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Love Thy Neighbors: Countering the Growing Impatience in 
International Politics- Ukraine-Russia Conflict 

Sadaf Qadir and Zainab Iqbal 

Fatima Jinnah Women University, Rawalpindi, Pakistan 

Abstract 

Globalization and rapid expansion of communication and information technologies 
have brought about tremendous changes in the ways the world traditionally interacted. 
This has eventually led to what is often called a ‘borderless society’. However, the more 
the societies are growing borderless, the more strain is being put up on the concept of 
sovereignty and inviolability of territories. With the world continuing to embark upon 
wider areas of engagement, the principles of coexistence and interdependence have 
given way to narrow personal interests and hasty policy making. The paper, therefore, 
analyzes the existing Ukraine-Russia Conflict as a case study for bringing into light the 
growing impatience that is felt immensely now-a-days in international politics. Keeping 
in mind the indigenous political pursuits of a state, the paper seeks to explore the 
multitude of means through which national interests can be brought at par with the 
interests of the neighboring states and international community at large. In the end, the 
challenges faced by both the states have been analyzed to proffer suitable 
recommendations to address the future challenges.   

Key words: international politics, interests, challenges 

Introduction 

In International Politics, security is a key factor to determine interstate cooperation at 
regional level. The national security of one state is closely related to the national 
security of its geopolitical neighbors. Guided by this approach, the former colony of the 
Soviet Empire, Ukraine, has always been subject to external interferences in its 
national security policy owing to the presence of its powerful neighbor Russia on its 
border which sees changes in Ukraine national security policy as one in its own 
state.  Since the demise of the Soviet Empire, the two states have always been at 
daggers drawn but the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 came as the last 
straw that broke the camel's back and with this the impatience in international politics 
further mounted up. 

The Growing Impatience in International Politics 

The nature of international politics in global order has always been dynamic and 
unsettling. However, the structure of global politics at the end of the second decade of 
the 21st century has been more anarchic and complex than ever before. The 
repercussions of the Cold War can still be felt in international politics. 

In the post- Cold War era, the world order cannot be regarded as purely unipolar or 
purely bipolar, instead it observed dominance of at least five states namely the United 
States, Europe, China, Russia and Japan. These states dominated international 
politics in one way or another.  The challenges and turbulence it brought to 



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international politics can be gauged from the number of conflicts that took place in the 
post-Cold War era in which recently, Ukraine-Russia conflict has gained 
currency.  Some of these conflicts have been between former Soviet colonies, for 
instance to name the few are war between Azerbaijan and Armenia over Nagorno-
Karabakh and conflict in Chechnya. However, international politics also witnessed 
troubled relationships between the states that were not colonies of the Soviet Empire 
yet their international relations were equally turbulent.  Within this category, conflicts 
in the wider part of the world can be cited (Kotlyar, 2020). 

In Asia, four full-fledged wars between India and Pakistan over Kashmir dispute have 
been fought since 1947 with number of local skirmishes continuing till date (Iqbal & 
Hussain, 2018).  The takeover of Taliban government over Afghanistan (United 
Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan [UNAMA], 2021) is another recent 
example.  Likewise, the Persian Gulf war between Iraq and Iran (Alahmad & 
Keshavarzian, 2010), the ongoing conflict between Israel and Palestine (White & Adu, 
2021), the ethnic confrontation between Tutsi and Hutu leading to Rwanda Genocide 
(Rieder& Elbert, 2013) and the ongoing conflicts in Yemen, Syria, Libya and many 
other Middle Eastern and African countries are some of the conflicts that manifest the 
growing impatience in international politics. The list of conflicts is by no means 
exhaustive and contemporarily it is supplemented by the Ukraine-Russia Conflict.  

