







































Georgian Geographical Journal 2023, Vol.3 (2) 

 

International Mobility as a Perspective for Young Graduates from 

Georgia: Analysing Employability for the German Job Market 
Magdalena Stülb1, Sofiko Dzhvarsheishvili2* 

Abstract 

This paper examines youth unemployment in Georgia and opportunities for graduates in the international labour 

market, with a special focus on Germany. It aims to address the challenges faced by young individuals in Georgia 

in accessing employment opportunities and their implications within the global job market context. Drawing upon 

the employability concept and the future skills approach, this study investigates the fit of labour market skills of 

Georgian graduates with competence expectations of companies in Germany. Methodologically, this paper relies 

on a literature review and statistical data analysis, while the empirical portion employs a mixed methods approach. 

Building on exploratory qualitative peer-group interviews, a quantitative survey was conducted among students 

and graduates in Georgia. The results of the data analysis show that Georgia also experiences alarmingly high 

rates of youth unemployment among graduates. The depopulation process is further exacerbated by substantial 

migration of the youth population from Georgia, often referred to as the "brain drain”. Simultaneously, European 

countries are witnessing a growing shortage of skilled workers, necessitating well-trained labour to navigate 
economic transformations. Studies project that Germany, for instance, may face a deficit of up to one million 

skilled workers by 2030. The results of the empirical research demonstrate that Georgian students and graduates 

reflect on different skills discourses between their national and international labour markets. They situate these in 

the specific traditional, historical and cultural contexts of the country and derive specific challenges for 

themselves. Respondents in the quantitative approach answered that they take measures to improve their 

knowledge and skills in different ways to be more competitive not only for the regional but also for the global 

market. Ultimately, the study concludes by discussing potential recommendations to alleviate youth 

unemployment in Georgia and enhance their prospects in the international job market, focusing on the case of 

Germany. 

Keywords: Youth Unemployment in Georgia, employability, skills and competences, social and cultural fit of skills expectations, 

international labour market, access to the German labour market 

Introduction 

For many years, the authors have been conducting joint projects as university lecturers with Georgian 

and German students, aiming to impart skills that provide them with an advantage in the global job 

market [1]. While the German participants generally view this project as an opportunity to expand their 
individual skills or, in some cases, as an adventure trip in the Caucasus, the participants from the 

Georgian universities often focus on concrete career prospects. 

International university projects open up opportunities for them to obtain scholarships for studies 

abroad, which in turn significantly enhance their chances in the international job market. Youth 
unemployment in Georgia is extremely high, while the German job market is currently desperately 

seeking skilled workers, with employers actively recruiting students straight out of university. This 

represents a serious difference in the career prospects and educational context of young academics. In 
the context of Georgian-German university cooperation, the authors were always faced with the 

question of whether their project could address the same competencies for all students or whether very 

different competencies should be taught for both target groups, according to their respective labour 

market specifics. 
Against the background of these experiences, this paper examines youth unemployment in Georgia 

and opportunities for graduates in the international labour market, with a special focus on Germany. It 

aims to address the challenges faced by young individuals in Georgia in accessing employment 
opportunities and their implications within the global job market context. Drawing upon the 

employability concept and the future skills approach, this study investigates the fit of labour market 

skills of Georgian graduates with competence expectations of companies in Germany. The paper raises 

 
1 Faculty of Business and Social Sciences/Hochschule Koblenz - University of Applied Sciences, Koblenz, Germany, 

stuelb@hs-koblenz.de 
2 Department of Human Geography/Vakhushti Bagrationi Institute of Geography, Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi State 
University, Tbilisi, Georgia 
* Corresponding author: sofiko.dzhvarsheishvili@tsu.ge 

 



Stülb and Dzhvarsheishvili. Georgian Geographical Journal 2023, Vol.3 (2) 

critical questions about global standards for employability skills and the role of national and local social 
and cultural specifics. Considering the exceedingly high unemployment rates among Georgian 

graduates, the inquiry examines how they assess their prospects in the international job market and 

whether their skills acquired during their studies align with the requirements of companies. 

Consequently, the paper also explores measures to reduce unemployment rates, with a focus on global 
mobility options. They will be discussed using the example of the German job market. 

Methodologically, this paper relies on a literature review and statistical data analysis, while the 

empirical portion employs a mixed methods approach. Building on exploratory qualitative peer-group 
interviews, a quantitative survey was conducted among students and graduates in Georgia. 

After the scholarly discourses on the concept of employability have been introduced, an analysis of 

selected market data from Georgia as well as data on the skills shortage in Germany will follow. 
Empirical findings will then be discussed and presented in the concluding comments. 

Contextualising employability concepts 

Employability is not a new concept but has changing connotations in recent decades. Since the 2010s, 

numerous publications and studies on this subject abound, and their prioritisations and focus are 
contingent upon the perspective and discipline they represent, often shaped by the specific economic 

and political contexts they are situated in. Employability can be examined from various angles 

associated with the requirements and interests of diverse stakeholders, including government, 

employers, students, and universities [2]. 
In the 1980s and 1990s, the predominant notion of employability lay in individuals’ productivity and 

cumulative marketability (income that they can earn) based on human, social, and cultural capital. 

According to Römgensa et al., who aim to integrate research on employability in higher education and 
the workplace, all definitions of employability ultimately revolve around an individual's (perceived) 

ability to secure and maintain employment throughout their career [3]. An employee’s expertise, 

competences, skills and motivation play a major role in this context [4]. 
This widespread focus of employability on skills and the responsibility of the individual to acquire 

these skills has been strongly criticised, especially from a globalisation-critical education and economic 

policy perspective. McGrath blames globalisation and neoliberal developments for a shift in emphasis 

away from workplace conditions to personal effort and skills [5]. He argues for a concept of “interactive 
employability”, which is based on the idea that employers and policy makers interact with individuals 

to obtain and maintain employment. “While accepting the importance of individual agency, this notion 

sought to balance personal efforts with structural factors” [6]. 
Knapton, who looks at employability from a critical education perspective, speaks of a "high-jagged 

concept" [7]. The author criticises the widely used definition of employability as skills, understanding 

and personal attributes that make individuals more likely to gain employment and be successful in their 

chosen occupations. She points out that an individual’s socioeconomic contexts will make a difference 
as to the ability of someone getting a job [7]. Both critical approaches agree that contextual factors such 

as social, economic, or structural factors must be considered in the concepts of labour market readiness. 

