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Aspects of Nigerian Myths, Legends and Chronicles 

By 

Bukar Usman 

  

 

Abstract 

This is an introductory essay on Nigerian myths written by the author to introduce 

a historic collection of hundreds of Nigerian myths, legends and chronicles 

collected from different parts of the country and published as an aspect of his 

massive Treasury of Nigerian Tales (TNT) series. The stories introduced here are 

all mythic in orientation and include clan or settlement chronicles, tales related to 

rituals and traditional religious practices, narrations about epochal historical 

events, origin and cosmic tales, creation tales, tales about legendary heroes and 

heroines, tales that explain the origin and nature of the world, and tales about the 

exploits of the gods. This expository essay is divided into the following parts: 

introduction, definition, functions and features of myth, myth and history, special 

audience and narrators, classification of Nigerian mythic tales, and conclusion. 

The collected and discussed mythological tales are 213 in number. 

Keywords: Nigeria, myths, legends, chronicles 

 

 

 

1. Introduction 

The first two books of the Treasury of Nigerian Tales (TNT) series are 

collections of fictional tales collected from all over the country under the 

auspices of the Dr. Bukar Usman Foundation (henceforth, the Foundation). 

These two books, A Treasury of Nigerian Tales: Themes and Settings1, and 

People, Animals, Spirits and Objects: Folk Stories of Nigeria2, contain 700 

and 1000 folktales respectively. This anthology, the third book of the 

series, is definitively different. Unlike the first two books of the series, it is 

a collection of historical or non-fictional tales and consists of  

myths, clan or settlement chronicles, tales related to rituals and 

traditional religious practices, narrations about epochal historical 

events, origin and cosmic tales, creation tales, tales about legendary 

heroes and heroines, tales that explain the origin and nature of the 

world, tales about the exploits of the gods and about the Creator 



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Himself. This category of tales is deemed to be factual even when the 

presumed facts seem too unfounded or too exaggerated to be 

considered true outside the cultural context of the tales.3 

The words, “historical” and “non-fictional,” are italicized above as a way 

of qualifying their meaning within the scope of this discussion. No body of 

myths of any known group, region or race is altogether history or non-

fiction. Fantasy, delimited by a given cultural context, has always been an 

aspect of myth. This point is elaborated upon in greater detail below. 

Another qualification worthy of note concerns the scope of this work. 

Mythic tales included in this collection are limited to those gathered by 

field researchers engaged by the aforesaid Foundation. No tale outside 

those garnered by the collectors engaged by the Foundation was admitted 

in the two earlier-published collections of the Nigerian Narrative Series. 

We strictly adhere to the same principle here. Hopefully, this delimitation 

would give some insight into the nature of oral tales still in vogue across 

the country in the early decades of this century. 

However, because narratives selected here strictly emanated from our field 

research, it is likely that some tales of mythic importance, which were not 

narrated to our tale collectors, may not have been included here. This is 

why this editor makes no claim whatsoever that this collection is an 

exhaustive anthology of the mythology of the over 500 ethnic/language 

groups of Nigera. This book of tales of direct or indirect mythic relevance 

should be seen as a subset of the outcome of a nationwide tale-collection 

exercise put together to stimulate interest in more exhaustive and 

comparative research in this area. This notwithstanding, key mythological 

figures of Nigeria, whether captured by our tale-collection field workers or 

not, are liberally cited in relevant areas of this discussion. 

Lastly, it is important to point out that the mere incidence of being selected 

or published here does not invest upon any tale the status of being the 

official or fixed version of any given myth, chronicle, or event. In the 

various communities where these tales were collected, the oral narrators 

were neither pre-selected nor prodded to tell particular tales or preferred 

variants thereof but were simply left to their own discretion regarding what 

tales they volunteered to our field researchers. And from narrator to 

narrator many of the tales varied. To a large extent, the versions published 

here remain as they were collected in the local languages and translated 

into English. In editing the tales, steps were taken to ensure that key 

elements of the transcribed versions were maintained. As a cautionary 

measure, readers should, however, bear in mind that for any narrative 

published here, another version or versions of it might exist in their tale-



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bearing communities. It should be added that most variants only differ on 

matters of detail. 