Western Dominance and the Former Soviet Empire 

After the collapse of the Soviet Empire, Russia was on weak footing to curtail the ever-
growing Western influence.  The region of Caucasus was formerly under the control of 
Russia but the United States managed to enter this energy rich region with the help of 
some of its Allies like Azerbaijan, Georgia and Ukraine. Likewise, the Western 
dominance also kept growing stronger as NATO expanded further in Easter Europe.  In 
1999, under the Clinton Administration, NATO expanded to bring in the Czech 
Republic, Hungary and Poland. In 2004, further eight former Soviet states joined NATO 
including Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia. In 
2008, NATO at one of its sessions in Bucharest, considered joining Georgia and 
Ukraine. France and Germany opposed this view for the fear of the Russian 
aggression. It was in this backdrop that Russia invaded Georgia in 2008.  In 2009, 
Albania and Croatia joined NATO and this Western influence continued to grow.  

The influence of the European Union is also of no lesser degree than NATO. The EU 
launched its Eastern Partner Initiative in 2008. Russia considered the program as 
hostile to its national interests. Russia perceives EU expansion as a stalking horse for 
NATO. Therefore, it can be stated that Western dominance causes instability in 
international politics. Particularly, one of the greatest challenges that now faces the 
world is the prevalence of interstate conflicts such as the conflict between Russia and 
Ukraine (Mearsheimer, 2014).  

Identifying Causes of Ukraine-Russia Conflict 

The inducements for present confrontation are manifold.  The confrontation has deep 
historical roots. It begins with Konotop Battle of 1659 where Ukrainian troops of 
Hetmanate defeated the Moscow Army. Later on, the Russian army under Tsar I 
secured their influence on Hetmanate territory.  During the Ukrainian Revolution of 



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1917-1921, Russia made all attempts to prevent the establishment of the independent 
Ukraine. Further in World War II, the US spread its influence to territories of western 
Ukraine but the local population there largely resisted (Kotlyar,2020). 

Russia under Putin has always been on critical terms with its neighboring Ukraine. 
Putin’s political history is clearly indicative of the fact that for him the collapse of the 
USSR has been a painful fact. In this regard, his statement from 2005 can be aptly 
stated wherein he mentions collapse of the Soviet empire as the greatest geopolitical 
catastrophe of the century.  

The relation between two states especially worsened when in 2014, Russia began a 
military operation to capture the Crimean Peninsula.  After the military operation had 
been carried on for a considerable period of time, ultimately on 15th March, a 
referendum was held wherein Crimea voted for joining the Peninsula to Russia. Three 
days later, on 18 March, the Kremlin signed a treaty on the admission of the Republic 
of Crimea to the Russian (Welt, 2021). 

Violating the rules and principles of International Law, bilateral and multilateral 
agreements, the Russian Federation annexed the Autonomous Republic of Crimea 
and Sevastopol, occupied certain areas of Donetsk and Luhansk regions. 

The two states signed the Russian Federation and the Ukraine on Cooperation in the 
Use of the Sea of Azov and the Strait of Kerch Agreement in 2003. However, Russia 
violating the terms of the treaty, annexed Crimea in 2014. On 19 February 2018, 
Ukraine filed a memorandum in the International Court of Arbitration against the 
Russian Federation in accordance with the United Nations Convention on the Law of 
the Sea, which alleges Russia’s violation of Ukraine’s rights in the Black Sea and in 
the Sea of Azov, as well as in the Kerch Strait.  

The two states have been on deteriorating terms since long and till date no 
development towards improvement in bilateral relationship can be observed. 

Understanding Putin’s Objection on NATO Eastward Expansion 

The threats that Russia senses due to NATO eastward expansion have been put in 
unambiguous words by Putin several times. As previously mentioned in the paper, 
several former colonies and several neighboring states of Russia have already joined 
hands with the West. It is in this backdrop that Russia perceives its geostrategic 
interests at stake. When it comes to Vladmir Putin's stance, he has put it straight by 
pointing at an analogy of Ukraine to Russia with Mexico and Canada to America. Putin 
interrogates America’s reaction if missiles were deployed at its border through the 
states of Mexico and Canada.  An apt interpretation of Putin’s sentiments suggests 
that for Russia to wage war in Ukraine was a resort of last and unpleasant instance but 
forced by threats of national disintegration due to intervention of foreign elements, it 
took this step with heavy heart (Nigam, 2021; Roth, 2021). 

