuando la mezclilla, se compraron en tiendas, y no presentaban ningún tipo de desgaste previo por ciclos de lavado, por ejemplo, por planchado o por uso (dann 2011). de acuerdo a la literatura, el lavado doméstico modifica el aspecto morfológico de las fibras textiles y provoca su adelgazamiento progresivo y pérdida de densidad (carr 2017). en el caso de las muestras de mezclilla, se fabricaron a partir de jeans reciclados: por lo tanto, se podía apreciar en ellas presencia de desgaste debido al uso cotidiano y a los normales procesos de lavado, secado o planchado de una prenda. esto permitió un mayor acercamiento a la realidad de las pericias de laboratorios forenses, en las cuales la evidencia cultural que se recibe no corresponde a textiles sin uso alguno sino, en su mayoría, a prendas de vestir completas o fragmentadas, con sus respectivas características cualitativas y cuantitativas de fabricación (talla, presencia de etiquetas, decoraciones, costuras, broches y cremalleras) y, por lo tanto, con evidentes alteraciones de forma, estructura y color que pueden modificar el aspecto de las fibras. en relación a las propiedades físicas y mecánicas de los tejidos textiles analizados, se comprobó que la relación entre el tipo de punto de tejido y la densidad es fundamental para generar las características del daño. la densidad, así como el grosor del textil, son las variables que determinan las diferencias en la evidencia de los daños. en efecto, los textiles más densos y resistentes muestran, por lo general, daños menores, pero más definidos, porque absorben más energía, como en el caso de la mezclilla, por ejemplo (carr 2017; laing y carr 2005). esto es consistente con los resultados de este estudio en el que se ha demostrado que la densidad es directamente proporcional al grado de deformación del textil y a la variedad de daños observables (laing y carr 2005). por ejemplo, las muestras de pet, cuya densidad es inferior a la de los demás textiles seleccionados, presentó una menor diversidad de daños y supuso más dificultad a la hora de identificar un patrón específico. la menor densidad significa una resistencia menor del tejido textil a la acción de los perros y una mayor cantidad de daños, pero con menor diversidad y, por ende, menos posibilidades de identificar patrones. en el caso de daños por armas blancas, por ejemplo, se ha demostrado que ellos son más largos y definidos en el caso de prendas nuevas y sin lavar, ya que todavía conservan la elasticidad original (cowper et al. 2015). en este estudio se realizó un análisis de vestimentas en base a tres niveles de observación (taupin y cwiklik 2011): macroscópico (aspectos generales cuantitativos y cualitativos del tejido textil), nivel de trama y urdimbre y, finalmente, a nivel microscópico de la morfología de los extremos de las fibras. de acuerdo a los resultados de la presente investigación, se pudo rechazar la hipótesis nula (h0): a nivel macroscópico, se observó la presencia de patrones claros de daños que se pueden comparar con los que normalmente se observan, a nivel macroscópico también, en piel y tejido óseo. a pesar de que los huesos usados para los sacos de las muestras fueron distintos en todas las ocasiones, los resultados de ambos ensayos previos fueron coincidentes con los del experimento final: las marcas de las muestras de textil coinciden con aquellas descritas en tejido óseo (punciones o perforaciones, signos de masticación o mordisqueos) mientras que aquellas comparables con lo descrito en tejido blando, especialmente piel, corresponden al daño específico de hole and tear (byard 2016; colard et al. 2015; haglund 1997; rossi et al. 1994; schotsmans et al. 2016). las perforaciones y el daño de hole and tear son los que se observaron con más frecuencia, en un 91% de las muestras. estos patrones son el resultado no solamente de la acción de los dientes del animal sino también de sus garras. en el caso del hole and tear, la lengüeta es producida por el mecanismo de sujeción de la muestra con las garras y de jale en dirección contraria con los dientes incisivos y caninos (figura 9) (haglund 1997). debido a las dimensiones del daño, a su morfología característica y a la deformación estructural del textil, el hole and tear es el daño más discriminante dentro de los casos observados y el que puede brindar la información orientativa más fiable respecto al agente que lo provocó. de hecho, se puede considerar como un carácter patognomónico: este patrón es útil a la hora de diferenciar la mordida de un perro tanto de la de otros animales, en la que no se genera la acción de sacudir y jalar ni la intervención de caninos prominentes, como también de una herida provocada por arma blanca (prahlow 2001). en cambio, para ocasionar punciones o perforaciones, normalmente ubicadas en la proximidad de daños mayores, como el hole and tear, solo basta con que el perro sujete la muestra con las garras e hinque sus dientes en el textil, especialmente los caninos, mientras que para dejar signos de mordisqueo es preciso que el perro, además de sujetar la muestra con ambas garras, muerda lateralmente con las muelas carniceras (figura 10) (feola et al. 2014). fig. 9—proceso de intervención de la muestra por parte del perro (hole and tear). se observa sujeción de la muestra con una pata y jale con los dientes (registro propio). en la piel, de acuerdo a la particular forma de la dentadura del perro (20 dientes en el maxilar y 22 dientes en la mandíbula), la morfología de dichas lesiones depende del ángulo de mordida: si lo hace en dirección lateral, las marcas de molares y premolares dejan líneas paralelas y, al final de estas, una incisión más profunda provocada por el canino; si el perro muerde frontalmente, se genera una impresión semicurva que reproduce el arco dental con la presencia, al final de ambos extremos, de dos punciones profundas y simétricas correspondientes a los caninos (colard et al. 2015; feola et al. 2014). con respecto al daño de hole and tear, en la piel se suele observar una punción con agujero redondo generada por el canino del maxilar o de la mandíbula acompañada por abrasión del tejido y por rastros paralelos de abrasión linear, correspondientes a la acción de las garras y ubicados normalmente cerca del área de mordida. en el hueso se han identificado, de acuerdo a los estudios de arqueozoología y tafonomía más recientes, cuatro categorías de marcas provocadas por perros que han sido incluidos dentro de la categoría más genérica de daños por masticación (binford 1981; lyman 1994; pobiner 2007; pokines y kerbis peterhans 2007): punciones, perforaciones, muescas o marcas y surcos. los primeros dos son normalmente provocados por la presión directa de los dientes en dirección perpendicular al hueso: las punciones no suelen atravesar la cortical mientras que las perforaciones, provocadas por caninos y muelas carniceras, pueden penetrar el tejido cortical alcanzando el tejido esponjoso del hueso; los últimos dos, normalmente en forma de u o v, y ubicados en las epífisis de los huesos largos, se deben a la acción de arrastre de los dientes en el hueso. además, erkol y hösükler (erkol y hösükler 2018) afirmaron que diferentes razas de perros tienen distintos tamaños de dientes, mandíbula, fuerza de mordida, diversos hábitos y patrones alimenticios que pueden afectar la morfología final de las marcas en el hueso. fig. 10—imagen comparativa entre daño por intervención cánida en muestras textiles (izquierda) y tejido óseo (derecha, arriba) y piel (derecha, abajo). las flechas blancas muestran las marcas de masticación. modificado de: haglund w. dogs & coyotes: postmortem involvement with human remains. in: haglund wd, sorg mh. eds. forensic taphonomy. the postmortem fate of human remains. 1st ed. boca ratón: crc press; 1997: 367-379; haglund w, reay d, swindler d. tooth mark artifacts & survival of bones in animal scavenged human skeletons. journal of forensic science. 1988; 33(4):985-997. en un estudio realizado por young y colaboradores (young et al. 2015), en una muestra de seis carcasas de ciervo, se detectó la presencia de punciones y surcos, pero no de perforaciones en huesos secos intervenidos por dos razas de perro doméstico (canis lupus familiaris). la hipótesis es que, en ausencia de tejido blando, tendones y músculos, los perros domésticos, debido también a su buena alimentación, no estén interesados en la médula ósea y se limiten a morder y consumir exclusivamente el tejido cortical. en efecto, la intensidad de cada marca depende de la presencia de tejidos blandos y vestimentas alrededor del hueso: como los dientes que dejan marcas con más frecuencia se encuentran en la parte delantera de la arcada dental (incisivos y largos y afilados caninos) y, por lo tanto, lejos de la zona de mayor presión de los molares y de la atm, es evidente que, si el hueso es recubierto aún por piel, tejidos musculares y ropa, las perforaciones y las punciones serán más contundentes en las capas superiores, es decir en las prendas de vestir y en los tejidos blandos. desde luego, la densidad y las propiedades físicas y mecánicas de los textiles determinan el grado de intensidad de las marcas mencionadas. a nivel microscópico, todas las fibras presentaron, en sus extremos, morfologías diferentes no correspondientes a ningún patrón específico de daños. además, debido a la baja calidad y a la escasa nitidez de la imagen obtenida con máximo aumento (200x) en la lupa estéreomicroscópica, fue muy dificultoso discriminar patrones y asociarlos a morfologías específicas. este hecho demuestra que, a diferencia de los daños provocados en las fibras por el impacto de un proyectil balístico (morfología en hongo), por ejemplo, o por un corte de arma blanca (morfología comprimida y delgada), en los cuales es posible observar a nivel microscópico patrones precisos de comportamiento en los extremos (meredith 1946), en este tipo de daño no fue posible asociar la variabilidad del ataque o del consumo por parte del perro, un agente altamente dinámico y móvil, a un patrón de daño uniforme en las fibras. cabe destacar que existen herramientas analíticas como el microscopio electrónico de barrido (en inglés sem) (aumento hasta 50,000x) que pueden ser muy útiles para examinar daños en hilos y fibras. sin embargo, es importante también recordar que, en ámbito forense, esta herramienta puede no ser tan adecuada ya que es una técnica destructiva que supone el corte y la destrucción de la muestra, no se encuentra disponible en todas las instituciones o contextos forenses, no es cuantitativa (depende de la subjetividad de la interpretación del observador) y, finalmente, no siempre asegura informaciones adicionales para la pericia. conclusiones el presente estudio tiene la ventaja de ampliar la investigación de un área hasta el momento muy poco conocida, la del análisis textil en ámbito forense en general, y del análisis de los daños por perros en prendas de vestir en particular. cuarenta y cinco muestras de tres tipos distintos de tejido textil, bistrech, pet y mezclilla (algodón y elastano), se sometieron a intervención de un grupo de 15 perros mestizos (canis lupus familiaris) procedentes del canil de la fundación “chile mestizo” de santiago (chile). el objetivo principal de la investigación fue determinar la presencia de patrones de daño en tejidos textiles de uso común para fines de identificación forense. los patrones de daños fueron coincidentes con las marcas de carroñeo o de ataque por parte de perros ya descritos en tejido blando y óseo: punciones, perforaciones, hole and tear y mordisqueo. de los patrones de daños mencionados, las perforaciones y el hole and tear fueron aquellos más frecuentes. en cambio, las punciones se observaron sólo en los tejidos textiles bistrech y mezclilla, y no en pet, debido a su baja densidad. por lo tanto, se puede concluir que la variedad de daños observados está directamente asociada a las características de densidad, grosor y peso de los tejidos textiles y, por ende, a su nivel de resistencia estructural. se deben considerar también, las características del agente que provoca el daño, en este caso un perro, cuyas características de peso, tamaño, edad y comportamiento influyen en los efectos últimos en los textiles. este estudio presenta varias limitaciones: en primer lugar, la ausencia de antecedentes teóricos con los cuales comparar. sin embargo, la realización de dos ensayos preliminares permitió estudiar opciones, observar conductas y establecer detalles, implementando finalmente un diseño experimental coherente. en cuanto a los experimentos diseñados, estos se realizaron en ambientes controlados donde se limitó la cantidad de perros presentes, a diferencia de un escenario real en donde existen jaurías grandes que pueden provocar dispersión de piezas anatómicas o de fragmentos de vestimentas de un mismo cadáver. es importante considerar, por lo tanto, la sucesión de varios perros en el proceso de intervención de un cadáver en espacios abiertos. en segundo lugar, con respecto a la muestra textil, si bien se trataba de tejidos de uso común, eran, en su mayoría, textiles nuevos sin ningún tipo de uso o desgaste tales como lavado, secado o planchado, todas variables que suelen alterar las características originales del tejido, especialmente su peso y su densidad. además, las muestras fabricadas tampoco consistían en prendas de vestir completas. con respecto a las perspectivas futuras de investigación, uno de los objetivos será, ante todo, incentivar, a profesionales del área forense a complementar con nuevas contribuciones el estudio de la intervención de fauna, en particular de perros, en tejidos textiles. frente a esto, otro objetivo será evaluar la importancia de las alteraciones tafonómicas postmortem en la preservación de los daños analizados. agradecimientos en primer lugar, al instituto de investigación “dr. carlos ybar” y a la uddhh del servicio médico legal de santiago, por permitirme trabajar en sus instalaciones. a la ingeniera textil, sra. maría neira, y al lictex de la usach, por las instrucciones proporcionadas acerca de la metodología de estudio de los textiles. finalmente, agradecer el canil municipal de la serena y la fundación “chile mestizo” dirigida por la sra. ingrid loza, por permitir que esta investigación se pudiese llevar a cabo. bibliografía aerssens j, boonen j, lowet g, dequeker j. interspecies differences in bone composition, density, and quality: potential implications for in vivo bone research. endocrinology 1998;139:663–670. 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[unpublished phd dissertation]. newark, nj: rutgers university; 2007. pokines jt, kerbis peterhans jc. spotted hyena (crocuta crocuta) den use and taphonomy in the masai mara national reserve, kenya. journal of archaeological science 2007;34:1914–1931 prahlow ja, ross kf, lene wjw, kirby db. accidental sharp force injury fatalities. the american journal of forensic medicine and pathology 2001;22:358–366. rossi ml, shahrom aw, chapman rc, vanezis p. postmortem injuries by indoor pets. the american journal of forensic medicine and pathology 1994;15:105–109. rothschild ma, schneider v. on the temporal onset of postmortem animal scavenging: “motivation” of the animal. forensic science international 1997;89:57–64. schotsmans emj, marquez-grant n, forbes s. forensic analysis of the dead and the depositional environment. in: schotsmans emj, marquez-grant n, forbes s, eds. taphonomy of human remains. oxford, uk: wiley-blackwell; 2016. sincerbox s, digangi e. what big teeth you have: taphonomic signatures of north american scavengers. in: digangi e, sincerbox s, eds. forensic taphonomy and ecology of north american scavengers. cambridge, ma: academic press; 2018:63–148. tan p, tong l, steven g. modelling for predicting the mechanical properties of textile composites—a review. composites part a: applied science and manufacturing 1997;28:903–922. taupin j, cwiklik c. scientific protocols for forensic examination of clothing. boca raton, fl: crc press; 2011. young a, stillman r, smith mj, korstjens ah. scavenger species-typical alteration to bone: using bite mark dimensions to identify scavengers. journal of forensic sciences 2015;60:1426–1435. amardoqueo fernandez #171 departamento 1103, providencia, santiago 8320000, chile bservicio médico legal, unidad de derechos humanos, avenida la paz n°1012 independencia, santiago, santiago 8380454, chile cuniversidad de la frontera, laboratorio de odontología forense, temuco, chile *correspondencia a: gabriela molina, hernando de aguirre #1900, departamento 203. providencia, santiago 7510744, chile e-mail: diaz.molinagabriela@gmail.com recibido 2 septiembre 2019; revisado 7 febrero 2020; aceptado 05 marzo 2020 login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe forensic anthropology vol. 5, no. 3: s262–s266 doi: 10.5744/fa.2022.4002b © 2022 university of florida press introducción a comienzos del año 2020, la noticia de que el equipo argentino de antropología forense (eaaf) había sido postulado al premio nobel de la paz, se conoció y se divulgo rápidamente en la argentina y en las redes profesionales y científicas alrededor del mundo. la candidatura de esta organización no gubernamental fue realizada por karina batthyány, secretaria ejecutiva del consejo latinoamericano de ciencias sociales, y alejandro villar, rector de la universidad nacional de quilmes, quienes argumentaron la postulación por la trayectoria del eaaf durante 35 años aplicando la ciencia para la búsqueda de verdad y colaborar con la justicia buscando a las personas desaparecidas y brindando respuestas a sus familiares.12 el impacto del trabajo del eaaf es de escala global. actualmente han trabajo en más de 60 países con “víctimas de desapariciones forzadas; violencia étnica, política, institucional, de género y religiosa; desapariciones actuales; narcotráfico; trata de personas, crimen organizado, procesos migratorios; guerras y conflictos armados; accidentes y catástrofes” (clacso, 2020). el eaaf cumplió este año su aniversario no. 36. iniciaron como un grupo de estudiantes y hoy son 70 profesionales 1. antropólogo egresado de la universidad de antioquia; especialista forense del comité internacional de la cruz roja; miembro certificado y avalado del directorio latinoamericano de antropología forense; miembro del consejo directivo de la asociación latinoamericana de antropología forense. 2. especialista forense del comité internacional de la delegación de la cruz roja para asia oriental; investigador adjunto a la escuela munk de asuntos globales, universidad de toronto; profesor adjunto universidad simon fraser (canadá); miembro certificado y avalado del directorio latinoamericano de antropología forense. de diferentes disciplinas forenses que lo conforman y que se encuentran brindando servicios en diferentes países de forma simultánea por solicitudes de gobiernos, agencias no estatales y organizaciones de familias. esta biografía se basa principalmente en una entrevista con el presidente3 y uno de los fundadores del eaaf, luis fondebrider. a los autores, una biografía del eaaf nos pareció una tarea fácil. los dos han trabajado con miembros del eaaf y el segundo autor ha conocido al presidente y dos de los cofundadores desde más de 20 años. otro de los cofundadores del eaaf fue el jefe de los dos autores en la unidad forense de cicr. pero, aquí esta el truco: el eaaf siempre esta ocupado. están siempre trabajando. su lista de publicaciones no está tan larga comparando con los académicos, pero ¿cómo encontraría el tiempo para eso? como anotado en un sitio web del gobierno argentino, el eaaf se caracteriza por su perfil bajo, mas enfocado en el hacer que el decir (https:// www . senado . gob . ar / upload / 17743 . pdf). su evangelismo viene en la forma de tutoría y orientación, que se traduce en vuelos constantes alrededor del mundo y una carga de trabajo tremenda, mezclada con una dedicación más reciente de investigación. el eaaf tiene su enfoque claro en su trabajo, que se aplica y se desarrolla de manera particular basado en las necesidades y desafíos de argentina y de cada país en el mundo donde mantienen operaciones, sin dejar a un lado la objetividad científica y los y estándares internacionales en la búsqueda de personas desaparecidas y acompañamiento a sus familiares. en esta biografía, haremos un repaso por sus orígenes, su legado y los principales desafíos del eaaf. orígenes inicios de 1984, había vuelto la democracia a la argentina después del gobierno cívicomilitar que gobernó durante 3. durante la revisión para publicación de esta biografía, luis se contrató para ser el nuevo director de la unidad forense del comité internacional de la cruz roja (cicr). esta biografía refleja la opinión y la experiencia de luis como presidente del eaaf y no debe construirse como representativa de la opinión o política del cicr. biografia biografía: equipo argentino de antropología forense (eaaf) pedro david péreztorres, dlafa,1 ● derek congram phd, dlafb,c,2* acomité internacional de la cruz roja, medellin, colombia bcomité internacional de la cruz roja, bogota, colombia cdepartmento de arqueologí, simon fraser university *correspondencia a: derek congram, international committee of the red cross forensic, calle 96 #11b37, bogota 110221, colombia email: congram@sfu . edu recibió 27 marzo 2021; revisada 2 mayo 2021; aceptada 25 mayo 2021 pérez-torres and congram s263 siete años. para ese entonces, las abuelas de la plaza de mayo (organización no gubernamental de derechos humanos que buscaban a los niños nacidos en cautiverio o fueron desaparecidos junto a sus padres), se encontraban buscando apoyo en todo el mundo para intentar reunificar a los niños desaparecidos con sus abuelos y es así como tienen un contacto con eric stover, investigador de la american association for advancement of science (aafs) en washington, d.c., quienes atienden la solicitud y delegan una comisión de seis profesionales de las ciencias forenses que viajaron hasta buenos aires para evaluar la situación. uno de los seis investigadores era clyde snow, quien desde su primera visita quedó atado al proceso de las abuelas plaza de mayo y de la recién creada comisión nacional sobre la desaparición de personas (conadep). snow, al visitar la argentina se decide reunir con los jueces y fiscales que ya se encontraban haciendo exhumaciones y “lo primero que constató fue la precariedad y el descuido en los métodos de excavación y tratamiento de los restos en las primeras exhumaciones de fosas clandestinas” (clacso, 2020). durante esa primera visita, snow también decide reunirse con un grupo de estudiantes argentinos en un hotel, a quienes explica su propuesta de exhumar cuerpos y posteriormente identificarlos para que fueran restituidos a sus familiares, aportar las pruebas necesarias a la justicia y contribuir para el esclarecimiento de las circunstancias de muerte de estas personas desaparecidas. estos estudiantes deciden pensarlo y al día siguiente aceptan la propuesta de snow. así, el eaaf fue concebido una noche en un cuarto de un hotel por snow.4 este grupo de estudiantes, que no había tenido ningún tipo de acercamiento con la antropología forense, disciplina nueva en el mundo para esa época. pasaron dos años en entrenamiento y trabajo entre las fosas y las morgues, bajo la orientación de clyde snow. el eaaf nació bajo unas circunstancias sociales y políticas bastante particulares que se vivieron en la república de argentina durante el gobierno cívicomilitar que generó la desaparición de entre 10,000 y 30,000 personas. la falta de precisión de numero refleja la clandestinidad de las desapariciones y el desafío de la búsqueda. la presión social y el interés de las abuelas plaza de mayo por encontrar a sus seres queridos también impulsó la creación del eaaf, permitiendo que este equipo fuera pionero en latinoamérica y el mundo en aplicar la antropología forense en investigaciones de violaciones graves de derechos humanos a gran escala y teniendo a las familias siempre como eje del proceso investigativo y científico. sin embargo, las familias de los desaparecidos estaban divididas sobre la mejor forma de adelantar la búsqueda y sobre su apoyo en las exhumaciones, como descrito por 4. mucha gente percibiría a esta analogía como grosero, pero pensamos que a snow le gustaría. rosenblatt (2015:83– 122). además de las abuelas de plaza de mayo, hubo las madres de plaza de mayo, que posteriormente se dividió a dos grupos: la línea fundadora, que apoyo las exhumaciones, y la asociación de madres que generalmente estuvo en contra. esto hizo que el trabajo del eaaf se complicara un poco al principio, su legitimidad estuvo basada en representar los intereses de las familias hacia las exhumaciones de víctimas de desaparición forzada por agentes estatales. al final, el eaaf ha balanceado intereses divergentes y, como dice rosenblatt (2015) “la receptividad a las visiones distintos de las familias es el sello de un abordaje de exhumaciones que el equipo argentino acaba de formular y que eventualmente seria su característica mas reconocible” (p. 90). uno de los hitos en argentina que permitió el desarrollo de la antropología forense fue la presentación de clyde snow en el juicio a las juntas militares, donde su papel en calidad de testimonio experto mostró las lesiones de los cuerpos que habían sido exhumados previamente en diferentes fosas clandestinas, siendo en aquella ocasión visible la importancia de esta disciplina para demostrar con pruebas científicas las circunstancias de la muerte de los desaparecidos. aunque el grupo estuvo trabajando desde esos primeros días, en mayo de 1987 nació oficialmente el eaaf. sus miembros fundadores fueron morris tindballbinz, patricia bernardi, mercedes doretti, luis fondebrider, darío olmo y alejandro incháurregui, con clyde snow como socio honorario. para conmemorar el evento, como fueron varios, en lugar de hacer en bronce los primeros zapatos, lo hicieron con los primeros palustres.5 ambiente político en argentina a finales de la década de los 80, el clima político en la república de argentina era bastante efervescente, se caracterizaba por ser un periodo de transición de un gobierno cívicomilitar a una democracia que era aún débil para la época. las movilizaciones a favor de la defensa de los ddhh eran comunes y muy generalizados en la población civil. en 1986 y 1987, el gobierno argentino presentó dos leyes con el fin de restringir severamente las investigaciones y persecuciones de los responsables para crímenes cometidos durante el gobierno militar (crawford 1990: roehrig 2009). este grupo de jóvenes estudiantes se replanteó la necesidad de seguir o no con el trabajo que llevaban realizando con las primeras exhumaciones, sin embargo, el concepto de varias organizaciones de ddhh impulsó aún más el trabajo del eaaf debido a la necesidad de seguir buscando a los desaparecidos, brindar respuestas a los familiares y aportar pruebas contundentes para la historia y la justicia. 