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Music and Charismatic/Pentecostal Worship: Nigerians’ 

Instrument of Achieving Peace of Mind in the Midst of 

Difficulties 

 

By 

Jude Toochukwu Orakwe 

 

 

ABSTRACT 

Nigeria has passed through lots of social upheavals, economic difficulties 

and political instability ever since her independence in 1960. Nigerians 

have suffered and continue to suffer in patience!  But one can also recall 

that similar – if not lesser pains – experienced in some Arab countries gave 

rise to the so-called Arab Spring. Among the causes of the Arab Spring 

are: political corruption, human right violations, inflation, kleptocracy, 

unemployment and ultimately the self-immolation of one Mohammed 

Bouazizi in Tunisia on 17 December 2010. In summary, the so-called Arab 

Spring affecting countries like Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Yemen, Syria, etc. 

was a chain of unprecedented violent revolution against the socio-political 

status quo. The question remains: why has Nigeria not erupted in the 

flames of revolution given that the same causes of the Arab Spring – and 

even much more – have always remained with Nigerians? Why have 

Nigerians not risen up against the oppression and insensitivity of the 

political/ruling class?  Answering this question in this paper, by analyzing 

Nigerians’ personal experiences using hermeneutical and 

phenomenological theories and methods, I argue that Nigerians have 

employed and still employ charismatic/Pentecostal music as their 

instrument of negotiating their way through all the difficulties they go 

through and achieving peace of mind in the midst of these difficulties. 

Keywords: Charismatic/Pentecostal movement, worship, music, 

negotiation, phenomenological method  

 

INTRODUCTION 

Narrative theology stands as one of the backbones or mainstay of 

Pentecostal/charismatic Christianity in Nigeria. Conceptually speaking, 

Harvey defines narrative theology as a theological current that:  



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…examines the relationship between narrative as a literary form and 

theological reflection. It is a relationship derived from the basic 

observation that it is in reading, telling and interpretation of 

narratives that humans derive communal and personal identity as 

well as provide for meaningful activity in the world (Harvey 2008, p. 

598).  

Harvey’s definition serves to show that narrative theology, among other 

things, embraces personal-faith stories and experiences. In this guise, one 

can easily observe that narrative theology influences not only the manner 

of preaching in Nigerian churches, especially in Pentecostal/charismatic 

prayer meetings, but also the framing of songs that are often used for 

worship in Nigerian Christian communities. My emphasis in this essay is 

on the aspect of composition and use of call-response gospel choruses in 

Nigerian churches. 

ETHNOGRAPHIC REPORT 

Before proceeding, I want to give an ethnographic account of a live church 

worship that I experienced on October 31, 2012 as I was preparing to 

embark on my doctoral dissertation research in the field of 

ethnomusicology. It was at the Holy Trinity Catholic Church, Isashi, 

Lagos. There was the burning of the written petitions of the church 

members by the priest at the end of what is known as the October 

devotion. As the burning was being done, there came up a most energetic 

outburst of praise-worship songs led by one Ngozi (an Igbo lady married 

with two children). I had never seen such a gifted chorus leader as Ngozi. 

Somebody informed me that normally, as soon as she starts singing, she 

goes out of herself. “A kind of entering into altered state of 

consciousness?” I queried myself. Probably so, because during the church 

service, she seemed to have entered into the world of what she was singing 

(See Titon 2008, p. 31ff) and freely manipulated the singing to and fro, 

tonally bending her voice with such ease and moving from one song to 

another. She instructed the congregation on what to do: dancing, clapping, 

making inyanga (exhibiting pride in a “holy way”) and the congregation 

obeyed in chorus with an astounding blind obsequiousness.  

Two songs in Pidgin English performed to the accompaniment of 

percussive instruments were especially outstanding. The first has the 

following lyrics: 

Solo: Why I no go make inyanga?  

Chorus: Why I no go make inyanga?  

Solo: Why I no go make shakara?  

Chorus: Why I no go make shakara? Jesus na my papa, Mary na my 



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mother, Holy Ghost na my director, why I no go make inyanga?  

 

(Why will I not show off? Why will I not be prideful? Jesus is my 

Father. Mary is my mother. Holy Ghost is my director. Why will I 

not show off?) 

The second song goes thus: 

Solo: Me I no go suffer. I no go beg for bread (x2). God of miracle, 

Chorus: Na my papa-o 

Solo: God of miracle,  

Chorus: Na my papa-o.  