Impact of Ukraine-Russia Conflict 



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The crisis in Ukraine has set shockwaves to the world at large. As bombing continues 
in Kyiv, the nation-states across the globe continue to suffer in one way or another. 
This may turn out to be advantageous for some states but the proportionality of harm 
outstands the meager benefit it may produce for a lesser number of states. The impact 
of the conflict can be systematically categorized into two broader categories. One is 
on the regional level and the other is on the global level. On the regional level, its 
immense consequences are evaluated in the context of two South Asian States that 
are China and Pakistan. On the global level, its effects on Middle Eastern and African 
States have been taken within the scope of this paper. 

Evaluating Impact on the Regional Level- South Asia 

By virtue of its geo-strategic and geopolitical importance, South Asia has always been 
the area of power struggle between great powers like the United States, China and 
Russia. In this backdrop, the consequences of Ukraine Conflict have been evaluated 
in the context of two South Asian States as follow: 

Pakistan as a Case Study 

The impact of the conflict on Pakistan and the country’s response to it can be evaluated 
under the following heads: 

Pakistan Position on Conflict 

Pakistan political history is marked with troubled relationships with its neighboring 
countries especially India, Afghanistan and Iran.  Pakistan standing with the West is 
already on weak footing and the country is suffering with economic woes exacerbated 
by debts from the IMF and being on FATF. Pakistan faced a serious balance of 
payment crisis by the end of 2017-2018 and is still facing the same (Ali, 2022). It is in 
these conditions that the Ukraine-Russia war broke out and further led the country into 
tunnels of gloominess.  

Under the prevailing situation, being a neutral third party is in the best interest of 
Pakistan. Likewise, Pakistan has so far adopted the policy of non-alignment in the 
conflict. If Pakistan takes a side in this dispute, it will be unable to enable the warring 
parties in negotiating and resolving the crisis. 

Impact of Conflict on Geo-Political Relevance of Pakistan 

On the face of the globe, Pakistan occupies a fundamental geo-strategic position. 
Owing to this unique geographic location, it has enormous potential to perform a 
leading role in world politics. Pakistan is situated at a gateway to the Middle East and 
Central Asian States (CARs).  In this regard, Pakistan’s Gwadar and Karachi Sea Ports 
provide ideal port and transit facilities for CARs to establish their trade links with the 
outer world for the benefit of the entire region.  Pakistan has served as a frontline state 
against the Soviet Occupation from 1979 to 1989, in post 9/11, its participation in US 
led alliances in GWOT and now post US withdrawal from Afghanistan.  



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Due to its conflict with Ukraine, Russia is now badly in urgent need of expanding its 
customer base. In this regard, Pakistan has remained a viable customer of gas and oil. 
Pakistan's own gas reserves are rapidly depleting and taking into consideration all 
these ongoing crises, Pakistan has signed an agreement with Russia to import natural 
gas.  In the year 2015 and 2021, Pakistan also signed a Project with Russia that 
amounts to 2.5 billion USD. Under the project, a 1100-kilometer gas pipeline, known 
as the Pakistan Stream Gas Pipeline Project, from Karachi to Punjab will be 
constructed. All these developments in bilateral relationship between two countries are 
apparently to its favor yet the impact of this seemingly friendly relationship between 
Russia and Pakistan remains to be seen (Owais, 2007).  

Economic Impact on Pakistan 

Throughout history, Pakistan has been on good terms with Ukraine and Russia and 
has sustained its bilateral economic ties with both. Pakistan exports to Russia in 1996 
were just 13.1 M USD but in 2020 the export rate will increase as much as 279 M USD. 
On the other hand, Russia’s export was just 67.6M in 1996 but in 2020, they have gone 
as high as 699M USD. Likewise, for a given year Pakistan exports to Ukraine have 
increased from 18.1 M USD to 573M USD and Ukraine export to Pakistan has 
increased from 2.98M USD to 82.1M USD (Qiser, 2022).  