5. unos detalles elaborados para efecto dramático. s264 biografía: equipo argentino de antropología forense (eaaf) debido a todo ese clima inestable de exaltación política de la época, muchas organizaciones de familiares de personas desaparecidas y defensores de ddhh, no tenían confianza en las instituciones forenses del sistema oficial argentino, por lo que vieron en el eaaf una alternativa independiente y que contaba con todos los rigores científicos desde múltiples disciplinas. rápidamente el eaaf se ganó la confianza de organizaciones como las abuelas de la plaza de mayo y han trabajado juntos desde hace 36 años buscando e identificando a los desaparecidos. el eaaf en el mundo el eaaf fue el primer hijo de varios equipos de antropología forense en américa latina. llevando la responsabilidad del hijo mayor, se acompañó el crecimiento de otros equipos como en guatemala, chile, uruguay y perú. como en todas las familias, había una mezcla de amor, amistad, argumentos, y antagonismos. durante esta juventud, a veces fue difícil manejar las cosas entre organizaciones hermanas. uno tenía una visión sobre como las cosas deben ser, pero igual, hay que respetar las decisiones de los otros y como se manejan su trabajo en su propia casa. el eaaf tiene el lujo de estar muy bien reconocido y muchos grupos los llaman para ayudarles, pero hay que buscar balance entre la capacidad en el país que ya existe. al fin, como para muchas familias, se encontraron como convivir y colaborar, todos dedicándose a las labores de llevar a justicia por décadas de violencia sistemática en sus países y de dar respuestas a las familias de personas desaparecidas. en el quehacer de la antropología forense se genera motivos de orgullo y de frustración en términos generales, por ende, los equipos y personal siempre están involucrados en este tipo de situaciones. en palabras de luis, lo que más ha generado orgullo en el equipo es poder brindar respuestas y entregarle los restos humanos a las familias que han estado buscando a sus seres queridos que una vez fueron desaparecidos, así como también poder contribuir con la justicia durante investigaciones aportando pruebas científicas dentro de los procesos judiciales. en argentina, el eaaf maneja la consigna verdad, justicia, reparación y memoria y aportar con la ciencia a estos procesos sociales es otro de los grandes orgullos del eaaf. por otro lado, la frustración va por el lado de la lentitud de los procesos, en especial cuando los estados son muy burocráticos. se ve a los dos lados en su trabajo: solo el eaaf ha logrado 850 identificaciones de personas desaparecidas durante el gobierno militar. esto constituye 24 identificaciones al año (sin contar su trabajo en otros países). sin embargo, es difícil no pensar en los 9,000 mínimo que siguen desaparecidos y no identificados en argentina. en el 2020, ya con 36 años, el eaaf tenía una madurez, producto de décadas de trabajo en contextos políticos complejos. preguntamos a fondebrider sobre el debate que existía entre los miembros de la sección de antropología del american academy of forensic sciences y la postura que uno debería adoptar en frente a problemas sociales como lo del movimiento de black lives matter en los eeuu, resaltó que el eaaf se había metido desde su primer día en un entorno sociopolítico donde forenses del estado habían colaborado— de manera pasiva o activa— en crímenes del estado. luis dice “involucrarse no es ser parcial”, la antropología forense proviene de la misma antropología como ciencia que estudia y busca entender el ser humano en sus dimensiones sociales, históricas, biológicas y lingüísticas. involucrarse en movimientos sociales como black lives matters, no es tomar partido de un lado o del otro, pero si pronunciarse sobre lo que está bien o que está mal. el eaaf en la actualidad el crecimiento del eaaf ha sido progresivo y su expansión ha sido notoria. de aquel grupo de estudiantes aprendices que realizaban exhumaciones y análisis de estos óseos en los cementerios y morgues de buenos aires y el resto de argentina, hoy es un equipo de 70 personas distribuidos en cuatro oficinas: buenos aires, ciudad de méxico, nueva york y un laboratorio de genética forense en córdoba, argentina. cuentan con profesionales de varias disciplinas: antropología, arqueología, biología, medicina, genética, física, arquitectura, informática y geografía. el eaaf sigue siendo una alternativa para aquellas familias que requieren al equipo como un perito de parte cuando no confían en la opción del sistema oficial gubernamental. en unos países, esto es importante porque la gente no confía en sus gobiernos, a veces responsables para desapariciones y otros crímenes. incluso, han sido requeridos por jueces y fiscales en procesos donde actúan como perito oficial. también el eaaf actúa por solicitud de diversas entidades fig. 1—el joven eaaf: morris tidball binz, dario olmo, luis fondebrider, patricia bernardi, y alejandro inchaurregui. ausente de la imagen: mercedes (mimi) doretti. pérez-torres and congram s265 que han desarrollado búsqueda de personas desaparecidas e identificación de cadáveres en muchos contextos diversos como lo son el tribunal penal para la antigua yugoslavia de las naciones unidad, corte penal internacional, comité internacional de la cruz roja, comité de personas desaparecidas en chipre, entre otras. algo que ha caracterizado al eaaf es que ha ido más allá de los procesos científicos de búsqueda de personas desaparecidas e identificación de cadáveres. han realizado un trabajo global en capacitaciones y entrenamientos a personal forense de diversos países, se han vinculado con problemáticas complejas como el feminicidio y la búsqueda de personas migrantes desaparecidas en el marco del proyecto frontera en eeuu y centro américa, han estado vinculados con procesos de creación de nuevas tecnologías para la búsqueda y aplicada a casos complejos como en el caso de los estudiantes desaparecidos en ayotzinapa, méxico y de igual manera con las nuevas tecnologías para la gestión de la información (e.g., eaaf & cedehm 2021). de esta manera, el eaaf no solo buscar resolver casos y aliviar el dolor de sus familias, sino también avanzan las ciencias y su aplicación y apoyan el desarrollo local de pericia. este último aspecto es algo fundamental: siempre vamos a faltar expertos para investigar. se ve en muchas organizaciones no gubernamentales una tendencia fuerte de promoverse como la única solución o la mejor solución. en los ojos del eaaf, la única solución sostenible es el desarrollo local, especialmente en países que no tienen mucho apoyo externo de países ricos por razones geopolíticas. así, el eaaf ha tenido un enfoque fuerte de apoyo sursur. en 2015, este enfoque sursur se hizo claro en una charla por fondebrider en la universidad de toronto en canadá. una profesora preguntó cómo se puede involucrarse a sus estudiantes en ayudar al eaaf con investigaciones en argentina. fondebrider contestó diciendo le parece más necesidad de ayudar a la población de mujeres indígenas de canadá (donde hay una tasa de desaparición y homicidio seis veces más alta a otros grupos de mujeres en el país, un tema que figuraba mucho en los medios del país en ese momento, department of justice canada, 2017). retos del eaaf y de la antropología forense latinoamericana según fondebrider, el principal reto en la región es poder vincular nuevas profesiones de las ciencias forenses desde la biología, física, geología, genética, entre otras y poder aplicarlo a la búsqueda de personas desaparecidas e identificación humana. hoy los equipos cada vez están vinculando diferentes áreas de las ciencias forenses para generar un trabajo multidisciplinario que genere respuestas integrales, un mayor impacto en las investigaciones y producir mejores resultados. otro de los grandes desafíos es que se pueda generar mayor impacto de la generación de políticas públicas. el eaaf quiere verse más allá de ser ese grupo de científicos que solo exhuman cadáveres, quiere verse como un organismo técnico de referencia que pueden pronunciarse sobre temas forenses. a nivel de latinoamérica se considera que hace falta más unión del gremio dejando atrás los intereses particulares. fondebrider también considera pertinente la discusión en la implementación de un sistema de control de calidad de la antropología forense en latinoamérica que implica mecanismos y sistemas de certificación y acreditación de peritos y laboratorios. a pesar de muchas referencias en el mundo de estándares internacionales (e.g., l’abbé & steyn, 2012; traithepchanapai et al. 2016), actualmente no es realista que haya un protocolo a nivel internacional como resaltado por thompson et al. (2018) y como promovido por skinner et al. (2003), por ejemplo. hay muchas maneras para hacer las cosas que llevan al mismo resultado. desde la postura de fondebrider, se debe buscar lo mínimo básico y después buscar un consenso. en américa latina es importante hablar de la estandarización de los procesos, aunque no deben ser universales, cada institución debería crear sus propios protocolos y procesos, que no sean impuestos y que sean contextualizados. fig. 2—fundadores del eaaf morris tidball binz (ahora relator especial de la onu sobre ejecuciones extrajudiciales, sumarias o arbitrarias) y luis fondebrider (ahora jefe de la unidad forense del comité internacional de la cruz roja). nota para lectores jóvenes: el objeto en la mano de morris fue conocido en su época como un “teléfono”. s266 biografía: equipo argentino de antropología forense (eaaf) el eaaf y la nominación al premio nobel de la paz el premio nobel para la paz fue una nominación dentro de un largo listado de galardones otorgados al eaaf durante toda su historia. han recibido el premio de derechos humanos otorgado por la oficina en washington para asuntos latinoamericanos (wola), en 2006; en 2007, una de sus fundadora y miembro activa, mercedes “mimi” doretti, recibió el premio macarthur para genios (macarthur genius award); en 2014 el senado de la nación argentina les otorgó el premio ciencia y derechos humanos del observatorio de derechos humanos; también recibieron el premio clyde snow, otorgado por la american academy of forensic sciences en 2018, entre otra larga lista de galardones y reconocimientos en argentina y el mundo. desde las ciencias siempre se está aportando a la sociedad. el eaaf está haciendo un trabajo que no ha sido posible gracias a las organizaciones de familiares de víctimas. el eaaf no ganó el premio nobel de la paz (fondebrider nos lo dijo, no pasará), pero considera que es un gran reconocimiento para muchas personas que trabajan en el equipo y con el equipo. la nominación claramente generará una visibilidad de la disciplina a nivel global que tiene que ser usada con inteligencia para poder llegar a otros espacios más complejos donde se toman decisiones y se generan las políticas públicas. pensando en el futuro no sabemos cómo calificar las etapas de vida de organizaciones, pero el eaaf está lejos de senectud. preguntamos a fondebrider para su consejo para la nueva generación de científicos forenses. contestó resaltando la importancia de su responsabilidad social y de hacerse cargo de esa responsabilidad. no debemos apartarnos ni ignorar esos procesos sociales donde estamos inmersos. vincular más el diálogo con otros actores de las ciencias, conocer los alcances y los límites de nuestra disciplina y entender que se puede alimentar de otras. references clacso. postulan al equipo argentino de antropología forense al nobel de la paz. https:// www . clacso . org / en / postulan al equipo argentino de antropologia forense al premio nobel de la paz / . created february 13, 2020. accessed: march 27, 2021. crawford kl. due obedience and the rights of victims: argentina’s transition to democracy. human rights quarterly 1990;12(1):17– 52. department of justice canada. missing and murdered indigenous women and girls. just facts, research and statistics division. available online at: https:// www . justice . gc . ca / eng / rp pr / jr / jf pf / 2017 / docs / july04 . pdf. created 2016. accessed may 2, 2021. eaaf, cedehm. nuevas tecnologías en búsqueda forense: recursos para la crisis de desapariciones en méxico. equipo argentino de antropología forense and centro de derechos humanos de las mujeres. available online at: https:// eaaf . org / el eaaf presento el libro nuevas tecnologias en busqueda forense / . accessed may 2, 2021. l’abbé e, steyn m. the establishment and advancement of forensic anthropology in south africa. in: dirkmaat dc, ed. a companion to forensic anthropology. malden, ma: blackwell publishing ltd. 2012:626– 638. roehrig t. executive leadership and the continuing quest for justice in argentina. human rights quarterly 2009;31(3): 721– 747. rosenblatt a. digging for the disappeared; forensic science after atrocity. stanford, ca: stanford university press; 2015. skinner m, alempijevic d, djuricsrejic m. 2003) guidelines for international forensic bioarchaeology monitors of mass grave exhumations. forensic science international 2003;134: 81– 92. thompson t. jiménez gaytan d, bedoya sánchez s, pleitez quiñónez an. forensic anthropology: whose rules are we playing by? contextualizing the role of forensic protocols in human rights investigations. in waterlow j, schuhmacher j, eds. war crimes trials and investigations; a multidisciplinary introduction. cham, switzerland: palgrave macmillan; 2018; 59– 80. cham, switzerland: palgrave macmillan. traithepchanapai p. mahakkanukrauh p, kranioti ef. history, research and practice of forensic anthropology in thailand. forensic science international 2016;261:167.e1– 167.e6. clacso. postulan al equipo argentino de antropología forense al nobel de la paz. https:// www . clacso . org / en / postulan al equipo argentino de antropologia forense al premionobel de la paz / . created february 13, 2020. accessed: march 27, 2021. crawford, k.l. (1990) due obedience and the rights of victims: argentina’s transition to democracy. human rights quarterly 12(1):1752. department of justice canada (2016). missing and murdered indigenous women and girls. just facts, research and statistics division. available online at: https:// www . justice . gc . ca / eng / rppr / jr / jf pf / 2017 / docs / july04 . pdf. accessed: may 2, 2021. eaaf & cedehm (2021). nuevas tecnologías en búsqueda forense: recursos para la crisis de desapariciones en méxico. equipo argentino de antropología forense and centro de derechos humanos de las mujeres. available online at: https:// eaaf . org / el eaaf presento ellibro nuevas tecnologias en bus queda forense / . accessed may 2, 2021. l’abbé, e. & m. steyn (2012) the establishment and advancement of forensic anthropology in south africa. in: a companion to forensic anthropology, by d.c. dirkmaat (ed), pp. 626638. malden, ma: blackwell publishing ltd. roehrig, t. (2009) executive leadership and the continuing quest for justice in argentina. human rights quarterly 31(3): 721747. rosenblatt, a. (2015) digging for the disappeared; forensic science after atrocity. stanford university press: stanford, ca. skinner, m., d. alempijevic, & m. djuricsrejic (2003) guidelines for international forensic bioarchaeology monitors of mass grave exhumations. forensic science international 134:81– 92. thompson, t., d. jiménez gaytan, s. bedoya sánchez, & a.n. pleitez quiñónez. forensic anthropology: whose rules are we playing by? contextualizing the role of forensic protocols in human rights investigations. in: war crimes trials and investigations; a multidisciplinary introduction by j. waterlow & j. schuhmacher (eds.), pp. 5980. cham, switzerland: palgrave macmillan. traithepchanapai, p., p. mahakkanukrauh, & e.f. kranioti (2016). history, research and practice of forensic anthropology in thailand. forensic science international 261:167.e1167.e6. artículo de investigación forensic anthropology vol. 5, no. 3: s239–s250 doi: 10.5744/fa.2020.2023b artículo de investigación variación craneométrica en una muestra regional de antioquia, medellín, colombia: consecuencias para el trabajo forense en las américas kelly r. kamnikara* ● joseph t. hefnera ● timisay monsalveb ● liliana maria bernal florezb resumen: las estimaciones de ancestría suelen basarse en mediciones del cráneo. los modelos más comunes usan agrupaciones discretas que abarcan poblaciones muy diversas como, por ejemplo, “hispano.” esta investigación se suma a otras recientes que desafían estas categorías mediante análisis de ancestría más detallados. examinamos la información craneométrica de una muestra de individuos provenientes de varias regiones de antioquia, colombia. primero, evaluamos la muestra buscando entender la variación intrarregional de la forma craneal como función del lugar de nacimiento o de una categoría de agrupación construida socioculturalmente. luego, agrupando la información colombiana, comparamos la variación craneal con agrupaciones globales, tanto contemporáneas como prehistóricas. los resultados no presentaron una variación intrarregional significativa en antioquia; los modelos de clasificación arrojaron resultados débiles (28,6% para lugar de nacimiento y 36,6% para agrupación social). en comparación con otras agrupaciones (negro estadounidense, blanco estadounidense, asiático, hispano contemporáneo, y amerindio prehistórico) nuestro modelo clasificó correctamente el 75,5% de las muestras. seguido, afinamos el modelo dividiendo la muestra ‘hispana’ entre mejicanos y guatemaltecos, obteniendo una tasa de certeza de 74,4%. estos resultados indican diferencias significativas en la estructura craneal entre agrupaciones usualmente clasificadas como ‘hispanos’, y secundan la introducción de mayor detalle en las estimaciones de ancestría basadas en información craneométrica. palabras clave: antropología forense, análisis craneométrico, estimación de ancestría, derechos humanos, distancia biológica la variación poblacional puede estudiarse mediante un análisis métrico del cráneo humano (algee-hewitt 2016; hefner et al. 2016; howells 1973; relethford 1994, 2010; roseman y weaver 2004; wrobel et al. 2018). en antropología forense, estos análisis hacen parte de las estimaciones de ancestría o de origen geográfico (algee-hewitt 2017; dunn et al. 2020; hefner et al. 2016; spradley 2014a; stull et al. 2014). estos estudios se basan en la recolección de muestras de referencia para crear modelos de estimación que generen conclusiones probabilísticas sobre la ancestralidad de un individuo. el nivel de resolución en estos modelos puede aumentar o disminuir, en general asemejándose a clasificaciones de ancestralidad de tres o cinco grupos, de constructos sociales y de percepción de pares, o incluso, niveles de población más detallados (hefner 2018). la aplicación de estos modelos facilita el proceso de identificación en la casuística forense y contribuye a comprender la similitud de grupo en un área geográfica puntual o dentro de fronteras geográficas más amplias. con esta información, investigamos la variación intrarregional en una muestra de antioquia, medellín, colombia. entre los 1.1 millones de inmigrantes legales anuales que se estiman en los estados unidos, los colombianos representan un 2% (lópez 2015). en 2015, los eeuu era el segundo destino más frecuente para la emigración desde colombia (carvajal 2017). según criterios legales estadounidenses, los colombianos se clasifican como “hispanos” de entre las categorías demográficas oficiales. este estudio se suma a los argumentos a favor del uso de categorías poblacionales más específicas que “hispano” y hace énfasis en la necesidad de bases de datos comparativas y representativas. concordamos con ross et al. (2004) y spradley (2014a, 2014b) que, en un contexto forense, la categoría “hispano” resulta inadecuada a la hora de examinar el origen geográfico. hacemos aportes en favor de mayor especificidad en la estimación de ancestría, específicamente para grupos hispanos. cuando usamos el término hispano, lo hacemos en el sentido de las clasificaciones gubernamentales estadounidenses para identificar a personas originarias de américa latina. resaltamos que el término no concuerda necesariamente con criterios de autoidentificación o etnicidad. materiales y métodos esta investigación incluye medidas craneométricas a partir de material óseo originario de antioquia, medellín, colombia [sic]; del forensic databank (fdb; jantz & moore-jansen 1988); y datos de la base de howells sobre amerindios prehistóricos (1973) y del museo nacional de historia natural (nmnh). a continuación, discutimos cada base de datos. muestra colombiana la información craneométrica de la muestra colombiana consiste en 24 medidas de distancias interhitos (ild) (tabla 1) correspondientes a 243 individuos (hombres = 172, mujeres = 70, sexo no identificado = 1). esta muestra, de aquí en adelante “muestra colombiana”, proviene de la colección de referencia osteológica de la universidad de antioquia (n = 317) ubicada en medellín, colombia (monsalve y hefner 2016). de los individuos de la colección, las fechas de nacimiento conocidas varían desde los 1950s hasta el siglo en curso, con edades al morir entre 0 y 99 años. varios individuos de la muestra colombiana provienen del museo cementerio de san pedro y del cementerio universitario de medellín, aunque el lugar de nacimiento corresponde a múltiples municipios antioqueños (tabla 2, fig.1). solo incluimos los individuos que donaron sus restos o que fueron donados por sus familias con el propósito de investigaciones científicos. nuestro análisis incluye datos de clasificación de grupos sociales según región geográfica en antioquia, aunque se desconoce la autoidentificación o la identificación post-mortem (ver tabla 2). como grupo social discrimina entre personas vivas en colombia, también estudiamos el poder clasificatorio de esos rótulos provenientes de la colección osteológica; monsalve y hefner (2016) discuten el rol de las agrupaciones sociales en antioquia. por último, agrupamos la muestra colombiana para compararla con grupos de la fdb, la base de howells y la nmnh. tabla 1—medidas de distancias interhitos (ild) utilizadas en el análisis. abreviación   medidas   abreviación   medida gol   longitud craneal   obb   amplitud orbital xcb   amplitud craneal   obh   altura de la órbita zyb   amplitud bizigomática   ekb   amplitud biorbital bbh   altura basion-bregma   dkb   amplitud interorbital bnl   