 

(I will not suffer nor beg for bread [because] God of Miracle is my 

Father.)  

These songs were rendered with a highly polyrhythmic and heterophonic 

sound of Nigerian native instruments that kept the worshipping audience 

rocking with energetic body movement and worship dancing. The whole 

scenario triggered off in me a reflection that has marks of 

phenomenological epoche. I sensed the need to treat the religious 

performance of the Isashi worshippers as an “important and critical data” 

(Stone 2008, p. 165), while phenomenologically bracketing all “prejudices 

and schematisms” (http://www.zenit.org). 

DEALING WITH PREJUDICE  

Previously, because of my philosophical and theological formation, I used 

to regard these songs as couched in vulgar and liturgically unacceptable 

language. I used to reason about the wrong theology inherent in the first 

song: Why I no go make inyanga, which addresses Jesus as “Papa” 

whereas, as the second Person of the Blessed Trinity, he is the Son. One 

version of the song addresses the Holy Ghost as “my brother” which 

sounded to me like arrant nonsense. With regard to the second song, I saw 

it as expressing an irrational craze for miracle in its persistent invocation 

of the “God of miracle… na my papa,” especially given its insistence “Me 

I no go suffer…” The fact that these two songs were couched in Pidgin 

English – in my reasoning – did not help matters given that Pidgin English 

is often regarded in Nigeria as language of the illiterate and uneducated 

folks!   

However, within the particular context of the worship at Holy Trinity, 

Isashi, I was struck to the depth by the sincerity and unpretentiousness 

with which the members of the congregation rendered and physically 

dramatized these songs under the musical leadership of Ngozi, who 

seemed to wield an uncanny moral sway over the worshiping participants. 



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It was a performance that was coming from the profundity of their 

experiences both as individuals and as a community. Can these simple and 

sincere folks just be dismissed with the wave of hands just on the basis of 

philosophical or even theological ratiocination that deliberately fails to 

take into consideration their unique sitz-im-leben? This calls into focus the 

necessity of ethnographically appraising their culturally founded system of 

worship with the approach of phenomenology. 

PHENOMENOLOGIST APPROACH  

Ethnomusicologists have felt much drawn to “sociological 

phenomenology” that evolved in the literary works of Alfred Schutz 

(1971a, pp. 159-178, 1979b, pp. 179-200). Musically speaking, 

sociological phenomenology makes two assumptions, namely: “Music can 

be regarded as occurring within a ‘finite province of meaning.’ Durée, or 

inner time, is the central focus of the musical experience” (Stone 2008, p. 

168). The first assumption implies that music occurs in a marked-off world 

that has its own logic apart from the logic of everyday manner of living. 

For example, in music, motion and time are virtual but in the world of 

practical everyday living, these spatio-temporal factors are real. In 

speaking of inner time, Schutz refers to that qualitative experience of time 

that defies quantification.  

Schutz’s characterization of qualitative time experience is especially, 

though not exclusively, true of African religious music. It is true of 

worship performance at Holy Trinity, Isashi, because from my 

observation, the central concern of the worshipers was not how long the 

worship lasted but its quality. With the quality established by the singing, 

there was – in my opinion – a flight from the normal chronometric time 

into the inner qualitative time of the music such that left to the worshipers, 

the worship could as well last into the night. I then saw it as my duty as an 

ethnographer to hold on to “this qualitative time as a primary point of 

analysis [given that] it is here that experience is at its most intense” (Stone 

2008, p. 168). This flight into qualitative time is very pivotal for 

understanding how Nigerians religiously use charismatic/Pentecostal 

worship and religious music making as a tool of negotiating through their 

life difficulties. By flight into the virtual time of religious music, social 

problems and even the exigency to tackle these problems headlong are 

literally swept under the carpet or flushed into the septic tank of oblivion.  

TOWARDS A HERMENEUTIC RE-EVALUATION  

Now, armed with the tool of phenomenology – with its emphasis on 

shelving off prejudices – the crucial question is: how does one interpret the 



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music making I experienced? How does one interpret lots of the 

charismatic and Pentecostal music making going on in many of the 

mainline churches and minor denominational sects?  

