welcome to the global south theological journal rev. dr. samuel deressa, editor (concordia university, st. paul) christianity in the twenty-first century has experienced one major phenomenon that scholars have been describing for the last few decades— the decline of christianity in the global north (europe and north america) and its rise in the global south (africa, asia, and south america). the global south has become the home to most christians in our world. this implies that the center of christianity has shifted to africa, asia, and south america, and it is likely that these regions will remain the new strongholds of christianity for decades or even centuries to come. the global south theological journal (gstj) has started with the purpose of publishing fresh thinking and insights related to issues that christians in the global south are facing because of these developments. in other words, it aims at providing insights into how theologians are engaging and exploring some issues that are emerging from the global south and creating opportunities for the global christian community to learn from those theological reflections. what can the global christian community learn from theological reflections in the global south? what have the global south theologians to offer the rest? it is a pleasure to welcome you to this first issue of the gstj. this journal is a biannual peerreviewed academic journal published under the department of theology and ministry at concordia university, st. paul. the five articles in this issue focus on christianity in africa. they address issues such as the significance and impact of the legacy of dietrich bonhoeffer on the christian church in africa, the role of endogenous leaders in the growth of the lutheran church in ethiopia, and the life and ministry of gudina tumsa, the “african bonhoeffer.” so, as you read this journal, i encourage you to read it with an open mind to learn from the christian tradition in africa. global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022) 1 global south theological journal 3, no. 1 (2024): 1 introduction to vol.3, no. 1 david lumpp emeritus, concordia university, saint paul first, please accept my sincere thanks for the honor of the invitation to give this second annual yonas deressa memorial lecture. i am grateful not only for this invitation, but also for the hospitality your community (specifically, the mekane yesus seminary gudina tumsa research center) has shown to me and my wife during our exciting time here. our mutual colleague, dr. samuel deressa, who has also served as my invaluable north american contact and resource as i have prepared these lectures, requested that i address the topic of “prosperity gospels” in a broader lutheran theological context. i aspire to fulfill his request today [wednesday, april 17, 2024], and on thursday [april 18, 2024] and friday [april 19, 2024] as well. the descriptive title through which i hope to fulfill his request over these three days is “authentic discipleship, the cross, and the lure of false gospels.”1 as you can see, this title breaks down into three distinct but interrelated topics. these individual topics are discipleship biblically considered; the theology of the cross as an important theological context within which to consider these matters; and, finally, some of the specifics of the so-called prosperity gospels themselves, including several of the most common biblical texts on which they are based. each topic draws from the other two, and each one contributes something to the other two. in other words, there will be some overlap and a few references to the topics covered in the other presentations. before beginning the first major section, i should acknowledge immediately that a straightforward study of the prosperity gospels and the bible passages that are most frequently cited in their support could easily take up all three of our days together. that might be incidentally useful, but such an approach would not provide the resources one needs to address the larger and more foundational theological issues that are at stake in any discussion of the prosperity gospels. while i do not ordinarily use analogies from biology, let me observe at the outset that the dna of prosperity gospels is very different from that of a genuinely biblical and lutheran understanding of the christian gospel, including the christian life that this gospel elicits. moreover, the prosperity gospels read and understand the word of god in holy scripture from an equally different interpretative framework from the one taught by classical christian theology in general and by lutheran theology especially (namely, in the latter case, its gospel-centered and gospel-informed hermeneutic). in a nutshell, these contextual but still no less substantive differences are the reason we will be spending some time in these first two lectures on the nature of authentic discipleship and the theology of the cross itself. if we can address the first two topics with a measure of clarity, our consideration of the prosperity gospels will follow with some theological and exegetical inevitability. 1 as indicated here, the current iteration of these materials was originally given as three oral presentations on the dates indicated. on the basis of these presentations, and the subsequent questions and comments, i have revised the material ever so slightly, and in several instances enhanced the documentation. most of the original oral dynamic remains, and no content has been altered. as they stand here, they are a hybrid of spoken presentations and written essays. global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 1 introduction to vol.2, no. 2 samuel deressa, editor (concordia university, saint paul) welcome to the global south theological journal, a platform dedicated to exploring and celebrating the rich tapestry of theological thought and practice emerging from the global south. in this edition, we present a diverse range of articles that delve into significant historical events, individuals, and theological approaches that have shaped the fabric of the global south. øyvind m. eide’s article offers a profound examination of the moral dilemmas faced by missionaries during the communist rule in ethiopia from 1974 to 1991. in the face of severe persecution, the evangelical churches in ethiopia endured tremendous hardships. eide takes us on a journey through the challenges faced by these missionaries and their determination to relay vital information despite significant political risk. this article challenges us to consider the ethical considerations for mission organizations and churches when operating under oppressive dictatorial regimes, while also reflecting on the dynamics of power inherent in such situations and the role of the church in society. estifanos zewde’s article takes us on a captivating exploration of the life and ministry of gudina tumsa, focusing on his theological approach to marxist ideology. as the general secretary of the ethiopian evangelical church mekane yesus (eecmy), gudina exhibited a christ-oriented approach that influenced his understanding of human rights during a time dominated by marxist ideology in ethiopia. estifanos analyzes the dialogue between theological anthropology and christology that informed gudina's perspective on human rights. this thought-provoking article invites us to reflect on the interplay between theology, ideology, and the pursuit of justice. sarah willson's article shines a light on the remarkable approach to ecumenism adopted by gudina tumsa, a visionary figure in the realm of religious harmony. willson delves into the intricacies of gudina's perspective, demonstrating the unique and impactful ways in which he fostered unity amidst diversity. gudina's belief in embracing diversity as a means to deepen mutual understanding resonated across religious boundaries, inspiring individuals from various backgrounds to come together in pursuit of a common goal. this article underscores the power of unity in a world often plagued by division, highlighting gudina's enduring legacy as a beacon of hope for interfaith relations. francis stephanos’ article discusses the misuse of power and authority within a church, specifically the eecmy (1994-2010). it highlights conflicts and misunderstandings that arose due to the expansion of power and manipulation of the constitution by the church leadership. he argues that the main cause of conflict within the eecmy was the disagreement over conducting church services in different languages. the decision to involve secular courts worsened the situation, leading to numerous legal battles and negative consequences for the church and its members. efforts for reconciliation and unification were made, but no significant results were achieved until 2010. the article emphasizes the need for peace and reconciliation within the church. additionally, we are privileged to feature staffan grenstedt's comprehensive exploration of gudina tumsa's transformative ministry in the kambata and hadiya regions of southern ethiopia. grenstedt takes us on a captivating journey into the heart of gudina's work within these communities, emphasizing his unwavering dedication to fostering ecumenism on a grassroots level. through grenstedt's meticulous research and firsthand accounts, we gain insight into the challenges, triumphs, and lasting impact of gudina's ministry. this article invites us to reflect on the power of engagement, understanding, and collaboration in bringing about positive change in diverse communities. as we immerse ourselves in the richness of these articles, we are reminded of the profound influence individuals can have in shaping theological thought, fostering unity, and promoting justice. the journal of global south theological journal is committed to amplifying voices, stories, and perspectives deressa, “introduction to col.2, no.2” global south theological journal x, no. x (202x): 2 that emerge from the global south, bringing them to the forefront of theological discourse. by engaging with these articles, we hope to inspire dialogue, deepen understanding, and encourage transformative action within our communities and beyond. we invite you to explore the pages of this journal, to engage with the ideas and insights presented, and to join us on this journey of discovery and growth as we continue to elevate the voices and perspectives of the global south. global south theological journal 2, no. 1 (2023): 1 the first rev. dr. yonas deressa lecture series tibebu senbetu (mekane yesus seminary gudina tumsa research center addis ababa, ethiopia) mekane yesus seminary, the largest and oldest lutheran seminary in ethiopia, has recently established a research center to further its mission and promote academic excellence. the center serves as a hub for interaction among faculties, scholars, graduate students, and churches, fostering research opportunities and facilitating analysis of theological and doctrinal controversies. operating in alignment with sound biblical teaching and solid lutheran theology and confession, the research center aims to generate and disseminate knowledge. in addition to research, the center organizes academic seminars, lecture series, conferences, training, and workshops for faculty, graduate students, and research scholars. looking ahead, the center plans to establish a publication center to showcase outstanding research findings through journal articles, magazines, books, book chapters, and monographs. this multifaceted approach ensures that the mekane yesus seminary remains at the forefront of academic exploration and contribution to the field of theology. in line with its annual operation plan, mekane yesus seminary recently organized a three-day academic seminar from april 26-29, 2023. the seminar focused on the theme "some would be apostles" (eph 4:11) and featured dr. mark schuler as the guest speaker. dr. schuler, professor emeritus at concordia university in st. paul, minnesota, delivered insightful lectures during the event. it is worth noting that the seminar held special significance as it was dedicated to the memory of the late rev. dr. yonas deressa, former president of mekane yesus seminary. we are grateful to rev. dr. samuel y. deressa, son of the late dr. yonas deressa, for generously funding the seminar, and his initiative to publish the lecture series in the new global south theological journal, where he serves as the editor. this event truly exemplifies the seminary's commitment to academic discourse and research in theology. in the first session led by dr. schuler, titled “the first apostles,” the focus was on exploring the biblical foundation of the term ἀπόστολος (apostolos) and how it has been used by biblical authors. dr. schuler highlighted the varying usage of the term by different authors, with a specific emphasis on the perspectives of paul and luke. paul used ἀπόστολος to refer to his own calling and ministry to the gentiles, as well as to others like silvanus, timothy, and sosthenes. on the other hand, luke primarily confined the term to the twelve apostles who witnessed jesus' ministry, death, and resurrection. however, luke also used it in a generic sense, similar to the term 'prophets.' overall, dr. schuler concluded that the new testament writers' usage of ἀπόστολος was inconsistent, reflecting the specific contexts and situations they addressed. day two of the lecture series with dr. schuler focused on the usage of the term ἀπόστολος (apostolos) in the post-apostolic period, which he referred to as “after the apostles.” dr. schuler noted that while the self-designation of ἀπόστολος disappeared during this period, its generic use became more prominent. he highlighted how early church writers such as 1 clement, ignatius, polycarp, the shepherd of hermas, the epistle of barnabas, the didache, justin martyr, irenaeus, and others employed the term in their writings. some used it to refer to the twelve apostles, while others included paul and additional figures. however, dr. schuler observed that none of these writers used the term as a self-designation with authoritative claims. instead, they shifted the focus to the concept of "apostolic succession," which emphasized the transmission of spiritual authority from the apostles to subsequent bishops and priests. this idea of apostolic succession provided the foundation for the unity and correct teaching of the orthodox church throughout history. dr. schuler also discussed the gradual process of canonization of the tibebu senbetu, “the first deressa lecture series” global south theological journal 2, no. 1 (2023): 2 new testament, which played a crucial role in preserving and protecting the teachings of the apostles and their successors, the bishops and priests. thus, the articulated dogmas formulated by these early church leaders were instrumental in safeguarding the church against false teachings and heresies. on the last day of the presentation, we delved into the highly anticipated topic of “apostles today.” this issue has sparked ongoing controversy within the church in africa. as an african evangelical lutheran church, the ethiopian evangelical church mekane yesus recognizes the need to respond to self-proclaimed apostolic claims by individuals and emerging churches. dr. schuler, respecting the importance of apostolicity in the african church's mission, urged african theologians to critically analyze and articulate their views on this matter. drawing upon his solid lutheran background, dr. schuler presented several principles for evaluating self-designated apostolic authority in today's context. firstly, he emphasized the ministry of jeremiah in the old testament and jesus in the new testament, both cautioning god's people to be vigilant against false prophets (jer. 28:9, matt. 7:15-16). secondly, he stressed the significance of testing the content of their message, asserting that content matters. additionally, dr. schuler highlighted the importance of christology, urging listeners to assess whether these self-proclaimed apostles direct their audience toward christ and our salvation. the fourth principle he emphasized was to avoid quenching the spirit by challenging excessive doubt and limiting the work of the holy spirit among believers. however, he emphasized that even new experiences should be evaluated through the lens of god's word. furthermore, dr. schuler encouraged the indigenization of christianity within people's cultural and linguistic contexts, considering the needs of the weaker members within the faith community. ultimately, he concluded his lecture series by exhorting the audience to make sola scriptura, sola gratia, sola fide, solus christus, and soli deo gloria the core principles of their christian faith and practice, firmly rooted in lutheran teaching. we express our sincere appreciation to dr. schuler for delivering a remarkable and eloquent presentation at the mekane yesus seminary. the research center is deeply grateful for his valuable insights, which have garnered overwhelmingly positive feedback from both the faculty and the wider audience. by publishing these essays here, we aim to provide the reader with valuable insights into apostleship in our modern age, with a particular focus on its significance in the african context. the issue of apostleship has become a source of controversy in numerous churches, making it increasingly vital to gain fresh perspectives and knowledge about this topic. we hope that by delving into dr. schuler's presentation, you will gain a deeper understanding and new insights that will contribute to your understanding of apostleship in the current era. we extend our heartfelt blessings to dr. schuler, his family, and his ministry for their invaluable contributions. may god continue to guide and bless them abundantly. amen! global south theological journal 3, no. 1.1 (2024): 1 introduction to vol.3, no. 1.1 samuel deressa, editor (concordia university, saint paul, minnesota) in this supplemental issue, we are privileged to present a series of insightful chapters authored by dr. jostein ådna, a distinguished scholar whose interdisciplinary approach illuminates the profound connections between the hebrew bible and the new testament. with a rich academic background shaped by rigorous theological studies in oslo, tübingen, and jerusalem, dr. ådna brings a wealth of knowledge and a nuanced perspective to this intricate field of study. currently serving as professor of new testament at the school of mission and theology in stavanger, norway, his contributions to biblical scholarship are both significant and highly regarded. the chapters included in this volume are the culmination of a series of seminars led by dr. ådna at the mekane yesus seminary in addis ababa, ethiopia. these seminars provided a collaborative space for theological reflection and dialogue, fostering a deeper understanding of the continuities and distinctives within the judeo-christian scriptures. dr. ådna’s meticulous analysis and engaging pedagogy have resulted in a body of work that not only advances academic discourse but also enriches the broader theological community’s comprehension of these sacred texts. as we engage with dr. ådna’s scholarship, we are invited to consider the textual, historical, and theological dimensions that underpin the relationship between the hebrew bible and the new testament. his work challenges readers to explore these connections with both intellectual rigor and an appreciation for the enduring legacy of these canonical writings. global south theological journal 2, no. 1 (2023): 3 the first apostles mark schuler (emeritus, concordia university, saint paul) abstract: various new testament writers do not use ἀπόστολος in the same way. paul uses ἀπόστολος as his primary self-designation and fills that word with his particular experience – his call from jesus on the road to damascus, his life-long mission to the gentile world, his willingness to serve, his proclamation of the gospel, and even his sufferings. but it was not the only meaning, for paul could use the term as a designation for other fellow workers (without explaining exactly what he means by that) and could even use the term broadly when speaking of “apostles and prophets.” for paul, the term is specific to himself but also applies to others. luke has a narrower range of usage. for the most part, the ἀπόστολοι are the twelve, especially in their roles as leaders of the community and authoritative witnesses to the words and deeds of jesus. this usage also is replicated in most other occurrences of ἀπόστολος in the new testament. the usage in the new testament is not uniform. it depends on the writer and the situation being addressed by the writer. introduction in the letter to the ephesians, likely a circular letter read broadly in the roman province of asia (cp. col 4:16), paul asserted, “each of us was given grace according to the measure of christ’s gift” (eph 4:7). then he enumerated, “the gifts he gave were that some would be apostles…” (eph 4:11). who or what are these “apostles”? and what is the significance of this gift of christ for the church today? over the next three days, we shall explore such questions under three topics: • the first apostles • after the apostles • apostles today let us begin in the name of jesus. who or what is an apostle? and who were the first apostles? to approach this question, we turn to the new testament. in its texts, the key term is ἀπόστολος, which occurs 80 times. the related noun ἀποστολή, "apostolic ministry, apostleship," occurs four times (acts 1:25; rom 1:5; 1 cor 9:2; gal 2:8), while ψευδαπόστολος "false apostle," turns up once (2 cor 11:13). the verb ἀποστέλλω “to send,” from which the noun lively derives, occurs just over 130 times. scholars typically turn to usage in greek literature to discern the nuances of meaning. but such a turn is disappointing. francis agnew writes: “[t]he word apostólos had an extremely meager history in secular greek. this history is bound up with the experience of seafaring and is not closely related to christian usage.”1 moisēs silva expands slightly, “it is associated with maritime language, referring to a naval expedition (sometimes more specifically its commander) or to a ship about to be "sent off," but it can also be applied to a band of colonists sent overseas and even to documents related to shipping. the 1 francis h. agnew, “the origin of the nt apostle-concept: a review of research,” journal of biblical literature 105, no. 1 (1986): 75. schuler, “the first apostles” global south theological journal 2, no. 1 (2023): 4 sense "emissary, ambassador," referring to individuals, is rare (the usual terms for this are ἄγγελος, κῆρυξ, πρεσβευτής).”2 in herodotus, a usage of ἀπόστολος refers to the bearer of a message, such as the herald sent by alyattes to miletus (1.21). josephus mentions a "delegation" (τὸν ἀπόστολον) of jews to rome appointed by varus (ant. 17.300); but that is the only sure occurrence of the word in his work.3 holger mosbech is blunt, “there is no connection between the term of herodotus and the ἀπόστολοι of the new testament. for this reason, it is more likely that the christian term appeared to the greeks as something quite new.”4 indeed, when we turn to the lxx, “ot greek is not much more productive of information on the origins of christian usage [of the noun ἀπόστολος]. the lxx and symmachus each have the word once, in the sense of ‘messenger.’”5 as to verbal forms, the lxx uses στέλλω only 7 times in the middle voice with various meanings, but ἀποστέλλω occurs more than 650 times. where these terms render a heb. equivalent, the latter is almost always a form of the verb. ָׁשַלח which most often means "to send" in a fairly general sense.5f 6 apparently, the usage in the new testament of nouns and verbs from the root στελλ with the prefix απο is a distinctly early christian phenomenon. who and/or what an apostle might be must be determined by usage in the new testament itself. when we look more carefully at the distribution of the terminology within new testament writings, we get our first clues as to that meaning. of the 80 occurrences of ἀπόστολος, there are two clusters: 34 usages are in the writings of paul and 34 are in luke/acts. there are three occurrences each in peter and revelation, and one each in matthew, mark, john, and jude. as matthew and mark are synoptics and may have been known by luke, i include them in the lucan cluster. while we often assume that biblical writers use terminology in a uniform fashion, these two clusters open the possibility of variance in meaning, depending on the biblical author. the one example from hebrews affirms this possibility, as ἀπόστολος is used in reference to jesus, “the apostle and high priest of our confession” (heb 3:1). therefore, we shall next look at usage in these two clusters, the pauline usage and the lucan usage, and from our examination we shall discover a differentiation in meaning among the biblical writers. ἀπόστολος has a different connotation depending on the writer using the term and the situation addressed by the writer. christian writers are using ἀπόστολος in a new way and in different ways. the pauline usage paul’s writings are some of the earliest materials we have in the new testament. one might expect to find in them a primitive understanding of apostleship in the church. however, paul is a trail blazer. he is not active in the early community in jerusalem. in fact, they fear him, understandably so after the lynching of stephen. his is the graeco-roman world, a mission to the uncircumcised, with a distinct gospel. when he writes to the communities he visited, whether in joy or in anguish, he frequently begins with the words παῦλος ἀπόστολος (1 cor, 2 cor, gal, eph, col, 1 tim, 2 tim). since such a usage would be novel in the hellenistic world, paul provides additional explanation of what he means by the word ἀπόστολος, this gift from christ. paul’s claim of the designation ἀπόστολος is rooted in his experience on the road to damascus. paul emphasizes that he is κλητός ("called," rom 1:1; 1 cor 1:1; gal 1:15), indeed ἀφωρισμένος ("set apart," rom 1:1; gal 1:15) for the holy service of his apostleship. the calling occurred in a 2 moisés silva, ed., “ἀποστέλλω,” in new international dictionary of new testament theology and exegesis, second edition, vol. 1 (grand rapids, michigan: zondervan, 2014), 366. 3 ceslas spicq, “ἀπόστολος, apostolos,” in theological lexicon of the new testament, vol. 1 (peabody, mass: hendrickson, 1994), 187. 4 holger mosbech, “apostolos in the new testament: two lectures given at the university of uppsala october 1947,” studia theologica 2, no. 2 (1948): 167. 5 agnew, “the origin of the nt apostle-concept,” 75. 6 silva, “ἀποστέλλω,” 366. schuler, “the first apostles” global south theological journal 2, no. 1 (2023): 5 christophany (1 cor 9:1; 15:9; gal 1:12, 16), during which, simultaneously, the content of the gospel was established (gal 1:12). 7 paul also points to the divine θελήμα (1 cor 1:1 and 2 cor 1:1) which is the basis for this calling. “[h]e is not an apostle of his own will and certainly not dependent on any other human will (gal 1:1; 2 cor 3:5).”8 preaching the gospel is a divine necessity (1 cor 9:16). in tandem with ἀπόστολος and perhaps interchangeably, paul uses the term δοῦλος or "servant" (rom 1:1; phil 1:1; 2 cor 4:5; titus 1:1; cp. δέσμιος in philemon 1). “paul assures the recipients of the gospel that he speaks only in accordance with his commission and not from motives of human deceit (1 thess 2:3).”9 paul has claimed the appellations ἀπόστολος and δοῦλος, but to what end. what is the commission of an apostle? “the commission of the apostle consists in the fact that the mission is entrusted to him. he is to preach christ” (1 cor 1:17; rom 10:11; 2 cor 5:20).10 he is the apostle to the gentiles (ἐθνῶν ἀπόστολος, rom 11:13; gal 2:8). as paul asserts is his letter to the galatians (his first letter, i believe), his mission is apostolic “neither by human commission nor from human authorities, but through jesus christ and god the father, who raised him from the dead” (gal 1:1). his apostolic work is grounded on the call of christ, thus his frequent use of the phrase ἀπόστολος ἰησοῦ χριστοῦ (1 cor 1:1; 2 cor 1:1; 1 thes. 2:7; cf. eph 1:1; col 1:1; 1 tim 1:1; 2 tim 1:1; titus 1:1). this call is an ἀποκάλυψις (gal 1:12, 16). it involves vision (ὁράω, 1 cor 1:9; 15:7). paul equates the appearance of jesus with the commission from jesus. therefore, the gospel he preaches goes directly back to christ. paul seems to view his call as service for a lifetime. this is so obvious that paul does not allude to this fact either for himself or for any other of the apostles. thus, it is inconceivable that the apostle could, for example, give back his commission. the lifelong office, however, also apparently presupposes lifelong service. one cannot be an apostle without rendering the service of an apostle.11 moreover, paul’s commission involves suffering. in baptism, he is united to the death of christ (phil 3:10). so, paul boasts in his suffering (rom 5:3) and experiences power in weakness (2 cor 12:9). most explicitly, paul writes, i think that god has exhibited us apostles as last of all, as though sentenced to death, because we have become a spectacle to the world, to angels and to mortals. we are fools for the sake of christ, but you are wise in christ. we are weak, but you are strong. you are held in honor, but we in disrepute. to the present hour we are hungry and thirsty, we are poorly clothed and beaten and homeless, and we grow weary from the work of our own hands. when reviled, we bless; when persecuted, we endure; when slandered, we speak kindly. we have become like the rubbish of the world, the dregs of all things, to this very day (1 cor 4:9-13). the mission is an essential part of paul’s claim to be an apostle. but notably, not all missionaries are designated by paul as apostles. paul does not call titus or apollos ἀπόστολοι. but he does use the term for others such as andronicus and junia in rom 16:7, james brother of jesus in gal 1:19, silvanus and timothy in 1 thes 2:7, and sosthenes in 1 cor 4:9, likely because he saw in their experiences and calling a commonality with his own. on the other hand, paul does use ἀπόστολοι in a way that lacks the specificity of his own circumstance. he speaks of a class of people that are gifted to the church (1 cor 12:28-29), mentions “all the apostles” (1 cor 15:7), considers himself “least of the apostles” (1 cor 15:9), speaks of “apostles 7 j.-a. buehner, “ἀπόστολος,” in exegetical dictionary of the new testament, ed. horst robert balz and gerhard schneider, vol. 1 (grand rapids, mich.: eerdmans, 1990), 143. 8 buehner, 143. 9 buehner, 143. 10 walter schmithals, the office of apostle in the early church, ed. john e. steely (nashville: abingdon press, 1969), 22. 11 schmithals, 46. schuler, “the first apostles” global south theological journal 2, no. 1 (2023): 6 before me” (gal 1:17), cites the “foundation of the apostles” (eph 2:20) and later “his holy apostles” (3:5) and “some who would be apostles” (4:11). so, even in paul, the term is not used consistently. when speaking of himself, as paul writes to communities and individuals as part of his commission, paul gives to a known term, ἀπόστολος, a distinct meaning. it is a word rooted in his experience on the road to damascus behind which is the very will of god. it is for paul a calling and servitude. it involves a direct revelation with an accompanying commission to engage in a mission to the gentile world for the rest of his life preaching the gospel of and about jesus, despite the hardships that will follow. but paul also uses the term ἀπόστολος in less specific ways. he names other fellow workers as ἀπόστολοι, but not all. and he is not clear why he uses such a designation. moreover, he uses the plural ἀπόστολοι in a generic fashion without specific reference but in such a way that his hearers would call to mind a group of people. from paul, we conclude that ἀπόστολος was a term used in the gentile church, perhaps with a range of meanings, upon which paul imposed a set of particulars to define his specific commission. paul used ἀπόστολος to state that • he had a call and commissioning to lifelong apostolic service not dependent on human beings; paul claims to have been sent directly "by jesus christ and god the father." … • [his] call to the christian apostleship is bound with the duty of mission among the gentiles…. • suffering is an inescapable part of the apostle’s service…. • like the prophets, the apostle has a special insight into the mystery of christ…. • his spiritual gifts are there to fulfill definite functions in the church. his authority is not derived from some special quality in him[self], but from the gospel itself in its truth and power to convict.12 the lucan usage in luke there is little equivocation. luke employs the title ἀπόστολος exclusively for the twelve. whether he is speaking of “the twelve apostles,” “the twelve,” or “the apostles,” the meaning is the same. even the number “twelve” seems important, for luke recounts the election of matthias to fill the gap left by judas’ betrayal and suicide (acts 1:16-28). there are two exceptions. in luke 11:49, the term is used more generically in parallel with “prophets” in a paraphrase by jesus of a wisdom of god saying, which jesus uses in a warning directed at experts in the torah. in acts 14:14, luke uses ἀπόστολοι when referring to barnabas and paul, although hans conzelmann thinks that luke may be relying on a source in this case (luke 1:3).13 luke has more to say about the twelve. these apostles have distinct authority in the church. they commissioned the seven (acts 6:6…), speak for the church (acts 2:37), defend against attacks (acts 5:26), authorize the gentile mission (acts 8:14, 18; 15:22-23; 16:4), and make important decisions (acts 15).”14 acts 1:15-26 names the essential criteria which an apostle must meet: he is one who has accompanied the earthly jesus from the beginning, has been chosen by him (1:17; cf. luke 6:13; 9:1), has been with him the entire time up to the ascension, and is thus also a witness of the resurrection (acts 1:21f.; cf. vv. 2f.; luke 24:36ff.).15 12 silva, “ἀποστέλλω,” 368–69. 13 hans conzelmann, eldon jay epp, and christopher r. matthews, acts of the apostles: a commentary on the acts of the apostles, trans. james limburg, a. thomas kraabel, and donald h. juel, hermeneia--a critical and historical commentary on the bible (philadelphia: fortress press, 1987), (double check). 14 silva, “ἀποστέλλω,” 368; buehner, “ἀπόστολος,” 144. 15 buehner, “ἀπόστολος,” 144. schuler, “the first apostles” global south theological journal 2, no. 1 (2023): 7 there is a direct connection from the commissioning of the earthly jesus (luke 6:13) to the announcement of the mission (luke 24:46-48; acts 1:8) to the promise and bestowal of the spirit (luke 24:49; acts 1:5, 8). such a construct would deny paul this title. luke’s usage is essentially uniform. the ἀπόστολοι are the apostles. other writers in the new testament reflect this perspective as well. in matthew (10:2) and mark (6:30), the ἀπόστολοι are the twelve. in both petrine letters, the author uses ἀπόστολος as a self-designation in the opening greeting of each letter as did paul, but without addition explication about the claim other than the synonymous use of δοῦλος in 2 peter 1:1. in 2 peter 3:2, the apostles are the authority behind the oral tradition about the sayings of jesus. revelation 21:14 also references the “twelve apostles.” but generic usages, such as those in paul, also occur albeit less frequently. in john 13:16, an ἀπόστολος is one who has been sent (in parallel with δοῦλος, as in paul). jude 17 refers to false apostles, which clearly do not reference the twelve. a generic usage also occurs in the apocalyptic address to “o heaven, you saints and apostles and prophets!” (rev 18:20). the works of luke reflect a specific understanding of the term ἀπόστολος. the referents are the twelve. for the most part the rest of the new testament employs this same usage. modern scholarship modern study of apostleship began in 1865 with the publication of lightfoot's commentary on galatians and its excursus, "the name and office of apostle." j.b. lightfoot proposed a parallelism existing between the new testament apostles and a figure of late rabbinic judaism called the ַָׁשִליח (sâlîah) or “sent man.”15f 16 this position is developed most fully by karl rengstorf in his highly influential article in the theological dictionary of the new testament.17 he maintains that christian apostleship was derived from the jewish institution of the ַָׁשִליח as is demonstrated by passages like mark 6:7-13 and 9:28-32, matt 10:40-42, and luke 10:16. after accompanying and learning from jesus for a time, he appointed them as apostles by sending them out with specific tasks (matt 10:1-5; mark 6:7-11; luke 9:10). in other words, the apostolate was originally not an office but a commission "in the sense of the authorization which is limited in time and space, and which is conditioned materially rather than personally, as in the jewish concept of ַ17”.ָׁשִליחf 18 as commissioned and sent to act for another, each figure so named is formally like every other, whatever the specific task undertaken. the basic sending-convention at the root of the concept involves a strong sense of solidarity between sender and sent. although the concept is formally secular and legal, it could be and often was employed in a religious context.19 but, the ַָׁשִליח-convention does not appear clearly in antiquity until the rabbinic period, well after the time of jesus. while antecedent ideas may have existed in the time of jesus, one cannot infer dependence on an institution from a later time. moreover, the commission of a ַָׁשִליח was a temporary one, nothing like the life-long mission of paul or the exclusive and authoritative role of a lucan ἀπόστολος. a second claim of derivation comes from walter schmidthals who, having dismissed dependence on the ַָׁשִליח, posits instead that that apostolic role derives from gnosticism, claiming that the type of the apostle is the gnostic redeemer-figure. within gnosticism, schmithals distinguishes two basic types—the heavenly redeemer-figure and the earthly redeemer-figure—the former of divine origin and the latter of human origin. it is the second type for which schmithals finds substantive similarities in paul’s self 16 j. b. lightfoot, st. paul’s epistle to the galatians: with introductions, notes, and dissertations (lynn, mass.: hendrickson publishers, 1981), [add page numbers]. 17 karl heinrich rengstorf, “ἀποστέλλω (πέμπω), ἐξαποστέλλω, ἀπόστολος, ψευδαπόστολος, ἀποστολή,” in theological dictionary of the new testament, ed. gerhard kittel and gerhard friedrich, trans. g. w. bromiley, vol. 1 (grand rapids, mich.: eerdmans, 1964), 398–447. 18 rengstorf, 427; silva, “ἀποστέλλω,” 369. 19 agnew, “the origin of the nt apostle-concept,” 84. schuler, “the first apostles” global south theological journal 2, no. 1 (2023): 8 description.20 but again, “there is no extant documentary evidence for the existence of this gnostic figure from the period of nt origins outside of the nt documents themselves.”21 contemporary biblical scholarship assumes too often that concepts in the new testament must have origins elsewhere rather than being uniquely developed in response to the teaching of jesus and his death and resurrection. it is best to draw a definition of the christian ἀπόστολος from the new testament itself. “the primitive church chose, as it so often did, an unfamiliar word, seldom used in the secular language, with little ready-made content, in order to fill it with one expressing its own conceptions. missionaries specially called by the lord bore this title.”22 conclusion who or what is an apostle? and who were the first apostles? the most important conclusion of this initial study of apostolicity is that we must seek our understanding from the words of the new testament and in so doing to recognize that various new testament writers do not use ἀπόστολος in the same way. paul uses ἀπόστολος as his primary self-designation and fills that word with his particular experience – his call from jesus on the road to damascus, his life-long mission to the gentile world, his willingness to serve, his proclamation of the gospel, and even his sufferings. what god made of and did through paul is the primary meaning that paul gave to the term ἀπόστολος. but it was not the only meaning, for paul could use the term as a designation for other fellow workers (without explaining exactly what he means by that) and could even use the term broadly when speaking of “apostles and prophets.” for paul, the term is specific to himself but also applies to others. luke has a narrower range of usage. for the most part, the ἀπόστολοι are the twelve, especially in their roles as leaders of the community and authoritative witnesses to the words and deeds of jesus. this usage also is replicated in most other occurrences of ἀπόστολος in the new testament. who or what is an apostle? and who were the first apostles? the usage in the new testament is not uniform. it depends on the writer and the situation being addressed by the writer. what happened after the apostles is the subject for tomorrow’s lecture. sources cited agnew, francis h. “the origin of the nt apostle-concept: a review of research.” journal of biblical literature 105, no. 1 (1986): 75–96. buehner, j.-a. “ἀπόστολος.” in exegetical dictionary of the new testament, edited by horst robert balz and gerhard schneider, 1:142–46. grand rapids, mich.: eerdmans, 1990. conzelmann, hans, eldon jay epp, and christopher r. matthews. acts of the apostles: a commentary on the acts of the apostles. translated by james limburg, a. thomas kraabel, and donald h. juel. hermeneia--a critical and historical commentary on the bible. philadelphia: fortress press, 1987. lightfoot, j. b. st. paul’s epistle to the galatians: with introductions, notes, and dissertations. lynn, mass.: hendrickson publishers, 1981. mosbech, holger. “apostolos in the new testament: two lectures given at the university of uppsala october 1947.” studia theologica 2, no. 2 (1948): 166–200. 20 schmithals, the office of apostle in the early church, 114–229. 21 agnew, “the origin of the nt apostle-concept,” 89. 22 silva, “ἀποστέλλω,” 374. schuler, “the first apostles” global south theological journal 2, no. 1 (2023): 9 rengstorf, karl heinrich. “ἀποστέλλω (πέμπω), ἐξαποστέλλω, ἀπόστολος, ψευδαπόστολος, ἀποστολή.” in theological dictionary of the new testament, edited by gerhard kittel and gerhard friedrich, translated by g. w. bromiley, 1:398–447. grand rapids, mich.: eerdmans, 1964. schmithals, walter. the office of apostle in the early church. edited by john e. steely. nashville: abingdon press, 1969. silva, moisés, ed. “ἀποστέλλω.” in new international dictionary of new testament theology and exegesis, second edition., 1:356–76. grand rapids, michigan: zondervan, 2014. spicq, ceslas. “ἀπόστολος, apostolos.” in theological lexicon of the new testament, 1:186–94. peabody, mass: hendrickson, 1994. schuler, “the first apostles” global south theological journal 2, no. 1 (2023): 10 introduction who or what is an apostle? and who were the first apostles? the pauline usage the lucan usage modern scholarship conclusion sources cited global south theological journal 2, no. 1 (2023): 21 apostles today mark schuler (emeritus, concordia university, saint paul) abstract: this paper begins by offering a sampling of apostolic claims in church communities in various parts of africa. it next outlines several theological principles drawn from the bible and from our shared lutheran heritage that may be helpful while navigating this topic. finally, the paper identifies what participants see as the most critical issues of apostleship facing the church today and which principles should be kept at the forefront as the church goes about its commission to make disciples of all nations. introduction in the letter to the ephesians, paul asserted, “each of us was given grace according to the measure of christ’s gift” (eph 4:7). then he enumerated, “the gifts he gave were that some would be apostles…” (eph 4:11). these verses set the itinerary for our time together. who or what are these “apostles”? and what is the significance for today of this gift that paul said christ gave to the ephesians? first of all, we looked at biblical materials to ascertain the origins of early christian apostolicity. the most important conclusions of this initial study of apostolicity were twofold: that we must seek our understanding from the words of the new testament and that various new testament writers do not use ἀπόστολος in the same way. paul uses ἀπόστολος as his primary self-designation and fills that word with his particular experience –what god made of and did through paul is the primary meaning that paul gave to the term ἀπόστολος. but it was not the only meaning, for paul could use the term as a designation for other fellow workers and even the “apostles and prophets.” for paul, the term is specific to himself but also applies to others. luke has a narrower range of usage. for the most part, the ἀπόστολοι are the twelve, especially in their roles as leaders of the community and authoritative witnesses to the words and deeds of jesus. this usage also is replicated in most other occurrences of ἀπόστολος in the new testament. who or what is an apostle? and who were the first apostles? the usage in the new testament is not uniform. it depends on the writer and the situation being addressed by the writer. in the post-apostolic period, a synthesis emerged in the second half of the second century that ἀπόστολος referred to the twelve and paul. no other carried that designation. the authority exercised by the apostles was transferred to the bishops through a process of succession that developed in response to disunity in the church. this apostolic succession protected the teaching of the church and clarified authority within the church. simultaneously but more gradually, the canonization of the new testament came to preserve the content of apostolic witness and teaching about jesus, his death and resurrection, and the theological implications of his person and work for the church. the church catholic emerged with a bi-polar structure that vested authority in a monarchical bishopric succeeding the apostolate and a canonical text preserving the teaching of the apostles. over the centuries the church would grow and spread and struggle about matters of apostolic authority and teaching, which continue to impact the church today. we are gathered here because africa is a place where such topics swirl and where mekane yesus is uniquely positioned to help the church navigate issues of apostolic authority today. schuler, “apostles today” global south theological journal 2, no. 1 (2023): 22 in this session, i propose to do three things. i shall begin by offering a sampling of apostolic claims in church communities in various parts of africa. secondly, i shall outline several theological principles drawn from the bible and from our shared lutheran heritage that may be helpful as you navigate this topic. thirdly, i will turn to you and ask you to identify what you see as the most critical issues of apostleship facing the church today and which principles you think should be kept at the forefront as the church goes about its commission to make disciples of all nations. let us begin, in the name of jesus. a sampling of claims from africa walter j. hollenweger, professor emeritus in missions, birmingham university, has written: that christianity is growing more quickly than the world population is due to the churches in the third world and in particular to the african initiatives in christianity and their relatives…. the center of gravity of christianity is shifting to the south-certainly numerically but also, i would suggest, theologically.1 serious contemporary study of christian theology can afford to ignore the southern continents, particularly africa.2 no one understood that fact better than pope john paul ii who made twelve trips to africa between 1980 and 2000. his interest in africa was driven largely by the rapid expansion of the church during those years. vatican sources said the church gained 2.5 million new adherents in africa in 1989 alone. during his travels he was not afraid to criticize marxism, apartheid, or the attempts to impose islamic law on christians in sudan. in a homily in lome, the togolese capital, he said he wanted to preach a faith that was “authentically christian and authentically african” in response to the matter of catholicism adapting to traditional african practices. his visit to angola coincided with the 500th anniversary of the coming of christianity to the central african country. in 1995, he came to south africa and was welcomed by president nelson mandela. pope benedict the xvi would visit africa twice. and pope francis has visited four times.3 nearly one out of every five africans – 19.2% – is catholic. the pew research center expects the number of african christians south of the sahara, including catholics, to double by 2050. during the transition from colonialism to independence, catholic leaders often spoke in favor of that transition and supported movements toward independence. to many africans today, in the wake of independence and the church’s support for it, the catholic church has distanced itself from its colonial past to become an institution associated with sociopolitical reform, education, and health care. this accounts in part for its substantial growth. but the church faces new challenges. in 1970, pentecostals represented less than 5% of all africans. they now stand at 12%, a significant shift. and islam is growing faster in africa than christianity. by 2050, african muslims south of the sahara are expected to increase from 30% to 35% of africa’s population. visits by popes, then, reflect a strategic commitment to the continent, for good reason.4 this papal commitment also keeps alive a form of apostolicity that goes back to the earliest centuries of christianity. for even humble and referential popes represent a monarchial bishopric grounded in apostolic succession. this connection to the origins of christianity is part of their appeal. it is a powerful claim to be the holy catholic and apostolic church. and that claim impacts most of africa. but 1 walter j. hollenweger, “forward,” in african initiatives in christianity: the growth, gifts, and diversities of indigenous african churches : a challenge to the ecumenical movement, by john s. pobee and gabriel ositelu, risk book series (geneva: wcc publications, 1998). 2 cephas omenyo, “essential aspects of african ecclesiology: the case of the african independent churches,” pneuma 22, no. 2 (2000): 231. 3 “a timeline of papal visits to africa: from paul vi to francis,” accessed april 9, 2023, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/2/1/timeline-of-papal-visits-to-africa. 4 joseph hellweg, “africa’s catholic churches face competition and a troubled legacy as they grow,” the conversation, september 10, 2019, http://theconversation.com/africas-catholic-churches-face-competition-and-a-troubled-legacyas-they-grow-122611. schuler, “apostles today” global south theological journal 2, no. 1 (2023): 23 is also a claim attended by problems including the dangers of clericalism and the historic tension between church authority and the authority of the scriptures, as was the case during the reformation interestingly, a catholic theologian in nigeria, fr. peter okafor, concerned about a tendency toward clericalism in the exercise of ministerial authority, broadens apostolic succession to apply not just to the bishop but to the whole church, understanding authority as service. he advocates for the use of an african palaver model of leadership which is to a large extent characteristic of traditional african society in its political organizations. this model involves the consultation of the people on a wide scale and deliberation at many levels with the aim of arriving at a consensus. the decisions made in this process usually reflect the opinion of the people governed. in africa, leadership is traditionally a function to be shared by all villagers or community members, rather than invested in one person.5 a second more contemporary claim of apostolicity has arisen across africa in rough parallel with the movement from colonialism to independence. take, for example, the african apostolic church of zimbabwe. a key figure in its development was ernest paul mamvura mwazha. he was born on 25 october 1918 at holy cross mission in zimbabwe. having first learned from a roman catholic catechism, he then studied in methodist and salvation army colleges. through a series of visions, he became convinced that god had called him for a special task: to be an apostle to africa. first of all, in 1946 he had a vision in which he saw jesus christ sitting on a cloud. he noticed himself in a field ready for harvest, but birds and animals were destroying the crop. jesus christ faced him, reminding him of the task at hand. secondly, the name of the african apostolic church of zimbabwe was received in a divine revelation and the day of worship was changed from sunday to saturday (sabbath) in 1979. thirdly, mwazha was reportedly ordained by an angel to be the archbishop of central africa, giving the movement strong ties to the african terrain. the guiding ideology of the african apostolic church of zimbabwe is to bring the gospel message of salvation to africans in an african idiom.6 his preaching calls for a recreation of africa. notably, while claiming a direct call, mwazha employed both the biblical term, apostle, and a term of apostolic succession, archbishop, as he went about his work. in a way, his usage is more like that of paul, than the more institutionalized language of luke. botswana presents a second interesting case, for in the country’s move toward independence, there was a parallel struggle involving new independent christian groups, now labelled the african independent churches. after becoming the republic of botswana in 1966, the first five years of independence saw a phenomenal increase in the number of religious societies. in 1972, the societies act was passed requiring all societies, including religious societies, to be registered. the purpose of the act was to regulate and control the activities of societies and to minimize the chances of citizens being exploited by unscrupulous persons masquerading as leaders of what may be doubtful organizations and to ensure the orderly development of societies.7 obed kealotswe has detailed the historical background of these churches and offers a five-part typology of what arose. earliest were were a cluster of churches that adhered to the policies and practices of the mission churches, although independently of them. the zionists transformed elements of botswana traditional religious beliefs and practices, some by special use and appeal to the old testament. the best example of such a church is the head mountain of god apostolic church in zion of bishop mthembu. notice the terminology. the apostolics claim to be the followers of the apostles, imitate their practice of the laying of hands in healing, and strongly attack traditional african religious beliefs and practices. the indigenous churches are those which accept and practice many african traditions. and then there is the 5 peter okafor, “authority as service in the nigerian-african church: challenge of the twofold apostolic heritage,” bulletin of ecumenical theology 17 (2005): 54. 6 ezra chitando, “the recreation of africa: a study of the ideology of the african apostolic church of zimbabwe,” exchange 32, no. 3 (2003): 244–45. 7 obed n kealotswe, “the rise of the african independent churches and their present life in botswana: who are the african independent churches (aic): historical background,” studies in world christianity 10, no. 2 (2004): 217. schuler, “apostles today” global south theological journal 2, no. 1 (2023): 24 collection of churches that have broken off from there other groups.8 notice again the claims of apostolicity and usage of ecclesiological terminology characteristic of a monarchical bishopric. theologically, many african independent churches in botswana have indigenized the christian message. they use some aspects of setswana culture in their interpretation of the bible and as a result attract many people. socially, they generally treat people from all sorts of ailments and give them the courage to face the difficult realities of life in botswana.9 these two examples illustrate a broad trend across africa of independent churches that indigenize the christian message. this trend is often associated with a cross pollination with pentecostalism. laura premark offers an interesting thesis that aldura movement in nigeria grew out of relationships among nigerian prophets, british missionaries, and american evangelists in the 1930s and 1940s. further, she argues, that there is mutuality in the formation of american, british, and nigerian pentecostalism; instead of emerging first in the us and uk and then being taken to africa, pentecostalism's development across the atlantic worked both ways.10 nigerian historian ogbu kalu and british pentecostal historian allan anderson have also refuted the scholarship that postulates an azusa street origin for african pentecostalism. kalu identifies three phases in its development. the first was early expressions of indigenous christianity while retaining aspects of the missionary christianity. the second response to missionary christianity was the prophetic movements that lasted from 1910 to 1950. the current pentecostal/charismatic phase of african christianity is the “third response” to the christian gospel where pentecostal christians take the indigenous worldview seriously and apply biblical resources—especially with an emphasis on the work of the holy spirit—to experiences and demands of africans.11 although many african independent churches do not refer to themselves as “pentecostal,” most are. “‘pentecostal’ refers here to african churches that, in common with pentecostalism worldwide, emphasize the working of the spirit in the church, particularly with ecstatic phenomena like prophecy and speaking in tongues, healing and exorcism.”12 these churches are known collectively by different names like “prophet-healing” and “spirit” or “spiritual” churches. they include “zionists” and “apostolics” in southern africa, “spiritual,” “prayer healing” or “aladura” (prayer) churches in west africa, and “spiritual” or “holy spirit” churches in east africa.13 also in the grouping are churches of western pentecostal origin, such as the assemblies of god. at the upper end, according to the world christian database, are zimbabwe, south africa, ghana, congo-zaire, nigeria, kenya, angola, zambia and uganda, in all of which pentecostals and charismatics represent more than 20% of the national populations. at the lower end are ivory coast, tanzania, burkina faso, ethiopia, cameroon, madagascar and sudan, where pentecostals and charismatics make up less than 10% of the population. countries where the pentecostal and charismatic population is between 10% and 20% include congo-brazzaville, the central african republic, malawi, rwanda, burundi, liberia and mozambique.14 most african independent churches including those identified as pentecostal or charismatic use terms for their leaders like “prophet,” “apostle,” “bishop,” and “archbishop” quite freely.15 philip jenkins says that “africa has now for over a century been engaged in a continuous encounter with pentecostal 8 kealotswe, 217–18. 9 kealotswe, 219. 10 laura premack, “prophets, evangelists, and missionaries: trans-atlantic interactions in the emergence of nigerian pentecostalism,” religion 45, no. 2 (april 2015): 224, https://doi.org/10.1080/0048721x.2014.992108. 11 ogbu kalu et al., african pentecostalism: global discourses, migrations, exchanges, and connections, the collected essays of ogbu uke kalu (asmara, eritrea: africa world press, 2010), 12–55. 12 allan h (allan heaton) anderson, “african independent churches and pentecostalism: historical connections and common identities,” ogbomoso journal of theology 13, no. 1 (2008): 22. 13 anderson, 22. 14 “overview: pentecostalism in africa,” pew research center’s religion & public life project (blog), october 5, 2006, https://www.pewresearch.org/religion/2006/10/05/overview-pentecostalism-in-africa/. 15 anderson, “african independent churches and pentecostalism,” 25. schuler, “apostles today” global south theological journal 2, no. 1 (2023): 25 fires, and the independent churches have been the most obvious products of that highly creative process.”16 it is a process that uses some ancient ecclesial terminology as a means of asserting that validity of its theology. as i have been reading about african independent churches (and there is a lot of literature out there about them), i have also noted two emerging variations that may have some promise. peter white points to the ghanaian pentecostal churches’ leadership which is based on ephesians 4, the same text that is the basis for these lectures. it includes five roles: apostle, prophet, evangelist, pastor and teacher. white looks at them through the lens of missiology and concludes that “is not enough to discover one’s spiritual gift or calling; these gifts should be developed and nurtured through mentoring and proper theological education, with the ultimate purpose being to participate in the missio dei.”17 this shift from the individual to the mission is important and quite consistent with a pauline understanding of apostleship. a second example comes from nigeria involving the “apostles in the marketplace.” this development derives from sunday adelaja who was convinced that “the church must do more than just address the spiritual needs of its members; the needs of society affect all people, he believes, including christians as well as non-christians. even more important, in this view, is the idea that the unmet needs of society impede the realization of the kingdom that god wants his followers to establish on earth.”18 as a result of adelaja’s influence on a group of pastors in lagos, the pentecostals there began shifting their focus to social problems. according to apostles in the market place pastors, the followers of jesus must not only focus on learning and implementing god’s spiritual laws but also on learning and implementing god’s kingdom laws, which govern society.19 this move is somewhat like our lutheran understanding of two kingdoms. in summary, “apostles” and the corollary designations have a prevalent place in christianity across africa. there are two primary focal points for apostolicity. one is within the roman catholic church which has navigated the move away from colonialism through a deep concern for the challenges of life in africa. in this space, some seek to move away from the dangers of clericalism through an embrace of a leadership that listens and builds consensus in the best tradition of village life. the other focal point is in the african independent churches, the vast majority of which are pentecostal in theology. they take the indigenous worldview seriously and apply biblical resources—especially with an emphasis on the work of the holy spirit—to experiences and demands of africans. here i see focus on missio dei in ghana and the kingdom theology of the apostles in the marketplace in lagos, nigeria, to be potentially fruitful developments. implications how does one in the tradition of martin luther react to this powerful, creative, and vibrant world of african christianity and its claims of apostolicity in the church today? what about apostles today? it seems to me that there are potential positives and potential negatives. as an heir of the reformation, i know that a bi-polar system of authority (church leader/bishop and scripture will at some point led to conflict, and i am on the side of sola scriptura. one cannot serve two masters. likewise, when one claims a direct call from god, as did the apostle paul and ernest paul mamvura mwazha and sunday adelaja, how does one weight the subjective experience of the individual? 