longitud de la base craneal   frc   cuerda frontal bpl   longitud basión-prostión   pac   cuerda parietal mab   amplitud maxilar-alveolar   occ   cuerda occipital aub   amplitud biauricular   fol   longitud del foramen magnum nlh   altura nasal   mdh   altura mastoidea nlb   amplitud nasal   mal*   maxima longitud alveolar wfb*   mínima amplitud frontal   ufbr*   amplitud facial superior fob*   amplitud foramen magnum   ufht*   altura facial superior adaptado de langley et al. (2016). el asterisco (*) indica la medida utilizada en el análisis intrarregional colombiano. tabla 2—muestra colombiana por lugar de nacimiento y grupo social. lugar de nacimiento   grupo social   n urabá   a   6 occidente   a   17 oriente   b   29 suroeste   b   44 nordeste   c   6 norte   d   25 valle de aburrá   e   89     total:   216 adaptado de monsalve and hefner (2016). nota: las incógnitas no se utilizaron en los análisis intrarregionales. fig. 1—mapa de antioquia, colombia (monsalve y hefner 2016). muestras comparativas comparamos los individuos de la muestra colombiana con los de la fdb (n = 654), la base de howells (n=268), y la nmnh (n=60) (ver tabla 3). la fdb es un repositorio de mediciones craneales y postcraneales a partir de restos óseos identificados (jantz y moore-jansen 1988). nuestro análisis incluyó muestras que representan a negros estadounidenses, blancos estadounidenses, asiáticos, e individuos catalogados como hispanos en la fdb. estas agrupaciones se seleccionaron para reflejar la estructura demográfica actual de los eeuu. los datos de la fdb sobre negros estadounidenses, blancos estadounidenses y asiáticos cuenta con muestras de individuos en las colecciones óseas de terry, bass, y hamman-todd, además de estudios de caso identificados y enviados a la fdb por profesionales forenses a lo largo de los eeuu. la muestra hispana de la fdb refleja grosso modo la puesta en práctica de la definición oficial de hispano en eeuu, e incluye individuos provenientes de varios países (por ejemplo, costa rica, el salvador, guatemala, honduras, méxico, puerto rico y panamá) (jantz y ousley 2005). solo incluimos información de individuos mejicanos y guatemaltecos dado el reducido tamaño de algunos países en la submuestra hispana de la fdb (n < 2). compilamos una tercera muestra comparativa representativa para amerindios prehistóricos, agregando individuos de la base de howells y de nmnh. la inclusión de esta muestra buscaba reflejar grupos con historias poblacionales similares a las de las poblaciones indígenas en las américas. tabla 3—distribución de la muestra. sample   size     hombres   mujeres   desconocido   total colombiana   172   70   1   243 blanco americano/estadounidense   126   74       200 negro americano/estadounidense   101   99       200 asiático   151   8   1   160 amerindio               328 arikara   42   27       69 santa cruz   51   51       102 blackfeet   25   45       70 indian knoll   11   16       27 nmnh   17   36   7   60 hispano                 mejicano   74   9       83 guatemalteco   6   5       11             total:   1,198 note: los subconjuntos de individuos en los grupos afroamericanos, blancos americanos/estadounidenses y asiáticos se seleccionaron aleatoriamente de la fdb utilizando la función rand () en excel. análisis estadístico todos los análisis se hicieron con el programa estadístico r (r core team 2018), un software libre para análisis estadístico y gráfico. todas las observaciones se ajustaron y centraron para corregir el sesgo de sexo en la información (media 0 y desviación estándar 1). aunque predominaron las observaciones completas en la muestra, algunas muestras tenían valores perdidos. el porcentaje información perdida fue: asiáticos (9%), colombianos (33%) y amerindio prehistórico (8%). se excluyeron del análisis a individuos cuando faltaban diez o más ilds. los valores perdidos se imputaron por variable haciendo uso del paquete mice (van buuren y groothuis-oudshoorn 2011). este método se utiliza para la imputación de varios tipos de datos, incluyendo datos continuos. utilizamos un método predictivo de ajuste de media (predictive mean matching) para seleccionar una observación aleatoria de los valores observados (por variable) y reemplazar los valores perdidos (van buuren y groothuis-oudshoorn 2011). se utilizó la distancia de cook para identificar valores atípicos (outliers). se evaluaron pruebas de asociación con las medidas craneométricas para las variables “lugar de nacimiento” y “grupo social” de entre la muestra intrarregional mediante análisis multivariado de varianza (manova) y análisis comparativo de varianza (anova). para evaluar el efecto del grupo social y el lugar de nacimiento sobre la morfología craneal se usó el manova, mientras que el anova comparativo examinó las relaciones individuales entre las ilds y las variables de agrupación. la relación entre muestras y medidas de variabilidad intrae inter-muestra se cuantificó haciendo un análisis canónico (función de análisis discriminante lineal [fadl]) para definir ecuaciones predictivas. para las pruebas intrarregionales, “lugar de nacimiento” y “grupo social” fueron las variables dependientes. en un análisis comparativo más detallado, la variable dependiente fue “origen geográfico”. en ambos fadl se establecieron probabilidades previas para simular igual probabilidad de membresía. un análisis examinó precisiones de clasificación para las muestras de negros estadounidenses, blancos estadounidenses, asiáticos, colombiano agregado, amerindio prehistórico, e hispano agregado. un segundo análisis desagregó la muestra hispana en grupos: colombiano, guatemalteco y mejicano. se hizo validación cruzada dejando uno (loocv) para todos los modelos. por último, para evaluar la similitud/diferencia y considerar la afinidad de grupo, se estimó la distancia de mahalanobis (d2) haciendo uso del paquete hdmd (mcferrin 2013). resultados variación intrarregional en antioquia se identificaron seis posibles valores atípicos mediante la distancia de cook, cuatro de urabá (n =6) y uno de la región nordeste (n = 6). debido a que el tamaño de las muestras era de entrada pequeño, se conservaron los valores atípicos. el manova arrojó efectos significativos, tanto para lugar de nacimiento como para grupo social (α = 0,05). los anova de comparación múltiple (pairwise anova) identificaron interacciones significativas entre (1) lugar de nacimiento y bbh, bnl, bpl, mab, y nlh; y (2) grupo social y bbh, bpl, mab, y nlh. el fadl evaluó el efecto del lugar de nacimiento sobre la variación craneal. en la figura 2 se aprecia las medias de grupo y sus relaciones. el porcentaje de acierto por lugar de nacimiento utilizando loocv fue del 28,6%: una precisión superior a una distribución aleatoria (~14%). el porcentaje de acierto varió entre 16,7% (nordeste, urabá) y 37,1% (valle de aburrá) (tabla 4). aquí, las regiones con mayor certeza fueron valle de aburrá, seguida de occidente (28,6%) y norte (28,0%). urabá y nordeste tuvieron la menor certeza con 16,7%, apenas superior a lo esperado por azar, lo que indicaría o que las poblaciones están bien separadas, o que hay problemas de tamaño de la muestra en ambos grupos (n = 6) (ver fig. 2). fig. 2—primeros dos ejes discriminantes de acuerdo al lugar de nacimiento. tabla 4—tasa de aserción (ccr) de la muestra colombiana por lugar de nacimiento (loocv).     nordeste   norte   occidente   oriente   suroeste   uraba   valle de aburra   ccr (%) nordeste   1   0   0   2   2   0   1   16.7 norte   3   7   6   3   2   1   3   28.0 occidente   0   2   4   4   2   1   3   28.6 oriente   5   5   2   6   7   2   2   20.7 suroeste   6   7   1   7   9   6   8   20.5 urabá   0   1   0   1   2   1   1   16.7 valle de aburrá   10   13   7   8   12   6   33   37.1                             media:   28.6% tabla 5—tasa de aserción (ccr) de la muestra colombiana por grupo social (loocv).     grupo a   grupo b   grupo c   grupo d   grupo e   ccr (%) grupo a   5   5   1   5   4   25.0 grupo b   11   23   13   14   12   31.5 grupo c   0   4   1   0   1   16.7 grupo d   6   3   3   10   3   40.0 grupo e   11   14   10   15   39   43.8                     media:   36.6% fig. 3—primeros dos ejes discriminantes de acuerdo al grupo social. para saber si el grupo social tiene efectos sobre la variabilidad craneométrica (por ejemplo, flujo genético), se ejecutó un segundo fadl empleando los grupos sociales como categorías. las tasas de rendimiento no fueron altas, aunque la clasificación por grupos aumentó al 36,6%. la mayor certeza de clasificación fue del 43,8% (tabla 5). en la figura 3 se observan las medias de cada grupo social. para entender la similitud global, se calculó una matriz de distancia mahalanobis (d2) utilizando el lugar de nacimiento y la agrupación social (tablas 6 y 7). aquí, suroeste y oriente son similares, mientras el resto de los grupos aparece como ramas separadas. urabá es más disímil a los otros grupos (fig. 4). los grupos sociales a y d tienen mayor similitud, al igual que b y e; sin embargo, el grupo social c es distinto de todos los demás (fig. 5). variabilidad en la muestra colombiana y muestras comparativas el fadl de la muestra colombiana y las muestras comparativas tiene un buen desempeño (fig. 6). las muestras de negros estadounidenses, blancos estadounidenses y colombianos, aunque se superponen ligeramente, en general están bien separadas. las muestras de hispanos, de amerindios prehistóricos y de asiáticos presentan una superposición significativa. en la tabla 8 se puede ver el acierto de la clasificación por grupo, con una certeza global del modelo de 74,7%. el grupo hispano agregado presentó la tasa de clasificación más baja (50,0%), mientras los demás mostraron un porcentaje de acierto superior al 71,0%. tabla 6—distancia de mahalanobis (d2) calculada utilizando matriz basada en lugar de nacimiento.     nordeste   norte   occidente   oriente   suroeste   uraba nordeste   —                     norte   12.41   —                 occidente   12.67   6.39   —             oriente   9.61   8.21   9.21   —         suroeste   10.96   8.99   9.54   7.52   —     urabá   19.70   14.32   13.32   14.52   10.94   — valle de aburrá   11.18   10.07   10.52   9.81   7.02   12.30 tabla 7—distancia de mahalanobis (d2) calculada utilizando matriz basada en agrupación social.     a   b   c   d a   —             b   7.62   —         c   13.84   9.78   —     d   7.27   7.87   12.41   — e   9.26   7.37   11.18   10.07 fig. 4—dendrogramas desraizados que proyectan las distancias de mahalanobis. fig. 5—dendrogramas desraizados que proyectan las distancias de mahalanobis; ver tabla 2 para relación entre grupo social y lugar de nacimiento. un fadl adicional sobre la base de datos de hispanos depurada tuvo un porcentaje de acierto similar (71,4%). en la figura 7 se aprecia la separación del fadl en la muestra de análisis. sin embargo, las tasas de clasificación de grupos varían bastante (tabla 9). la muestra colombiana tuvo una clasificación moderada (84,7%) identificando erradamente a individuos en las otras dos muestras hispanas de referencia, ocho como mexicanos y dos como guatemaltecos (tabla 9). la tabla 10 presenta las distancias de mahalanobis de la muestra depurada. los valores d2 para el grupo colombiano indican una mayor proximidad a los blancos estadounidenses y a los mexicanos, seguida por los amerindios prehistóricos y los guatemaltecos, y finalmente por las muestras asiáticas y a negros americanos (fig. 8). discusión variación craneal colombiana para estudiar la relación entre la variación craneal y las categorías sociales y geográficas en antioquia, varios modelos estadísticos exploraron la interacción de la morfología craneal con las etiquetas de grupo a priori. al usar el lugar de nacimiento y la agrupación social para “identificar” submuestras potenciales dentro de la muestra antioqueña, los modelos no arrojaron buenos resultados. el fadl mostró una fuerte superposición entre todos los grupos, indicando homogeneidad relativa entre los grupos de la muestra antioqueña. cabe señalar que, para el gráfico de lugar de nacimiento (fig. 2), en comparación con los demás grupos, la menor superposición fue aquella de las elipses de las cohortes de urabá y nordeste. esto puede indicar diferencias en la forma craneal que distinguen a urabá y nordeste, pero las pocas observaciones (n = 6) y la inclusión de valores atípicos pudo influir sus distribuciones. respecto a las agrupaciones construidas socioculturalmente, b (oriente y suroeste) y e (valle de aburrá) son cercanas geográficamente y presentan una alta superposición en el gráfico del fadl; su posición es similar en el gráfico de d2 (ver fig. 5). los grupos a (urabá y occidente) y d (norte) no se superponen casi en el fadl a pesar de su proximidad geográfica. no obstante, ambos grupos se asemejan más en la gráfica del d2 (ver fig. 5). no se identificó una tendencia significativa que relacionara las variables craneométricas con el lugar de nacimiento o las agrupaciones sociales. se requieren nuevos estudios con muestras de mayor tamaño para explicar o validar nuestras conclusiones. fig. 6—primeros dos ejes discriminantes para el análisis de los seis grupos. para la muestra antioqueña no fue posible clasificar a los individuos según su lugar de nacimiento o por categorías socialmente asignadas a través de medidas craneométricas. este sistema puede funcionar relativamente bien cuando existen comunidades juridicolegales y policiales que emplean categorías raciales como parte de un “sistema de identificación construido culturalmente” (sauer 1992:109), como es el caso en los eeuu y en sudáfrica (stull et al. 2014). no es así en el colombiano, a pesar de hacer diferenciaciones entre individuos según grupo social o etnicidad (monsalve y hefner 2016). monsalve y hefner (2016), utilizando información macromorfoscópica (mms), no encontraron diferencias significativas en la expresión de atributos según el lugar de nacimiento; sin embargo, la mms explicó mayor variación intrarregional (46,0%) en comparación con la información craneométrica del presente estudio (26,0%). basándose en la porción mediofacial y la bóveda craneanal, monsalve y hefner (2016) identificaron tres clusters principales (occidente-a, suroeste-b y urabá-a; valle de aburrá-e y nordeste-c; y oriente-b y norte-d). estos clusters no se incluyen en nuestros resultados, ya que o no se encontraron diferencias entre la variación craneométrica entre grupos, o fueron registrados adecuadamente por los ild utilizados es este estudio. se corrieron ejercicios adicionales utilizando agrupaciones socioculturales pero no mejoraron la clasificación con información mms, y fueron similares a lo ya reportado. fig. 7—primeros dos ejes discriminantes para el análisis de los siete grupos. fig. 8—dendrogramas desraizados que proyectan las distancias de mahalanobis (pre na = amerindio prehistórico; colom = colombiano; black = negro americano/estadounidense; blanco americano/estadounidense; guate = guatemalteco). el análisis craneométrico de la muestra colombiana arrojó resultados prometedores para una sola base de datos. a diferencia de otras investigaciones que encontraron una importante superposición con información craneométrica hispana (principalmente, mejicanas y guatemaltecas) (dudzik y jantz 2016; hughes et al. 2019), la muestra colombiana (es decir, “hispana”) no se superpuso ni mostró un error considerable al clasificar estos grupos. en los modelos de clasificación fadl este comportamiento fue evidente, donde los colombianos fueron categorizados erradamente como blancos estadounidenses. a pesar de estos resultados, la certeza fue alta para todos los grupos exceptuando las muestras mejicana y guatemalteca. los valores d2 para la muestra colombiana fueron más cercanos a las muestras de blancos estadounidenses y mejicanas, seguidos de las de amerindios prehistóricos, guatemaltecos, asiáticos, y, por último, los negros americanos. los errores de clasificación y la proximidad con la muestra de blancos estadounidenses sugieren una fuerte ancestría europea blanca en antioquia. investigaciones morfológicas y genéticas en colombia indican una estructura poblacional diversa que da cuenta de sus orígenes africanos, europeos, mesoamericanos y suramericanos (bryc et al. 2010; lopez et al. 2012). las barreras geográficas antioqueñas, la cordillera de los andes en particular, han contribuido al aislamiento del paisa y su desarrollo, una identidad regional distintiva soportada en procesos sociopolíticos y de ancestría. el paisa implica un componente jerárquico racial (posada 2003), que privilegia la “blancura” y grupos étnicos “blancos” (álvarez 1996). estudios genéticos en antioquia han demostrado un importante componente europeo, con menores contribuciones de grupos africanos o amerindios (bravo et al. 1996; carvajal-carmona et al. 2000; sandoval et al. 1993). en la población de la región aún se encuentra una fracción relativamente importante en el cromosoma y de fundadores españoles hombre (carvajal-carmona et al. 2000). resulta curioso que la mayoría del adn mitocondrial proviene de cuatro linajes amerindios originarios (carvajal-carmona et al. 2000). dado que la información craneométrica se hereda con facilidad, no sorprende que entre los grupos estudiados el fenotipo craneal sea comparable a la muestra de blancos americanos, (adhikari et al. 2016; relethford y harpending 1994; roseman y weaver 2004; šešelj et al. 2015), y que la estructura genética antioqueña sugiera una contribución europea extensa a través de la migración. ambas poblaciones descienden genéticamente de poblaciones europeas (bryc et al. 2010; 2015) y en consecuencia se asemejan más entre ellas que a los otros grupos incluidos en el presente análisis. la migración y el restringido flujo genético en antioquia podrían explicar la disociación entre la muestra colombiana y aquellas derivadas de asia (asiática, guatemalteca, mejicana, y amerindia prehistórica). se ha identificado mediante estudios genéticos una combinación de aportes genéticos africanos, europeos y amerindios a las poblaciones de antioquia (bryc et al. 2010; wang et al. 2008), proveyendo una posible explicación de estos resultados. al comparar nuestros resultados con las conclusiones de monsalve y hefner (2016) encontramos que la información craneométrica tiene mayor certeza de clasificación (74,7%: datos hispanos agregados; 71,4% grupos hispanos independientes) en contraste con los resultados obtenidos mediante análisis de las características craneales mms a través de redes neuronales artificiales (48,0%). en la investigación de monsalve y hefner (2016) los colombianos fueron identificados erradamente como negros estadounidenses (10,0%), blancos estadounidenses (16,6%) e hispanos (10,0%). nuestro análisis craneométrico mostró menores valores errados para los mismos grupos: negros estadounidenses (2,5%), blancos estadounidenses (7,4%), asiáticos (0,8%), amerindios prehistoricos (0,4%), y dos grupos hispanos, mejicanos (3,2%) y guatemaltecos (0,8%). se encontraron patrones similares tras una comparación adicional de la distribución espacial aplicando ambos métodos. el análisis de componentes principales de la información craneal mms identificó cuatro clusters: (1) hispanos y blancos estadounidenses, (2) isleños del pacífico y asiáticos, (3) negros estadounidenses y (4) colombianos (monsalve y hefner 2016). se identificaron tres clusters con los puntajes d2: (1) asiáticos y mejicanos, (2) guatemaltecos y amerindios y (3) negros estadounidenses blancos estadounidenses y colombianos. nuevamente, la disociación en ambos análisis entre la muestra colombiana de las hispanas robustece el llamado a refinar esta categoría en las estimaciones de ancestría. recomendamos no incluir a los colombianos antioqueños bajo la categoría amplia de “hispanos” sino como una muestra separada para el análisis comparativo. implicaciones para trabajos futuros en la región se desprenden varias consecuencias para el trabajo forense en las américas y en colombia. aunque no pudimos diferenciar individuos haciendo uso de información craneométrica por su lugar de nacimiento o agrupación social, esto no implica una variación craneal homogénea en colombia. nuestros resultados ameritan realizar nuevas pruebas de la muestra antioqueña en relación con las de otras regiones del país. por ejemplo, puede haber diferencias entre poblaciones de la montaña y de la costa que pueden reflejarse en personas nacidas en ciudades como barranquilla o cartagena, y en contraste con otras en bogotá o cali. la identificación de variaciones intrarregionales y otras más amplias en colombia puede tener consecuencias directas para eventos migratorios recientes desde venezuela (faiola 2018; wyss 2018), ofreciendo en potencia opciones para estimar el origen geográfico en la región. además, los estudios regionales en colombia pueden ser útiles para los esfuerzos de identificación de personas no identificadas como consecuencia del conflicto armado, que podrían estar en el orden de los 100.000 (fondebrider 2016). esperamos que estos resultados fomenten este tipo de investigaciones en la región y en otros países, en particular aquellos con migraciones masivas, como posible camino para estimar el origen geográfico. las tres muestras hispanas en este estudio fueron agrupadas bajo una misma categoría de clasificación dentro de modelos de estimación de ancestría tradicionales. sin embargo, la distancia entre la muestra colombiana de la mejicanas y guatemalteca merece reconsiderar la estimación de ancestría para este grupo. nuestros resultados se aúnan a hallazgos previos de spradley y colegas (figueroa-soto y spradley 2013; spradley 2014b; tise et al. 2014) y de ross y colegas (ross et al. 2014; humphries et al. 2015) que sugieren que las poblaciones de américa latina, aunque geográficamente cercanas, muestran gran variación craneal. sugerimos que los profesionales tengan en cuenta el origen de las muestras hispanas y el uso de datos agregados en modelos de tres o cinco grupos. las muestras hispanas, como en el caso de la submuestra del fdb, incluye individuos de países vecinos como costa rica, cuba, el salvador, guatemala, méjico, puerto rico, y panamá (anderson 2008). las diferencias entre estos grupos se hacen evidentes con una especificidad más detallada, dado que cada uno fue sometido a dinámicas migratorias y a sucesos evolutivos específicos. aunque la discusión sobre cuáles son los niveles adecuados y necesarios para la estimación de ancestría en los estudios forenses continúa, esta investigación respalda una aproximación más refinada. la suma de esta muestra regional a las bases de datos de referencia modernas facilita la modelación específica para poblaciones colombianas (hefner y spradley 2018; spradley 2016). el uso de esta y otras muestras latinoamericanas diversas permitirá a futuras investigaciones estar preparadas para articulares a los debates actuales de la investigación y práctica en la antropología forense. conclusión este estudio buscaba evaluar la posibilidad de identificar variaciones intrarregionales a través de un análisis craneométrico en medellín, antioquia, colombia. aunque no logramos encontrar una segmentación basada en el lugar de nacimiento o en agrupaciones socioculturales, la muestra colombiana agregada pudo aislarse claramente de otros grupos de comparación, incluyendo otras poblaciones usualmente clasificadas como “hispanas”. esta investigación muestra la heterogeneidad dentro de las poblaciones latinoamericanas, y se suma al llamado por refinar la categoría “hispana” de ancestría. siguiendo la propuesta de hefner y spradley (2018), respaldamos un análisis de nivel amplio, seguido de mayor refinamiento, en particular para la categoría “hispano”. a medida que se reúnen más datos sobre este diverso grupo y se incorporan a bases de datos de referencia, los investigadores identificarán patrones para las diferencias y matices dentro de esas muestras. comprender e investigar estos patrones podría tener gran relevancia para sucesos de diáspora en las américas y contribuir a la identificación de casos forenses en latinoamérica y en eeuu. en este estudio, la muestra regional antioqueña resultó de mayor utilidad agregada como una única base de datos de colombia y comparada contra otras agrupaciones hispanas y no hispanas de casos forenses. este enfoque podría ser útil al incorporar información de referencia para nuevas poblaciones hispanas. otros estudios deberán añadir información craneal mms y craneométrica, ya que en conjunto arrojarán clasificaciones más precisas, como lo muestran investigaciones previas (hefner et al. 2014). agradecimientos los autores quieren agradecer a richard jantz, alexis c. goots, edgar