I was in Isashi Lagos for more than a month, between the middle of 

October and late November in 2012 (because of the delay in the processing 

of my visa to Italy) and also for a few weeks between February and March 

2013 (when I came back to renew my visa) and personally experienced the 

difficulty of living in an area that is usually full of flood and stagnant 

water, riddled with the problem of epileptic supply of electricity together 

with the difficulty of general transportation. It then dawned on me, without 

much discursive reasoning, what the worshiping congregation meant as 

they were singing: “Me I no go suffer…” or “Why I no go make 

inyanga…?” These songs, in my calculation, constitute packages of 

condensed narrative theology in which the people of Isashi tell the stories 

of their life in the midst of suffering, a life that no longer depends much on 

the political class that often disappoints the people in being unable to 

provide for their basic necessities but only on God, in whom and with 

whom “they make shakara.”  

The above understanding and explanation of my experience of the worship 

singing in Isashi church serves to open the question of how Nigerians go 

through their difficulties in life aided by their recourse to church worship 

songs. Adducing the reasons for the flowering of the 

charismatic/Pentecostal movement in Nigeria and citing Marshall, 

Rosalind Hackett contends that such growth has much to do with the 

political trajectory of Nigeria, especially given the recurrence of corrupt 

and inept civilian government as well as illegal incursion of the military 

into politics. Hence, “religious organizations have provided outlets for 

expression and action – but more cathartic and veiled, rather than of a 

directly critical nature.” Further, she argues: “economically… Nigeria 

[has] gone through hard times with Structural Adjustment Programs and 

falls in commodity prices, whether oil or gold. 'Only God can save us' is a 

common refrain” (Hackett 1998, p. 260). The phenomenological reality is 

that the attitude of ‘only God can save us’ gets crystallized in various 

forms of call-response gospel choruses that one hears in various churches 

in Nigeria. I will briefly discuss three genres of call-response that reflect 

efforts by Nigerians to overlook or look beyond the various problems they 

encounter in their daily difficult life as Nigerians.   

SONGS OF PRAISES 

According to Bob Sorge:  

Praise is preoccupied with who God is and what he has done. It 



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focuses on both his incomparable character and his wondrous acts on 

behalf of his children. When God does something glorious for us, we 

love to lift high praises. And yet praise is not simply our thankful 

response to his provision; praise is also very fitting even when we 

have no specific gift of God in mind. He is worthy to be praised 

solely for who he is (Sorge 2001, p. 2).  

In the charismatic/Pentecostal worship of Nigerians, praise songs are 

performed uninterruptedly at the beginning of a fellowship session, with 

the accompaniment provided by a guitar band on big occasions or 

indigenous instruments in smaller gatherings. When there are no 

instruments, then clapping of hands becomes the accompaniment. The 

singing at this point tallies with what Barry Liesch describes as “free 

flowing praise” in which “songs are often stitched together into a medley 

by improvisational playing and modulation to create a sense of 

seamlessness, of one song flowing into the next” (Redman 2002, p. 35; 

See Liesch 1996).   

Among the praise songs that celebrate the essence of God would be pieces 

like  (a) Since I was born, but now I am getting old, I have never seen my 

Lord changeth, Brothers (sisters) have you seen him, No nonono, since I 

was born, I have never seen my Lord changeth, (b) Lift him up, higher, 

Lift him up, higher, the Lord is good I will lift him up higher, everywhere I 

go I will lift him up higher, (c) Mmamma diri gi O Chineke, mmamma diri 

gi O Onyeoma (Praise be to you, O God, Praise be to you, Righteous One). 

In Pidgin English, there is also the song: Jesus na You be Oga, Jesus na 

You be Oga, All other gods na so so yeye, Every other god na so so yeye 

(Jesus, you are the Lord [twice]. All other gods are false, every other god 

is false). The last song exalts Jesus as the only true God and Lord. Note 

that the lyrics could be used as a veiled reference to those powerful 

politicians who pretend to parade themselves as if they were gods. 

From the perspective of what God has done, so many songs of praise 

abound, for example: (a) Tubara Ya mmamma. Si Ya na O meela. Onye 

huru Jisos tubara Ya mmamma si Ya na O meela (Bless him, tell him that 

he has done well, whoever sees Jesus should bless him and tell him that he 

has done so well), (b) Kpo Ya omemma (3x) omemma, Kpo Ya omemma, 

Omemma, E - - omemma, E - - omemma, omemma,omemma (Call him the 

Doer of good), (c) O Lord I am very very grateful, for all you have done 

for me. O Lord I am very very grateful, I am saying thank you my Lord, 

(d) Mkpo aha ya, ihe ukwu ga-eme, Mkpo aha ya, ihe ukwu ga-eme (If I 

call his name great things will happen) (e) Na so so wonder Jesus dey do, 

Na so so wonder Jesus dey do, Eee He has done it for me (thrice), Na so so 

wonder Jesus dey do (Jesus performs so many wonders, Yes He has done 



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it for me). All the songs cited above focus on the good deeds or wonders of 

God. They express a conviction about what God has done, can do and is 

doing in the present moment.  