16 philip jenkins, the next christendom: the coming of global christianity, 3rd ed (oxford: oxford university press, 2011), 51. 17 peter white, “a missional study of ghanaian pentecostal churches’ leadership and leadership formation,” hts theological studies 71, no. 3 (2015): 1, https://doi.org/10.4102/hts.v71i3.2865. 18 danny mccain, “addressing urban problems through kingdom theology: the ‘apostles in the market place’ model in lagos, nigeria,” africa journal of evangelical theology 32, no. 1 (2013): 64. 19 mccain, 75. schuler, “apostles today” global south theological journal 2, no. 1 (2023): 26 on the other hand, the indigenization, the focus on mission to the non-christian, the creative rethinking of apostolic succession, shifting the role of gifts from their impact on the individual to the mission, and even what looks to me somewhat like two-kingdom theology – all have potential. paul described their experience when paul wrote to the ephesians, “the gifts he gave was that some would be apostles.” certainly, christ continues to give gift to the church today. but in what form? before we move to answer that question, we must make a shift in perspective. as a theologian from the west, where christianity is not thriving but dying, where the only hope for christianity in my culture rests with the many immigrants to my country who bring with them a vibrant hope in christ, it would be wrong of me to attempt to answer these questions for you. you are the ones who must discern for yourselves the place of apostolicity in the mission of the church. you are not the church of the global south, as you are often characterized in the west. you are the majority church; you are the present and future church; yours is the discernment the church needs. theological principles instead, i wish to point you to biblical and theological principles of our common heritage that you may wish to consider as you hear paul’s words from ephesians 4, “each of us was given grace according to the measure of christ’s gift” (eph 4:7). “the gifts he gave were that some would be apostles…” (eph 4:11). you are the ones who must answer, who or what are these “apostles”? and what is the significance of this gift of christ for the church today? a first principle comes from the old testament out of the reality that among god’s people there were both true and false prophets. jeremiah lived at such a time. his call was to speak god’s judgment on judah but also to present the promise of a new covenant. many opposed his preaching and he got in trouble for it. but he also provided a test to discern a true prophet: “when the word of that prophet comes true, then it will be known that the lord has truly sent the prophet” (jeremiah 28:9). discernment involves waiting, not just waiting to see, but waiting to see what the lord does. similarly, jesus warns about false prophets, “beware of false prophets, who come to you in sheep’s clothing but inwardly are ravenous wolves. you will know them by their fruits” (matt 7:15–16). principle 1: the truth matters. in addition to such calls for discernment, the bible gives a second principle that aids discernment: the content matters. isaiah made that point against false prophets: “see, i and the children whom the lord has given me are signs and portents in israel from the lord of hosts, who dwells on mount zion. now if people say to you, ‘consult the ghosts and the familiar spirits that chirp and mutter; should not a people consult their gods, the dead on behalf of the living, for teaching and for instruction?’ surely, those who speak like this will have no light!” (isaiah 8:18–20). paul was blunter with the galatians, “i am astonished that you are so quickly deserting the one who called you in the grace of christ and are turning to a different gospel— not that there is another gospel, but there are some who are confusing you and want to pervert the gospel of christ. but even if we or an angel from heaven should proclaim to you a gospel contrary to what we proclaimed to you, let that one be accursed!” (gal 1:6-8). principle 2: the content matters. and as a third principle, the bible is quite specific about that content. “beloved, do not believe every spirit, but test the spirits to see whether they are from god; for many false prophets have gone out into the world. by this you know the spirit of god: every spirit that confesses that jesus christ has come in the flesh is from god” (1 john 4:1-2). principle 3: christology matters. it is not about you; its about jesus. john the baptist is direct, “he must increase, but i must decrease” (john 3:30). these three biblical three principles that call for discernment. but the bible also offers a caution. it is a fourth principle. near the end of 1 thessalonians, paul strings together seven short instructions. they seem to be a common block of material, perhaps even an early christian poem or hymn. the structure seems to be significant with two generic statements at the beginning --“rejoice always” and “pray without ceasing”-and two at the end – “hold fast to the good” and “abstain from evil.” in between are three short instructions that seem to interpret each other: “do not quench the spirit”; “do not despise schuler, “apostles today” global south theological journal 2, no. 1 (2023): 27 the words of prophets”; “but test everything.” “quenching” involves putting out a fire – a significant metaphor about the working of the spirit that cautions against excessive hesitancy. the spirit can do new things and does so. it is not our place to limit god. principle 4: the fire matters. in addition to these four general principles, there is in the bible a case study on indigenizing christianity. it comes from the correspondence between paul and the house churches at corinth of which we have two of at least four letters that paul wrote. our 1 corinthians, the second actual letter, takes up many problematic issues, two of which involve practices from the local culture and how these new christians might, if you will, indigenize them. one was the practice of eating meat sacrificed to idols. as paul points out, since these idols are not really gods, christian freedom would allow eating the meat from their sacrifices. but that freedom must be tempered by concern for the weaker sister or brother. principle 5: the weak on matters. but take care that this liberty of yours does not somehow become a stumbling block to the weak. for if others see you, who possess knowledge, eating in the temple of an idol, might they not, since their conscience is weak, be encouraged to the point of eating food sacrificed to idols? so, by your knowledge those weak believers for whom christ died are destroyed. but when you thus sin against members of your family, and wound their conscience when it is weak, you sin against christ. therefore, if food is a cause of their falling, i will never eat meat, so that i may not cause one of them to fall (1 cor 8:9-13). the second example in this case study involves glossolalia, the indigenizing of the religious practice of ecstatic speech, famous in greece from the oracle at delphi. concerning this practice, paul writes: “i thank god that i speak in tongues more than all of you; nevertheless, in church i would rather speak five words with my mind, in order to instruct others also, than ten thousand words in a tongue” (1 cor 14:18-19). principle 6: clarity matters. from the scriptures come several principles that may be applicable as you discern for yourselves the place of apostolicity in the mission of the church: 1. wait to see if the word of a prophet comes true. by their fruits you will know them. the truth matters. 2. there is no other gospel. content matters. 3. it is about jesus. christology matters. 4. don’t quench the spirit. the fire matters. 5. consider those who are weaker. the weak one matters. 6. clarity matters. in addition to these six, i wish to propose for your consideration a seventh principle, one that comes from our shared lutheran heritage, one that you of mekane yesus have as a unique gift to offer to your christian sisters and brothers in africa: the solas. recall the point of the second lecture – that the passing of the apostolic generation caused two parallel and competing responses: apostolic succession and the canonization of the new testament. this bi-polar structure of authority became the central point of contention in the sixteenth century as the medieval church asserted the ultimate authority of the bishop at rome to determine doctrine and martin luther asserted at the leipzig disputation that a simple lay person armed with scripture is greater than the mightiest pope.20 luther and other reformers asserted the authority of the scripture alone, as opposed to tradition and church hierarchy. they maintained that salvation comes by grace alone, in christ alone, through faith alone, by scripture alone, to the glory of god alone. these phrases or theological principles are often called the “five solas of the reformation” (sola being the latin word for “alone” or “only”): sola scriptura, sola gratia, sola fide, solus christus, soli deo gloria. these solas are the heritage of our church and are criteria by which we discern doctrine and practice. as heirs of the reformation, our one and only concern in the church is that which “illumines and 20 roland h. bainton, here i stand: a life of martin luther, hendrickson classic biographies (peabody, mass: hendrickson publishers, 2009), 107. schuler, “apostles today” global south theological journal 2, no. 1 (2023): 28 magnifies the honor of christ and brings the abundant consolation that devout consciences need” (ap iv 2). leadership in the church is not about titles and authority (matt 20:26); but seeking and serving the lost. i have offered for your consideration seven principles of biblical and evangelical origin that may be of help to you in the process of discernment. from the bible: 1. truth matter 2. content matters. 3. christology matters. 4. the fire matters. 5. the weaker one matters. 6. clarity matters. and from the reformation: 7. sola gratia, solus christus, sola fide, sola scriptura, soli deo gloria but, i say again. you are the ones who must discern for yourselves the place of apostolicity in the mission of the church. you are the majority church; you are the future church; yours is the discernment the church needs. afterword these lectures over the last three days have explored three topics: the first apostles, after the apostles, and apostles today. in our work together, i have been presenting a methodology for addressing the big questions that face the church. that methodology begins with scripture, looking at key texts in the original languages, seeking the meaning of those texts for those who first heard them, and then drawing out principles that endure through the centuries and across cultures. the second step is to consider the history of christianity with an emphasis on our shared lutheran theology. third is the application of biblical and theological principles to the challenges at hand in a way that the gospel predominates, that christ is glorified, and that the sinner is comforted and encouraged. i pray that in this task and all those tasks ahead of you, you might be faithful to the sacred scriptures which are able to make you wise unto salvation, that you be faithful to our shared heritage and those insights that grew out of the reformation and the struggles of martin luther and his colleagues, that you are faithful with your outreach all for whom christ died, and most of all that you are committed to christ alone. he gives his gifts to you for the church today. his spirit will prosper all that you do. in the name of jesus. sources cited “a timeline of papal visits to africa: from paul vi to francis.” accessed april 9, 2023. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/2/1/timeline-of-papal-visits-to-africa. anderson, allan h (allan heaton). “african independent churches and pentecostalism: historical connections and common identities.” ogbomoso journal of theology 13, no. 1 (2008): 22–42. bainton, roland h. here i stand: a life of martin luther. hendrickson classic biographies. peabody, mass: hendrickson publishers, 2009. chitando, ezra. “the recreation of africa: a study of the ideology of the african apostolic church of zimbabwe.” exchange 32, no. 3 (2003): 239–49. hellweg, joseph. “africa’s catholic churches face competition and a troubled legacy as they grow.” the conversation, september 10, 2019. http://theconversation.com/africas-catholic-churchesface-competition-and-a-troubled-legacy-as-they-grow-122611. schuler, “apostles today” global south theological journal 2, no. 1 (2023): 29 hollenweger, walter j. “forward.” in african initiatives in christianity: the growth, gifts, and diversities of indigenous african churches : a challenge to the ecumenical movement, by john s. pobee and gabriel ositelu. risk book series. geneva: wcc publications, 1998. jenkins, philip. the next christendom: the coming of global christianity. 3rd ed. oxford: oxford university press, 2011. kalu, ogbu, wilhelmina kalu, nimi wariboko, and toyin falola. african pentecostalism: global discourses, migrations, exchanges, and connections. the collected essays of ogbu uke kalu. asmara, eritrea: africa world press, 2010. kealotswe, obed n. “the rise of the african independent churches and their present life in botswana: who are the african independent churches (aic): historical background.” studies in world christianity 10, no. 2 (2004): 205–22. mccain, danny. “addressing urban problems through kingdom theology: the ‘apostles in the market place’ model in lagos, nigeria.” africa journal of evangelical theology 32, no. 1 (2013): 61– 80. okafor, peter. “authority as service in the nigerian-african church: challenge of the twofold apostolic heritage.” bulletin of ecumenical theology 17 (2005): 103–27. omenyo, cephas. “essential aspects of african ecclesiology: the case of the african independent churches.” pneuma 22, no. 2 (2000): 231–48. pew research center’s religion & public life project. “overview: pentecostalism in africa,” october 5, 2006. https://www.pewresearch.org/religion/2006/10/05/overview-pentecostalism-in-africa/. premack, laura. “prophets, evangelists, and missionaries: trans-atlantic interactions in the emergence of nigerian pentecostalism.” religion 45, no. 2 (april 2015): 221–38. https://doi.org/10.1080/0048721x.2014.992108. white, peter. “a missional study of ghanaian pentecostal churches’ leadership and leadership formation.” hts theological studies 71, no. 3 (2015): 1–8. https://doi.org/10.4102/hts.v71i3.2865. introduction a sampling of claims from africa implications theological principles afterword sources cited global south theological journal 2, no. 1 (2023): 11 after the apostles mark schuler (emeritus, concordia university, saint paul) abstract: in the post-apostolic period, a synthesis emerged so that ἀπόστολος from that point on referred to the twelve and paul. no other person carried that designation. the authority exercised by the apostles was transferred to the bishops through a process of succession that developed in response to false teaching and disunity in the church. this apostolic succession protected the teaching of the church and clarified authority within the church. simultaneously but more gradually, the canonization of the new testament came to preserve the content of apostolic witness and teaching about jesus, his death and resurrection, and the theological implications of his person and work for the church. forged by trinitarian and christological controversies, the church catholic emerged with a bi-polar structure that vested authority in a monarchical bishopric succeeding the apostolate and a canonical text preserving the teaching of the apostles. introduction in the letter to the ephesians, paul asserted, “each of us was given grace according to the measure of christ’s gift” (eph 4:7). then he enumerated, “the gifts he gave were that some would be apostles…” (eph 4:11). these verses set the itinerary for our time together. who or what are these “apostles”? and what is the significance of this gift of christ for the church today? yesterday, we looked at biblical materials to ascertain the origins of early christian apostolicity. the most important conclusions of this initial study of apostolicity were twofold: 1. that we must seek our understanding from the words of the new testament and 2. that various new testament writers do not use ἀπόστολος in the same way. paul uses ἀπόστολος as his primary self-designation and fills that word with his particular experience – his call from jesus on the road to damascus, his life-long mission to the gentile world, his willingness to serve, his proclamation of the gospel, and even his sufferings. what god made of and did through paul is the primary meaning that paul gave to the term ἀπόστολος. but it was not the only meaning, for paul could use the term as a designation for other fellow workers (without explaining exactly what he means by that) and could even use the term broadly when speaking of “apostles and prophets.” for paul, the term is specific to himself but also applies to others. luke has a narrower range of usage. for the most part, the ἀπόστολοι are the twelve, especially in their roles as leaders of the community and authoritative witnesses to the words and deeds of jesus. this usage also is replicated in most other occurrences of ἀπόστολος in the new testament. who or what is an apostle? and who were the first apostles? the usage in the new testament is not uniform. it depends on the writer and the situation being addressed by the writer. today, we turn our attention to the time immediately after the first apostles. we shall do so in three parts. firstly, we shall look at the use of ἀπόστολος in post apostolic writers. we shall discover in so doing that the pauline usage disappears and the lucan usage becomes an essential component of a new synthesis in irenaeus and subsequent writers. secondly, we shall trace two new developments in early christianity as the first apostles passed from the scene: the concept of apostolic succession and the formation of the canon of the new testament. these two trends were concurrent and competing. let us begin in the name of jesus. schuler, “after the apostles” global south theological journal 2, no. 1 (2023): 12 αποστολος in post-apostolic writers1 a more fluid definition of ἀπόστολος, as we saw in paul, continues in some post-apostolic writers. in 1 clement, from the end of the first century, the author states that god has sent christ. christ has entrusted the gospel to the apostles. the apostles installed bishops or presbyters and deacons, and at the same time gave command to them that after their death other approved people should be entrusted with these offices by the whole community.2 but clement does not use the language of the twelve. two of the "good apostles" are named: peter and paul.3 both qualify also in distinction from apollos, as apostles.4 elsewhere, paul is called the "blessed apostle,"5 and the apostles are distinguished from the "pillars" as paul distinguished himself in galatians 2.6 these passages fit quite well into the picture of the apostle which was well known to clement from the letters of paul and which lay close at hand, a picture which is not limited to the twelve.7 ignatius of antioch, who died in the first third of the second century, mentions the apostles in his writings. the apostles are the guarantors of the true gospel, with whom one must be in agreement;8 for from them come the δόγματα9 and δαιτάγματα,10 which are in conformity with the will of god.11 the apostles are holy figures of the past whom one must honor.12 ignatius cannot place himself on a par with them.13 but he often compares them with the πρεσβύτεροι: “subject yourselves to the presbyters, as to the apostles of christ, for the presbyters act in the place of the συνέδριον of the apostles.”14 thus, ignatius knows the apostles primarily as a group of several persons. from among their company only paul and peter are mentioned by name, and in fact jointly in the epistle to the romans.15 paul, the chief apostle, is also mentioned explicitly if extravagantly in the epistle to the ephesians 12:2.16 polycarp was the bishop of smyrna. he died in 155 ce. although he was a bishop, he never calls himself one. instead, he places himself with the πρεσβύτεροι.17for him as for the philippians, paul is the true authority because he has perfectly taught the word of truth.18 polycarp does mention “the apostles who evangelized us” (οἱ εὐαγγελισάμενοι ἡμᾶς ἀπόστολοι),19 to whom the community is indebted. he also writes of the “other apostles” (λοιποὶ ἀπόστολοι) who appear alongside paul.20 paul, probably peter, and then the λοιποὶ ἀπόστολοι of i corinthians 9:5 most likely are the apostles whom polycarp knows. there is no mention in polycarp of the twelve.21 the shepherd of hermas from the mid-second century consistently places “the apostles” (οἱ ἀπόστολοι) together with “the teachers” (οἱ διδάσκοι) in a formal fashion, as distinct from the apostolate 1 the primary source materials are conveniently gathered and summarized by walter schmithals, the office of apostle in the early church, ed. john e. steely (nashville: abingdon press, 1969), 235–55, 278–86. 2 clement of rome, 1 clement, 42:1-5. 3 5:3. 4 47:4. 5 47:1. 6 5:2-6. 7 schmithals, the office of apostle in the early church, 244–45. 8 ignatius of antioch, epistle to the ephesians, 11:2. 9 ignatius of antioch, epistle to the magnesians, 13:1-2. 10 ignatius of antioch, epistle to the trallians, 7:1. 11 epistle to the magnesians, 7:1. 12 epistle to the trallians, 12:2; ignatius of antioch, epistle to the philadelphians, 9:1. 13 epistle to the trallians, 3:3. 14 2:2; 3:1; epistle to the philadelphians, 5:1; epistle to the magnesians, 6:1; ignatius of antioch, epistle to the smyrnaeans, 8:1. 15 ignatius of antioch, epistle to the romans, 4:3. 16 epistle to the ephesians, 12:2; schmithals, the office of apostle in the early church, 239–40. 17 polycarp of smyrna, epistle of polycarp to the philippians, 1:1. 18 3:2; 11:3. 19 6:3. 20 9:1. 21 schmithals, the office of apostle in the early church, 241–42. schuler, “after the apostles” global south theological journal 2, no. 1 (2023): 13 of the twelve.22 only once do the apostles appear without an explicit mention of the teachers. the number of the apostles and teachers is given as forty.23 there seems to be little to distinguish the two groups. in addition, some patristic sources name a range of individuals as apostles in a manner like paul’s flexible use of the term. they include james,24 stephen,25 apollos,26 timothy and titus,27 luke,28 mark,29 thaddaeus,30 the seventy,31 and philip the deacon.32 as stated in the previous lecture, the understanding of ἀπόστολοι is more restricted and rigid in luke. [the] special task [of the apostles] is the mission, indeed the world mission (acts 1 :8). the call to their ministry had already come during the lifetime of jesus; even judas had in fact been a called apostle (acts 1:16 ff.). a precondition for their ministry was that they had been together with jesus during the whole time in which jesus was at work, thus from the baptism of john onward; and further, that they were witnesses of his resurrection (luke 24:48; acts 1 :21-22) . therefore, they know everything which the lord has proclaimed during his earthly activity and are likewise acquainted with the words of the resurrected one which he spoke to them about the kingdom of god during the forty days between the resurrection and the ascension (luke 24:45 ff.; acts 1:3). no one equals them in knowledge of these things. but they also have the gift of the holy spirit. the possession of the spirit is a precondition for the exercise of the apostolic ministry (acts 1: 8). thus, the twelve awaited in jerusalem the reception of the spirit, as they had been commanded to do (luke 24:49; acts 1:4-5). on pentecost the promise is fulfilled. the spirit sat upon the twelve and they began to preach (acts 2), "full of the holy spirit" (acts 4: 8).33 the epistle of barnabas (dated between 70 and 132 ce) finds the origin of the apostolate and the number of twelve predetermined in the old testament.34 it is the apostles who proclaimed the gospel upon the commission of jesus christ; they have τὴν ἐξουςίαν τοῦ εὐαγγελίου.35 the didache (dated 100-150 ce in syria) is notably titled, διδαχὴ κυρίου διὰ τῶν δώδεκα ἀποστόλων τοῖς ἔθνεσιν. the terminology is that of luke. the writings of justin martyr come from the middle of the second century (d. c. 165 ce). justin also speaks of twelve apostles. their authority is demonstrable since already the old testament, for example, established the number of twelve for the apostles, and since it had frequently been foretold that the twelve disciples would proclaim the gospel to all the world from jerusalem.36 peter,37 john, 38 and the sons of thunder39 are mentioned by name. the twelve apostles are the missionaries to all the world,40 22 hermas, the shepherd, vis. iii, 5.1; sim. ix, 15.4; 16.5; 25.2. 23 sim. ix, 15.4; 16.5. 24 johannes malalas, chronographia, 10 (minge 97.392b). 25 didymus alexandrinus, de trinitate, 3.41 (minge 39.988c). 26 1 clement, 47.4. 27 origen, contra celsum, 1.63 (minge 11.777c); philostorgius, historica ecclesiastica, 3.2 (minge 65.481a); theodoret of cyrus, exegetical commentary on isaiah, 11:14. 28 clement of alexandria, excerpta ex theodoto, n.d.74 (minge 9.693a) [unless ὁ ἀπόστολος refers to the angel] ; gregory of nazianzus, orations, 33.11(minge 36.228c). 29 orations, 33.11 (minge 36.228c). 30 eusebius, ecclesiastical history, 1.13.11 (minge 20.124b). 31 contra celsum, 2.65 (minge 11.897c); john chrysostom, homilies on first corinthians, 38.4 (minge 10.355d); clement of alexandria, stromata, 4.17 (minge 8.1312a). 32 ecclesiastical history, 5.24.2 (minge 20.493b; stromata, 3.6 (minge 8.1156a); g. w. h. lampe and henry george liddell, eds., “ἀπόστολος,” in a patristic greek lexicon (oxford: clarendon, 1978), 211. 33 schmithals, the office of apostle in the early church, 247–48. 34 epistle of barnabas, 8:3. 35 epistle of barnabas, 8:3; 5:9. 36 justin martyr, first apology, 31; 39; 40; 42; 45.5; 49.5; 50; 53. 37 justin martyr, dailogue with trypho, 106.3. 38 81. 39 106.3. 40 first apology, 39; 50; 53.3. schuler, “after the apostles” global south theological journal 2, no. 1 (2023): 14 thus particularly to the gentiles.41 as apostles of christ, they begin their world mission in jerusalem. 42 they are the first ones to have been convinced of the necessity of christ's suffering,43 and this was done by the resurrected one, to whose resurrection they can bear witness.44 through the gospels,45 which are the ἀπομνημονεύματα τῶν ἀποστόλων,46 they disseminate the knowledge of the prophecies of the old testament which are fulfilled in christ, and of the proper use of the sacraments.47 the teachers of the church teach nothing other than what the apostles taught, the ἀπομνημονεύματα τῶν ἀποστόλων· οἱ γὰρ ἀπόστολοι ἐν τοῖς γενουμένοις ὑπ´ αὐτῶν ἀπομνημονούμασιν, ἃ καλεῖται εὐαγγέλια, οὕτως παρέδωκαν.48 the twelve are “specially selected by christ ὁ σωτὴρ … τοὺς δώδεκα ἀ. ἀνακαλεῖται, οὓς καὶ μόνους τῶν λοιπῶν αὐτοῦ μαθητῶν κατά τι γέρας ἐξαίρετον ἀ. ὠνόμασεν).”49 the twelve are typified in the old testament by the twelve wells of exodus 15:27,50 by twelve bells on high priest’s robe (exodus 28:29, perhaps confused with exodus 28:9),51 by the twelve stones on high priest’s breast,52 by the twelve stones of altar (exodus. 24:4),53 and by the twelve loaves of shewbread.54 the six loaves (1 king 9) symbolize sending out of apostles two by two. the twelve divisions of canaan and the twelve stars of revelation 12:1 are both types of apostles.55 a cluster of writers uses the lucan terminology from about 120 on including quadratus, aristides, justin martyr, and tatian.56 but a merging of ideas also appears, as the twelve are regarded as thirteen when paul is included: ἡμεῖς οἱ δεκατρεῖς ἀπόστολοι,57 although paul is usually distinguished from the twelve: ἀπόστολοι δὲ δέκα καὶ δύο καὶ ὁ παῦλος.58 a synthesis emerges in a five-volume work, “against heresies,” written in greek in about 180 ce by the christian bishop irenaeus of lyon. in that work, irenaeus describes paul as an apostle in the same sense in which paul had written about himself as an apostle. paul preaches that which he himself received from the lord.59 he is apostle to the gentiles.60 beside him stands only peter as an apostle of equal weight.61 the two have shared in the founding of the community in rome.62 when, in more than fifty passages in his against heresies, irenaeus introduces citations with "the apostle said" or something similar, this apostle is always paul. paul is also otherwise simply called "the apostle";63 he is the "blessed apostle"64 and naturally also the "apostle paul."65 but the twelve are also apostles in the way in which they are portrayed to us in the book of acts. thus, just as paul is spoken of as the apostle without regard to the twelve, the twelve apostles are mentioned without regard to paul.66 41 42.4; dailogue with trypho, 53.1; 109. 42 first apology, 45.5; 49.5; dailogue with trypho, 114.4; 119.6. 43 dailogue with trypho, 76; 106. 44 first apology, 50.12. 45 66.3; dailogue with trypho, 88.3. 46 first apology, 67.3; dailogue with trypho, 100.4; 101.3; 102.5; 103.6, 8; 104; 106.1, 4. 47 first apology, 61.9; 66.3. 48 66.3; schmithals, the office of apostle in the early church, 250–51. 49 ecclesiastical history, 1.10.7 (minge 20.113a); lampe and liddell, “ἀπόστολος,” 211–12. 50 marcellus of ancyra, fragmenta, 20 quoted by eusebius (minge 24.988c). 51 dailogue with trypho, 42.1 (minge 6.565a). 52 cyris of alexandria, letters, 55. 53 cyril of alexandria, glaphyra on the pentateuch, 1.330c. 54 4.356a. 55 cyril of jerusalem, catechetical lectures, 10.11; lampe and liddell, “ἀπόστολος,” 212. 56 schmithals, the office of apostle in the early church, 254. 57 apostolic constitutions, 8.46.13. 58 athanasius, three orations against arius, 2.27 (minge 26.204b); lampe and liddell, “ἀπόστολος,” 212. 59 irenaeus of lyon, against heresies, iii, 13.2; 14.2. 60 iii, 13.1; iv, 24.1. 61 i, 13.6; 25.2; iv, 35.2. 62 iii, 3.2. 63 iv, 41.5. 64 iv, 41.6. 65 iii, 15.1. 66 iii, 13.2. schuler, “after the apostles” global south theological journal 2, no. 1 (2023): 15 finally, the apostles are frequently spoken of in such a way that paul and the twelve are meant thereby.67 once paul is explicitly placed as an apostle with the twelve;68 elsewhere mention is made of peter, paul, and the other apostles.69 thus in irenaeus (and in all the ecclesiastical writers after him) we find precisely the concept of the apostle which dominates the unreflective thought of the christian community, including her theologians, down to the present day. . . . "apostolic" applies to the theology of paul and to that of the synoptics. paul taught nothing other than what the other apostles taught.70 by the time of irenaeus, toward the end of the second century, the word ἀπόστολος includes paul and the twelve together. from that time on, early church writers did not apply the term ἀπόστολος to any other church leaders. it was reserved for the twelve and paul. the modern practice of using ἀπόστολος as a title for a church leader would be inconceivable. this synthesis will be reinforced by two emerging concepts: apostolic succession and the fixing of the canon of the new testament. to these we now turn. apostolic succession apostolic succession is a theological construct used to define the transmission of spiritual authority from the apostles to bishops and priests of subsequent generations. the practice developed in early christianity as the apostles died off. “the church of the sub-apostolic age was witnessing a transition from the flexibility and fluidity of a missionary situation to that of ordered communities which needed leadership, pastoral care and teaching.”71 the origin of apostolic succession is often traced back to the apostles themselves, to their actions by which they appointed additional leaders to expand on and continue their work. for example, in acts, we read that after the death of judas iscariot, the apostles chose matthias to take his place as one of the twelve apostles (acts 1:15-26). similarly, we see the apostle paul appointing timothy as a pastor and instructing him to appoint other bishops to continue his work (2 timothy 2:2). in his letter to titus, paul also instructs him to appoint elders in every town to lead the church (titus 1:5). nonetheless, historic continuity and transmission does not seem to have been very much in the mind of the first and second christian generation. it is only in the third generation that there was a clearly growing awareness of the need for historic continuity and transmission of the christ event and, simultaneously, an awareness of the problems and dangers implied in this process of transmission. while, until then, it was considered sufficient to faithfully “guard what has been entrusted to you” (1 tm 6:20; 2 tm 1:12,14)1 or to preserve “the faith once for all entrusted to the saints” (jude 3), this idea of guarding and preserving shifted to the idea of faithfully “transmitting” and “handing down” the faith from generation to generation.72 as christianity spread throughout the roman empire, bishops were seen as the successors of the apostles, and apostolic succession became an important concept in the church. it was the jewish christian hegesippus who expressed early concerns about apostolic succession or at any rate brought it to an extensive recognition.73 hegesippus’ work remains only in fragments quoted by eusebius that primarily deal with early palestinian christianity. hegesippus’ ὑπομνήματα (“memoirs”) does not appear to be a carefully edited volume, but rather a collection of narratives. a significant issue in the preserved fragments of hegesippus is his discussion of heresy. presumptive bishops and sects within palestinian christianity were destroying its unity, a crisis already raised by the concern with false teachers in later 67 iii, 1.1; 14.1-2; 15.1, 3; 24.1; v, 20.1. 68 ii, 21.2. 69 iv, 35.2. 70 schmithals, the office of apostle in the early church, 279–80. 71 george leonard, “the origins of the threefold christian ministry,” churchman 96, no. 1 (1982): 38–39. 72 harding meyer, “apostolic continuity, ministry and apostolic succession from a reformation perspective,” louvain studies 21, no. 2 (1996): 169. 73 john-christian eurell, “the hypomnemata of hegesippus,” scottish journal of theology 75, no. 2 (may 2022): 148– 57, https://doi.org/10.1017/s003693062200028x. schuler, “after the apostles” global south theological journal 2, no. 1 (2023): 16 new testament works. the passing of the apostles aggravated this problem according to eusebius.74 the seeming purpose of hegesippus’ work is not to account for the origin of heresy, but rather to plead for the doctrinal unity and orthodoxy in the church. “if heresy and ecclesial division can be regarded as central problems addressed in the surviving fragments of hegesippus, the office of bishop is clearly hegesippus’ proposed solution to these problems.”75 hegesippus travelled around to leading bishops, examined their succession and produced not only lists but also biographic anecdotes concerning those bishops. his is not a fully formed doctrine of apostolic succession. rather, by examining the practice and recording supporting stories, hegesippus makes proper, that is, apostolic succession one of the keys to preserving the unity of the church and its teaching. “to hegesippus, it is the religious division present already in judaism that is exported to the jerusalem church and beyond. his solution is to consolidate the position of the bishops as legitimate heirs of apostolic teaching.”76 the significance of the bishops in hegesippus is comparable to what can be found in the works of other early church fathers, such as clement of rome, ignatius of antioch, and irenaeus of lyons, all of whom wrote about the importance of apostolic succession and the role of bishops in continuing the work of the apostles. clement of rome, who served as bishop of rome in the late first century, wrote a letter to the church in corinth in which he emphasized the importance of orderly succession of bishops. he argued that the apostles had appointed bishops and that these bishops had appointed successors, creating a continuous line of authority that should be respected and followed by all christians. he wrote, "our apostles knew through our lord jesus christ that there would be strife for the office of bishop. for this reason, therefore, having received perfect foreknowledge, they appointed those who have already been mentioned and afterwards added the further provision that, if they should die, other approved leaders should succeed to their ministry."77 ignatius of antioch, who served as bishop of antioch in the early second century, also emphasized the importance of apostolic succession in his writings. in his letters to various churches, he urged christians to follow the teachings of their bishops and to remain united in faith. he wrote, it is fitting, therefore, that you should keep aloof from such persons, and not to speak of them either in private or in public, but to give heed to the prophets, and above all, to the gospel, in which the passion [of christ] has been revealed to us, and the resurrection has been fully proved. but avoid all divisions, as the beginning of evils. follow the bishop, all of you, as jesus christ followed the father.78 irenaeus, who served as bishop of lyons in the second century, wrote extensively about the importance of apostolic succession in his work "against heresies." he argued that the apostles had passed on the teachings of christ to their successors, the bishops, who had in turn passed them on to subsequent generations of christians. he wrote, "the apostles, then, having founded and built up the church, committed into the hands of their successors the office of the episcopate. . . . to these bishops the apostles delivered both the church and the ministry of the preaching of the gospel."79 the process of succession was not always linear, nor was it consistent. “it must also be kept in mind that the succession here is not a succession of consecrations, as we today understand the successio apostólica, but rather a succession of incumbents of an episcopal see irrespective of how these incumbents were ordained and by whom.”80 overall, hegesippus, clement of rome, ignatius of antioch, and irenaeus of lyons all emphasized the importance of apostolic succession in early christianity, arguing that the apostles had appointed bishops and that these bishops had appointed successors, creating a continuous line of authority 74 ecclesiastical history, 3.32.8. 75 eurell, “the hypomnemata of hegesippus,” 155. 76 eurell, 157. 77 1 clement, 44:1-2. 78 epistle to the philadelphians, 3. 79 against heresies, iii, 3.1. 80 hermann sasse, “apostles, prophets, teachers: some thoughts of the origin of the ministry of the church,” the reformed theological review 27, no. 1 (january 1968): 20. schuler, “after the apostles” global south theological journal 2, no. 1 (2023): 17 and doctrine that should be respected and followed by all christians. successors are not called “apostles,” but they continue the apostolic work. the truth behind the … various ideas of an apostolic succession, be it a succession of persons who followed each other on a certain episcopal see, or of consecrations, is the continuation in the office of the bishop of the great offices of the apostles, prophets and teachers. it is the continuation of the word of god in its various forms, in the oral proclamation, in the interpretation of the scriptures, of the witness to him who is the word incarnate.81 to preserve the unity of the church and its orthodoxy, apostolic succession gave to bishops the authority note to become new apostles but to continue the work of the apostles. a second innovation, the canonization of the new testament would preserve the words and teachings of the apostles. canonization of the new testament the canonization of the new testament refers to the formation of collection of books that were considered authoritative and inspired by god and were accepted as scripture by early christians. the process of forming the canon was a gradual and complex one, many specifics of which are lost to history. more than three centuries would pass until this first list of books would emerge that is identical to the twenty-seven in our new testament. but it is possible, at least in retrospect, to identify various factors and key moments in the process. i suggest that there are at least eight points worthy of mention. 1. the process begins in the new testament itself. paul wanted his letters read broadly. he addressed 2 corinthians, “to the church of god that is in corinth, including all the saints throughout achaia” (2 cor 1:1). galatians has a regional address. paul’s letter to philemon is addressed also “to apphia our sister, to archippus our fellow soldier, and to the church in your house” (philemon 2). the practice of circulating letters is demonstrated when paul write to the colossians, “and when this letter has been read among you, have it read also in the church of the laodiceans; and see that you read also the letter from laodicea” (col 4:16). by the time of 2 peter, paul’s works are treated as a group: “our beloved brother paul wrote to you according to the wisdom given him, 16 speaking of this as he does in all his letters” (2 peter 3:15). 2. seemingly, the first to coalesce as a group were paul's letters. the letters of paul had been widely circulated and were accepted as authoritative by early christians. these letters were written to various churches and individuals and dealt with a range of theological and ethical issues. paul's letters were seen as providing guidance and instruction to the early christian communities and were therefore highly valued. by the early part of the 2nd century, paul letters were known as a group and quoted as such by ignatius and polycarp. however, when gnostic writers embraced paul as the only pure apostle, paul’s works fell out of favor among orthodox believers and were rarely quoted in the middle of the second century. tertullian, in his writing against the gnostics, rehabilitated paul.82 subsequently, a thirteen-book collection of paul’s works circulated, including hebrews which was incorrectly attributed to paul by such writers as clement of alexandria.83 3. next to emerge were the four gospels (matthew, mark, luke, and john). initially, these works were regionally affiliated. matthew was first quoted by ignatius of antioch.84 john was associated with ephesus. mark, although written in rome, came to be identified with alexandria in egypt. luke may have been affiliated with rome. these gospels were widely recognized as authoritative and were used for teaching, worship, and evangelism. in the second century, their usage became nearly universal. tatian, a syrian apologist and ascetic, tried to combine the textual material of the four gospels into a single coherent work call the diatessaron. the diatessaron 81 sasse, 20–21. 82 tertullian, five books against marcion, 5.1. 83 ecclesiastical history, 6.14.2. 84 epistle to the ephesians, 19:2-3; epistle to the smyrnaeans, 1:1. schuler, “after the apostles” global south theological journal 2, no. 1 (2023): 18 was used as the standard gospel text in the liturgy of at least some sections of the syrian church for possibly up to two centuries, but no other traditions adopted it. theodoret, bishop of cyrrhus on the euphrates in upper syria in 423 ce, suspecting tatian of having been a heretic, sought out and found more than two hundred copies of the diatessaron, which he "collected and put away, and introduced instead of them the gospels of the four evangelists."85 in the second and third centuries, other gospels appeared, such as gospel of marcion, gospel of mani, gospel of apelles, gospel of bardesanes, gospel of basilides, gospel of thomas, and many others. most were associated with gnosticism. 4. in addition to the gospels and paul's letters, other writings began to circulate among early christians, including acts, 1 peter, 1 john, revelation, the didache, the shepherd of hermas, and the epistle of barnabas. these books were initially accepted by some christian communities but not by others, and there was a great deal of debate and disagreement about which books should be included in the canon. 5. there were no formally adopted criteria for determining which books should be included in the canon. nor, as appears sometimes in the popular realm, there was no one meeting at which a formal decision was made about new testament texts done so in part to suppress womanist perspectives. but some principles seem to emerge in the process. the most important criterion was apostolicity, which meant that a book had to be written by an apostle or someone closely associated with an apostle. other criteria included orthodoxy (whether a book was consistent with accepted christian teaching) and catholicity (whether a book was accepted by the broader christian community). 6. by the second century, various christian leaders had compiled lists of books that they believed should be included in the canon. these lists varied in their contents, but they generally included the four gospels and many of paul's letters. notable lists include the muratorian canon (c. 170 ce) and the list published by eusebius (c. 324 ce).86 but the codex sinaiticus from the 4th century included also the epistle of barnabas and part of the shepherd of hermas. the first to publish the list of twenty-seven books as we know it was athanasius of alexandria (367 ce).87 7. in the fourth century, various councils and synods included in their decisions a list of books which were in the canon. these regional councils were not convened solely or primarily to address the content of the canon. rather they affirmed for their jurisdictions the list of twentyseven books that make up the new testament canon today. these include the council of hippo (393 ce) and the council of carthage in 419 ce. 8. augustine (427 ce) supported this canonical list88 and jerome’s translation of the vulgate (383404 ce) would finalize the process. ultimately, the canon was formed through a combination of factors, including catholicity, namely, the recognition and use of certain books by early christian communities, apostolicity, and orthodoxy. this process was affirmed by the decisions of councils and synods. conclusion in the post-apostolic period, a synthesis emerged so that ἀπόστολος from that point on referred to the twelve and paul. no other person carried that designation. the authority exercised by the apostles was transferred to the bishops through a process of succession that developed in response to false teaching and disunity in the church. this apostolic succession protected the teaching of the church and clarified authority within the church. simultaneously but more gradually, the canonization of the new testament came to preserve the content of apostolic witness and teaching about jesus, his death and resurrection, and 85 f.l. cross, ed., “tatian,” in the oxford dictionary of the christian church (oxford: oxford university press, 2005). 86 ecclesiastical history, 3.25.1-7. 87 athanasius of alexandria, epistula festalis xxxix, n.d. 88 augustine of hippo, on christian doctrine, 2.8. schuler, “after the apostles” global south theological journal 2, no. 1 (2023): 19 the theological implications of his person and work for the church. forged by trinitarian and christological controversies, the church catholic emerged with a bi-polar structure that vested authority in a monarchical bishopric succeeding the apostolate and a canonical text preserving the teaching of the apostles. over the centuries the church would grow and spread and struggle about matters of apostolic authority and teaching and over the use of the term “apostle,” factors which continue to impact the church today. but that is the topic for tomorrow. sources cited alexandrinus, didymus. de trinitate. apostolic constitutions. athanasius. three orations against arius. athanasius of alexandria. epistula festalis xxxix. augustine of hippo. on christian doctrine. chrysostom, john. homilies on first corinthians. clement of alexandria. excerpta ex theodoto. ———. stromata. clement of rome. 1 clement. cross, f.l., ed. “tatian.” in the oxford dictionary of the christian church. oxford: oxford university press, 2005. cyril of alexandria. glaphyra on the pentateuch. cyril of jerusalem. catechetical lectures. cyris of alexandria. letters. epistle of barnabas. eurell, john-christian. “the hypomnemata of hegesippus.” scottish journal of theology 75, no. 2 (may 2022): 148–57. https://doi.org/10.1017/s003693062200028x. eusebius. ecclesiastical history. gregory of nazianzus. orations. hermas. the shepherd. ignatius of antioch. epistle to the ephesians. ———. epistle to the magnesians. ———. epistle to the philadelphians. ———. epistle to the romans. ———. epistle to the smyrnaeans. ———. epistle to the trallians. irenaeus of lyon. against heresies. justin martyr. dailogue with trypho. ———. first apology. lampe, g. w. h., and henry george liddell, eds. “ἀπόστολος.” in a patristic greek lexicon. oxford: clarendon, 1978. leonard, george. “the origins of the threefold christian ministry.” churchman 96, no. 1 (1982): 36–43. malalas, johannes. chronographia. marcellus of ancyra. fragmenta. meyer, harding. “apostolic continuity, ministry and apostolic succession from a reformation perspective.” louvain studies 21, no. 2 (1996): 169–82. origen. contra celsum. philostorgius. historica ecclesiastica. polycarp of smyrna. epistle of polycarp to the philippians. sasse, hermann. “apostles, prophets, teachers: some thoughts of the origin of the ministry of the church.” the reformed theological review 27, no. 1 (january 1968): 11–21. schuler, “after the apostles” global south theological journal 2, no. 1 (2023): 20 schmithals, walter. the office of apostle in the early church. edited by john e. steely. nashville: abingdon press, 1969. tertullian. five books against marcion. theodoret of cyrus. exegetical commentary on isaiah. introduction αποστολος in post-apostolic writers0f apostolic succession canonization of the new testament conclusion sources cited global south theological journal 1, no.1 (2022) 57 an empowering and reconciling presence: public ministry in the ethiopian evangelical church mekane yesus: a brief historical perspective review with some prospective remarks gemechu olana (brownsdale, mn) abstract: there is no doubt that religion, depending on its core values, has a solid contribution to society’s wellbeing and worldview. max weber has demonstrated how a dominant religion can affect the development of a given society depending on its teaching, attitudes, and values. the dominant ethical values and attitudes in religion may well reinforce the existing social economic and political culture or invite transformation in protesting against the present order of existence. we can clearly observe this assumption when we study the role of religion in ethiopian society in general. in some cases, religion was the main societal factor that influenced not only people’s relationship but also the structural reality of the society. when closely studied it cannot be missed to observe how dominant religions had both empowering as well as disempowering effects on ethiopian society in general. preface: the role of religion in a given society there is no doubt that religion, depending on its core values, has a solid contribution to society’s wellbeing and worldview.1 max weber, in his famous book, the protestant ethic and the spirit of capitalism, has well demonstrated how a dominant religion can affect the development of a given society depending on its teaching, attitudes, and values.2 the dominant ethical values and attitudes in religion may well reinforce the existing social economic and political culture or invite transformation in protesting against the present order of existence. we can clearly observe this assumption when we study the role of religion in ethiopian society in general. in some cases, religion was the main societal factor that influenced not only people’s relationship but also the structural reality of the society. as can be observed, dominant religions had both empowering as well as disempowering effects on ethiopian society. the great dilemma of institutionalized religions in ethiopian politics religion in ethiopia has been a dominant factor in shaping both personal behavior and interpersonal and societal relationships. and this shaping relationship is not one directional but interdependent, mutually supportive, and sometimes antagonistic. øyvind m. eide, in his book revolution and religion in 1 sociologists of religion argue that religion keeps the core of the society solid by providing meaning and redirecting feelings of conflicts and hostilities on the “evil one” and on the other hand prevents socially disruptive actions, like absolute power and oppression. émile durkheim, the elementary forms of the religious life, trans. joseph ward swain (mineola, ny: dover publications, inc., 2008). 2 max weber, the protestant ethic and the spirit of capitalism, trans. stephen kalberg (new york : oxford university press, 2009); culture matters: how values shape human progress, eds. lawrence e. harrison and samuel p. huntington (new york: basic books, 2000). rev. dr. gemechu olana is a dual parish pastor at our savior lutheran church, brownsdale, & holy cross lutheran church, austin, minnesota. he has served as a mission planter, chairperson for the united oromo evangelical churches association, board secretary for the oromo evangelical mission society, a theological instructor at mekane yesus seminary, ecumenical volunteer service in germany as a reverse-practitioner of the ethiopian evangelical church mekane yesus and the berliner mission work. he did his postgraduate theological study at the humboldt university of berlin. he enjoys community engagements and painting in his free time. olana, “an empowering and reconciling presence” global south theological journal 1, no.1 (2022) 58 ethiopia, has written a remarkable study on this role of religion in ethiopian politics and society.3 he has interpreted the theology, role, and experience of the ethiopian orthodox church, with special reference to the ethiopian evangelical church mekane yesus, within the ethno-political, socio-political, and religiopolitical dynamics of the center and the periphery. he remarked that "the study of religion is absolutely essential to the understanding of the dynamics of ethiopian society,"4 which points to the great role the churches have had in ethiopian politics. it is almost in impossible to think about major ethiopian cultures and polities without close understanding of their past religious cultures that comparatively define their identity and social relations until our present time. in the history of ethiopian politics and formation of its empire, on the structural level, religion played an essential role. for example, orthodox christianity, which often was seen as the most profound expression of the national existence of traditional ethiopia, "provided a theological legitimization of the empire and of the amhara claim to primacy in the centre-periphery structure of political power."5 the ethiopian orthodox church (eoc) played an essential role in the securing of national unity not only by assimilating different ethnic groups, but also by fusing itself with the state served as a core element of ethiopian nationalism.6 it furnished unqualified ideological support for the political and economic hegemony of the central abyssinian state power over the nation. eide rightly argued that the eoc “carried the function of an ethnic ideology, but indeed an ethnic ideology that holds that their group should dominate the state.”7 this implies that the eoc has been the source of authority of the ethiopian state with the ideology needed to legitimize the right to rule, to expand, and to integrate other ethnic groups into the empire. for a long time, the eoc served not only to maintain the status quo but also to persuade deprived non-amhara tigreans to accept their position within the established power structure. today orthodox christianity is almost indistinguishable from the ethiopian state nationalism, that is exclusive in its nature and solely incarnated the vested political, economic, political, and cultural interests of amhara tigreans ethic group.8 on the other hand, as a reaction to this relation of religion to politics, there are significant historical facts that demonstrate how, for instance, islam became a religious expression of other conquered ethnic groups, like the oromo, in re-establishing their identity in response to the challenge from orthodox christianity.9 although the empowering effects of islam in ethiopia as a religion needs further objective study, there is no question that as opposed to orthodox christianity, which embodied establishment religion, islam to some extent served non-amhara tigreans ethnic groups as antiestablishment religion and the religion of oppressed peoples.10 from the perspective of evangelical christianity, the mass conversion to evangelical christianity is also partly explained based by a similar situation. evangelical christianity became an alternative for the conquered people, who lost much of their social and religious institutions under the abyssinian emperors’ expansion policy. the introduction of evangelical christianity into ethiopia helped those conquered ethnic groups to develop a sense of worth and pride in their cultural identity.11 3 øyvind m. eide, revolution & religion in ethiopia: the growth & persecution of the mekane yesus church, 1974-85 (oxford: j. currey; athens, oh: ohio university press; addis ababa: addis ababa university press, 2000). 4 eide, revolution & religion in ethiopia, 1. 5 eide, 12. 6 tamrat, church and state in ethiopia, 1270-1527. 7 eide, revolution & religion in ethiopia, 313. 8abbas haji gnamo, “islam, the orthodox church and oromo nationalism (ethiopia),” cahiers d’études africaines 165 (2002):99-120. 9 john spencer trimingham, islam in ethiopia (london, new york, oxford university press, 1952):101-102; mohammed hassen, the oromo of ethiopia: a history, 1570-1860 (cambridge; new york: cambridge university press, 1990):77. 10 hassen, oromo of ethiopia. 11 this growth of the ethiopian evangelical church mekane yesus in these regions is closely associated with assumption, particularly among the oromo of the western periphery. see eide, church and politics, 15. olana, “an empowering and reconciling presence” global south theological journal 1, no.1 (2022) 59 the growth of the evangelical movement in the non-orthodox regions of the south and southwest was mainly a result of their identification with the fate of the periphery. rev. gudina tumsa, in his 1971 report on church growth in ethiopia, remarked that this was one of the major factors that had contributed to the growth of the ethiopian evangelical church mekane yesus (eecmy) in ethiopia. the scripture was translated into the vernacular language, large numbers of people were educated, and some democratic practices were introduced within the evolving new church organization. as a result, those people at the periphery gained a sense of worth and pride in their cultural identity.12 the eecmy, even under the over-centralized empire, recognized the rights of each ethnic group and encouraged vernacular worship services in their respective regions. church leaders and clergies of different synods were elected from among the respective peoples. this indigenization of the church, besides enhancing evangelism, helped it to exercise influence early both on the national and the international scene even in the short time of its existence in ethiopia at the time. there is no doubt that evangelical christianity, in western, central and south-central regions, played an undisputable conscientization role among oppressed southern non-amhara tigrean ethnic groups, especially the oromo people in terms of identity, politics, and economic development. for instance, the eecmy, on whom we are going to focus on this article, through its democratic structure and alternative indigenization character, as opposed to the orthodox christianity, has enormously empowered the oppressed ethnic groups through its various social, educational, and development projects.13 the empowering role of the ethiopian evangelical mekane yesus in historical perspectives historically, it was the empowering presence of the evangelical pioneers that enhanced the expansion of the evangelical christianity in ethiopia, especially among southern and western nations incorporated into ethiopia by military power at the turn of the 19th century. the evangelical churches were seen as an alternative to the disempowering religion of the abyssinian conquering power. they were perceived by most southern people and especially the oromos as a medium toward modernity and independency. in the middle of the immense social crisis and economic miseries created by the abyssinian conquering power, evangelical christianity become an alternative religion that offers hope and future. 14 for instance, this notion can be clearer, when we closely study the works of the pioneer oromo evangelical leaders. the earlier indigenous oromo pioneer evangelists saw their work among their people not merely in terms of evangelization but also as a chance of introducing modern education to their people. onesimos nasib was a good example. for him, not only preaching the gospel but also providing education to the oromo in their own vernacular were passionate subjects. when he first arrived in oromo land in 1904 after thirty-five years of exile, the first thing he did was establishing a school among the oromo of western wallaga. his literary works integrated both the gospel and the secular in a way that that created a great enthusiasm and a raised consciousness among the oromo people. when writing about the situation to his friends in sweden, he says, “we have nothing to fear from this side of the people. the land is open to us. the master comes with his servants, the father with his son, brothers with brothers and friends with friends and insists and begs us to teach them.”15 the oromo people and its leaders apparently felt that their dignity was restored by this work of onesimos at the site of the conquest and amhara cultural subordination.16 later, concerns and activities of the indigenous local and national church leaders were always seen as a continuation of the work of the 12 eide, church and politics, 15. 