












































 
 

ISSN #2331-6845 

 
Unpacking capital:  Promoting English 

learner success and learning to ‘do school’ 
By Dr. Maria Montalvo Balbed 
Metro RESA, Atlanta, Georgia 

 maria.montalvo@mresa.org 
Dr. Bernadette McCormack Musetti 

Loyola Marymount University, Los Angeles, California 
bmusetti@lmu.edu 

 

This study examines the educational trajectories, critical life events, 
variations and commonalities of four Dominican women who, despite being 
non-English speakers and working class immigrants, were academically and 
professionally successful in the United States. Criteria for case study 
participants included being first generation immigrants from the Dominican 
Republic who had earned an advanced degree in education, were currently 
working in the educational arena in Georgia, and had joined the ranks of the 
American middle class. Four Dominican women were participants in the 
study. Data collection included multiple in-depth, open-ended, semi-
structured, one-on-one, as well as focus group interviews. The themes that 
emerged are related to various types of capital, which include aspirational, 
linguistic, familial, navigational, and resistant. Findings suggest that the 
women’s own academic expectations and cultural capital, coupled with high 
levels of academic and emotional support, were key factors in their 
educational and career success. This study contributes to an expanded 
understanding of the concept of cultural capital and its application in 
education. 

Keywords:  taxonomy of capital, Community Cultural Wealth, Latina/o 
achievement, English Learners, Dominican immigrants, lived experience 
 
 

1                                                                      GATESOL in Action, Vol. 1, Fall 2015 
 

mailto:aubrey.southall@gmail.com
mailto:bmusetti@lmu.edu


The examination of these women’s stories has been cathartic for me in 
terms of understanding my own journey of success through education. I 
have often wondered how I made it into college; when, after a battery of 
tests, my own high school counselor called me into the office and said 
words that still make me cry: “You’re not college material.” At the time, I 
had no idea what she meant by me not being college material. All I knew 
was that she was reinforcing the message that I could not ‘do school’, 
which reinforced the messages that I often heard in other, more subtle 
ways. (co-author, Maria Montalvo-Balbed) 
 
 

Capital and Why It Matters 

Students bring the entirety of their life experiences to school each day. These 

experiences involve a great deal of what we refer to as capital. However, 

schools traditionally honor and leverage capital differently for different 

groups of students.  Students whose background experience, language, and 

cultural expectations are aligned with what teachers want to teach, how 

teachers want to teach and assess learning, the ways teachers prefer students 

to learn, and how teachers expect students to interact, are more likely to find 

school to be a positive experience and a place where their capital is valued.  

This is often not the experience of students whose cultural background and 

languages do not fit the school norms. The capital these students bring to the 

school is generally neither honored nor leveraged for the students’ benefit. In 

this article we argue that all students, regardless of their background 

experiences, bring vast reservoirs of capital that can be leveraged for learning 

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and success with schooling. Our goal is to identify and define the various 

forms of capital, to share what we have learned from our work about capital, 

and to discuss how schools can build and leverage it to promote success for 

students, in particular for English learners.  

 Educational research is replete with theories and studies that attempt to 

explain why Latino students have experienced persistent underachievement 

(Boykin & Noguera, 2011; Chapa & De La Rosa, 2004; Orfield, Losen, Wald, & 

Swanson, 2004: Portes & Salas, 2010; Valenzuela, 1999), even where it is 

understood that to use a term like ‘Latino’ masks vast cultural, linguistic and 

other variations (Nieto & Bode, 2012). Cultural capital is the knowledge and 

understandings that people draw upon as they participate in society—

including successfully learning to ‘do school’. However, a limited and 

exclusionary view of capital promotes a deficit approach to educating many 

Latino, as well as other students (Villegas & Lucas, 2002; Zeichner & Payne, 

2013). Conversely, an inclusive view of students both recognizes and 

leverages what González, Moll, & Amanti (2005) describe as a “funds of 

knowledge” approach, which includes the background knowledge, life 

experiences and areas of expertise that students bring with them to school. 

When teachers infuse students’ cultural experiences and language into the 

curriculum, they honor the linguistic and cultural knowledge of students 

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within the school setting, which promotes positive identity development, 

engagement, and relevant learning experiences. In short, this approach 

respects the experience of the learner (Boyd & Brock, 2004; Salazar, 2013). 