2. Definition, Functions and Features of Myth  

Let’s begin our exploration of the mythic tales of this anthology by asking, 

“What is myth?” Simply put, a myth is a traditional narrative, set in the 

distant past, which tells a given group of people about supernatural events 

and personages by which they make sense of their existence and 

environment or offer explanations for various natural and supernatural 

occurrences. As such, many mythic tales are about the origin or history of 

great ancestors, patriarchs, matriarchs, legends, and ancient events; and 

about why and how some cosmic or natural state of affairs came to be the 

way they are today. 

Myth, however, embraces much more than the features highlighted above. 

Since it is difficult to proffer an all-inclusive definition of myth, it will be 

helpful to look at the way other scholars have defined or explained the 

term. Melville and Frances Herskovits offer a more elaborate definition: 

On another level, we may define myth as those narrative forms that 

embody a system of symbolized values which in each separate society 

phrase the philosophy underlying its concepts, ideals and ends, and 

mark off its culture from all others as a way of life. Myth, in these 

terms, implies a social acceptance of approved symbols that, by 

transcending the generations, are at once the instrument of 

identification with the past and with the continuities of present and 

future. That is to say, like all manifestations of culture, myths draw 

their deepest sanctions from the fact that for the individual of a given 

society they existed before he was born, and that he carries the 

conviction they will continue after he is dead. Herein lie both the 

social and psychological importance of mythic symbols.4  

The excerpt below, in a simplified way, defines myth as a literary device 

that has significant functions. According to this viewpoint, 

Myth is a legendary or a traditional story that usually concerns an 

event, or a hero, with or without using factual or real explanations, 

particularly one concerning demigods or deities, and describes some 

rites, practices and natural phenomenon. Typically, a myth involves 

historical events and supernatural beings. There are many types of 

myths such as classic myths, religious myths, and modern myths… 

Myths exist in every society, as they are basic elements of human 

culture. The main function of myths is to teach moral lessons and 

explain historical records…Myths and their mythical symbols lead to 

creativity in literary works. We can understand a culture more deeply 

and in a much better way by knowing and appreciating its stories, 



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dreams and myths…Besides literature, myths also play a great role in 

science, psychology and philosophy.5 

You would notice that in our discussion of myths, direct or indirect 

reference to an identified group – be it clan, ethnic or racial group, nation – 

is often made. This is because a myth is the property of a given culture, not 

that of an individual. An author or oral narrator may freely weave a myth 

into his or her tail but may not impose upon that myth a symbolic meaning 

which varies very much from that dictated by the myth-bearing culture. A 

myth is a cultural expression and, as such, must be understood within the 

context of a given culture. The symbolic values derived from myths are 

not open to random or personal interpretations but are essentially culturally 

fixed. 

To understand the myth, therefore, one would need to understand the 

originating culture, for the myth is often the ethnographic root of the 

associated socio-cultural beliefs and practices. In many rural and semi-

urban communities in Nigeria, taboos and many social acts are validated in 

myth. In “The Story of Bode-Ado,” (tale no. 150), for instance, incest is 

discredited. “The Legend of Ewane, the Drunkard” (no. 152) demonstrates 

the need to protect the role and person of the social critic. Even the 

supposedly trite pidgin English saying, “Water no get enemy,” popular 

among Nigerian groups, can be said to be rooted in such mythic tales as 

“Friendship of Fire and Rain” (no. 4) and “The Earth and God” (no. 5), 

which establish the supremacy of water over the other elemental forces. 