hernando bernal gonzález, micayla c. spiros, y al cementerio museo san pedro de medellín por la base de datos colombiana. también quieren agradecer a los revisores, cuyos comentarios robustecieron en gran medida este manuscrito. referencias adhikari k, fuentes-guajardo m, quinto-sánchez m, mendoza-revilla j, chacón-duque jc, acuña-alonzo v, et al. a genome-wide association scan implicates dchs2, runx2, gli3, pax1 and edar in human facial variation. nature communications 2016;7:11616. algee-hewitt bfb. population inference from contemporary american 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lopez ma, casallas da, castellanos d, soto fv, bethard jd. unveiling ancestry in colombia through morphometric analysis. en: proceedings of the 64th annual meeting of the american academy of forensic sciences, febrero 20–25, 2012; atlanta, ga. mcferrin l. statistical analysis tools for high dimension molecular data (hdmd). creado 2013. https://www.rdocumentation.org/packages/hdmd/versions/1.2. consultado en enero 14, 2020. monsalve t. hefner jt. macromorphoscopic trait expression in a cranial sample from medellín, colombia. forensic science international 2016;266:574.e1–574.e8. posada c. la raza negra en colombia: antioqueños y chocoanos. estudios de literatura colombiana 2003;12. r core team. r: a language and environment for statistical computing. r foundation for statistical computing, vienna, austria, 2018. http:www.r-project.org/. consultado en octubre 14, 2018. relethford jh. craniometric variation among modern human populations. american journal of physical anthropology 1994;95(1):53–62. relethford jh. population-specific deviations of global human craniometrics variation from a neutral model. american journal of physical anthropology 2010;142(1):105–111. relethford jh, harpending hc. craniometric variation, genetic theory, and modern human origins. american journal of physical anthropology 1994;95(3):249–270. roseman cc, weaver td. multivariate apportionment of global human craniumetric diversity. american journal of physical anthropology 2004;125(3):257–263. ross ah, slice de, ubelaker dh. population affinities of hispanic crania. en: berg gd, ta’ala sc, eds. biological affinity in forensic identification of human skeletal remains: beyond black and white. boca raton, fl: crc press; 2014:155–164. ross ah, slice d, ubelaker dh, falsetti ab. population affinities of 19th century cuban crania: implications for identification criteria in south florida cuban americans. journal of forensic sciences 2004;49:11–16. sandoval c, de la hoz a, yunis e. estructura genética de la población colombiana. revista de la facultad de medicina–universidad nacional de colombia 1993;41(1):3–14. sauer nj. forensic anthropology and the concept of race: if races don’t exist, why are forensic anthropologists so good at identifying them? journal of social science and medicine 1992;34:107–111. šešelj m, duren dl, sherwood rj. heritability of the human craniofacial complex. the anatomical record 2015;298:1535–1547. spradley mk. metric ancestry estimation from the postcranial skeleton. en: berg ge, ta’ala sc, eds. biological affinity in forensic identification of human skeletal remains: beyond black and white. boca raton, fl: crc press; 2014a:83–94. spradley mk. metric methods for the biological profile in forensic anthropoology: sex, ancestry, and stature. academic forensic pathology 2016;6(3):391–399. spradley mk. toward estimating geographic origin of migrant remains along the united states–mexico border. annals of anthropological practice 2014b;38:101–110. stull ke, kenyhercz mw, l’abbe en. ancestry estimation in south africa using craniometrics and geometric morphometrics. forensic science international 2014;245:206-e1. tise me, kimmerle eh, spradley mk. craniometric variation of diverse populations in florida: identification challenges within a border state. annals of anthropological practice 2014;38:111–123. van buuren s, groothuis-oudshoorn k. multiple imputation by chained equations (mice) v.2.5; 2011. wang s, ray n, rojas w, parra mv, bedoya g, gallo c, et al. geographic patterns of genome admixture in latin american mestizos. plos genetics 2008;4(3):e1000037. wrobel g, hair a, biggs j. introducing the maya crania photogrammetry initiative. en: proceedings from the 16th annual meeting of the belize archaeology symposium, junio de 2018; san ignacio, bélice. wyss j. how many venezuelans have crossed the border? colombia is counting. miami herald. 2018. http://www.miamiherald.com/news/nation-world/world/americas/colombia/article208083819.html. consultado en junio 26, 2018. adepartamento de antropología, michigan state university, 655 auditorium drive, east lansing, mi 48824, usa bdepartamento de antropología—fcsh, universidad de antioquia, medellín, colombia *autor de correspondencia: kelly r. kamnikar, department of anthropology, 655 auditorium drive, michigan state university, east lansing, mi 48824, usa correo electrónico: kamnikar@msu.edu recibido 17 julio 2019; revisado 29 abril 2020; aceptado 02 mayo 2020 login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about 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estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe introducción forensic anthropology vol. 5, no. 3: s153–s154 doi: 10.5744/fa.2022.4000b introducción introducción derek congrama,b cuando inicié mi carrera profesional de forense en bosnia en 1999, acababa de terminar mis cursos y trabajo de campo de maestría, y me sentía bastante preparado, hasta que—a 10 minutos de haber empezado—me di cuenta de todo lo que aún me faltaba por aprender (aprendizaje que aún hoy continúa). fui en ese entonces extremadamente afortunado de ser parte de equipos de campo y morgue con colegas sur y centroamericanos. diez años después, en el año 2009, dirigí un curso de excavación de fosas comunes para científicos forenses gubernamentales en colombia. después de un par de días de curso, me volví a dar cuenta de que los “estudiantes” sabían igual o más que los “maestros”. casi una década después de ésta experiencia, en el 2017, volví a colombia, esta vez para trabajar con el comité internacional de la cruz roja (cicr) como director de un equipo de tres antropólogos forenses, uno de los cuales, ángel medina, había trabajado en la antigua yugoslavia y otro, juan felipe berrío, había sido estudiante en el curso de fosas comunes del 2009. el tercero fue pedro pérez torres, coautor de la biografía de eaaf de esta edición especial. en los tres años y medio de estar con este equipazo pequeño, reclutamos a dos increíbles forenses más de la fiscalía de colombia: liliana alvarez y juan benavides caro. entre 2006 y 2009, hice mi investigación de doctorado en españa. allá el equipo era de la sociedad de ciencias aranzadi del país vasco (http://www.aranzadi.eus/), en el cual el dr. francisco paco etxeberría dirigía los equipos encargados de la excavación de fosas clandestinas creadas durante la guerra civil española y la violencia de la posguerra. lo mire sacar una aspiradora para limpiar el sedimento suelto de los esqueletos—algo de lo que solo había leído (hochrein 2001)—antes de darles una visita guiada a los familiares a la fosa (siempre el profesor, cautiva a su audiencia y muestra con el ejemplo que la legitimidad del trabajo está en su cercanía con las familias de las víctimas). siempre he tenido muchísimo respeto por los científicos forenses de américa latina y españa: muchos lo han visto todo, pero lo asumen como si fuera nada. su filosofía es a menudo bien distinta al modelo convencional anglosajón que tiende a poner la cinta amarilla alrededor de la fosa para que las familias queden fuera. no obstante, tal vez lo más significativo dentro de las cosas que me llaman la atención de los forenses en américa latina, es la falta de programas de formación forense para países con necesidades apremiantes. muchos científicos del estado y organizaciones no-gubernamentales (ongs) trabajan sin cesar, caso tras caso. la falta de programas académicos, el relativamente poco tiempo para llevar a cabo investigaciones académicas y la inexistencia de tiempo o de incentivos para publicar, hacen que los anglófonos sepan poco de su vasta y profunda experiencia. esta es la inspiración detrás de la edición especial de forensic anthropology. la condición fue que si íbamos a compartir sus experiencia e ideas, también había que publicarlas en su idioma materno. en esta edición leemos como fortuna et. al. nos da una visión de conjunto impactante de la escala del problema de desaparición y muertes violentas en méxico, a pesar de los avances recientes en el país para afrontarlo, el problema no disminuye. también de méxico, caballero valencia y landa juárez proponen un método de investigación de campo desarrollado en los ee. uu. tristemente, y a pesar de la existencia de pericia de clase mundial y una abundancia de recursos, en muchas jurisdicciones norteamericanas las autoridades simplemente no emplean dichos métodos. es aún más llamativo, entonces, ver la propuesta e implementación de estos estándares en otros países “menos desarrollados.” molina et al. presentan un experimento novedoso. no solo está el diseño de investigación multidisciplinario bien pensado, sino que también atacan un tema “gris” en términos de responsabilidades en el análisis forense, el de la ropa. según los autores, este es claramente el rol del arqueólogo que se especializa en el análisis de cultura material y que provoca preguntarse lo que están haciendo los arqueólogos norteamericanos y europeos que podrían aprender de latinoamérica. otra zona “gris” en las ciencias forenses la presenta serulla rech: el análisis forense de restos humanos que son reliquias religiosas. quiero reconocerle al dr. serulla recha haber sido el primero en entregar un manuscrito para esta edición especial y quien fue extremadamente rápido con sus revisiones. así, él ha tenido que sufrir la espera más larga por su diligencia, mitigada sólo levemente por el hecho de que el caso es de 1991. cuando consideramos que “forense” simplemente se refiere a lo legal (en contraste con la percepción más común de penal), reconocemos la pertinencia de tales casos en nuestra disciplina. reyes baeza habla de las necesidades interpretativas (cf traducidas) cuando recolectamos información antemortem, como con las personas sujetas de investigación forense quienes a menudo son poblaciones marginalizadas, de proveniencia distintas a la de los investigadores. este desafío es claro para los involucrados en investigaciones internacionales o en países con grandes desigualdades basadas en etnia, raza u otra identidad. incluso en la progresiva canadá, una revisión judicial de una investigación de homicidio en serie mostró que la policía tiene problemas graves a la hora de entrevistar personas de la comunidad lgbtq2+ por la desconfianza y falta de empatía demostrada por estos investigadores (epstein 2021). cuando la sesión del american academy of forensic sciences cambió el nombre de “antropología física” a simplemente “antropología”, fue un reconocimiento a la naturaleza multidisciplinaria de la antropología que este y otros artículos en esta edición corroboran. que guste o no, no podemos negar la importancia—posiblemente esencial—de la adopción de métodos y perspectivas de nuestros colegas en antropología cultural. por supuesto, para muchos antropólogos forenses norteamericanos, el punto de conexión obvio entre américa latina y norteamérica es clyde snow (reyes baeza, esta edición; pérez torres & congram, esta edición). aunque snow no “creara” la antropología forense en américa latina, ciertamente la ayudó a echar raíces. lo que ha crecido durante las décadas desde su primera intervención es un testamento a la perseverancia de los antropólogos forenses en américa latina, visto en el caso particular de luis fondebrider, cofundador y antiguo presidente del equipo argentino de antropología forense (eaaf) y quien asumiera recientemente la posición de jefe de la unidad forense del cicr. estos artículos van complementados de una biografía del eaaf. todo el mundo sabe del eaaf, pero tal vez sin conocer al eaaf y sus esfuerzos fundacionales y orientación son ejemplificantes para nuestra disciplina. estos artículos iluminan un poco el trabajo extraordinario en américa latina, pero también los desafíos necesarios e intimidantes para la región: la necesidad de más recursos, de más formación forense especializada e investigación académico-científica, de mejor colaboración interinstitucional, un aumento en el número de especialistas (ej. arqueólogos y antropólogos forenses), y un trabajo interdisciplinario hacia la identificación, entre otros. debo disculparme con los autores. esta edición duró mucho más tiempo en imprimirse de lo que imaginábamos— demasiado tiempo— y comparto responsabilidad en ello. sería trillado echarle la culpa a la pandemia. quiero agradecer y reconocer a los revisores por par; también agradezco a la dra. devin finn quien balanceo una recién nacida con las traducciones. corrí para preparar la propuesta para fondos para traducciones del humanitarian and human rights resource center del american academy of forensic sciences (aafs hhrrc), pero fui engañado por un sistema en línea automatizado que subestimó en gran medida lo que costarían dichas traducciones. mi agradecimiento a aafs hhrrc por otorgármelo que pedí y un agradecimiento especial a la delegación del cicr en colombia por subsanar los costos adicionales de las traducciones. ¡espero que disfruten de esta edición! y ojalá provoque más intercambio regional en antropología forense. referencias epstein gj. missing and missed; report of the independent civilian review into missing person investigations. available at: https://www.missingpersonsreview.ca/report-missing-and-missed. accessed 11 june 2021. hochrein mj. an autopsy of the grave: recognizing, collecting, and preserving geotaphonomic evidence. in: haglund wd, sorg mh, eds. advances in forensic taphonomy: method, theory, and archaeological perspectives. boca raton, fl: crc press; 2001. acomité internacional de la cruz roja, bogota, colombia bdepartmento de arqueologí, simon fraser university login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe forensic anthropology vol. 5, no. 3: 214–227 doi: 10.5744/fa.2022.2003a © 2022 university of florida press background in the parish cemetery of penco (cpp, for its initials in spanish), in the region of biobío, chile, a landslide of small niches (graves) occurred following the 2010 earthquake (gaytán 2010; guerra & reyes 2012; reyes 2011). the burial niches contained around 400 individuals in different states of decomposition, although the majority were skeletonized. of these 400 individuals, approximately 100 were identified by relatives in the days following the landslide. the remaining 300 bodies1 were organized and analyzed by a team of volunteer anthropology students and professionals, under the parameters of forensic anthropology.2 the other component of the disaster3 is represented by the approximately 203 families who are demanding the identification 1. the exact number of individuals is 388, of which there are duplicated individuals due to the fact that various bodies lost their anatomical continuity following the landslide. it was estimated that there were around 300 unidentified bodies after crosschecking the cemetery administration’s books. 2. even though the intervention was conducted according to forensic standards, it is important to emphasize that there are no judicial processes associated with these cases. 3. defined as “disruption of the functioning of a community (. . .) that exceeds the ability of a community or affected society to deal with” (boer et al. 2018:2). and return of their deceased loved ones. as such, the main objective of the intervention was to reestablish the material bond between family members and the deceased, through the identification of skeletonized corpses, following scientific standards of forensic anthropology. human identification4 based on skeletal remains is a comparative process that developed due to various factors (natural disasters, common crimes, among others), which can alter or make difficult the recognition of a person’s identity. in the human identification project in the cpp, an epistemologicalmethodological type problem emerged in the collection and management of antemortem5 and postmortem6 information, and subsequent comparison, which draws on the information provided by the victim’s social circle.7 it is in the process of capturing and interpreting the information where the proposal of the investigation is situated, denominated forensic semiology, theoreticalmethodological interpretation that facilitates analyzing information provided in the antemortem interview. this investigation emphasizes diseases, injuries and afflictions, analyzing 28 cases. the research question is: “in what way is the forensic semiology approach useful in the process of human identification, 4. identity is not specifically defined, but rather refers to the condition necessary for a process of knowing the “other” (vera 2002). understanding what is intended by the concept “identity,” the act of identification as such corresponds to establishing said identity (thompson & black 2007). 5. social profile of the individual, as illustrated in the narrative of the victim’s family members and friends. 6. biological profile of the individual as revealed in the skeletal remains of the presumed victim. 7. person that suffers harm due to the actions of another person or a chance accident. research article forensic semiology: an applied methodological perspective on human identification erika reyes baezaa,b* abstract: to improve practice and increase the quality of human identification processes, this article proposes a methodological framework and interview to facilitate the recovery of antemortem information about ailments, illnesses, and injuries, referred to as forensic semiology. the proposal is based on experience working on the intervention at the parish cemetery in penco, chile. twentyeight cases, which correspond to a total of 61 interviews, were analyzed through a diachronic comparison of content during the 2010– 2016 period. the qualitative and quantitative analyses of the semiology interview demonstrate an increase in the quantity and quality of supplementary information in the process of human identification based on skeletal remains. keywords: forensic semiology, methodology, antemortem interview auniversidad de concepción, chile bcementerio parroquial de penco, chile *correspondence to: erika reyes baeza, universidad de concepción, biobío, chile email: erikareyesbaeza@gmail . com received 31 august 2019; revised 30 july 2020; accepted 31 july 2020 reyes baeza 215 specifically in the context of the penco parish cemetery in biobío, chile?”8 interviews carried out in a first stage between 2010 and 2013 were analyzed in comparison with interviews conducted in 2016 using an approach based in forensic semiology, according to interview guidelines. the comparison demonstrates the role of a strategy contextualized in the collection of antemortem information, in addition to methodological aspects of the procedure. forensic semiology there is a constant concern to improve and increase the scientific standards of forensic anthropology, which translates into reevaluating the discipline from a theoretical, methodological, and technical perspective (dirkmaat & cabo 2012). to optimize the human identification process and increase quality standards (fleischman et al. 2019), we propose a reevaluation of the recovery and analysis of antemortem information. as a result, we link clinical semiology9 to the interpretation of afflictions, diseases and injuries suffered by the unidentified deceased person, from whom antemortem information must be collected to reconstruct his or her social identity. physical anthropology studies disease, allowing experts to infer the operation of multiple environmental and cultural factors from a bone injury (ramírez 2007). therefore, it is possible to consider this kind of modification a distinguishing feature in the process of identification based on skeletal remains (barreto et al. 2005; boer et al. 2018). highly regarded among interpretive trends (ramírez 2007), semiology is a tool that permits one to name a phenomenon based on its (symbolic) meaning. from a clinical semiology perspective, gazitúa (2017) considers it the application of an interview with the patient, where information about signs and symptoms of a possible disease are gathered, including sociocultural factors that affect this understanding. in addition, semiology refers to the possibility that the sick person may not be able to communicate, in which case family members or close friends who have information about signs and symptoms of the illness will be interviewed. the diagnosis will be constructed based on narrative information and the physical examination, conditions that are similar to an antemortem interview. 8. this originated in the process of the master’s thesis under the supervision of dr. omar a. barriga and codirector mg. ricardo gomes, in the program “social research and development,” universidad de concepción, chile. 