INTRODUCTION Job satisfaction is dened as the worker's attitude towards his or her job (Peiró, 2000), which is based on the worker's beliefs and values. Herzberg says there are factors that generate satisfaction and others that avoid job dissatisfaction. Satisfaction or intrinsic generators include job content, accomplishments, and responsibility. And among those who only avoid dissatisfaction, it places company policies, the physical environment and safety at work (Smerek and Peterson, 2007). Other authors such as Cook and Spector refer that job satisfaction is generated by: 1) Characteristics of work (Nature of work, autonomy, responsibility, rewards, payment, promotions, recognition), 2) Interpersonal relationships (Colleagues, bosses, supervisors), 3) Organizational factors (Policies, promotional opportunities, procedures, working conditions), and 4) Personal aspects (Internal motivation, moral values) (Cuadra & Veloso, 2007). Studies on job satisfaction generally refer to "typical" determinants of work, i.e. labour law (with salary, guarantees and social protections established and inherent in a contract). Thus, quantitative studies present satisfactories such as the amount of salary (Mahendran and Devanesan (2013); promotional opportunities (Delgado, Inzulza and Delgado (2012) and involvement with the company (Rico, 2012). And the results of qualitative studies, they afrm that job satisfaction varies with the hierarchical level of workers: at the bottom, they value more the amount of wages; at the middle level, professional development; and in the superior, the status (Galanou, Georgakopoulos, Sotiropoulos and Vasilopulos, 2011). Also, they present work as "satisfactory, fun and fantastic", because they have variety in the tasks and recognition of their work (Navarro, Roche & Fuentes, 2012), and as a result of working conditions such as comfort at work, (stability and schedules); sufcient remuneration and freedom or autonomy to work (Lopez-García, 2016). On the other hand, the concept of precariousness in terms of work, is started to be used in France since the 70-80s, referring mainly to those "atypical" works that do not have a contract of indeterminate duration (Bouffartigue and Busso, 2009). However, there are a wide variety of atypical jobs with signicant differences (Louie, Ostry, Quinlan, Keegel, Soveller & Lamonagne, 2006). Castillo (2012) mentions that it refers to wage-earning and non-employee occupations characterized by low quality, instability in employment and poor income or remuneration security. For its study, ESOPE (2005) proposes four dimensions: 1) Temporary, that is, the degree of certainty that the employee has about his work, that is what type of contract he has, and how long it is expected to last. 2) Organizational, the control that can had at the individual and / or collective level of their working conditions, schedules, shifts and calendars, intensity of work, salary, health and safety. 3) Economic: Sufcient and progressive wage. 4) Social: legal protection against unfair dismissals, discrimination and unacceptable working practices, and social protection (social security benets, health, accidents, unemployment insurance). Finally, Mora and Oliveira (2009) take up these dimensions and build a synthetic index of precariousness: stability (determined time contract), salary and social protection. Studies related to this type of work mention that the factor that generates the greatest stress in this type of work is insecurity at work (Inoue, Tsurugano, Nishikitani & Yano, 2010). Precariousness in Mexico is catalogued within informal work. Mexico's National Occupational and Employment Survey (ENOE) notes that the informally occupied population is the workplace vulnerable by the nature of the economic unit in which it works and/or whose employment link or dependence does not give it access to social security or is not recognized by its source of work. Includes the independent working mode (employers and self-employed). This survey shows that, during the rst quarter of 2019, 30.8 million people with informal work were registered in our country, or 56.9% of the occupied population (INEGI, 2019). As for the independent artists participating in this research are part of this informal working group. Studies such as Guadarrama-Olivera, Hualde-Alfaro & López-Estrada (2012) already refer to the work of musicians in Mexico as a precarious job, since they mostly perform multiple jobs, transient and without some kind of performance or social security. García-Canclini (2012) refers that it is young people who have taken on the role as producers and consumers of culture. They consume, create, and communicate over unconventional networks. All this through self-employment, covering the inability of the current economic model to incorporate new generations into the labour market. That is why this research is presented, in order to establish the theoretical construction that according to their "precarious work", have been developed by independent artists from Mexico City. METHOD It was chosen to address this study to the qualitative methodology of grounded theory. Its basic concepts are: theoretical sampling and theoretical saturation; the constant JOB SATISFACTION AND PRECARIOUSNESS IN INDEPENDENT ARTISTS OF MEXICO CITY Original Research Paper María del Carmen López-García Escuela Nacional de Medicina y Homeopatía, Instituto Politécnico Nacional, México Medicine The objective of this study was to analyze the construction of the concept of job satisfaction through the perception of their working conditions in independent artists. We will consider all those occupations characterized by instability, insecurity in remuneration, and lack of social security within the concept of job precariousness. As a method it was applied Grounded Theory. The sample was integrated with independent artists from Mexico City. In-depth interviews were applied and the data obtained were analyzed with ATLAS-ti software. The results reveal that the participating artists, although they perceive their precarious working conditions, like their work and assume their shortcomings as something necessary to what they must face in order to work in Mexico, within that eld. ABSTRACT KEYWORDS : job satisfaction, grounded theory, precarious work. VOLUME-8, ISSUE-12, DECEMBER-2019 • PRINT ISSN No. 2277 - 8160 • DOI : 10.36106/gjra 96 X GJRA - GLOBAL JOURNAL FOR RESEARCH ANALYSIS comparative method; open, axial and selective coding; memos and theoretical sensitivity (Vivar et al., 2010). In-depth interviews were conducted for the collection of information, with open, generating questions, which allowed participants to respond