13 for detailed discussion see gemechu olana, church under challenge, the socio-political engagements of the ethiopian evangelical church mekane yesus (berlin: dissertation.de, 2006). 14 h. r. wesenik, “kirche und mission in äthiopien,” in die hermannsburger mission in jahre 1967. 15 mekuria bulcha, "onesimos nasib's pioneering contributions to oromo writing" nordic journal of african studies 4, no. 1 (1995): 24. 16 arén, evangelical pioneers in ethiopia: origins of the evangelical church mekane yesus (stockholm: efs förlaget, 1978), 424. olana, “an empowering and reconciling presence” global south theological journal 1, no.1 (2022) 60 pioneer evangelists like onesimos. even today, this assumption has remained strong among all oromospeaking evangelical churches and leaders.17 the other example is the work of rev. gudina tumsa. his theological thinking and work were practically based on indigenization with oppressed people of ethiopian, including the oromo people. by making a clear detachment from the prevailing stands of orthodox christianity and the pietistic mission tradition, he saw man and his needs as a totality, in which the verbal communication of the gospel and the social mission of the church are seen not to be contradictory, but rather to be the integral parts of the total responsibility of the church.18 in most of his writings, he argued for a sound contextual and indigenous theology, a theology which takes the social-cultural, political, and economic reality seriously. in his memorandum of 1972 for church leaders, rev. gudina reasoned that it is only by relating critically to its contextual social reality that the church develops in a given society toward its own identity and authenticity.19 that was what he tried to bring into the life of the church during his service as general secretary of the eecmy, a daring attempt in the context of absolute authoritarian state, which finally led to his martyrdom. the first indigenous ethiopian evangelical church leaders, including rev. gudina tumsa, saw their role not as a mere religious leaders, but as responsible christian citizens called out to demonstrate their christian faith in action. for instance, the eecmy leaders soon after the official establishment in 1959, which gave the church the legal status to work and expand its work through its synods, the church, along with its modern education and medical work, became involved in diversified multi-million dollar? rural community development in different regions of ethiopia, especially the western and southern regions, which has continued to the present day. even before the 1974 ethiopian revolution, eecmy leaders were bold to raise the land reform issue and passed a resolution on the 1973 general assembly of the eecmy, requesting the state for a land reform law. recently, when the ethiopian political landscape changed, in the case of the afaan oromo for instance, when qubee, a latin-based alphabet for afaan oromo, was adopted in 1991, the eecmy leaders immediately transcribed the previous oromo bible written on amharic phonetics to qubee despite strong opposition from some church leaders and institutions influenced by the centralized ethiopian state ideology. beside bible translation, the eecmy has made enormous investment vernacular gospel and literacy literatures. in relation to the language issues, when a conflict began in the mekane yesus congregations in the addis ababa in 1994 with the request of the oromo-speaking members to have a worship service in their language that was rejected by local church leaders, the eecmy leadership intervened and made a clear policy decision favoring worship services in the vernacular language, despite strong resistance from church leaders and groups who were inclined toward centralistic and monolithic services.20 in response to this problem, and generally to the evolving threat of ethnic and language conflict, the executive committee of the church made a policy decision in january 1995, referring to the multi-ethnic character of both ethiopia and the eecmy. it was decided that the language groups within the congregations, if they requested it, should have the right to have services in their respective languages. this has been a clear position of the eecmy, in the past even when the political landscape was hostile to such view; and the church has sustained this policy to the present day even though the policy divided the church body for 17 the union of the oromo-speaking churches around the world is known as the “united oromo evangelical churches” (uoec). it was established in 1991 by diaspora and home-based oromo speaking evangelical churches. its objectives are to be “encouraging, supporting the oromo christians around the world through close relationships and various social and spiritual activities, cultivating the understanding of private and public commitment to lifelong learning and spiritual discipline.” 18 see the 1972 documents of the eecmy, “on the interrelation between proclamation of the gospel and human development.” 19 gudina tumsa, witness and discipleship: leadership of the church in multi-ethnic ethiopia in a time of revolution (addis ababa: gudina tumsa foundation, 2003), 68-69. 20 see a detailed discussion on this matter in olana, church under challenge, 137-139. see also anna lena schmidt, identity and ethnicity in the evangelical church mekane yesus: an anthropological study of religious community (mth thesis in cultural anthropology at the department of cultural anthropology in ethnology, uppsala university may 2001), 73. olana, “an empowering and reconciling presence” global south theological journal 1, no.1 (2022) 61 a while. it is this clear identification and respect of ethnic identify of each group that is contributing to the growth of the eecmy all over the country beside other spiritual and social factors. in the past, the national church leaders choose to take interest in the needs and misery of their people, despite harsh political settings. to some extent, they saw it as their christian duty to mobilize all possible sources at their disposal for the development of their people.21 the same trend has continued among some evangelical church leaders, which should not be overlooked but needs more objective study and documentation. their engagement was not merely a means of evangelization, but a sincere indignation with the fate of helpless majority out of the pure christian love and liberty. lacking, however, is prophetic engagement based on sound critical theological reflection and thorough consideration of full participation by the people concerned, particularly active involvement of the congregations in development work and prophetic ministry. the current evangelical charismatic movement as an empowering phenomenon the current evangelical charismatic movement, which is characterized with wholistic healing, exorcism, and prophecy, has its own empowering effect on the life of individual and the society in general. it has brought a new experience of fellowship among all ages and groups of people in which everyone is acknowledged and has its place. this new experience of fellowship also created strong spiritual solidarity and brotherhood among all evangelical christians of different denomination and regions, despite some tensions that reflects the overall political reality. for instance, more than any time in the history of evangelical christianity among the oromo people, the current charismatic movement has brought strong and effective indigenization and enculturation processes to the christian faith. christian songs and worship services with traditional tunes flourish in every part of the region in oromo language. the same is true for other major southern ethnic groups. this evangelical charismatic movement that has radically influenced the current eecmy congregations has also brought a limited change in the life of the general population, particularly among the young people in terms of social relations and moral ethics. one of the main features of the charismatic movement is its strong resistance against a traditional authoritarian relationship and its strong option for participatory form of system, particularly in worship and the church leadership, the social impact of which is undisputable in the larger community. in terms of personal or social ethic, biblical ethical norms and spirituality, such as avoidance of adultery, criminality, alcohol and violence has got a new attention, which directly has an implication on the life of the community, especially under the current hiv/aids pandemic destroying a life of millions of people. the attention to prayer and healing ministry, in the context of helplessness and all kind of social, political, and economic misery, and marginalization has given the people the power of hope, endurance, and belief in the future.22 in fact, this feature of the charismatic movement, particularly the emphasis on healing and reconciling ministry of the holy spirit, to see life in its totality, is related to the existing traditional religious culture, which has been one of the main factors for the rapid acceptance among all age groups of people resulted in radical church growth. one of the elements that should be noticed, however, from the dominant features of the evangelical charismatic movements in ethiopia, to same extent including the eecmy, is their reluctance to engage in social actions, or prophetic ministry. unlike the classical revival movements in the church history, particularly in europe and north america, social concern23 among some evangelical churches influenced by the charismatic movements is very low or nonexistent. despite the charismatic liturgy, which has a more egalitarian, empowering, and democratizing effect on its participants, the adherents of 21 eecmy, development policy and planning (1993), 25. 22 lutheran world federation department of world service, ethiopia: annual report (addis ababa: lutheran world federation world service, 2008). 23 here social concerns refer specifically to social actions like politics, and social and economic developments often emphasized among evangelical ecumenical churches, including the eecmy. olana, “an empowering and reconciling presence” global south theological journal 1, no.1 (2022) 62 the evangelical charismatic movement are generally indifferent to the social implication of the gospel and take no interest in politics.24 among current dominant evangelical churches and church leaders, social and political activism, in contrary to the tradition of orthodox christianity and the eecmy social teachings, is generally viewed as something “unholy game” having nothing to do with christian faith. this notion has strongly influenced most of the current eecmy congregations and its leader, although the official stand of the church is quite in contrary. this phenomenon of the evangelical charismatic movement is related to some degree to the dualistic, apocalyptic, and pessimistic worldview inherent in pentecostal doctrine that locates the sociopolitical problems not in history but in a spiritual world and preaches an apocalyptic gospel in which world is destined for immanent destruction.25 this view leaves little room for any social and political action because of its pessimistic view of life.26 on the other hand, social disappointments and the increasingly deplorable situation of poverty, social crises, and political repression strengthen this conviction among the majority of the young ethiopian christians. even though the charismatic movement has transformed evangelical christianity in ethiopia, including the eecmy, in the case of structural social concerns and public prophetic ministry, there is a clear crisis in which faith in action, particularly love expressed in seeking justice is replaced with individualistic sentimental spiritualism.27 in fact, we should not overstate this negative trend among charismatic evangelical believers without considering the existing socio-cultural, economic, and political realities that usually reinforce passivism and fatalistic views in terms of social action. the repressive ethiopian state, past or present, does not allow any kind of direct critical social action that presupposes justice and human freedom as a fundamental right of every citizen. however, the church of christ has clear mandate for public ministry here in this world by being salt and light of christ, despite the resistance of the sinful world and the demonic forces. toward a reconciling presence: a prospect for a public ministry within the current political reality of ethiopia rediscovering a critical public ministry despite the above historical traditions, most eecmy congregations are not able to integrate some of the theological insights developed during the seventies about church public services into their local ministry. all development work and social engagements are resourced at large scale through centralized national or district development departments resourced mainly through donor agencies, which has alienated most congregations from engaging directly unless they are in some way beneficiaries. there is a loss of interest in authentic lutheran theological thinking yielding a lack of critical socio-political and economic engagement within the eecmy today. despite deplorable human rights situations and the undemocratic nature of the ethiopian government that has alienated majority of the population, the eecmy is still hesitant to engage in a more critical prophetic ministry, in which faith and action are integrated. for the hesitance, the experience of persecution and the current regime’s limitation on civic organization could be 24 see also the same situation described by n. l. gerrard, “the holiness movement in southern appalachia, in speaking in tongues: a guide to research on glossolalia, ed. watson e. mills (grand rapids: w.b. eerdmans pub. co., 1986), 213. see also n. wright, “a pilgrimage in renewal,” in thomas allan smail et al., charismatic renewal: the search for a theology (london: spck, 1995), 31 25 a.h. anderson, moya, the holy spirit in an african context (pretoria : university of south africa, 1991), 116-120 26 anderson, moya. 27 jürgen moltmann voices his concern by asking some critical questions. he criticized the neglect among charismatic of the charismata and asks, “where are the charismata of the 'charisma tics' in the everyday world, in the peace movement, in the movements for liberation, in the ecology movement? if charismata are not given to us so that we can flee from this world into a world of religious dreams, but if they are intended to witness to the liberating lordship of christ in this world's conflicts, then the charismatic movement must not become a non-political religion, let alone a de-politicised one.” the spirit of life: a universal affirmation (minneapolis: fortress press, 1992), 186. olana, “an empowering and reconciling presence” global south theological journal 1, no.1 (2022) 63 factors, but there could be more to this which needs more critical objective study and is beyond this brief article. on the other hand, because of a dualistic and pessimistic worldview inherent in the charismatic movement, most of the eecmy congregations including its leadership are being overtaken by influential conservative tendencies emphasizing an "otherworldly" faith – a one-sided christianity exclusively emphasizing an individual's life and future destination and ignoring the reality of the social dimension. this is a dominate trend among all ethiopian evangelical churches. in fact, seen from a sociological and psychological point of view, such an otherworldly view of a christian faith, including the aspiration for healing, is related, at least in part, to the existential social, political, and economic reality of the people. turning to very individualistic otherworldly faith could be a form of assertiveness and resistance, admittedly in spiritual terms, to the status quo in the people's struggle for a better life a search for health and well-being. however, as followers of christ, we are called to witness to the liberating lordship of christ, concretely, here in this world, not to flee from this world. such assertiveness and resistance in searching for health and well-being should not end at the spiritual level, but ought to be applied also in day-to-day life, here and now, in all aspects of life. there is no doubt that the current charismatic worship in the eecmy has reactivated traditional egalitarian relationships by immersing all in an equalising and holistic act of worship. hence, it has a democratising and empowering effect in the congregations which should be encouraged and brought into the real sociopolitical arena of society. this democratising and empowering aspect of charismatic worship should be used for motivating people for collective social action in their specific local contexts. the eecmy, i believe, must find a way for its congregations and members to take practical and concrete social, political, and economic action, depending on locally available means. indeed, this would not be any easy task under the current political landscape which limits any kind of objective critical public engagement; however, this situation should not be an excuse a lack of engagement. a method should be sought for a development of sound contextual theological insights, social teachings, and knowhow for a genuine public prophetic ministry that not only criticises but also invites creative transformation and change toward democratic civic society. for the broader influence and continuity of the public ministry of the church, prophetic ministry should not be limited to work of a specific department but should be encouraged as a part of a local congregation’s ministry in which each congregation could be a catalyst for change and development in its concrete setting and reality. for this purpose, pastors, evangelists, and church elders should be equipped and encouraged to engage in critical action, addressing the issues of society, but without associating themselves with specific political organisations or any kind of ideology. like rev. gudina tumsa and his co-ministers did in the past, it is a call and duty of all eecmy church leaders and theologians to reinterpret the bible from the ultimate truth of god’s design for humanity and, based on our present experience, to establish sound theological and scriptural support and inspiration for social, political, cultural, and economic justice and transformation. this cannot be done without proper clarification of church’s public theology, especially christian ethics from the eecmy perspective. focus should be given to develop a clear articulation evangelical ethics both for christian morality and the church’s calling to public life in dialogue with its lutheran tradition. well-reflected, coherent, and persuasive contextual theological resources and teachings are very essential for the church body to engage in prophetic public ministry with integrity and uniform biblical principle. and such resources will come out of seminars like this, which should be further supported and strengthened. the overall purpose of such an undertaking is to unmask all the evils that exist in society and its structure through addressing the world according to god’s law, by pointing to and demanding an alternative just and democratic civic society. this can happen only when the church gets its public theology right from the perspective of its core vision of mission and purpose. olana, “an empowering and reconciling presence” global south theological journal 1, no.1 (2022) 64 embolden reconciling presence today, lack of viable and strong opposition parties, persistence of the past ethnic ideology of dominance, and the endless schism and irresponsible divides among various political groups have enormous disempowering effect on the general population. the current disempowering political reality in the ethiopian state cannot only be attributed to the current oppressive regime but also to the lack of authentic and unifying leadership among all the opposition groups. the lack of creative and imaginative solutions to the humanitarian and political problems of the ethiopian state is not only because of the predatory political culture, but also because of bondage by all the opposition parties to that specific culture in a very sad way. as a result, the current total estrangement and alienation among various political groups at large is not only strengthening the power of the oppressive regime but is reinforcing the already full-fledged cynicism and hopelessness of our society in terms of political freedom. to overcome this unnecessary schism and disengagement among all opposing political groups, an attempt should be made to invite all, including the ruling party, to the table for a sincere dialogue and reconciliation, by acknowledging the past failure but also by grasping the future with openness and commitment to the interests of the ethiopian people in general. here, the faith community can play a constructive and reconciliatory role on various levels by simply challenging and inviting all concerned groups to a civil discourse. first of all, the church as a community that believes not only in the god of good friday but also in the god of resurrection and new life should boldly echo its voice of justice, reconciliation, transformation, and unity among all people. the heart of christian message is the message of love, justice, and reconciliation. salvation is not a mere cancellation of sin and guilt, but includes rebirth, sanctification, and new creation. reconciliation is the foundation of salvation which is the very heart of the new testament message. the role and function of a church of christ cannot be different from this task, be it in the spiritual or the social dimension. here we are neither saving the world nor reconciling the world to god. however, what god has done in christ can and should inspire all believers to subsequent reconciling activity in word and deed. as peace between god and humanity is established in the cross of christ, being agent of reconciliation in our community is the very mission of the church. the church as a christian community is a place of reconciliation, a practice which should be taken out into the world in word and deeds. however, to be the agent of peace and reconciliation, the church has the obligation boldly to show itself to be the church by venturing across the political, cultural, and ideological boundaries. the social mission of christians can only be understood as in service of reconciliation, as in service of peace. this can be done primarily by helping to develop a right perception of culture and ethnicity against ethnocentrism, cultural oppression, and resentment so that people learn to respect and accept each other. in a country like ethiopia where suppression of ethnic identity, cultural oppression, and hatred have been dominant trends, the process of reconciliation requires a fundamental attitudinal change and an openness and right perception of one’s cultural and ethnic identity. on the other hand, a church should continue boldly to engage in active mediation and reconciliation between conflicting groups as well as to teach reconciliation, forgiveness, and tolerance that challenges believers to be a reconciling presence in their given community. secondly, the church must promote reconciliatory love in the community in which it exists. god refuses to abandon the world of sin and death in all its alienated darkness but, on contrary become involved in it even its direct consequences, suffers for it, strives for it, and in conquering liberates it. the ethiopian evangelical churches should take stand by refusing to withdraw from active responsible christian social action because of irresponsible division and disempowering cynicisms in our community. rather, evangelical churches must boldly preach in word and deed the ethics of the gospel. the church must continue to struggle to live in unity, overcome divisions, and welcome others. the church, as its main values and practices, should refuses hostility of any form in our society, but foster civil dialogue and intelligent discussion. olana, “an empowering and reconciling presence” global south theological journal 1, no.1 (2022) 65 no democracy can survive, or even be established without the practice of forgiveness, reconciliation, and tolerance among the peoples who have experienced hostility and mistrust for centuries. the christian understanding of human relationships, which lies in the doctrine of grace, can make an important contribution to bring about mature and genuine democracy. but this must first be fully experienced among the believers in the church. therefore, the church should be a catalyst of reconciliation in each society through its teachings and services, not an excluding and divisive entity. for the benefit of our society in general, the ethiopian evangelical churches have a social responsibility to help in word and deed to create an environment for respectful conflict resolution through persuasion, dialogue, and encouraging imaginative solutions to conflicts. thirdly, based on its core vision and message, the church should boldly strive for reconciliation in our divided community. god graciously makes people active and gives them the right and ability to be reconciled with god. we have received reconciliation (rom. 5:11) with god's invitation (2 cor. 5:20). god was the victim of our rebellion and sin. he is also the sole initiator of salvation by making us active through the holy spirit in being made right with him. by refusing vindictiveness, as church of christ, the eecmy and its members, should promote the spirit forgiveness and reconciliation that creates environment for admittance of guilt and genuine repentance. despite all the temptations and external pressures, the eecmy should continue tirelessly to identify itself with the cross of christ and boldly reject the religion and ideology of alienation, fear, and revenge. it is only in this manner that the church remains a beacon of christ, which points to god’s new reality and his holy law. finally, when engaged to such reconciliatory activities, the church should also guard itself from being a tool for political groups or as instrument to press out dissent. it should boldly disapprove a false ideology of reconciliation which undermines true transformation. first of all, it must challenge the extreme privatizing tendency of christian faith in among all ethiopian evangelical christians which stresses the individual and the transcendental while dismissing the social aspect of christian life. in the past, church leaders like rev. gudina tumsa struggled to help the church and its clergy to avoid the temptation of compliance with the status quo in reinterpretation of the christian values consciously or unconsciously in such a way to reinforce the existing order and domination of the people. that is what made the eecmy the church of the periphery, the voice of the voiceless majority. at all opportunities, churches should continue preaching in word and deed the transforming power of jesus, who was in solidarity with the poor and the marginalized in demanding the reorientation of values and the transformation of society. jesus preached the kingdom of god, as establishment of new order, not a mere inner mystical world ditched from reality. therefore, the eecmy and other ethiopian churches are obligated responsibly to reject an exclusive individualistic interpretation and understanding of the death and resurrection of jesus or view them as mere subjective experiences. in our context, there is the temptation of religion sentimentalism, which usually avoids responsibility is societal matters. this is not the reconciliation we are speaking about. we all should renounce any religious sentimentalism that supports oppressive structures or creates an obstacle for genuine change. god reconciled the world to himself not by mere cancelation of our debt, but paying it in full through the person of christ. consequently, god graciously invited us to life and a new beginning through forgiveness. forgiveness is a costly initiative creating a new undeserved opportunity for the wrong doer. it opens the door for repentance. here, the past wrong will not be denied but deprived of its power to shape the future. hence, our church must avoid any cheap concept of reconciliation that does not admit the past wrong or that does not include contrition and repartition. avoiding conflicts, temporary peace, or suppressing the truth is dishonoring god. forgiveness and reconciliation involve the idea of grace. but forgiveness and reconciliation alone are superficial. both need justice as their companion. without attempts to restore dignity and equality, the brokenness created by the conflict continues to fester. it is when injustice is rectified that reconciliation and peace becomes the prevailing atmosphere of security and respect between all parties. it is when the wrong doer is released from his or her guilt and the wronged is freed from bitterness and hatred that suspicion and fear will be removed and replaced with peace. preface: the role of religion in a given society the great dilemma of institutionalized religions in ethiopian politics the empowering role of the ethiopian evangelical mekane yesus in historical perspectives the current evangelical charismatic movement as an empowering phenomenon toward a reconciling presence: a prospect for a public ministry within the current political reality of ethiopia rediscovering a critical public ministry embolden reconciling presence global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 26 the challenge of african churches in the ecumenical discussion with special referenc eot ethiopia sarah hinlicky wilson (associate pastor at tokyo lutheran church and the founder of thornbush press) abstract: this article aims to explore the challenges faced by african churches in achieving ecumenism and unity amidst geographical, cultural, and confessional divisions. it examines the various models of christian unity that have been proposed in the last century and highlights the ongoing debate surrounding the desired form of unity. the significance of reconciliation and forgiveness in addressing divisions rooted in sin is underscored, although complete reconciliation may not always be attainable. drawing upon the example of gudina tumsa and the ethiopian evangelical church mekane yesus (eecmy), this article stresses the importance of maintaining cultural diversity within the church while simultaneously fostering unity. it argues against the notion that ecumenism should eradicate individual identities or enforce a new confessionalism, and instead advocates for a framework that respects and encompasses ongoing differences and disagreements. additionally, the article posits that the goal of ecumenism should not be to eliminate disagreements or impose a standardized theology, but rather to encourage individuals to engage with and learn from diverse theological traditions, leading to a more comprehensive comprehension of their own strengths and weaknesses. furthermore, the article puts forth the concept of differentiated consensus as a potential strategy to facilitate ecumenical dialogue. this approach allows different theological traditions to manifest the same essence of the christian faith in distinct forms. by engaging in thoughtful discussions, common ground can be discovered, and theological variances can be viewed as less significant than previously assumed. numerous bilateral dialogues have successfully employed this approach, enabling a deeper understanding, addressing misunderstandings, and acknowledging that diverse expressions of faith can coexist within the parameters of acceptable christian teaching. i would first of all like to thank samuel for the invitation to speak at this conference, which is an honor and has been an opportunity for me to stretch my own theological knowledge through careful study of the life and works of gudina tumsa. reading through the lectures from previous forums, i have become a little envious to realize that i am one of the few to speak on this great man who never had the chance to meet him in person. i am already looking forward to doing so in the heavenly kingdom! for now i must be content to learn through the record he left behind and the witness of others. i would also like to say how humbled i am to be asked to speak on such a topic as the challenge of african churches in ecumenism. like many other christians and theologians of the north atlantic world, i have only gradually and recently come to recognize the vast world of christianity outside my own small piece of it. i am inspired by the vitality of christian faith in the global south and sorrowful over the misdeeds past and present of those whose culture i share. i hope that this lecture can in some small way contribute toward rebuilding bridges of trust in the church across all kinds of divisions, whether they are geographical, cultural, or confessional. i approach this topic from my position as a lutheran theologian who is also an ecumenist. there are many people who still believe that there is a fundamental tension between these two realities— claiming for oneself the lutheran theological tradition, wishing to foster it and continue in it, while at the same time being an ecumenist, desiring the unity of the church and recognizing as full and true wilson, “challenge of african churches in the ecumenical discussion” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 27 christian’s others whose theological approaches are dramatically different. i spend as much time trying to develop lutherans’ understanding of luther as i do trying to understand other christian communities and traditions. how can it be that these two tasks do not stand in stark contradiction to one another? the fact that this question must be asked, that an apparent contradiction must be resolved, indicates that the nature of the unity we seek is still very much up for debate. over the past hundred years, since ecumenism first emerged in response to the travesties of missionary competition, many different models of christian unity have been proposed. they have spanned every possibility from mere practical cooperation to complete organizational merger. each proposal has its strengths but each has probably even more weaknesses. if anything has become clear, it is that the true unity of the church will ultimately be a gift of god, not an achievement of humankind. gudina himself noted the important distinction between “ecumenism” understood as churches working together and the “unity” for which jesus prayed for during his last evening with his disciples.1 what then can we be working toward ecumenically as the holy spirit forms us into one church? what kind of oneness are we seeking? it is all too clear that many of the divisions of the church— possibly even most of the divisions of the church—are rooted in human sin, in failures to listen and failures to forgive, in self-seeking and other-hating, in competition and power struggles and prejudice. some of these breaks, it seems, will never be reconciled. other times there are glimmers of hope that reconciliation is possible, even centuries later. here i am thinking of the lutheran world federation’s decision to apologize to the mennonite community for lutheran complicity in the execution of anabaptists in the sixteenth century, which was met by a full declaration of forgiveness by the mennonite world conference.2 but such cases are unfortunately rare.3 we could easily spend our whole lives working toward ecclesial reconciliation where sin lies at the root. such ecumenism addresses failures in love. but the many faces of the church are not due only to sin, and it is extremely important that we recognize this fact. there are also disagreements about truth. these surely are and can be driven and exacerbated by failures in love. but disagreement is not in itself sinful. none us of us has the god’s-eye view of reality. all of us are limited and struggling to understand a world, and a lord, that are beyond our full comprehension. because of this, disagreement is valuable. it is even essential. it forces us to think more clearly, more acutely. it forces us to expand the scope of our knowledge, to consider things outside our own personal experience. genuine disagreement born of a struggle to understand, as opposed to false disagreement born of a failure to love, is a triumph and a blessing. i would argue that loving those with whom we disagree, without sacrificing our own convictions, is a mark of christian maturity. it is also a mark of ecumenical progress. therefore, we should not say that the goal of ecumenism is the elimination of disagreements or the creation of a super-theology or mono-theology that would suppress disagreements or fresh thinking because it claimed to solve every problem and promised to put an end to troublesome arguments. if that were our goal, we would ironically have to return to a strategy of competing theologies, a winner-takes-all approach, with the assumption that one theological tradition would ultimately win and all the others 1 gudina tumsa, “the responsibility of the ecmy toward ecumenical harmony,” in witness and discipleship: leadership of the church in multi-ethnic ethiopia in a time of revolution: the essential writings of gudina tumsa, 2nd ed. (hamburg: wdl-publishers, 2007), 14. 2 see healing memories: reconciling in christ: report of the lutheran-mennonite international study commission (geneva and strasbourg: lutheran world federation and mennonite world conference, 2010), available online at http://www.lutheranworld.org/lwf/wp-content/uploads/2010/10/report_lutheran-mennonite_study_commission.pdf. i should also mention my recent discovery that mekane yesus helped to protect the tiny and vulnerable mennonite church in ethiopia during the derg regime; today the partnership between the two is very strong. it is a great joy to see such a reversal of historical patterns! 3 some steps in this direction on the roman catholic side can be seen in unitatis redintegratio §7: “so we humbly beg pardon of god and of our separated brethren, just as we forgive them that trespass against us,” and also in “memory and reconciliation: the church and the faults of the past,” available online at www.vatican.va/roman_curia/congregations/cfaith/cti_documents/rc_con_cfaith_doc_20000307_memory-reconc-itc_en.html. wilson, “challenge of african churches in the ecumenical discussion” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 28 would lose, or that each church would donate one portion of its heritage but toss everything else away in order to make way for this new, final, silencing mono-theology. such a notion may sound ridiculous, yet i think many people fear and suspect that this is exactly what ecumenism is all about. but such a model is as unfaithful as the notion that there is and should be only one true church culture. here again i think of gudina’s insistence that the eecmy should not be a monolingual, monocultural church, but rather a church that deliberately includes many languages and cultures—a conviction that, i suspect, was related to the bad oromo experience with the amharic cultural hegemony of the ethiopian orthodox church. the gift of the holy spirit at pentecost was not to make everybody speak and understand one language, but to make all the people there understand the gospel in their own language. in mission we do not seek to draw all people into one single culture that alone houses the gospel, but for the gospel to move out into every culture and make each culture its dwelling place. this means that people are entitled to remain “at home” in their own cultures, even as the gospel takes hold of those cultures, inhabits them, and transforms them. but pentecost also implies that we need to step outside of our home cultures, out of those places comfortable for us, to see what other people’s homes are like. (note how hard it was even for the apostles to leave jerusalem; the spirit had to keep nudging them out.) this is an essential part of growth into christian maturity so that we don’t make the mistake of thinking that the gospel and our home culture are logical equivalents. we will naturally equate the two if not pushed beyond our boundaries. the tension between “at home” and “away” has to be maintained, not eliminated. we are allowed to be at home where we are at home; we are not allowed to deny other people the right to be at home where they are at home. this cultural analogy helps us to grasp what ecumenism should and should not be. ecumenism should not demand that no one feel at home anymore, leaving one theological tradition for an ecumenical super-theology that belongs to everybody and nobody. but ecumenism should drive people to travel beyond the borders of their home theology and home church to see what else is out there, which will then help them to be better christians both at home and abroad. ecumenical voyaging helps people see the weaknesses and failures in their home church—every church has them, for none can manage everything perfectly—and also to recognize their own real strengths. it should make them discover that there are real christians over there—and thus that their church is also christ’s church, which means it is also our church, even if in different clothing! we may legitimately critique other christians, but we may not deny them the baptism that made and keeps them christian. this approach to ecumenism should also take some of the burden off of “converts”—those people who find that they are more at home in a different church home than the one where they started. the anti-ecumenical approach means that converts from one kind of christianity to another often feel the need to reject everything in their first church home and accept everything uncritically in their new church home. that does not contribute to the unity of the church, either! for all these reasons, i sometimes wonder if the appeals made for an “ecumenical theology” or “ecumenical education” aren’t a kind of softer, gentler colonialism in disguise. the new ecumenical consensus can become its own new confessionalism, as all-encompassing and demanding of total loyalty as any confessional formulation of the past. that is not a real strength but an attempt to buy unity cheaply without the ongoing hard work that every generation and every place must take up for itself. efforts toward unity that don’t allow for ongoing difference and disagreement are really just seeking to strip people of their identities, even if for a supposedly good cause. this is surely not the unity that jesus prayed for. a wiser ecumenical approach is embodied in the strategy known as differentiated (or differentiating) consensus. its basic insight is that the various theological traditions may express the same content of the christian faith in different forms, forms different enough that other christians may not immediately recognize them as testifying to the same content. through careful ecumenical discussion, two church traditions with different expressions and formulations may find that they hold a great deal more in common than previously believed. most of the bilateral dialogue work done over the past fifty years has come to exactly this conclusion. it has allowed the eastern orthodox and the oriental orthodox, wilson, “challenge of african churches in the ecumenical discussion” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 29 for instance, to declare that their break at the council of chalcedon in 451 was due to semantic misunderstandings rather than mutually exclusive conceptions of the nature of christ; and it has allowed lutherans and roman catholics to co-sign the joint declaration on the doctrine of justification, addressing what seemed to be the most foundational difference between them.4 in neither case was either church asked to stop being itself or to abandon its own forms of expression and distinctive emphases. instead, it was asked to recognize that the other church’s theology lay within the boundaries of acceptable christian teaching, such that division and denial of the other’s christianity was no longer the absolutely required consequence of the difference. naturally, this method cannot solve every problem. sometimes differences are not merely apparent but real. but it has been a helpful tool to discover when, in fact, the difference is not as great as confessional polemics, driven by failures in love, have assumed them to be. for this reason, pope john xxiii often said, “what unites us is much greater than what divides us”— which, given the history between the various church factions, is a really remarkable thing to say! ecumenical concepts are usually much easier to understand when matched with concrete examples. i can think of no better example of this best kind of ecumenism than the way the eecmy under the leadership of gudina tumsa dealt with the challenge of pentecostal and charismatic movements. encounters with pentecostal missionaries had led to a revival especially among the youth of ethiopia. they encountered fierce resistance from their fellow lutherans and were so frustrated that they were prepared to walk out altogether. they told gudina that they wanted to start a new church because their own church was dead. gudina’s witty but pointed response was, “jesus died, but he was raised from death. don’t build a new church, but rebuild your old church. raise it from death.”5 under his leadership, a group of forty leaders in the eecmy got together to address the charismatic challenge and make recommendations to the church at large, through analysis of the scriptural witness to the holy spirit and evaluation of how other churches had dealt with charismatic renewal. the result was far and away the most theologically rich, positive, and nuanced response to the charismatic movement that any lutheran church in the world has ever produced. it was all the more remarkable for its fidelity to lutheranism at the same time that it called the lutheran church to open up to something new. the encounter with pentecostal movements recalled this lutheran church to its sola scriptura standard of judgment, since it forced a more careful reading of the bible’s words about the holy spirit. it also offered fresh empowerment in the church’s fundamental calling to evangelism. i see in this document and its results a distinctly african gift to world lutheranism and the ecumenical movement. for example, its experience as a mission church that had decided to take responsibility for itself allowed it to take the words of augsburg confession 7 more seriously than the missionaries themselves ever did. as the document’s section on “the conflict over ways of worship” reports, “there should be a possibility in the congregations to have meetings with more freedom and openness for the manifestation of different gifts of the holy spirit. ways of worship cannot be considered as doctrine. ‘it is not necessary that human traditions or rites or ceremonies instituted by man should everywhere be the same’ (augsburg confession, article 7).”6 from there the document recommends both that “young people [be] taught the meaning of the traditional worship service” and that the eecmy “develop one common liturgy for the whole church, a liturgy with a form that fits better in our ethiopian context.” prayer for the power and gifts of the holy spirit and for healing are encouraged, as is speaking in tongues as long as interpretation is offered as well. one also sees in this document how ethiopian lutherans, living in what we may call a “spiritsensitive” part of the world, were able to detect the poverty of lutheran reflection since luther on the holy spirit and how they sought to address the lacuna. lutherans in all parts of the world would be wellserved by studying the first section of this document in its careful review of the bible’s teaching on the 4 sometimes the passage of time is the only thing that can make such consensus possible. there is no doubt that a great deal of evolution in catholic thought had to take place first to bring it to its agreement with lutherans in the joint declaration. 5 paul hoffman (ed.) “summary of the discussions,” in the life and ministry of gudina tumsa: lectures and discussions: first missiological seminar 2001, 2nd expanded ed. (hamburg: wdl-publishers, 2007), 143. 6 see kilian mcdonnell (ed.) “the work of the holy spirit,” in presence, power, praise: documents on the charismatic renewal, vol. ii, (collegeville: liturgical press, 1980), 150–182. wilson, “challenge of african churches in the ecumenical discussion” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 30 holy spirit—and if they did, perhaps they would be less startled by the kind of worship practices they find in the lutheran churches of africa, and maybe even wonder what they’re missing back home!7 furthermore, this document is exemplary for its serious, peaceful assessment of an ecclesial challenge. perhaps because of its taking place outside the christendom context of the west and all the historical bitterness that dogs those churches, the eecmy was able to consider calmly what should and should not divide the church instead of simply reacting and then hardening.8 it did so by making the insightful distinction between “necessary conflicts”—namely the conflicts between god and satan when the latter wants to destroy a reawakening of faith—and “unnecessary conflicts,” such as those over authority, doctrine, and styles of worship, all of which can be resolved through scriptural guidance and righteous behavior. this distinction echoes the language of the formula of concord (solid declaration), which perhaps inspired it: “[w]e must steadfastly maintain the distinction between unnecessary, useless quarrels and disputes that are necessary.”9 and finally, this document of the eecmy is a gift to the wider church because it strikes at the heart of a longstanding but unfortunate “ecumenical” slogan that claims, “service unites, doctrine divides” or sometimes “spirituality unites, doctrine divides.” this is, first, naïve about service and spirituality. service involves ethics, and ethics has proven to be as divisive as ecclesiology! we see this especially in the heated discussions in africa and elsewhere over development and the proposed moratorium on missionary aid.10 and it was precisely the form of spirituality in charismatic worship practice that threatened the unity of the eecmy. certainly “worship wars” are an ongoing problem in churches everywhere. a careful and considered doctrinal evaluation of the question is what rescued the eecmy from a potential split, strengthened its own theological position, and set the stage for the phenomenal, miraculous growth in the forty years that have followed. it should come as no surprise to fans of gudina tumsa that an ecumenism which chooses one aspect of the christian faith over the others—whether it is service, or spirituality, or doctrine—is going to falter and will lack the resources it needs to address the challenges it faces. the hallmark of gudina’s own theology was the call for a wholistic witness. his deep immersion in scripture and the lutheran theological tradition enabled him to grow in unprecedented directions, not only in his embrace of charismatic renewal but also in his bold confrontation with the powers and principalities on behalf of the people of god.11 in him we see the remarkable power of a christian faith where service, spirituality, and 7 for more on this issue, see my “spiritless lutheranism, fatherless pentecostalism, and a proposed baptismalchristological corrective,” available online at http://strasbourginstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/10/seminar-2011-wilsonspiritless-lutheranism-fatherless-pentecostalism.pdf, and kenneth mtata, “the holy spirit in the lutheran and reformation history: an african perspective,” available online at www.ecumenical-institute.org/en/2012-summer-seminar/. 8 which is, essentially, what most western mainline protestants did in response to charismatic renewal. the american lutheran church sent a psychologist to investigate; the lutheran church–missouri synod ultimately had to broker a “peace treaty” with the charismatic elements; and a former bishop of the evangelical lutheran church in america deliberately separated charismatic pastors from charismatic congregations in order to suppress the movement. 9 robert kolb and timothy j. wengert (eds.) the book of concord: the confessions of the evangelical lutheran church (minneapolis: fortress, 2000), 530. 10 see especially gudina tumsa’s essays, “the moratorium debate and the ecmy,” “memorandum to emmanuel abraham,” and “report at the ethiopia consultation,” in witness and discipleship. 11 that said, it is unfortunate that gudina’s stance has been tied to a rejection of the two kingdoms doctrine, in his own words and those of others. see, for example, øyvind m. eide’s report of a conversation between himself and gudina on the topic of the two kingdoms, in which the latter said, “it’s impossible for an african to divide the secular from the religious, mind from body, faith from development. confessio augustana was relevant to the needs of the reformers. african churches of our time have to develop a ‘confessio africana,’ a confessional stand relevant to african social, political and ideological reality”; quoted in “integral human development,” in the life and ministry of gudina tumsa, 37. eide shares gudina’s criticism, as does tasgara hirpo in the article “rev. gudina tumsa’s contribution to the understanding of a national church, partnership and independence in the global church, as viewed in and developed in the eecmy,” in the same volume, p. 91. i fully acknowledge that the two kingdoms doctrine has a complex heritage and is not unproblematic. however, it seems often in these essays to have been misread as a systemic isolation of the church from the world, which is not what luther meant. in fact, critiques of muslim mergers of religion and society or the religio-political dominance of the ethiopian orthodox church could have been greatly strengthened by study of luther on this topic, since his own context of state-church power alliances was http://www.ecumenical-institute.org/en/2012-summer-seminar/ wilson, “challenge of african churches in the ecumenical discussion” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 31 doctrine work in concert and not in competition. wholistic christianity, as gudina saw it, is equally a matter of service, spirituality, and doctrine. it would be a false unity that built on the first two and neglected the third. to develop further gudina’s wholistic approach to christianity, of maximal service to lutherans engaged in their ecumenical vocation, it would be valuable to reassess what portions of luther’s writings are taught and studied by seminary students and church leaders. attention is usually, and not surprisingly, focused on what spawned the reformation—where luther differed from medieval teaching, where he differed from other reform movements, what his distinctive “breakthroughs” were. i certainly don’t wish to ignore these vital parts of the story, but the need to define lutheranism over against every other theological tradition is evident in the exclusive focus on such texts. it also means that huge portions of luther’s massive output are ignored. how different a theologian he would appear if equal time were given to his moral and social treatises, to his advocacy for diakonia and political involvement, or to his personal letters addressed to people in all different situations. then we would see the wholistic luther, who undoubtedly would also make much more sense to ethiopian lutherans and others involved in the development of an indigenous wholistic christianity for their own contexts. the source of luther’s social and diaconal teaching in his confession about jesus christ and the holy trinity would then be much clearer. i do, however, sometimes worry that christians in the rest of the world look to africa to be progressive on matters of service and spirituality, to take the lead on diakonia, but to leave doctrine aside. the apparent assumption is that there are so many pressing issues that require solutions right now, such as hiv/aids, the abuse of women, human trafficking, political crises, and so forth, that africans can’t be expected to make serious contributions in the area of doctrine. as if doctrine were a kind of luxury for people to engage in during their spare time, but service and spirituality were the real business of the christian life! this is a deadly division of what needs to be a seamless whole. in our world today, so interconnected through global media, we all, not just africans, can be condemned to a state of continually reacting to current events, staggering from one crisis to the next. gudina speaks to this problematic as well; in his “memorandum on some issues,” he writes: “theology is a relative statement on the central message of the christian gospel, in an attempt to translate that message to the people in the process of revolutionary changes in this country of ours. lack of a sound theological reflection in the present ethiopian situation has, in my opinion, affected our work in a negative way, which if allowed to continue uncorrected will be very harmful to the life of this church to which we have committed ourselves for service.”12 for the sake of both church and world, we need to insist on time for quiet, calm, study, reflection, and preparation. gudina’s friends testified to his lifelong habit of quiet prayer, theological reading, and meditation on scripture. doctrine is not a bonus activity for a church at peace; it is the daily confession that god is this way, that god’s creation is this way—so, therefore, we pray this way, we preach this way, we act this way, and not that way. service and spirituality lose their power and get sucked into the sinful systems of the world if not anchored in the basic confession of god’s own being and mighty acts. let me put these concepts again into a more concrete form. a wholistic ministry needs to be founded not only on a wholistic anthropology but also on a wholistic christology. human physical and spiritual needs are deeply interconnected, but they can only be addressed with the necessary compassion and strength by a savior who exists for both and in both, who in his incarnation shares their physical and spiritual needs, and who in his death and resurrection fulfills both sets of needs, integrating them, holding together what sin and death wish to tear asunder. there are outstanding resources for such a christology in luther’s writings, and also in his far-off theological ancestor, cyril of alexandria—who, of course, was one of the great african theologians of the early church. i’d like to outline here briefly some profitable actually quite similar to the ethiopian situation. misgana mathewos gives a more accurate reading in “gudina tumsa’s hermeneutical interpretation of the bible from global and ethiopian/african perspectives,” swedish missiological themes 98/2 (2010): 207–8. 12 gudina tumsa, “memorandum on some issues,” in witness and discipleship, 57. wilson, “challenge of african churches in the ecumenical discussion” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 32 lines to explore in their writings for the sake of appropriating a wholistic christology that will in turn undergird a wholistic ministry for the whole church. first, i want to dip into one of luther’s most important treatises, his confession concerning christ’s supper. though its ostensible purpose is to refute zwingli13 on the nature of christ’s presence in the lord’s supper, it is also an essential source for luther’s wholistic christology and its soteriological implications. one of luther’s firmest convictions is of the unity of the person of christ. there are two natures, divine and human, but in christ they are so united as to make one single person, one agent, one actor, who is the incarnate son of god named jesus, the messiah. luther will have nothing to do with christologies that have each nature “do its own thing”; for him, salvation depends on both the human and the divine being fully involved in every action of jesus’. thus luther writes: “wherever this person is, it is the single, indivisible person, and if you can say, ‘here is god,’ then you must also say, ‘christ the man is present too.’ and if you could show me one place where god is and not the man, then the person is already divided and i could at once say truthfully, ‘here is god who is not man and has never become man.’ but no god like that for me!”14 from there luther draws an analogy between the unity of the human person, body and soul, to the divine-human union in christ: “the humanity is more closely united with god than our skin with our flesh—yes, more closely than body and soul. now as long as a man lives and remains in health, his skin and flesh, body and soul are so completely one being, one person, that they cannot be separated; on the contrary, wherever the soul is, there must the body be also, and wherever the flesh is, there must the skin be also. you cannot indicate a special place or space where the soul is present alone without the body, like a kernel without the shell… thus you cannot shell the divinity from the humanity and lay it aside at some place away from the humanity.”15 note that this argument comes in the context of a dispute over the lord’s supper. the question is not only about where the risen lord jesus can be present, but also what of himself he offers in the sacrament, and what of us he heals and renews with it. the supper is for both body and soul, not for one or the other. it intends to forgive and heal all that makes us us, because it is all of christ present for us.16 you see the connections here: a wholistic christology serves a wholistic anthropology with a wholistic sacramentology. gudina surely would have approved! we hear the same themes in cyril of alexandria, whose works luther probably never read, as they weren’t available in western europe at the time, but because of their common wholistic approach to the unity of christ they drew the same conclusions. in a strongly worded letter to nestorius, cyril defends the title “theotokos,” mother of god, for mary on the grounds of the unity of the person of christ. as he says, “…jesus christ is considered as one, the only-begotten son, to be honoured with one adoration together with his own flesh. we confess that he is the son, begotten of god the father, and 13 i am persuaded by luther’s christological argument in this treatise. at the same time, i find his deliberately offensive mockery of zwingli to be a real failure. certainly, it was part of the rhetoric of the time, and certainly luther realized how much was at stake for us and for our salvation. nevertheless, if he had really hoped to draw zwingli to the truth, could he have expected to do so with such disrespectful attacks on zwingli’s person, thought, and even his swiss german language? luther’s style closed down any possibility of growth in understanding on zwingli’s part instead of fostering it. even though we can accept luther’s arguments today, we should definitely reject his insulting strategies of (non)communication. 14 martin luther, “confession concerning christ’s supper,” in luther’s works, american edition, 55 vols., eds. j. pelikan and h. lehmann (st. louis and philadelphia: concordia and fortress, 1955ff.) [hereafter cited as lw], 37:218–19. 