9. clinical semiology is defined as the science that studies signs and symptoms of illnesses, in which symptoms are considered subjectivities of the illness and signs objective manifestations. semiology proposes arriving at a diagnosis by examining the diverse manifestations that a particular illness may cause (gazitúa 2017). despite its contributions, the focus of clinical semiology does not adapt fully to the problems that characterize processes of human identification. generally, in such contexts, communities have fewer economic resources, are deprived of human rights, are indigenous and/or rural populations without access to health and education, all of which make obtaining dental or biomedical records difficult (barreto et al. 2005; salado n.d.). in addition, it should be considered that a relative of the deceased person participate in the interview to verify a process related to illness, injury or ailment, a person who can provide important pathological information, beyond expressing or communicating the symptomatology and immediate social context. this ability to recall illness is mediated by the relatives’ memory (emaf 2016), and given the marginal social status of the person (guglielmucci 2017), it is difficult to carry out the identification process. therefore, the term forensic semiology is inspired by clinical semiology focused on disease processes and interpretations of symptoms and signs. this includes communicative abilities in the medical interview (gazitúa 2017; rodríguez et al. 2009), the interdisciplinary vision shared with anthropology in the formation of the subject’s holistic comprehension abilities at the time of the interview, and the possession of knowledge linked to processes of suffering and disease (olivero & barráez 2011). the ethnographic focus, then, considers the researcher the primary instrument, guiding the approach to the field and subjects of study, from unknown to identified (guber 2011). this focus becomes useful when dealing with diverse sociocultural contexts, in which various tools from the social sciences are required to collect antemortem testimonies (barreto et al. 2005). human identification and antemortem information processes of human identification are characterized according to the causes that lead to the loss of identity. however, the most complex cases emerge when the bodies are in an advanced state of decomposition or skeletonized. forensic anthropology represents the application of anthropological knowledge and methodology to medical legal issues, which include detection, recovery and analysis of human skeletal remains (ubelaker 2019). information about the individual, along with antemortem information, allows researchers to identify the individual (ubelaker et al. 2018). humanistic disciplines with expertise in conducting interviews collect antemortem information as part of the preliminary investigation (barreto et al. 2005; cardoza 2017; guglielmucci 2017; emaf 2016; instituto nacional de medicina legal y ciencias forenses 2016). however, this is not always the case (cicr 2014a, 2014b). the collection of 216 forensic semiology antemortem information should be carried out by qualified persons, specifically those trained in the social sciences (barreto et al. 2005; emaf 2016; instituto nacional de medicina legal y ciencias forenses 2016), who construct a narrative of the disappeared individual while the person was alive, relative to their physical, medical and personal characteristics. this narrative is fundamental to the process of identification, given that along with the postmortem information (sex, age, stature and individual features of the skeleton), the information is analyzed in the search for disappeared persons (instituto nacional de medicina legal y ciencias forenses 2016). therefore, the scientific process of identification requires a variety of multidisciplinary techniques which make identification possible by linking the body with a preexisting identity (guglielmucci 2017). assigning an identity to a dead body is a sociocultural necessity which comes from the rituality surrounding the individual change of state, but which is collectively agreed upon and denominated a “rite of passage” (van gennep 2008). an individual’s death will have effects on her social context, beyond carrying varied cultural meanings which anthropology can help to comprehend (cartay 2002; thomas 1991). however, in contexts in which the body of the deceased person disappears, the survivors generate new strategies to confront the problem of the person’s death given that it is impossible to carry out socially established funerary rites (panizo 2011). beyond the benefit it may bring to the deceased individual, these rituals allow her relatives to reintegrate into society (panizo 2011; pérez 2010; thomas 1991; van gennep 2008). forensic anthropology in latin america and chile during the last thirty years, forensic anthropology has become an alternative for the families that have lost their loved ones under diverse circumstances (aranguren & león 2020). the process of collecting memories of each victim and of the community (cardoza 2017), and the participation of forensic experts in the identification of bodies promote the restitution of rights, human dignity and the possibility of mourning and justice (huffschmid 2019). during the 1980s dr. clyde snow, an american anthropologist, was appointed to collaborate in cases of human rights violations, supporting the formation of local forensic anthropology teams, with argentina and chile pioneering this effort (asociación latinoamericana de antropología forense [alaf] 2016). social anthropologists and archaeologists formed work teams with the goal of contributing to the clarification of truth and justice. supported by dr. snow, they worked in complex sociopolitical environments in latin american countries which suffered under violent military dictatorships (dutrénit 2012). in chile, forensic anthropology began in response to the need to contribute to the search, recovery and identification of victims illegally buried in the context of the military dictatorship that governed the country from 1973 to 1990. the forensic anthropologists group (gaf, for its initials in spanish) was formed in 1989 (padilla & reveco 2004; bustos & intriago 2015). the team worked until 1994, when it dissolved due to a lack of participants. now the work of identifying victims is done by the “special forensic identification unit,” a multidisciplinary body created in 2003 and affiliated with the medical legal service of chile. the unit has been focused on investigating cases of human rights violations, and over time, it has assumed the tasks of “search and recovery, identification of unknown victims, verification of identity, cause of death, repatriation and posthumous paternity” (garrido & itriago 2012, p. 37). additionally, it has compiled a database of centralized antemortem and postmortem information and maintains contact with victims’ families (bustos & intriago 2015). in november 2019, a group of forensic anthropologists called the “chilean forensic anthropology and human rights team”10 (echaf, for its initials in spanish) was created, which proposed forming a nongovernmental and non profit body amid the social unrest in the country. they draw on their expertise as forensic anthropologists to solve cases of human rights violations, as well as contribute to legal processes and truth and reparation efforts. concrete information about their work does not exist yet given its recent formation. methodology methodological assumptions in the process of human identification in the parish cemetery of penco (cpp), biobío region, chile this investigation has an argumentative focus, with the objective of comprehending and validating a technique, combined with the analysis of qualitative information (table 1) through a diachronic and applied comparison. it arose as a proposal around the reevaluation of the technique employed in the collection of antemortem information in the context of the cpp, and how this information is useful in human identification processes. the context is characterized as an intervention that bases its results on the use of traditional forensic anthropology techniques (barreto et al. 2005; cardoza 2017; guglielmucci 2017; instituto nacional de medicina legal y ciencias forenses 2016), given the absence of resources to implement dna extraction. as a result, the intervention has been carried out in a systematic and orderly way, drawing on 10. https:// echaf . cl / . reyes baeza 217 all the evidence available about the individual who lost his identity, information from the preliminary forensic investigation in addition to postmortem information, which comprise the findings of the forensic anthropological analysis of the body (alaf 2016). in constructing the osteobiographical profile of the deceased person, researchers should consider that not all the pathologies in an individual’s life have a direct relationship with the skeletal system, so the individual’s pathological biography will be limited under this premise (ortner 2011). in addition, as was previously mentioned, the construction of the osteopathological profile is carried out by relatives and associates of the deceased, a process mediated by diverse factors that can diminish and even obviate pathological conditions or injuries that the individual suffered during her life. as a result, baraybar (2008) proposes the utility of the categories emic11 y etic12 in the gathering of antemortem and postmortem information, and subsequent comparison of the two kinds of information. at the same time, the mexican forensic anthropology team (emaf 2016) mentions the conduct of a forensic expert as “translating and systematizing” the information that the families provide (32). within the information provided, based on the physical and 11. emic category: objective physical features translated into categories recognizable by the relatives. 12. etic category: translation of information provided by relatives and witnesses into objective categories. table 1 —comparison of categorical data from d2 (2010— 2013) and esf (2016) interview types, and qualitative comparison of information. d2 interview d2 interview responses esf interview esf interview responses result of qualitative comparison of information characteristic feature of deceased (defect) permanently maimed finger on left hand. appears as a lifted finger, probable nerve damage from accident specific physical features of the deceased misinterpretation of traumatic injury as defect traumatic injury of the deceased the deceased showed signs of fractures and accidents suffered accident, had problems on one finger, which was stiff, scar on forehead and on a frontal rib (which side not recalled) due to a drunken fall information corresponds to analysis categories deceased complained of pain in spine and bones deceased complained of pain or suffering no lacking information versus “no” response deceased person’s life activities soccer (childhood and adolescence), boxing (18– 19 years) sporadic military service (18– 19), loading and unloading at grocery store (26 years and after), tejo club primary occupation of deceased various jobs, alcoholism did not permit him to maintain employment the activities mentioned match. the timeline of activities undertaken was specified in the second interview, along with the context in which they were carried out. other occupations carried out by deceased military service at 18, cutting wood, odd jobs, boxer for 4 years starting at 18, played soccer occasionally, dockworker sporadic loading/unloading at port other activities that may have caused tension in the body of the deceased illnesses suffered by the deceased alcoholism suffering of deceased from important illness no, alcoholism only same information other medical observations about deceased other surgeries performed on deceased no first interview did not include categories, information was specified in second interview deceased had amputations no deceased had implants no deceased had orthopedic prosthesis no date interview conducted march 23, 2010 date interview conducted june 29, 2016 information current interviewer no information interviewer name of interviewer obtained information specified in second interview 218 forensic semiology sociocultural evidence about the individual to be identified there are predetermined parameters on which the two should agree. this process should be mediated by standardized language in both antemortem and postmortem information. in the case of the cpp, this means using postmortem interview form and a forensic semiology interview, the latter of which is described in the following section. designing a forensic semiology interview the interview was designed following the questionnaire on antemortem information (version 1.0) prepared by the international committee of the red cross (cicr n.d.), which lays out the components of antemortem interviews. however, this is a generic form for cases in which the bodies have soft tissue and are not skeletonized. the form incorporates considerations about the directionality of the questions to be asked by the interviewer, which was adjusted to the format created for the intervention in the cpp, and its possible use in other contexts of human identification based on skeletal remains. the interview guide, called “guide for the collection of antemortem information,” consists of a brief introduction that describes its purpose, in addition to describing formal aspects related to the interview context, information about the interviewee that should be recorded, and technical aspects like general observations and audio recording. during the interview, information is documented about the relative or close associate who attends the meeting with the researcher, to gather information about the deceased person that they seek to identify. this includes information about the context of the interview (location, interviewer, date and case sheet); information about the interviewee; physical and medical information about the deceased, and situations that may have generated stress or reconstruction of the skeletal system; a section on clothing and funerary objects; perception of the interviewee about the process; and technical information about the interview (submission of documentation by the family, final observations, missing information, recording of the session). the interview is semistructured to generate a pattern of conversation, but the ethnographic focus applied by the interviewer emerges within each item. annex 1 includes a guide for the collection of antemortem information and the interview. sample and processing of information the sample corresponds to 61 interviews, of which 32, named d2 interviews, include secondary information provided by the anthropological intervention team in the cpp, collected between march 2010 and january 2013. a second period (june– september 2016) includes the use of the forensic semiology interview (esf, for its initials in spanish) in 29 interviews. the cases considered in the sample were those that included d2 interviews and interviews with a forensic semiology focus. researchers analyzed a total of 28 cases, and in some cases, more than one interview was conducted. the age distribution of the deceased is between 46 and 98 years old, among 17 male and 11 female individuals. because the investigations are ongoing, the information is confidential. among the limitations of the sample, it is worth mentioning that the number of forensic semiology interviews depends on the families’ availability to participate in them. as a result, it was not possible to apply the methodological instrument to all the interviewed families in the first stages of the intervention. the data analysis was carried out by designing a qualitative thematic grid based on the interview categories d2 and esf, as well as comparing them across time (table 1). the categories of analysis correspond to the topics addressed— illnesses, injuries, ailments and interview context. the independent variables correspond to the instruments used (d2 esf). the coding, available in table 2, shows whether information was missing or available, which may or may not coincide with the category of analysis as laid out in the interview. “specified information” refers to an increase in information, and “misinterpreted information” indicates an inconsistency between the information provided in the interview and the category of analysis. an example of misinterpreted data is evident in table 1, where a possible stiffness in the finger following an accident is listed as a congenital feature because it had been included in the traumatic injury category. the qualitative assessment of the information is evident in the comparison among percentages of the coded information (table 3). finally, the chisquared test is employed to evaluate the dependence among categorical variables according to type of interview used, using a pvalue of < 0.05. results and analysis the results of the chisquared test show the dependence of the analyzed variables based on interview employed (either the d2 interview or forensic semiology interview) for all cases. the analysis and discussion by category according to percentage results follow. 1. characteristic feature or specific physical defect/feature: a general tendency emerged in the responses during d2 interviews to leave the analyzed categories without information (table 3). in the interviews using the forensic semiology instrument, the interviewers were instructed to record all kinds of information, which later could be evaluated by the team performing the osteological analysis. the distinction is reflected in the category of physical reyes baeza 219 characteristics, increasing from 37% of cases that record information on physical characteristics in d2 interviews, to 62.06% of cases in semiology interviews (table 3). in addition, it can be noted that in two d2 interview cases, interviewers were able to obtain more indepth information on characteristics, while five esf interview cases generated more detailed information. it is also evident that misinterpreted information does not emerge from esf interviews, while in one d2 interview, information was misinterpreted. table 1 includes an example of this regarding a characteristic feature. 2. traumatic injury/showed accident fractures the semiology interview considers the possibility of accidents, but the d2 interview refers exclusively to fractures or traumatic injuries suffered by the individuals, an incident that could have produced a detectable change to bone. as is observed in table 3, 37.5% of d2 interview cases lacked information. there is just one case of an esf interview without information, which includes more detail about life histories of the deceased, which were recorded and shared by the relative or close associate interviewed. according to table 3, d2 interviews make up 50% of the cases that record information about the injury or traumatic accident variable, and esf 86.2%. an example of a more indepth record is provided in table 1, considering that in the observed category, if traumatic injuries are not evident, eventually indications may emerge in the bones of the hand or face. for the category of specified information, in 12.5 % of d2 interview cases more information was provided, in comparison with 10.34% of esf cases, the difference can be explained by the time spent in conducting interviews, or who may have given the first interview, if it was a direct or indirect relative, or other person close to the deceased person. for this category, misinterpreted cases do not exist. 3. complaint of spinal or bone pain/complaint of pain or ailment in the esf, this category is supplemented with ailments related to other regions of the body, with the understanding that it is preferable to provide options that enrich the processes of interpretation and assessment of the antemortem narrative given by relatives or close friends of the deceased. as table 3 shows, a high percentage of responses without information are given in d2 interviews, and esf produces a higher percentage of responses with information (72.42%). it is worth table 2— numerical coding of categories analyzed in d2 antemortem interview and forensic semiology interview (esf). d2 index card esf interview coding comparison characteristic feature (defect) specific physical characteristics 0: no information 1: information 2: specified information 3: misinterpreted information* traumatic injury showed signs of fractures/accidents 0: no information 1: information 2: specified information 3: misinterpreted information complaint of pain in spine or bones complaint of pain or suffering 0: no information 1: information 2: specified information 3: misinterpreted information life activities main occupation of deceased other occupations carried out other activities that may have caused tension in the body of deceased 0: no information 1: information 2: specified information 3: misinterpreted information illnesses suffered suffered from important illness other medical observations 0: no information 1: information 2: specified information 3: misinterpreted information other surgeries performed on deceased had amputations had implants had orthopedic prosthesis 0: no information 1: information 2: specified information 3: misinterpreted information date date 0: no information 1: information interviewer interviewer 0: no information 1: information *misinterpreted information refers to inconsistency of the information provided in the interview and the category of analysis. 220 forensic semiology pointing out that responses providing additional information emerged in 6.25% of d2 interview cases and 17.24% of esf cases. a specified response, as is evident in case 004 (table 1), would correspond to a “no” response. 4. life activities/main occupation of the deceased, other occupations practiced, other activities that cause tension for the body the esf cases allow family members to provide more indepth information about this variable, considering that the skeletal modifications that may exist, would complement the construction of the osteobiography along with postmortem information, adopting a holistic perspective of the individual. additionally, considering the temporary nature of activities is useful as a complement to the individual’s life history. as table 3 demonstrates, there are no cases without information, which can be explained by the fact that usually everyone dedicates time to some activity during her life. regarding the responses, 87.5% of d2 interview cases include information, and 51.72% of the forensic semiology interviews have information. the difference is rooted in the fact that for the esf, 48.27% of cases reflect specified information in comparison with d2 interview responses. in this category, more information emerged by asking different questions based on the previous responses, as is observed in table 1, which facilitates supplementing and/or exhausting possibilities with the interviewee in relation to the activities that may be interpreted subsequently by researchers. there is no misinterpreted information for the life activities variable. 5. illnesses suffered during lifetime/affliction with important illness, other medical observations there is a need to know the subject’s medical diagnoses and treatments during his life. during the forensic semiology interview, two questions about this are proposed, in contrast to one question in the d2 interview, which explore the possibility of interpreting medical observations, treatments and specific care that the deceased may have received. table 3— percentual comparison between d2 (2010– 2013) and esf (2016) interview variables. categories variables (frequency) coding response percentage 0 1 2 3* characteristic feature/specific physical feature d2 interview (17) 53.12% (12) 37.5% (2) 6.25% (1) 3.12% forensic semiology interview (6) 20.60% (18) 62.06% (5) 6.89% 0 traumatic injury/showed signs of fractures/ accidents d2 interview (12) 37.5% (16) 50% (4) 12.5% 0% forensic semiology interview (1) 3.44% (25) 86.2% (3) 10.34% 0% complaint of pain in spine or bones/complaint of pain or suffering d2 interview (15) 46.87% (15) 46.87% (2) 6.25% 0% forensic semiology interview (3) 10.34% (21) 72.41% (5) 17.24% 0% life activities/main occupation of deceased, other occupations carried out, other activities that may have caused tension in the body of deceased d2 interview 0% (28) 87.5% (4) 12.5% 0% forensic semiology interview 0% (15) 51.72% (14) 48.27% 0% illnesses suffered/suffered from important illness, other medical observations d2 interview (10) 31.25% (10) 31.25% (7) 21.87% (5) 15.62% forensic semiology interview (1) 3.44% (23) 79.31% (5) 17.24% 0% other/surgeries performed on deceased, had amputations, had implants, had orthopedic prosthesis d2 interview (31) 96.87% (1) 3.12% 0% 0% forensic semiology interview (2) 6.89% (26) 89.65% (1) 3.44% 0% date d2 interview (7) 21.8% (25) 78.12% forensic semiology interview 0% (29) 100% interviewer d2 interview (7) 21.8% (25) 78.12% forensic semiology interview 0% (29) 100% * misinterpreted information: refers to inconsistency of the information provided in the interview and the category of analysis. reyes baeza 221 the question about an “important illness in one’s lifetime” refers to an illness that the individual suffered over long periods of time, with the possibility of spreading and affecting the person’s skeletal system. 31.25% of responses in d2 interviews included no information (table 3), in contrast to 3.44% of cases in the esf. for the responses that included information, 31.25% presented information in d2 interviews, in comparison with 79.31% in the semiology interviews. this highlights the indepth information that the semiology interviews can generate regarding possible medical diagnoses and treatments and how they may be interpreted in a process of comparison. for the analyzed cases, most deceased individuals had neither an important illness during their lives nor medical records, which interviewees may remember. this information allows researchers to discard illnesses or treatment that may have required medical attention. the absence of information is a consequence of the lack of methodological standardization in conducting the interview (use of yes– no– unsure responses). one point to highlight is the existence of five misinterpreted cases in d2 interview responses and a lack of misinterpreted information in the esf. 6. other/surgical operations, amputations, implants, or orthopedic prothesis regarding the “other” category in d2 interviews, in the esf relevant categories are broken down to interpret the skeletal evidence that could not have been considered in earlier responses. table 3 shows that for this variable there is a 96.87% response rate without information, and only 3.12% with information, in stark contrast to the responses in forensic semiology interviews, which produce 6.89% of responses without information and 89.65% of responses that include information. for cases with information, most correspond to a “no” answer, in response to the question about whether the individual had any of these other medical conditions. as a result, this demonstrates the importance of recording information that reflects a response to the question asked, given that the subject may not have suffered from these conditions, which would allow researchers to discard the possibility. “no” is a useful response because it serves as a methodological contribution in understanding the meaning of the antemortem information about the subject being identified. 