In the realm of ritual and traditional religious practices, mythic symbolism 

revolves entirely around a given ethno-religious culture. According to 

Malinowski, ritual is shaped by myth. In his view, 

an intimate connection exists between the word, the mythos, the 

sacred takes of a tribe on the one hand, and their ritual acts, their 

social organization, and their practical activities, on the other.”6    

Among others, the following tales of this collection illustrate vital aspects 

of the above viewpoint: “The Gods Never Lie” (no. 97), “The Son of the 

Chief of Dagom” (99), “The Sorcerer of Amagbor Kingdom” (no. 101), 

and “Why the Devil is Superior to Other Deities” (no. 103). 

This connection between myth and ritual emphasized by Malinowski 

sometimes puts on the reader the responsibility of acquainting themselves 

with the mythology behind a given mythic tale. For the reader who is 

content with whatever surface entertainment they may derive from a story, 

this may not be necessary. But a committed reader, searching for deeper 

meanings, would need to access the mythic background behind the tale. In 



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this book, the reader who wants to fully appreciate the import of some of 

the tales collected from the South-Western part of the country should have 

a basic understanding of the pantheon of Yoruba gods and the significance 

of some of the rituals engaged in by traditional devotees. Such cultural 

understanding would help one better appreciate, among others, tale nos. 

103 – 110. 

For an informed introduction to African religious myths and rituals, John 

S. Mbiti’s book, Introduction to African Religion (second edition) would 

be a good read. According to Mbiti, 

In many African societies it is told in myths that at the beginning God 

and man were in very close contact, and that the heavens (or sky) and 

the earth were united. For various reasons this link was broken and 

God became more distant from the people. But through worship man 

is able to restore that original link to a certain extent.7 

This unity of religion and myth is represented beautifully in “The Earth 

and the Sky” (tale no. 1) and reflects a basic belief in humankind’s fall 

from grace at the beginning of time, a popular tenet of many orthodox 

religions. The history of this fall from grace to sin is conveyed in religious 

simplicity in the following passage taken from the tale: 

In the beginning of time, when God created the earth and the sky, the 

sky was so close that the hands of the people living on earth touched it 

without much effort. 

     The sky had a lot of fruits which human beings plucked and ate at 

will. Human beings had no problem at all in getting food to eat 

because the sky supplied them with food in abundance. 

     But, at a point, people of the earth made the sky to get angry 

because of their greed. They would pack food so recklessly that they 

went home with a lot more than they could eat. The rest was wasted 

and dumped in the dung-hill. 

… 

     The sky could not control his anger. He was convinced that human 

beings were greedy beyond redemption. He had to teach them a lesson 

they would live with forever. Gradually, the sky began to move 

upwards. Human beings stretched their arms at full-length, but they 

could not reach the sky. He moved so far up that human beings could 

only see it in the distance high up there. And they lost the chance of 

enjoying the creator’s easy providence. 

This motif of punitive separation between the sky (God) and the earth 

(human beings) also motivated “The Birth of the Seasons” (tale no. 13) 



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and explains “Why the Sky is Higher than Land” (no. 14). 

As Mbiti noted, something was needed to restore the above state of 

separation between God and the human beings He created. The latter 

identified worship as a remedial measure (“through worship man is able to 

restore that original link to a certain extent”), hence the worship of deities 

and ancestral spirits in many traditional communities.      

Some of the major ways traditionalists approach God through are prayers, 

offerings and sacrifices. And God is approached by different ethnic groups 

of Nigeria through a number of deities and ancestral spirits. Many of the 

myths associated with the culture of Nigeria spring from the worship or 

veneration of these deities and spirits. This excerpt from Toyin Falola’s 

book aptly captures some aspects of this customary reality as they manifest 

among some Nigerian groups: 

The Yoruba have constructed a hierarchy of spiritual forces…God is 

the supreme deity with the ultimate power, the creator of the universe, 

the final judge. 

     Below God is a plethora of gods and goddesses, the orisa. There is 

a god for most material items, and nonmaterial ideas; for instance, 

Osun and Oya are river goddesses, Sango is the god of thunder, Ogun 

is the god of iron. There are many major Gods, such as Ogun, and 

there are many local ones below them, associated with lineages, towns 

and geographical features… Gods are also associated with 

occupations… 

… 

     The Igbo believe in Chukwu, the Supreme God, who has various 

messengers such as the sun, sky and earth… Land is venerated 

through a system of religious beliefs known as ala, which rewards and 

punishes people according to their behaviour… The Igbo also believe 

in the power of ancestors, as do many other Nigerian groups. 