15 lw 37:219. 16 an excellent resource for those looking to develop wholistic christology-anthropology-sacramentology further is regin prenter’s classic work spiritus creator, trans. john m. jensen (eugene: wipf and stock, 2001 [1946]), an account of luther’s doctrine of the holy spirit. this quotation gives a sampling of prenter’s argument: “the teaching about a bodily fruit of celebrating the supper is a protection against the spiritualistic interpretation of the fruit of the supper, an interpretation which might be very natural because of the strong emphasis on the forgiveness of sin in the words of institution. because luther does not know a christ who is not the bodily incarnate god, a purely ‘spiritual’ christ, therefore he does not know a mode of receiving christ, which is only spiritual without simultaneously being bodily. he does not know of any reception of forgiveness of sin which is not simultaneously a hope about the resurrection of the body. if it is really the incarnate christ we receive, then we receive a whole (spiritual-bodily) christ as whole (spiritual-bodily) human beings… a celebration of the supper which does not contain the assurance and hope of a bodily fruit is not a spiritual celebration at all” (276–77). prenter’s italics. wilson, “challenge of african churches in the ecumenical discussion” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 33 only-begotten god; and although according to his own nature he was not subject to suffering, yet he suffered for us in the flesh according to the scriptures, and although impassible, yet in his crucified body he made his own the sufferings of his own flesh; and by the grace of god he tasted death for all: he gave his own body thereto, although he was by nature himself the life and the resurrection, in order that, having trodden down death by his unspeakable power, first in his own flesh, he might become the first born from the dead, and the first-fruits of them that slept.”17 you hear in this passage how important the union of the two natures is: jesus christ is really god, the eternal and unchangeable, who is not naturally subject to death, but out of his compassion he took human flesh from the body of his mother to become fully and completely human, which means subject to change and death. only those two opposites perfectly united in one person do justice to the wonder of salvation. cyril has little use for other theories that sort of loosely combine the two natures but don’t actually unite them in one person. christ is not just a “god-bearing man,” and god is not in him the same way god is present in the saints, for example. the son of god “made his indwelling [in the flesh] in such a way, as we may say that the soul of man does in his own body.”18 and, just like for luther, the unity of christ’s person in order to save all the human body and soul alike means that we need a sacrament that offers the whole christ to the whole person. therefore, cyril writes, “we offer the unbloody sacrifice in the churches, and so go on to the mystical thanksgivings, and are sanctified, having received his holy flesh and the precious blood of christ the saviour of us all. and not as common flesh do we receive it; god forbid: nor as of a man sanctified and associated with the word according to the unity of worth, or as having a divine indwelling, but as truly the life-giving and very flesh of the word himself. for he is the life according to his nature as god, and when he became united to his flesh, he made it also to be life-giving…”19 this is, indeed, a wholistic christology for the wholistic ministry of the whole church. i’d also like to suggest that the remarkably similar christologies of luther and cyril could form a solid foundation for an eecmy-ethiopian orthodox dialogue, since ethiopians, like other oriental orthodox, were the loyal followers of cyril in the split that followed the council of chalcedon. in fact, you could say that luther retrieved the insights of the oriental orthodox over against the christology espoused in the tome of leo, also approved at chalcedon, which came to dominate western theology and in luther’s mind reached its unfortunate apex in zwingli. i should now conclude this wide-ranging commentary on ecumenism and its challenges for lutherans today with my specific charge to speak about africa and its place in today’s ecumenical discussion. although i do not want to be so presumptuous as to speak for or to an entire continent and its christians, it is my opinion that africans generally, and ethiopian lutherans particularly, could do little better than to follow the lead of gudina tumsa in insisting on the wholistic nature of the ecumenical task. i would like to see the truth and reconciliation work done in south africa provide a model for a more honest assessment of the bad history between christians. i would like to see more of the interweaving of service and doctrine as exemplified in the recent anglican-lutheran dialogue on diakonia entitled to love and serve the lord.20 this study took its shape during a bilateral meeting in moshi, tanzania, in 2006, when three african bishops (sebastian bakare and musonda mwamba on the anglican side, n. p. phaswana on the lutheran side) suggested a study of how diakonia could concretely enable anglicanlutheran ecumenical cooperation. i would also like to see the emergence of more african scholars of the early church and the reformation, whose cultural distance from later european history, especially post 17 philip schaff (ed.) “the epistle of cyril to nestorius with the xii. anathematisms,” in the seven ecumenical councils, nicene and post-nicene fathers, series ii, vol. 14 (grand rapids: eerdmans, 1986), 203; available online at www.ccel.org/ccel/schaff/npnf214.x.viii.html. although it is strongly worded, it is not as insulting as luther’s to zwingli. cyril, however, was one of the most notoriously unpleasant of the early church fathers. once again, we should emulate the theology but reject the strategy. 18 ibid., 202–3. 19 ibid., 203. 20 “to love and serve the lord: diakonia in the life of the church,” the jerusalem report of the anglican–lutheran international commission (alic iii), 2012. pdf available from the lutheran world federation by email request. wilson, “challenge of african churches in the ecumenical discussion” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 34 enlightenment and post-industrial revolution, could shed fresh light on these theologians. and i look forward to all the surprises that african theology will offer that i cannot even imagine at this moment, the distinct gifts that it will present to the whole body of christ. though i am not “at home” in africa the way i am in the north atlantic world, i have been greatly blessed by my visits there, whether in person or by books or through friends. may our visits with one another strengthen the conviction that we are truly all members of one church, and that this church belongs to christ, to whom be the glory now and forevermore. global south theological journal x, no. x (202x): 35 challenging the power structure francis stephanos (evangelical mekane yesus church fellowship in minnesota) abstract: god, the creator and the proprietor of every living and non-living thing, is the source of power and authority, which he delegates to humans to exercise authority and control, for proper use and care of all god’s creation, placed at their disposal and for the well-being of humanity. but with power comes the misuse of power as evidenced is power sharing struggles, misuse of power by the government and misuse of power by the church. in the place of the exercise of power, jesus gives us the servanthood partnership which is expressed in compassion, humility, obedience, and a genuine spirit of service to the point of sacrificing oneself. if we are motivated by fear, love of god, and compassion, we can see the needs of the people and join them to walk alongside in collaboration with them in order to alleviate their sufferings. true partners do not end their relationship after the goal of temporary relief has been obtained, but move into the critical phase of long-term and lasting development for transformation and growth. how we define power may determine how we want to use it. in this article, i approach the issue of power from a biblical perspective. in the biblical story of creation, it is stated that god created everything such as the heavens, earth, waters, land, vegetation, animals, birds, fish, etc. at the end of creation, god created male and female and blessed them, saying, "be fruitful and multiply; fill the earth and subdue it. have dominion over the fish of the sea, the birds of the air, and over every living thing that moves on the earth" (genesis 1:27-28).1 according to these verses, god, as the creator and owner of all living and nonliving things, is the source of power and authority. god delegates this authority to humans to exercise control and authority over god's creation for its proper use and care, for the benefit of humanity. god, the origin of all power and everything he has created, is entrusting his people with a great responsibility and the task of caring for his creation. they have the freedom to utilize this responsibility for their benefit and for the well-being of those they are responsible for. the apostle john recognizes and honors the magnificence and authority of god with utmost respect and humility in his statement, "you, our lord and god, are deserving of glory, honor, and power because you are the creator of all things. by your will, everything came into existence and continues to exist" (revelation 4:11). in a similar manner, king david, with deep respect and genuine humbleness, recognizes that true greatness and power belong to god. everything in the heavens and on earth is under his authority. wealth and honor originate from him. david honestly confesses that the contributions he and his people have made for the construction of the temple are all ultimately owned by god, the creator. david further expresses, "but who am i, and who are my people, to have the ability to give so generously? everything we possess comes from you, and we have only given back what you originally provided" (1 chronicles 29:14). in this article, my main emphasis is that humans do not possess anything individually or collectively. everything, including ourselves, is created by god, the father of all good and perfect things (james 1:17). the continents we inhabit, the material resources that countries and individuals claim, all belong to god. people are only stewards of these resources. god has given us the opportunity to use his resources to show compassion, love, respect, and care for other humans and nature. can we meet this expectation? 1 all references to the bible are sourced from the new international version. stephanos, “challenging the power structure” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 36 for what purpose and how do we use power? we will attempt to answer this question by analyzing the text in the narrative of creation. the passage states, "be fruitful and multiply; fill the earth and bring it under control. exercise dominion over the fish in the sea, the birds in the sky, and every living creature that moves on the ground" (genesis 1:28). the term "subdue" refers to bringing things under control for the purpose of human use, while "rule over" signifies having complete authority over that which is under control. god granted humans complete control over his creation in order for them to responsibly exercise their authority and care for both humans and the environment. this responsibility does not involve causing harm to the environment and destroying life, but rather protecting, improving, and developing it. caring for both humans and the environment requires showing respect and love towards them. after all, it is difficult to properly care for something that one does not respect or love. according to dr. martin luther the reformer, love is the essence of all commandments, as mentioned in luther's small catechism. the commandments instruct us to wholeheartedly love god, with all our heart, soul, and mind, as well as to love our neighbors as we love ourselves (referencing matthew 22:37-39, deuteronomy 6:5, and leviticus 19:18).2 the fear of god and love for our neighbors should guide our actions as we strive to responsibly manage the resources that god has entrusted us with. however, it is likely that due to a relentless desire for power driven by selfishness and greed, we frequently observe humans disregarding the commandment to love and care for others. they cause harm not only to fellow human beings but also to the environment that god has provided for us to use responsibly (genesis 2:15). in the story of creation, we witness adam and eve being tempted by the devil to possess divine knowledge and limitless power. shortly after, we learn of cain's jealousy, fury, and ultimate act of fratricide. in a disrespectful manner, cain replies to god, "am i responsible for my brother?" (genesis 4:6). essentially, cain is implying that he does not care. however, cain does not have the authority or permission to take his brother's life. on the contrary, he is expected to love and safeguard his brother from any harm. those who unjustly take the lives of innocent people will be held accountable by god, as he states, "do not bring false charges against anyone, and do not put an innocent or honest person to death, for i will not acquit the guilty" (exodus 23:7). in support of this viewpoint, luther explains the commandment against taking someone's life by stating, “we should fear and love god in a way that we do not hurt or harm our neighbor physically, but instead help and support them with their physical needs.”3 god recognizes how power could be misused to cause serious harm to both fellow human beings and nature. god requires everyone to obey his commandments and stay within the boundaries he has established, while fulfilling their responsibilities with honesty, integrity, and a wise use of power to benefit the greater good. god takes serious action against individuals who abuse their power to harm others. an incident illustrating this was reported to us by the prophet jeremiah in his book. jeremiah states, "the prophets follow a corrupt path and unjustly exercise their authority. both prophets and priests lack godliness, even in my temple i witness their wickedness," declares the lord. as a consequence, their path will become treacherous; they will be cast into darkness and inevitably fall. in the year they are punished, i will bring calamity upon them," declares the lord (jeremiah 23:10b-12). everyone who wields power will be held accountable for how they have used it, and as faith-based organizations, we must exercise greater caution. a day of judgment is certainly imminent. 2 luther, martin. luther's small catechism, with explanation (st. louis, mo: concordia publishing house, 1991), 75. 3 ibid, 75-78. stephanos, “challenging the power structure” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 37 how did jesus, the author of our faith, teach his disciples to exercise power? in the gospel of matthew, there is a story about a mother pleading with jesus to allow her two sons to sit on his right and left sides in his kingdom. when the other disciples heard this, they became angry. jesus then gathered them and explained, "you know that the rulers of the gentiles lord over their people and their officials exercise authority over them. but it is not the same with you. instead, if you want to be great among you, you must become a servant, and if you want to be first, you must become a slave. just as the son of man did not come to be served, but to serve and give his life as a ransom for many" (matthew 20:25-28). to emphasize his teaching, jesus, knowing that the father had given him power over all things and that he came from god and would return to god, stood up from the meal, removed his outer clothing, and wrapped a towel around his waist. he then poured water into a basin and began to wash his disciples' feet, drying them with the towel he had wrapped around him (john 13:3-5). in this passage, jesus affirms his knowledge of his divine origin and destination, his authority over all things, and his intent to set an example. he demonstrates humility and performs an act that others might consider degrading, challenging his disciples to start their service from that point as servants. he explicitly instructs his disciples that their positions should be used to serve others, rather than themselves, which differs from how the world operates. during his time on earth, jesus displayed great compassion as he obediently and humbly served the people in accordance with his father's will, setting a remarkable example that he expects his disciples to follow. eecmy in the midst of power sharing struggle the ethiopian evangelical church mekane yesus (eecmy) was established through the efforts of various missionary organizations from europe and america. these missionaries arrived in ethiopia in the late 19th century not only to spread the message of the gospel but also to provide education, medical care, and support for community development.4 the missionaries of the twentieth century, on the other hand, had different intentions compared to those of the nineteenth century, who were often referred to as 'discoverers'. unlike the earlier explorers, the twentieth-century missionaries came as a result of a spiritual awakening primarily occurring in europe. they did not come with the aim of exploiting the country economically. philip jenkins, in his well-known book titled "the next christendom," reveals the motives of the 'discoverers', as he states: "however, christian explorers bring more than faith. they also bring a profound sense of cultural superiority and a desire for wealth."5 however, the missionaries who came later worked in africa, latin america, and asia under extremely challenging conditions. it would not be an exaggeration to say that during those times, missionaries left their home countries to live with very limited resources. transporting and communicating with their home countries were frequently very difficult. many even sacrificed their lives while sharing the love of christ with the people they served. these missionaries collaborated with the local population and were successful in establishing a strong basis for a thriving church, quality education, and necessary medical assistance. in the ethiopian context, the eecmy worked with many lutheran organizations from europe and america for many years. the church then expressed its desire to fully own and manage the work of the church that had been initiated by different missionary organizations in the country. they understood that the church's endeavors could only be sustainable if they were empowered by assuming full 4 samuel deressa, “onesimos nesib, ethiopian evangelical pioneer,” in lutheran quarterly, vol. 32, no. 2 (summer 2018), 160. 5 philip jenkins, the next christendom: the coming of global christianity (london: oxford university press, 2007), 48 stephanos, “challenging the power structure” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 38 responsibility. however, this genuine wish and extremely commendable idea became a subject of disagreement and admittedly took many years to be resolved. the church had to convince the missionary organizations and their home boards to sign the "agreement of integration." this agreement allowed the mission organizations to transfer their work, personnel, and most of their properties in the respective areas of the country to eecmy. however, the church quickly encountered difficulties when it realized that the transfer did not include the necessary budget to sustain these operations. to solve this problem, eecmy had to invite the mission agencies and partner agencies to a discussion where the church presented its argument, explaining why it was crucial for its partners to continue supporting the work they had started. after extensive discussion, the mission agencies and partner agencies agreed to continue supporting eecmy by providing finances and personnel. they solidified this agreement by signing the "agreement of cooperation." i have brought this information here as an example to demonstrate how eecmy carefully attempted to address the issue of power. in this specific situation, we observed the interconnectedness of power and money. those who possess the financial resources also possess the authority; they can make decisions that benefit their preferred approach to the work, even if it may not align with the church's preferences. however, by relying on the guidance of the holy spirit and employing strategic powersharing arrangements, along with taking on full responsibility for the work, the church was able to quickly experience remarkable growth, a trend that continues to this day. example of misuse of power by government in 1990, ethiopia faced a severe drought and armed conflicts, both of which significantly affected the population, primarily in the northern regions. however, the drought also spread to the eastern and southern parts of the country. the rebels gained control over several districts in the north, including eritrea. the famine began claiming the lives of many people, and if it weren't for the rebel control, there would have been a large-scale displacement of people from villages to towns. unfortunately, during that time, the ethiopian government restricted the international red cross society, ethiopian red cross, un world food program, and all non-governmental organizations and churches from participating in any humanitarian relief efforts in the areas affected by the conflicts. at the time, i served as the president of the ethiopian evangelical church mekane yesus (eecmy). i noticed an opportunity and believed i could potentially negotiate with the government to ensure the safe passage of emergency relief assistance. both the government and the rebels were facing desperate situations due to the severity of the drought and the increasing number of deaths. after obtaining full support from my church officers and convincing the leaders of the ethiopian orthodox church and the ethiopian catholic church, i proposed to implement a church-led emergency relief program. this program aimed to provide food and medical assistance to save lives and support the people during their most challenging and critical times. i also shared my vision internationally with the lutheran world federation (lwf) and the world council of churches (wcc). stephanos, “challenging the power structure” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 39 this flag is the joint relief partnership logo used to identify the churches relief trucks, vehicles, store buildings and other properties in order that either the government or the rebels may not target them for attack. the flag you see her is the flag which made the breakthrough crossing the no man’s land between the ethiopian army and the rebels who were at the time facing each other north of woldia, at meso mille, in wollo province and traveled all the way to adigrat and back to addis ababa.6 with strong support from all the consulted parties, i began negotiating with the ethiopian government through its representative, honorable deputy prime minister shimelis adugna. after almost two months of intensive and prolonged negotiations, a decision was reached at the highest level, allowing us to proceed with negotiations with the rebels. this phase of the negotiation proved to be extremely complicated and messy, requiring the involvement of international humanitarian organizations such as lwf, wcc, norwegian church aid, and others. these organizations had established working relationships with the rebels and could use their influence, sometimes backed by their respective governments, to persuade and ensure cooperation. moving forward, an agreement was reached, and all non-governmental organizations (ngos) working in ethiopia were asked to voluntarily bring their emergency relief food and medicines to the joint relief partnership (jrp) operation. jrp is a newly established organization that we created to provide the necessary emergency assistance. somehow, the british minister for development and foreign cooperation at the time discovered that the ethiopian churches had been given permission to distribute emergency food aid in the war-affected areas of ethiopia. the minister then traveled to addis ababa and, with the help of the swiss ambassador, who chaired the ambassadors of the donor countries caucus at the time, demanded that the church leaders meet at the british embassy and immediately transfer responsibility for the delivery of the emergency relief food program to the world food program (wfp). representatives from the three churches included rev. dr. abune thimotheos, director of the development department and inter-church relations for the ethiopian orthodox church; abba kidane mariam, the general secretary of the ethiopian catholic church; and mr. francis stephanos, president of 6 this flag was handed over to the author of this article by his driver and preserved by the author. photo was taken by the author. stephanos, “challenging the power structure” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 40 the eecmy, who initiated the emergency relief program and coordinated it at the highest level. i, as a church leader, responded to the envoy's demands with permission from the other two church leaders. in my response, i firmly maintained our position and said something along the lines of: "your excellency, i regret to inform you that we are unable to relinquish responsibility for the delivery of the relief food operation. it was the churches who negotiated and agreed with the government of ethiopia and the rebels, and it will be the churches who implement this program." upon hearing our resolute stance, the british minister verbally instructed the ambassador not to let us leave until we agreed to hand over the emergency food delivery operation. angry and frustrated, she stormed out of the room and left us to be persuaded by the swiss ambassador. however, nothing changed. missuse of power and authority in my church the constitution of the eecmy clearly states that the power and authority of the church lies within the congregations. they make decisions through their general assembly meetings. however, as the church grew larger and its congregations, parishes, and districts increased substantially, the church became involved in various development projects and relief programs. it expanded its work and had significant financial expenditures. the headquarters of the church is constitutionally obligated to coordinate its activities. however, the leadership, possessing power and authority, has been tempted to manipulate the constitution and alter certain provisions. these provisions were initially included to maintain a balance of power. this expansion of power resulted in serious misunderstandings and conflicts within the church, which took many years to resolve. cause of the conflict in eecmy (1994-2010) most of the eecmy congregations in addis ababa use the amharic language for their worship and office services. however, some members from two congregations in addis ababa insisted on having church services conducted in their mother tongue, oromifa. in october 1994, a group that had been worshiping in the louis harms hostel requested permission from the gulale bethel mekane yesus congregation of the central ethiopia synod to have a separate worship service in the church using their oromifa language. bethel mekane yesus congregation did not immediately grant permission but continued to discuss the issue. meanwhile, another small group from the entoto mekane yesus congregation of the central ethiopia synod also requested a separate worship service in the oromifa language. when the elders of the two congregations could not find a solution that satisfied everyone, the central ethiopia synod leadership intervened and made several attempts, but none were acceptable to any of the groups. decision of the eecmy’s executive committee at this point, the leadership of the ethiopian evangelical church mekane yesus (eecmy) intervened and brought the matter to the 91st executive committee meeting of the church. the discussion continued until the 93rd executive committee meeting when it was decided that worship services could be conducted in different languages. however, in the two congregations, the majority of members preferred to continue worshiping in the amharic language. the central ethiopia synod expressed dissatisfaction with this decision, claiming it was made unconstitutionally and interfered with their own synod and congregations' work. they requested additional time to resolve the language issue peacefully. nevertheless, at the 104th executive committee meeting, the church leadership learned that the two congregations did not implement the language decision and consequently removed all leaders of the central ethiopia synod, bringing it under their own leadership. stephanos, “challenging the power structure” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 41 many people agree that the eecmy should not have interfered with the work of the central ethiopia synod, as it violated both its own constitution and that of the central ethiopia synod and its congregations. the consequences of ill-advised decision a group of leaders from large congregations, as well as previous leaders from the central ethiopia synod, made a misguided decision to organize congregations affected by a certain issue into a separate group. they named this new group the provisional coordinating committee. to worsen the situation, the leadership of the eecmy decided to involve secular courts to resolve the matter. this decision led to over one hundred court cases, resulting in numerous legal battles. as a result, members of the church suffered, bank accounts were closed, and projects sponsoring school children were suspended, impacting thousands of children. additionally, a significant amount of the church’s money and valuable time was wasted. many employees were not paid for years, retired employees were denied payments from the pension fund, and numerous individuals experienced spiritual and psychological distress. consequently, thousands of people decided to leave the church, creating an atmosphere of mistrust and hatred. the church also lost its integrity and credibility, and its members and activities endured significant hardships. moreover, the ability of the eecmy to work effectively with diverse groups was weakened due to its failure in addressing the language problem. reconciliation and unification amidst all these problems, the provisional administrative committee proceeded to register the splinter group with the government on january 17, 2001, as a new church named the addis ababa and surrounding evangelical mekane yesus church (aasecmy). this decision dashed hopes for resolving the problems and bringing about reconciliation within the body of christ. over the next fourteen years, more than sixty attempts were made by different groups to peacefully resolve the issues through reconciliation efforts. however, none of these efforts produced any results. both sides remained stubborn and unwilling to compromise or make peace for the sake of the church, leading to the detriment of its members and various assistance programs. although the conflict within the eecmy never ceased to concern former leaders and members, many of whom now reside in the u.s.a., it was the late rev. dr. eshetu abate who consistently brought up the issue at every evangelical mekane yesus lutheran fellowship for north america (emylfna) board meeting and conference. 7 he often expressed his restlessness over the problem within the mekane yesus church, questioning what he should do about it. during the emylfna conference held on august 3-6, 2006, in silver spring, maryland, it was resolved that the committee would pray, seek guidance from the lord, and continue working towards peace and reconciliation in our church and synod back home. 8 7 the evangelical mekane yesus lutheran fellowship in north america was established by former eecmy leaders and members living in the u.s.a. at its founding meeting, held 22-23 july 2005 at concordia university, irvine, california. 8 minutes of the first annual conference of the evangelical mekane yesus lutheran fellowship in north america, silver spring, maryland, 3-6 august 2006, 11. stephanos, “challenging the power structure” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 42 the late rev. dr. eshetu ababte, the visionary of the reconciliation project, with the author pausing for a picture in minneapolis. two years had passed since the maryland conference, and the eecmy and aasecmy had not achieved reconciliation. in fact, at that time, information from ethiopia indicated that various credible groups had attempted reconciliation but all had failed. the eecmy was now preparing for a final confrontation to overcome the aasecmy by enforcing a court decision and taking control of all church buildings used by the splinter group. emylfna held its first international conference from july 9th to july 13th, 2008 in minneapolis, minnesota. several members of mekane yesus from norway and sweden also participated in this significant conference, which was hosted by rev. francis stephanos and rev. dr. alemseged asmelash. during the meeting, the issue of reconciliation was once again discussed, emphasizing its importance and urgency. after dinner, there was a special prayer time for members to reflect on the conflict within the eecmy church. the question was raised: "what should we do now that the situation between the two churches has not only escalated, but so significantly deteriorated?" evangelical mekane yesus lutheran fellowship of north america and europe conference, held in minneapolis minnesota, in july 2008. stephanos, “challenging the power structure” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 43 members present that night were encouraged to examine their individual role in the conflict, even if it was clear that the problem was not among the mekane yesus members in the diaspora but rather between the leadership of the two conflicting churches in ethiopia. that evening the holy spirit took charge and moved in a mysterious and mighty way among and within the individual participants, causing many to say in effect, “you know what? it doesn’t matter any longer. i want to admit i have made mistakes; i did have a role in worsening the situation. from now on i do not want to talk about what others have done but about what i did or didn’t do.” i (francis) personally have seen and read volumes of letters and files with hard facts regarding the evidences for the conflicts. i just wanted to disarm myself of all those tools i thought would help me to convince the parties to the conflict of their wrong doings. i said to myself, “all-knowing god is on the throne. he cares for his church more than i do. i will now put to rest all my arguments and evidences, and surrender.” many tears were shed, many hearts were touched, and many wounds started to heal. some were bewildered; some seemed not to have been affected at all. however all those who had this similar unique experience decided there and then to act on it, particularly the following members whose names are singled out below. with our heavy burden lifted we moved to form a committee which we named ministers of reconciliation and unification (mru), comprising the following members: • rev. dr. eshetu ababte, chair person, pastor of long beach mekane yesus church, irvine, california, and professor at concordia university, irvine, california • rev. francis stephanos, vice chair, pastor of addis hiwot ministries, minneapolis, minnesota, eecmy president emeritus • mr. endalkachew kidanewold, secretary, president of mekane yesus congregation, cary, north carolina • rev. dr. berhanu ofgaa, member, pastor of ohio mekane yesus church, missionary-at-large • rev. tesfaye dinagde, chaplain, senior pastor of mekane yesus congregation, washington, d.c. • rev. yadesa daba, member, oromo redeemer evangelical lutheran church, minneapolis, minnesota, eecmy president emeritus • rev. dr. alemseged hagos, member, associate pastor of trinity lutheran church, minneapolis, minnesota • rev. dr. gemechis buba, member, north america and caribbean immigrants mission director, elca , president of the oromo international evangelical christians fellowship the first thing the ministers of reconciliation did after that unique experience was to contact the two church leaders in ethiopia and invite them to come to the u.s.a. to meet with the mru members for the time of reflection and self-examination. rev. itefa gobena president of the eecmy, after grudgingly accepting the invitation agreed to meet with the mru as he had a plan to come to the u.s.a. rev. ayalew tesema, president of the addis ababa and surrounding evangelical mekane yesus church, also accepted the invitation, however he expressed his regrets for not being able to come due to prior commitments. during the meeting with rev. itefa gobena in minneapolis the mru members each admitted their individual direct and/or indirect role in the conflict and asked each other forgiveness. with sincere humility, they washed each other’s feet when the holy spirit moved in a mighty and mysterious way and softened the hearts of all present. all cried bitterly and confessed their individual sin. touched by the holy spirit and amazed by what the lord had done among us, rev. itefa gobena immediately extended an invitation to the group of eight, requesting that they to travel to addis ababa and exercise this mission of reconciliation. mru members accepted the invitation and took a solemn vow to travel to ethiopia to serve as wounded healers and impartially help the leaders of the two churches and their respective board members--to confess their individual wrongdoing and role in the conflict that may have exacerbated the situation which led to the split of the church, to ask forgiveness, and to make commitment to reconcile so that the body of christ could unite and start healing. stephanos, “challenging the power structure” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 44 on august 13, 2008, exactly a month after the july conference in minneapolis, mru members travelled to addis ababa, ethiopia and extended invitations to the leaders of the two churches, their respective board members, and pastors to join mru “for a time of reflection and repentance to provide opportunity to all participants to sincerely and honestly engage in a soul-searching exercise as related to the conflict in the church.” the late rev. dr. eshetu ababte, chair of the mru, in explaining the mission of the group to the invited church leaders and head of the departments, said, “we were worried about the conflict and misunderstandings in our church and have come to seek solutions by praying to god. we were able to discuss and resolve misunderstandings among ourselves through repentance and forgiveness. we are not trusting in our knowledge nor depending on our finances; we have just come to participate in the ministry of reconciliation, trusting in the lord who has reconciled us with himself and has given us the ministry of reconciliation. we are not arbitrators, mediators, or those who seek solutions through legal means. as reconciled and forgiven individuals we understand we can now work together for the common cause. we therefore have returned to our country to discharge our duties, desiring our church to reconcile and become united the leaders, department heads, pastors, and elders of the two churches were invited separately and engaged intensively. the story of joseph, who was able to reverse his horror story of persecution, assassination attempt, betrayal, sale into slavery, and horrific experience in a dungeon helped many to review their individual role in the light of what joseph was able to endure, forgive, and forget. joseph received the bad treatment he was made to suffer with grace, humility, and unbelievable patience. he was honest, feared the lord, diligent and honest in his different responsibilities, which at each stage earned him trust and significant promotion. god used him to bless the palace of pharaoh and the land of egypt. when his brothers came to egypt in search of food during that severe drought, he didn’t meet them with vengeance. on the contrary, he said, “come close to me …i am joseph your brother, the one you sold into egypt! and now, do not be distressed and do not be angry with yourselves for selling me here, because it was to save lives that god sent me ahead of you” (genesis 45:4-5). he used this god-given opportunity to exercise patience, and forgiveness, build bridges, establish peace, save his family from starvation, and thereby became an instrument in the fulfillment of god’s grand scheme of salvation. the story of joseph helped us to ask ourselves: who are we, then, to say we have been wronged so badly that we cannot forgive, forget, and move on? after singing, praying, and hearing the word of god, the mru stood before eecmy church leaders and said, “we have laid to rest all our arguments. please forgive us for all the wrongs we have done. we have forgiven each other and are reconciled. we are wounded healers who have come to be healers and ministers of peace and reconciliation.” we took towels and basins of water and washed each other’s feet in humility and obedience. stephanos, “challenging the power structure” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 45 mr. mathewos adaye washing the feet of the current president of the eemy we then invited pastors, elders, department heads, mission representatives, and parish and district church leaders forward, and asked them for forgiveness. stephanos, “challenging the power structure” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 46 rev. itefa gobena former president of eecmy, and rev. ayalew tesema, former president of aasecmy, forgiving each other and bitterly weeping. all present wholeheartedly and willingly participated in the public exercise of forgiveness and reconciliation. there is a serious lesson to be learned from this elaborate and extensive project of reconciliation that led to the unification of the church. the scope of this presentation is limited, and i am not able to include more information at this time. in the future, i hope to write a book about this process and experience. missuse of power involving faith and money eecmy early on realized that she could not serve the “whole person” (spiritual and social needs of people) alone. as a result, the church entered into partnership with mission agencies and cooperating partners “as members of the body of christ and partners in congregational ministry, evangelistic outreach, and human development in the fields of education, health care, and the improvement of living conditions of the people among whom they live and work. . . .” (agreement on cooperation between eecmy and her partners). in addition to this basis of cooperation, personnel that were seconded to eecmy from her partners ‘are regarded as members of the eecmy on acceptance of its doctrinal statements along with responsibilities, obligations, rights, and privileges of such members, this same document states. with this arrangement and mutual understanding decades of good cooperation passed by without major problems. however, eecmy continued to be exceedingly concerned about how the global north was changing, particularly as it relates to cultural norms and modernity (or secularism) as it continued to exert much pressure upon the people of faith who did not see the world’s standards compatible with the orthodox christian faith and confessional standards. some churches and individuals in the global south who believe that the holy bible is the final authority in matters of life, human behavior, and faith found themselves subjected to ridicule, including being called homophobic, backward, politically incorrect, unable to move with time and developing human culture, judgmental, inflexible, fundamentalists, and not reading and understanding the bible correctly. this is because most of the southern churches refuse conformity to the world (romans 12:2) and political correctness, and choose to uphold the biblical truth they believe in and confess. faithful partners are partners with integrity, sharing their opinions and positions honestly, respecting each others’ positions regarding issues. faithful partners do not impose on the other party their belief that has been altered with time. a couple of years ago a church leader from north america was in geneva for a meeting where he discussed with the eecmy delegates about eecmy’s decision to sever its ties with the elca and the church of sweden in reference to the same-sex issue. it was later reported stephanos, “challenging the power structure” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 47 that eecmy leaders were told that they did not understand the issue of human sexuality and that the two churches in the global north were prepared to help them understand the issue. it was further reported that the delegates were told that, unless the church decided to rescind its decision, the assistance that they had been receiving would be stopped. could this be another example of using church money as leverage or power, leading to the abuse of their stewardship responsibilities in an effort to misguide the faithful? one may understand their frustration and anger, but it is very difficult to understand how bishops who are called to be shepherds and good examples for their flocks could behave in this manner. thomas c. oden, in observing how over time moral judgments and emerging human behavior and cultural changes influence people, says, “when moral relativism puts on the face of being true, then ironically it proves itself to be neither true nor absolute. the incarnation is dismissed as a myth. the atoning work of god on the cross becomes lost in situational ethics. tolerance of evil becomes a virtue” (oden, 2007, 116). our church strongly believes in sola scriptura and that the word of god never changes (matthew 24:35), as do human behavior and culture. every human action must be judged by the word of god, but the word of god cannot be changed by majority votes. we believe that there needs to be some soul searching, especially when it comes to changing our fundamental faith in the scriptures, simply to appease the secular world. we ask, what changed? were not paul and the early church confronting similar moral decay in the greco-roman world? what is new? men of the old testament and evangelists of the new testament time, along with hundreds of martyrs thereafter, gave their dear lives rather than giving in to the pressure exerted upon them to deny biblical truth. we are all equally challenged to stand for the truth against the secularization of our time which has caused thousands of churches to close down, to be demolished or sold every year. conclusion the model of partnership that jesus gives us is the servanthood partnership--partnership which is expressed in compassion, humility, obedience, and a genuine spirit of service to the point of sacrificing oneself. if we are motivated by fear, love of god, and compassion, we can see the needs of the people and join them to walk alongside in collaboration with them in order to alleviate their sufferings. true partners do not end their relationship after the goal of temporary relief has been obtained, but move into the critical phase of long-term and lasting development for transformation and growth. genuine partners are those who are prepared to relinquish the power that comes with material resources, developing a strategy of transferring knowledge-based responsibility through education given to the local communities, which empowers the natives to be the main players of changes they desire to see in their life and environment. partners who dispense the resources are stewards of the resources of god, equal players to share the resources in the manner that will benefit all members and maintain dignity. the churches in the south still believe in the bible as the true word of god from where they receive their guidance. they believe in the work of the holy spirit that convicts sinners and equips the church for the ministry. partners who believe in the mission of the church will join hands and participate in a relationship that allows sharing of resources among the members and strengthen the promotion of the ministry and service. when misunderstandings and conflicts occur--and they do--the parties to the conflict need to sit down and make genuine efforts to resolve the problem through honest and truthful discussions. in the case of eecmy and aasecmy who were embroiled in a long-running fight, dishonesty and gross misrepresentation of facts worsened the situation and prolonged the suffering. in that kind of scenario it is good to seek the guidance of the holy spirit and the word of god. the apostle paul, in his effort to address conflicts, writes, “therefore each of you must put off falsehood and speak truthfully to your neighbor, for we are all members of one body. “in your anger do not sin”: do not let the sun go down while you are yet angry, and do not give the devil a foothold” (ephesians 4:25-26). let me conclude my presentation with a quotation from mother teresa: “i can tell you about my path but i am a little wire—god is power. talk to the others, the sisters and the brothers and the people stephanos, “challenging the power structure” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 48 who work with them. some are not christians; talk to them. you will know what it is when you see it. it is very beautiful.”9 sources cited edwards, david l. christianity: the first two thousand years. maryknoll, ny: orbis books, 1997. ethiopian evangelical church mekane yesus (eecmy). agreement on cooperation. addis ababa, ethiopia: p.o.box 2087, 1987. jenkins, philip. the next christendom: the coming of global christianity. oxford: oxford university press, 2007. joint relief partnership (jrp). annual report 1990 & 1991. addis ababa, ethiopia: p.o.box 2383. luther, martin. luther's small catechism, with explanation. st. louis, mo: concordia publishing house, 1991. oden, thomas c. how africa shaped the christian mind. downers grove, il: ivp books, 2007. vardey, lucinda. mother teresa & simple path. new york: ballantine books, 1995. special note all pictures included in this document were taken by rev. francis stephanos. 9 lucinda vardey, mother teresa & simple path (new york: ballantine books, 1995) xi. for what purpose and how do we use power? how did jesus, the author of our faith, teach his disciples to exercise power? eecmy in the midst of power sharing struggle example of misuse of power by government missuse of power and authority in my church cause of the conflict in eecmy (1994-2010) decision of the eecmy’s executive committee the consequences of ill-advised decision reconciliation and unification missuse of power involving faith and money conclusion sources cited special note global south theological journal 3, no. 2 (2024): 2 the wholeness of life as christian mission: reading the epistle of james in contemporary ethiopia youdit tariku feyessa, phd candidate (vrije universiteit amsterdam) abstract: this article explores the concept of "wholeness of life" in the epistle of james, arguing that it is a foundational principle for christian mission, encompassing terms like "completeness," "perfection," "integration," and "maturity." it draws parallels between james's teachings and the holistic mission advocated by qes gudina tumsa, a prominent ethiopian church leader. tumsa emphasized a holistic ministry that addresses socio-political, cultural, and economic issues, urging the church to engage proactively in its mission. the article examines the significance of wholeness in james, tumsa's holistic theology, and the relevance of these concepts for contemporary ethiopia, which faces numerous challenges such as poverty, conflict, and religious extremism. it concludes that understanding and applying the notion of wholeness in christian mission is crucial for addressing the complex issues in ethiopian society today. introduction this article argues that the wholeness of life in james is not merely a central, “overarching theme,” 1 but a foundational principle directly linked to christian mission—both individual and cosmic. this theme is expressed through terms like "completeness," "perfection," "integration," and "maturity." 2 by employing such terminology, james aims to nurture christians toward their mission, fostering wholeness of life in theology, approach, and praxis. mission as wholeness of life is well attributed in the late qes3 (reverend) gudina tumsa’s calling of the church towards “holistic mission.” tumsa (1929–1979), general secretary of the ethiopian evangelical church mekane yesus, urged the church toward proactive engagement in its calling, emphasizing holistic ministry in theology, approach, and praxis. 4 "wholeness of life," for tumsa, involved ministering amid socio-political, cultural, and economic chaos. this article aims to demonstrate the affinity between this calling and james's emphasis on perfection, maturity, and completeness in the christian community. 5 my aim, following richard bauckham, is to read james not sequentially or linearly, but as a "compendium of james's wisdom"6 structured "to provide a resource for acquiring the wisdom that is expressed in obedience to god in everyday life." 7 mission as "wholeness of life" and "compendium of wisdom" is significant for contemporary ethiopia, facing identity-based conflicts, poverty, displacement, persecution, economic disparity, prosperity gospel teachings, and more. this article first examines the meaning, purpose, and significance of wholeness in james vis-à-vis christian mission. then, it elaborates 1 richard bauckham, james: new testament reading (london; new york: routledge, 1999), 177. 2 bauckham, james, 177. 3 qes, amharic (the working language in ethiopia), means reverend. in this paper, i prefer to call gudina tumsa qes rather than reverend. though the meaning is the same, the place qes has in ethiopian tradition is immense, and gudina is known by the prefix qes in ethiopia. 4the time qes gudina ministered was a time of persecution. the church was underground, and the government was atheist with hatred of religion and its discourse 5gudina tumsa, witness and discipleship, ed.the gudina tumsa foundation (hamburg: wdl-publishing, 2007), 165. 6 bauckham, james, 177. 7bauckham, james, 108–09. feyessa, “wholeness of life as christian mission” global south theological journal 3, no. 2 (2024): 3 on qes gudina tumsa's notion of holistic mission and its affinity with james's call to wholeness of life as christian mission. finally, it presents the importance of reading james in contemporary ethiopia. the theme of wholeness in james the notion of wholeness is the central theme in the epistle of james, as most scholars argue. john h. elliott asserts that wholeness in james is the central message of the epistle; it addresses the reader’s relationship with their community and god.8 richard bauckham further affirms that the theme of wholeness is not only important in james. instead, it is “the overarching theme” of the entire letter that subsumes other themes in the letter.9 seongjae yeo further substantiates this claim by saying that wholeness in the epistle of james shows the “perspective of the author.”10 agreeing with such a notion, wholeness as the central overarching theme of the epistle of james, this section elaborates on the meaning and usage of the term vis-à-vis christian mission. wholeness in james has a range of interrelated meanings (1:4, 1:17, 25; 2:8, 22; 3:2), such as “perfection,” completeness,” and “maturity.”11 patrick j. hartin elaborates on james 1:4, which says, "and let steadfastness have its full effect that you may be perfect and complete, lacking in nothing.”12 here, hartin argues that the meaning of “teleios is that of fullness (‘the perfect work’) or totality, which indicates maturity or completeness) (‘so that you may be perfect’).”13 again, james 3:2 reads, "for all we stumble in many ways. and if anyone does not stumble in what he says, he is a perfect man, able also to bridle his whole body.” here, the notion of “perfect” is equivalent to complete or whole, meaning “total in all that one does—one’s actions produce a “total (perfect) work” that is not blemished or lacking in any way.” hartin further argues that wholeness in these texts presents “the person who performs the perfect work is a total dedication to carrying out god's will. faced with trials and testing, such a person is not deflected from total allegiance to god."14 the meaning of teleios in the rest of the scriptural passages is the same as describing completeness, perfection, maturity, and purpose. in the same vein, seongjae yeo avers that the notion of wholeness in james uses the greek word teleios, which refers to an end, goal, purpose, or aim. it means being complete, mature, fully developed, finished, or perfect.15 in such usage of the term, yoe argues that teleios signifies consummate soundness, including “the idea of being whole.”16moreover, the semantic range of the term wholeness, teleios, in the epistle of james is immense. as the old testament uses teleios in reference to temple sacrifice to mean perfect without blemish, hartin conceptualizes the meaning, usage, and significance of teleios, incorporating three dimensions. according to him, the conceptual meaning of teleios gives expression to three essential dimensions. first, it expresses the idea of wholeness or completeness, of a being remaining true to its original constitution. second, it refers to giving oneself wholeheartedly and unconditionally to god in the context of god’s people. when persons were grounded in this relationship, they would be whole, perfect. third, such a wholehearted dedication to the lord is expressed through obedience to god’s will…. this threefold understanding of teleios explains james’ meaning.17 8john h. elliott, “the epistle of james in rhetorical and social scientific perspective holiness-wholeness and patterns of replication,” biblical theology bulletin 23 (1993): 71. 9bauckham, james, 177. 10seongjae yeo, “telios in the epistle of james,” pharos journal of theology 103 (2022): 1. 11bauckham, james, 165. 12 unless otherwise indicated, all bible verses are from esv. 13 patrick j. hartin, “faith in action: an ethic of perfection,” center for christian ethics (2012): 22. 14 patrick j. hartin, “call to be perfect through suffering (james 1, 2–4). the concept of perfection in the epistle of james and the sermon on the mount,” biblica, 77 no. 4 (1996): 484. 15yeo, “teleios in the epistle of james,” 10. 16yeo, “teleios in the epistle of james,” 1. 17hartin, “faith-in-action,” 22. feyessa, “wholeness of life as christian mission” global south theological journal 3, no. 2 (2024): 4 thus, the notion of wholeness, teleios, according to hartin, is not limited to individual perfection, completeness, and maturity, but it also incorporates communal wholeness reflected as “divine attributes.”18 this understanding of teleios accords with james 1:17, which says, "every good gift and every perfect gift is from above, coming down from father of lights, with whom there is no variation or shadow due to change." furthermore, the completeness for which james is calling is not only individual but also applies to the entire community and the people of god.19 the theme of wholeness is central to james' message, and the meaning, usage, and significance of wholeness encompasses an individual's consistency of purpose. in other words, a whole person is a “person who has achieved maturity, an undivided totality of personality and behavior.”20 being whole and mature denotes devotion to god and a "state of integrity before god" that demands "purity of the heart," reflected in action. it comes from the "perfect wisdom of god.” james is calling his readers to attain this maturity.21 thus, wholeness demands consistency, integrity, and wholehearted devotion to god, and such dimensions of wholeness originate from god. elliott contends that holiness in james consistently correlates with wholeness or completeness. he posits that even the structure of james's letter centers on this theme, juxtaposing wholeness and holiness against their implied opposites: division and fragmentation. thus, elliott asserts a direct correlation between wholeness/completeness and holiness in james, while simultaneously highlighting their respective antitheses. furthermore, he argues that the central message of james revolves around the theme of wholeness. elliott substantiates this assertion by referencing the letter's opening, which introduces the theme: “count it all joy, my brothers, when you meet various trials, for you know that the testing of your faith produces steadfastness. let steadfastness have its full effect, so that you may be complete and whole lacking in nothing” (jas 1:2–12). therefore, according to elliott, the theme of wholeness and incompleteness constitutes the driving and principal argument of the letter, with each notion recurring throughout. 22 in james, this correlation recurs at “personal, social, and cosmic level”, informing a form of ethical principle for the christian community.23 elliott substantiates the interconnectedness of holiness and wholeness by contrasting wholeness and division across three interrelated levels: 1. the personal, the social, and the cosmological, examining the issue of division and its antithesis, wholeness; 2. the portrayal of community and individual integrity/wholeness as an essential feature of holiness; and 3. the moral and social implications of this holiness. 24 for elliott, the three categories of holiness and division, existing at various interconnected levels, are integral to both individual and community holiness, carrying significant moral and social implications. succinctly, the core of elliott's argument concerning the epistle of james can be stated as follows: ethnic, economic, and social differences had led to social division; and divisions, to personal doubt, dissimulation, despair, and defection. factiousness and fission within the community were accompanied by a split in the attitudes and actions of individuals themselves. the community and its members were undergoing an erosion of integrity and cohesion at both the personal and the social levels of life.25 elliott's tripartite framework suggests that the pursuit of wholeness and purity, as antitheses to incompleteness and pollution, are integral to human flourishing across individual, communal, and existential levels. these opposing forces shape human experience and inform the ethical considerations 18 yeo, “teleios in the epistle of james,” 2. 19 martha l. moore-kish, james: a theological commentary on the bible (louisville: john knox, 2019), 29. 20 moore-keish, james, 29. 21 elsa támez quoted in moore-keish, james, 28–29. 22elliott, “the epistle of james,” 71. 23elliott, “the epistle of james,” 71. 24elliott, “the epistle of james,” 75. 