7. date and interviewer this is technical information which allows researchers to understand the timeline and who is responsible for carrying out the interviews. for the variable “date,” according to table 3, 21.8% of d2 interview cases lack information, in contrast to 78.12% of responses with information. in the responses given during the forensic semiology interviews, 100% of respondents provided a date. for the interviewer variable, 21.8% of responses during d2 interviews lacked this information, and 100% of esf responses included the name of the interviewer. table 1 shows the recording of the interview date, but this is not the case for the interviewer’s name. in general, the analysis highlights that the categories regarding “illnesses, ailments and injuries” represented by the questions posed in the d2 interview and later in the esf, refer to a varied range of improvements that may be obtained by implementing the methodology proposed in this article. overall, the lack and misinterpretation of information emerge as the most frequent responses in the d2 interviews. this is a product of the voluntary work and experience of those who interviewed in the first round, without a process coordinator, an issue which will be addressed in the discussion. the esf is characterized by providing varied options in asking the questions, which can be interpreted holistically. for instance, in the case of the questions on “traumatic injury/fracture/accidents,” researchers have an opportunity to consider part of the life story of the individual to be identified, which may activate interviewees’ memories and open up their responses to generating more information which the team can interpret. similarly, in the category “spinal pain/complaint of pain or suffering,” with the perspective of broadening the corporal range in which the individual may have experienced pain, the specified information allows the team to reconstruct the individual’s profile. this reconstruction is carried out based on the comparison with postmortem information, in which there is evidence of enteric changes, bone fissures, reconstructed fractures, joint articulations with lipping and osteophytes, among others. considering the age of the sample (46 to 98 years), it is advisable to adopt a holistic approach to the body in this context, integrated with the life history provided in families’ testimony. regarding technical considerations, the percentage of information received in the esf increased in comparison with the d2 interview. an example of this is found in details such as including categories of “no,” “yes,” or “unsure,” employed in the semiology interview, which increases the certainty of each response, when confronting a gap in information that is impossible to interpret. as a result, the quality of each question item allows researchers to consider or discard a greater number of variables in the comparison of antemortem and postmortem information. in addition, the unfolding of questions in each analyzed category specifies details such as duration of processes, which influence the interpretation of illnesses, injuries and ailments that may have affected the lives of the deceased individuals, given the increase in quantity and quality of information. 222 forensic semiology discussion at the beginning of the intervention in the parish cemetery of penco, the voluntary participation of students and professionals in training stands out and is reflected in the lack of standardization and discipline regarding the quality of the analyzed interviews. the process of constructing the osteo biographic narrative should be conducted by professionals in the social sciences, qualified and with previous training, considering the importance of the antemortem information for the identification process (barreto et al. 2005; emaf 2016; instituto nacional de medicina legal y ciencias forenses 2016). additionally, the professional has a responsibility to be familiar with the conceptions about illness or ailments that interviewees may have (salado & ríos 2002). it is not surprising that there are nonresponses in the first interviews— as well as a lack of indepth information, considering the inexperience of the interviewers. also, there was no training on these issues because it was a humanitarian intervention and the goal from the beginning was to respond quickly in the face of the disaster. with the use of the esf, coordination among members of the work team was evident. as the alaf (2016) and the national medicolegal and forensic sciences institute in colombia suggest, having a coordinator guide the process and track standards in antemortem information gathering tools is advisable, in addition to developing an instruction guide (annex 1). also, the coordinators should promote the creation and implementation of clear and effective protocols, to train new team members, with the goal of assuring the quality of the identification process (fleischman et al. 2019). interviews should be conducted based on a consensus among team members. if the team is comprised of forensic and sociocultural anthropologists, as is the case in the cpp, then initial interviews should be carried out by sociocultural anthropologists accompanied by forensic anthropologists. the latter know the possible interpretations of skeletal remains based on family members’ responses, allowing researchers to direct and deepen the questions as they are being asked. this suggestion was useful in the reevaluation of the antemortem informationgathering instrument in the cpp, given that upon revising the categories of analysis in the d2 interview and the responses, there were features that could possibly be observed in the bodies that were not being examined. this reflects the importance of the development of questions in the esf by category of analysis, increasing the interpretive possibilities on the part of the forensic team. the recommendation to include a social expert in the gathering of antemortem information, ideally a sociocultural anthropologist has to do with the skills that the professional has in collecting testimonies (barreto et al. 2005). in the context of the cpp, it became necessary to use traditional forensic anthropology methods (baraybar 2008; cardoza 2017; guglielmucci 2017), considering that it was impossible to apply molecular tools to corroborate subjects’ identities. querales (2019) mentions that if dna plays a role in facilitating an “accurate and scientific identification,” the significance of the process undertaken by relatives transcends the limits of the forensic sciences (68). as a result, considering the need to improve procedures and strengthen the scientific character of anthropology (alaf 2016; dirkmaat & cabo 2012) to ensure the quality of the process of gathering antemortem information, we have demonstrated a shortcoming in conducting the interviews. improvements in the instrument and procedure (fleischman et al. 2019) correspond in this case to the interview with a forensic semiology perspective. additionally, an ethical, rigorous and attentive interview lends dignity to the process, and as a result, to the family. considering the diachronic comparison among interviews, the analyzed categories depend on the clarity of the interviewee’s memory about the deceased individual. as jelin (2002) explains, “the meaning of the past in the present, and based on a desired future” (12). in the case of the cpp is the intention of the families to recover the identity of their deceased relatives. however, the passage of time might change or omit details useful to the identification process. some changes have to do with the idealization of the person being identified, remembering them without illness, for example, so the interviewer should consider that possible bias in the responses. in addition, the deceased individuals lost their identities due to the natural disaster of the earthquake, which is a traumatic event for those being asked to relive the memory (ramos 2017). the problems around identification and how to establish a successful process will depend on the limitations of the knowledge and techniques employed (guglielmucci 2017); as such, attention to both will help produce satisfactory results. the evaluation of the responses provided in the d2 interviews leads us to consider the required antemortem information, and how to increase the possibilities of obtaining this information from relatives of the deceased of the cpp, considering the time spent and the sensitive nature of the responses. the objective of this study was to capture part of the argumentation and application of forensic semiology as a methodological strategy for the collection of antemortem information. qualitative data generated within the framework of forensic semiology are useful in evaluating and supplementing antemortem information instrumental in the identification process, and they may be enriched by building relationships with the relatives. investigating and connecting memories, mediated by the questions asked is a highly sensitive process, accompanied by tears and smiles from those who remember their loved reyes baeza 223 ones. for team members, professionals and/or students in training who conduct the interviews, this reinforces the social and ethical commitment to the community, in addition to improving the connection and interpretation of information in the identification process, when antemortem and postmortem data are compared. drawing on the intervention in the cpp, along with proposing improvements in the practices used in the forensic semiology interview, this study promotes the participation of families (reyes et al. 2016) beyond the provision of antemortem information. aranguren and león (2020) probe the relationship between forensic anthropology and the community, highlighting the “intersubjective and dialogical” character (74), a bond that allows a researcher to come into contact with the reality of the community and the families, in addition to being overwhelmed by demands of “who is looking for another missing person” (91). the researchers established this connection with the affected families, through meetings and workshops where they demonstrated the capacities of anthropology and its fields as ideal professions for managing human identification processes based on skeletal remains. this article has emphasized the importance of the antemortem and postmortem profile in the identification process, concluding that if the responsibility for the intervention lies with professionals, the results should be collectively validated with those affected due to the nature of the information that can be recovered from the context. conclusions the problem addressed in the cpp is defined along social lines by families that seek to reestablish the materiality of the funerary ritual with their deceased relatives through the identification of the bodies. from a scientific and disciplinary point of view, the article defines improved practices of forensic anthropology, focusing on strengthening the information and quality of the antemortem narrative, as well as strategies that may strengthen the theoretical, methodological and technical corpus of the discipline in the process. the forensic semiology instrument is designed with a focus on the categories of illness, injuries and ailments. the methodological review of each question is specified, its scope and objectives based on the information received, making it possible for the team to translate it into scientific information and apply it to the comparison with postmortem information. the ethnographic focus and the transcultural perception of death form part of the study’s perspective, which strengthens the link between the scientific team and the families. the contribution of the forensic semiology interview in the context of the cpp dates to the beginning of the human identification process, which requires a centralized organization that makes visible the importance of the information that comes from the social context to which the individual belonged. in addition, the inclusion of sociocultural anthropologists in the collection of information should be promoted and if necessary, the appropriate training for members of civil society, students, and professionals in diverse fields, depending on the scope of the context. the semiology interview model may not be applicable to the diversity of contexts that require human identification, but it is necessary to consider the gathering of antemortem information carefully— or its reevaluation— an idea that points to improving quality standards, as was the case with the cpp. limitations to the application of the semiology interview originate, in the first place, in the source of information embodied in the memory of the families and close friends of the person whose identity has been lost. as is mentioned in the text, the context of the identity loss, the time that passes between the disappearance and intervention, in addition to the significance of the event for the person being interviewed can affect the memory and its perception. in the case of the cpp, the families suffered the interruption of the “rest” of their loved ones, causing a rupture around the funerary ritual and the physical bond, represented in the body of the deceased person inside the burial niche, which is lost. a second limitation is due to the lack of preparation in the application of the technical instrument, which for the case of the intervention in the cpp, was considered during the investigation, and not at the beginning. this required generating requests for interdisciplinary work teams among social and forensic experts to comprehend the applicability of the questions in the antemortem interview and its subsequent interpretation compared with the osteological information. moreover, the team also carried out days of accompaniment with the involved family members, where team members explained the content of the antemortem interview, encouraging them to participate in the identification process and the communication of the results, promoting their empowerment and participation in the process. the formulation and inclusion of the forensic semiology focus in the cpp context was born from confronting an investigation with broad social impact which until now has confirmed 27 identifications. the search to improve processes is a constant challenge for the families and communities affected by the loss of identity of their loved ones. references aranguren j, león j. de la 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s.a; 1991. thompson t, black s. forensic human identification. boca raton, fl: taylor & francis; 2007. ubelaker d. new directions in forensic anthropology. en: martell d. the future of forensic acience. john wiley & sons ltd; 2019:1– 18. ubelaker d, shamlou a, kunkle a. contribution of forensic anthropology to positive identification: a critical review. forensic sciences research 2018. doi: 10 . 1080 / 20961790 . 2018 . 1523704. van gennep a. los ritos de paso. madrid: alianza editorial; 2008. vera jl. las andanzas del caballero inexistente. reflexiones en torno al cuerpo y la antropología física. méxico d.f.: centro de estudios filosóficos, políticos y sociales vicente lombardo toledano; 2002. reyes baeza 225 annex 1 guide for collecting antemortem information, forensic semiology proposal this guide is designed to accompany the interviewer, who oversees registering antemortem information (am) provided by relatives and close associates of the deceased who is to be identified. the “questionnaire to collect antemortem information on disappeared persons version 1.0,” proposed by the international committee of the red cross, was used as a source, it is important to emphasize that the information recorded in this interview will constitute antemortem information on the deceased, information that will subsequently be used in the process of comparison with postmortem information (pm). the quality and depth of the responses provided by the relatives and close friends of the deceased will be vitally important for the process of final identification. generally, the interview should be conducted by a principal interviewer, in a secure environment that allows the family or friends to feel comfortable in providing the required information. instructions for completing the interview before starting, it is indispensable complete the information about the location where the interview is carried out, the date, complete name of the interviewer and interview sheet number, which constitutes the coded profile of the deceased individual. in the case of repeat interviews (interviews conducted for a second time or more), leave the sheet number blank, given that it should be completed with the sheet number assigned the first time. informant and primary contact section: information provided by the relative or associate of the deceased. deceased information section 2.1 general information. in this section, the information that can be left incomplete or estimated are the dates of birth and/or death. in both cases, indicate that they are possible approximations. record comments. 2.2 occupation of deceased: main occupation during her life, most consistent activity over time, of longest temporal duration. in the section “other occupations carried out during her life,” emphasize those that involve physical activities, or patterns of physical activity. 2.3 physical description: in the case of estimations of weight or height, indicate that they were approximations. record comments. 2.4 specific physical features. in the section on “characteristic features,” consider congenital or acquired distinctive features, that may have been observable when the individual was alive. examples are limps, deformities, absence of limbs or parts of congenital limbs, spinal curvature, among others. in the section on “pains and ailments,” consider the subjective level and interpretation of a possible illness, this from the perspective of the relative or associate about the experience and symptoms that the individual discussed socially while he was alive. it is very important to describe in a detailed manner that relatives’ impressions of the illnesses or suffering, given that these may lead to a possible diagnosis in the interpretation of the postmortem information in the process of comparing am and pm information. 2.5 medical history. consider in the responses that refer to illnesses or possible diagnoses, inquire if any other member of the family suffers from the same ailment or medical problem. include: name, relationship with the disappeared person. in the section on “fractures/accidents,” consider going into more depth on the treatment of injuries, or the description of possible accidents that the individual may have suffered and include the time period of the events. in the section on “surgeries,” the description of the event, time period, and if in this intervention any kind of medical device was introduced to the individual’s body that may have been present when the person was buried (example of devices: pacemaker, colostomy bag, methods of reproductive control, among others). in the section on “implants,” consider the time period and function of these devices. in the section on “illnesses,” consider the formal diagnoses, or without those, details regarding signs and symptoms for a possible diagnosis. remember that if the focus is on the illnesses that might have some influence on skeletal tissue, in some cases, metabolic type illnesses can be associated with skeletal injuries. if the possible consequences of the illness are not known, record everything that the interviewee says. 226 forensic semiology antemortem information interview, forensic semiology proposal date of interview: date: name of interviewer: sheet #: 1. informant and primary contact: 1.1. informant information: full name of informant: sex: female: ( ) male: ( ) date of birth: _____ / _____ / _______ relationship with the deceased: home address: telephone contact(s): email: additional information: (note below the names/relationship with the deceased/contact information if any other relative is present when the interview is conducted or if there is another relative whom might be contacted to obtain additional information in the future). 2. information about the deceased individual 2.1. general information full name of deceased: sex: female: ( ) male: ( ) date of birth: _____ / _____ / _______ if the birthdate is approximate, explain why: place of birth: date of death: _____ / _____ / ________. age at time of death: _______ years. if date of death or age at time of death is estimated, explain why: cause of death: hospital where individual was treated: autopsy conducted: yes ( ) no ( ) location where autopsy was conducted: if the individual is a woman, did she have children? yes ( ) no ( ) how many?: block and cemetery niche where the deceased was located: were the remains disarticulated and placed in a smaller niche? yes ( ) no ( ) 2.2. occupation of deceased main occupation: time, location in which he/she conducted the activity and until what age: other occupations that he/she performed in his/her life (include duration and age at which he/she performed the activity): other activities that could cause tension in the body (sports, artistic activities, hobbies, games, etc. include age when he/ she undertook each activity and its duration): 2.3. physical description body size: very thin: ( ) thin: ( ) medium weight: ( ) large: ( ) very large: ( ) weight: ___________ kgs. if this is an estimate, explain why: approximate weight at time of death: ________ kgs. if this is an estimate, explain why: height: _________ cms. if this is an estimate, explain why: hair color. (include quantity, length, color, type, style, if it was dyed, if he/she used artificial hair or a wig): reyes baeza 227 2.4. specific physical features did the deceased have any characteristic feature (deformity or defect) in his/her body? indicate the presence of deformities or birth defects. include feature – location – laterality – age and duration – general details. did he/she complain of pain or suffering? indicate type – location – laterality – age and duration – general details. yes ( ) no ( ) unsure ( ) 2.5. medical history did he/she have fractures/accidents? yes ( ) no ( ) unsure ( ) indicate type of fracture/accident – location – laterality – age and duration treatment – general description. did he/she have surgeries? yes ( ) no ( ) unsure ( ) indicate intervention type – location – laterality – age and duration – general description. did he/she have amputations? yes ( ) no ( ) unsure ( ) indicate type of amputation – location – laterality – age – general description. did he/she have implants? yes ( ) no ( ) unsure ( ) indicate type of implant – location – laterality – date of implantation – general description. did he/she have an orthopedic prosthesis? yes ( ) no ( ) unsure ( ) indicate type of prosthesis – purpose – location – date – material and date of manufacture – details. did he/she suffer from an important illness during his/her life? yes ( ) no ( ) unsure ( ) indicate type of illness – indicate physical signs – duration of disease – general details. other medical observations. consider traditional/informal treatments. objects related to the medical condition of the deceased (intrauterine devices, catheters for feeding or bowel movements, pacemakers, among others). include type, purpose, brand, quantity, description. childhood and adulthood residency prediction using strontium (87sr/86sr) and oxygen (δ18o) isotopes for unidentified deceased migrants recovered in southern texas | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home archives vol. 5 no. 1 (2022) research articles childhood and adulthood residency prediction using strontium (87sr/86sr) and oxygen (δ18o) isotopes for unidentified deceased migrants recovered in southern texas article sidebar requires subscription or fee pdf (usd 25) requires subscription or fee html (usd 25) published: jan 18, 2022 doi: https://doi.org/10.5744/fa.2020.0054 keywords: forensic science, forensic anthropology, isotope analysis, undocumented border crossers, humanitarian crisis, strontium and oxygen main article content robyn t. kramer department of anatomy, university of otago, dunedin, new zealand; department of anthropology, texas state university, san marcos, tx eric j. bartelink department of anthropology, california state university, chico, ca abstract strontium and oxygen isotope values are used in conjunction with a maximum likelihood assignment model to predict the childhood and adulthood geographic residences of 20 deceased migrants recovered along the méxico-u.s. border in south texas. the objectives of this research are to determine (1) if the childhood and adulthood residency assignments predict the same geographic region, (2) if using the predicted residential history/nationality as a filter on the national missing and unidentified persons system (namus) reduces the number of potential matching missing person reports, and (3) if we should target teeth or bone as the optimal hard tissue to