… 

     For the Kalabari, there are two forms of existence. The first is oje, 

the material world, the physical reality that can be seen. The second 

and more important is the spiritual order, known as teme. Teme is 

divided into layers of hierachies of spiritual forces. On the very top 

are the creation gods, followed by the lesser gods including ancestors 

(“water people”) and local heroes.8 

Local heroes or legends are generally venerated. One of the most 

outstanding of such legends is the Ijo’s Ozidi, the hero of the Ozidi saga 

believed to have been revealed to the Tarakiri clan’s traditional high priest. 



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The Ozidi saga is an outstanding epic whose summary below is justified 

by the insight it gives into the stylistic pattern of such traditional epics. 

The Ozidi saga follows the pattern of other epics: A child is born 

following the death of his father. He embarks on a quest, during which 

he has a string of adventures, undergoes tests, and performs great feats 

of magic and strength. With the assistance of a female relative, he is 

triumphant and establishes his people. Ozidi was the son of a general 

who died before Ozidi was born, murdered by treacherous colleagues. 

The Ijo believe that a violent, unhappy death such as that prevents a 

dead man from joining his ancestors. It is the obligation of his heirs to 

restore the man’s honor. This was Ozidi’s quest: to call home his 

father from the place where the murdered man’s body was 

unceremoniously dumped and to restore him to his proper place. 

     On his quest, Ozidi was guided by his grand-mother, Oreame, a 

supernatural being who was in charge of his fate. In keeping with the 

adventures of epic heroes, Ozidi engaged in battle with all manner of 

humans and monsters, always triumphant because the gods—

including the Supreme God, Tamara—were with him.9 

Not all mythic heroes are male. Inikpi, the great legendary figure of the 

Igala, who sacrificed her life to save the Igala nation, was a princess. Hers 

was not a suicidal mission but a response to the unusual demands of the 

ancestors that the king should let her daughter be buried alive in order to 

avert a devastating defeat of the Igala people by an enemy kingdom. 

Other heroes, particularly those who began as founders of traditional 

dynasties, such as the Hausa’s Bayajida, the Yoruba’s Oduduwa, and the 

Babur/Bura’s Yamtarawala, have since been transformed into symbols of 

religious and political power. The tale, “How Yamah and Amaha 

Kingdoms were Founded” (no. 90) indicates that political exigencies, 

rather than some decrees from the gods, could provoke the founding of 

new dynasties which future generations are likely to legitimize through 

myths. Myths therefore could also function as the ruling class’s means of 

legitimizing religious and political privileges. 

Some of the tales of this collection highlighting the worship of deities by 

different ethnic/linguistic groups in Nigeria include “The History of the 

Worship of Tere in Edeland” (no. 53), “Why It is a Taboo in the Ere 

Alako’s Family to Eat Python” (no. 77), and “The Origin of Tubuog’s 

Worship of the Moon” (no. 85). 

Aside from being used to explain the origin of things, myths also serve as 

tools for explaining why and how things function (examples would include 

tale nos. 76-78). Often, the latter role is served in comparative terms, as 



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could be seen in such tales as “Why the Sun Shines Brighter than the 

Moon” (no. 24), “Why Lightning Precedes Thunder Blast” (no. 25), and 

“Why the Devil is Superior to Other Deities” (no. 103). 

Mythic tales can also serve explanatory purposes by the manner in which 

they are used to explain how certain unusual things came to be. Such 

mythic explanations enable us to ponder about “How Foolish People were 

Created” (tale no. 30), “How Mermaids Became Half-Fish, Half-Human” 

(no. 88), and “How Àlàbá the Pawn Was Killed By His Mouth” (no. 179). 