The Study: Questions and Methods 

The purpose of this study was to understand the success of four 

Dominican women who are first generation immigrants and English language 

learners and the ways in which their realities can be understood and 

explained using in part, the Community Cultural Wealth (CCW) model (Yosso, 

2005). Their life stories yield a deep understanding of the factors that 

explained, influenced, and, indeed allowed for their academic and professional 

successes and their eventual advancement into leadership roles in Pre-K-12 

education in the U.S. Theoretical perspectives in qualitative research provide 

an overall framework for the study on questions of gender, class, race, and 

other issues of importance to marginalized groups (Creswell, 2009). The 

intent of the study was to make sense of the meanings and understandings the 

participants had of their experience of and in the world, with a focus on their 

educational experience. Qualitative research methodologies allowed for a 

deep understanding of what propelled and allowed the women in the study to 

be successful. Our goal, as Creswell (2009), states was to “focus on the specific 

contexts in which people live and work, in order to understand the historic 

4                                                                      GATESOL in Action, Vol. 1, Fall 2015 
 



and cultural settings of the participants” (p. 8). More specifically, the study’s 

aim was to identify and describe the types of capital relevant to the 

participants’ “lived lives” that contributed in important ways to their 

educational and professional success. The qualitative methodologies 

employed allowed the women’s stories to be heard, understood, and shared 

with others. As Marshall and Rossman (2006) assert, qualitative research is 

crucial for understanding rich narrative experiences such as those shared by 

our participants. 

The criteria for inclusion in the study included being first generation 

female immigrants from the Dominican Republic who had earned either a 

Master’s or doctoral degree in education and were currently working in an 

administrative capacity in the Pre-K-12 educational arena in Georgia. Four 

Dominican women who met the criteria were invited to participate in the 

study. Of the four participants, two had earned their Master’s degrees and two 

had earned their doctoral degrees. Data collection included, but was not 

limited to, multiple in-depth, open-ended, semi-structured, one-on-one and 

focus group interviews. Each participant in the study constituted a case and 

data collection involved an array of procedures for building an in-depth case, 

where multiple data collection formats were used. In addition to multiple one-

on-one interviews, a focus group interview was combined with physical 

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artifact data, which included photographs. Each participant described a series 

of photographs she had brought to share during the focus group, as both 

descriptive and emblematic of her journey. The study addressed the following 

questions:  

• What factors, including various types of capital, do academically 

successful Dominican women report as significant in helping them 

navigate the ‘school world’? 

• What are the commonalities and variations in the narratives of 

educationally successful Dominican women across particular 

categories, including class, gender, and language? 

Background to the Study 

Ana, Carmen, Rosario and Deyanira (all pseudonyms) are the four 

women whose narratives we describe. They immigrated to the U.S. during 

their elementary grades years, are native Spanish speakers, grew up in 

working class families, and were born to parents who had limited experience 

with higher education. In this report we share lessons learned from their 

collective successes and examine ways to apply our findings to promote 

success among other Latina/o students.  

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Theoretical Framework: Community Cultural Capital 

Immigrant, non-English speaking students from working class families 

benefit from schooling experiences that leverage their existing capital, while 

helping them to acquire other types of capital that their middle class, English 

speaking peers often possess. Here we describe what it looks like to unpack 

the more generic term ‘capital’, into various specific types, building on the 

work of Yosso (2005) as a framework to view types of capital that Latino 

students often bring to the schooling experience. We offer recommendations 

for making these strengths more apparent to teachers, so they can leverage 

them to the benefit of students. Yosso’s taxonomy of types of capital 

encompasses the more commonly used and understood concept of social 

capital, as networks of people and community resources. However, within the 

taxonomy are important, yet less understood types of capital, which we use as 

a theoretical framework to understand, and in large part explain, the 

educational successes of the women in the study. 

  

7                                                                      GATESOL in Action, Vol. 1, Fall 2015 
 



 

Table 1 
 
Yosso’s Taxonomy of Capital 
 
Type of Capital Description 
 
Resistant Capital 

 
Behavior that challenges inequality. 

 
Aspirational 
Capital  

 
Hopes and dreams for the future, even in the 
face of real or perceived barriers. 