Shalini Singh and Soren Ehlers argue in a similar direction. They point out that in recent years, 
employability has developed as a global norm that has a great influence on the labour market 

opportunities of university graduates [8]. The authors criticise skills and competences that are 

constructed in a seemingly culture-free space. In particular, students from the Global South are 
disadvantaged in this respect. Singh and Ehlers analyse transnational policies on employability and 

identify the OECD, whose influence was first limited to high-income countries, as the most impactful 

agent in the field of employability policies. Since 2008, UNESCO and ILO policy recommendations, 

based on OECD strategies, have included low- and middle-income countries struggling with poverty 
and unemployment. “While the relatively small numbers of homogenous OECD member countries 

accepted a clear norm on employability in the beginning, the ILO provided the legitimacy needed to 

promote it globally by engaging stakeholders from a large number of heterogeneous low- and middle-
income countries” [9]. 

In the context of fundamental changes in the global labour market, a renewed debate about skills is 

observable. There is a consensus that megatrends pose major challenges for companies and require 
employees to have skills that enhance their innovation potential. As the education scientist Ulf-Daniel 

Ehlers points out, society is moving towards a new era, which he calls the postknowledge age and which 



Stülb and Dzhvarsheishvili. Georgian Geographical Journal 2023, Vol.3 (2) 

 

requires new skills, so-called future skills. Future skills are defined by Ehlers as “competences that 
allow individuals to solve complex problems in highly emergent contexts of action in a self-organised 

way and enable them to act (successfully). They are based on cognitive, motivational, volitional and 

social resources, are value-based and can be acquired in a learning process” [10]. They are embedded 

in the discourse around the goal of higher education and employability as, according to Ehlers, the goal 
of any educational process that aims at vocational aspiration of any kind. 

While Ehlers explicitly incorporates the concept of culture into his approach, it primarily pertains to 

organisational cultures and places less emphasis on the social and cultural contexts of life. Nonetheless, 
he critically highlights that the expectation should not be that all working-age individuals inherently 

possess the same high level of skills. Given the backdrop of international migration flows, the 

requirements of diverse cultures must also be considered [11]. 
 

Current social demographic challenges and threats in Georgia 

Since 1998, Georgia's National Statistics Office has been compiling labour force statistics using the 

International Labour Organisation's methodology [12]. The recent data are indeed alarming. It appears 
that Georgia is currently experiencing a significant decline in its population, which can be termed 

depopulation [13]. 

 

 
Figure 1. Population of Georgia from 2010 to 2022 (Thousand people). Data Source [14] 

This decline can be attributed to various unfavourable factors stemming from the nation's political 

and economic unrest [15]. Notably, the surge in unemployment rates [15], a noticeable trend of labour 

migration [16], and a gradual decline in birth rates [17] have all played a role in this demographic shift. 

As a result of these demographic processes, the population of Georgia in 2022 compared to 2010 
decreased by approximately 3 percent and amounted to 3,688,600 people (Fig. 1). 

The global problem of unemployment is widely recognised, and it stands as a crucial indicator for 

evaluating a country's social security and overall living conditions [18]. 
Fig. 2 illustrates the unemployment rate in Georgia over the period from 2010 to 2022. In 2021, 

unemployment rose by 2.1% to 20.6%, a noteworthy increase over the previous year. This marked the 

highest level in the past four years. Undoubtedly, the pandemic played a significant role in contributing 
to both the surge in unemployment and the decline in the number of economically active individuals 

during this period [20]. Due to the pandemic, many businesses were forced to use layoffs as a last 

choice, which led to many workers losing their jobs. These people ultimately experienced financial 

instability as a result of their struggles to cope with the difficulties of unemployment, and many of them 
consequently decided to migrate within the country to other regions or outside of their own country 

[21]. 

Based on the latest available data from the National Statistics Office of Georgia (Fig. 2), it was 
observed that in 2022, Georgia experienced a substantial decline in the unemployment rate, which 

decreased by 3.3% compared with the previous year 2021 and reached a level of 17.3%. This rate 

represents the lowest level recorded in the past ten years. 

3799.8

3773.6

3739.3

3718.4 3716.9
3721.9

3728.6
3726.4

3729.6 3723.5
3716.9

3728.6

3688.6

3620

3640

3660

3680

3700

3720

3740

3760

3780

3800

3820

2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 2021 2022



Stülb and Dzhvarsheishvili. Georgian Geographical Journal 2023, Vol.3 (2) 

 
Figure 2. Employment and unemployment rates in Georgia from 2010 to 2022 (%). Data Source [19] 

Additionally, there was a noteworthy rise in the employment rate, with an increase of 2.5 percentage 
points in 2022 in comparison to the previous year, resulting in a total of 42.9% (Fig. 2). In 2022, a total 

of approximately 1,283,700 individuals were employed. Furthermore, specific employment categories 

also saw positive changes during the postpandemic period. The number of hired individuals increased 
by 41,500 people, while the number of self-employed individuals rose by 24,900, reaching 870,900 and 

412,100, respectively. In 2022, approximately 68% were engaged in hired employment, while the 

remaining 32% were self-employed. In the same period of time, the largest proportion of the employed 

population, amounting to 20%, was found in sectors related to agriculture, fishing, forestry, hunting, 
and beekeeping. Employment in the trade sector, including automobile and household goods repair, 

accounted for 15%, and the education sector provided employment for 11% of the workforce [19]. 