Underlying all the functions of myth highlighted above is the given 

group’s belief or presumption that all of the above mythic phenomena 

spring from history, not fantasy. We will dwell on myth and history in the 

next section of this essay. All we may note here are some of those tales 

whose manner of presentation position them as pure history. They include 

“The History of Oyo and Oro Celebration” (no. 39), “The History of the 

Blacksmith from Heaven” (no. 44), and “The History of Affor People.” 

Other tales narrated in similar tone are those centred on long-standing 

compounds. Illustrious families promote and sustain their socio-economic 

or political relevance by telling and retelling their glorious “history.” Some 

of the tales fulfilling this function in this collection include “The History 

of Wárí Compound” (no. 41), “How Pere Compound Got Its Home” (no. 

52) and “The History of Iyagba Compound.”   

3. Myth and History 

The difficulty often encountered by those who may wish to separate real 

history from myth is the belief by the concerned community or group that 

their pet myth is as factual as any historical narration. Even myths 

featuring supernatural beings, or animals playing the role of human beings, 

are deemed true by such groups. How should a scholar deal with this kind 

of confusion? 

Generally speaking, and as this editor had observed in his book, A History 

of Biu10, the above situation is inevitable whenever anyone conducting a 

research find themselves in the domain of oral tradition. While the 

mythologist may be comfortable here, the historian, who must verify and 

date his or her facts, is likely to raise questions. Unfortunately, when 

dealing with “the origin of nationalities, clans, domains, and long-standing 

traditional institutions…especially when dealing with the genesis of 

homogenous groups, dynasties and old civilizations,”11 the historian, 

anthropologist, and literary analyst cannot avoid the “twilight zone 

between folklore and history.”12 Myth thrives within this twilight zone; 

yet, it cannot be ignored because of the important roles, some of which 



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were mentioned above, it plays in enriching art and stabilizing society. 

The historian, in this writer’s view, appears to be the one more concerned 

about the need to separate fact from fantasy. I felt that need while working 

on A History of Biu. And I tried my best to resolve the problem, hopefully 

to a large extent, by cross-checking oral tradition against written history 

and those ethnological data which shed light on the issues under 

consideration. 

As for students of myth, their emphasis could be on the use and 

significance of the myth within the context of the relevant culture. What 

this means is that their concern with history may not go beyond “those 

facets of the culture or history which throw into special relief certain 

customary usages emphasized in the narratives, or clarify the meaning of 

certain historical allusions.”13 

4. Special Audience and Narrators 

Unlike the ordinary folktale whose audience is the common folk, mostly 

children, historical tales are generally targeted at an adult or specialized 

audience. And not everyone can narrate a number of these tales. Some 

mythic tales are for the ears of the menfolk or professional groups while 

others must only be narrated by diviners or griots commissioned by the 

king. These are some of the features which separate historical tales from 

typical moonlight tales.    

The relevance of historical tales does not necessarily lie on the morals of 

the tale but, rather, on their historical data, ritualistic value, philosophy, 

special knowledge or social enquiry. In general, they are narrated by 

elderly males to adult males of a particular family, professional or 

religious group. Tales about natural phenomena, history of ethnic groups, 

and the origin and exploits of illustrious ancestors fall into this general 

category. 

To narrate some historical tales, one would need to have skill, not just age, 

on his side. Some tales are narrated at a great risk and cost to the narrator. 

The king’s griot, whose duty it is to memorize and recall, during his daily 

chant, the names and great deeds of past rulers, and the momentous events 

of  the ethnic group’s past, must not make a mistake. In the past, some 

griots are said to have lost their lives because they forgot or 

misrepresented a royal act. This is why such recitatives are composed and 

delivered by professional verse-makers. 

Besides, not everyone can compose such heroic verses or narrations as 

they require the use of appropriate imagery and proverbial expressions, 



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which only the most skilful composers endowed with exceptional retentive 

memory can handle. Moreover, many historical tales are not carelessly 

narrated since they are deemed to be factual and sacred; so, in spite of the 

existence of variants in some quarters, there are official versions of 

genealogical tales. 