 
Familial Capital 

 
A broad understanding of kinship and ‘familia’ 
that promotes community wellbeing through a 
sense of community, history, and cultural 
institutions. 

 
Navigational 
Capital 

 
People and community resources that provide 
both instrumental and emotional support for 
maneuvering through social institutions.  

 
Linguistic Capital 

 
Intellectual and social skills acquired through 
communication experiences in more than one 
language and/or style. 

 
Illustrative Narrative Vignettes 

The four women in the study “beat the odds” in that they became 

academically and professionally successful, despite their realities as first 

generation working class Dominican immigrants who learned English as an 

additional language and whose families had very limited experience with 

higher education. Their stories demonstrate in various ways how the types of 

capital outlined above were recognized and leveraged by teachers, counselors, 

8                                                                      GATESOL in Action, Vol. 1, Fall 2015 
 



and others in critically important ways that allowed and promoted 

educational success among all study participants--Ana, Carmen, Rosario and 

Deyanira. 

Mentors and Cultural Brokers Linked to Capital 

Findings from the study revealed that mentors were a key element in 

each of the women’s stories. Each had a mentor who also acted as a cultural 

broker and whose support and efforts made a critical difference in their 

immediate as well as their eventual success. These informal cultural brokers 

assisted the women by helping them to bridge the gap from their home lives 

and cultures to their lives in the U.S., particularly as those related to schooling. 

This ‘brokering’ took various forms. In some instances it was helping them to 

navigate social and bureaucratic systems or to find jobs. For others it was 

explaining academic expectations and offering additional opportunities to 

acquire academic English and information literacy skills, which were critical 

for their success. For the women in the study, mentors were linked to other 

kinds of capital, including navigational and aspirational capital.  

Aspirational Capital 
 

Carmen, had a high school counselor who helped her develop strong 

aspirational capital, the ability to hope and dream for the future, even in the 

face of very real obstacles. Carmen’s counselor ensured that she had college 

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aspirations and the requisite classes and skills for college. The counselor also 

understood that students like Carmen had no experience of college and so 

took her on college visits and helped her fill out applications, get financial 

aid, and even convinced her parents that it was good for their daughter to 

leave home to go to college.  This kind of support is important because we 

know there is a significant disconnect between Latinas’ aspirations for 

college and the reality of them realizing this goal for a number of reasons, not 

the least of which is financial (National Women’s Law Center and Mexican 

American Legal Defense and Educational Fund, 2009). These early 

experiences and college pipeline programs can and often do have dramatic 

effects on student participants in terms of aspirations and academic 

outcomes (Musetti & Tolbert, 2010). 

Familial Capital 

All of the Latina educators in our study had high levels of familial 

capital and described numerous ways in which their families supported, 

encouraged and inspired them. All attributed their success in large part to 

their families, whose words and deeds let them know they must “make 

something of themselves”, be financially independent, and do better than their 

parents. Each participant described various types of support, often through 

extended family, that allowed or pushed them to succeed and each described 

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sacrifices made by family, often the greatest of these by mothers, which 

allowed them ultimately to ‘do school’. Each of the women said her parents 

did not visit the school, but cared deeply about their child’s success. Ana’s 

family, like the others, was busy working and could not come to school. One of 

the mothers did not even know where the high school was because she 

worked very long hours in a factory and never attended any school functions. 

Both authors have worked with educators of Latino students for many years 

and we often hear teachers lament the fact that parents don’t care about their 

children’s education, as evidenced by the fact that they don’t come to the 

school. What we hope teachers will understand, and is reinforced by this 

research, is that Latino parents, like all parents, care deeply about their 

children’s education, but may express that caring in ways that differ from 

traditional school engagement activities, such as “advocating” for their child, 

fundraising, or attending parent-teacher organizational meetings. 

Navigational Capital  

Although the women in the study came from immigrant families in 

which the parents had not gone to college, participants found they could learn 

to navigate the higher education system through various means, which 

included supportive programs for first generation college goers, mentors, 

cultural brokers, family members who had immigrated and attended college, 

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and other connections including religious structures and social supports. For 

two women in the study, Ana and Rosario, their religious institutions provided 

them with important opportunities to develop navigational capital. Rosario’s 

mother insisted that she return to the Dominican Republic when entering 

sixth grade so she could attend the boarding school affiliated with her church. 