The postpandemic period is characterised by the opening of borders between countries and the 
inclusion of organisations in different activities. All of these factors improved the positive dynamics of 

the tourism sector, reduced the unemployment rate and contributed to the economic growth of the 

country in 2022 [22]. 
It is important to highlight the substantial disparities in unemployment between urban and rural areas 

in Georgia. As is evident from the data provided by the National Statistics Office of Georgia, rural areas 

have a substantially lower unemployment rate than urban areas. For the year 2022 in urban areas, the 

unemployment rate reached 18.3%, while in rural regions, it was lower at 15.7% [19]. It should be noted 
that the share of self-employed people in rural areas is higher - 48.8% of total employment. In urban 

areas, it was only 20.3% because most self-employed people work in the agriculture sector [23]. In 

comparison to 2021, the employment rate in 2022 rose by 3.2 percentage points in rural areas and 2 
percentage points in urban areas [19]. Compared to other Georgian regions, in 2022, Kakheti had a 

lower unemployment rate – 9%. This is related to the fact that the majority of the local population works 

in agriculture and that a significant portion is self-employed [24]. The unemployment rate in Tbilisi 
dropped by 4.3% from the previous year to 19.5% in 2022, placing it in third place among all regions 

[19]. The capital of Georgia continues to have a large part of the country’s GDP and foreign direct 

investment, therefore, the large number of enterprises are open for society in this area [25]. This 

contributes to internal migration and, in turn, increases the unemployment rate in Tbilisi too. 
Georgia's population consisted of 17.2% young people between the ages of 15-29 in 2022. In 

comparison to the other two age groups, the proportions of young people in the population between the 

ages of 20-24 and 25-29 are nearly equal at 5.7% and 6.0%, respectively. However, the proportion of 
young people in the population between the ages of 15 and 19 is comparatively low at 5.6%. Females 

make up 52% of Georgia’s population. On the other hand, men aged 15-29 account for 52.2% of the 

population. Young men aged 15-29 make up 18.8% of the entire male population, and young women 

aged 15-29 make up 15.9% of the total female population [26]. When compared to women, men often 
have a higher unemployment rate in Georgia. This indicator among men for 2022 is 4.7 percentage 

points higher than the indicator among women for the same year [19]. 

Another important observation is that Georgia has a high youth unemployment rate [27]. Fig. 3 shows 
trends in unemployment rates in Georgia for different age groups. In general, it can be seen that in all 

years, the youth unemployment rate surpasses the unemployment rate of the general population (Fig. 

2). According to the image above (Fig. 3), those aged 15-19 in 2022 had the highest unemployment 
rates at 47.4%, followed by those aged 20-24 at 37.3% and those aged 25-29 at 22.2%. The higher rate 

of youth unemployment in the age range 15-24 could be explained by enrolment in education and for 

those 25-29 by a lack of professional specialists. Clearly, the present educational system does not 

37.5 38.3 39.6 39.4 41.4 43.3 43 42.7 42.7 42.7 41.1 40.4 42.9

27.2 27.2 26.7 26.4
23 21.9 21.7 21.6 19.2 17.6 18.5 20.6

17.3

2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 2021 2022

Employment rate Unemployemnt rate



Stülb and Dzhvarsheishvili. Georgian Geographical Journal 2023, Vol.3 (2) 

 

completely reflect the requirements of the modern labour market [28]. In Georgia, youth unemployment 
has remained high and peaked in 2021 as a result of the pandemic crisis. Another indicator is the share 

of young people not in education, employment, or training (NEETs). NEETs account for almost 30.7% 

of the total youth population aged 15-29 in 2022. In comparison with previous years, this indicator has 

decreased by approximately 4%. There were more NEETs among women than among men (34.5% and 
27.2%, respectively). Caregiving obligations for family members are the main cause of being a NEET. 

In addition, a handicap or illness may be to blame [29]. 
 

 
Figure 3. Unemployment rate by age group from 2020 to 2022 (%). Data Source [19] 

Georgia is one of the states with the highest percentage of educated workers who are unemployed 

[21]. The employment rate of recent graduates aged 20-34 in 2022 was 48.2% [19]. This suggests that 

a high percentage of the youth labour force was unemployed and unable to sustain the country's 
economy. 

In Georgia, the generation between the ages of 15 and 29 has declined by 10% during the past five 

years, and in 2022, it reached 634,100 [26]. This occurred due to a combination of factors, including 

low natural increase and substantial negative migration. The high unemployment rate and poverty in 
different regions is becoming a major driving force for the young generation to emigrate from Georgia 

[30]. This is a process known as "brain drain", and it is acute and current. This is an extremely negative 

consequence for the growth and development of the country's intellectual potential, as well as for the 
retention and increase of a highly qualified workforce [15]. 

Based on the latest available data from the National Statistics Office of Georgia, it was observed that 

the migration balance significantly decreased from (-194634) in 1994 to (-26376) in 2003 [31]. This 

means that the number of immigrants in Georgia has risen, and the number of emigrants has declined. 
This situation may be partly attributed to the fact that many fellow citizens who were abroad returned 

to their homeland after the Rose Revolution (in 2003), as the socioeconomic situation in Georgia 

improved [32]. In 2020 and 2022, the number of immigrants in Georgia surpassed the number of 
emigrants; in practical terms, we can say that this is the first time in the last twenty years that the 

migration balance in Georgia has been positive. In 2020, the migration balance was 15732, which can 

be attributed to the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. During the global pandemic, many Georgian 
citizens returned, and the local government provided assistance to facilitate their repatriation [33]. In 

2022, the migration balance was 54,509 as a result of Russia's war against Ukraine, which led to Georgia 

hosting Ukrainian refugees [34] and Russian deserters seeking refuge in the country [35]. These 

geopolitical events influenced the migration dynamics in Georgia during the specified period of time. 
Emigrants from Georgia worked abroad and used their income to support their families at home. 

According to data from the National Bank of Georgia, in August 2023, 57.7% of all money transfers 

came from different countries: 21% came from the Russian Federation, 15.7% from Italy, 14% from 
the United States, and 7% from Germany [36]. The stabilisation of the Georgian economy still depends 

heavily on remittances [37]. 