WORSHIP SONGS 

Worship is really an intimate encounter between a human person and the 

Creator. Therefore, worship song can be defined as one that involves 

“one’s heart expression of love, adoration and praise to God with an 

attitude and acknowledgement of his supremacy and Lordship.”  It is an 

outpouring in song, with “awesome wonder and overpowering love”, of 

one’s “inner self upon the Lord Jesus Christ in affectionate devotion” 

(Sorge 2001, p. 64). 

Furthermore, Bob Sorge (cf. 2001, pp. 68-71), an expert of 

Pentecostal/charismatic worship, describes worship song as requiring a 

relationship of communion or fellowship “because worship is a two-way 

street, involving giving and receiving.”  He also sees worship songs as a 

bit “more reflective and quieter,” requiring less bodily and spiritual effort 

than praise and characterized, as it were, “by a quiet and unassumed 

basking in God’s presence” (Redman 2002, pp. 37-38).  

Worship songs often give rise to an experience of altered states of 

consciousness or ecstasy.1 Altered states of consciousness can be seen as a 

psychosomatic mode in which the human person is open to the irruption of 

his or her sensibility by the numinous power and presence of the Holy 

Spirit. With this irruption, one begins to have “decreased awareness of 

one’s surrounding [as well as] a decreased sense of control” (Magliocco 

2004, p. 160; See Evans 1979, pp. 33-48 and Sturm 2000). I argue that this 

is one of the ways by which Nigerians take flight from the raw reality of 

social upheavals facing them due to the political mismanagement of the 

country by the political class. 

Songs that are used for worship includes the following (a) Thou art 

worthy, thou art worthy O Lord to receive glory honor and power, for thou 

has created all things and for thy pleasure they are and were created (b) 

Holy, holy,holy,holy, Lord God almighty, as we lift up our hearts before 

you as a token of our love, holy, holy, holy, holy and (c) You are highly 

lifted up, there is no one like you, Halle, Halle, Halleluia.  

SPIRITUAL WARFARE SONG 

In Nigerian Pentecostalism/Charismatism, evil forces are seen as 

expressions of satanic power. Indeed “belief in invisible spiritual forces, 

especially malevolent spiritual powers” is a pivotal aspect of indigenous 



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African religious worldviews and this cosmic perspective is deeply 

embedded in both the credo and praxis of African Christianity (Ray 1993, 

p. 268).  Nigerians conceive evil not in mere moral or abstract way but “in 

terms of real powers such as witches and spirits” (Probst 1989, p. 482). 

Hence, the necessity of waging constant spiritual battle against the evil and 

malevolent forces. A Nigerian research respondent, Tony Chukwu, told me 

that spiritual warfare has to do with “spiritual battle against the enemies, 

the principalities and power” (Interview 5/25/2013). Note that these 

principalities and powers can in fact be conceived as operating within the 

political arena, what with the common belief in Nigeria that many 

politicians and power brokers are members of satanic cults! 

Warfare songs are therefore meant to deal with all situations of direct or 

indirect satanic oppression, whether this oppression is understood in a 

vague and general way or in a particular concrete case of individual 

diabolical harassment. Warfare song therefore becomes a way of “reaching 

out to the power of the spirit in battling against the physical and social 

afflictions of daily life” (Butticci 2013, p. 7).  

Some good example of warfare chants are: O bu onye na-ebu agha, okpara 

Chineke na-ebu agha, agha. UmuChineke agha adawo, umu Chineke na 

agha dara, agha, umu Chineke agha adawo agha. O bu onye na-ebu agha, 

agha (Who wages the battle, the Son of God wages the battle, children of 

God there is war, children of God there is war, who wages the battle). 

Another good example is the song: “When Jesus says ‘yes’ nobody can say 

‘no.’” There is also the popular Nigerian Pidgin English song: Satan don 

fall for ground-o, macham macham.(Satan has fallen to the ground, march 

on him, march on him).  