25elliott, “the epistle of james,” 75. feyessa, “wholeness of life as christian mission” global south theological journal 3, no. 2 (2024): 5 presented in the epistle. james elucidates three interconnected dimensions of human existence— "personal, social, and cosmological spheres"—where the dichotomy of incompleteness and wholeness, pollution and purity, manifests. 26 richard bauckham further asserts a strong association between wholehearted devotion to god and counter-culturalism within society for the responsible christian community. he argues that james, in his epistle, constructs a “counter-cultural community” practicing the already manifested assets of the kingdom of god. this community, characterized by "wholeness and integrity," encompasses five aspects: integration, exclusion, completion, consistency, and divine perfection. 27 bauckham describes "wholeness and integrity" in five aspects. first, integration, or inclusion, involves not only communal and personal relationships but also complete personal devotion. the whole person in james, according to bauckham, consists of “the heart (thoughts, feeling, will), the tongue and mouth (words) and the hands or the whole body (deeds).” 28 wholeness as integration in james solicits communal allegiance to god and others, reflected in individuals' acquisition of characters like being “peaceable, gentle, considerate, caring and forgiving (2:13; 3:13, 17; 4:11–13; 5:16).” 29 bauckham further argues that “wholeness in a community is characterized by loving one’s neighbor as oneself without distinction (2:8–9; 3:17).” finally, wholeness as integration entails the eschatological goal of renewal not only for the individual and christian community but also for the entire creation (1:18). 30 bauckham's second aspect of wholeness in james is exclusion, entailing “excluding what is incompatible” with the whole. this is explained in james as a dualism between the world's value system and god's, juxtaposing the two as either/or and requiring remaining unstained by the world. 31 this is illustrated by the contrast between earthly and divine wisdom (1:17). as bauckham avers, “the dualism entailed by wholeness as exclusion thus requires a counter-cultural community, one whose values and therefore also lifestyle are at odds with the dominant society.” 32 such a lifestyle is achieved through purity and holiness, “removing and keeping oneself untainted.” “wholeness as exclusion also means resisting the evil inclination (1:14) and removing all wickedness from the heart (1:21),” 33 encompassing truth/untruth, blessing/curse (3:9–11), and total inclination toward good, thereby excluding all evils (2:13; 5:1–6, 9, 12). thus, wholeness as integration, for bauckham, also includes the exclusion of elements that negate wholeness. bauckham's third aspect of wholeness as integration is "completion," involving both addition and removal for purity. james 1:22–25 emphasizes hearing and doing; 4:17 affirms knowing and doing; and 2:14–26 acclaims believing and doing, especially verse 22, which speaks of “faith completed by work.” this relates to the completion of wholeness as the eschatological goal (1:3–4). 34 james also emphasizes "consistency," where integration and wholeness require coherence in what is included, devotion of life, and exclusion of inconsistencies. bauckham asserts that “wholeness is about the consistent devotion of the whole person, the whole life, the whole community, and ultimately the whole cosmos to god.” 35 the final aspect of wholeness as integration is "divine perfection." bauckham argues that “human wholeness is imitation of god’s completeness,” evident in various dimensions of life. “wholeness occurs when the whole human life is focused and integrated in god. it receives from god the complete law and complete wisdom adequate to encompass the whole of life. it responds to god in wholehearted faith (1:5– 8), in wholehearted love (1:12; 2:5) and in fulfilling the complete law (1:22–25; 2:8–11).” 36 26elliott, “the epistle of james,” 75. 27bauckham, james, 173. 28bauckham, james, 178. 29bauckham, james, 178. 30bauckham, james, 179, emphasis mine. 31bauckham, james, 179–80. 32bauckham, james, 180. 33bauckham, james, 180. 34bauckham, james, 181. 35bauckham, james, 181. 36bauckham, james, 182. feyessa, “wholeness of life as christian mission” global south theological journal 3, no. 2 (2024): 6 according to bauckham’s definition, wholeness is a goal towards which one can move only in relation to the center which is already whole and from which one can gain wholeness. … it means rejecting values and behaviors which are inconsistent with goals. it means refusing all the idolatries which dominate and diminish human life in favor of the one love which can truly liberate and include all that is good.37 human life is to be lived in favor of the one love that truly liberates and includes all that is good. as john painter and david a. desilva argue, god is the “source of generosity and every perfect gift.” thus, teleios in james describes a wholeness of life replete with the multifaceted aspects of integration, exclusion, completion, consistency, and divine perfection. the wholeness of life as christian mission in the theology of gudina tumsa gudina tumsa,38 the late general secretary of the ethiopian evangelical church mekane yesus (eecmy), is known for introducing the notion of holistic ministry/theology in the church.39 gudina’s notion of holistic ministry is derived out of his strong emphasis concerning “the role of christians in a given society.”40 for gudina, “a christian is placed by god to live and proclaim the gospel of jesus christ to the people that are in need and in difficulty so that they can turn to god to get their needs met and their problems solved.”41 qes gudina tumsa’s holistic theology is brought forth in the most unlikely era in ethiopia, the socialist military government which overthrown the previous imperial regime via force. gudina was born in 1929 in a small village called bodji in western wollega, educated as nurse assistant42 and served for four years in different hospitals and places. though he was a medical person, he was also well known for his preaching the gospel as part of his medical service. in this regard, yonas derresa said that the latter teaching of “serving the whole human person” emerged out of such practical experiences and engagement.43 he has served in rural area of ethiopia of nekemte, bakko, arjo, kembata and hadiya as a health professional and church preacher. later, as a leader, he has organized many congregations in the area to synods, for which he was highly appreciated by the eecmy officials and the general secretary.44 later on he went abroad for further theological education in usa. after his return, he has served as the general secretary of the eecmy from 1966-1979. gudina tumsa was known for his strong spirituality, preaching and boldness in almost every situation he encountered. emmanuel abraham described him as “our billy graham” and “a man of strong character, physically, mentally, and spiritually.”45 according to tibeb eshete, the renowned ethiopian evangelical historian, “gudina was the most prominent leader, who was capable of reading the times, interpreting trends, and providing theological articulations to the church.”46 to add more, abeneazer g. 37bauckham, james, 183. 38 since, in ethiopian we use first name to address a person unlike western names, which is family name. thus, i am going to use the first name for all ethiopian names based on our usage ... in naming names. 39 the gudina tumsa foundation, witness and discipleship: leaders of the church in multi-ethnic ethiopia in a time of revolution, the essential writings of gudina tumsa (hamburg: wdl, 2008), i–iii. 40 the gudina tumsa foundation, witness and discipleship, 1. 41the gudina tumsa foundation, witness and discipleship, 1–2. 42 nurse assistant used to be called dressers during that time, 1952. 43yonas derresa, “the rev. gudina tumsa – early life and ministry,” in the life and ministry of gudina tumsa: lectures and discussions missiological seminar 2001 2nd ed. ed. the gudina tumsa foundation (hamburg: wdl, 2007), 7. see also samuel deressa, “st. gudina tumsa,” lutheran forum (spring 2012), 36-39. 44 the gudinatumsa foundation, the life and ministry of gudina tumsa: lectures and discussions, missiological seminar 2001 2nd edition (hamburg: wdl, 2007), 4–9. 45emmauel abraham quoted in the gudinatumsa foundation, the life and ministry of gudinatumsa, 10, 11. 46tibebe eshete, the evangelical movement in ethiopia: resistance and resilience (waco: baylor university press, 2009), 229–30. feyessa, “wholeness of life as christian mission” global south theological journal 3, no. 2 (2024): 7 urga refers to gudina as "the african bonhoeffer,"47 not merely for his magnanimous contribution for the church of ethiopia at the cost of his life, but also for the life he lived with integrity as a living witness to the gospel.48 it is for such commitment that gudina has been imprisoned thrice, and finally murdered by the socialist government on july 28, 1979 after his preaching service at urael mekaneyesus church (one of the congregations of eecmy in addis ababa).49 gudina is known for his unwavering faith and commitment in his ministry and leadership until his death. the contribution and legacy of gudina tumsa is boldly written in eecmy50 history. gudina is not only acclaimed for his prolific preaching and church leadership. but more importantly, his holistic theology has been the foundation of the church policy and practice since then. wholistic theology is an effort in rediscovering total human life. apolitical life is not worthy of existence. uninvolvement is a denial of the goodness of creation and of the reality of incarnation … in our continent what is prevalent is the basis to define economic policy, agricultural development, foreign relations—politics decides who should die and who should live. african theology should develop a political theology relevant to the african context.51 thus, gudina’s holistic theology is a spiritual commitment and witness of faith which calls for the witness of the church to be contextually relevant to the society they are living in. in being relevant, the witness of the church which gudina aspires and directs will be sensitive to the socio-political and cultural context. moreover, it is also a call towards the public-ness of theology. context specificity is a key contribution of gudina’s holistic theology. furthermore, øyvind m. eide explains that gudina tumsa’s holistic theology is founded on his theological understanding of creation and incarnation.52 thus, as eide notes, gudina tumsa’s wholistic theology bases can be explained in praxis-theoria-praxis framework. according to gudina tumsa, as mentioned in his memorandum of 1975, asserts that, theology must grow out of the daily experiences from our dealing with ordinary affairs of life as we experience them in our situations, in our cultural settings, in our economic life, in our political experience and in our social practice … . an indigenous theology in the ethiopia context may be defined as a translation of the biblical sources … to the pattern of our people that they may feel at home with the gospel of love.5354 eide’s summary of gudina tumsa’ theology as “praxis–theory–praxis model,” which takes the daily practice and experience of the people in to consideration, is a way of doing mission. this resonates with gudina’s claims about the impossibility of mission to be divorced from personal and societal aspect. in his words, an integral human development, where spiritual and material needs are seen together, is the question in our society… the division between witness and service or between proclamation and development… is … harmful to the church and will ultimately result in 47abeneazer g. urga, “the bonhoeffer of africa: rev. gudina tumsa’s life, theological emphases and contribution to the ethiopian church” paper presented at the southeast regional evangelical missiological society meeting at columbia international university, march 18, 2017. 48gerd decke, “gudina tumsa and dietrich bonhoeffer,” in emerging theological praxis, journal of gudina tumsa foundation (minneapolis: lutheran university press, 2012), 2:30. 49 the gudina tumsa foundation, the life and ministry of gudina tumsa, 11. 50the eecmy, the ethiopian evangelical church mekane yesus is the one of the biggest and ancient evangelical church in the country with about 10 million members. 51gudina tumsa quoted in the gudina tumsa foundation, the life and ministry of gudina tumsa, 63. 52gudinatumsa quoted in øyvind m. eide, “integral human development: rev. gudina tumsa’s theology, with special reference to his critique of dominant trends in missiology and the question of human rights,” in the life and ministry of gudina tumsa, gudina tumsa foundation (hamburg: wdl, 2008), 63. 53 gudina tumsa quoted in eide, “integral human development,”45. 54tumsa quoted in paul e. hoffman, “gudina tumsa’s legacy,” 45. and the memorandum (1975), published in eide 2000: 277. feyessa, “wholeness of life as christian mission” global south theological journal 3, no. 2 (2024): 8 a distorted christianity… the development of the inner person is a prerequisite for a healthy and lasting development of society.55 gudina further elaborates his holistic theology as a mechanism of bringing integral development that interlaces witness, service, mission and development as a separate whole rather than different activities. he gives huge emphasis for “integral human development” which incorporates the two dimensions together, “the spiritual and material,” “witness and service” that is subsumed in his notion of “serving the whole man.”56 for him, the "development of the inner person is a prerequisite for a healthy and lasting development of a society."57 furthermore, gudina was also critical of the understanding and practice of mission of that time. more specifically, he blamed the notion of the contemporaneous mission for its narrow definition of mission. this understanding limited the gospel as “good news for the whole man, and salvation was given a narrow individual interpretation which was foreign to our understanding of the god-man relationship.”58 accordingly, mission is beyond individual salvation in that it is serving the whole man, society, and creation as a whole. thus, gudina has a comprehensive understanding of the mission of god. gudina further argues about salvation which is related with healing and restoration. for him, to heal means not only being healed from disease and so on, but it “has to do with the restoration of man to full liberty and wholeness.”59 this goes with james’s notion of salvation as wholeness and integrity. iteffa gobena comments that such a holistic understanding of mission led a way to do the theology of the church that considers the ethiopian context and situation in to the heart of its service and ministry.60 iteffa attests that gudina is also known for “leading the church in times of trouble” by demonstrating a life of “commitment and suffering.” gudina lived with a motto which states that “a christian lives in a given society where he/she carries out the mandate given to him/her by the lord of the church. we have not been given a choice as to where we should be born. we believe that god has placed us where we are to do his will.”61 iteffa remarks that “for a person like gudina, commitment is conviction of faith.”62 furthermore, according to his former seminary friend darrel jodock’s attestation, gudina’s theology is “self-engaging and self-involving from beginning to end.”63 therefore, gudina’s notion of holistic mission is about serving the whole person, which is always possible in engaging wholeness of life as christian mission. in this regard, christian mission for gudina surpasses evangelism and even social action. but it endeavours toward transformation of the individual and the society as a whole. for gudina, the question is, "what is a responsible ministry of the christian church in today's world and in a given cultural, social, and political situation?"64 such a holistic transformative engagement of mission is explicit in his theology as he states in this manner: we are not interested in creating medieval monasteries, in setting up ghettoes (modern monasteries), but in being involved in the complex social life of our people as we find it daily, with full knowledge of our christian responsibility.65 thus, for gudina, mission is understood as the effort to attain the wholeness of life by addressing the individual, community/society and also the cosmic in an integrated manner.66 55gudina tumsa quoted in paul e. hoffman, “gudina tumsa’s legacy: his spirituality and leadership,” in the life and ministry of gudinatumsa: lectures and discussions, missiological seminar second edition, (addis ababa: gudina tumsa foundation, 2008), 36. 56tumsa quoted in eide, “integral human development,”47. 57tumsa quoted in eide 2000: 265. gudina quoted in “integral human development,”46. 58 tumsa quoted in eide, “integral human development,” 55. 59iteffa gobena, “leading a church in times of trouble: the eecmy in the ethiopian marxist revolution (1974– 1979),” in the gudina tumsa foundation, church and society: lecture responses second missiological seminar 2003 on the life and ministry of gudina tumsa (hamburg: wdl, 2010), 211. 60gobena, “leading a church in times of trouble,” 212. 61gobena, “leading a church in times of trouble,” 222. 62gobena, “leading a church in times of trouble,” 222–23. 63 darrel jadock, “gudina tumsa’s contribution to theology,” global south theological journal 1.1 (2022):5. 64eide quoted in tumsa in the gudina tumsa foundation, 47. 65gudina, witness and discipleship, 70. 66 jadock, “gudina tumsa’s contribution to theology,” 5. feyessa, “wholeness of life as christian mission” global south theological journal 3, no. 2 (2024): 9 reading james in contemporary ethiopia characterizing the contemporary ethiopian situation is challenging at times. but it is yet more confusing due to the overwhelming socio-political and religious chaos of unresolved historical hangovers. in the past five years, various things happened in the country. on the one hand, the country is a victim of extreme poverty, hunger, drought, sickness, communicable disease, high maternal and child death, worsened living condition and inflation. also, the nation is continually suffering from never ceasing conflicts, war, ethnocentrism, ethnic based killings, atrocities, hatred of the “other,” partiality, moral and ethical decay, corruption, religious extremism, displacement, gender-based violence, and many more. on the other hand, we witness the politico-religious rhetoric of “prosperity,” “time for ethiopia,” “the rise of ethiopia,” “god’s time of work in relation to the rise of an evangelical leader,” the rhetoric of unity (medemer67 both in politics and church), fancy tourism projects, the numerical increase in economy, and the list goes on. girma bekele best characterized such a phenomenon in such a way, “at the moment the socio-political and religious life in ethiopia is characterized by fine lines and by various polarities.”68 in the same vein, characterizing the contemporary ethiopian church is also similarly confusing and challenging. the church is wrestling with multi-dimensional crisis of identity, doctrinal heterodoxy, ethico-moral, social, cultural, economic problems ethnic-based conflicts, divisions, atrocities, hatred and other problems. yet, the church is proclaiming and echoing “prosperity,” “the rise of ethiopia,” and proposing unity despite major doctrinal differences. moreover, the church has lost its critical distance and identity as "an alternative community."69 and engaged in an undesirable relationship with the government which deprived her of mission. as a result, the church became part of the problem more than part of the solution. considering the numerical figure of the evangelical population which constitutes about 25% of the total, girma bekele was correct when he said “if we cure our problems [problem among the evangelical churches] almost one fourth of the country’s problem will get an answer or a cure.”70 in order to get the cure, the church needs to turn to her identity and mandate, the wholeness of life—serving the whole person. thus, mission as wholeness of life in james has huge significance for the contemporary readers in ethiopia who are struggling in a turbulent situation of identity crisis. richard bauckham rightly affirms that the notion of “wholeness provides a broad framework for relating james’ teaching to the cultural context in which contemporary western christians live.”71 in this, though many lessons can be drawn from james to the contemporary ethiopian situations, i selected three main frameworks in light of wholeness and integrity in the epistle of james which are explained at the individual, social and cosmic level. the first framework is solidarity with the poor. this involves conceptualizing the relationship between poverty and wealth. as we read according to bauckham, solidarity with the poor in james (2:5, 8–9) is not a mere individual’s spiritual attitude alone. rather, it is tangled with the praxis in the society. solidarity with the poor is expressed in the social and economic relationship of the community. “for the community whose life is characterized not by competitive ambition, status-seeking and greed, but by peaceable-ness and selfless considerations of others (3:13–17), attitude to the poor expressed in concrete economic and social relationship are the litmus test.”72 in addition, the relationship between wealth and poverty in james (2:2–3, 15–16; 5:1–6)73 is another lesson that can be taken in the ethiopian context. 67medemer is the political rhetoric of prime minister dr. abiy ahmed, who has written a book with this title which means synergy or the state of being added together. 68girma bekele, the in-between people: reading david bosch through the lens of mission history and contemporary challenge in ethiopia (waco: wipf & stock, 2011), 381. 69 the church as an “alternative community” is borrowed from girma bekele, the in-between people. 70girma bekele, a sermon at the ethiopian graduate school of theology, semester opening program, february 12, 2024. 71bauckham, james, 183 (emphasis added). 72bauckham, james, 195. 73bauckham, james, 197. feyessa, “wholeness of life as christian mission” global south theological journal 3, no. 2 (2024): 10 hence, the prosperity gospel is flourishing, while solidarity with the poor is almost vanishing. thus, james directs us to a sense of practice of avoiding not wealth; rather, he is calling us towards a way of life that challenges “selfish hoarding of money 5:2–3, senseless luxury 5:5, defrauding the workers 5:4, and persecuting the righteous 5:4.”74as gudina affirms, christians are called to live and serve the whole person, where mission is understood as attainment of wholeness. the second framework that can be drawn from james for the contemporary ethiopian situation is the notion of wholeness as integrity vis-à-vis division or fraction. in the epistle of james, elliott perfectly elaborates the notion of “wholeness and holiness,” taking its “implied opposite, division and fragmentation.”75 thus, wholeness of life tackles division and fragmentation in many aspects of the life of the individual, community, and society. in the same vein, elliott also argues that ethnic, economic, and social differences had led to social division; and divisions, to personal doubt, dissimulation, despair, and defection. factiousness and fission within the community were accompanied by a split in the attitudes and actions of individuals themselves. the community and its members were undergoing an erosion of integrity and cohesion at both the personal and the social levels of life.76 thus, james’s message of wholeness of life as integrity is very relevant for the ethiopian church which is in the midst of many divisions, including ethnic based fractions and fragmentations. thereby, “wholeness and integrity”77 leads people to integration. similarly, exclusion of un-holiness, division, and fraction fosters “completion, consistency and divine perfection.”78 this synchronizes with what gudina has fiercely argued in his attestation that christians should practice their faith in all sphere of life. in the third framework, james teaches about resisting the value-system which he calls “the world” (1:17; 4:4); and he calls to the value of god which is always “embodied in public praxis.”79 bauckham strongly argues that james is constructing a “counter-cultural community” that practices the assets of the kingdom of god in its “already” manifestation.80 this counter-cultural christian community is characterized by james 1:18 as the “first fruit of the new creation and the vanguard of the coming rule of god (2:5).”81 in the same vein, gudina asserts that the mission of the church (missio ecclesia) and the mission of god (missio dei) is about the wholeness of life which is practiced not only at personal level but also at social and cosmic level. for gudina, as the worker of the kingdom of god, “the church could not afford to be ignorant of some of the basic issues the revolution [the dergue] has raised, such as equality, freedom, dismantling of oppressive structures.”82 tibebe eshete testifies that gudina’s theology was filled with “heightened social concern.”83 he further elaborates that gudina helped many christian leaders create awareness of the new philosophy that the state has endorsed in its doctrine. he called on the church leaders to take the path of critical engagement: christian leaders should keep their critical distance in order to be able to criticise those in power.84 in such a way, the contemporary church, as an alternative counter-cultural community, can resist mingling and advocating for the this worldly value system. thus, james in his epistle aims at nurturing christians towards their mission, the wholeness of life in their theology, approach, and praxis. conclusion 74 douglas j. moo, james: the tyndale new testament commentary (downers grove: ivp, 1985), 54–55. 75elliott, “the epistle of james,” 75. 76elliott, “the epistle of james,” 75. 77bauckham, james, 178–82. 78bauckham, james, 173. 79bauckham, james, 198. 80bauckham, james, 173. 81 bauckham, james, 173. 82tibebe, the evangelical movement in ethiopia, 225. 83tibebe, the evangelical movement in ethiopia, 226. 84tibebe, the evangelical movement in ethiopia, 227. feyessa, “wholeness of life as christian mission” global south theological journal 3, no. 2 (2024): 11 the notion of the wholeness of life in the epistle of james, which is explained as teleios, has a dense meaning of completeness, perfection, integrity, maturity. thus, wholeness is a key word to mission in the epistle. by using such concepts, james aims at nurturing christians towards their mission. this wholeness of life should be demonstrated in their theology, approach, and praxis not only in their personal lives, but it should also be exhibited also within communal and societal life as well. the wholeness of life as christian mission is also well attributed in qes gudina tumsa’s calling of the church towards “wholistic mission.” gudina urged the church to be more proactive to her calling, which is “wholistic ministry.” the holistic nature of mission is reflected not only in her theology but also in the approach and praxis towards the goal of perfection, maturity, and completeness. the “wholeness of life” for gudina tumsa is the core essence of christian mission. therefore, understanding james’s notion of wholeness of life in christian mission has immense significance for the contemporary ethiopian readers who are challenged by many problems. the urgency of gudina is directed towards drawing the church to her calling and ministry, ministering the wholeness of life in the midst of the socio-political, cultural, and economical chaos through integrating the wholeness of life at the individual, communal, societal, and cosmic level. bibliography abeneazer gezehagn urga. “the bonhoeffer of africa: rev. gudina tumsa’s life, theological emphases and contribution to the ethiopian church.” paper presented at the southeast regional evangelical missiological society meeting at columbia international university, march 18, 2017. bauckham, richard. james: new testament reading. london; new york: routledge, 1999. decke, gerd. “gudina tumsa and dietrich bonhoeffer.” in emerging theological praxis. edited by the gudina tumsa foundation., 115-125. minneapolis: lutheran university press, 2012. eide, m. øyvind. “integral human development: rev. gudina tumsa’s theology, with special reference to his critique of dominant trends in missiology and the question of human rights.” in the life and ministry of gudina tumsa. edited by gudina tumsa foundation, 37-77. hamburg: wdl, 2008. elliott, john h. “the epistle of james in rhetorical and social scientific perspective holiness-wholeness and patterns of replication.” biblical theology bulletin 23/2 (1993): 71–81. bekele, girma. the in-between people: reading david bosch through the lens of mission history and contemporary challenge in ethiopia. oregon: wipf & stock, 2011. bekele, girma. a sermon at the ethiopian graduate school of theology semester opening program. february 12, 2024. tumsa, gudina. witness and discipleship. edited by the gudina tumsa foundation. hamburg: wdlpublishing, 2007. hartin, patrick j. “call to be perfect through suffering (james 1,2–4). the concept of perfection in the epistle of james and the sermon on the mount.” biblica 77, no. 4 (1996): 477–92. hartin, patrick j. , “faith in action: an ethic of perfection.” center for christian ethics (2012): 20-28. hoffman, paul e. “gudina tumsa’s legacy: his spirituality and leadership.” in the life and ministry of gudina tumsa: lectures and discussions, 13-37. missiological seminar. second edition. addis ababa: gudina tumsa foundation, 2008. iteffa gobena. “leading a church in times of trouble: the eecmy in the ethiopian marxist revolution (1974–1979).” in the gudinatumsa foundation, church and society: lecture responses second missiological seminar 2003 on the life and ministry of gudina tumsa, 207-225. hamburg: wdl, 2010. jadock, darrel. “gudina tumsa’s contribution to theology.” global south theological journal 1.1 (2022): 5. moo, douglas j. james. the tyndale new testament commentary. downers grove: ivp, 1985. painter, john and desilva, david. james and jude. paideia. grand rapids: baker, 2012. martha l. moore-keish, james: a theological commentary on the bible. louisville: john knox, 2019. feyessa, “wholeness of life as christian mission” global south theological journal 3, no. 2 (2024): 12 tibebe eshete. the evangelical movement in ethiopia: resistance and resilience. waco: baylor university press, 2009. the gudinatuma foundation. witness and discipleship: leaders of the church in multi-ethnic ethiopia in a time of revolution: the essential writings of gudina tumsa. hamburg: wdl, 2008. yeo, seongjae. “telios in the epistle of james.” pharos journal of theology. 103 (2022): 1–12. yonas derresa. “the rev. gudina tumsa—early life and ministry.” in the life and ministry of gudina tumsa: lectures and discussions missiological seminar 2001 2nd ed. edited by the gudina tumsa foundation, 3-13. hamburg: wdl, 2007. introduction the theme of wholeness in james the wholeness of life as christian mission in the theology of gudina tumsa reading james in contemporary ethiopia conclusion bibliography global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 3 missionary dilemmas in times of persecution case ethiopia1 øyvind m. eide (school of mission and theology [misjonshøgskolen], stavanger, norway) abstract: during the period of communist rule in ethiopia, from 1974 to 1991, the evangelical churches faced severe persecution. over 3,000 church buildings were forcefully closed, and pastors were imprisoned, tortured, and even killed. in response to this dire situation, the leadership of the lutheran church requested a group of missionaries to relay important information to the lutheran world federation. this request carried significant political implications and involved significant risks. additionally, the harassment endured by the churches represented grave violations of human rights. this article delves into the moral dilemmas faced by the missionaries and their subsequent resolutions. moreover, it sheds light on the ethical quandaries faced by mission organizations and churches, both locally and globally, when dealing with oppressive dictatorships. ultimately, it illustrates how a church can be coerced into abandoning its critical role in society, embracing submission, and remaining silent. . during the communist regime in ethiopia from 1974 to 1991, the evangelical churches faced significant persecution. over 3,000 church buildings were closed, and pastors were imprisoned, tortured, and killed. in this challenging environment, the leadership of the lutheran church requested a group of missionaries to convey information to the lutheran world federation. this request was politically sensitive and carried substantial risks. simultaneously, the oppression of the churches violated fundamental human rights. this article delves into the moral dilemmas faced by the missionaries and how they resolved these dilemmas. furthermore, it examines the challenges faced by missions and churches, both locally and internationally, when dealing with brutal dictatorships. the article also highlights the transition of a church from actively engaging with society to a state of submission and silence. in 1981, while under the communist regime, i worked as a visiting professor at the mekane yesus theological seminary (myts) in addis ababa, ethiopia. at the same time, i acted as a liaison between the norwegian missionary society (nms) and the ethiopian evangelical church mekane yesus (eecmy). in my official capacity, i was approached by reverend tasgara hirpo on behalf of eecmy president emmanuel abraham. they asked me if i would be willing to gather information on the difficult experiences faced by eecmy during that time and provide it to the lutheran world federation (lwf). 2 it was evident that the president himself could not openly speak on the matter. the president had been a minister in the government of haile selassie i. only by forceful intervention by lwf, documenting his faithful service for the ethiopian people, did he avoid execution at the hands of the revolutionary government in 1974.3 later on, working as president of the eecmy, his 1 this article is a development of a lecture given at a conference in sigtuna, sweden, on the nordic-baltic churches and the cold war, february 28, 2012. the article is based on øyvind eide, revolution & religion in ethiopia: the growth & persecution of the mekane yesus church, 1974-85, 2nd ed., eastern african studies (oxford : athens : addis ababa: j. currey ; ohio university press ; addis ababa university press, 2000). 2 at the time rev. tasgara hirpo was president of the western synod of the eecmy and at the same time my colleague at the mekane yesus theological seminary. 3 in his autobiography, emmanuel abraham gives a detailed account of his time in detention. emmanuel abraham, reminiscences of my life (oslo, norway: lunde forlag, 1995), 229-242. on november 23, 1974, the acting prime minister and fifty-nine members of the government of haile sellassie i, along with other top officials, were summarily executed. see eide, revolution & religion in ethiopia, 98. eide, “missionary dilemmas in times of persecution case ethiopia” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 4 position was vulnerable. in the political climate of the time, with a marxist-leninist inspired dictatorship in power, the question of information was most sensitive. the request was therefore of great consequence and a risk to my well-being and the work of my mission. at the time, the general secretary of the eecmy, gudina tumsa, had been kidnapped. his location was unknown. 4 the freedom to practice one's religion, hold beliefs, and gather was at risk. preaching was restricted, numerous church buildings were being shut down, colleagues were imprisoned, and congregation members were being subjected to hours of indoctrination in marxist-leninist philosophy. a serious crisis in the relationship between the church and the state was unfolding. according to my contract with the mission, i was explicitly prohibited from engaging in any form of political activity while being a guest in a church and country. the initial question was whether the government's harassment of the church had political motives. would sharing information be perceived as an unfriendly act? this request presented a significant dilemma. this document aims to explain how this dilemma was resolved. it also sheds light on the challenges faced by missions and churches, both locally and internationally, during times of persecution. two brands of dictatorship i was sent to ethiopia during haile selassie's regime. neither i nor my mission were aware that the permission to work in ethiopia was part of the emperor's political ambition to modernize the empire. 5 the imperial decree on mission, issued in 1944, came about after a long struggle between the patriarch of the ethiopian orthodox church (eoc) and the emperor. the patriarch believed that it was a serious political mistake to divide the ideological foundation of ethiopia through the existence of two different churches. in the context of ethiopia, ecclesiology has a political dimension. 6 the emperor's feudal regime was autocratic and had a poor human rights record. interestingly, it was the last country in the world to abolish slavery in 1933. 7 when my mission responded to a call from the ethiopian evangelical church mekane yesus (eecmy), a debate arose in norway about whether it was politically neutral to work in ethiopia. the mission stated that our main task was to save souls and that the political situation at any given time was not relevant. 8 in making this statement, the mission drew on a long-standing lutheran pietistic tradition to separate the duties of the church and the state. 9 this statement was soon put to the test. in 1974, the ethiopian revolution began. the country descended into chaos and internal conflict. in february 1977, mengistu haile mariam orchestrated a coup d’état. one of his initial actions was the seizure of radio voice of the gospel on march 12, 1977. in the aftermath of mengistu's takeover, numerous youth lost their lives during the infamous red terror period. 10 as a result of the severe human rights violations, the united states withdrew its support. mengistu then sought assistance from the soviet 4 gudina tumsa was abducted on 28 july 1979, and executed the same night. a detailed account of the imprisonment and abduction of gudina tumsa is found in eide, revolution & religion in ethiopia, 175–79. 5 the very title of the autobiography of haile selassie i indicates the centrality of modernization by introducing into the country western modes of education. my life and ethiopia’s progress, 1892-1937: the autobiography of emperor haile sellassie i (oxford [england]: oxford university press, 1976). 6 the political consideration that religious unity was an important basis for national unity constitute the religio-political background for the opposition and persecution of evangelical christianity by local authorities prior to the revolution in 1974. eide, revolution & religion in ethiopia, 25–39. 7 teshale tibebu, the making of modern ethiopia: 1896-1974 (lawrenceville, nj: red sea press, 1995), 53–70, http://www.gbv.de/dms/bowker/toc/9781569020012.pdf. 8 gudm. gjeldsten, “kritiske spørsmål,” norsk misjonstidende 124, no. 13 (n.d.): 5. 9 the main points of the debate are referred in oeyvind eide, “politikk, misjon og menneskerettigheter i etiopia,” in misjon og kultur: festskrift til jan-martin berentsen, ed. thor strandenæs (stavanger: misjonshøgskolens forl, 2006), https://urn.nb.no/urn:nbn:no-nb_digibok_2013090408004. 10 the terror and cruelty of the time are unparalleled in ethiopian history. estimates of the numbers killed wary. andargachew tiruneh gives a careful number of 1500. other sources give higher numbers. the ethiopian revolution, 19741987: a transformation from an aristocratic to a totalitarian autocracy, lse monographs in international studies (cambridge ; new york, ny: cambridge university press, 1993), 211. eide, “missionary dilemmas in times of persecution case ethiopia” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 5 union. the ultimate outcome was a communist dictatorship, guerrilla warfare, and a battleground of the cold war. 11 in 1974, the ethiopian revolution started. the country plunged into chaos and internal conflict. in february 1977, mengistu haile mariam led a coup d’état. one of his initial actions was to seize radio voice of the gospel on march 12, 1977. following mengistu's takeover, numerous young people were killed during what became known as the red terror. due to severe human rights violations, the united states withdrew its support. as a result, mengistu sought assistance from the soviet union. the outcome was a communist dictatorship, guerrilla warfare, and a battleground for the cold war. the withdrawal of the missionaries the question at hand was whether the change in a dictatorial system had any impact on the missionary enterprise. the rapid and dramatic developments, along with the spread of propaganda, exerted significant pressure on all the supporting missions. 12 consequently, the security of missionaries became crucial during the spring of 1977. the dilemma of whether they should leave or stay caused great conflicts of conscience for them. eventually, the missions brought up this matter to their respective boards, and decisions were reached to withdraw personnel from the vulnerable regions. in may 1977, the missionaries from the sudan interior mission (sim), who were collaborating with the kale hiwot church, were evacuated from their positions in ethiopia. 13 the number of missionaries was reduced from 200 to forty. by february 1978, the norwegian lutheran mission (nlm) had decreased its staff in ethiopia from 158 to fifty-eight. 14 the norwegian embassy had advised the nlm four times to evacuate its missionaries. the mission only partially adhered to this advice, although all the stations in the southeast had already been evacuated. the danish lutheran mission, working with the nlm in bale, also evacuated all of their staff. the nms, operating in remote areas in western ethiopia, evacuated all but one of their sixteen staff members. they had faced severe hardships and an attack by a guerrilla movement. the norwegian lutheran free church, working in ghion, also evacuated their staff. the finnish missionary society did the same. the swedish evangelical mission and the german hermannsburg mission withdrew their staff, some to addis ababa and others back to their home countries. all in all, 77 percent of lutheran missionary personnel were withdrawn from ethiopia. 15 one point of particular interest is the different strategies chosen by the norwegian missions. to fully comprehend the decision made by the nms, it is crucial to consider the extremely painful experiences associated with the evacuation of china in 1949. 16 in china, one of the problems arose from disagreements among the missionaries regarding their approach towards the communists. in order to avoid the possibility of a similar incident repeating itself, the board of the nms heeded the advice of the norwegian embassy and officially decided to evacuate from ethiopia. 17 when the security situation improved, a few colleagues and i were called back to service in 1980. the request from the president of the eecmy put the matter of missions and politics to the test. 11 for an overview of the larger political framework, see michael e. latham, “the cold war in the third world, 1963– 1975,” in the cambridge history of the cold war, ed. odd arne westad and melvyn p. leffler, vol. 2 (cambridge: university press, 2010), 258–80, https://doi.org/10.1017/chol9780521837200.014; the shift of political alliances in ethiopia during the cold war is analyzed in detail by edmond j. keller, revolutionary ethiopia: from empire to people’s republic (bloomington: indiana university press, 1988), 191–212. 12 vinskei, situasjonen i etiopia i dag, 6. desember 1976. 13 peter cotterell interview, 3 may 1990; kay bascom interview 12 march 1995; cfr. eide, 169. 14 oswald hindenes, “årsmelding fra etiopia ,” nlm årbok (1978):78. 15 the number of western missionaries working in the eecmy was reduced from approximately 390 to 90. 16 as the red army advanced in china, most of the missionaries of the nms were evacuated, but some remained. this created turmoil in the mission. cfr. e. eggen, “kina,” in t. jørgensen, ed., i tro og tjeneste, det norske misjonsselskap 18421992 (stavanger, 1992). 17 cf. kjosavik, td “etiopia,” in t. jørgensen, ed., (1992), i tro og tjeneste: det norske misjonsselskap 1842-1992 (stavanger, norway: misjonshøgskolen, 1992), 140-146; eide op. cit., 141. eide, “missionary dilemmas in times of persecution case ethiopia” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 6 political dimensions of human rights human rights can be viewed from multiple perspectives. i will discuss three of them in the following sequence: (1) the right to life and preservation, (2) economic, social, and cultural rights, (3) individual human rights. 18 the right to life and survival during my theological training, human rights were not given much importance. instead, the life and teachings of jesus influenced the way missionaries worked. the fight for human dignity and against evil was thus motivated by the beliefs of christ. in a traditional role, i served as a preacher and leader of literacy schools, a clinic, and an agricultural project. these activities were aimed at supporting life and ensuring survival, and they seemed to remain neutral in terms of politics. in-depth studies of why people shifted their affiliation to evangelical christianity demonstrate that the church's involvement in healthcare and education played a crucial role. people who had only experienced harsh exploitation were taken aback when they encountered love and kindness. whether they were landowners or slaves, they were treated with equal respect. as a result, the missionaries conveyed a new understanding of human worth and brought about a drastic change in values. through their actions, they thus criticized the prevailing values and political systems of society. 19 economic, social and cultural rights the oromo, with whom i worked, were subjected to imperial rule in the late nineteenth century. the amhara, due to their social position, language, and orthodox christianity, dominated ethiopia at the expense of other ethnic groups. against this backdrop, american anthropologist donald donham provides a compelling interpretation of the evangelical movement: it re-established the people’s identity.”20 african theologian lamin sanneh further explains this interpretation by stating that missionary work, especially through bible translations and educational efforts, provided the people with " cultural self-understanding, pride of their own language, social awakening, religious renewal." 21 the initial phase of the revolution partially addressed these aspects, particularly cultural rights, with the introduction of the "first charter" on december 20, 1974. this document envisioned ethiopia as a nation free from "ethnic, religious, linguistic, or cultural differences." 22 however, unknowingly, the church's efforts to empower marginalized groups had an unintended ethnic dimension, which exacerbated the ethno-political tensions of the country. when a liberation movement emerged in areas associated with the ethiopian evangelical church mekane yesus (eecmy), led in part by former eecmy students, the church found itself caught in a difficult situation. individual human rights as a missionary, i gradually became aware of how the evangelical faith was being interpreted by the listeners. the reception showed how a message that appeared to be non-political was transformed into a political reality. gudina tumsa provides a clear example of what this means: in gemo gofa, a group of christians took a landowner to court after he confiscated their land. they fought their case all the way to 18 a. tergel, human rights in cultural and religious traditions (uppsala, sweden: uppsala : s. academiae ubsaliensis, 1998), gives a broad presentation of the churches’ handling of issues related to human rights. in addition to the three areas mentioned here he also discusses ecological rights. 19 cfr. eide, 29, 63, 82. 20 d. donham and w. james , the southern marches of imperial ethiopia (cambridge: cambridge university press, 1986), 45. 21 l. sanneh, translating the message: the missionary impact on culture (maryknoll, new york: orbis books, 1997), 1-8. 22 eide, op.cit. 96. eide, “missionary dilemmas in times of persecution case ethiopia” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 7 the high court of ethiopia and emerged victorious. for them, justice was an integral part of their understanding of salvation. 23 this interpretation of salvation was a key issue raised in the famous eecmy letter to lwf in 1972. in this letter, the young church criticized the missions for not speaking out against colonial exploitation. the letter also highlighted the structural injustices that existed. by acknowledging the systems that oppressed and degraded humans, the church expanded its concept of sin. this letter became a defining moment in eecmy theology, which later became known as "holistic." 24 the letter partly reflected the ongoing ecumenical debate of that time, including discussions at the world council of churches (wcc) meeting in uppsala in 1968 and the lwf general assembly in evian in 1970, where human rights were a key topic. these conferences pushed the eecmy to focus on issues of social justice and human rights. these concerns continued to be prioritized at the wcc meeting in nairobi in 1975 and the lwf assembly in dar-es-salam in 1977. as a missionary i only gradually became aware of how the evangelical faith was reinterpreted in the minds of the listeners. the reception illustrates how a seemingly non-political message was translated into political reality. gudina tumsa gives a vivid example of what this means: when the revolution occurred, the church could have chosen to disengage from politics and remain quiet. however, instead, the church actively participated in the political discussions of the time. 25 the lutheran world federation (lwf) played a role in advising during this process. in a pastoral letter from 1975, the church expressed its support for the revolution, but only if the state adhered to the principles of law and human rights. 26 as the revolution continued, it became evident that freedom of faith was a critical aspect. gudina tumsa, in an effort to counter the influence of atheist marxism, organized the council for cooperation of churches in ethiopia (ccce). at this point, the government approached gudina tumsa for cooperation, but he declined due to the continued persecution of evangelical christians. as a result, he was denounced as an enemy of the state. the ccce was seen as an effort to form an ideological opposition, leading to gudina tumsa's elimination and the government's intention to dismantle evangelical churches. 27 to speak or not to speak the first to speak up was the swedish ecumenical council in a letter to the ethiopian government.28 this was followed by a paper from a group under the british council of churches at the beginning of 1979.29 the ethiopian government gave an indignant reply calling the accusations “calculated malicious lies,” adding: “if there are impossible things, tampering with religion in ethiopia is one of those impossible things”. the government at all times denied any persecution of evangelical christians. this left the missions with a number of options. let me indicate four of them:30 option 1: the traditional position the government’s reaction and the abduction of gudina tumsa a short time after left no one in doubt of the government’s will to silence any opposition. the prevailing attitude among the missionaries was to do 23 gudina tumsa, witness and discipleship: the essential writings of gudina tumsa (addis ababa: gudina tumsa foundation, 2003), 131. 24 the full text of the letter is published in eide, op.cit.263-268. for an analysis of the letter cfr. eide, 68-70. 25 four seminars on christianity and socialism were conducted at mekane yesus theological seminary in 1975-76. 26 the full text of the pastoral letter is published in eide, 269-70. 27 patriarch tewoflos had been arrested and was killed 27 july 1979, the night before gudina tumsa was killed. hadji mohammed sani habib, a leading muslim, was forced into submission when the government killed his son and threatened to kill his second son. cfr. eide, op.cit., 113, 127-8, 164-5, 175-6. 28 archbishop sundby, swedish ecumenical council to ethiopian government, uppsala/stockholm, 18 january 1979. 29 m. blair, “christians in ethiopia: a background paper on recent events,” 19 february 1979, unpublished, lutheran world information, 22 march 1979. 30 getahun ijigu, ambassador extraordinary to archbishop sundby, 24 january 1979. eide, “missionary dilemmas in times of persecution case ethiopia” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 8 what was possible and not provoke the government by revealing its violations of human rights. one should be grateful for the opportunities still available in a communist land and avoid provocation that would lead to expulsion and increased suffering for ethiopian christians. on the official level this was the position of nlm. the nlm worked in southern ethiopia where conditions were easier than in the west. they were very cautious about aggravating the government and putting the whole flourishing work in jeopardy. the general secretary of the nlm, egil grandhagen, in an editorial in their mission magazine, utsyn, put heavy emphasis on the missionary task “to win souls.” “therefore one has to draw a clear line between our call as christian citizens and our call as a missionary organization,” he wrote.31 against this policy it is quite remarkable that the nlm board permitted their representative in ethiopia to join the information group. option 2: try to force the state the alternative option was to pressure the government with a threat to withdraw all humanitarian support and, with it, much needed foreign currency. both church and mission deemed it ethically impossible to use sick and hungry people’s right to life in a power struggle with the government. option 3: shout it from the rooftops a third option was to deem the violations of human rights as so grave that one’s conscience forbade silence, whatever the consequences. the berliner mission (bm) opted for this approach. bm publicly denounced the ethiopian government, in particular for its oppression of the oromo ethnic group.32 experiences from the confessional church’s struggle during the nazi regime had taught them that silence was a dangerous path. when the hermannsburg mission (hm) made a protest against bm for linking the violations of human rights to the oromo’s situation, the bm reiterated by accusing the hm “for once again keeping silent about concentration camps.” eecmy protested against bm, maintaining that their action increased the pressure on the church. bm was not willing to yield. this forced the eecmy to break off relations with bm.33 option 4: publicize undeniable facts this was the context of emmanuel abraham’s request to me in 1981. emmanuel abraham gave one condition: in order to avoid any suspicion that information on the eecmy was linked to the oromo ethnic cause, he demanded that only facts without interpretation be conveyed. since the request came from the president of the church, it was seen as urgent to me as well as my mission. how did i reply? i could not carry responsibility for such an undertaking alone. the first move was therefore to invite the representative of the swedish evangelical mission (sem), rev. ingvar nilsson, the hermannsburg mission (hm), rev. willy kalmbach, and the norwegian lutheran mission, rev. osvald hindenes, for a meeting with the president’s liaison. we decided that each of us would pass the request on to our mission boards. all of them solved the dilemma by allowing us to convey information. the general secretary of the nms, odd bondevik, tried to establish criteria for relating to the ethiopia situation. in the mission’s magazine he wrote that “violations against basic human rights, whether they are against christians or others, is our concern and we cannot pass by in silence.” bondevik defined the criteria by reference to the norwegian church’s position during the nazi regime. he quotes the norwegian church’s stand in kirkens grunn: 31 egil grandhagen, “misjon og politikk,” utsyn, 8 februery 1981. 32 the mission secretary of the bm, gunnar hasselblatt, published a number of articles mainly in german newspapers 1982-86, cfr. eide, 209-10. 33 the debate and the documents are presented in eide, 211-12. eide, “missionary dilemmas in times of persecution case ethiopia” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 9 it is a sin against god if the state starts to tyrannize the souls and claims the right to decide what a person shall believe, think and feel as his conscience. . . . where the power of the state separates from justice, there the state is no longer a tool of god, but becomes a demonic power. therefore there are limits to obedience against the state.34 all missions were thankful for the accurate information given by the group. by letting an international organization coordinate the information process, a uniform policy was possible and the missions and churches could speak with one voice. it was left to lwf to decide whether to publicize information or not. the confiscation of the eecmy central office on 10 december 1981, the group got a tip, via a leak in the government, that it was decided to confiscate the eecmy central office as a first step to nationalize all church institutions. the decision only waited for mengistu haile mariam’s signature. when the order was given to evacuate the central office two days later, information was sent to lwf. through their contacts with the wcc, all member churches were alarmed.35 the result was a storm of protest from all over the world. no other institution of the eecmy was touched until 25 january 1982, when the mekane yesus theological seminary was confiscated. the seminary was, however, returned later the same day. the most plausible reason was that the decision to confiscate was made at department level. mengistu could simply not risk a second international storm, and so he ordered the return of the seminary.36 it is obvious that the government was furious about the bad press ethiopia got in the west. thinking the bm was behind the information, the secret police sent two agents to east berlin. there they were equipped with a bomb in order to blow up the bm headquarters and kill its mission secretary, gunnar hasselblatt. however, the bomb went off while they were arming it. one of the agents was killed and the other arrested by german police. at this point the lwf saw the situation as so serious that oberkirchenrat christian krause, on behalf of the lwf, established contact with the ethiopian embassy in bonn to inform them of the role of lwf. the ambassador rebuked him for intervening in ethiopia’s internal affairs. krause reiterated the lwf position, with a reference to human rights declarations, and told the ambassadors that the christians in ethiopia were our brothers and sisters. epilogue in january 1985 emmanuel abraham was replaced by francis stephanos as president of the eecmy. at the time more than 3,000 churches (1,700 kale hiwot, 1,000 eecmy, 300 pentecostal, baptist, and mennonite) were closed, and church life was brought to a standstill. francis stephanos was then invited to participate in the drafting of a new state constitution. the church officers saw that the church’s stand against the state had almost led it to destruction. they, therefore, stepped down and resolved that the president should accept the invitation. at the same time there was a shift in leadership of the lwf, with gunnar stålsett as the new general secretary. the lwf endorsed the eecmy decision according to the pattern of relationship to east european churches. the suffering of the christians in ethiopia was silenced! two years later francis stephanos was elected as a member of the national congress. he took his seat together with leaders of the ethiopian orthodox church and the muslim community.37 34 the public debate in norway is presented in eide, 213-4. cfr. austad, kirkens grunn: analyse av en kirkelig bekjennelse fra okkupasjonstiden 1940-45 (oslo, 1977). 35 the general.secretary.of lwf, carl h. mau, called upon all its member churches to “demonstrate solidarity with the mekane yesus church in any way they deemed appropriate” (eide, 214). 36 cf. j. launhardt, uns erschrecken die trommeln nicht mehr: stadtrandgemeinde in addis abeba (erlangen, germany: evangelishe mission erlangen), 212. 