 

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60.0

15-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40-44 45-49 50-54 55-59 60-64 65+

43.9

38.3

23.2
19.9

20.8 17.9

14.9
16.1

13.7
10.7

7.3

52.2

41.0

27.8
24.5

20.0
20.4

17.0 17.8
16.0

13.8

6.0

47.4

37.3

22.2
19.9 18.3 18.0

14.3
15.2

13.3
10.9

3.6

2020

2021

2022



Stülb and Dzhvarsheishvili. Georgian Geographical Journal 2023, Vol.3 (2) 

The German job market and its requirements 

In its report "Global Employment Trends", the ILO describes an employment pattern of young people 

worldwide influenced by the Corona pandemic, which is also reflected in the comparison of the two 

countries Georgia and Germany.” Young people have been disproportionately affected by the economic 
and employment consequences of the pandemic, and as highlighted in this report, the pace of recovery 

of youth labour markets in many countries and regions is falling behind that of the labour market for 

older workers.” [38]. Upper-middle-income countries were particularly affected by high youth 
unemployment rates, while there were almost no effects in high-income countries [39,40]. 

In many countries of Western Europe, a completely different set of problems is emerging. European 

countries are witnessing a growing shortage of skilled workers, necessitating well-trained labour to 

navigate economic transformations. The lack of skilled workers is already an existential issue for many 
companies in Germany. The latest skilled labour survey indicates that there will be approximately 

240,000 more vacancies in 2026 than there will be workers available [41]. Studies project that the 

country may face a deficit of up to one million skilled workers by 2030 [42, 43]. 
 Fig. 4 illustrates the continuously declining unemployment rate among youth aged 15-25 in 

Germany from 2005 to 2022. 

 

 
Figure 4. Development of youth unemployment in Germany by age group 15-25 in % (2005 – 2022). Data Source [44] 

In September 2022, Germany presented the Federal Government's skilled labour strategy at the 

Skilled Labour Summit [45]. This initiative is aimed at attracting more skilled workers at home and 
abroad and focuses on five fields of action. In addition to the education of young people, professional 

development and training, higher labour force participation, especially among women, and an 

employee-oriented work culture, a modern immigration policy is an important element of this strategy. 
It is recognised that Germany is reliant on the immigration of foreign skilled workers and that actions 

should be taken to make immigration attractive to them [46]. 

In the meantime, Germany has concluded so-called recruitment agreements with various countries. 

There is also experience with Georgia, albeit only on a project basis. For example, the programme 
"Strengthening the Development Potential of the EU Mobility Partnership in Georgia through Targeted 

Circular Migration and Diaspora Mobilisation" was implemented from 2013-2016 [45]. Under this 

programme, 28 Georgian nurses and hospitality professionals were enrolled, and 27 were placed in 
Germany to improve their skills profile and employability for the Georgian labour market through job 

placement, employment and training in Germany [47]. The aim was to promote circular migration. This 

was defined as "the mobility of people between countries, including multiple temporary or long-term 
movements, which can be beneficial and developmental for all parties involved (migrants, countries of 

origin and destination, including the respective societies and individuals) if they are voluntary and 

linked to migrants' rights and competences and their development, as well as to the economic 

opportunities of the countries of origin and destination."[48]. The aim was therefore to prevent brain 
drain in Georgia, especially by providing incentives and means to facilitate reintegration of returned 

migrants, as well as possibilities for continued circular migration schemes [49]. 

In addition to the legal emigration barriers faced by Georgian citizens, one must consider the 
competency expectations of German companies. Key criteria for assessing competence encompass 

0.0

2.0

4.0

6.0

8.0

10.0

12.0

14.0

2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 2021 2022

12.5

10.8

8.5

7.2
8.0

6.9 6.0 6.0 6.1 5.8 5.4 5.4 5.2
4.7 4.5

5.6
4.9

4.4



Stülb and Dzhvarsheishvili. Georgian Geographical Journal 2023, Vol.3 (2) 

 

professional qualifications, language proficiency, and the ability to adapt culturally. Schneider, a 
member of the Council on Integration and Migration, refers to this challenge as the "matching problem" 

[50]. Inconsistencies, particularly in the realm of skill expectations for higher education graduates, 

become apparent. The analysis conducted by Liu-Farrer and Shire reveals that despite comparable 

educational qualifications, foreign graduates experience significantly poorer labour market prospects 
than German nationals [52]. The authors point out that Germany is taking measures to facilitate the 

entry of foreign university graduates into the job market by allowing a period of 18 months for job 

searching for non-EU graduates. According to the German foundation “Stifterverband” [51], only 25% 
of foreign students found employment in Germany in 2016. The authors explain the difficulty in finding 

suitable employment by highlighting the construction of skill expectations within national employment 

contexts. In Germany, employers expect foreign university graduates to possess identical skill sets to 
their German counterparts. "Due to culturally inflected selection, a process of labour market 

segmentation occurs in the primary labour market" [52]. This demonstrates that despite a significant 

shortage of skilled workers, having the corresponding university degree alone does not guarantee labour 

market entry for foreign graduates in Germany. 
Interestingly, this runs counter to the much-touted idea of diversity, which plays a significant role in 

companies in Germany, both in internal human resource management and in external representation 

(reputation and prestige), as advocated by the "Diversity Charta"[53]. 

Immigration patterns of Georgian Citizens in Germany and Potential Developments 

According to the Foreigners Central Register at the end of 2022, 44,390 people with Georgian 

citizenship were living in Germany [54]. 