SINGING AS AN INSTRUMENT OF RESISTANCE 

With the foregoing, it is clear that gospel chorus singing in Nigerian 

churches is not just only an element of worship and Christian religious 

practice but are instruments of social resistance. Social resistance in this 

case is not to be understood in terms of physical or violent response to the 

muddied socio-political status quo but a way of internal or attitudinal 

negotiation or/and renegotiation of one’s relationship to the various issues 

that are connected with the political malaise of Nigeria as a nation.  

At the first level, these gospel choruses constitute a refusal to yield to the 

onslaught of the demonic that is believed to be afflicting Nigeria. Many 

Nigerians are strongly convinced that the negative trajectory of the country 

reached its climax with the organization and execution of the Nigerian 

Festival of Art and Culture (FESTAC) in 1977. With its profligate waste 



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of money, lavish showcasing of nudity-prone cultural performances and 

outright idolatry, the FESTAC heralded “the beginning of Nigeria's 

downward trend in every sphere of life,” inasmuch as by the festival, 

“Nigeria had given an open invitation to the very Kingdom of the Devil to 

invade her and perpetuate his reign of terror” (Ononyemu 1993 quoted in 

Hackett 1998, p. 261). With this kind of belief system, Nigerians’ adoption 

of gospel choruses – especially the spiritual warfare songs – can arguably 

be seen as an act of saying “NO” to the prospect of domination by the 

devil in any aspect of their life. A practical parallel to this negation can 

easily be seen in the contemporary efforts being made in various enclaves 

of Igboland to rid “the land” of evil luck bringing idols. 

At the next level, Nigerians are telling the political class: “we don’t give a 

damn about what your stinking greed can do to us. With God we can make 

it.” Nigerians are not so naïve as to be ignorant of what they suffer from 

the political class. Indeed, it would even seem that the political class is 

aware of Nigerians’ almost unbreakable resilience and their willingness to 

bear being exploited. The whole scenario is further helped or accentuated 

by the reality of what one would regard as the “do you feed me?” Nigerian 

mentality. This is where the song “Me I no go suffer…” falls in. Nigerians 

do not see God as a Deus otiosus – a far away God. He is always near and 

is immediately interested in their affairs. Political stalwarts may fail them 

but God will never fail them. Hackett notes about the Pentecostal churches 

in Nigeria that “their progressive, goal-oriented attitudes attract the youth, 

disillusioned with the empty moral claims of their elders and leaders” 

(Hackett 1998:260). These attitudes found their way to the youths as subtle 

messages distilled through the gospel choruses such as “Me I no go 

suffer…” and “Why I no go make inyanga.” 

Finally, Nigerians see the very problems facing them as mountains that 

must be removed. Consider the song: “it’s not by might (2 times), it’s not 

by power (2 times), by my Spirit says the Lord, this mountain shall be 

removed (3 times) by my Spirit says the Lord.” In this song, one sees 

Nigerians’ refusal to be mastered or broken by the spates of fuel scarcity 

that is now becoming history with the deregulation, endless news of 

corruption in high places, the rising price of the dollar and household 

goods in the market. As if to show off that they can always thrive amidst 

hardship, Nigerians will proudly sing: People dey ask me say, wetin dey 

make you fine, I just dey tell them say: Na Jesus dey make me fine. Thus, 

in spite of hardships in Nigeria, marriage celebration keeps being a free-

for-all carnival-like fanfare; funerals remain a wild “celebration of life” 

while December period has not ceased being a time of opening of new 

houses, showcasing of new cars and other similar celebrations that serve as 



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evidence of “good living.” 

CONCLUSION 

Nigerians love singing. Indeed, my research about singing in Nigerian 

churches reveals that Nigerians cannot conceive a church service without 

vibrant singing and energetic rhythmic movements of their bodies. Call it 

dancing, if you like! But one needs to notice that apart from the spiritual 

significance of these songs, they constitute subtle instruments of social but 

internal resistance by which Nigerians are able to come to terms with their 

daily hardships as citizens of one of the most corrupt nations on earth 

where, in spite of unending abundance of natural resources, ordinary 

Nigerians in the street continue to suffer endlessly while some of their 

political leaders continue to batten on spoils of their political office.  