Divination chants also command similar requirements in composition and 

delivery. Infact, for mythological settings with formal systems of 

divination, such as the Ifa divination system of the Yoruba, only the 

babalawo is deemed skilful enough to chant and interprete divination 

verses. Among some groups in Nigeria, the traditional high priest and 

custodian of the main shrine serves as the sole narrator of any mythic 

communication from the spirit world. 

Sacred narratives or chants are accompanied by idiomatic expressions and 

other forms of indirect use of language. “Odu Ologbon Meji” (tale no. 

106) begins with such expressions: 

No wise man can hold water at the edge of his wrapper. 

The wise one does not know how much sound we have on earth. 

No wanderer knows where the world ends. 

A sharp knife cannot carve its own handle. 
 

It takes experience and familiarization with historical allusions to make 

appropriate sense of such expressions. 

Praise songs, such as this Sango’s praise taken from tale no. 57, are 

sometimes needed to enliven an oracular narration: 

Sàngó Olúkòso, Arẹmu Ogun 

The brave one and the husband of Oya, 

An expanding fire on the roof 

Èbìtì fọwọ bẹhin soro 

Breaker and cracker of walls 

Breaker of walls, replacing them with ridges 

Fire escaping from the eyes, the mouth and on the roof 

Sàngó Olufiran the King of Kòso 

The deity whom Timi seeks in absentia 

Sàngó Tìmí who sees all things 
 

This is one more reason why only experienced devotees can purposefully 

serve as narrators in this purely traditional area. 

Composition and narration of tales dedicated to trade or professional 

groups is, however, more liberally restricted. Professional groups share 

mythic tales related to their profession within their respective groups. 



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Tales about blacksmithing, for example, are usually narrated by 

blacksmiths within their group or among those who share some common 

interest with them. 

In traditional societies, the nature and demands of one’s trade or skill often 

compels one to associate with those engaged in similar endeavour. And in 

such gatherings, particularly when assembled for the prime purpose of 

worshipping the god associated with their trade, tales of common interest 

to the group are shared by members of the group during moments of social 

interaction. For hunters, tales of such nature in this collection would 

include “The Day Death was about to Die” (no. 173) and “The Hunter’s 

Supremacy over the Deer” (no. 180). 

5. Classification of the Mythic Tales 

Given the overwhelmingly mythological nature of the tales of this 

collection, classifying them into appropriate sections posed some 

challenges. Sometimes, one tale may bear the characteristics of tales 

placed in one or two other sub-groups. This may not be surprising as many 

of the tales have something to do with gods/ancestors or the cosmic order 

they have shaped. 

In spite of the overlapping nature of the tales, they have been grouped 

according to the perceived dominant concern or objective of each set of 

tales (Groups  1-4) or their  unique contribution to the assortment of the set 

(Group 5). The name given to each group of tales gives a clear hint of the 

organizing principle adopted in classifying the group. Under each of these 

groups, listed below, further explanations are given to guide the reader. 

Here, then, are the 5 classes: 

1. Creation and Cosmic Myths: these are tales that tell how the universe 

and the supernatural realm emerged; how the heavenly bodies and 

elemental forces began or interacted; how the earth was populated by 

people, animals, and spirits; and how other named animate, inanimate 

and sundry beginnings came to be. 

2. Group Origin Myths and Chronicles: these narrations that relay the 

settlement history of various groups and towns; the history of dynasties 

and family lineages; origin of social institutions or momentous 

interactions between them; evolution of notable social events, practices 

or taboos; and origin of group other transformational experiences. 

3. Oracular Myths and Chronicles: these are narrations about gods, 

ancestors, spirits, traditional priests, offerings and sacrifices to oracles; 

rewards and punishment by spiritual forces asserting their supremacy 



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over human choices; traditional praise and worship songs; proverbial 

utterances; and sundry tales about spiritual phenomena and encounters. 