37 for this paragraph, cf. eide, 235-48. eide, “missionary dilemmas in times of persecution case ethiopia” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 10 the eecmy had come full circle, from emmanuel abraham participating in haile sellassie’s autocratic government, through the eecmy letter of 1972 that criticized the missions for keeping silent on human rights abuses, through critical engagement during the revolution, to silent participation in a state with one of the worst records on human rights in recent history. the eecmy was domesticated, and has never since dared speak up on human rights issues in ethiopia. did international pressure have any effect on the ethiopian government’s handling of the church? it seems that it merely aggravated the political authorities. the bomb in berlin shows how far the government was willing to go in order to silence critics. however, in 1981 the proposed takeover of eecmy institutions never occurred, and in 1982 the mekane yesus theological seminary was handed back. if this came as a result of the lwf channel, something substantial was achieved. let me finish with a reflection by meseret sebhat leab, a scholar of the ethiopian orthodox church. at the time i did my research on the persecution of the eecmy, i asked how the church could cooperate with a government that had killed the patriarch and appointed its own person against canonical law. he paused for a while before he answered, “canonical law is one thing. survival is another. what you are witnessing is a question of survival.” two brands of dictatorship the withdrawal of the missionaries political dimensions of human rights the right to life and survival economic, social and cultural rights individual human rights to speak or not to speak option 1: the traditional position option 2: try to force the state option 3: shout it from the rooftops option 4: publicize undeniable facts the confiscation of the eecmy central office epilogue global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022) 2 dietrich bonhoeffer, a “living dead” in africa ibrahim bitrus (federal college of education yola, nigeria.) abstract: as an authentic “living dead,” the impact of bonhoeffer is so vibrant that his life and thought engage, and are engaged by, many theologians in africa. bonhoeffer’s troublesome witness to christ and the concreteness of his theo-ethical themes, such as the cost of discipleship, the reality of christ, church as community for the other, the confession of guilt, and the struggle for human rights, justice, and freedom, are what impact theologians in their task of constructing theology for africa. bonhoeffer’s life and thought have not only produced de gruchy, a south african bonhoeffer scholar of international repute, but also have brought about radical social reformation in africa as a whole and south africa in particular. hardly anyone engages bonhoeffer’s life and thought and remains the same! this is what bonhoeffer is up to as a “living dead.” he impacts not just theological thinking and sociopolitical situations, but also lives in south africa and beyond. but it is not simply bonhoeffer as a living dead who continues to transform lives, but the living christ himself through bonhoeffer’s life and thought. introduction dietrich bonhoeffer was a german theologian, born on february 4th, 1906, in breslau, germany. he studied at the universities of tübingen and berlin, where he received a doctorate in 1927 at the age of twenty-one. bonhoeffer worked with the “confessional church” which resisted the fascist idolatry of the nazi state religion, and founded an underground seminary at finkenwalde, where he formed pastors spiritually and theologically for the confessional church until 1937.1 after an abortive assassination attempt on hitler’s life in 1943, bonhoeffer was arrested by the gestapo on charges of supporting jews and sabotaging the despotic policies of the nazis. on april 9, 1945, he was hanged at flossenbürg concentration camp for involvement in the conspiracy.2 the death of bonhoeffer, which often is seen as iconic of resistance against hitler and nazism, is also viewed as a martyr for the oppressed and vulnerable. john w. de gruchy writes, “bonhoeffer’s death was that of a martyr because he died on behalf of the weak, despised, and suffering ones, and in so doing affirmed god’s love for all in christ.”3 bonhoeffer died in germany many decades ago, but his life and thought exert pervasive influence all over the world, and in africa in particular. bonhoeffer, who had little or no contact with africa during his lifetime, wields enormous influence on the continent’s theology and context.4 though bonhoeffer passed away many years ago in 1 geffrey kelly and f. burton nelson, eds., a testament to freedom: the essential writings of dietrich bonhoeffer (new york: harperone, 1995), 24-27. 2 kelly and nelson, testament to freedom, 38-44. 3 john w. de gruchy, “the reception of bonhoeffer’s theology,” in de gruchy, john w, ed., the cambridge companion to dietrich bonhoeffer, ed. john w. de gruchy (cambridge: cambridge university press, 1999), 17. 4 i have made specific references to south africa in this paper because bonhoeffer has a more pervasive influence there than any country in africa. yet bonhoeffer has great potential for influence in africa beyond south africa because the continent is bedeviled by sociopolitical realities that the life and thought of bonhoeffer address. ibrahim s. bitrus, phd, is a lecturer of christian doctrine and ethics at the federal college of education yola, nigeria. he is the author of community and trinity in africa and the co-editor of the history of the boys’ brigade nigeria, lccn fellowship. he has published a variety of book chapters and journal articles within and outside nigeria. bitrus, “dietrich boenhoeffer, a ‘living dead’ in africa” global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022) 3 europe, his influence is felt afresh in african theology5 today as it had been in the past in his context. thus, bonhoeffer is what africans would call one of the “living dead,” whose life and thought continually speak to every aspect of public life in the continent. as a “living dead,” whose influential works include life together, the cost of discipleship and ethics, bonhoeffer still speaks through his life and thought to people who experience suffering, injustice and oppressive situations today. in this article, i will examine the enduring impact of bonhoeffer’s life and theo-ethical thought in africa, with specific examples from south africa. in the first section of this article, i explore the reception and interpretation of bonhoeffer’s life and thought in africa. in the second section, i describe the impact of bonhoeffer’s life and ethical thought on african social transformation. in the third section, i unearth reasons that underscore this compelling impact of bonhoeffer in the african context. the reception and interpretation of bonhoeffer as one of the most internationally known theologians of the 20th century, bonhoeffer’s exemplary life and works are accepted beyond the confines of his immediate environment—germany. what makes bonhoeffer attractive worldwide are his definite theological and philosophical reflections. these reflections touch on key theological themes, but also address the burning issues of the contemporary world. de gruchy contends, “his life was such a quality that it continually attracts biographers, novelists, dramatists and film makers, just as his poetry has inspired composers.”6 even many years after his demise, bonhoeffer’s life and thought continue to create an unceasing inspiration for christians and nonchristians alike around the world. bonhoeffer never visited or taught in any african theological institution, yet there is probably no european theologian whose life and thought not only speak to the african situation, but also are wholly received in africa. bonhoeffer is inescapably appealing to the laity and clergy alike in africa, especially in south africa. in fact, there is probably no country in africa where bonhoeffer’s witness and thought are welcomed as in south africa! describing the reception of bonhoeffer by south african laymen and women who attended bethge’s lectures of 1973 on the significance of bonhoeffer for south africa, de gruchy writes, “when did bonhoeffer visit south africa? he knows our situation from inside!”7 p.g.j. meiring also writes “bonhoeffer, arguably more than any other european theologian, influenced the way in which south african christians, clergy and laity alike, have come to see their role in the struggle against apartheid.”8 bonhoeffer’s life and writings provide inexorable inspiration for south african christians in their struggle not only against the evils of racism, apartheid and oppression, but their fight for justice, peace and liberation. like the bible, bonhoeffer’s writings are often read with great admiration, awe and startling fear! meiring, for example, upon reading, the cost of discipleship for first time, recorded his impression as thus: “i did that, with growing admiration and awe—and consternation, because the implications for south african christians, in our context, was inescapable. to a young afrikaner hoping to be ordained into the ministry of the white dutch reformed church (drc), bonhoeffer’s challenge was quite frightening.”9 he continues “reading bonhoeffer’s letters and papers from prison in the months that followed did not help either. the heroism of the prisoner, the messages to his family and friends, the brief—often disturbing— insights into dietrich bonhoeffer’s thinking, above all his poems, continued to inspire and haunt me.”10 the attraction of bonhoeffer is therefore not a past 5 i do not mean by this phrase a christian theology written by black theologians alone. i mean any christian theology constructed on bonhoeffer’s life and thought regarding african situations, whether by white or black theologians. 6 de gruchy, “reception of bonhoeffer’s theology,” 94. 7 john w. de gruchy “bonhoeffer in south africa,” edited by john w. de gruchy in eberhard bethge, bonhoeffer: exile and martyr, ed. eberhard bethge (london: collins, 1975), 26. 8 p.g.j. meiring, “bonhoeffer in south africa: role model and prophet,” www.ve.org.za/index.php/ve/article/download/101/75 (accessed february 5, 2012). 9 meiring, “bonhoeffer in south africa.” 10 meiring, “bonhoeffer in south africa.” bitrus, “dietrich boenhoeffer, a ‘living dead’ in africa” global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022) 4 phenomenon, but an ongoing reality in africa. the socio-economic, political and religious realities of the continent are what account for the continued massive reception of bonhoeffer. bonhoeffer’s life and thought are not only accepted, but interpreted in africa using several metaphors. here, my concern is not with the debate on whether there is continuity or not discontinuity in his theological formation. rather, i am concerned with the varied but rich images which theologians use to interpret the legacy of his life and thought. in other words, my concern is to unearth specific images which theologians, clergy and lay people employ to interpret bonhoeffer as they bring to bear his life and thought on the african situation. one of these images pertains to the depiction of bonhoeffer’s life as the “troublesome witness,” a person who risks everything, including his life, in order to witness his own faith, which is centered in jesus christ. according to de gruchy, bonhoeffer’ life and writings were a “troublesome witness to jesus christ”11 in his immediate german situation, and by extension, the african context. the extent to which bonhoeffer’s life is construed as troublesome for the two contexts is not hard to see. as for bonhoeffer’s situation, de gruchy suggests “amid growing nationalism and rearmament in europe, he . . . went against the stream of germany and other national and church opinion by boldly calling upon the ecumenical movement and its members to outlaw war in the name of jesus christ.”12 at a critical time when rejection of war within the third reich was treason, bonhoeffer championed pacifism and rejected compulsory military service—to the disappointment of his confessing church and many of his intimate friends—and stood against the stream, the oppressive powers of the nazi regime of his day. his involvement with the conspiracy against hitler’s life and its bid to restore the just social order in german society was the most disturbing part of bonhoeffer’s life. though the failure of the conspiracy led to his execution, bonhoeffer was a martyr who died vicariously for the victims of oppression. as one who bears “witness unto death” to god’s exclusive love for humanity in christ, bonhoeffer’s life is no doubt a troublesome testimony. as de gruchy argues, bonhoeffer’s “‘witness unto death’ [,which] . . . is such a radical testimony to the power of the cross[,] . . . is also troublesome because it challenges the depth of our commitment to jesus christ.”13 this witness, which is not only challenging but also troublesome in bonhoeffer’s situation, calls for a similar troublesome witness in the african context. in the south african context, de gruchy suggests that bonhoeffer’s life witness “disturbs us because it points to the death of jesus in such a way that the message of the cross is no longer separated from the realities of life in the world, including our sociopolitical existence. . . . so bonhoeffer’s witness enables us to discover anew the power of the living christ in the midst of the contemporary struggles at every level of life.”14 bonhoeffer’s life was a life in christ, who let himself be arrested, tried, crucified, and put to death so that he would bring salvation to the victims of oppression. the consistency of bonhoeffer’s life and faith in christ as demonstrated in his timely and decisive protest against the totalitarian nazi regime, the denial of rights and the murder of jews in germany bear eloquent but troublesome testimony to christ in an african society ravaged by dictatorial governments and marginalization of the poor. all that bonhoeffer’s witness points to is christ, not to himself. therefore, whether in bonhoeffer or the african context, de gruchy insists it is not bonhoeffer but jesus christ who attracts and disturbs simultaneously, “calling us into obedient discipleship to proclaim the gospel and to struggle for justice and peace in the world.”15 the image of bonhoeffer’s personal life is intertwined with his public witness to jesus christ in a real-life situation. seen from this lens, bonhoeffer’s ethical theology is not an abstract reflection detached from the concrete realities of public life in the world. rather, it is a concrete theology that implicates 11 john w. de gruchy, bonhoeffer and south africa: theology in dialogue (grand rapids: eerdmans, 1984), 13. de gruchy suggests bonhoeffer’s life and writings bear troublesome to his friends and enemies alike. 12 de gruchy, bonhoeffer and south africa, 14 13 de gruchy, bonhoeffer and south africa, 17. 14 de gruchy, bonhoeffer and south africa, 19. 15 de gruchy, bonhoeffer and south africa, 19. bitrus, “dietrich boenhoeffer, a ‘living dead’ in africa” global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022) 5 every department of life. de gruchy argues that bonhoeffer’s theology was not something private, esoteric or otherworldly, the kind of theology that is often and erroneously identified with a pious man. instead, it is “down-to-earth, socially significant and concrete.”16 bonhoeffer’s theological thought and real-life situations belong together. an authentic theology is one that transforms life and oppressive sociopolitical structures in society. the basis of bonhoeffer’s transformative theology is in the cross, which means for him nothing but god’s solidarity with the other—the jews, the oppressed, and even a conspiracy against the oppressor—in an attempt to remain loyal to christ. de gruchy writes, “because bonhoeffer’s faith, his theology, and his witness are ‘thoroughly centred on the person of jesus christ,’ the crucified lord, that his life and thought are so challenging and yet so relevant for us today.”17 therefore, bonhoeffer’s life and theology are interpreted as concrete and practical in that they address concrete questions and concerns facing the continent. for example, bonhoeffer’s spectacular metaphor about “putting a spoke in the wheel” of the totalitarian nazi regime in his 1933 essay on the “jewish question” was often appealed to by south african christians in their struggle against an antiapartheid regime which perpetrated racism and white domination. bonhoeffer’s life and theology are not only viewed as a solid troublesome witness that impacts the african situation. bonhoeffer is also employed as a dialogue partner in constructing theology in africa. choosing bonhoeffer as a dialogue partner for doing theology, de gruchy, a leading african bonhoeffer scholar, wrote his doctoral thesis, a book, and a series of essays and articles on the enduring significance of bonhoeffer’s life and thought for south africa.18 to engage bonhoeffer in theological dialogue, he argues that we must let bonhoeffer speak for himself to the context while we pay attention to what he had to say. his dialogue with bonhoeffer shows, amazingly, not only his excellent grasp of bonhoeffer’s life and theology, but also, intriguingly, his superb support of every claim with numerous direct quotations from bonhoeffer’s original sources. engaging bonhoeffer in theological dialogue does not mean uncritical appropriation of his thought in such a way that his thought is idolized! rather, it means appropriating bonhoeffer’s theological ideas critically as we reflect on the bible and christian faith within the african context. de gruchy argues that for any critical theological dialogue with bonhoeffer to yield fruitful results for the south african situation, and by extension, the whole of africa, it must be unpacked at three basic levels: “the first level is that at which we critically investigate bonhoeffer’s theology in its own context; the second level is that of theological reflection on and analysis of our own historical situation; and the third level is that of reflective participation, obedient discipleship, or praxis. it is at the third level that the integration takes place, or, to use the language of h.g. gadamer, ‘the horizons are fused.’”19 the critical issues which often provoke theologians to bring bonhoeffer into theological conversation not only vary from one country to another in africa, but also depend on the time and context in which they exist, coupled with the correspondence between their situation and that of bonhoeffer. as de gruchy rightly argues in respect to south africa, “doing theology in dialogue with bonhoeffer within the south african context has developed in relation to changing historical circumstances.”20 in west 16 de gruchy, bonhoeffer and south africa, 23. 17 de gruchy, bonhoeffer and south africa, 29-30. 18 these include, among others, bonhoeffer and south africa; “reception of bonhoeffer’s theology”; “bonhoeffer, apartheid and beyond: the reception of bonhoeffer in south africa,” in bonhoeffer for a new day (grand rapids, mi: wm. b. eerdmans, 1997); “dietrich bonhoeffer and the transition to democracy in the german democratic republic and south africa,” modern theology 12, no. 3 (1996):345-366; “confessing guilt in south africa today in dialogue with dietrich bonhoeffer,” journal of theology for southern africa 67 (1989); 37-45; bonhoeffer for a new day: theology in a time of transition: papers presented at the seventh international bonhoeffer congress, cape town, 1996 (grand rapids, mi: wm. b. eerdmans, 1997). 19 de gruchy, bonhoeffer and south africa, 34. 20 john w. de gruchy, “christian witness in south africa in a time of transition,” in theology and the practice of responsibility: essays on dietrich bonhoeffer, ed. wayne whitson floyd jr. and charles marsh (valley forge, pa: trinity press international, 1994), 283. bitrus, “dietrich boenhoeffer, a ‘living dead’ in africa” global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022) 6 africa, for instance, j.c. thomas21 engages bonhoeffer to address the question of indigenization of christianity in that african sub-region. according to thomas, the conspicuous division between black and white churches, which bonhoeffer observed during his visit to the united states in the 1930s, is similar to the sharp difference which exists between the missionary-founded churches and the africaninitiated churches in west africa.22 thomas contends that while the former have not only remained the carbon copies of their founding european mothers in term of liturgy, but also in opposition to african culture (for instance, polygamy) even to this day, the latter have contextualized the gospel by incorporating african cultural practices such as drumming and dancing into their worship services, and accepting divine healing, exorcism and polygamy.23 though they have syncretic theology that combines certain aspects of the gospel with traditional practices, they pull a larger following than the historic churches. in an attempt to resolve this division and the opposition between african culture and christian faith as seen in these two churches, thomas engages bonhoeffer’s theology of christ’s lordship into dialogue. he argues that there is no part of reality that is separated from the lordship of christ, including even non-christian religions, which bonhoeffer viewed “not only as a part of the reality which god has created, but more strongly as something positive which can lead to and inspire a revitalization of christianity itself.”24 thomas insists that just as bonhoeffer believes that christianity must bear witness to the lordship of christ at the center of life, bridging the walls between western secular and african cultures, the fundamental task of christianity in west africa is to recognize and realize the reality of christ’s lordship within traditional african culture. on how to resolve the issue of polygamous marriage, which is the most intractable obstacle to the true indigenization of the church in west africa, thomas insists on letting bonhoeffer speak for himself: we make again and again the surprising and terrifying discovery that the will of god does not reveal itself before our eyes as clearly as we had hoped. this comes about because the will of god seems to be self-contradictory, because two ordinances of god seem to conflict with one another, so that we are not in a position to choose between good and evil, but only between one evil and another. and here it is that the real, the most difficult, problems of ethics lie.25 there is also the issue of articulating of contextual ethics in africa. elias bongmba brings emmanuel levinas and bonhoeffer into conversation over the priority of the other to develop what is called a contextual ethics of the other in africa. bongmba claims despite their different understanding of who the other is, levinas and bonhoeffer place high premiums on the other in dealing with concrete human situations.26 drawing on this insight, bongmba proposes guidelines for african contextual ethics. first, he suggests that a contextual ethics of otherness should be pluralistic enough to be interdisciplinary and interreligious in nature. he also claims that contextual ethics must address the evils of ethnicity and autocracy, for “bonhoeffer and levinas teach us to recover difference without enmity or violence by seeing a human other who is transcendent to us and to the concept of ethnicity.”27 as for autocracy, 21 though thomas is not an african, but a british anglican theologian who briefly taught at the university of ghana in legon and the university of nigeria, nsukka, his conversation with bonhoeffer, which addresses crucial issues facing the west african church, deserves our attention in this article. 22 j.c. thomas, “bonhoeffer’s ethics and the indigenization of christianity in west africa,” missiology: an international review, 14, no.1 (january 1986): 83. 23 the historic churches have changed since thomas has written this article. many historic churches today have embraced the use of african music in worship, healing and deliverance ministry. however, the opposition to certain aspects of african culture is still very strong. 24 thomas, “bonhoeffer’s ethics and the indigenization of christianity in west africa,” 87. 25 thomas, “bonhoeffer’s ethics and the indigenization of christianity in west africa,” 90. 26 elias bongmba, “the priority of the other: ethics in africa—perspectives from bonhoeffer and levinas,” in bonhoeffer for a new day: theology in a time of transition (grand rapids: eerdmans, 1997), 191. 27 bongmba, “the priority of the other,” 206. bitrus, “dietrich boenhoeffer, a ‘living dead’ in africa” global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022) 7 bongmba writes, “to restore otherness, multiple political voices must be recognized and guaranteed.”28 third, suggesting that contextual ethics must prioritize the human other over unfashionable theory and praxis of ethics in national development, he insists it must challenge the systemic violence of colonialism, harsh climate, corruption and cultural denigration.29 the trajectory in bonhoeffer’s life and theology which african christians found to be fruitful in dialoguing with him also relates to the struggle for peace, justice and liberation. this is true of many south african theologians who engaged in theological dialogue with bonhoeffer in the struggle against the evil of apartheid, which promoted the discrimination, oppression and marginalization of blacks in south africa. the 1960s were the most traumatic and turbulent era of apartheid in the political and religious history of south africa. a.h. lückhoff reports, for instance, that on march 21, 1960, 69 blacks were massacred while beleaguered policemen wounded 180 at sharpeville for protesting against the apartheid laws.30 the world council of churches intervened by calling on its south african member churches at cottesloe to unite in the fight against apartheid. such an incident, which was similar to the situation between bonhoeffer and the german evangelical church in the 1930s,31 provoked south africans to engage bonhoeffer in dialogue as they struggled for peace, justice and equality. peter hinchliff records how christians engaged bonhoeffer in their battle against apartheid at that critical time: one can say of bonhoeffer at least, that as he understood the nature of sin, it is possible to find oneself in a situation where every course open seems sinful. in south africa in the early 1960s that seemed a very obvious truth. it was the aftermath of sharpeville. the horrors of the political situation were inescapable. one was burdened with a terrible sense of responsibility and guilt for a society of which one could not wash one’s hands nor do very much to improve. it was also a period when bonhoeffer’s reputation and influence was at its height. it was hardly possible not to look at one’s dilemma (even if only at intuitive level) through his eyes.32 although the dutch reformed churches later abandoned cottesloe’s resolution against racism and apartheid and broke their relations with the wcc, the role which dialogue with bonhoeffer played in this resolution is obvious. in fact, ever since then, dialogue with bonhoeffer in defying unjust racial laws and policies at both the intellectual and practical level has continued unabated even after abrogation of apartheid in south africa. engaging in dialogue with bonhoeffer’s life and thought in constructing theology for africa challenges christians to boldly confront the burning political and social issues of the day. if, for bonhoeffer, to bear a true christian witness to christ in certain settings demanded going against the stream, including conspiracy, the church in south africa is challenged to exemplify such a “troublesome witness” that calls the evil of apartheid into question. de gruchy writes, “the true unity of the church is thus the contradiction of apartheid or any division on the basis of race, culture, or class, just as these are antithetical to the reconciliation made possible through the cross of jesus christ.”33 he discovers in bonhoeffer’s theology a direction towards liberation for the victims of oppression and their oppressors, who need to be “freed for others”—the black south africans. he argues that, like bonhoeffer, who was set free from self-centeredness by grace for christ and the other—the oppressed jews, “white south africans need to be set free [from racism,] that which prevents them from hearing the gospel. they cannot change unless they come to terms with reality and are willing to forsake responsible freedom that is the gift of god’s grace in christ.”34 on whether or not the church within the context of south african has every theological justification to participate in civil disobedience to oust an unjust racial regime, 28 bongmba, “the priority of the other,” 207. 29 bongmba, “the priority of the other,” 108. 30 a.h. lückhoff, cottesloe (kaapstad: tafelberg, 1978), 1. 31 de gruchy, bonhoeffer and south africa, 2. 32 p. hinchliff, holiness and politics (grand rapids: eerdmans, 1983), 104-105. 33 de gruchy, bonhoeffer and south africa, 81. 34 de gruchy, bonhoeffer and south africa, 77. bitrus, “dietrich boenhoeffer, a ‘living dead’ in africa” global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022) 8 bonhoeffer’s involvement in the plot to kill hitler provided fertile ground for theological dialogue! as bonhoeffer went beyond his prussian lutheran tradition to a more reformed position in dealing with the question of civil disobedience, de gruchy argues that conservative calvinism, which emphasizes the sovereignty of god and the liberty of conscience, provides freedom for christians to disobey unjust laws in the name of god’s justice. even during the time of transition from racial to non-racial public service and just democratic rule, bonhoeffer’s theology of the public role of the church and his christian witness to peace was employed for the restructuring of the south african society from the perspective of the poor and the oppressed. drawing on bonhoeffer’s idea of viewing mighty events of world history from below, de gruchy suggests that the church is called to stand in critical solidarity with the victims of oppression by struggling for justice, truth and freedom.35 democracy cannot flourish in a context characterized by injustice and grave disparity between the rich and the poor. as for the total healing of the country from the devastative injuries of apartheid, appeals were made to bonhoeffer’s connection of confession of guilt with concrete action of restitution and reparation. de gruchy writes, “unless there is a confession of by white south africa, a confession in which the church should be at the forefront, and unless such a confession is embodied in the fundamental restructuring of the economy of the land and making significant reparation for past oppression, the country cannot be healed.”36 theological dialogue with bonhoeffer is discovered to be viable even in post-apartheid south africa. the challenge that the country faced after apartheid was the quest for a community that would be both local and national in character. rüssel botman claims that building of local communities and nation building belong together. he believes that bonhoeffer is in a better position to assist “on the road to community after apartheid because he understood the crucial task of relating community to christology and to democracy.”37 after the bitter experiences of apartheid, botman claims that the ultimate question which south african christians face in the two decades of their young democracy is bonhoeffer’s question “are we still of any use?” botman, who suggests that the question is about the identity of community, gives the answer in the affirmative. he draws on bonhoeffer’s question “who is jesus christ for us today?,” which inquires into the boundaries of human existence. he argues that the post-apartheid quest for a sense of community, which relates to boundaries of one’s identity, should be rooted in bonhoeffer’s religious question of love for the neighbor. botman writes, “sensing that democracy and structural changes in themselves do not secure just participatory and responsible people bonhoeffer centralizes the ‘who’ question in his conception of the building of community. building of community requires a people’s theology, a ‘who’ theology.”38 botman claims that for bonhoeffer, just as christ exists as community, the whole of humanity, including christians, are called to “life together.” he asserts that bonhoeffer’s theology of christ existing as community goes beyond mere demolishing of the gap between the rich and poor, i.e., economic development in a democratic society. though bonhoeffer would argue that the church can’t provide solutions to economic problems so to speak, this is the task of other commands such as family and state. yet, botman writes, “the truest answer to poverty is not economic growth, but rather community, participation and solidarity.... the poor people of the south will have to forge their lives together, believing in christ existing as base community at the centre of modern history.”39 bonhoeffer’s concern in the weimar-democracy was about people rather than structures and reconstruction. as his organic approach to community is rooted in communitarian christology, botman claims, “for our common future we are thrown back on jesus christ existing as community and on our african resources of ubuntu.” 35 de gruchy, “christian witness in south africa in a time of transition,” in theology and the practice of responsibility: essays on dietrich bonhoeffer, 287. 36 de gruchy, “christian witness in south africa,” 290. 37 rüssel botman, “who is ‘jesus christ as community’ for us today? the quest for community: a challenge to theology in sa,” journal of theology for south africa 97 (march 1997): 31. 38 botman, “jesus christ as community,” 32-33. the italics are theirs. 39 botman, “jesus christ as community,” 37. bitrus, “dietrich boenhoeffer, a ‘living dead’ in africa” global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022) 9 according to dirkie smit, this demands “learning to live with the other,” which is the fundamental challenge facing south african christians and theologians arising from bonhoeffer’s legacy. smit expresses it so persuasively that one has no option but to quote him: the kind of christians, the kind of human beings, the kind of south africans, and the kind of moral communities that we need in south africa in order for the church to be the church, with truthfulness and integrity, is the ability to live “after babel,” the ability to live together in martin luther king jr.’s “large house,” the ability to serve community instead of chaos. we shall have to become people who can learn to live with strangers, who are willing to accept others, who are able to understand people who speak different languages . . . and to cooperate, to live and to work with them. the notion that this is a fundamental part of the calling, of the responsibility of christians, is very much part of bonhoeffer’s legacy to the church.40 bonhoeffer’s concept of critical solidarity is used to articulate the role which the church should play in transition to democracy and transformation of the post-apartheid south african community. the church should support every initiative that would usher in a new just social order and to take sides with people who remain oppressed in one form or another in a new democratic society. the church participating with them in their robust struggle for justice, human dignity, and liberation may accomplish such a role.41 just like bonhoeffer, whose contribution to the democratic transition of germany affirms the tenets of democracy such as human rights and rule of law without endorsing its threat to common good,42 the church’s contribution to the realization of democratic transformation in society is to affirm human freedom and equality before the law without encouraging possessive individualism and condoning injustice. for neville richardson, the type of church which is needed in a post-apartheid south africa, where the prophetic voice of the church is ebbing way and secularization is eroding the sense community and relegating religion to personal domain, is bonhoeffer’s idea of the church, christ existing as a community for the other. this is the church that is visible, united, hopeful and proactive in public life for the sake the other—the poor and marginalized—and not for itself. richardson writes, “. . . its prophetic witness will be powerfully expressed in more than words alone. such a church will be not only a visible witness to the presence of christ in the world but, as bonhoeffer would insist, a pointer to the world of its own true reality and centre.”43 bonhoeffer’s life and thought therefore not only exercises influence on african theology, but on socio-political transformation in africa. bonhoeffer’s impact on social transformation bonhoeffer’s witness and theology played a huge role in the social transformation in africa. social transformation cannot take place in human society without a change of perception. therefore, the impact of bonhoeffer’s witness and theology on african social transformation must be viewed first and foremost from the way it transforms peoples’ perceptions of things from above to below. as de gruchy accurately points out, for us, his [bonhoeffer’s] challenge has been, and remains, above all else to see things from below, from the perspective of those who suffer. this, i suggest, is where the legacy of bonhoeffer has had a particular impact, both consciously and unconsciously, on those south african christians who, first 40 dirkie smit, “dietrich bonhoeffer and ‘the other,’ ‘accept one another, therefore . . . ’ (rom.15:7),” journal of theology for southern africa 93 (december 1, 1995): 15. 41 john w. de gruchy, “dietrich bonhoeffer and the transition to democracy in the german democratic republic and south africa,” modern theology, 12 no.3 (july 1996): 357-358. 42 even though bonhoeffer was not a liberal democrat in the sense of the word, it does not mean that he rejected the true tenets of liberal democracy. he was critical of liberal democracy in so far as it places individual good over and above the nation. 43 neville richardson, “sanctorum communio in a time of reconstruction? theological pointers for the church in south africa,” journal of theology for southern africa 27 (march 2007): 115. bitrus, “dietrich boenhoeffer, a ‘living dead’ in africa” global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022) 10 began to listen to the black voice; who secondly, recognized the legitimacy of the liberation struggle; and thirdly identified, however inadequately, with that movement.44 the thinking of highly placed people was revolutionized. they were challenged to look at things from a radically different perspective than their own. bonhoeffer inspired the highly placed and powerful in society not only to descend to the level of the marginalized, but also empowered them to share their rights, privileges and powers with the poor and powerless. such a radical change of perception is rooted in the change that the cross has caused in our understanding of god in jesus christ. although public activism of south africa went well beyond bonhoeffer’s, those whose perceptions have been changed embraced bonhoeffer as a role model and became agents of social transformation in their countries. like bonhoeffer, they become involved in the struggle for justice and freedom in their attempt to bear faithful witness to jesus christ in various contexts. prominent among them was beyers naudé, who is often referred as the “bonhoeffer of south africa.” comparing naudé with bonhoeffer, de gruchy suggests that “we cannot be true to the story of the church struggle in south africa if we fail to note naudé’s bonhoeffer-like role . . . the fact that both dietrich bonhoeffer and beyers naudé sought to be faithful in their witness to jesus christ within their respective contexts, and that their contexts—nazi germany and apartheid south africa—bore a striking resemblance.”45 naudé not only called for the formation of a “confessing church” in south africa, but also inspired the publication of message to the people of south africa in 1968, which, like the barmen declaration, with which bonhoeffer identified himself, declared that the policy of apartheid was incompatible with the gospel, and hence, a false ideology. the signatories of this declaration, which cut across all denominations, may be seen as the birth of the ecumenical movement in south african geared towards fighting a common cause. bonhoeffer’s impact is also felt even outside theological circles. according to meiring, “bonhoeffer’s inspiration also reached non-theologians in the struggle. . . . mandela’s famous speech from the dock before his conviction and imprisonment was compared to bonhoeffer’s essay on the structure of responsible life. and when steve biko, foremost spokesperson of the black consciousness movement died at the hands of policemen, his death was immediately compared with that of bonhoeffer.”46 though it is an exaggeration, cornel du toit describes biko as an “african bonhoeffer.” he writes, “in a situation of state terrorism both had the guts to rebel against the powers that be, knowing full well that it jeopardized their lives—which was proved only too true. both martyrs’ protest set an example to humanity for the rest of time.”47 even the emergence of black theology and liberation theology, which seek to answer questions raised by the poor in their daily struggle for justice and liberation from oppression, is in a way linked to the impact of bonhoeffer’s life and thought. even though bonhoeffer was not a liberation theologian in the true sense of the word, the traces of liberation theology are found in his life and thought.48 this brand of theology provided south african theologians in particular with a paradigm to critique apartheid that caused popular resistance, which eventually led to its demise. the critical roles played by desmond tutu and allan boesak in the abolition of apartheid cannot be divorced from their roles as liberation as well as black theologians. we cannot ignore the key role by de gruchy in the struggle for the abolition of the apartheid and peaceful reconciliation of whites with blacks under post-apartheid government in south african. he engaged bonhoeffer’s life and thought more than any theologian in africa, which made this social transformation in south africa a reality. stating the impact of bonhoeffer in south africa, susan rakoczy suggests that “bonhoeffer’s vision of new forms of community life as essential for formation for 44 de gruchy, “bonhoeffer, apartheid, and beyond,” 359. 45 de gruchy, “bonhoeffer, apartheid, and beyond,” 355. 46 meiring, “bonhoeffer in south africa.” 47 cornel du toit, “black consciousness as an expression of radical responsibility: biko an african bonhoeffer,” research institute for theology and religion: university of south africa, pretoria, south africa, http://uir.unisa.ac.za/bitstream/handle/10500/4334/du%20toit.pdf?sequence=1, (accessed january 30, 2012). 48 de gruchy, bonhoeffer and south africa, 68. bitrus, “dietrich boenhoeffer, a ‘living dead’ in africa” global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022) 11 ministry have taken root in various churches who now have houses of studies/ formation communities for their ministerial candidates. this has always been true in the catholic church, but now leaders of other christian bodies speak about ‘formation issues.’”49 bonhoeffer’s contributions to democratic transition and restoration of peace and reconciliation in african countries ravaged by racial and ethnic conflicts and military dictatorship cannot be overemphasized. for example, instead of investigating and punishing perpetrators of apartheid in the 1990s, an act which would jeopardize south african’s nascent democracy, de gruchy reports that bonhoeffer’s theology of confession, which insists that only a genuine confession of guilt can restore a nation’s humanity, led to the formation of the commission on truth and reconciliation in south africa.50 the aim of the commission, according to de gruchy, was “not just to turn former enemies into compatriots, but the restoration of the humanity of a nation which had been torn apart by racism, greed and violence.”51 according to de gruchy, just as bonhoeffer suggests that the church must take the lead in dealing with the past through vicarious confession of guilt for its own failures and those of the entire society, the rustenburg conference’s declaration of 1990 confessed not just the sins of colonial and apartheid church, but also the sins of the victims of apartheid who tolerated the sins of white oppression.52 similarly, nigeria inaugurated the truth and reconciliation commission at the beginning of its transition to democracy in 1999 in the fashion of that of south africa. the commission was formed to investigate human rights abuses in nigeria during the period of military rule. even though one would ordinarily think this was just the imitation of a south african phenomenon, in all of this, bonhoeffer’s influence was profound by extension! the outstanding performance of the truth and reconciliation commission in south africa under the exceptional chairmanship of desmond tutu has inspired the call for its formation in other countries like rwanda, uganda and sierra leone,53 which have been torn apart by ethnic genocide and civil wars. this begs the question of why bonhoeffer’s life and theology are influential both in theory and reality, and within academia, church and society alike. the whys and wherefores of bonhoeffer’s impact there is no one who makes history in isolation from the other. hence, the wide impact of bonhoeffer’ life and thought in the contemporary world, and africa in particular, does not just occur; there are people who play an instrumental role in making it a reality. bonhoeffer died without writing a “systematic theology,” although his ethics comes very close to it. this does not mean that his theology is not systematic or incoherent; rather, it means he did not leave behind a common book in which his theological ideas are expressed into a unified “system of thought.”54 what he left behind was fragments of writings raging from his dissertations, lectures, papers and prison correspondences to his family, friends, students etc. these fragments of writings are significant for contemporary theology. but they would have either been forgotten or relegated to the annals of history if not for his intimate friend, eberhard bethge. bethge is the major preserver, transmitter and interpreter of many of bonhoeffer’s writings. de gruchy rightly argues, “bethge has not only helped to define the contours of the scholarly debate, but also been instrumental in enabling many to discover the relevance of bonhoeffer’s theology to the life and witness of the church in many different contexts around the world.”55 he also claims the bethge has been the most important 49 susan rakoczy, “the witness of community life: bonhoeffer's life together and the taizé community,” journal of theology for southern africa 127 (march 2007): 61. 50 de gruchy “bonhoeffer, apartheid, and beyond,” 361. 51 john w. de gruchy, “dietrich bonhoeffer and the transition to democracy in the german democratic republic and south africa,” 357-358. 52 de gruchy “bonhoeffer, apartheid, and beyond,” 362. 53 emmanuel katongole, the sacrifice of africa, a political theology for africa (grand rapids, mi: william b. eerdmans publishing company, 2011), 40. 54 de gruchy, bonhoeffer and south africa, 32. 55 de gruchy, “reception of bonhoeffer’s theology,” 96. bitrus, “dietrich boenhoeffer, a ‘living dead’ in africa” global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022) 12 interpreter of bonhoeffer “through his numerous writings, his extensive lectures tours . . . and, perhaps above all, his monumental biography dietrich bonhoeffer: theologian, christian, contemporary.”56 de gruchy’s interest itself in bonhoeffer’s significance for the south african situation was provoked by one such lecture. bethge’s lectures on the consequence of bonhoeffer’s witness and theology for south africa in 1973 have contributed enormously to the impact of bonhoeffer not just on south africa, but the entirety of africa.57 bonhoeffer was not an “ivory tower” theologian. he did not construct his theology from abstract speculation; rather, it arose from his encounter with real-life situations. this ranges from his freedom, pastoral ministry, travels, and imprisonment to death by hanging. for him, theology is not simply an academic exercise; it’s about bearing faithful witness and obedience to jesus christ in a way that engages the sociopolitical realities of the world. bonhoeffer’s theology and witness arose from his faithful struggle for justice and liberation from the oppressive nazi regime of his day.58 it naturally impacts the african context, which is bedeviled by oppressive governments, ethnic and racial violence. the correlation of his life and theology with real life-situations exerts an enormous impact on african thought and situations! in other words, the fact that bonhoeffer’s life and theology are bound up with real-life situations is a matter of inspiration in africa. as de gruchy says, the reasons why bonhoeffer is relevant for the south african situation is “because he confronts us with the uncomfortable question: ‘who is jesus christ for us today?’ he does not answer the question for us, but he demonstrates in his own thought and supremely with his life what the right answer was for him in a variety of situations.”59 bonhoeffer’s willingness to die to prevent the nazi pogrom against the jews, his dream for a worldwide friendship of humanity, his willingness to do everything humanly and morally possible to achieve that aim, and his concern for the essential christian values of peace, justice and freedom, have had a far-reaching impact on africa. bonhoeffer’s letters have inspired his african readers to take related risks and actions to stand in solidarity with the poor and oppressed in their struggle for justice and freedom.60 as noted somewhere in this article, his readers in south africa, for example, have come to love and to follow him. during the struggle for justice and emancipation from apartheid in south africa, many christians were arrested, tried and convicted, for instance, beyers naudé.61 such people must have found bonhoeffer’s prison letters and papers to be like passages of the bible, giving them the fortitude to face death without losing hope. bonhoeffer’s radical example of obeying christ even “unto death” by hanging and his resistance to nazi despotism inspired many in africa to follow suit.62 gudina tumsa was in many ways an “incarnation” of bonhoeffer’s life and thought in ethiopia. tumsa articulated down-toearth public theology, which engaged the socio-political situation of ethiopia. tumsa believed, preached, and bore faithful witness to the liberating power of the gospel in the face of the oppressive communist regime of his day. in the spirit of bonhoeffer, tumsa audaciously resisted this regime and was executed. the remarkable semblance which exists between bonhoeffer’s situation in germany during the third reich and that of apartheid in south africa also accounts for why bonhoeffer’s theology and witness exert considerable impact. as neville richardson writes, “during the apartheid era parallels were often drawn between the south african and nazi regimes. it was against that background that bonhoeffer became popular among anti-apartheid theologians.”63 though anti-semitism, which claimed five million lives, cannot be equated with the violence which apartheid caused, certainly apartheid has an ideological 56 de gruchy, “reception of bonhoeffer’s theology,” 97. 57 de gruchy, bonhoeffer and south africa, 2. 58 eberhard bethge, dietrich bonhoeffer, a biography (minneapolis: fortress press, 2000), 721. 59 de gruchy “bonhoeffer in south africa,” 27. 60 hermes donald kreilkamp,“dietrich bonhoeffer: prophet of human solidarity,” http://www.spiritualitytoday.org/spir2day/843625kreilkamp.html, (accessed on january 10, 2012). 61 meiring, “bonhoeffer in south africa.” 62 meiring, “bonhoeffer in south africa.” 63 richardson, “sanctorum communio,” 99. bitrus, “dietrich boenhoeffer, a ‘living dead’ in africa” global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022) 13 link with national socialism. that is, it banned civil rights as a way to enforce its ideology. desmond tutu describes apartheid “as vicious, as evil, as unchristian and as immoral as nazism.”64 like in germany, the context in which bonhoeffer lived and witnessed the gospel, the apartheid period in south africa was characterized by racism. racism was used as the dominant yardstick for human rights, arbitrary arrest and imprisonment without fair trial of the critics of apartheid policy. it was also used to perpetuate the huge disparity between the rich and the poor. bonhoeffer’s spectacular struggle to restore just social order in the german context makes his witness and theology to command an enduring impact in the south african situation and elsewhere in africa. rakoczy suggests, “a clear link between bonhoeffer’s prophetic vision and the south african struggle is seen in the similarities between the barmen declaration of 1934 and the kairos document of 1985.... the kairos document, written in the spirit of the barmen declaration, confronted south african christians with the stark contrasts between ‘state,’ ‘church’ and prophetic’ theologies and placed the choice before them.”65 conclusion as an authentic “living dead,” the impact of bonhoeffer is so vibrant that his life and thought engage, and are engaged by, many theologians in africa. bonhoeffer’s troublesome witness to christ and the concreteness of his theo-ethical themes, such as the cost of discipleship, the reality of christ, church as community for the other, the confession of guilt, and the struggle for human rights, justice, and freedom, are what impact theologians in their task of constructing theology for africa. many theologians invoke these essential themes in addressing the issues of indigenization of christianity, apartheid, human rights abuses, contextual ethics and developing a theology of the church as the community for the poor and the oppressed in africa. in doing so, bonhoeffer’s witness and theology have been and are still being used to challenge racism, apartheid, oppressive governments, ethnic violence and injustice in africa. bonhoeffer’s life and thought have not only produced de gruchy, a south african bonhoeffer scholar of international repute, but also have brought about radical social reformation in africa as a whole and south africa in particular. by and large, bonhoeffer’s life and theology have the power to transform life. whoever reads bonhoeffer’s witness theology without radicalizing his or her life and thinking has not really read bonhoeffer. hardly anyone engages bonhoeffer’s life and thought and remains the same! this is what bonhoeffer is up to as a “living dead.” he impacts not just theological thinking and sociopolitical situations, but also lives in south africa and beyond. but it is not simply bonhoeffer as a living dead who continues to transform lives, but the living christ himself through bonhoeffer’s life and thought. 64 de gruchy, bonhoeffer and south africa, 39. 65 rakoczy, “witness of community life,” 61-62. introduction the reception and interpretation of bonhoeffer bonhoeffer’s impact on social transformation the whys and wherefores of bonhoeffer’s impact conclusion global south theological journal 3, no. 2 (2024): 13 “love your neighbor” as a missionary method in james’ epistle phyllis d. johnson (columbia internation university, columbia, sc, usa) abstract: phyllis d. johnson's article, "love your neighbor” as a missionary method in james’ epistle, delves into the missional theology embedded in the book of james, particularly chapter 2. johnson argues that a deeper hermeneutic reveals james’ emphasis on the royal law: "love your neighbor as yourself," derived from leviticus 19:18 and reinforced by jesus. this principle serves as a moral and ethical guide for believers, urging practical expressions of faith through compassionate actions. the article explores the broader biblical context of "neighbor," extending beyond cultural and national boundaries. johnson posits that james’ epistle calls the church to function as a missionary outpost, advocating for social justice and care for the marginalized. by integrating faith and works, james emphasizes the importance of living out kingdom principles, thereby fulfilling the great commission and reflecting god's love to all humanity. the book of james has often been referred to by many theologians and scholars as a book of wisdom which serves as a guidepost for practical application in the life of the believer and in the community of faith that is the church. moreover, it highlights the transformative witness of believers to manifest their salvation in practical ways, which leads to true wisdom and calls for action that is seen both in and outside of the church. however, when considering a missional motif in james, many theologians argue that this epistle has little to say on the matter of missions.1 in their book, salvation to the ends of the earth: a biblical theology of mission, andreas köstenberger and desmond alexander contend that this missional oversight is due to the fact that james does not highlight a direct missional implication or command.2 moreover, one may also argue that a cursory reading of james neglects or obfuscates a missional hermeneutic completely. in this article, i will argue that a superficial examination of the writings of james fails to acknowledge the presence of a missional theology and that a correct hermeneutic of the book of james, particularly chapter 2, provides a missional perspective and a deeper understanding of missional theology and its implications for the church’s role. in addition, the epistle of james extends an invitation to the church to operate as a missionary outpost within a society that deviates from the patterns and customs associated with the missio dei,3 particularly the role of social and missional engagement of one’s neighbor. this article will explore and examine particular passages of scripture both in the old and new testaments which serve to shape the patterns by which we configure the world and how we should live in it with one another. james’s metanarrative becomes mission critical to the metanarrative of the bible, which revolves around god’s intersection with humanity to bring about redemption and restoration for his own glory. this narratological story can be witnessed in each book of the bible from genesis to revelation. god’s self-revelation and his ultimate plan for humanity is for humankind to be reconciled to him and one another (2 cor 5:19). 1 donald senior and carrol stuhlmueller, the biblical foundations for missions (maryknoll: orbis books, 1983), 309. 2 andreas j. köstenberger and t. desmond alexander, salvation to the ends of the earth: a biblical theology of missions (downers grove: intervarsity press, 2020), 132. 3joel green, “reading james missionally,” in reading the bible missionally, edited by michael w. goheen (grand rapids: eerdmans, 2016), 212. johnson, “love your neighbor” global south theological journal 3, no. 2 (2024): 14 transformation encountered as a result of god’s mission is summed up in leviticus 19:18, which serves as a précis for james’ kingdom instruction or royal law: “love your neighbor as yourself” (jas 2:8).4 i contend that a missional ecclesiology provides moral and ethical guidelines in the life of the believer which are imperative to demonstrate kingdom principles to others and to be carried out in the great commission (mt 28:19–20), as well as in james.5 the nature of the royal law is love the first step in this discussion is to build a strong base by giving a clear explanation of what is often referred to as “the royal law.” what is the “royal law”? upon initial conception of this statement, many would immediately refer to jesus’ conversation with a legal scholar who endeavored to examine jesus’ knowledge by asking him to articulate the preeminent commandment inside the mosaic law.6 jesus succinctly summarized the whole rule bestowed to moses by god in a single profound declaration: “you shall love the lord your god with all your heart, with all your soul, and with all your mind. this is the first and great commandment. and the second is like it: ‘you shall love your neighbor as yourself.’ on these two commandments hang all the law and the prophets” (mt 22:37–40). jesus was quoting the royal law. a historical overview of the book of leviticus reveals the instructions given by god to the nation of israel in leviticus 19, including not just a call for holiness but also guidelines for ethical behavior. this chapter offers guidance to the israelites on the proper comprehension of worship, economic regulations, and social statutes, with the ultimate aim of attaining holiness in the eyes of god. furthermore, in early judaism, the command to “love god with your whole heart” is also found in the shema, a central affirmation of the jewish faith found in deuteronomy 6:5. this directive emphasizes a holistic and devoted love for god, encompassing the entirety of one’s being—heart, soul, and strength. it serves as a foundational principle for ethical living and spiritual devotion in judaism.7 as a result, leviticus 19 is regarded as an important passage in the religious traditions of both jews and christians. both of these communities place a significant emphasis on holiness, as well as the love of god and of one’s fellow man as a central value in their lives. the mandate to love, which is stressed in both the old testament and the new testament, lies at the heart of both the decalogue and leviticus 19, as well as the teachings that jesus imparted to his disciples.8 early judaism what is this love that is at the central focus of these commandments? the meaning of love in hebrew is deeply rooted in the concept of “ahavah.” in both early judaism and christianity, love is a central theme that encompasses a range of sentiments, including affection, loyalty, and commitment. the understanding of love is multifaceted and plays a crucial role in shaping ethical and moral frameworks within these religious traditions. “ahavah,” goes beyond mere emotional attachment and includes a strong element of commitment and action. love is often expressed through deeds and behaviors that demonstrate loyalty, kindness, and care. the old testament, or tanakh, contains numerous references to love, illustrating its significance in the hebrew bible. in both judaism and christianity, the command to love god wholly emphasizes the primacy of a devoted and sincere relationship with god. moreover, it implies a commitment that extends beyond superficial feelings, involving a deep and abiding loyalty to god. the 4green, “reading james,” 207. 5 darrell l. gruder, missional church: a vision for sending of the church in north america (grand rapids: eerdmans, 1998), 12. 6 john f. walvoord and roy b. zuck, leviticus, the bible knowledge commentary: old testament (colorado springs: david c. cook publishing, 1984). 7 erhard s. gerstenberger, leviticus: a commentary (kentucky: john knox, 1996), 18. johnson, “love your neighbor” global south theological journal 3, no. 2 (2024): 15 command to love one’s neighbor furthermore emphasizes the importance of compassionate and just treatment of others which encourages believers to express their love for god through actions directed toward their fellow human beings who are their neighbors. christianity likewise, christianity builds upon the hebrew understanding of love, incorporating the teachings of jesus christ. the new testament further emphasizes the importance of love, portraying it as a transformative and redemptive force. in christianity, the command to "love your neighbor as yourself" is central and is derived from passages like matthew 22:39. additionally, this love reiterates the prohibition against engaging in acts of theft, falsehood, and perjury. it also forbids any form of oppressive behavior towards individuals who are economically disadvantaged, as well as those who are visually or audibly impaired. furthermore, it emphasizes the importance of treating all individuals with fairness and impartiality. lastly, it highlights the significance of employing rationality and compassion rather than harboring feelings of animosity or seeking revenge.9 the challenges that christianity face lie squarely in the face of a western context of love. in a western context, the term “love” has undergone diverse interpretations and applications, both within theological and psychological frameworks. the understanding of love in modern western culture is often influenced by a variety of factors, including secularization, individualism, and the evolving nature of relationships. the use of the term has expanded to encompass a broad spectrum of meanings, ranging from romantic and familial love to self-love and platonic affection. more specifically, in contemporary western culture, there has been a shift toward more secular and individualistic views of love. the emphasis on personal happiness and fulfillment sometimes takes precedence over traditional religious or moral frameworks. some modern theologians grapple with the tension between traditional religious views of love and the evolving cultural understanding. theologians such as paul tillich, for example, explore the intersection of existential concerns and religious concepts of love. tillich argues in his book titled power, love and justice, how love is a powerful force that addresses fundamental human concerns and needs.10 moreover, it must be noted that oftentimes the modern understanding of love in western contexts sometimes diverges from biblical teachings, particularly when it comes to concepts like self-love and the emphasis on individual happiness. traditional biblical impetus often underscores sacrificial, selfless love and emphasizes the primacy of love for god and others. the directive to show love for one’s neighbor in a way that is similar to how one loves oneself is unmistakable, despite the fact that it is sometimes misconstrued. this phrase does not imply that having self-love is a required prerequisite for being able to love other people; rather, it simply states that having self-love is desirable. this statement proposes that people should attach the same level of significance to the well-being and worries of others as they do to their own self-care and personal problems. in addition, the passage taken from ephesians 5:29 suggests that people have a natural tendency to love themselves, which is another implication of the passage. one school of thought contends that people do not have ill will against their own material existence, but, rather, they enthusiastically support and nurture it in their lives. in the biblical passage found in 2 tim. 3:1–7, the apostle paul delivers a warning about the “last days” during which humanity would be self-serving and self-centered. this warning is one of stiff consequences and should not be taken lightly. the task at hand is to convey to other people the same level of warmth and affection that we feel for ourselves, as much as is humanly possible.11 therefore, the royal law holds great importance in the diverse landscape of judaism, representing a sacred covenant based on love that is deeply ingrained in 9 john piper, love your enemies (grand rapids: baker, 1989), 10. 