However, the ongoing conflict has brought this economic tie under huge strain. This is 
an especially alarming situation in a country like Pakistan which is already struggling 
with numerous problems. 

After US, Europe, NATO and its allies, Germany and many other states have expanded 
sanctions on Russia. These sanctions will have an effect on the global market. 
Likewise, Pakistan will continue to suffer in many ways. 

Pakistan, already suffering from a grappling economy, has record high inflation for a 
two years period from 2022 at around 10%. The inflation will in turn lead to a wage-
price spiral, in which due to rising living costs, individuals demand more wages. This 
will exacerbate economic instability. Furthermore, if wages are not raised, as a last 
option businesses would have to lay off their workforces, resulting in an increased 
unemployment.  

The disruption in the food value chain will be significant. Russia and Ukraine together 
constitute 21% of global wheat export in the year 2021. In the fiscal year 2021, Pakistan 
alone consisted of 39% wheat imports from Ukraine. It also imports corn, barley, grain, 
seeds among other items from Ukraine. This disruption in supply leads to high prices 
of food commodities. The inflation in the food market also relates to cut in supply of 
fertilizers. Likewise, there will be a surge in electricity rates too. One cannot deny that 
the natural outcome of high inflation, fewer jobs and more people falling below poverty 
line, their inability to make both ends meet will eventually deteriorate the law-and-order 
situation in the country (Shakil, 2022).  

In the wake of global pandemic where the whole world suffered, the impact for poor 
countries like Pakistan was especially disastrous. It had not yet come out of the 
cascading effect of those crises that a new challenge in the form of Russia-Ukraine 



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conflict had ensued. It is now at Pakistan's wise disposal of all the means at hand that 
the country can counter this growing insurgency.  

China as a Case Study 

In the Ukrainian-Russian Conflict, China's position can be evaluated with respect to 
three categories of interests. Firstly, China wants to sustain its brotherly ties with 
Russia. Secondly, Beijing would never want to give up on the West in pursuance of 
narrow national interest as its prosperous future is directly proportional to stable 
economic ties with the West.  Last yet equally important to China is preservation of its 
commitment enshrined in its foreign policy to safeguard sovereignty and territorial 
integrity of all states. China so far seems to be advocating a non-position on conflict 
by neither praising any state’s stance nor condemning invasion of Russia. However, it 
remains uncertain how long China will maintain its policy of neutrality for as the 
tensions between two states continue to grow, the world-states will eventually be 
forced to open up about their choices (International Crisis Group, 2022).  

Evaluating Impact on Global Level- Middle Eastern and North African States 

The reality of how vulnerable states are to the outcome of Ukraine-Russia conflict is 
actually a question of how much dependent the states are for their national existence 
on Ukraine and Russia. When it comes to Middle Eastern and African States, it is 
observed that Russia enjoys working ties with many states of Middle East and North 
Africa. For these states Russia provides high level diplomatic assistance, active 
military engagement, a stable source of food and energy security and arms and 
ammunition aid. Therefore, the probability of these states of non-allegiance to Russia 
is less likely yet if continued for a long time, Russia will soon not be in a position to 
provide assistance to Middle Eastern and North African States under the tightening 
sanctions and weakening diplomatic relationship with super powers of the world. It is 
then under this change of events that Russia will begin to lose its influence over these 
states and it is then that these states will have to make a choice whether to hold on to 
Russia or to let go of it (Wehrey, 2022; Rumley, 2022; Welsh, 2022).  

Recommendations 

Following way outs can be adopted by both states to buffer their rapidly deteriorating 
relationships:  

A Sustainable Solution underpins Geo-Strategic Interests 

Primarily, the conflict between Russia and Ukraine requires an addressal of each 
state's specific national interest. Yet, the fact remains that conflict between two states 
cannot be considered as merely their own conflict rather the implications of conflict go 
well beyond the borders. Therefore, on a broader spectrum, the geo-strategic interest 
of states must be counted first when designing a policy-solution to war.  