In 2022, Georgia ranked eighth among the most common countries of origin for asylum seekers in 
the EU, with 25,935 applications [55]. In 2023, asylum applicants from Georgia ranked sixth in 

Germany, following Syria, Afghanistan, Turkey, Iran, and Iraq (in 2022, 7,963 asylum applications 

were filed by Georgians in Germany, and by April 2023, there were already 3,406 applications; Federal 
Agency for Civic Education: Demography of asylum seekers in Germany). Since 2019, Georgia has 

consistently been among the top 10 countries of origin for asylum seekers in Germany. However, since 

2020, Georgia has also been at the top of the list of destination countries with the most frequent 

deportations (in 2022: 908 deportations to Georgia, with approximately 1,000 in the previous years). 
According to the National Statistics Office of Georgia, Germany is the main destination country for 

Georgian educational migrants [56]. Krannich and Hunger explain how, with the beginning of the 21st 

century, a paradigm shift has occurred, no longer considering educational migration primarily as a brain 
drain for a country in the global south (dependency theories, theories of modernisation). Instead, an 

initial brain drain can result in a brain gain in the long term, as important skills can be acquired through 

studying abroad and relevant social and professional networks can be established [57]. An OECD report 

from 2016 also emphasises that "migration is not a precondition for development, yet it can contribute 
significantly to the development of countries of both origin and destination" [58]. 

According to Bogishvili, the main destination countries for Georgian labour migrants are primarily 

Russia, the Ukraine, the USA, and European countries [56]. Since 2017, access to the European Union 
has been facilitated for Georgian citizens. They are exempt from the visa requirement if they stay in the 

EU for a maximum of 90 days within a 180-day period [59]. Furthermore, since February 15, 2021, 

opportunities for unskilled workers have improved, as Germany allows Georgian citizens to have legal 
employment in agriculture. However, Bogishvili sees only limited chances for migration here since, 

although the "poorer, less educated, or unemployed part of the population of Georgia theoretically gets 

a chance for seasonal labour migration," they lack the necessary starting capital for travel preparation 

and application, as well as sufficient German or English language skills [56]. 
In the context of the shortage of skilled workers in Germany and the increasing recruitment and 

intergovernmental cooperation with various countries in the global south, efforts are being observed to 

promote skilled migration from Georgia to Germany. In a podcast by the German government, Joachim 
Stamp, the special representative of the federal government for migration agreements with Georgia, 

argues that this is initially motivated by the high number of asylum seekers from this country and the 

consistently high rejection rates. It is in the interest of both Germany and Georgia to end irregular 
migration. Regular migration options that are currently being negotiated with countries could play a 



Stülb and Dzhvarsheishvili. Georgian Geographical Journal 2023, Vol.3 (2) 

significant role in achieving this. Both sides focus on circular migration, similar to educational 
migration, which could have positive effects for both Georgia and Germany [60]. 

Therefore, the question of potential prospects for qualified young people from Georgia in the labour 

market in Germany will be examined in this paper. 

Results: Employability skills of Georgian graduates – Self-assessment of intercultural and 

international competences 

Against the background of the question of how graduates from Georgia meet the skills expectations 

of labour markets in countries with severe skills shortages, the authors conducted two empirical studies. 

First, explorative qualitative research was conducted with a focus group methodology to capture the 
self-assessments and experiences of Georgian graduates. For this purpose, the topic was narrowed down 

to diversity experiences and intercultural competences. The second step was a quantitative survey based 

on this. 

Qualitative Focus Group Interviews 

Between November 2021 and January 2022, three focus group sessions took place. The sample 

included students and graduates from two universities in Tbilisi, Georgia. All participants were in 

business-related disciplines (finance, business administration, marketing), and one was in anthropology. 
The sampling was carried out through initial contacts with teachers at both universities who emailed 

their students, through contacts with participants of a Georgian-German summer school and, building 

on this, through snowballing. Each focus group discussion lasted approximately 60 minutes. Due to the 
mobility limitations of the COVID-19 pandemic, the focus groups took place via video conferences and 

consisted of 4-5 participants each. 

The discussions were recorded, transcribed and coded using the analysis software MAXQDA in an 

inductive procedure. The aim was to generate insights into Georgian students' and graduates' 
understanding of diversity-related competences as well as their self-assessments of related competences 

in the national and international labour markets. 

How the topic of diversity was discussed in the focus groups is summarised in Table 1. 

Table 1 Overview Results of the Focus Group Interviews 

Category Summary Examples Results 

Contexts in 

which 

students and 

graduates 

acquire inter-

cultural and 

diversity 

competence 

experience abroad: 
summer schools, 
international exchange 
programs, studying abroad, 
travelling 
 
International and 

intercultural settings in 

Georgia: international 
students, ethnic minorities, 
 
International work experi-

ence in Georgia: working 
for international or large 
corporations in Georgia 

“I was in the plane from Turkey to Germany and 
there were a lot of baby’s in the plane, […] and 
this mothers they were still on the chair and just 
enjoying the flight and the fathers they had the 
baby’s with them all the time and they are 
walking like on the corridor of the plane and (...) 
helping the child to sleep. They were feeding 
them and I was so shocked that in Georgia you 

cannot find fathers doing like that.” (FG 2) 
 
"However, I would also say that more and more 
companies in Georgia, […] they also start the 
understating of diversity and they try to some 
kind of adapt to it and yes, I think that maybe 
majority of the companies, big companies they 
have this high understanding and high standards 
of diversity and accepting the difference. “(FG2) 

Intercultural and diversity 
experiences are gained by 
Georgian students through 
study abroad and through 
contact with international 
students and ethnic 
minorities in their own 
country. During or after 

their studies, activities in 
international companies, 
especially in Tbilisi, 
contribute to the de-
velopment of intercultural 
and diversity 
competences. 