4. Legendary Heroes and Heroines: these are tales of superhuman or 

mythic nature – they tell us about heroic acts by outstanding men and 

women; they are also apparently factual stories that happened in the 

distant past but are traceable to a nation or group of people; and may 

include partially or entirely fabricated narrations that have gained 

popular acceptability as true stories in the course of being handed 

down from one generation to another by oral tradition. 

5. Various Communal Chronicles: these are miscellaneous communal 

tales that might or might not have qualified to be placed in any of the 

above four classes but are discretionally grouped together here for 

reasons of their variety and complementary mythic relevance. 

Below is a tabular reflection of the number of tales featured in each of the 

above classes. 

 

It is good to note that this statistical representation, as it concerns the 

number of tales featured in each class, does not necessarily indicate any 

preferential decision on the part of the editor. These selections simply 

reflect the number and nature of mythic tales our tale-collectors were able 

to gather from our various communities. Suffice it to say that the bulk of 

the tales readily collected from our folks across the country were mostly 

the common fictional folktale type – and these were featured in the first 

two books of the Treasury of Nigerian Tales series. 

6. Conclusion 



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As we can see from the above submissions, mythic tales offer traditional 

folks of Nigeria creative ways of responding to perennial problems of 

existence which have challenged mankind in general across the ages. They 

are artistically, socially and spiritual important and both the literate and 

non-literate members of many communities that these tales or their 

practical implications seriously. 

The advancement of science and technology has solved a lot of socio-

economic problems, but still many questions remain unanswered. 

Questions about life and death, faith and destiny, may never be 

convincingly answered without recourse to some form of belief in a higher 

power. 

Since most people seem incapable of understanding an abstract Supreme 

Being, their need for identification with ancestors and gods they can see 

and relate to is, from their viewpoint, understandable. What is of interet to 

us, as we shall see in the mythic tales themselves, is the capacity of the 

human imagination to create or re-enact stories that have gone through 

many generations but still provide powerful belief systems which help 

people to grapple with the many challenges of life. 

 

Endnotes 

1. Usman, Bukar (ed.), A Treasury of Nigerian Tales: Themes and 

Settings, Klamidas Books, Abuja, 2016 

2. Usman, Bukar (ed.), People, Animals, Spirits and Objects: Folk Stories 

of Ngeria, Klamidas Books, Abuja, 2016 

3. See “Nigeria’s Heritage of Folk Narrative,” Usman, Bukar (ed.), A 

Treasury of Nigerian Tales: Themes and Settings, op. cit 

4. Herskovits, Melville J and Frances S, Dahomean Narratives: A Cross-

Cultural Analysis, Northwestern University Press, Evanston, 1958, 

p.82 

5. LiteraryDevices Editors. “Myth” LiteraryDevices.net. 2013. Web. 1 

Aug. 2016. 

6. Malinowski, Bronislaw, “The Role of Myth in Life,” in Dundes, Alan 

(ed.), Sacred Narrative: Readings in the Theory of Myth, University of 

California Press, Berkeley, 1984, p.195 

7. Mbiti, John S., Introduction to African Religion (2nd Edition), 

Waveland Press, Long Grove, 2015, p.61 



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8. Falola, Toyin, Culture and Customs of Nigeria, Greenwood Press, 

Westport, 2001, pp.35-37 

9. Lynch, Patricia Ann and Jeremy Roberts, African Mythology A to Z, 

2nd Edition, Chelsea House, New York NY, 2010, p.103 

10. Usman, Bukar, A History of Biu, Klamidas, Abuja, 2015 

11. ibid, p.51 

12. ibid, p.51. This phrase was first used by the author in his earlier book, 

Folklore and History: Twin Rivers of World Heritage (Klamidas, 

2013). 

13. Herskovits, Melville J and Frances S, op. cit. 

 

 

Author Information: Dr Bukar Usman is the President of Nigerian 

Folklore Society. Email: bukarusman@gmail.com. 

 

 

  

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 