I argue that Nigerians are not likely ready and probably will never be 

ready for any war – and war is, of course, not a good course to take. Nor 

are they likely ready for any seriously violent revolution in the guise of the 

Arab spring against their politicians, for that matter – and I do not pray for 

this either. However, the undeniable phenomenological reality on the 

ground is that they never place and have never placed much trust on the 

political class. Their confidence is only in the God of miracles, whom they 

praise in songs from day to day – and they listen to hundreds of praise and 

worship songs that keep being produced from week to week in Nigeria. 

This God – they believe – really so takes care of them that in him they can 

even make inyanga for the political class. In him, and only in him, they 

dey kampe. And the case remains closed. 

ENDNOTE 

1. Scientifically defined, ecstasy is a “qualitative alteration in the overall pattern 

of mental functioning, such that the experiencer feels his [sic] consciousness 

is radically different from the ‘normal’ way it functions” (Tart, 1972:94 

quoted in Magliocco 2004:160). 

 

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U.K.: Thorson’s Publishing.  

Hackett, R. I. J.  (1998). Charismatic/Pentecostal Appropriation of Media 



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Technologies in Nigeria and Ghana. Journal of Religion in Africa, 

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571  

Harvey, T. (2008). Narrative Theology. Global Dictionary of Theology: A 

Resource for the Worldwide Church, ed. by William A. Dyrness 

and Veli-Matti Kärkkäinen. USA: InterVarsity Christian 

Fellowship: 598-602. 

Liesch, B. (1996). The New Worship: Straight Talk on Music and the 

Church. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Baker. 

Magliocco, S. (2004). Witching Culture: Folklore and Neo-Paganism in 

America. Pennsylvania: University of Pennsylvania Press. 

Phenomenology Represents an ‘Intellectual Charity,’ Says John Paul II. 

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6866?l=english.  

Probst, P. (1989). The Letter and the Spirit: Literacy and Religious 

Authority in the History of the Aladura Movement in Western 

Nigeria.” Journal of the International African Institute, Vol. 59, 

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Ray, B. C. (1993). Aladura Christianity: A Yoruba Religion. Journal of 

Religion in Africa, Vol. 23, Fasc. 3: pp. 266-291 URL: 

http://www.jstor.org/stable/1581109.  

Redman, R. (2002). The Great Worship Awakening. San Francisco: John 

Wiley and Sons Inc.  

Schutz, A. (1971a). Making Music Together: A Study in Social 

Relationship. Collected Papers II: Studies in Social Theory. 

TheHague: Martinus Nijhoff: 159-178. 

_____. (1979b). Mozart and the Philosophers. Collected Papers II: Studies 

in Social Theory, ed. & intro. by Arvid Broderson. The Hague: 

Martinus Nijhoff: 179-200. 

Sorge, B. (2001). Exploring Worship: A Practical Guide to Praise and 

Worship. Missouri: Oasis House. 

Stone, R. M. (2008). Theory for Ethnomusicology. New Jersey: Pearson 

Education Inc.,  

Sturm, B. W. (2000). The ‘Storylistening’ Trance Experience. Journal of 

American Folklore 113, no. 449: 287-304.   



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Tart, C. T. (1972). Scientific Foundations for the Study of Altered States 

of Consciousness. Journal of Transpersonal Psychology 18, 93-

124. 

Titon, J. T. (2008). Knowing Fieldwork. In Shadows in the Field: New 

Perspectives for Fieldwork in Ethnomusicology, edited by G. F. 

Barz & T. J. Cooley. Oxford: Oxford University Press: 25‐41. 

 

 

 

Author Information: Rev. Fr. Dr. Jude Toochukwu 

Orakwe is of the Department of Music, Chukwuemeka 

Odumegwu Ojukwu University, Anambra State, Nigeria. 

Email: jatomaria@gmail.com. 

 

 

 

 
 

APA 

 

Orakwe, J. T. (2024). Music and Charismatic/Pentecostal Worship: 

Nigerians’ Instrument of Achieving Peace of Mind in the Midst of 

Difficulties. Global Online Journal of Academic Research (GOJAR), 

3(3), 56-67. https://klamidas.com/gojar-v3n3-2024-04/. 

 

MLA 

 

Orakwe, Jude Toochukwu. “Music and Charismatic/Pentecostal 

Worship: Nigerians’ Instrument of Achieving Peace of Mind in the 

Midst of Difficulties”. Global Online Journal of Academic Research 

(GOJAR), vol. 3, no. 3, 2024, pp. 56-67. https://klamidas.com/gojar-

v3n3-2024-04/. 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 