Stülb and Dzhvarsheishvili. Georgian Geographical Journal 2023, Vol.3 (2) 

 

Discourses 

on ethnic 

minorities in 

Georgia 

Underrepresentation of 
ethnic minorities in public 
discourse 
 

Mentioned ethnic 

minorities in Georgia: 
Azeri, Armenians, Russians 
 
Few contact situations in 

everyday life, first contacts 
were mostly made at 
university or in the 

workplace 
 
Ethnic minorities living in 

specific regions 

 

Immigration of refugees is 

critically discussed in 

public 

"The first thing that comes in my mind […] is 
ethnic diversity, because there are many 
minorities in Georgia and their usually kind of 
underrepresented in public discourse and 

political sphere.” (FG 3) 
 
“We don’t talk about diversity that much … 
[minorities] try to stay quiet.” (FG3) 
 
"It is difficult of integrate minorities, like ethnic 
Armenians and Azerbaijanis, who traditionally 
live in different regions.“ (FK2) 

 
"Most people are against to accept some 
immigrants. For example, from Afghanistan. It 
was so that lots of people have to come first to 
Georgia and then from Georgia to other 
European countries or the US. So (...) there was a 
truly high discussion that we should not accept 
any like the immigrants from Afghanistan. 

“(FG2) 

Students and graduates re-
flect different discourses 
on ethnic minorities. 
While the arrival of 

international refugees was 
discussed rather 
negatively in Georgian 
society, the attitude 
towards ethnic minorities 
in the country, such as 
Azeris, Armenians or 
Russians, was described 

as rather reserved. All in 
all, the social and political 
discourse on minorities is 
described as rather critical 
to distanced. 

Discourses 

on Gender 

roles in 

Georgia 

Traditional role 

expectations of women 

and men 

 
 
 
Poorer career 

opportunities for women 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 

"There is some kind of pressure against, I guess 
because maybe in Georgia still people consider 
that women should be in the families, they should 
not work hard or be manager or something like 
that. (FG1) 
 
"Right now, I am learning computer engineering 

... coding. In addition, all the time I hear from 
man and women, that this in only man’s job. In 
addition, women do not have enough brain for 
this …” (FG1) 
 
"It is fact that the salary of men is much higher. 
(…) In general, men are more appreciated at the 
highest career in general, not for all company.” 

(FG2) 

Young people see 
themselves caught 
between the traditional 
role expectations of so-
ciety and their own role 
concepts which are also 
oriented towards ideals 

specific to international 
peer groups. They 
describe barriers living 
their own role models, 
both in their own families 
and in the Georgian 
working environment. 

Discourses 

on 

generational  

gaps 

Disruptions of political 

systems causes different 

value orientation between 

generations 

“Its a difference between my mother and me 
because I'm 25. In addition, I just got married 
right now. In addition, my mother was only 14." 
(FG1) 
 
"If you look in georgian history ... approximately 
20 years ago the country was part of the USSR ... 

and it was communist ... and in communism we 
had such kind of different thinking, that I cannot 
understand today. In addition, in communism, 
our parents were raised and they lived in 
communism. Therefore, this has also a meaning 
for them.” (FG1) 

Students and graduates 
show understanding for 
intergenerational 
differences, explaining 
them with the disruptive 
experiences of their 
parents' and grandparents' 

generation. Their 
orientation towards values 
that were taught in the 
Soviet Union differs 
significantly from their 
own values. 

Differences 

between 

urban and 

rural areas 

Rural population is more 

conservative 

"Georgian people are more conservative, so and 

in the past ages we truly had men-oriented 
families. We do not have it right now; I mean just 
in big cities. In villages unfortunately still there 
are such kind of families. Therefore, everything is 
under males’ supervision and under men’s 
commands.” (FG3) 
 

Not only between genera-

tions but also between 
urban and rural areas, 
students and graduates 
perceive large differences 
in value orientations. 

 

Participants reflect on different diversity discourses (between Georgia and other countries), situate 

them in the specific traditional, historical and cultural contexts of the country and derive specific 

challenges for themselves. 
Using the example of a participant, referred to as Natela, this case aims to illustrate the significance 

of diversity skills within international corporations. Natela holds a Bachelor's degree in Business 

Administration from Georgia and has secured a position within a transnational corporation located in 



Stülb and Dzhvarsheishvili. Georgian Geographical Journal 2023, Vol.3 (2) 

Tbilisi. This organisation globally espouses a commitment to diversity values and annually publishes 
Diversity and Inclusion reports, emphasising its dedication to nurturing a diverse workforce and 

creating a collaborative, equitable, and inclusive environment where every individual, regardless of 

their appearance, origin, or whom they love, is afforded a voice. Natela expresses appreciation for the 

support she receives as a young woman within the company but also finds it disconcerting when an 
older male colleague does not receive similar support. She reasons that the older colleague has a family 

to support, while she herself still resides with her parents. Additionally, Natela highlights discrepancies 

between societal and corporate values, citing the treatment of homosexuality as an example. She notes 
that openly acknowledging one's homosexuality in Georgia is challenging and is rarely tolerated by 

society. Simultaneously, she observes the company's commitment to accepting diverse sexual 

orientations through its statements. At times, she finds it challenging to navigate the boundary between 
her professional and personal life. 

Quantitative survey 

The results of the qualitative exploratory study were utilised and expanded upon to create a 

questionnaire. The survey was conducted using Google Forms and was available online from August 
1, 2022, to September 7, 2022. The survey access link was sent to approximately 100 students from 

faculties of different universities of Tbilisi, including those in Bachelor's, Master's, and PhD programs, 

along with a brief explanation and a request for their participation. The total number of responses 

received was 46, which could be included in the evaluation. 
The questionnaire consisted of 37 questions. 

Key characteristics of the respondents: 

• The age distribution was as follows: 15% were between 18 and 23 years old, 57% 

between 24 and 30 years old, 24% between 31 and 39 years old, and 4% between 40 and 
45 years old. 

• Regional distribution: Most of the participants were from the capital city of Tbilisi 

(68%), 13% from Imereti, 7% from Shida Kartli, 4% from Kvemo Kartli, and 2% each 

from four other regions of Georgia. 

• Educational qualifications: 31% of the participants held a Bachelor's degree, 52% held a 
Master's degree, and 17% held a PhD. 

• Enrolled at Universities: 83% of all participants either currently study or have studied at 

TSU (Tbilisi State University). The remaining participants were distributed across seven 

other universities in Georgia. In total, 87% were associated with business and economics 

disciplines. 