on their own terms and for their answers to serve as the basis for deepening. The Atlas.ti program was used for the analysis of the data. With the help of it, the appointments were codised and the categories were integrated with the form of job satisfaction. The selection criteria that were considered for the participants are: that they were artists, without some kind of employment contract greater than three months, who lived predominantly from their creative work, and lived in Mexico City. Finally, the exhibition was integrated with ten artists: ve of the male sex and ve, of the female. None of them have a stable partner. Only one refers to an economic dependent. Your socio-demographic data is presented in Table 1 Table – 1 Socio-demographic Data Of Participants Source: direct It is interesting that all but two, have bachelor's level and that it is women, who have the highest academic level. However, even those without bachelor's degree, have extensive preparation in their area that they have acquired as apprentices with the experts of the area, as in the old cultures. RESULTS Below are the emerging categories related to their working conditions and their resulting job satisfaction. Working Conditions was the emerging category of this research, which is decisive in the theoretical construction of the satisfaction of participating independent artists. Working conditions jointly the perceptions that participants have of their employment situation. Integrate the resulting codes of the categories: Work by projects, You must diversify, I do not have xed schedule, I take care of myself and My house - my workplace. The results are shown in Figure 1. Fig 1: Job satisfaction categories They are then reviewed and presented by each of the built-in categories. Category 1. Work by projects (29 codes) This category highlights the temporality of its activities. In general, they claim that their income is very uctuating. They refer to funding or having received at some point in their lives, government grants with a maximum duration of three years. Also, for the scholarships offered when undergoing graduate studies. They also say they work for orders, with payment informally, without xed contract. They only have a contract when their services are required for a festival, although payment in these cases is for fees. Painters also work with dealers or gallerists, who require up to 50% of their work payment. In some cases there is family support, for maintenance costs. Although they say they are used to it, they generally lament, "On a creative level, it is a burden the lack of xed income". And they claim that their success as artists, does not assure them that they will win well. Category 2. You must diversify (28 codes) They say that, in order to be an artist, they must diversify and perform multiple activities. Among the basic ones are musical performance and composition, dance, singing, sculpture, painting, drawing, animation for short lms and advertising. And they perform complementary tasks such as acting, modeling, university teaching and in workshops, carpentry, drawing design and curatorship for cultural events. All these for maintenance and to be able to nance their artistic project. Category 3. I do not have xed hours (19 codes) In this sense, they like to be freelance, because they say they can accommodate their schedules, since they need rest periods, which say "They are part of the creation process". They explain: "Sometimes, I spend time just watering plants, reecting and waiting for the idea…" or: "I spend days and nights working and then... nothing." And they say, "Sometimes I don't even realize that I'm still working and I'm still working and I forget that I have to rest.” Category 4. I take care of myself (9 codes) In this category it is clear that its lack of benets in terms of social security and health at work. They refer to health effects as a result of their work such as "I feel stressed because I'm on many projects," or when they narrate, "We have to set up scenarios in very different forums and we have to improvise and multiply, but if something happens, there is no insurance... One is responsible for our own actions and their consequences on health.” 5. My house and workplace (9 codes) Also, some said to have a workshop, almost always a house or department enabled for it. Others ensured that the same place where they lived, served as a house, workshop, and even as a winery where to store all their implements. Despite all this, they said, "I love my job, it has to do with ideas coming out of me", "I love to share". And; "I'm grateful to do what I do, but it's hard, although it could be very easy in other circumstances.” CONCLUSIONS In general, these workers perform "atypical" work without contract or benets. Scholarships for funding are temporary and do not provide them with any health care or social security services in case of illness or accident. So, neither, a space to work according to your needs. According to Herzberg's two- factor theory, it is observed that these workers value their intrinsic factors such as labour content and achievements, more than extrinsic ones, which are signicantly diminished. This, in obvious disregard with the results of job satisfaction studies carried out with those who perform a "typical" work. This because, the satisfactory of the participating independent artists are more related to their autonomy and self-realization, they like to share theself and give up their ideas. Although there is agreement on satisfactories such as safety at work and wages, mentioned in investigations of Mahendran and Devanesan (2013), Galanou et al. (2011) and López-García (2016). VOLUME-8, ISSUE-12, DECEMBER-2019 • PRINT ISSN No. 2277 - 8160 • DOI : 10.36106/gjra X 97GJRA - GLOBAL JOURNAL FOR RESEARCH ANALYSIS We consider that this is a precarious work according to the dimensions of ESOPE (2005) of temporality, organizational, economic and social. And it is consistent with Guadarrama- Olivera, Hualde-Alfaro and López-Estrada (2012), as to the need to carry out multiple activities, of a temporary nature and little remuneration that these art workers have, despite the high preparation who is required of them to carry out their activities. However, despite their precarious conditions these young people like not to be subject to a xed schedule, since their work rate is also not xed and goes according to their creativity. They also believe that if they wish to engage in this work, they must agree to do so within informality, with their "atypical" aspects. REFERENCES: 1. Castillo, D. (2001). The new precarious, women or men? 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