Temper Antagonistic Rhetoric by beginning with less divisive topics 



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Firstly, discussions should be carried out on less divisive topics encompassing issues 
on sub-regional level rather than on continent wide level. These less divisive topics 
can range from trade, maritime environment, issues related to Black Sea, the Baltic 
Sea and other narrower grounds. There can be no better solution to temper 
antagonistic rhetoric than willingness of European States themselves in making table 
talks and acknowledging legitimate concerns of Russians while also putting forward 
their own. This could be an important step because once discussions are underway, 
they might give way to topics of major concern.  

Replacing “All or Nothing” Approach  

Sanctions to Russia are not a new thing. Bringing Russia suddenly under heavy 
sanctions may not be as effective as if the international community takes the approach 
of linking incremental sanctions to incremental relaxation of sanctions. This will be 
more effective than an all or nothing approach.  

Provisions for Security Reservation 

The concept of ‘Security Reservation’ is based on the notion that energy should not be 
used as a weapon in times of war. It entails limitation on deployment of weapons only 
on a handful of positions and for calculated time.  Practically, this step is hard to follow 
yet it makes sense if nations show willingness to adopt it. 

Infusing Sense of Belonging on Inter-State Level 

States must now establish a new security architecture based on a sense of belonging, 
putting aside ethnocentrism and eurocentrism.  Therefore, to overcome growing 
impatience in international politics, the state must adopt a more liberal outlook of 
acknowledging the nation's cultural, historical and ideological narrative.  

Proactive Approach 

In order to deal with the complete subject-matter of national security, the state must 
establish pro-active negotiation capacity, through early-stage consultation and 
international community assistance.  

Trust-Building 

It is certainly one of the most important reasons that two states have so far been unable 
to resolve their problems and all the efforts entailing negotiation and mediation have 
failed. It is advisable that the two must put forward their respective concerns in 
presence of the third-party mediators i.e.  those states that enjoy a high degree of trust 
with both Ukraine and Russia.  

Conclusion 

To conclude, it can be stated that it is true that no conflict can be defined as totally 
local in the modern times, as the global community has to suffer from the 
consequences in one way or another. The impact of the Ukraine-Russia Conflict has 



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been felt in all parts of the world today. Russia sees Western expansion on its border 
as a threat to its sovereignty and it is willing to take all types of pain instead of 
acquiescence to Western order. On the other hand, Ukraine has its reasons to continue 
to resist Russia’s interventions. It is the national interest which is at stake for both the 
states and, it is only through mutual understanding of both states’ national security 
threats that any viable solution can be implemented. Adoption of humanitarian 
principles by both the states is favorable not only in promoting peace and brotherhood 
between them but for the international community at large. 

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Author Notes 
 
Sadaf Qadir is currently an undergraduate law student at Fatima Jinnah Women 
University. She had this privilege of getting secondary and higher education from 
different cities of Pakistan including Attock, Multan, Peshawar and Rawalpindi.  This 
wide exposure infused her sense of belonging and willingness to serve humanity. Her 
core interests are International Humanitarian law, International Human Rights Law and 
International Relations. She is motivated to keep on aspiring like-minded people 



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through her academic writing. She can be contacted at 20-21911-
018@law.fjwu.edu.pk   
 
Zainab Iqbal is currently working as a Lecturer in the Department of Law at Fatima 
Jinnah Women University Rawalpindi, Pakistan. She has completed her Master's 
Degree (LLM International Law) in 2019 from International Islamic University, 
Islamabad. In her LLM, she wrote a thesis on “The Need for a Comprehensive Arms 
Trade Treaty to Prevent Violations of International Humanitarian Law”. She has served 
as a consultant for various international organizations, including UN Women, British 
Council, and EU. She can be contacted at zainab.iqbal412@gmail.com. 