sample. we found that 12 of the 20 cases (60%) predict similar regions of residency using isotopes derived from bone bioapatite (adulthood residency) and tooth bioapatite (childhood residency). when predicted residential history/nationality data were used as a filter in namus, there was a significant reduction in the mean number of case searches (mean = 1568.5 ± 505.3 [1 sd] vs. 107.9 ± 142.6 [1 sd]; t = 12.441, df = 22, p < 0.001, unequal variances assumed). these results demonstrate the utility of isotope data for narrowing down the region of origin and in turn the number of missing persons records to review. finally, we recommend that death investigators at minimum collect dental samples (premolars or molars) for future unidentified migrant cases to aid in identification efforts utilizing isotope analytical methods. bone bioapatite samples can provide more recent residential history information but should be used in conjunction with tooth enamel data. article details issue vol. 5 no. 1 (2022) section research articles sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe considerations for stable isotope analysis of human hair : the impact of postmortem environmental exposure | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home archives vol. 4 no. 3 (2021) research articles considerations for stable isotope analysis of human hair the impact of postmortem environmental exposure article sidebar requires subscription or fee pdf (usd 25) requires subscription or fee html (usd 25) published: oct 26, 2021 doi: https://doi.org/10.5744/fa.2020.0052 keywords: forensic anthropology, stable isotope analysis, postmortem hair analysis, taphonomy main article content tiffany b. saul forensic institute for research and education, middle tennessee state university, 1301 main street, box 89, murfreesboro, tn 37132, usa lesley a. chesson defense pow/mia accounting agency (dpaa) laboratory, 590 moffet street, building 4077, joint base pearl harbor-hickam, hi 96853, usa dawnie w. steadman university of tennessee, department of anthropology gwyneth w. gordon school of earth & space exploration, arizona state university abstract stable isotope analysis of postmortem hair is performed in order to make inferences about an individual’s diet and geographic travel history prior to death. during analysis and interpretation, investigators assume that the hair collected from a postmortem environment has not been altered by exposure conditions and that the isotopic “signatures” of hair prior to exposure are preserved in postmortem samples. in order to confidently make inferences from postmortem hair samples, it is necessary to know whether their isotope ratios undergo postmortem changes. to address this question, post-exposure hair samples (n = 44) were collected from known body donors at the anthropology research facility in knoxville, tennessee, usa, at various time points ranging from 22 to 1,140 days of exposure. these samples were analyzed for carbon (δ13c), nitrogen (δ15n), hydrogen (δ2h), and oxygen (δ18o) isotope ratios, and the results were compared with pre-exposure hair samples collected from the same donors. this study highlights considerations for the interpretation of isotope ratios obtained from postmortem hair samples in forensic contexts. the results indicate that δ13c, δ15n, and δ18o values from human hair remain relatively consistent over periods up to three years of outdoor exposure, while δ2h values changed significantly between pre-and post-exposure hair samples. article details issue vol. 4 no. 3 (2021) section research articles sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe forensic anthropology vol. 7, no. 4: 215–222 doi: 10.5744/fa.2024.0003 copyright © 2024 university of florida press introduction in february 2022, the anthropology section celebrated its fiftieth anniversary as an officially recognized section of the american academy of forensic sciences (aafs). this special issue was the result of a symposium honoring that achievement. the aim of the articles included here is to explore the origins of the discipline, consider how it has grown and changed over the past 50 years, and discuss some general trends in its various aspects, such as shifts in its membership, the expansion of outdoor decomposition facilities, the continued inclusion of forensic anthropologists in the medicolegal system, and its efforts to reach a more diverse group of scholars. the assorted group of contributing authors offers up various visions related to where forensic anthropology has been, where it is now, and where it may go in the future. forensic anthropology is the application of anthropological method and theory to medicolegal matters, particularly as they relate to the recovery and analysis of human skeletal material (christensen et al. 2019). as such, it assesses various aspects of human remains contained within the physical environment as they relate to the legal system (boyd & boyd 2018). moreover, focusing on the identification of skeletonized, badly decomposed, burned, and otherwise unidentifiable human remains may also be applied to human rights, humanitarian, warfare, mass fatality, and mass disaster contexts (klepinger 2006). though sometimes criticized as atheoretical (see adovasio 2012), boyd and boyd (2018) have proposed that forensic anthropology is grounded in three forms of interacting theory: foundational theory— in this case, darwin’s theory of evolution by means of natural selection— which grounds the discipline; interpretative theory, which validates explanations generated via research to interpret specific events and forensic anthropological analyses; and methodological theory, which undergirds our reasoning for why forensic anthropologists utilize certain protocols and analyses in both the field and the laboratory. early forensic anthropology early practitioners of what would become forensic anthropology were primarily anatomists or medical professionals who used their knowledge of human skeletal anatomy to solve perplexing crimes (bartelink et al. 2020; bolhofner & introduction introduction: celebrating fifty years of awareness, change, and progress in forensic anthropology katharine e. kolpana,* abstract: this article examines the origins and history of forensic anthropology. it pays particularly close attention to trends and developments in the discipline during the approximately 50year period from the founding of the anthropology section of the american academy of forensic sciences (aafs) in 1972 to the present. it highlights how narratives of the founding and expansion of north american forensic anthropology should be extended to include more notable foreign anatomists and anthropologists as well as theorists and practitioners of color. it explores how relationships between academic institutions and museums, such as the smithsonian, led to partnerships with law enforcement agencies and more widespread professionalization, which continues to this day. concerns surrounding professionalization contributed to the founding of the aafs anthropology section and the american board of forensic anthropology. this article considers the anthropology section’s founding and purpose and how the section has changed over time. it also discusses the expansion of educational programs and training, taphonomic research facilities, anthropological work in medical examiner’s and coroner’s offices, and military, mass fatality, humanitarian, and human rights work in forensic anthropology. the article concludes by reflecting on the impact of the daubert ruling and whether it has appreciably affected and altered forensic anthropology in the united states. keywords: forensic anthropology; history; american academy of forensic sciences adepartment of culture, society, and justice, university of idaho, moscow, id, usa *correspondence to: katharine e. kolpan, department of culture, society, and justice, university of idaho, 875 perimeter drive, moscow, id 83844, usa email: kkolpan@uidaho . edu received 23 january 2024; revised 7 february 2024; accepted 8 february 2024 mailto://kkolpan@uidaho.edu fifty years of change in forensic anthropology216 seidel 2019). these include wellknown anatomists such as oliver wendel holmes and his harvard colleague jeffries wyman, who used their anatomical knowledge to contribute to the identification of murder victim george parkman in 1849. the anatomical and odontological team in the parkman case determined the dismembered and calcined remains found in harvard chemist john webster’s laboratory and privy belonged to a single individual, most likely a 50 to 60yearold white male who was around 5´10´́ tall, had been deceased for the approximate amount of time parkman had been missing, and had been inexpertly disarticulated by someone with limited anatomical knowledge; the remains also displayed no signs of anatomical preparation, indicating it was not a dismembered medical school cadaver (snow 1982). the parkman case displays several hallmarks of contemporary forensic anthropology cases in that it assessed human versus nonhuman remains, commingling, the postmortem interval, the biological profile, idiosyncratic features of the decedent (parkman’s dentures and the unique shape of his jaw), postmortem alteration of the body, and cause and manner of death (snow 1982). another harvard anatomist, parkman professor of anatomy thomas dwight (1843– 1911), extensively researched the human skeleton and is credited with initiating interest in issues directly related to forensic anthropology. dwight penned a prizewinning essay, the identification of the human skeleton: a medicolegal study in 1878, and published widely on subjects, such as the estimation of age at death, stature, and biological sex, that have become hallmarks of modern forensic anthropological analysis (ubelaker 2006). dwight’s early contributions to the field were deemed significant enough that stewart (1979) dubbed him the “father of forensic anthropology in the united states.” the anthropologist and field museum assistant curator george dorsey (1868– 1931) is often credited as the first american with a degree in anthropology to serve as an expert witness during the second luetgert trial in 1897 (snow 1982). adolf luetgert stood accused of killing his wife louisa and dissolving her body in a vat of potash in his sausage factory. dorsey testified that he compared four small fragments of bone— a metacarpal, a pedal phalanx, pedal sesamoid, and a rib head— recovered from one of the factory’s vats to various zoological specimens in the field museum’s collections to ensure the remains were indeed those of a human female (stewart 1978). the defense argued that the small fragments were from the animals used to make sausage, but they damaged the credibility of this claim when their expert witness mistook the remains of a dog’s leg for that of a monkey (stewart 1978). while the above contributions are important when assessing the origins of the discipline, the reality is that discussions of forensic anthropology in the united states tend to focus on the success and influence of early american anatomists and anthropologists, who were overwhelmingly white and male. however, as passalacqua and clever discuss in this special issue, the field owes a significant debt to the contributions of british anatomists. passalacqua and colleagues pay special attention to miriam louise tildesley, a littleknown female british anatomist, who made significant contributions to the standardization of anthropometric and osteometric data collection. moreover, as go et al. note, there are pioneers of color in forensic anthropology who have not received the attention or respect they deserve. to begin to rectify this, in this special issue, go et al. discuss the significant forensic contributions immigrants and people of color, such as caroline stewart bond day, w. montague cobb, and mahmoud elnajjar, have made to forensic anthropology. go et al. also highlight the contributions of japanese anthropologists who assisted with wartime identifications of american servicepeople as well as global forensic pioneers of color, such as joseph auguste anténor firmin in france, nicolás león calderón in mexico, and sixto de los angeles in the philippines, whose work is often not as well acknowledged in the forensic anthropological literature (though for a more global perspective on forensic anthropology, see blau and ubelaker 2016; ubelaker 2018; ubelaker et al. 2019). consulting work and the beginnings of professionalization in forensic anthropology forensic anthropologists can also currently be found as full time state and federal government laboratory employees. the associations between anthropologists and governmental laboratories that led to fulltime employment for forensic anthropologists first appeared in the late 1930s. while snow (1982) is dismissive of the contributions of hooton, todd, and hrdlička when it came to their involvement in forensic anthropology, ubelaker (2006) notes that hrdlička’s expertise in skeletal analysis and trauma came to the attention of his washington, dc neighbors, the federal bureau of investigation (fbi). the fbi initiated a consulting collaboration between the fbi and the smithsonian that was carried on by hrdlička’s successors, t. dale stewart (1901– 1997), j. lawrence (1915– 1986), and douglas ubelaker (ubelaker 2006). hrdlička’s 1939 revised edition of his textbook practical anthropometry, which included forensicrelated content, was published the same year that wilton krogman (1903– 1987) published “a guide to the identification of skeletal material” in the fbi law enforcement bulletin, a paper that has been credited with ushering in the professional period in forensic anthropology (stewart 1979; ubelaker 2006). in 1962, krogman published an expanded version of this work as the human skeleton in forensic medicine. krogman, like many forensic anthropologists, worked at a university and kolpan 217 consulted with law enforcement parttime. however, the links created between professional medical and law enforcement agencies by individuals like krogman and hrdlička demonstrated the utility and importance of professional forensic anthropological work and paved the way for dedicated military and law enforcement forensic anthropology laboratories. snow (1982:107) has suggested that medicolegal consulting created the moniker “forensic anthropologist,” which began appearing in scientific literature around 1970. in this special issue, passalacqua and clever argue that krogman’s work shapes what u.s.based contemporary forensic anthropology practitioners recognize as “forensic anthropology.” passalacqua and clever further suggest that krogman himself was influenced by a particular amalgamation of u.s. and u.k. anatomists and anthropologists, namely t. wingate todd, karl pearson, and sir arthur keith, whose work affected his ideas and practices. the formation of the aafs physical anthropology section and the american board of forensic anthropology the aafs physical anthropology section (currently the anthropology section) was founded at the aafs meetings in atlanta in 1972 under the pioneering direction of ellis kerley (1924– 1998) and clyde collins snow (1928– 2014). prior to 1970, the only two anthropologists who were members of the aafs, wilton krogman and kerley himself, were consigned to the general section (snow 1982). by 1971, the aafs counted four anthropologists, two fellows and two members, among its ranks, with around a dozen or so others curious about joining, so kerley decided there was enough interest to form a separate anthropology section (kerley 1978). at the 1971 aafs meetings in phoenix, kerley went to the executive board and, over the course of a single day, convinced them to eschew some of their more conservative policies, such as proof of sufficient interest in membership, to allow the formation of a new physical anthropology section (snow 1982). kerley encountered snow, who was not a member at the time, in the hotel restaurant, convinced him to help with the new section, and the two of them spent the afternoon using snow’s federal aviation administration (faa) emergency telephone card to contact their colleagues and recruit them to the cause; the following day, kerley presented his list of a dozen or so potential members (at the time, the minimum number required for each section was 10), and the executive committee approved the new section (snow 1982; stewart 1979). when it was founded, the physical anthropology section had only 14 members: george armelagos, william m. bass, walter birkby, sheilagh brooks, alice brues, eugene giles, roger heglar, richard jantz, ellis kerley, richard mcwilliams, stephen rosen, clyde snow, r. gerry snyder, and audrey sublett. its founding year, it remained small enough that only five of its members attended the meeting and the four physical anthropology papers presented were given as part of joint sessions between physical anthropology and odontology, and physical anthropology and pathology and biology. ellis kerley and william m. bass served as the section’s first chair and secretary, respectively, while charles p. warren became its first program chair when the position was introduced in 1979. though bill haglund served as cochair with alison galloway in 1994, the practice of splitting the annual meeting program duties between a program chair and a cochair did not become widespread until 2010, when ann ross became cochair alongside william belcher, who served as program chair. in 1977, the physical anthropology section, along with the law enforcement assistant administration, the forensic science foundation, and the aafs, lent their support to kerley as he spearheaded the founding of the american board of forensic anthropology (abfa) (bartelink et al. 2020; kerley 1978). kerley and colleagues established the abfa in response to the recognition of the need “for some regularization of the practice of forensic anthropology, its acceptance by the courts, and the exclusion of those individuals who have not prepared to practice forensic anthropology or testify in court by virtue of training, experience, or research” (kerley 1978:164). the abfa remains the certifying body for forensic anthropologists, administering the yearly diplomate exam, and acts as the organization that sets standards for the proficiency of forensic anthropology practitioners. to qualify for diplomate status, forensic anthropologists have traditionally been required to hold a phd, submit case reports demonstrating their proficiency, present letters of support from other professionals familiar with their qualifications, and pass the written and practical sections of the yearly exam with a score of 80% on both sections (bartelink et al. 2020). the inclusion of a dedicated anthropology section at the aafs annual meeting allows forensic anthropologists throughout north america and further afield to disseminate their own work and to explore the contributions of their colleagues. presenting new research and casework at the annual meeting stimulates forensic anthropological activity and has increased the professionalization of the discipline (ubelaker 2004 [2006]). moreover, the anthropology section’s activity has also created a greater awareness of their skills and capabilities among the academy’s other sections, normalizing forensic anthropology as “part of the investigative process” (ubelaker 2004 [2006]:202). anthropologists have also been involved with the governance of the aafs, and three anthropologists, ellis kerley (1990– 1991), douglas ubelaker (2011– 2012), and laura fulginiti (2022– 2023), have all served as the organization’s president. fifty years of change in forensic anthropology218 in 2013, the section membership voted to change the name of the section to anthropology because it was considered more inclusive and more accurately reflected the contributions of those working in the forensic anthropology discipline, particularly archaeologists (ubelaker 2018). the name change is perhaps unsurprising since snow (1982:97) had suggested that nonspecialist physical anthropologists possessed knowledge and skills applicable to medicolegal problems beyond the narrow scope of “skeletal identification” in the early 1980s. the name change reflects the field’s expansion beyond skeletal variation and into other realms such as genetics, biogeochemistry, demography, computational biology, and cultural anthropology (algeehewitt et al. 2018:5). when the anthropology section was founded, to be considered for membership, applicants were required to hold a master’s degree in physical anthropology, with two years of active experience in forensic anthropology, or to hold a phd with one year of active experience (kerley 1978). both master’s and phd applicants were also required to be actively engaged in forensic science or to have significantly contributed to physical anthropology methodology or literature (kerley 1978). changes in matriculation patterns at both the master’s and phd levels are part of an article written for this special issue by kolpan and williams that assesses trends among the anthropology section members from its founding in 1972 through the present. using aafs membership data from the past 50 years, as well as a smaller data set with significant aafs member participation that includes expanded information related to matriculation, mentorship, and professional practice, kolpan and williams explore trends such as the expansion of women in the discipline over time, in addition to how student members continue to be a large part of the section’s makeup. kolpan and williams also note trends in the development and expansion of forensic anthropology master’s and phd programs and formal and informal academic and professional mentorship over time. the postmortem interval and taphonomic studies in forensic anthropology over the past 50 years, forensic anthropologists have also become increasingly involved with estimations of the postmortem interval (pmi) and the taphonomic processes that affect the human body from the time of death to recovery of the remains. dirkmaat et al. (2008) have suggested that the increasing focus on forensic taphonomy represents a paradigm shift in which the acquisition of contextual data has transformed forensic anthropology from a laboratorybased endeavor mostly interested in human identification (see işcan 1988) to a subdiscipline with a larger field component, providing practitioners with a broader role regarding crime scene investigation. moreover, understanding what happens to the human body as it decomposes and how taphonomic processes can alter this process are key components in assessing the pmi and dispersal of the remains, and may also shed light on confusing aspects of the crime scene (haglund & sorg 1997, 2002; pokines 2022; pokines & tersignitarrant 2017; ubelaker 1997). taphonomic studies rely on actualistic models based on the forensic practitioner’s observations of taphonomic processes and the effects and/or patterns they produce, as well as hutton’s geological principle of uniformitarianism, which posits that presentday processes functioned the same way in the past and therefore have the same effects (lyman 1994; westcott 2018). to study rates of decomposition in variable climates with different types of weather and disparate taphonomic conditions, forensic anthropologists conduct experiments with willed cadavers at outdoor research facilities often colloquially referred to as “body farms.” studies conducted at these outdoor forensic taphonomy research facilities indicate that data— particularly that which pertain to pmi— are only applicable within the surrounding environment, highlighting the need to establish these types of facilities at other locations and in other climatic environments around the world (williams et al. 2019). historically, the first of these facilities was the brainchild of university of tennessee, knoxville (utk) professor william m. bass. bass developed the idea for what became the anthropological research facility (arf) after he declared the death of longdeceased civil war lieutenant colonel william shy to have occurred in the past year due to the colonel’s remarkable state of preservation (bass & jefferson 2004). in the case of colonel shy, the embalming process and his cast iron coffin had prevented his body from decomposing until it was disturbed by vandals in 1977 (jantz & jantz 2008). as bass researched how environmental factors (soils, weather [temperature, humidity, precipitation, etc.], fauna, flora, etc.) and human intervention (embalming, coffin type, weight, clothing choice, etc.) affected the rate of decomposition, he