• Experiences abroad: Only half of the respondents had been abroad, 63% of them in 
Germany. The maximum duration of their stay abroad was 2 years, and the minimum 

was one week. 

• Job experience: 87% of the respondents worked for a company, and 80.4% had a job 

during their studies. 
Interestingly, after graduation, 93.5% of the respondents found a job. However, only 87% had a job 

in their field of study or in a position corresponding to their qualification. 

In response to the question “Did you experience barriers in accessing the labour market?”, 43.5% 
answered “yes”. While 10 respondents awarded 5 out of 10 possible points to assess the difficulty of 

accessing the labour market, 18 participants indicated higher values and thus greater barriers (Fig.5). 

 

 
 Figure 5. The scale of difficulty accessing the labour market 

2
3

5 5

10

3

8
7

2
1

0

2

4

6

8

10

12

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

N
u

m
be

r 
o

f 

re
sp

on
d

en
ts



Stülb and Dzhvarsheishvili. Georgian Geographical Journal 2023, Vol.3 (2) 

 

 
When asked why they were unsuccessful in finding a job, respondents gave different answers: 60.4% 

reported a lack of experience, 4.3% a lack of computer skills, 4.3% language barriers and 11% nepotism. 

It is important to consider the responses in the context of the survey period, which was the COVID-

19 pandemic. Thus, more than half made a connection with the economic situation caused by the 
pandemic. Fifty-two percent of respondents thought that COVID-19 impacts made it more difficult to 

find a job because there were fewer vacancies than before, many small companies and businesses no 

longer existed, many companies had financial problems, and they reduced their costs, so they fired some 
employees. A total of 10.9% of the respondents lost their job due to the COVID-19 pandemic. 

We asked the participants if they were informed about the reasons for rejections of their job 

application. Thirty-seven percent answered that they lacked specific competences, 10.9% were told that 
they were not qualified, and 6.5% answered that they lacked networks. 

A total of 73.9% of the respondents had been invited to job interviews 5-10 times, and 95.7% thought 

that they met the expectations of the interviewer. 

When asked “Which competences did the interviewer investigate in?” most of the interviewees 
indicated job-specific competences, communication and technological skills (Fig. 6). 

 

 
Figure 6. 

 
According to their self-assessment, 95% of respondents think that they meet the competence 

expectations of the national labour market, and only 76.1% think that they meet the competence 

expectations of the international labour market. Approximately 30.4% think that they lack knowledge 
of foreign languages, 17.4% think that they lack computer programming skills and 6.5% think that they 

do not have enough knowledge in finance. The participants attribute this to their study programs, which 

did not provide sufficient skills. 
When asked to compare Georgian students with those from other countries, 52.2% of the 

respondents are convinced that students from other countries are better qualified for international jobs. 

In their opinion, other students gain more practical experience in the framework of their education. In 

addition, Georgian respondents consider students from other countries to be better trained in analytical 
and critical thinking and more independent in what they do. Interestingly, another 47.8% expected no 

differences in the knowledge level of the students from other countries. 

Most of the interviewees think that specific disadvantages for Georgian students are the lack of EU 
residence permission, insufficient funding and support from government. 

In addition to focusing on perceived deficiencies, 63% of the respondents feel that Georgian 

graduates have skills that are not valued or recognised in international companies, including better 

Technical knowledge
11%

Specific 
39%

Responsibility
5%

No answer
13%

Communication, 
knowledge of different  

languages 
22%

Research experience; 
Analytical skills

4%

Public speaking, time 
management

4%
Knowledge of finance

2%

Technical knowledge

Specific

Responsibility

No answer

Communication, knowledge of
different  languages

Research experience; Analytical skills

Public speaking, time management

Knowledge of finance



Stülb and Dzhvarsheishvili. Georgian Geographical Journal 2023, Vol.3 (2) 

communication skills than students from other countries, being more open minded, and ready to work 
hard. 

Almost all respondents answered that they take measures to improve their knowledge and skills in 

different ways to be more competitive not only for the regional but also for the global market. 

 

Discussion 

The results show that students and graduates from Georgia describe strengths and weaknesses 

compared to international peer groups. This became evident during the focus group discussions where 

participants highlighted varying discourses on the topic of diversity in transnational and Georgian 
companies. They attribute these differences to distinct historical developments and traditional value 

orientations. They view Georgian society as being in transition in this regard. While the older generation 

is still influenced by their experiences in the former Soviet Union, the younger generation increasingly 
aligns with European values. However, participants do not describe coherent processes of change but 

emphasise the coexistence of different currents. They point out significant disparities between rural and 

urban regions, between conservative, church-oriented values, and liberal attitudes, even among young 
people, as well as among ethnic groups. 

According to the participants, growing up in a so-called transitional society leads to a positioning 

between traditional roots and cosmopolitan curiosity and openness. On the one hand, they value this as 

social and cultural capital that enables them to acquire competencies such as mediation skills, empathy, 
and flexibility for an international work environment. However, they are also aware that this tension 

can require them to take positions and may lead to breaks with tradition or rejection of so-called 

"modern" lifestyles. 
The quantitative survey also indicates that Georgian students and graduates perceive different 

competency expectations between the national and international job markets. While 95% feel well 

prepared for the national job market, only 76% believe they are adequately equipped for the 
international job market. This is attributed to the lack of specific competency development in their 

education, which is more focused on knowledge dissemination. 

The empirical study confirms that Georgian graduates perceive limitations in their competitiveness 

in the global labour market. They believe that the skills and competencies expected there are not 
acquired through their education and experiences in the national labour market. The higher education 

system is primarily called upon to prepare young graduates for the international labour market. It 

becomes crucial to ensure that young people receive qualifications that correspond to the demands of 
the labour market. This applies not only to Georgian universities. As mentioned at the beginning, the 

education system is also undergoing transformations in employee-labour markets that are aligned, for 

example, with concepts such as Ehlers' Future-Skills approach. This significantly stronger focus in 

university education, which is less centred on the imparting of factual knowledge and more on 
developing personality-, world-, and organisation-oriented competencies, enables young individuals to 

cultivate more flexible and future-oriented skills. 