Rosario did so and attributes that decision in large part to setting her on an 

educational path to success. For Ana, who was painfully shy, church provided 

a place for her to participate in service to others and where she could be 

mentored, which she says allowed her to have more experiences in the world 

and to build confidence. For Ana and Rosario, their churches provided both 

the emotional and academic support critical to their eventual academic and 

professional success. 

Linguistic Capital 

 All of the women in the study said they possessed linguistic capital and 

that their bilingualism was a significant asset to them as educators and 

administrators. They recalled how their knowledge of Spanish helped them to 

learn English, but often they expressed frustration with their struggles to 

attain high levels of academic language proficiency in one or both languages, 

which all of them eventually developed. One of the participants, Deyanira, 

described how the development of her Spanish skills helped her develop her 

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English skills: “What I did was, as my Spanish vocabulary expanded, I brought 

those words into my English.” Deyanira was not taught to do this sort of 

transfer or analysis, but developed the strategy on her own. She writes “Many 

times these comparative analyses helped me with my learning of English.” 

Here Deyanira speaks to an important principle of language acquisition—the 

transfer of language skills, specifically—of cognates. Academic English is 

largely Latin-based, as is Spanish, and many of the common, everyday, high 

frequency words in Spanish are often text-based, academic words in English 

(Corson, 1995; 1997).  For example, edificio in Spanish is a common word for 

the noun ‘building’; whereas, edifice and edifying are distinctly academic 

words in English, but where the words share the same Latin root across the 

two languages. As another example, explicar is a common word in Spanish, 

meaning ‘to explain’; whereas, in English it has the same meaning, but again, 

the word explicate in English is a decidedly academic word . These words are 

cognates and therefore have a similar structure and meaning in both 

languages. However, in Spanish these are more common words used in 

conversation, whereas in English they are low frequency, academic words, 

more often found in texts. Spanish speakers learning academic English have a 

large advantage in that much of their conversational language can potentially 

transfer to English as academic language, if and when students are made 

13                                                                      GATESOL in Action, Vol. 1, Fall 2015 
 



aware of these cognates. This linguistic capital can be leveraged in significant 

ways to promote academic success for English learners, as Deyanira 

discovered for herself. 

Resistant Capital 

 All of the participants had to resist negative stereotypes and other 

barriers in order to be successful in learning to ‘do school.’ Carmen spoke 

about her ability to make life choices, including her resistance to choosing the 

more culturally favored path chosen by her sisters: 

“I think it’s an inner choice. I think you look at life, and you look at 
how you are living, and you then make a choice in whether you want to 
live in that manner or you don’t. I also had the opportunity to visit 
friends’ homes and so I knew where they lived…you know the 
brownstones, so I knew there was a difference with that kind of living. 
Exposure, I think like going to visit colleges and there was a whole 
different world outside of your neighborhood and your school. I think 
that was a big difference….I think my sisters made a choice with life. I 
think that they were limited in their thinking about life and sometimes I 
wonder if it was about what was pushed in the Dominican Republic—
you got married early and it was about being a housewife and taking 
care of your husband; I think that’s the cultural piece probably.”  

 
Taken together, the women in the study shared a wealth of aspirational, 

linguistic, familial, navigational and resistant capital, which helped them ‘do 

school’. All participants had access to, acknowledged and leveraged all six 

types of capital outlined in the Community Cultural Wealth framework, albeit 

at different times in their trajectories and via different pathways. 

14                                                                      GATESOL in Action, Vol. 1, Fall 2015 
 



 

Intersection of Capital and Caring 

We share one final anecdote from our study to highlight the ways in 

which having an ability-centered perspective of students requires knowledge 

of students, their lives and cultures, but is also characterized by caring, and 

how these intersect in ways that make the critical difference for students. One 

of the women in the study—Rosario, fondly recalled a fourth grade teacher 

whom she remembered warmly, because she was so “kind.” Rosario was 

responsible for getting her younger brother to school and to his classroom 

and was often late to her own classroom, arriving each day out of breath from 

the morning rush. The teacher understood that she was a child with adult 

responsibilities and so did not take recess away or punish her in any way, 

even though she was late to class almost every day. This simple act of caring 

may likely have changed Rosario’s educational trajectory, since the teacher 

could have invoked disciplinary action for the tardiness, that when 

compounded, could have had very negative consequences for her. Instead, 

Rosario’s teacher understood the reason for her tardiness and appreciated 

what Rosario was providing for her sibling and her family (familial 

capital). Rosario identified this teacher’s willingness to accommodate for her 

tardiness without taking punitive action as one of the factors in her early 

15                                                                      GATESOL in Action, Vol. 1, Fall 2015 
 



educational journey that promoted engagement over alienation. Indeed, 

among the main school ‘push-out’ factors and contributors to the ‘school-to-

prison pipeline’ are unreasonable and often unevenly implemented discipline 

policies. In the current era of zero-tolerance policies at schools, it is important 