realized there was not much available research concerning how to determine the postmortem interval (bass & jefferson 2004; jantz & jantz 2008). thus, the time seemed right for a human decomposition research facility, and in 1980, utk broke ground on the arf, which many people simply recognize as the body farm. while there were no forensic taphonomy experimental research facilities when the anthropology section was founded in 1972, today, there are several outdoor research facilities in north america alone. in this special issue, connor et al. highlight the contributions of these north american facilities, as well as facilities further abroad in places kolpan 219 like australia, to examine how actualistic and experimental taphonomic studies have developed over time and space, and to discuss how they can contribute to forensic anthropology as a field of study. forensic anthropology and medical examiner and coroner systems though scholars with specialized osteological training have been consulting with law enforcement agencies since the time of holmes and wyman, interest in hiring forensic anthropologists as fulltime employees at medical examiner’s and coroner’s offices began in the late 1970s; hugh berryman was hired as the first fulltime forensic anthropologist at the shelby county medical examiner’s morgue/ university of tennessee hospital morgue in memphis, tennessee, in 1980 (berryman & lanfear 2012). as berryman and lanfear (2012) note, medical examiner’s and coroner’s offices originally had a difficult time justifying financing for a dedicated forensic anthropologist, often requiring forensic anthropologists to also conduct other administrative and laboratory duties, such as histology, radiology, and fingerprint analysis. for example, in 2000, the chief medical examiner at the office of the chief medical examiner (ocme) in new york city was skeptical there would be sufficient casework to justify hiring a forensic anthropologist, so he suggested amy zelson mundorff, the first forensic anthropologist at the ocme, crosstrain in serology (berryman & lanfear 2012). zelson mundorff never ended up conducting any serological work, but the tradition of forensic anthropologists fulfilling other roles, such as death investigators, photographers, and mass fatality coordinators, at medical examiners’s and coroner’s offices has continued (austin & fulginiti 2008; berryman & lanfear 2012; rainwater et al. 2012). moreover, as forensic anthropology experienced a recent paradigm shift that broadened the field’s conceptual framework and created greater appreciation for forensic archaeology, forensic taphonomy, and trauma analysis, it also expanded work possibilities for forensic anthropologists working in medical examiner’s and coroner’s offices (dirkmaat et al. 2008; rainwater et al. 2012). in this special issue, fleischman et al. explore the expanded role that forensic anthropologists have played in medical examiner’s and coroner’s offices over the past 50 years. fleischman et al. also highlight the importance of laboratory accreditation and professional certification in forensic anthropology and discuss how the expansion of the forensic anthropology skillset will likely benefit forensic anthropologists when it comes to future hiring practices at these institutions. forensic anthropology, warfare, and identification from mass casualty, humanitarian, and human rights contexts the repatriation efforts of the u.s. military during world war ii (wwii) led to the first fulltime employment for physical anthropologists conducting identification work, and it brought forensic anthropology onto a broader stage, allowing it to receive recognition outside the court system (kerley 1978). though the united states had long attempted to recover and repatriate its war dead, the over 400,000 american servicemembers who were killed in wwii solidified the need for a systematic approach to its search and recovery procedures, as well as its identification efforts (emanovsky & belcher 2012; holland et al. 2008; hoshower 1998). many of these individuals’ remains decomposed and skeletonized before they could be recovered, necessitating the expertise of skilled osteologists. recognizing the need, the american graves registration service (agrs) of the u.s. quartermaster opened the central identification laboratory (cil) in hawaii in 1947 and employed osteologists such as charles snow and mildred trotter to identify the remains of wwii service personnel from the pacific theater (holland & tersignitarrant, 2012; stewart 1979). when the original cil was shuttered in 1949, it was followed by a series of temporary laboratories to aid with military identifications from the korean and vietnam wars before a permanent cil with an expanded mission to recover and identify the remains of all missing and unaccounted for americans from past military conflicts was established on hickam airforce base (holland & tesignitarrant 2012). during this time, anthropologists at the cil conducted pioneering research, such as trotter’s stature regression equation work and mckern and steward’s pubic symphysis age estimation casts (mckern & stewart 1957; trotter & gleser 1952, 1958). the anthropologists and archaeological scientific leadership at the cil spent many years practicing and refining their field and lab approaches, and their laboratories— now located in both hawaii and omaha— currently set the standard when it comes to the investigation, search, recovery, and analysis of war dead (passalacqua et al. 2016). presently, the cil is part of the defense pow/ mia accounting agency (dpaa) and is one of the preeminent employers of forensic anthropologists in the world, as well as the world’s largest skeletal identification laboratory (passalacqua et al. 2019). forensic anthropologists have also become increasingly involved in humanitarian and human rights work. this often occurs because the bodies of the deceased remain unrecovered and unidentified over long periods of time, allowing them to decompose and/or skeletonize, thus necessitating the osteological expertise of a forensic anthropologist. fifty years of change in forensic anthropology220 though humanitarian and human rights organizations such as the international committee of the red cross (icrc; established in 1863) have existed for far longer than forensic anthropology has been an anthropological discipline, forensic anthropologists’ work in nonmilitary humanitarian and human rights contexts is often credited to clyde collins snow’s work with argentine collaborators, such as mercedes doretti and luis fonderbrider, to identify the remains of individuals kidnapped, tortured, murdered, and buried in clandestine graves during argentina’s dirty war (1976– 1983) (ubelaker 2018). prior to snow’s involvement, argentina had been employing the services of gravediggers and firefighters to exhume the remains of the missing from unmarked cemetery graves, as well as forensic scientists with no training in skeletal analysis to identify the deceased (doretti & fonderbrider, 2001). when this strategy proved ineffective, the national commission on the disappearance of persons and the grandmothers of the plaza de mayo requested aid from the science and human rights program, a part of the american association for the advancement of science, who sent seven scientists, including snow, to argentina (doretti & fonderbrider 2001). snow’s work with local, mostly student, archaeologists and anthropologists resulted in the argentine forensic anthropology team (eaaf), an internationally recognized organization that has worked to identify victims of statesponsored violence in many countries worldwide, and served as a template for other regional organizations, such as the forensic anthropology foundation of guatemala and the peruvian forensic anthropology team (ubelaker 2018; ubelaker et al. 2019). though often used interchangeably, humanitarian and human rights investigations differ because humanitarian work does not include judicial prosecution (guyomar’ch & congram 2017). the geneva conventions and the convention on the prevention and punishment of the crime of genocide protect the right to life and the right to justice, and violations of these rights are subject to investigation, even in contexts where there is no criminal medicolegal mandate (guyomar’ch & congram 2017). international humanitarian law requires that individuals search for the dead, maintain their dignity, identify and return them to their families, indicate the location of their graves, and provide families with access to both the deceased and the gravesite (guyomar’ch & congram 2017). thus, the focus is on families and community stakeholders and their right to know what happened to their loved ones and to reclaim their bodies should they wish to do so. in humanitarian contexts, there is less emphasis on traumatic injury and the cause and manner of death, and the mandates of international organizations may even prevent them from examining traumarelated aspects of these investigations to maintain the principle of neutrality (guyomar’ch & congram 2017). expert witness testimony and the legacy of daubert forensic anthropologists also serve as expert witnesses who receive subpoenas and testify in a court of law. the legal landscape surrounding the admissibility of expert witness testimony has changed over the past 50 years. when the aafs anthropology section was founded, the admissibility of expert witness testimony was determined via the frye rule. the frye rule is based on a 1923 district of colombia appeals court decision, frye v. united states, that states scientific expert testimony is admissible if a technique is “generally accepted” as reliable by the expert’s scientific community (grivas & komar 2008:771). in 1975, congress attempted to provide trial process clarification for the federal judicial system by passing the federal rules of evidence (fre) (grivas & komar 2008). fre rule 702 defined who qualified as an expert witness and when expert witness testimony is applicable, but it did not provide guidelines regarding the relevance or reliability of scientific methodologies, so general acceptance in the scientific community as outlined in the frye rule continued as the general standard in state and federal courts (grivas & komar 2008). in 1989, the parents of jason daubert and eric schuller filed a lawsuit against merrell dow, alleging the pharmaceutical company’s morningsickness drug bendectin was the cause of their children’s birth defects. during the trial, scientific evidence establishing a relationship between bendectin and birth defects was ruled inadmissible because it did not meet the frye rule’s general acceptance criterion (christensen & crowder 2009). however, in 1993, in daubert v. merrell dow pharmaceuticals, inc., the supreme court handed down a decision that indicated fre rule 702 superseded the frye rule. the court proposed examining three areas of inquiry to determine admissibility: the expert’s qualifications; the validity and dependability of methods, techniques, and scientific theories put forward (referred to as reliability by the court); and the expert testimony’s relevance to the case at hand (lesciotto 2015). additionally, the court decided trial judges should determine whether expert testimony is reliable and relevant (christensen & crowder 2009). recognizing that trial judges are not scientific experts, the court provided general guidelines for determining the reliability of exert testimony, such as whether the theory, method, or technique has been tested, submitted for peer review, and published; has a known error rate; has standards for controlling the technique; and is generally accepted within the scientific community (christensen & crowder 2009; lesciotto 2015). in the wake of the daubert ruling, forensic anthropologists have raised concerns about the admissibility of more kolpan 221 subjective or qualitative methods, worried that standard practices and techniques in the field would be excluded based on the new guidelines (christensen 2005; christensen & crowder 2009; dirkmaat et al. 2008). this has led to an increase in published studies testing the validity of previously established forensic anthropological methods (dirkmaat et al. 2008). examining both pre and postdaubert forensic anthropology cases that address the admissibility of the forensic anthropologist’s testimony, lesciotto (2015) found there was no rise in the exclusion of forensic anthropological testimony postdaubert. lesciotto (2015) suggested this could be due to the field shifting toward more objective, quantifiable methods in anticipation of greater technical scrutiny under daubert. to test this idea, here lesciotto examines every anthropological article published in the journal of forensic sciences between 1972, when the aafs anthropology section was established, and 2020 that mentions methods and techniques related to the biological profile, a core component of forensic anthropology casework. lesciotto breaks down the biological profile into its elemental components (age, sex, ancestry/population affinity, stature), sorts the methods and techniques related to each component based on whether they are objective or subjective and quantitative or qualitative, and examines the results to analyze whether there has truly been a shift from qualitative, subjective methods toward quantitative, objective methods in forensic anthropology over time and how that potential shift is related to daubert. conclusion since the founding of the aafs physical anthropology section in 1972, the field has undergone significant changes, broadening in scope and becoming more rigorous in method and technique. the name change to anthropology, as ratified by the section membership in 2014, indicates that forensic anthropologists recognized that the scope of work and types of expertise valuable to the field have widened since the section was established. that said, looking back into the past also has merit in that it allows the aafs anthropology section, its members, and all forensic anthropology practitioners to address contributions from scholars that may have been overlooked and overshadowed as hegemonic narratives about how forensic anthropology became the field as it is currently recognized prevailed. this special issue includes contributions from authors who are reevaluating forensic anthropology’s earlier history in ways that may change how we view and discuss forensic anthropology as practiced in the united states today. additionally, it assesses trends in the section’s membership, as well as changes to master’s and phd programs and academic and professional mentorship in forensic anthropology from the time of the section’s founding to the present. it also endeavors to assess how changes over the past 50 or so years have altered our understanding of experimental research related to taphonomy and the pmi, the place of the forensic anthropologist in medical examiner’s and coroner’s offices, and how court rulings such as daubert have influenced forensic anthropological methods and techniques. this type of self examination encourages forensic anthropology to critically reflect on its own history, so it can promote a stronger discipline going forward. 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ubelaker d. a history of forensic anthropology. american journal of physical anthropology 2018;165:915– 923. doi: 10 . 1002 / ajpa . 23306. ubelaker d, shamlou a, kunkle ae. forensic anthropology in the global investigation of humanitarian and human rights abuse: perspective from the published record. science & justice 2019;59(2):203– 209. westcott d. the forensic anthropologist as broker for cross disciplinary taphonomic research related to estimating the postmortem interval in medicolegal death investigations. in: boyd cc, boyd dc, eds. forensic anthropology: theoretical framework and scientific basis. hoboken, nj: john wiley & sons; 2018:251– 270. williams a, rodgers cj, cassella jp. why does the uk need a human taphonomy facility? forensic science international 2019;296:74– 79. login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article 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in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe calculation and interpretation of inter-laboratory variation in isotope delta (δ) values using real interpretative differences | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home archives vol. 4 no. 3 (2021) research articles calculation and interpretation of inter-laboratory variation in isotope delta (δ) values using real interpretative differences article sidebar requires subscription or fee pdf (usd 25) requires subscription or fee html (usd 25) requires subscription or fee supplemental information published: oct 20, 2021 doi: https://doi.org/10.5744/fa.2020.0050 keywords: forensic anthropology, forensic science, stable isotope ratio analysis, accuracy, reliability, quality assurance main article content lesley a. chesson defense pow/mia accounting agency thuan h. chau sna international amelia j. edwards sna international gregory e. berg defense pow/mia accounting agency abstract building on applications in anthropology, the use of stable isotope ratio analysis of human bone collagen to investigate an individual’s life history is becoming more commonplace in the forensic science community. careful consideration of the resultant isotope delta (δ) values, particularly in regard to their accuracy and reliability, is paramount when introducing isotope data into the u.s. court system. in this study, we use a simple framework to calculate real interpretative difference (rid) values for collagen (“col”) and assess isotope data comparability for sample analysis (ridanalysis) as well as sample preparation/analysis combined (ridcombined). the ridcombined values of 0.59‰ for δ13ccol and 0.91‰ for δ15ncol are similar to more complex, published calculations of inter-laboratory variability in the stable isotope analysis of skeletal remains, but they are easier to calculate and intuitively elegant. the ridcombined as well as ridanalysis values presented here allow users to examine multiple sources of inter-laboratory isotopic variation (preparation, analysis, and both together) in a two-step  process whereby a rid value is constructed and then tested. implementation of this rid approach will provide surety for the legal and research communities in forensic applications of stable isotope ratio analysis. article details issue vol. 4 no. 3 (2021) section research articles sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to 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32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe using real interpretative differences to assess inter-laboratory isotopic variability due to sample preparation | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home archives vol. 5 no. 1 (2022) research articles using real interpretative differences to assess inter-laboratory isotopic variability due to sample preparation article sidebar requires subscription or fee pdf (usd 25) requires subscription or fee html (usd 25) published: feb 24, 2022 doi: https://doi.org/10.5744/fa.2020.0045 keywords: forensic anthropology, forensic science, isotope analysis, human bone collagen, stable isotopes main article content amelia j. edwards sna international lesley a. chesson dpaa laboratory, joint base pearl harbor-hickam, hi eric j. bartelink department of anthropology, university of california thuan h. chau sna international gregory e. berg dpaa laboratory, joint base pearl harbor-hickam, hi abstract here we present a two-part study to assess isotope data comparability between two sample preparation laboratories, based on the concept of real interpretative differences (rid). inter-laboratory isotopic variability should be evaluated prior to compiling data from different sources. isotopic variability can result from two main causes: sample preparation and sample analysis. we compared the carbon and nitrogen isotope delta (δ) values of 20 modern human bone collagen sample pairs—representing seven individuals from diverse backgrounds—that were prepared close in time at two laboratories and then analyzed at one facility. from this study, values for rid of preparation, or ridprep, were calculated for bone collagen as 0.43‰ and 0.75‰ for δ13c values and δ15n values, respectively. these ridprep values were tested using a set of 30 bone collagen sample pairs—representing 30 modern individuals—that were first prepared over a span of five years (2014–2019) at one laboratory; they were prepared again at the second laboratory in 2019. while the differences in isotope δ values between the paired samples in the second study were statistically significant, they did not exceed the calculated ridprep values for either carbon (30 comparisons) or nitrogen (30 comparisons)—with the exception of one carbon difference in a single paired bone sample. the inherent error rate in combining the isotope test results was thus calculated as 1.7%. this study demonstrated that the isotope data generated from human bone collagen prepared at one laboratory can be reliably compared to data generated from samples prepared at the other laboratory. article details issue vol. 5 no. 1 (2022) section research articles sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe food has no borders: methodological insights from the forensic isotopic profile of a new york city immigrant | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home archives vol. 4 no. 3 (2021) research articles food has no borders methodological insights from the forensic isotopic profile of a new york city immigrant article sidebar requires subscription or fee pdf (usd 25) requires subscription or fee html (usd 25) published: oct 28, 2021 doi: https://doi.org/10.5744/fa.2020.0043 keywords: geolocation isotopes, dietary isotopes, caribbean isoscapes, us isoscapes, food traditions main article content rhonda l. quinn department of sociology, anthropology, social work & criminal justice, seton hall university helen alesbury new york city office of the chief medical examiner ligia ceja san diego county medical examiner's office angela soler new york city office of the chief medical examiner linda godfrey department of earth and planetary sciences, rutgers university abstract isotopic analyses of human remains augment the biological profile with geolocation and dietary information, furthering efforts to identify unknown individuals from a forensic context. here we test the methodological resolution of geolocation (δ18o, 87sr/86sr) and dietary (δ13c, δ15n) isotopes of one identified individual who immigrated to new york city from st. vincent and the grenadines (svg), lesser antilles. isotope-based geolocation estimates did not identify the childhood residency on svg, but did point to new york city as a possible residence during early adulthood. the individual’s c3-based diet did not significantly change from childhood to early adulthood, illustrating the maintenance of food traditions after the immigration event. this study illustrates that further development of tissue-specific isoscapes incorporating bioavailable foods, drinking water, and cultural traditions is warranted to refine methodological resolution of isotopic applications in forensic anthropology. article details issue vol. 4 no. 3 (2021) section research articles sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe login | forensic anthropology main navigation main content sidebar current archives search submit subscribe early view toggle search register login search toggle navigation home login subscription or article purchase required to access item. to verify subscription, access previous purchase, or purchase article, log in to journal. username password forgot your password? keep me logged in login register sidebar-links about overview editorial board publication ethics contact contributors author guidelines book review guidelines open access policy special issue proposals submit an article subscribers subscribe/renew recommend to your librarian news sign-upnews sign-up tweets by @jforensicanth most read what are we really estimating in forensic anthropological practice, population affinity or ancestry? introduction estimating the number of individuals in a large commingled assemblage challenges to identifications of the cabanatuan prison camp cemetery remains unidentified bodies in the mexican context issn: 2573-5020 eissn: 2573-5039   main office: 2046 ne waldo road suite 2100 gainesville, fl 32609 phone: 352-392-1351 email: journals@upress.ufl.edu navigation home search current archives subscribe 