As the study also shows, international mobility plays a major role in the acquisition of skills. This 
was emphasised by the students in the focus group interviews, in which they referred to important 

experiences during a study or project abroad. This points to the question of whether increasing circular 

labour migration in general may not also be an important prospect for young graduates in Georgia. This 
offers the chance of a qualified job and the acquisition of important professional skills, and it contributes 

to the reduction of unemployment rates in Georgia. Here, however, the risk of brain drain must be 

considered, which requires well-managed circular migration programs. It can be assumed that many 

people from Georgia, who currently live and work in Germany or in other countries, have the desire to 
return to their country of origin at some point to make a contribution there. For example, the German 

Society for International Cooperation has launched the Migration & Diaspora program, which assists 

migrants in Germany in returning to their home country. This programme also encourages 
businesspeople with migration histories to invest in their home countries. Entrepreneurs create jobs and 

contribute to the economic and social development of their communities by using the knowledge and 

creative business concepts acquired abroad. Therefore, maintaining and improving Georgian-German 
economic and political relations can have positive impacts for both countries. However, Georgia should 



Stülb and Dzhvarsheishvili. Georgian Geographical Journal 2023, Vol.3 (2) 

 

take measures to make the return of labour and education migrants as attractive as possible so that they 
can bring back the expertise they have acquired abroad. 

Finally, the survey also highlights that participant believe they possess competencies that are not 

valued in international companies. This is also confirmed by Liu-Farrer and Shire for Germany, since 

they describe from the employers' perspective that "foreign" cultural capital appears to be perceived 
more as a disruptive factor. This reveals that both employers and globally mobile professionals must 

develop an awareness of specific cultural capital. Only by doing so can diversity be actively harnessed 

for the benefit of the organisation, and individuals can be valued. 

Conclusion 

The starting point of this work was the significantly differing labour market conditions for young 

people with academic degrees in Germany and Georgia and approaches to concepts of employability. 

While students from economics and business-related fields in Germany represent a coveted and scarce 
resource in an employee market, this group experiences extreme obstacles in an employer market in 

Georgia in regard to finding a position corresponding to their qualifications. As a result, Georgian 

university graduates exhibit a high willingness to seek employment in the European or international job 
market. 

Therefore, the question arises of how well Georgian universities prepare their students for the 

international job market and/or how a so-called "skills fit" is represented beyond formal degrees. How 

do the skills of Georgian graduates match the skills expectations of international employers? This 
question was discussed in this paper with reference to the employability concept and the consideration 

of social and cultural capital in employer competency expectations, using the German job market as an 

example. The results from empirical research conducted by the authors with students and graduates 
from Georgia were included. 

In the literature review, the authors primarily focused on critical perspectives on employability 

approaches that construct employability skills as a global norm. Their detachment from the social and 
cultural specifics of living and working environments is seen as a disadvantage for graduates from the 

Global South. Furthermore, it became apparent that companies also implement ethnocentric recruitment 

measures. Liu-Farrer and Shire reveal that recruitment and training practices in Germany display 

homophilous tendencies, expecting foreign graduates to possess the same skill sets or act exactly as 
native workers do. [52] 

To understand the perspective of employees, an empirical study was conducted with Georgian 

graduates. In both the qualitative and quantitative parts, it became clear that differences were perceived 
between the local and international labour markets, especially in the area of soft skills. While graduates 

felt sufficiently equipped for the national labour market, they see deficits with regard to competence 

expectations of employers in other countries or transnational companies. Additionally, some skills were 

identified as culturally specific competitive advantages but were not recognised as such by international 
companies. 

Employability concepts in the context of global skilled migration cannot ignore culture. They must 

first acknowledge that education, whether at the primary, tertiary, or vocational levels, does not occur 
in a culture-neutral space but is always embedded in societal value systems. Even in an increasingly 

internationalised work environment, country-specific peculiarities persist and must be incorporated into 

concepts of employability. Only then can cultural capital be recognised and valued as a resource of 
mobile professionals. Finally, the authors strongly believe that young people in particular, who 

experienced social and economic transitions and uncertainties in their lives, definitely gained 

pronounced components of future skills and are equipped for highly emergent contexts of action. 

 
Regarding the challenges described for young graduates in Georgia, the following educational and 

labour policy recommendations can be made.: 

• Reinforcing circular migration for young graduates from Georgia to avoid brain drain but to 
grant a return on investment for the Georgian government 

• Equipping students with qualifications and competences needed in the international labour 

market 
• Strengthening international labour mobility of young Georgians with economic funding 



Stülb and Dzhvarsheishvili. Georgian Geographical Journal 2023, Vol.3 (2) 

Since the authors agree with McGrath’s idea of interactive employability, they also believe 
companies that hire international professionals have an obligation to adjust their skills expectations. 

They recommend an increased awareness of cultural capital that can function as a resource for their 

company culture. 

Finally, we will briefly discuss the limitations of this work. Empirical qualitative and quantitative 
research was conducted during the COVID-19 pandemic. These particular conditions of uncertainty and 

changing global conditions certainly had an impact on the participants' responses. The qualitative group 

discussions could only take place via videoconference and not in person. For the survey, e-mails were 
sent to students who were mostly with their families at the time of the survey. Here, repeating the survey 

under nonexception conditions would certainly be useful. In addition, supplementary studies at the 

direct interface between employers in Germany and applicants from Georgia would provide further 
insights. 

Competing interests 

The authors declare that they have no competing interests. 

Authors’ contribution 

M.S. and S.D. conceived of the presented idea. M.S. and S.D. performed the analytic calculations. 
M.S. took the lead in writing the manuscript. All authors provided critical feedback and helped shape 

the research, analysis and manuscript. 

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