for educators to see the whole child and to understand and take responsibility 

for the impacts discipline and other policies have on students, including a lack 

of opportunity to practice critical literacy, especially among students of color 

(Winn & Behizadeh, 2011).  

Recommendations for Practice 

It is the authors’ experience as educators who have worked for more than 

three decades with both pre-service and in-service teachers, that instructional 

approaches and stances that validate students’ identities, backgrounds, and 

realities while promoting and leveraging multiple types of capital are most 

likely to produce positive schooling outcomes and academic success among 

traditionally marginalized students, including English learners. The students 

placed most at risk by and within our educational systems, including English 

learners are the students most in need of highly qualified and well-prepared 

educators with the knowledge, skills, and dispositions to help them to 

succeed. With this in mind, we make the following recommendations for 

educators: 

16                                                                      GATESOL in Action, Vol. 1, Fall 2015 
 



• Offer professional learning and programs, which promote multicultural 

and multilingual curricula and primary language literacy. Emphasize 

the importance of developing academic language and leveraging a 

student’s native language in that process, including for example cognate 

study (linguistic capital). 

• The Common Core State Standards have an increased emphasis on 

informational texts, which is critically important. Here we also 

encourage the continued use of narrative in Pre-K-12 classrooms and in 

teacher preparation as a means of activating awareness of various types 

of capital and of developing the same, while honoring students’ 

developing identities. Specifically, we recommend the use of texts, 

which allow and require students to explore their developing identities 

(Cummins, 2006). This may include having students do cultural 

autobiographies, explore boundary crossing experiences, draw 

neighborhood maps with accompanying stories, compose poetry about 

where they are from, document oral histories and create cultural 

memoirs, to name a few examples (resistant and all other main types 

of capital explored here).   

• Create and expand pipeline programs, which expose first generation 

college-going students to college life, expectations and experiences. If a 

17                                                                      GATESOL in Action, Vol. 1, Fall 2015 
 



school has little experience with these programs, start small, for 

example with a month long intensive summer program and grow it 

over time. Also learn from others who have successfully implemented 

such programs and enlist the assistance of organizations with 

experience doing these programs, including but not limited to Hispanic 

Scholarship Fund (HSF), Math, Engineering and Science Achievement 

(MESA), and others (aspirational and navigational capital).  

• Do more to engage families of immigrant and all students in welcoming, 

culturally appropriate ways, especially those who have been 

traditionally marginalized within our social, economic, political, and 

educational systems.  Consider alternative models of family 

engagement such as those outlined by Allen (2007) in her work on 

creating welcoming schools and authentic family-school partnerships. 

Meet families both literally and figuratively on their turf and terms and 

in ways families identify as important. Minimally this would include 

communicating with families in the language(s) spoken by them 

(familial capital). 

From this study we can conclude that students, including English learners, 

bring with them multiple types of capital. At times these are understood, 

discovered, and cultivated by teachers, but often they are unacknowledged 

18                                                                      GATESOL in Action, Vol. 1, Fall 2015 
 



and unleveraged by teachers and schools. These multiple types of capital are 

huge assets, which encourage students to remain motivated, help them to 

learn, and allow them to succeed. The question we leave readers to ponder 

and address in their professional settings is: How can educators and schools 

allow for the co-creation of success by drawing upon what students bring as 

assets and strengths, while at the same time operating as places where 

students can acquire various types of capital and literacies that they do not 

already possess in large measure? It is our hope that meaningful discussions 

of this among educators, students, families and other community members 

might yield new insights and new ways to ‘do school’ for English learners and 

other students placed at risk. 

  

19                                                                      GATESOL in Action, Vol. 1, Fall 2015 
 



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