10 paul tillich, power, love and justice: ontological analyses and ethical application (oxford: oxford university press, 1954), 3–4. 11 ibid. johnson, “love your neighbor” global south theological journal 3, no. 2 (2024): 16 the intricate relationship between israel and god. as per samuel escobar, such nurturing love from god to israel and for fellow beings can act as a driving force for transformative missionary work, helping to bridge cultural differences and promote holistic communities.12 additionally, musa dube asserts that israel’s covenant with god involves a responsibility to all peoples. 13 as we navigate the theological terrain influenced by a variety of perspectives, the royal law persists as a perennial summons for israel, and by extension, for the worldwide assembly of faithful individuals, to manifest covenantal love in their interpersonal connections, moral behavior, and missionary endeavors. the “neighbor” in the royal law as stated previously, the bible contains many iterations of the royal law, generally referred to as the mandate to “love your neighbor as yourself.” now that we have addressed love in its narratological context, let us address the question, who is my “neighbor?” the term “neighbor” in the old testament has seen its share of various interpretations within the context of cultural, theological, and exegetical lenses. the emphasis on this passage’s significance is further underscored by the use of this verse by both jesus and paul as a succinct portrayal of the moral duty that humans have towards their fellow human beings (mt 22:39–40, rom 13:9). unfortunately, a significant portion of individuals belonging to the ancient jewish community maintained a narrow understanding of the word “neighbor,” confining its scope only to those they were familiar with and those who shared their nationality. in luke 6:27, jesus imparts a command for humanity to exhibit compassion toward their foes. moreover, in luke 10:25-37, jesus conveys the concept that an individual's neighbor ought to be seen as one in need of aid, irrespective of the prevailing perception of them as an adversary.14 theologians have often argued for different interpretations of leviticus 19:18 due to inadequate linkage to its context vv. 11–18b.15 contrary to that position, in this section i will argue that the concept of “neighbor” is more directly connected to israel’s covenant with god, the israeli community, and the world. this brings together a missiological ideology found throughout the bible. from gensis to revelation, god is working to create a community of redeemed people from every tribe, tongue, and nation for his own glory. this writer has chosen to lean heavily on the work of rolf jacobson in “the old testament and the neighbor” to elucidate the term neighbor which explores various old testament passages found in the book of psalms and the prophets. further shining light on the usage of the term “neighbor.”16 when one examines james 2 in further detail, one discovers that the word “neighbor” occurs at least five times between verses 13 and 18. other phrases, such as “one another,” “your people,” “brother,” and “sons of your own people,” are also employed as synonyms for “neighbor,” which serves to emphasize the deep care for interpersonal connections within the community.17 moreover, this brief recitation of rules governing interpersonal relations is summarized in verse 18. “you shall love your neighbor as yourself.” love, then is not an empty command, but rather a command to act a specific way toward one’s neighbor.18 12 samuel. escobar, the new global mission: the gospel from everywhere to everyone (downers grove: intervarsity press, 2003), 155. 13 musa w. dube, postcolonial feminist interpretation of the bible (st. louis: chalice press, (2003), 96. 14 calum m. carmichael, the laws of deuteronomy (ithaca: cornell university press, 1974), 17. 15 the author acknowledges various interpretation of “neighbor” and its uses in the old testament. see hroboň bohdan, “be useful to your neighbor who is like you’: exegesis and alternative translation of lev 19:18b.” communio viatorum 59, no.1 (2017): 5–24; https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=lsdar&an=atlaifzu171223002953&site=ehost-live&scope=site. 16 jacobson, “old testament,” in word & world 37, no. 1 (2017): 16–26. 17 carmicheal, laws, 10. 18 oscar s, brooks, “the function of the double love command in matthew 22:34–40,” andrews university seminary studies, vol. 36, no. 1 (1998): 7–22. johnson, “love your neighbor” global south theological journal 3, no. 2 (2024): 17 the question remains: who or what is re’a? the concept of concern for the neighbor (re’a), originated in the ten commandments and subsequently was extended to include the whole of the law, therefore permeating it with a divine sense of care for one’s fellow human beings. as previously observed, the concept of god's regard for the neighbor (re’a) is deeply ingrained into the primary text of biblical law, namely as found in leviticus chapters 17-26. the presence of the term re’a in leviticus 19:17–18 indicates that, in its original context, it denoted an individual belonging to the community of israel, namely a “neighbor from among one’s own people.” the word is used in conjunction with the phrase “anyone of your kin” (specifically ’akh, meaning “brother” in a literal sense). in verses 17–18, the english translation uses the term “neighbor” to render two distinct hebrew terms. the hebrew phrase “amit,” which is translated as “neighbor” in verse 17, is a relatively uncommon word. this verse states that one should not reprove their neighbor. the phrase in question refers to the collective designation of individuals belonging to one’s ethnic group of origin. hence, the presence of re’a alongside two designations for those belonging to one's own community seems to suggest that, initially, one was instructed to love fellow members of one's own people.19 consequently, the pentateuch contains a directive that encourages individuals to express love towards their neighbors, especially in cases when these neighbors exhibit enmity and hostility. this instruction may be seen within the exodus narrative, which emphasizes the need of safeguarding one another’s possessions. in the event that one encounters an ox or donkey belonging to an adversary that has strayed, it is incumbent upon them to retrieve and return such animal. according to exodus 23:4–5, individuals are advised to assist in freeing a donkey belonging to someone who harbors animosity against them, in the event that they come across the animal struggling under a load and are inclined to refrain from providing aid. this quick look at pentateuchal law sheds light on an essential component of the theology and ethics found in the old testament. the term “neighbor” as used throughout the pentateuchal law refers to anybody who is not a member of one’s own tribe, religion, or nation. god’s people are instructed to love them.20 furthermore, a cursory overview of the psalms and the prophets sheds more light on the meaning of the phrase when seen in the context of poetry and prophecy. it is highly recommended that one should read these texts through the lens of the torah to capture the meaning, identity and function of neighbor, which is quite similar in many respects to what is mandated and imagined in the law of the pentateuch. both israel's worship language and god’s messengers’ discourse examined israel’s neighbors' social and ethical bounds.21 the first book of psalms begins with a lyrical contemplation on the contrasting attributes of righteousness and wickedness. those who adhere to moral principles and exhibit virtuous behavior are deeply connected to the teachings and doctrines of god. on the other hand, those who engage in immoral actions lack such a connection. people who possess moral integrity trust god, while those who lack such integrity do not. the characterization of the wicked in both the psalms and prophets is revealed by their interactions with their neighbors. psalm 15:1–5 presents a comparative perspective that is both informative and prescriptive. it suggests that those who can remain in the presence of god demonstrate kindness and compassion towards their fellow human beings. furthermore, psalm 28 and psalm 101 also address ethical behavior towards others. in each of these instances, the one who engages in prayer or 19 jacobson, “old testament,” 19. 20 ernst simon, “the neighbor (re’a) who we shall love,” in modern jewish ethics: theory and practice (columbus: ohio state university press, 1975), 30–56. it is important to acknowledge that a jewish interpretation of the pentateuchal law has reached the conclusion that the testimony is ambiguous. in the jewish culture and tradition, the inquiry of “who is my neighbor?” is posed. ernst simon conducts a “semantic analysis” on the re’a. simon's analysis suggests that the biblical evidence lacks decisiveness. moreover, it also necessary to understand that simon has thoroughly examined the directive to love one's neighbor within the rabbinic tradition and in light of contemporary jewish diaspora circumstances. he concludes that only when we possess a profound understanding that our neighbor encompasses all individuals, and genuinely demonstrate reverence towards them similar to the love we have for ourselves, will god reveal himself as the god of israel. see54. 21 ibid., 21. johnson, “love your neighbor” global south theological journal 3, no. 2 (2024): 18 singing assumes the responsibility of addressing a theologically oriented ethical inquiry. the purpose of this contrast and the resulting tension it creates in the reader is to emphasize ethical inquiry. frequently, the supplications of individuals who are unwell or socially disadvantaged, as well as the psalms that address the concept of community, grapple with the predicament of neighbors who have chosen to distance themselves or even to exhibit hostility.22 according to the scriptures, the people of god are commanded to love their neighbors, and these neighbors are often portrayed as the most defenseless members of society, including the widow, the orphan, and the foreigner. it is expected that the limitations specified in the pentateuch will be upheld in the psalms and the prophets. the need to love our neighbor is both a moral obligation and a manifestation of righteousness. failure to exhibit love towards our neighbor signifies a deficiency in our moral character. according to the prophet jeremiah (jer 5:4), our failure to exhibit love towards our neighbors serves as an indication that we lack understanding of the way and law of god.23 as previously mentioned, the inclusion of an individual's relatives or fellow israelites is not a prerequisite for the classification of an individual as a neighbor. the concept of “neighbor” expanded beyond israel's physical boundaries. again, this care is voiced for three sorts of persons or groups who are much too frequently overlooked: the widow, the orphan, and the stranger (is 1:11–17) which is emphasized both in the psalms and the prophets. it was customary for prophets who wrote throughout the eighth century b.c. to express their disapproval of ritualistic worship practices, instead of emphasizing the importance of adhering to theological principles and ethical behavior. this sentiment is seen in several passages, such as hosea 6:6, amos 5:21–24, micah 6:6–8, and psalms 50:7–23. the central emphasis on an ethical framework characterized by love and inclusivity, as well as the responsibility to care for one's neighbor, has significant importance within the teachings of in ancient israel. the focal point is in the prophetic plea for the nation of israel to acquire knowledge on the manner in which god wants them to conduct their lives, and, subsequently, to maintain that way of living.24 missiological aspect of the royal law we now shift our focus to the fundamental missiological message in james. as previously stated, there is a tendency to neglect such a significant focus. it is noteworthy that james starts his epistle by directing it towards “the twelve tribes dispersed among the nations” (jas 1:1), indicating his intention to communicate with a jewish-christian audience residing outside of palestine. the speaker proceeds with his discourse by alluding to the old testament, specifically highlighting leviticus 19:18. james has a strong belief in the need to ensure that his audience is aware of the perpetual significance of the imperative to demonstrate love towards one’s fellow human beings. if one adheres to the principle of “loving one’s neighbor as oneself,” one might be considered to be acting in a commendable manner. the individual asserts that adhering to this principle is a significant indication of living a virtuous life and exemplifies genuine religious conviction, which james designates as the “supreme directive.” the author emphasizes the need of actively fulfilling the obligation to demonstrate love towards one’s fellow human beings as a fundamental element of an authentic expression of religious belief. while james does not explicitly mention the pharisees in his work, his teachings align with those of jesus, who emphasized the importance of fundamental components of the law, such as love and justice (mt 23:23). the message that jesus imparted about loving one's neighbor may most likely be found in the parable of the samaritan, which can be found in luke 10:25–37. the narrative demonstrates that the concept of neighbor goes beyond the confines of culture and religion, and that it entails love and compassion even in the face of sacrifice (jas 2:18). 22 ibid. 23 ibid., 24. 24 ibid., 25. johnson, “love your neighbor” global south theological journal 3, no. 2 (2024): 19 the expression “love your neighbor as yourself” is more than just a meaningless platitude; rather, it is a dynamic summons to empathy and constructive participation. it entails a realization of shared humanity, as well as the need to take into consideration the well-being of others in the same serious manner as one’s own. köstenberger contends that the definition of “neighbor” encompasses more than mere geographical closeness, placing an emphasis on the sense of shared identity and duty.25 this principle encourages people to go beyond their own interests in order to cultivate a society in which every member makes an active contribution to the health and happiness of their fellow members. in addition, this precept echoes a fundamental theological reality known as the imago dei, which is the notion that every single human being carries the image of god inside themselves. therefore, loving one's neighbor entails recognizing the divine spark that is inside every individual, reaffirming the interconnectivity of all people.26 the verse james 2:8, “if you really fulfill the royal law according to the scripture, ‘you shall love your neighbor as yourself, you are doing well,’” echoes the timeless ethical imperative articulated in levitus 19:18. james builds upon this foundational principle, emphasizing its practical application within the christian community and how it should be played out in the world.27 the ethical concord between faith and active love is further emphasized by james’ juxtaposition of faith and deeds. true religion, he argues, is shown in actions, especially those motivated by compassion for one’s neighbor. the missiological component of religion is concretely shown in acts of mercy, justice, and compassion, rather than in an intangible idea which reveals congruency and continuity of ethical teaching that promotes a missiological thread from the old to the new testament.28 conclusion the epistle of james introduced a missionary technique that emphasizes the significance of a faith that is shown through actual actions. the manifestation of faith is in the daily lives of those who adhere to a certain religious or spiritual belief system. faith is not only a matter of affirming a set of beliefs, but rather a powerful catalyst for change that needs to be shown expressively through concrete deeds, such as displaying compassion towards those who are marginalized and powerless. james emphasizes the need of social justice and fairness within the christian community. he offers a critical analysis of favoritism and prejudice, advocating for a communal framework that embodies the principles of divine love via equitable and empathetic engagements. furthermore, james demonstrates a strong connection between the missiological subject and his concern for those who are impoverished and oppressed. the epistle presents a call to action for those who have religious beliefs to actively demonstrate compassion towards people who are in disadvantaged circumstances. this call to action is rooted in a complete understanding of the concept of mission, which encompasses both the act of spreading religious teachings and engaging in social initiatives. james argues for the amalgamation of faith and works, emphasizing the notion that genuine faith is manifested via tangible actions.29 this aligns with a missiological perspective that sees mission as including not just the act of proclaiming, but also engaging comprehensively with the needs of all people and communities. similarly, the missiological framework of james may be seen via emphasizing the significance of ethical conduct as a potent means of bearing testimony. christians are tasked with the responsibility of serving as representatives of christ by means of their behavior, and in doing so, aiding in the purpose of exemplifying god's attributes throughout the global community. in essence, james emphasizes the need for the community of faith to demonstrate resilience when faced with 25 andreas köstenberger, a theology of john’s gospel and letter (grand rapids: eerdmans, 2013), 23. 26 gordon j. wenham, the book of leviticus, the new international commentary on the old testament (grand rapids:eerdmans, 1979), 202. 27 glenn e. schaefer, love your neighbor as yourself, baker theological dictionary of the bible (grand rapids:baker books, 1996), 494-95. 28 douglas j. moo, the letter of james, pillar new testament commentary (grand rapids: eerdmans, 2000), 123. 29 ibid., 125 johnson, “love your neighbor” global south theological journal 3, no. 2 (2024): 20 challenges and barriers in their pursuit of the missio dei. he sees hardships as occasions that foster spiritual growth and the concept of resilience and significance within a missiological framework. it appears that james does not present a clear concise methodical approach to missions. but the practical and ethical aspects of his letter provide an integrated faith and works approach, with concern for the vulnerable that reaches out to those who are lost, hopeless and in need of the good news. in the backdrop of a global society that is becoming more diverse, our continued demonstration of love for our fellow humans is a response to the divine call for us preach the good news to all, thus carrying the mission mandate to the entire world. it is possible for people to learn that the god they worship is not only present in the kind acts they do for their neighbors, but also that god joyfully expects them to be present and participate in the missiological call for believers to reach out with the love of god to their neighbors whenever and wherever they are found. bibliography bohdan, hroboň. “be useful to your neighbor who is like you: exegesis and alternative translation of lev 19:18b.” communio viatorum 59, no.1 (2017): 5–24. brooks, oscar s. “the function of the double love command in matthew 22:34–40,” andrews university seminary studies 36, no. 1 (1998): 7–22. carmichael, calum m. the laws of deuteronomy. ithaca: cornell university press, 1974. dillard, raymond b. and tremper longman, iii. an introduction to the old testament. grand rapids: zondervan, 1994. dube, musa w. postcolonial feminist interpretation of the bible. st. louis: chalice, press, 2003. escobar, samuel. the new global mission: the gospel from everywhere to everyone. downers grove: intervarsity press, 2003. goheen, michael w. reading the bible missionally. grand rapids: eerdmans, 2016. green, joel. “reading james missionally,” in reading the bible missionally, edited by michael w. goheen, 194–196. grand rapids: eerdmans, 2006. gruder, darrell l. missional church: a vision for sending of the church in north america. grand rapids: eerdmans, 1998. jacobson, rolf a, and karl n jacobson. “the old testament and the neighbor.” word & world 37, no. 1 (2017): 16–26. köstenberger, andreas j. a theology of john’s gospel and letter. grand rapids: eerdmans, 2013. köstenberger, andreas j., and t. desmond alexander. salvation to the ends of the earth: a biblical theology of missions. downers grove: ivp academic, 2020. levenson, jon d. the love of god: divine gift, human gratitude, and mutual faithfulness in judaism. princeton: princeton university press, 2016. lindsey, f. duane. leviticus. in the bible knowledge commentary: old testament, ed. john f. walvoord and roy b. zuck. colorado: david c. cook, 1985. moo, douglas j. the letter of james. in pillar new testament commentary. grand rapids: eerdmans, 2000. piper, john. love your enemies. grand rapids: baker, 1989. the nature of the royal law is love early judaism christianity the “neighbor” in the royal law missiological aspect of the royal law conclusion bibliography global south theological journal 3, no. 1 (2024): 13 the theology of the cross david lumpp emeritus, concordia university, saint paul, minnesota, usa abstract: a more specifically lutheran assessment of the prosperity gospels arising from a biblical study of discipleship can be summarized by the categories of martin luther's theology of the cross, which was first articulated by the reformer in the 1518 heidelberg disputation. a theology of the cross seeks to understand christian theology and life from the perspective of jesus christ's incarnation, ministry, self-sacrificial death, and his resurrection for sinners. in this sense, luther's specific categories (i.e, the centrality of christology; his distinctions between two kinds of righteousness, and law and gospel; a theology of the cross rather than a theology of glory; an insistent focus on the "revealed" rather than the "hidden" god; and the place of human suffering) together accent the death and resurrection of jesus as the source, substance, and shape of cruciform christian existence. introduction and background as i noted briefly in the overall introduction to all three presentations, classical lutheran theology does have a context within which to consider the most prominent themes of christian discipleship, especially as they pertain to bearing one’s cross and suffering as a follower of jesus christ. that context is routinely called “the theology of the cross,” and its historical springboard (if not its ultimate antecedents) goes back to a regularly scheduled meeting of martin luther’s fellow augustinian monks in heidelberg, germany, in april of 1518. a common feature of those meetings was a public theological “disputation,” at which participants would discuss a set of theses prepared by one of their teachers. in 1518, the crafting of these particular theses was the responsibility of luther himself, who had become famous (or notorious, depending on one’s perspective) with the posting and mass circulation of the “95 theses” the previous autumn. history has come to know the theses luther prepared for this 1518 meeting of his monastic order as the heidelberg disputation.1 simply described, the heidelberg disputation consists of 28 theological theses and 12 philosophical theses, followed by short explanatory “proofs” (for the theological theses). the theological theses are our principal concern this afternoon. for purposes of our more focused topics, i will call your attention to 11 of the theological theses, following luther’s own numbering thereof. together, they offer both expressions of—and a coherent, mutually reinforcing picture of—luther’s theology of the cross insofar as it addresses the topics of our three presentations. the most pertinent theses are as follows: 1. the law of god, the most salutary doctrine of life, cannot advance man on his way to righteousness, but rather hinders him. 18. it is certain that man must utterly despair of his own ability before he is prepared to receive the grace of christ. 19. that person does not deserve to be called a theologian who looks upon the invisible things of god as though they were clearly perceptible in those things which have actually happened [rom. 1:20]. 1 for more detailed background of the larger context of the heidelberg disputation, connecting it to both the other events of these years and to rome’s disciplinary measures against luther, see the first volume of the magisterial biography by martin brecht, martin luther: his road to reformation 1483–1521, trans. james l. schaaf (minneapolis: fortress, 1985 [german 1981]), pp. 215-216, 231-235. lumpp, “theology of the cross” global south theological journal 3, no. 1 (2024): 14 20. he deserves to be called a theologian, however, who comprehends the visible and manifest things of god seen through suffering and the cross. 21. a theologian of glory calls evil good and good evil. a theologian of the cross calls the thing what it actually is. 22. that wisdom which sees the invisible things of god in works as perceived by man is completely puffed up, blinded, and hardened. 23. the law brings the wrath of god, kills, reviles, accuses, judges, and condemns everything that is not in christ [rom. 4:15]. 24. yet that wisdom is not of itself evil, nor is the law to be evaded; but without the theology of the cross man misuses the best in the worst manner. 25. he is not righteous who does much, but he who, without work, believes much in christ. 26. the law says, `do this,’ and it is never done. grace says, `believe in this,’ and everything is already done. 28. the love of god does not find, but creates, that which is pleasing to it. the love of man comes into being through that which is pleasing to it.2 several of these theses are famous as almost “stand alone” statements of martin luther, by which i mean that they are often quoted by themselves as capsule summaries of luther’s thinking on a particular topic. while the above represents a selection, i have shared with you the sequence and context within which they were first spoken. these 11 theses, read together, provide a sense for how luther’s thought progresses and hangs together. toward a working description of the theology of the cross at one level, luther’s materials as presented and discussed at heidelberg were a success. his theses and their brief explanatory expositions were such that he won new and important friends. but, interestingly, the materials of the heidelberg disputation were seldom reprinted thereafter (unlike the “ninety-five theses,” which were disseminated to a mass audience); and the vocabulary of the theses themselves, so regularly cited today, seemed to have had little impact on luther’s own contemporaries.3 here we are confronted with an interesting historical phenomenon: for many modern and contemporary theologians, the theology of the cross is one of luther’s enduring and oft-cited categories; however, luther himself rarely if ever used the expression again. moreover, while the language was well known to european students of luther, it did not become a common descriptive designation in the english-speaking world before the translation of walther von loewenich’s book, luther’s theology of the cross, was published in north america in 1976.4 thereafter, it became more common to claim that the theology of the cross, while explicitly used only fleetingly by luther himself in 1518, nonetheless can claimed as a summary of his entire theology from his earliest lectures on the psalms right up to his last published sermon in 1546.5 there is one more complicating factor to consider, and this one is textual. if one looks back at luther’s theological theses themselves, he or she will observe that luther never actually defines what the theology of the cross is in so many words. he holds up the attributes of a true, “deserving” theologian (in theses 19 and 20); and he notes the kinds of things a theologian of the cross and a theologian of glory will say 2 these theses are taken from the heidelberg disputation of 1518, as found in career of the reformer i, which in turn is volume 31 of the american edition of luther’s works; with the theses translated and edited by harold j. grimm (philadelphia: fortress press, 1957), pp. 39-41. this volume is cited as lw 31. also, the various heidelberg theses are referred to throughout these next two presentations and always come from these same pages; therefore, they will be identified immediately in the body of the text itself. 3 this observation was made by timothy j. wengert, in a plenary session at the international congress for luther research, on july 31, 2017. 4 the book was translated by herbert j. a. bouman, and it was published by augsburg publishing house in minneapolis, minnesota. von loewenich’s book was first published in german in 1929. 5 see, for example, von loewenich, pp. 12-13. lumpp, “theology of the cross” global south theological journal 3, no. 1 (2024): 15 and do (in theses 20, 21, and 24). but he stops short of providing actual definitions. many of luther’s interpreters have been much less hesitant. this means that one can find working definitions of the theology of the cross that have a more—or sometimes less—direct connection to the primary source texts themselves.6 also, because luther rarely if ever used the expression itself after 1518, there are fewer direct textual “controls” available as one attempts his or her own definition.7 the fact that (a) luther himself seems not of have used the expression after 1518, and (b) even in 1518 he did not define the “theology of the cross” in so many words, means that interpreters of luther have to be cautious and perhaps even tentative as they suggest or venture their own definitions. equally important, their unfolding of the implications of the theology of the cross ought to be textually supportable from luther himself, even if he did not subsequently unfold his theology with direct reference to this specific vocabulary. can one use “theology of the cross” as a summary, integrative designation? yes, i think so. having said that, i am making a plea here for honesty, humility, and caution in one’s use of luther’s primary source materials. with that prolegomenon in place, on the basis of the heidelberg disputation and a broader consideration of martin luther’s writings, i would offer the following description8 of luther’s theology of the cross: a theologian of the cross seeks to orient all of his or her theology—indeed, finally, to understand everything—from the perspective of jesus christ’s incarnation, his ministry, his selfsacrificial death, and his resurrection for sinners. in this sense, the crucifixion and resurrection of jesus is the source, substance, and shape of christian existence.9 in other words, quite literally, christian 6 it may be worth stating at the outset that in this presentation i am following luther himself in understanding the cross to refer to the historical crucifixion of jesus of nazareth, who was and ever remains the son of the living god. in other words, what i am offering is not an abstract or generic discussion about the difficulties or even tragedies of contemporary human life, with the cross as some sort of academic cipher. nor will i venture into the more modern “god suffers with us” territory. to that controverted point, i will only say that the task of dealing with and conquering sin requires a savior and not only or primarily a sympathetic companion. 7 along with the heidelberg disputation, scholars will suggest different primary works that most illumine the theology of the cross as such. routinely, these include luther’s lectures on the psalms, especially those delivered from 1519 through 1521; his interpretation of mary’s magnificat; and sometimes also the bondage of the will. also, according to james arne nestingen, who was a splendid luther scholar, luther had planned to include a special section on the theology of the cross when he wrote the small catechism. however, when luther actually worked on the catechism, he found the theology of the cross unfolded so clearly in the lord’s prayer that the discrete section was no longer necessary. see nestingen, “the theology of the cross in the lord’s prayer,” in luther’s large catechism with annotations and contemporary applications, ed. john t. pless and larry m. vogel (st. louis: concordia, 2022), pp. 516-521. 8 again, please note, i am stopping short of a definition, because descriptions are easier to defend textually. also, since luther obviously held no “ownership” over the phrase itself, more modern theologians are free to unfold their own versions of the theology of the cross with greater or lesser attention—not to mention adherence—to the primary texts of luther himself. this observation is not intended as an indictment of anyone’s work, which may in fact be quite useful. it is simply a recognition that there are many “theologies” of the cross on offer, and their fidelity to luther himself will have to be individually assessed. the exposition offered in this presentation attempts to be grounded in the reformer’s own writings and in the categories and themes derived from them. 9 note well that this is not an exercise of pitting the crucifixion and resurrection against each other. on this point, the counsel of gerhard o. forde is indispensable: “the word `cross’ here . . . is, of course, shorthand for the entire narrative of the crucified and risen jesus. as such it includes the ot preparation (many of the foundational passages for the theology of the cross come from the ot!), the crucifixion and resurrection of jesus, and his exaltation. it is important to include resurrection and exaltation because there is considerable confusion abroad about their place in a theology of the cross. it is often claimed, for instance, that a theology of glory is a theology of resurrection while a theology of the cross is `only’ concerned with crucifixion. nothing could be further from the truth. as a matter of fact, a theology of the cross is impossible without resurrection. it is impossible to plumb the depths of the crucifixion without the resurrection.” see forde, on being a theologian of the cross: reflections on luther’s heidelberg disputation, 1518 (grand rapids, mi: eerdmans, 1997), p. 1, note 1 (emphasis forde’s). lumpp, “theology of the cross” global south theological journal 3, no. 1 (2024): 16 existence is “cruciform.”10 from this description, i will accent those features of the theology of the cross that have the most direct bearing on the overall topics of these three lectures.11 theology of the cross and the centrality of the person and work of jesus christ first, whatever else it might mean, any theology of the cross worthy of the name will insist that the core assertions of theology will always begin with and ever return to the person and work of jesus christ. in terms of theology proper, one cannot finally say anything adequate about god without talking about this jesus christ as he is proclaimed in the word of god. to state this in other words, genuine theology will always be “soteriology,” that is, it will always be concerned with the saving, promissory benefits of jesus as they are imparted to sinners by the spoken gospel and by baptism and the lord’s supper. if we use language closer to that of the heidelberg disputation, this means that saving knowledge of god is not to be found in a consideration of god’s attributes in any abstract sense, however accurate one’s formulation of such attributes might be. instead, saving knowledge of god—that is, the knowledge of god that one can “use,” in the best sense of the word, when confronted with his or her own “terrors of conscience”—is to be found where god seems to be least powerful, namely, on the cross of his son. note well what luther insists is actually going on when the son of god was crucified. luther’s own “atonement theology” is so rich precisely because he draws upon the breadth of the new testament’s own vocabulary in considering the meaning and the implications of the events of good friday and easter. luther’s arguably most characteristic soteriological move is to exploit (in the best sense) passages such as 2 corinthians 5:21 and galatians 3:13 to talk about what he called a “happy exchange” (in german, fröhliche wechsel), wherein jesus christ assumes human sin and all of its consequences in himself; and, in “exchange,” the gospel word of god bestows christ’s righteousness upon sinners who trust this promise.12 theology of the cross and the distinction between “two kinds of righteousness”13 by referring just now to the bestowal of christ’s righteousness to sinners, we have brought into consideration another one of many all-important distinctions in luther’s expression of his theology. this 10 while his materials are infrequently cited explicitly here, no one has influenced my own thinking on the theology of the cross more than robert kolb, who has published extensively on the topic in both academic and popular settings. for two representative pieces, see “`nothing but christ crucified’: the autobiography of a cross-cultural communicator,” in the theology of the cross for the 21st century: signposts for a multicultural witness, ed. alberto l. garcia and a. r. victor raj (st. louis: concordia, 2002), pp. 37-53; and “luther’s theology of the cross for the twenty-first century: deus revelatus, homo revelatus,” a 2002 article from lutheran quarterly, which has been reprinted in robert kolb, luther’s way of thinking: introductory essays (trivandrum, india: luther academy india, 2006), pp. 38-62. for an essay particularly relevant to the initial audience of these presentations, see also eshetu abate, “the theology of the cross in the african context,” in the concordia volume edited by garcia and raj, pp. 121-137 (of which i found pp. 123-125, 130-131, and 134 particularly helpful). 11 if i might be pardoned a parochial reference, the website of my own denomination (the lutheran church–missouri synod) offers the following working definition in its “frequently asked questions” section: “the `theology of the cross, as this phrase is used in lutheran circles, usually refers to martin luther’s insight that god reveals himself most clearly, graciously, and `gloriously’ not through obvious outward `blessings’ or `spiritual experiences’ or the `wisdom’ of human reason (this is how a `theology of glory’ seeks after god), but in the `hiddenness’ and lowliness of the cross and sufferings—first and foremost, through the cross of jesus christ (1 cor. 1:18-25), and then also through our identification with christ’s cross through faith (gal. 2:20) and through our sharing in his sufferings as cross-bearers for him.” when printed, this definition was dated march 3, 2003. these “frequently asked questions” on the synodical website had earlier appeared without attribution in the lutheran witness, the lcms monthly magazine. given the 2003 date, this paragraph was very likely written by jerald joersz, a fine exegetical and pastoral theologian. as an accessible and short summary, this is as good as one might hope to find. 12 other relevant passages here are isaiah 53:6 and romans 6:3-11. 13 interested readers might consult the essays in robert kolb, ed., the alien + the proper: luther’s two-fold righteousness in controversy, ministry, and citizenship (irvine, ca: 1517 publishing, 2023). in the initial essay in this volume, i offer a historical introduction to luther’s use of the “two kinds of righteousness.” lumpp, “theology of the cross” global south theological journal 3, no. 1 (2024): 17 particular distinction is the one luther makes between two kinds of righteousness, and fortunately for students this one is better defined in the primary sources. in his lectures on galatians, first delivered in 1531 and published in 1535, luther called this distinction between two kinds of righteousness “our theology.” in terms of what this distinction entails, i will let him speak for himself: this is our theology, by which we teach a precise distinction between these two kinds of righteousness, the active and the passive, so that morality and faith, works and grace, secular society and religion may not be confused. both are necessary, but both must be kept within their limits. christian righteousness applies to the new man, and the righteousness of the law applies to the old man, who is born of flesh and blood.14 the “passive righteousness” of which luther speaks is always the gift of christ’s righteousness, which the christian enjoys as he or she trusts god’s promises. in simple terms, passive righteousness is always gospel. it comes from god to sinners who can lay no rightful claim to it. in this dimension, no human works ever avail before god; rather, god’s promises as brought to fulfillment in jesus establish and determine the relationship. this gospel pronounces righteous (hence, its “forensic” character); and at the same time it recreates, restores, and empowers. likewise, in its most basic sense, “active righteousness” is the righteousness of human performance. properly exercised—that is, as empowered by god’s mercy given in jesus—it expresses itself through acts of love in service to one’s neighbor.15 its most direct biblical antecedent is paul’s reference to “faith working through love” in galatians 5:6. one will recognize immediately that this distinction between passive and active righteousness (and i always try to speak of these two in that order, because the latter properly arises out of the former)16 is intimately related to luther’s more celebrated distinction between law and gospel. in fact, the two distinctions are interdependent; but they are not, strictly speaking, identical.17 they are related as well to the more immediate topic of today’s presentation, the theology of the cross, where in thesis 25 of the heidelberg disputation luther previewed his distinctions between law and gospel and the two kinds of righteousness: “he is not righteous who does much, but he who, without work, believes much in christ.” jesus as “mirror of the father’s heart,” contra all theologies of glory thesis 25 signals the transition to the next main feature of the theology of the cross, namely, that the work of jesus christ and the redemptive character of his life, death, and resurrection are declared solely in the word of god and are apprehended (i.e., made one’s own by the sovereign work of the holy spirit) through faith alone. if one aspires to know the disposition of god and relate properly to god—that is, with fear, love, and trust and not in obstinate rebellion—luther instructs people to look exclusively to 14 this quote is taken from an essay at the beginning of these lectures, “the argument of st. paul’s epistle to the galatians,” in lectures on galatians 1535, chapters 1—4, translated and edited by jaroslav pelikan, volume 26 of the american edition of luther’s works (st. louis: concordia, 1963), p. 7. in slightly more than eight pages (in the english translation), the “argument” essay may be the single best and tightest presentation of martin luther’s mature theology from his own hand. this volume will hereafter be identified as lw 26. 15 an “improper” (which is my adjective and not luther’s) exercise of active righteousness would take place when one aspires to use that active righteousness as contributing to—in any degree—his or her relationship to god. in order to illustrate and underscore this point, in many writings robert kolb has situated passive righteousness on the vertical plane of human existence (i.e., the god to human creature dimension, in which the sinful human creature is the one “given to”); and he has situated active righteousness on the horizontal plane (i.e., the dimension in which the redeemed human creature performs acts of loving service for the benefit of the neighbor). also, it is in this latter context that luther’s theology of christian vocation comes to appropriate expression, which has been aptly encapsulated by my colleague richard carter as “free in christ, for service to one’s neighbor.” carter’s summary distinguishes nicely between these vertical and horizontal dimensions. 16 conversely, the theological problems arise when the order is reversed, or, restated more theologically, when one’s own acting precedes one’s having been “given to” by god in jesus christ. 17 similarly, luther’s distinction between “two governments” (or “two kingdoms”) presupposes and is a corollary of these distinctions between law and gospel and the two kinds of righteousness. however, the concept and workings of the “two governments” exceed the scope of this presentation. also, it should be acknowledged that kolb’s deceptively simple vertical / horizontal distinction can be applied similarly and helpfully to other dimensions of christian existence in a fallen and broken world. lumpp, “theology of the cross” global south theological journal 3, no. 1 (2024): 18 jesus christ, whom he describes in the large catechism as a “mirror of the father’s heart” (large catechism ii, 45).18 this jesus of new testament revelation is always “christ crucified” (see 1 corinthians 1:23; 2:2), the message of which the apostle paul declared already in the first century was “a stumbling block to jews and folly to gentiles” (1 corinthians 1:23). in both the 16th and 21st centuries, “christ crucified” is also a stumbling block and folly to theologians of glory. luther does not exactly define “theology of glory” either, but he does offer some suggestions. for our purposes, and given our overall topics, i would tentatively describe a theologian of glory as one who seeks and looks for something—whether it is a privileged spiritual experience or an empirical “result” of one’s active righteousness—other than the historical cross and resurrection of jesus as the source and hope of christian existence. on such a flawed reading of the biblical record, some of which we will explore in tomorrow’s presentation, the proclamation of jesus christ crucified and risen to atone for the sins of humanity must produce such quantifiable consequences, or it will be regarded as deficient. it may be true as far as it goes, perhaps, but deficient nonetheless. from this logic it follows inexorably that god’s justification of the ungodly is similarly inadequate, and the forgiveness of sins is at least implicitly considered insufficient.19 the “hidden god” and the “revealed god” this consideration of a theology of glory in contradistinction to the theology of the cross introduces yet another vitally important and related distinction. luther spoke about the “hidden god” (the deus absconditus) and the “revealed god” (the deus revelatus). martin luther spent much of his classroom time teaching the old testament, and he appropriated the concept of the hidden god from such texts as isaiah 45:15 and his reading of the psalms. it is not god as such who somehow goes into hiding; rather, the hidden god refers to the apparent absence of any trace of god’s grace. stated directly, the hidden god is god as considered apart from the person and work of jesus christ. to our perception, in these moments god retains all of his transcendent attributes—except the only one on the basis of which we can stand before him, namely, his mercy toward sinners. theologians of glory have an affinity for the hidden god. luther had something like this in mind in thesis 19 of the heidelberg disputation: “that person does not deserve to be called a theologian who looks upon the invisible things of god as though they were clearly perceptible in those things which have actually happened (rom. 1:20).” a theologian of the cross has been taught by the word of god to leave the hidden god altogether and entirely alone. that word of god is preeminently jesus christ and his gospel.20 this promissory word proclaims before it teaches: “there is therefore now no condemnation for those who are in christ jesus” (romans 8:1). this is the “revealed god” to whom one must flee and to whom one must cling (romans 1:16-17). for luther, and for any and all theologians of the cross, the stakes could not be higher: “[t]his is the reason why our theology is certain: it snatches us away from ourselves and places us outside ourselves, so that we do not depend on our own strength, conscience, experience, person, or works but depend on that which is outside ourselves, that is, on the promise and truth of god, which 18 for the larger context of this designation, luther is writing at the conclusion of his exposition of the apostles’ creed: “[h]ere you have everything in richest measure. for in all three articles god himself has revealed and opened to us the most profound depths of his fatherly heart and his pure, unutterable love. for this very purpose he created us, so that he might redeem us and make us holy, and, moreover, having granted and bestowed upon us everything in heaven and on earth, he has also given us his son and his holy spirit, through whom he brings us to himself. for . . . we could never come to recognize the father’s favor and grace were it not for the lord christ, who is a mirror of the father’s heart. apart from him we see nothing but an angry and terrible judge. but neither could we know anything of christ, had it not been revealed by the holy spirit” (large catechism ii, 64-65). throughout these presentations, all references to documents from the book of concord come from the volume edited by robert kolb and timothy j. wengert (minneapolis: fortress, 2000), and they will be cited in the body of the text. 19 see the excellent discussion in gerhard o. forde, “is forgiveness enough? reflections on an odd question,” in word and world, vol. 16, no. 3 (summer 1996), pp. 302-308. 20 lest there be the slightest ambiguity, in this context i am talking about the personal and proclaimed word of god. holy scripture as the written and authoritative word of god is assumed, but it is not at issue here. lumpp, “theology of the cross” global south theological journal 3, no. 1 (2024): 19 cannot deceive.”21 for luther, the alternative would not just be a matter of error, for presumably one could address error with better information. to the extent that one drifts from the revealed god and tries to catch a glimpse of the hidden god, he or she is walking down a pathway from uncertainty and doubt, through skepticism, and finally to despair. the theology of the cross, discipleship, and human suffering the foregoing discussion of the distinction between the hidden and revealed god, and the theological imperative to use the word of god in order to embrace the latter and shun the former, is directly relevant to the larger topic(s) of these three presentations. following some of the work we did in the first essay on discipleship, we observe again here that this exercise of new life in jesus christ will at a minimum entail service and sacrifice. in addition, probably more often than not, the disciple will be called to follow jesus on a path that may entail suffering, and sometimes extraordinary suffering (matthew 16:24-26; 1 peter 4:12-14). luther had something to say about that in thesis 20 of the heidelberg disputation: “he deserves to be called a theologian . . . who comprehends the visible and manifest things of god seen through suffering and the cross.” indeed, for a theologian of the cross, catechized by the biblical gospel, such occasions of suffering offer both a caution and an opportunity. they are a caution in a vitally important sense, for in a theology of the cross, one’s standing before god or one’s christian life dare never be evaluated by the presence of “success” (however defined), or, on the other hand, by the absence or even the alleviation of suffering. instead, the christian life is constituted only by the “alien” or external righteousness conferred by god in the death and resurrection of jesus.22 in fact, such occasions may also afford an opportunity to bear witness to the presence, promise, and power of the triune god in the face of suffering and evil. in these two contexts, a theology of the cross sets some appropriate limits to our reflection and may at the same time suggest some resources as one confronts suffering. to begin with, a theology of the cross inculcates real and comprehensive humility. thesis 22 of the heidelberg disputation is helpful here: “that wisdom which sees the invisible things of god in works as perceived by man is completely puffed up, blinded, and hardened.” admittedly, this is challenging language. but luther and the best of the classical christian tradition are adamant that fallen human creatures are in no position to draw inferences about the mysteries of providence—not to mention the character of the god behind such providence—on the basis of what they see around them or what they personally experience.23 here we are following the good counsel of luther’s friend and colleague philip melanchthon, who reminded his roman interlocutors at the diet of augsburg as follows: “for a human being, particularly in the terrors of sin, cannot be sure of the will of god (namely, that he ceases to be angry) without a sure word of god” (apology of the augsburg confession, article iv, on p. 161 of the kolb-wengert edition; see also, apology xv, 17, on p. 225). my restatement of melanchthon’s point is simpler: in the absence of a clear and relevant text, personal inferences can be very dangerous. the desire for explanations24 and the often glib confidence with which they are offered expose more than a theology of glory at work. that would be bad enough, but it too would be an error that one could address in essentially academic terms. one could point out the mistake and caution the person against making it again. more seriously, these kinds of explanations are often thinly disguised attempts to penetrate the veil of the hidden god. even more seriously, one often does not realize that he or she has 21 lw 26, p. 387, regarding galatians 4:6. 22 robert kolb has written about this in a variety of contexts. perhaps the most accessible and popular treatment is in the christian faith: a lutheran exposition (st. louis: concordia, 1993), p. 27. 23 this point is true regardless of whether one experiences great loss or great bounty. 24 if this were a more philosophical essay, such “explanations” would be called “theodicies,” which literally refer to attempts to provide a rational defense of god’s character and perhaps even god’s actions in the face of great evil. robert kolb describes a theodicy more existentially—and theologically—as “the attempt to deal with a god from whom we expect all good things when he does not deliver the good we expect.” this is from the kolb essay cited above, “luther’s theology of the cross for the twenty-first century,” p. 51. lumpp, “theology of the cross” global south theological journal 3, no. 1 (2024): 20 stumbled into “hidden god territory” until it is too late. when this happens, one is face to face with sin, death, and the devil—very likely working in sinister conspiracy. in such moments, there is no avenue of escape; there is no solution to one’s plight; and one cannot conceive of any help coming from anywhere. for this reason, sometimes on pain of death, a theologian of the cross will decline to come up with explanations or answers to matters that are never open to fallen human inspection. stated more positively, theologians of the cross exercise their intellects and hearts in the word of the deus revelatus. even here, it is important to recognize that the “revealed god” is—specifically and blessedly—gospel. it is the promise of the forgiveness of sins in jesus christ, understood as comprehensively as the new testament unfolds it; or, in the verse from 2 corinthians 5 from the first presentation, it is the apostle paul’s declaration that god was in christ reconciling the world to himself. the use of this adjective “revealed” should not be taken as somehow providing the desired information that will now unravel the mysteries of human existence under the cross. the theology of the cross and the resurrection gospel embedded therein offer absolution, not resolution. they offer genuine, god-given hope and not temporary escape. the theology of the cross says that one’s dying and rising with jesus christ is finally all we have or will be given, but that such dying and rising is not only enough but is literally everything. this point is helpfully stated by gerhard forde: “there is no solution to the `problem’ of the hidden, almighty, electing god in theology. the solution is given only if this god comes to us here now to do the deed [i.e., one’s baptismal death to sin and rising to new life that is precisely god’s act]. that is what the preaching and the sacraments are all about. and theology must drive us to that deed. this is the breaking in of the eschatological future.”25 conclusion this positive presentation of luther’s theology of the cross and at least the beginning of a critique of theologies of glory in their varied manifestations would not be theologically complete if we ended things here. at least one major pastoral—and therefore at the same time theological—task remains. everything to this point has either extolled the theology of the cross or exposed the problems of a theology of glory. now it is time for an admission, perhaps even a confession in a stricter sense of the term. the confession is this: there is a theologian of glory in all of us, who raises his or her voice from time to time, even to the point of pleading with what amounts to the hidden god for some immediate answers to our various modes of suffering, answers with which we think we can live—and without which we are convinced we will be left without hope. in these moments, we will avail ourselves of almost any theological resource to help us, some of which are genuinely unobjectionable and perhaps even laudatory. but to borrow a line from luther’s thesis 24 of the heidelberg disputation, “without the theology of the cross man misuses the best in the worst manner.” in moments when we go down this desperate path, we need to hear from the apostle who had every opportunity to indulge in a theology of glory, but who in the context of personal suffering knew better. at such points, saint paul’s reliance on the speaker and the content of his message became a model for martin luther and for all of us: “but [jesus] said to me, `my grace is sufficient for you, for my power is made perfect in weakness.’ therefore i [paul] will boast all the more gladly of my weaknesses, so that the power of christ may rest upon me. for the sake of christ, then, i am content with weaknesses, insults, hardships, persecutions, and calamities. for when i am weak, then i am strong” (2 corinthians 12:8-10). martin luther understood the grace of which this text speaks. that is evident from thesis 25 of the heidelberg disputation: “he is not righteous who does much, but he who, without work, believes much in christ.” the rest of his life was a comprehensive exercise of this trust in the promises of god in jesus christ. may our lives as disciples be such an exercise as well. 25 gerhard o. forde, “the one acted upon,” in dialog, vol. 36, no. 1 (winter 1997), p. 61. introduction and background toward a working description of the theology of the cross theology of the cross and the centrality of the person and work of jesus christ theology of the cross and the distinction between “two kinds of righteousness”12f jesus as “mirror of the father’s heart,” contra all theologies of glory the “hidden god” and the “revealed god” the theology of the cross, discipleship, and human suffering conclusion global south theological journal 3, no. 2 (2024): 1 issue 3.2: the epistle of james in contemporary christian mission the editors the epistle of james, often overlooked in missiological discussions, provides crucial insights into the practical application of christian faith. this issue presents four scholarly articles that explore the themes of wholeness, love, ethical living, and holiness in james and their significance for contemporary christian missions. each article offers a unique perspective that collectively highlights the relevance of james's teachings for today's christian communities, especially in socio-political and economic contexts. youdit tariku feyessa's article examines the theme of wholeness in james and its implications for christian mission in ethiopia. feyessa asserts that concepts like "completeness," "perfection," "integration," and "maturity" are central to james's message. this theme resonates with the holistic ministry advocated by qes gudina tumsa, emphasizing the need to address socio-political, cultural, and economic issues. by embodying integrity and divine perfection, ethiopian christians can navigate current challenges while fulfilling their mission in a way that aligns with james's vision of a complete christian life. phyllis d. johnson explores "love your neighbor" as a key missionary method within james. she critiques superficial readings that overlook the missional theology inherent in the text. by focusing on the royal law—"you shall love your neighbor as yourself"—johnson highlights the ethical principles that underpin james's teachings. rooted in the hebrew concept of "ahavah," this love signifies deep affection, loyalty, and commitment. for johnson, the directive to love one’s neighbor is not just a moral obligation but a dynamic call to empathy and social engagement, essential for the church’s mission and ethical conduct. melesse woldetsadik examines jacobite exhortation as a missiological method in james, emphasizing the relationship between faith, obedience, and ethical living. he discusses the relevance of two major missionary models—incarnational and representational missiology—in light of james's teachings. woldetsadik argues that james encourages believers to demonstrate their faith through practical ethical conduct, highlighting the significance of speech ethics and social responsibility. this embodies the message of christ in daily life, reflecting god's love and justice in tangible ways. abyot s. gashute addresses the theme of holiness and its connection to god's mission in the epistle of james, underlining the necessity of faith in practical ethical terms. gashute contends that authentic christian faith must manifest in ethical living, aligning with god's mission. he discusses the dual aspects of holiness—separation from worldly values and the display of holy character—as crucial to mission work. by living out faith through love and justice, christians can fulfill their missional vocation and engage in cultural transformation. together, these articles offer a comprehensive exploration of the epistle of james, emphasizing its enduring relevance for contemporary christian missions. they advocate for the integration of faith with practical ethical living, love, and holiness, providing valuable insights for believers aiming to embody their faith in today's complex world. global south theological journal 1.1 (2022): 45 gudina tumsa’s contributions to theology darrell jodock (gustavus adolphus college) abstract: gudina’s way of doing theology is important because it is both contextual and universal. the dynamics are universal, the focus on relationality is universal, the holistic emphasis is universal, while at the same time these dynamics intentionally take seriously the here and now of individuals and particular peoples and engage their specific social settings so seriously that the end result turns out to be deeply contextual--but contextual in a way that does not set one part of the church against another. there can still be a common witness to the centrality of the power and presence of christ and the ongoing activity of god in the world. the kind of theology gudina practiced continues to be of great value for all who confess the christian faith, today and on into the future. we honor him best by appreciating and learning from his theology. it seems appropriate to open this paper with some remarks about my relationship to gudina tumsa. in 1963-4, i was a second-year student at luther seminary in st. paul, minnesota. sometime before the school year began, i agreed to share a dormitory room with an overseas student i had not yet met. he turned out to be gudina. because those advising his studies were worried about his ability to handle english, he spent the first part of the school year at the lutheran bible institute in minneapolis. thus, he did not arrive at luther seminary until the end of november. we quickly became friends. we had many serious discussions and frequently joked with each other. he traveled with me to my parents’ farm in north dakota to celebrate christmas with my extended family. he and my farmer father hit it off. they spent hours talking with each other. despite their dissimilar backgrounds, they had at least two things in common: a lot of wisdom regarding human beings and a capacity for conversations filled with good questions and attentive listening. gudina was twelve years older than i. he was married, while i was not. he had children. i did not. he had already served as an evangelist and a pastor. i had not. looking back, to him i must often have seemed very immature. but it soon became evident that i brought to the relationship the benefits of a liberal arts college education with courses in philosophy, history, and theology and a year of seminary study. as gudina discovered, a dictionary is often of little help when trying to understand specialized theological and philosophical concepts, so every day he would ask me to explain terms he had run across in his reading or his classes. to this day i remember the expression on his face as he wrapped his mind around a new word and asked questions of clarification. the concepts we discussed were added to long lists of new words that he drew up. whenever i awoke in the morning, he would be lying in bed, already awake, going through the lists, memorizing, reviewing, and expanding his vocabulary. during gudina’s second year at luther seminary, i was on internship in a congregation in washington, d.c. the following year we were both seniors. we lived in the same dormitory and ate in the same dining hall, but as seniors we had individual rooms. we both graduated together in the spring of 1966. gudina’s daughter lensa has a picture of the two of us in our academic robes standing together outside of central lutheran church in minneapolis, the site of the seminary’s graduation ceremony. darrell jodock is professor emeritus in religion at gustavus adolphus collage. he teaches in the area of lutheran studies. his teaching interests include lutheran studies, christian-jewish relations, history of christian thought, and nineteenthcentury theology. jodock is the first holder of the drell and adeline bernhardson distinguished professor of religion. jodock’s books include the church's bible: its contemporary authority (fortress, 1989), three co-authored and edited pieces entitled ritschl in retrospect: history, community, and science (fortress, 1995), catholicism contending with modernity: roman catholic modernism and anti-modernism in historical context (cambridge, 2000), and covenantal conversations: christians in dialogue with jews and judaism (fortress, 2008). https://gustavus.edu/search/people/?q=religion&dd%5bcampusdepartment%5d%5b0%5d=religion http://books.google.com/books?id=vc-daaaacaaj http://books.google.com/books?id=015xht7sam0c http://books.google.com/books?id=015xht7sam0c jadock, “gudina tumsa’s contributions to theology” global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022): 46 throughout this paper i will make several observations about gudina, the first of which is this. he was very bright, a quick learner. i remain impressed at how well he did in his courses, given the fact that he did not have the same college or university background as did the american students. when i read his writings, i am not surprised by what i find (that is, what is there sounds like gudina), but i am impressed by his theological insights, his perceptive analysis of societal developments, and his wise understanding of human beings. as i will shortly explore, i see in his writings the echoes of the education we shared at luther seminary, but i also see an independent thinker, creatively thinking through the issues he faced. in fact, it is very difficult to determine how much of his mature theological outlook he brought with him from ethiopia, how much he absorbed from his studies, or how much his insights were shaped by the experiences and responsibilities thrust on him after he graduated from luther seminary. so, when i discuss the experiences we shared, i am not claiming that these were somehow the most formative. it was an exciting time to be a seminary student. for one thing, vatican council ii was underway. it is difficult now to imagine how novel and how astonishing was the emerging new relationship with the roman catholics. the line separating the two communities had been so deep and so long-lasting, augmented as it had been in the upper midwest by ethnic differences.1 while gudina and i were on campus, the students from the area’s five seminaries, two catholic and three protestant,2 for the first time held regular theological dialogues. one of the luther seminary professors, warren quanbeck, was a protestant observer at vatican ii and returned to campus to resume teaching during our senior year. as one sign of how things were changing, only a few years earlier, in 1960, the seminary had received baskets full of angry letters after five professors issued a public statement that it was ok for a lutheran to vote for a roman catholic president. by the time we were seniors this began to seem as if it had happened in a different era. it is not unreasonable to suggest that the transformation that occurred while gudina was in the united states helped encourage him to reach out beyond the protestant churches in ethiopia, who already enjoyed good relations, to the roman catholics and the orthodox and to do so against the wishes of the leaders of the foreign mission societies.3 in any case, paul wee, who came to know gudina through the lutheran world federation, confirms the importance of vatican ii, when he says, “i can say that when we met in chile eight years later [1973], it was clear that he also had been caught up in the convulsive change that vatican ii brought, not only to the roman catholic church, but also to society.”4 another reason our time at luther seminary was exciting was that the civil rights movement was in full swing. although the movement had started in 1954, the march on washington occurred in august of 1963, the civil rights act was approved in 1964, and, in selma, alabama, the tragedy of “bloody sunday” occurred on march 7, 1965. public reaction to this event made possible the passage of the voting rights act in the summer of that same year. some students from luther seminary traveled to the south to participate in the ongoing work of desegregation. on campus the civil rights struggle was frequently a topic of discussion. everyone was aware of the leadership provided by pastor martin luther king, jr. and by other clergy. in fact, the ecumenical and civil rights movements intersected as clergy from several christian denominations, along with jewish leaders, marched together in support of the civil rights movement. paul wee reports that “i know from subsequent discussions with gudina that this 1 in the upper midwest, the immigrants often settled where there were other immigrants from their home country, so one town and the surrounding countryside were predominately german catholic or french catholic while the next town down the road and its surrounding farms was solidly norwegian lutheran or german lutheran. the ethnic differences reinforced the denominational divide. to some extent even major cities experienced this phenomenon. though neither city was uniform, the identity of minneapolis was originally influenced by its many scandinavian lutherans, while the identity of its sister city, st. paul, was shaped more by a large number of irish catholics. 2 the seminaries were bethel seminary, luther theological seminary, united theological seminary of the twin cities, st. paul seminary school of divinity (diocesan), and st. john’s school of theology (benedictine). 3 paul wee reports this opposition. see “ecumenical challenges: working in love, transforming lives: the ecumenical legacy of gudina tumsa,” in ecumenical challenges: working in love, transforming lives. journal of gudina tumsa theological forum (minneapolis, minnesota: lutheran university press, 2014), 3:18-19. 4 wee, “ecumenical challenges,” 3:17. jadock, “gudina tumsa’s contributions to theology” global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022): 47 movement for reform led by african-americans affected him deeply.” it affected “not only gudina’s understanding of the role of the church in society, but it also affected his understanding of ecumenism as well.”5 still another reason it was an exciting time to be at luther was that a group of younger professors had joined the faculty, determined to enhance the academic quality of the education offered at luther seminary. they made theology engaging. in addition to lectures (which had been the primary method of teaching during their student years), they often divided their classes into smaller groups to discuss the readings for the week. a generation earlier, luther seminary was the scene of debates between pietism and lutheran orthodoxy. this group of younger faculty members were, by and large, exponents of dialectical theology (which had its beginnings in europe during and after world war i) and/or neoorthodoxy (as it emerged in the 1930s and 40s and beyond). karl barth and rudolf bultmann were discussed regularly. the american theologian reinhold niebuhr received a good deal of attention, and his thought created a bridge between the personal and the social dimensions of the faith. the works of the lundensian theologians (gustaf aulén and anders nygren) were often assigned and/or discussed in class.6 gustaf wingren spent six weeks on campus, giving lectures, living in a guest room in our dormitory, and eating with all of us single students. some of the professors were in regular contact with european theologians7--in a few cases translating their works. unlike today in the united states, there was at that time more of a theological consensus among mainline protestants, or at least among our teachers—a shared outlook informed by dialectical and/or neo-orthodox theology. this theology focused on the gospel, underlined the importance of proclamation, critiqued earlier liberal theology for not taking sin and structural evil seriously enough, and emphasized the importance of historical context for interpreting both the scriptures and the doctrinal traditions of the church. all this academic work was in the context of an education very much focused on parish ministry. and, finally, there was an international dimension to our seminary experience. there were more than a dozen international students on campus, each from a different country in africa, asia, or south america. during the week, the overseas students ate with the unmarried american students in a cooperative “boarding club” that served lunch and dinner “family style.” they were very much integrated into the conversations that took place there. by and large, however, the students from abroad were older than the other students living in the dormitories, and on weekends when the americans would scatter for one reason or another, the international students tended to socialize together. this provided numerous opportunities for gudina to find out about the church in other parts of the world at the same time as he was learning about the church in the united states. the international dimension was not limited to social contacts. one of the younger faculty, who had just returned from teaching in india wove his experiences into his chapel talks and classes. every student was required to take a course in world missions and another course in lutheran missions. the man who taught those courses had an enormous number of contacts overseas. a stream of visitors described their experience serving in various parts of the world. the vocabulary was changing from “missions” to “younger churches,” and students were all exposed to the international character of the church. i mention all these aspects of our experience at luther seminary, because i think the “climate” i have been describing influenced gudina’s theological development in significant ways. i think he was influenced by the ecumenical excitement, by the quest for racial justice, by the engaging theological 5 wee, “ecumenical challenges,” 3:17. 6 everyone was assigned aulén’s christus victor: an historical study of the three main types of the idea of atonement (new york: macmillan, 1961). it is possible that aulén’s preference for the classical theory of the atonement may have influenced gudina. unlike the satisfaction theory, which focuses on individual sin and guilt, the classical theory emphasizes liberation from bondage to sin, death, and the devil. liberation from bondage is an image that more readily supports a holistic theology, because bondage includes sin, yes, but also economic enslavement, enslavement to spiritual forces, and political oppression. 7 the then young german theologian wolfhart pannenberg visited one of my classes as a guest of its professor. jadock, “gudina tumsa’s contributions to theology” global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022): 48 discussions, by the combined attention to proclamation and historical context, and by the broader vision of the church. i am not suggesting that these were entirely new for him--only that in many ways they authorized, deepened, and extended important aspects of his theological outlook.8 he was still the same person in 1966 that he had been in 1963, but he was more theologically articulate. consequently, he was more adept at explaining his outlook to various segments of society and negotiating with the representatives of other churches, whether those churches were ecumenical or international. allow me to mention one viewpoint that was under scrutiny while we were at luther seminary. this scrutiny may have influenced his readiness to break with a “traditional” interpretation of the “two kingdoms.” several commentators mention this shift. for example, tasgara hirpo9 describes what gudina overcame in the following way: “this tradition was based on the pietistic doctrine of the 19th century that was introduced by the missionaries from europe and america. according to this doctrine, there are two kingdoms: the kingdom on the left-hand, where god rules the world through the law, and the kingdom on the right-hand, where god rules the world through grace. as a result of this doctrine, christians belong in the kingdom on the right-hand and are under grace. this excluded them from taking part in worldly affairs.” to cite another example, øyvind eide observes that gudina’s “statements [in a pastoral letter of 1975] can also be seen as a critique of a traditional interpretation of the two kingdoms doctrine in lutheranism. if life and society are divided into two separate spheres, justice and human rights end up outside the sphere of the gospel and become an entirely secular matter.”10 what hirpo calls a “pietistic doctrine” and eide calls “a traditional interpretation” postulated separate spheres. the church was in one and the government and the economy in the other. consequently, the faith was considered to have little to say regarding political developments. i do not know to what extent this “traditional interpretation” was what gudina was taught while he was in ethiopia (and am not challenging hirpo or eide on this point), but, if so, it was challenged at luther seminary. the view they describe was very much under critique during our time there. in part, this critique was shaped by the way this version of the two kingdoms had been used by the church in nazi germany as an excuse not to oppose nazism. and in part this critique grew out of the study of luther himself that had been inspired by the luther renaissance. luther’s understanding of the so-called two kingdoms turned out to be more of a distinction than a separation and had more to do with the mode of god’s action than with separate territories or spheres. for luther, god’s influence in the world is exercised in two ways—in one case through social and political structures and in the other case through the transformative message of god-human reconciliation. in both cases, god has the same interest in human wellbeing and shalom—only the means differ. as a result, in contrast to the “traditional” view described by hirpo and eide, luther himself showed no reluctance to voice harsh criticism of structures, princes, business owners, and others in authority and no reluctance to offer constructive proposals in the political sphere. he objected to a crusade, helped organize community chests to end begging, urged city councils to establish schools for all young men and young women, proposed new rules for and a new understanding of marriage, objected to usury and other business practices of his day, and the like. it is likely true, as hirpo says, that “right from the beginning he [gudina] related theology to the actual life of the people he was serving and living with. in reality, people in the society of his time were economically exploited and oppressed, politically powerless, and victimized by policies tailored to benefit the powerful and well-organized interest 8 it is possible that some of gudina’s ideas were clarified, not just by adopting but also by reacting against what he observed and learned. but i do not have any experience to indicate this was the case. and the loss of his notes and books while they were in route to ethiopia gives us little written evidence to which we can appeal. in any case, if true, my point is not altered, because an outlook can be deepened by disagreeing with what one is taught or experiences as much as by adopting either. 9 tasgara hirpo, “rev. gudina tumsa’s contribution to the understanding of a national church, partnership and interdependence in the global church, as viewed in and developed in the eecmy,” in the life and ministry of rev. gudina tumsa, general secretary of the ethiopian evangelical church of mekane yesus (eecmy) (addis ababa, ethiopia: the gudina tumsa foundation, 2003), 91. 10 øyvind eide, “integral human development: rev. gudina tumsa’s theology, with special reference to his critique of dominant trends in missiology and the question of human rights,” in the life and ministry of rev. gudina tumsa, 63. jadock, “gudina tumsa’s contributions to theology” global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022): 49 groups.”11 however, in my opinion, it is also likely true that gudina’s encounter with an updated understanding of luther’s views and with the thought of reinhold niebuhr, both of which were commonplace at luther seminary, reinforced his own experience of the needs of his people and his commitment to a holistic ministry. those encounters with luther and niebuhr, along with the civil rights movement, also encouraged his attention to the importance of social structures. the years gudina spent at luther seminary were years of the cold war. the nature of marxism was a topic of conversation. on the one hand, an opposition to communism pervaded american life and thought. on the other hand, we seminary students heard about the christian-marxist dialogue going on in europe. i cannot say how much this affected gudina (i don’t remember ever having a conversation with him about it), but it is possible that some of these explorations into the nature of marxism and exposure to alternative views about it helped prepare him for the seminars on christianity and socialism that he organized in ethiopia in 1975. in what follows i will highlight some important features of gudina’s contributions to theology. in doing so, i will draw on his writings and my experience of him as a seminary student. this is, of course, a limited vision. in many ways, those who knew him and his service as a pastor in ethiopia and as the general secretary of the ethiopian evangelical church mekane yesus have a fuller portrait than mine. with this important qualification, i proceed. central to his theology was his relationship to god front and center in every aspect of gudina’s theology was the transforming message of jesus the christ. in his paper, “stewardship of the gospel,” he acknowledges that the word “gospel” means “good news,” but he goes on to say that the religious meaning of the term is more important. this religious meaning can be discerned in paul’s statement, “for i am not ashamed of the gospel; it is the power of god for salvation to everyone who has faith” (romans 1:16). gudina continues, “when the gospel is defined as paul does it as ‘the power of god,’ then we agree that it is nothing less than the presence of the living jesus christ, our lord: ‘through him we have obtained access to this grace in which we stand’ (romans 5:2).”12 presence and power are central ideas. and the basic image of the gospel, as he unpacked it, is relational. yes, there is a message, but it is in service to the relational presence of christ. on one level, this observation about the centrality of the power and presence of christ may seem trivial, because any theology that claims to be christian reflects the religious importance of jesus. but i mean by it something more significant. there are other theologians for whom the study of theology is academic, philosophical perhaps, and one step removed from faith. or, to put it another way, for these theologians, theology is a “third person” affair, which sketches christian teachings on a canvas that is “out there,” independent of the thinker. for gudina, theology was intensely grounded in his lived relationship with jesus the christ. to borrow a phrase from martin luther, his was a theology done “coram deo” (that is, as one standing before god). it was a “first and second-person” theology. to put it still another way, he lived his theology, and it infused his life. as a result, thinking contextually likely was not difficult for him, because his theology was self-engaging and self-involving from beginning to end. to the degree he was shaped by and embodied elements of his context, his theological thinking was also shaped by and embodied elements of that context. the intensity of his commitment was remarkable. one indication was his well-known, emphatically (even angrily) negative response to the news that asylum in tanzania had been arranged.13 11 hirpo, “tumsa’s contribution,” 80. 12 gudina tumsa, “stewardship of the gospel,” in witness and discipleship: leadership of the church in multi-ethnic ethiopia in a time of revolution: the essential writings of gudina tumsa, general secretary of the ethiopian evangelical church mekane yesus 1929[sic]-1979 (addis ababa: gudina tumsa foundation, 2003), 147. 13 for christian krause’s account of his reaction, see øyvind eide, revolution and religion in ethiopia: the growth and persecution of the mekane yesus church 1974-85 (athens: ohio: ohio university press and addis ababa: addis ababa university press, 2000), 177. jadock, “gudina tumsa’s contributions to theology” global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022): 50 his dedication to his work, as described by his wife, is another.14 or to cite an example from my time with him, when it was time to study, he took the picture of his family from the top of his desk and put it in a drawer. otherwise, it made him so homesick that he was unable to do his work. and yet he continued to study, because it was part of his calling to serve the church and to serve his savior. one word that i would use for gudina is “grounded.” so long as he perceived that the transformative power and presence of christ was getting through and so long as he felt he had scriptural support, he was ready to challenge and/or stand firm in the face of structures, authorities, and individuals. the pattern had been developed long before the revolution occurred. it was there as early as his childhood and developed throughout his life, education, and experiences. many, many things contributed to this grounded-ness, but the centrality of his relationship to god in christ was certainly of key importance. why is this theological focus on the power and presence of christ important? because gudina’s life shows how powerful this kind of theological orientation can be. it turns out to be profoundly engaging, not just for the person who is doing the thinking, but also for others who are exposed to it. to the degree it connects deeply with one person’s struggle, to that degree it creates a bridge to others. if i may again refer to martin luther, the reason his message of reform and his emphasis on the radicality of the gospel spoke so effectively to the people of his day was that his own struggles had not been unique. they reflected the struggle of many of his contemporaries. my perception is that the same is true for gudina’s thought. we would not be talking about it today, were it not that we sense its relevance to our own journey and the calling of the contemporary community of faith. his approach invites and challenges every theologian to be similarly grounded. to return to the question, why is this theological focus on the power and presence of christ important? because it shaped not only his theology but also his identity. his theology and his identity were so in harmony that he exhibited unusual integrity. comparing gudina and dietrich bonhoeffer, gerd decke says, “both were known for maintaining integrity between what they said and what they did, between what they represented as christians and who they were as individual people; this rare integrity was part of their faithful witness until the end of their lives.”15 there was nothing “forced” about gudina’s theological thinking, decision making, or witnessing. he exhibited the kind of integrity to which almost everyone responded—whether an uneducated villager or my farmer father or the international church leaders with whom he interacted.16 let me re-phrase this point. the most basic challenge gudina’s theology makes is this probing question: what level of commitment does “doing theology” demand? is the vocation of a theologian an arm-chair endeavor? or is the vocation of a theologian a radical call to discipleship—a call (as bonhoeffer affirmed) to “come and die”?17 to make this very personal, in 1966 when we attended luther seminary graduation ceremonies, gudina and i sat in the same pews at central lutheran church. was it because i was an american and he was an ethiopian that our fates have been so different? or was it because i kept quiet at times and places when a stronger witness to the presence and power of christ was needed? the centrality of the transforming power of christ in gudina’s theology is its most basic contribution and its most basic challenge. 14 see tsehay tolessa as told to aud saeveras, “in the fiery furnace: the story of tsehay tolessa and gudina tumsa, the assassinated general secretary of the mekane yesus church in ethiopia,” unpublished english translation by sarah hinlicky wilson. 15 gerd decke, “gudina tumsa and dietrich bonhoeffer,” in emerging theological praxis, journal of gudina tumsa foundation (minneapolis: lutheran university press, 2012), 2:30. 16 these responses were positive. the governmental leaders also responded, but in a much less positive way. for them, his integrity was a threat. 17 in his “the role of a christian in a given society,” gudina put it this way: “as someone has said, when a person is called to follow christ, that person is called to die. it means a redirection of the purpose of life, that is death to one’s own wishes and personal desires.” witness and discipleship, 11. jadock, “gudina tumsa’s contributions to theology” global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022): 51 his theology was triune. his emphasis on the power and presence of christ was never a christo-monism. it was triune to the core. god the creator, god the son, and god the spirit were all at work in the world. as gudina emphasized,18 his god was not a deist figure uninvolved in the world, not an abstract philosophical unmoved mover. gudina’s god was the biblical god who “is busy and active in this world, creating ever new. and jesus, the son of god, came with this same creative power.”19 god’s providence “is constantly bringing good out of evil.”20 while redeeming and transforming humans, god is still at work in all of creation. in addition to an emphasis on the connection between god the creator and christ the liberator, he also had an appreciation for the spirit. “a christian is a transformed person by believing the gospel of christ (justification) and is in constant process of being transformed (sanctification) by the power of the third person of the holy trinity, the holy spirit, who dwells in the christian.”21 according to paul hoffman, gudina functioned as a mediator between the eecmy as a whole and those involved in the charismatic movement. he wanted to prevent the movement from becoming schismatic. he put the issue on the agenda of the 1973 general assembly, asked t. engelsviken to present a paper on the holy spirit in the life of the church, and traveled to nekemte to settle a dispute about this issue.22 also characteristic of gudina’s theology is his immersion in the scriptures. his writings are full of biblical references. and these references are not just “proof texts” but evidence of a deep involvement in the overall trajectory of the biblical story and how each part fits into the whole. according to christian krause, speaking in 1991, “gudina received all of his motivation from the scriptures.”23 during his first year at luther seminary, he enrolled in several biblical study courses, in part because here the vocabulary was the most accessible, making it a good entry-point for an english-language program in theology, but also because his advisors recognized that he had a reservoir of biblical knowledge upon which he could draw.24 as is well known, gudina objected to any separation of the spiritual and the material. his reasons were theological, based on the incarnation and the goodness of creation. precisely because god was so central in his life, he understood god to be connected to everything. the result was a holistic outlook that emphasized both freedom from bondage to sin and freedom from economic exploitation and political oppression. this appreciation for the trinity was important because it gave him a basis for his commitment to the transformation of all of life. when discussing the biblical and theological foundations for an africanoriented involvement in social affairs, misgana mathewos says this: for gudina “the biblical teaching of the imminence of god prompts the christians to involve themselves in social transformational activity and energize them to accomplish this task.”25 here is a place where i think his biblical orientation and his engagement with the prophets joined with his exposure to reinhold niebuhr’s thinking to qualify some of the pietist theology to which he likely had been exposed prior to his stay at luther seminary. pietism tended to focus on the personal and the christological—or, if i may put it differently, on the concerns of 18 for example, in his “unbelief (‘kairos’) from historical perspective” in witness and discipleship, 31. 19 tumsa, “unbelief,” 31. 20 tumsa, “unbelief,” 32. 21 tumsa, “role of a christian,” 5. 22 paul e. hoffman, “gudina tumsa’s legacy: his spirituality and leadership,” in the life and ministry of rev. gudina tumsa, 18. 23 decke, “tumsa and dietrich bonhoeffer,” 27. 24 i do not know for sure who was teaching the courses he took during that first year (i have tried to gain access to a transcript of his courses, but without success), but sometime during his three years at luther seminary i expect he encountered one of the professors of old testament who combined a deep interest in the prophets, a deep appreciation for reinhold niebuhr, and a lively interest in politics (for example, he brought eugene mccarthy, a philosophical roman catholic senator, to campus to speak). this professor had a significant influence on me, as i suspect he did on gudina. his interpretation of the scriptures combined piety with a passion for social justice. 25 misgana mathewos, “gudina tumsa’s interpretations (hermeneutic) of the bible from a global and ethiopian/african perspective,” in ecumenical challenges, p. 163. jadock, “gudina tumsa’s contributions to theology” global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022): 52 the second article of the creed. its attention to second-article concerns compromised its ability to relate to creation, to matters of the first article. the strongly trinitarian orientation of gudina’s theology gave it an expanded basis, and this allowed it to be remarkably and powerfully holistic. to make explicit my claim: gudina’s emphasis on the triune god is an important contribution to theology, which in the twentieth century so often seemed to neglect the activity of god in the world as it focused more narrowly on the activity of jesus and the spirit in the lives of individuals or, on the other hand, focused more narrowly on human capacity to the exclusion of christ. theological thinking informed his decisions. gudina’s commitment to the centrality of the triune god prompted him to approach every question theologically. for example, his argument against the proposed moratorium on western aid to churches in africa was theological, not pragmatic. although he acknowledged that the maturity of the eecmy provided the first objection to a moratorium, he went on to say, “but issues as important as the proposal to stop all personnel and financial assistance should never be decided on grounds of self-pride or national feeling. we must think and argue theologically.”26 he based his position on ecclesiology, on his understanding of the church. “the various parts of the universal church are and should be interdependent. independence is a legitimate national aim; it can never be an acceptable theological aim for a church.”27 similarly, his disagreements with the government were theological, not just pragmatic. that is, he supported some of the same goals regarding social change but objected vigorously to the atheistic stance of the official outlook of the military government. “the biblical view of god demands an open understanding of the world and of man [sic]. . . . man . . . has been created in the image of god (genesis 1, 26-27). and human beings have freedom, creativity, honour, dignity, deriving from that image of god. to have a closed understanding of the world and a materialist understanding of man is to deny essential elements of science and human nature.”28 yonas deressa has said that gudina told him that he developed two habits during his “second pastoral course” in 1955-58: ”the first was reading theological books. the second is theological reflection on the factors that negatively affect the lives of the people.” 29 both relate to what i am saying, but the second is the most germane, because his theological thinking was contextual. as knud jørgensen says, in addition to “self-governing, self-supporting, and self-propagating,” gudina understood that a sustainable church must develop its own identity, and this requires “self-theologizing.”30 african/ethiopian self-theologizing was the kind of endeavor gudina undertook. after øyvind eide describes gudina’s worry about a new emphasis on christian service becoming as one-sided as the previous emphasis on saving souls, he has this to say, “the way the missions and agencies were approached reveals qes gudina’s extraordinary ability to analyze a situation in depth, formulate the crucial issues at stake and reflect theologically on them. this rare ability was again seen in his approach to the burning issues of the revolution.”31 modeling decision-making based on this kind of deeply theological thinking is an important contribution, because spokespersons for christianity—pastors, theologians, church leaders, are again and again tempted to make decisions about what to say and what to do on the basis of some program that they 26 gudina tumsa and paul e. hoffman, “the moratorium debate and the ecmy,” in witness and discipleship, p. 48. the quotation is from the part of the joint document written by gudina. 27 ibid, pp. 48-49. 28 gudina tumsa, “unbelief (‘kairos’) from historical perspective,” in witness and discipleship, p. 32. 29 yonas deressa, “the rev. gudina tumsa—early life and ministry,” in the life and ministry of rev. gudina tumsa, p. 8. 30 “sustainability in a missiological and ethiopian perspective: assumptions and concerns,” in revisiting the history, theology, and leadership practice of the ethiopian evangelical church mekane yesus, the journal of gudina tumsa foundation (minneapolis: lutheran university press, 2016), 4:139. jørgensen is a lecturer at the norwegian school of theology in oslo, norway. 31 eide, “integral human development,” 58. jadock, “gudina tumsa’s contributions to theology” global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022): 53 find dear for a variety of non-theological reasons. i am not saying that there is no theological basis at all for the program they endorse, but once they are committed to it, they are reluctant to re-think that commitment and explore it theologically. or, once they are committed, they are content with superficial connections to the christian tradition rather than a radical (that is, reaching to the roots) rethinking. from what i can tell, gudina not only examined the contextual impact of his recommendations but also routinely examined and re-examined their theological basis. this practice gave them their cogency. lest my emphasis on theological thinking be misunderstood, let me add three notes. the first is that gudina’s theology was pastoral. it was all about reaching out and extending the healing message of christ. during his first year at luther seminary, i remember that he received a letter that encouraged him to become the general secretary when he returned. it disturbed him greatly. what he wanted when he returned to ethiopia, he explained, was to be a pastor, not an administrator. though he eventually accepted the call to be general secretary and filled it well, he was not motivated by any aspirations to ecclesiastical office. i expect that the combination of this reluctance and this sense of call contributed to the freedom of his decision-making and his readiness to risk innovative overtures—whether forming an alliance with the other churches in ethiopia or challenging the funding arrangements of the european and american donor churches. he could risk because his identity was not tied to the office or to the social status it conveyed. he saw himself first and foremost as a pastor. the second note is this. central to gudina’s theology was what i would call wisdom—that is, an understanding of human beings and the dynamics of human communities—how individuals and communities function and what each needs to be whole. this wisdom comes from studying human history, from personal experience, from observing others, from the advice of mentors, from an immersion in the scriptural accounts of the people of god, and from a certain humility that does not put too much confidence in one’s own priorities. though informed by the widest possible sample of human experience, wisdom is always contextual. it gives priority to what is best for a particular people under these circumstances. this wisdom enhanced gudina’s pastoral ministry, his administrative work, and his interpretation of the christian message. the third note. closely connected with this wisdom is a remarkable perceptivity. when it came to issues facing his church and his country, he was able to see the big picture, to understand the dynamics at work, and keep things in proper perspective. i am not entirely sure i can accurately identify the source of this remarkable perceptivity, but i think it comes in part from what mattered to him. people mattered. and this meant that the dynamics of society mattered. and he paid careful attention to both. these last three comments about the pastoral character of his theology, his exercise of wisdom, and his perceptivity all contributed to the cogency of his theological insights. and they all help to define what i have in mind when i refer to the way theological thinking informed his decisions. gudina’s theology was ecumenical. gudina helped lead the eecmy into the world council of churches. and he was instrumental in bringing together the churches in ethiopia. in 1976, the council for the cooperation of churches in ethiopia was formed, with gudina as its first chairman. at first this included the orthodox and the roman catholic churches—a bold step, given the way the protestants had been treated by the orthodox.32 in retrospect it was also politically risky. one reason the government considered him dangerous was because, even after the roman catholics and the orthodox withdrew, he continued to lead the ongoing council for evangelical christians in ethiopia, which the government considered a potential rival for power and influence.33 32 debela birri, “rev. gudina tumsa and the ecumenical movement of the 1970s: the ethiopian case,” in the life and ministry of the rev. gudina tumsa, 135. 33 paul wee says gudina “was martyred, not only for his unwillingness to be a mouthpiece for the derg’s propaganda about ‘religious freedom’ in ethiopia, but also because of his insistence that churches act together and speak with a united voice” (“ecumenical challenges,” 3:39). samuel deressa writes. “many scholars as well as his contemporaries agree that the main cause jadock, “gudina tumsa’s contributions to theology” global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022): 54 one reason the ecumenical movement had gained momentum in europe in the middle of the twentieth century was the recognition, based on the churches’ experience with fascism and communism, that they could have a stronger influence on public affairs if they spoke with one voice. this clearly was the situation in the ethiopia of the 1970s. gudina foresaw the need for churches to work together. but for him the reasons for ecumenism were theological as well as practical. ecumenism involved two or more churches working together to fulfill their common calling, which included offering grace, taking away the bitterness of sin, appropriating the blessings of god, and experiencing the joy of the lord’s forgiveness.34 “when we are clear about the primary purpose of the church and our ecumenical responsibilities for the unity of the church of the saviour, then whatever structure is chosen is of less significance.”35 even though gudina distinguished between the full oneness described in john 17 and the somewhat more modest goal of ecumenical cooperation, the latter was still a response to the nature of the church as outlined in the new testament. so, one could say, a theology deeply shaped by the bible (as was gudina’s) had and has theological reasons to be ecumenical. any theology today needs to be ecumenical, because to be healthy it needs to be reminded of its limited understanding of god’s role in the world. a non-ecumenical theology tends to become an ideology—a set of ideas removed from people that can be imposed in ways that do not contribute to their liberation. in a non-ecumenical theology, beliefs tend to take priority over people. such a theology moves away from the centrality of the transforming presence of christ and from the legitimate role of wisdom in interpreting the biblical tradition. another reason theology should be ecumenical is that each ecclesial community has its own gifts. they can be shared without insisting on uniformity. while affirming and appreciating the gifts of its own traditions, each community is enriched by its interaction with other denominations, and the whole is enriched by the contributions of the various confessional communities. conversation heightens our awareness of the fullness of what god has done, is doing, and will do. and to return to the public sphere, even in societal conditions quite different from those gudina faced, churches need to cooperate to have a credible voice in the corridors of government, because even a tolerant government is not likely to want to appear sectarian by endorsing the proposals of one branch of christianity without the support of others. one reason gudina’s theology has significance today is that it was ecumenical. a critical engagement with society. gerd decke reports that he observed four possible responses to marxism and socialism in various cultural contexts: withdrawal, conformity, opposition, or critical engagement. “gudina tumsa clearly chose the latter.”36 decke goes on to cite from the pastoral letter of 197537 written by gudina and h. e. emmanuel abraham, to identify those areas in which gudina was willing to support the government and those areas where he withheld support. his stance exhibited “critical engagement.” the only point i want to make here is that, under most conditions, “critical engagement” is the best pattern for theology to follow. the amish and the hutterites have practiced a form of withdrawal that models an alternative social arrangement. in many ways their witness is admirable, even though its influence is limited. however, another more common version—namely, mere withdrawal from politics without developing an alternative--is simply a form of conformity. its unintended effect is to endorse the status quo. conformity, under any conditions, abandons the christian witness by baptizing the always limited justice of the present system. far too often, this has been the default model in western for his execution was his success in forming an ecumenical alliance in ethiopia,” quoted from wee’s “gudina tumsa on holistic approach to ecumenism: a move toward ecumenical harmony,” in ecumenical challenges, 87. 34 birri, “tumsa and the ecumenical movement of the 1970s,” 133, where he quotes from gudina tumsa, “the responsibility of the eecmy towards ecumenical harmony,” in witness and discipleship, 16. 35 tumsa, “responsibility of the eecmy,” 16. 36 decke, “tumsa and dietrich bonhoeffer,” 116. 37 witness and discipleship, 77-80. jadock, “gudina tumsa’s contributions to theology” global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022): 55 christianity, leaving the poor and disadvantaged to suffer in isolation. and the remaining response, opposition, while sometimes called for, always threatens to make the church the instrument of a rival political ideology. so, under most conditions, critical engagement is the best option for theology. theology needs to be willing to identify and celebrate whatever contributes to justice and human dignity and to name and call public attention to whatever undermines justice and human dignity. it needs to make space for politicians to act and to support those who do not capitalize on fear and seek non-ideological solutions to the social ills of their community. gudina’s theology exhibited a sense of humor. by a “sense of humor” i mean so appreciating the grace of god and the power of christ as not to take anything else too seriously. a theological sense of humor allows a person not to take oneself too seriously, not to take one’s accomplishments or one’s failures too seriously, not to take one’s own morality too seriously, not even to take ones’ theological opinions too seriously. i do not, of course, mean that any of these things are unimportant, only that they are not ultimate. gudina was clear that his relationship with god was a product of god’s generosity and that god’s trustworthiness was the source of his hope. nothing else was ultimate.38 closely related to his theological sense of humor was a mistrust of ideologies. as he says, “ideologies cannot be considered as absolute. complete allegiance is due to god and god alone.”39 theology for him was relational. what mattered was what effect an idea or a proposal would have on people and their relationships. in this regard, one can speak of him as theologically pragmatic. alongside his clear sense of theological priorities, he exhibited a kind of pragmatic flexibility derived from an equally clear sense that neither the church nor its programs have a prescribed form. wise judgment was needed to determine the practical implications of one’s theological commitments. note, for example, staffan grenstedt’s observation that gudina “had quite a pragmatic view of the fms [finnish missionary society] enterprise in the kambata/hadiya region. others were more concerned with ideology.”40 this absence of ideology did not, of course, mean that ideas were unimportant, because they can have enormous consequences for people and communities, but ideas were penultimate. their adequacy had to be judged by what they do or do not contribute to “the care and redemption of all that” god has made (to quote a line from the communion liturgy in the lutheran book of worship41). why is a theology with a sense of humor important? because any overly zealous dedication to something penultimate winds up hurting people. i recently heard of the story of a man who, during world war ii, registered with his draft board as a conscientious objector. his pastor and his home congregation were so opposed to his action that they censured and disowned him. in this case multiple penultimates, such as patriotism and a non-pacifist tradition and a sense of duty, all got in the way of understanding and “standing with” this young man as he made a difficult moral decision. it is as understandable as it is unfortunate that he never went back to church. by emphasizing a theological sense of humor, i am only suggesting that what is penultimate should be treated as penultimate and never confused with what is ultimate. 38 although it is not what i am discussing here, it is also true that gudina did have a sense of humor in the ordinary sense of this phrase. in many ways, of course, he was serious and thoughtful. but he very much enjoyed any opportunity we had to joke with one another. his face would light up, and he would join in the fun. 39 tumsa “pastoral letter,” in witness and discipleship, 79. 40 staffan grenstedt, “the ministry of qes gudina tumsa in the kambata/hadiya region,” in ecumenical challenges, 203. 41 lutheran book of worship (minneapolis: augsburg publishing house, 1978), 68. jadock, “gudina tumsa’s contributions to theology” global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022): 56 conclusion we have talked about the way gudina’s relationship to god was central to his theology, his theology was triune, theological thinking informed his decisions, his theology was ecumenical, he was critically engaged with society, and he exhibited a sense of humor. why are all of these characteristics important? they are important because they are transferrable. in another time and place the outcomes will be different, but these characteristics make for a healthy theology even in another geographical, cultural, or historical setting. they contribute to theological integrity and courage. to try to say this another way, gudina’s way of doing theology is important because it is both contextual and universal. the dynamics are universal, the focus on relationality is universal, the holistic emphasis is universal, while at the same time these dynamics intentionally take seriously the here and now of individuals and particular peoples and engage their specific social settings so seriously that the end result turns out to be deeply contextual--but contextual in a way that does not set one part of the church against another. there can still be a common witness to the centrality of the power and presence of christ and the ongoing activity of god in the world. the kind of theology gudina practiced continues to be of great value for all who confess the christian faith, today and on into the future. we honor him best by appreciating and learning from his theology. central to his theology was his relationship to god his theology was triune. theological thinking informed his decisions. gudina’s theology was ecumenical. a critical engagement with society. gudina’s theology exhibited a sense of humor. conclusion global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 11 gudina tumsa’s approach to human rights: a dialogue between anthropology and christology estifanos tesemma zewde (independent researcher, st. andrews, scotland) abstract: in the following, i shall present rev. gudina’s approach to the crucial issue of human rights. the historical parameters in which rev. gudina ministered as a church leader and theologian will particularly be focused on. put rightly, the very phenomenon that marks that particular period in ethiopian history was the marxist [-leninist] ideology. as we shall see later, marxism emphasized social and economic issues more than anything to the extent of seeing human beings but in terms of this internal logic. preamble the history of the world has revealed that there were individuals who have unreservedly and sacrificially committed their lives for the common good of humanity. these great women and men contributed to a lot, to the point of death, to the development of human life and the advancement of civilization. in the context of religion, historical accounts of, say, the world’s largest religions, recorded stories of religious founders and leaders who set great inspiration to their followers or those whom they preside over. to this, one may add dietrich bonhoeffer (germany), martin luther king, jr. (usa), archbishop oscar romero (el salvador), and, not least, rev. gudina tumsa (ethiopia). these notable church leaders demonstrated in their lives christ’s ideal of discipleship with all its cost. these three examples have a number of things in common. they were church leaders having lived for the gospel of jesus christ; they stood for the people of periphery; and ultimately gave away their lives. on top of that, they starkly and boldly spoke against all the dehumanizing activities in their respective countries. humanity was the focus and ideal of their ministry. when it comes to the topic of this paper, rev. gudina tumsa (1929-1979), general secretary of the ethiopian evangelical church mekane yesus (eecmy), was perhaps the only leader of the church who was able to combine both christian and social concerns – what is known as political theology. he understood his role as a christian fellow, church leader, and a citizen. of more interest is that he never exhibited a onesided approach to the church’s ministry. the only bias one could possibly spot is that he was utterly christ-oriented (or, theologically speaking, christological). that is, one can confidently say that at the heart of his theological thought lies jesus christ. knowing the dangers of this socio-economic view of human beings, rev. gudina developed an approach to understanding of human nature from an informed [theological] anthropological perspective. based on his theological-anthropological analysis of human nature he developed a stance on human rights. but theological anthropology was not the only starting point of rev. gudina’s perspective on human rights. in this paper, i shall discuss that rev. gudina’s approach to human rights was the result of his creative holding of a dialog between theological anthropology and christology. needless to say, the history of the church as well as theology is a rather rich and complex sum, demonstrating experiences of conflicts, tensions and, indeed, resolutions. more fully, it is this dynamic of experience that constitutes the christian historical and theological heritage. so to say, it could be contended that god has providentially kept the church going, if not without problems, as it passed through times of turmoil and uncertainties. in a formation of a certain theological thought, thus, it is highly instructive and informative to look into the background (be it social, historical, political, or religious) out of or against which that thought developed. in the case of this paper, zewde, “gudina tumsa’s approach to human rights” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 12 gudina’s theological understanding about human nature and human rights developed primarily as a criticism of marxist understanding of human nature, which had enormous impact on certain unfortunate circumstances that led the dergue to seriously undermine and violate human rights. marxist anthropology and the enigma of human rights although marxist philosophy was at certain instances critical exhibiting departure of hegelian philosophy, the latter played an enormous role in the development of the former. particularly, the marxist version of materialism, namely, dialectical materialism, could well be understood as a critical synthesis of hegel’s and feuerbach’s philosophies. in the following, i shall briefly present the influences of these notable philosophers of the enlightenment on the marxist doctrine of humanity. influences of hegel and feuerbach: the formation of marxist doctrine of humanity georg wilhelm friedrich hegel (1770-1831) belongs to, and perhaps the chief proponent of, german idealism. he was preceded by other notable idealist thinkers, such as immanuel kant (17241804), johann gottlieb fichte (1762-1814), and friedrich wilhelm joseph von shelling (1775-1984). kant was the mastermind of german idealism. for him, the human mind had the capacity of creative activity, and thus had the capacity to know what is real (in the sense of visibility and concreteness). what is real for kant was what he referred to as the “thing-in-itself.” fichte departed from kant’s objectification of reality and suppressed the notion of the “thing-in-itself” entirely to the activity of the subject (individual human mind). but this position did not amount to solipsism (belief in one reality). sumner clarifies fichte’s point: [he] thought that the material world is formed for the finite ego (with a view to action, moral activity), through, and in a real sense by, the individual ego, but ultimately by the pure or transcendental ego or subject, from which proceed finite subjects and via the finite subjects (idealism) finite objects. he thus constructed a system of subjective transcendental idealism.1 schelling countered fichte’s one-sided subjectivism and affirmed that nature itself is no less than mind a manifestation of the absolute. as a matter of fact, both are real manifestations of the absolute, although both belong ontologically to the absolute. the idea of the absolute was substantially advanced by hegel later. for hegel the absolute is a self-thinking, self-realizing, and self-manifesting being that actualizes itself in the dialectical and historical process. schelling suggested that, say, nature and mind are manifestations of the absolute, albeit he does not seem to have a detailed analysis of how the two elements manifest the absolute. in hegel’s presentation, however, we encounter a rather detailed explanation, though hard to understand, of the process. he attributes the absolute as the subject of the process. it is not nature and mind that manifest the absolute, but the absolute itself “who” manifests itself in nature and mind. nevertheless, hegel emphasizes the human mind as the agency of accommodation for the absolute. absolute is a self-thinking thought, an idea, finding an ultimate embodiment in human rational mind. in the words of sumner, “being comes to exist as spirit and thus to manifest its essence adequately only in and through the human spirit.”2 at this juncture, one may ask a typical question: where does the place of humanity? hegel’s answer is that although nature is the necessary condition for the selfrealization of the absolute, human spirit or mind is the arena of the process. sumner observes: “the world moves by some inner necessity towards the goal of selfknowledge in and through man. this inner necessity is that of the 1 claude sumner, the philosophy of man, volume ii: from kant to the situation in 1963 (addis ababa: aau press, 1974) 31. 2 sumner, philosophy of man, 34. zewde, “gudina tumsa’s approach to human rights” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 13 absolute itself. the absolute is a process of self-reflection: reality comes to know itself. and it does so in and through human spirit.”3 what then is hegel’s view of human nature? the answer lies in the overall rubric of his thought on the relation of the absolute (the idea) and the human mind. what is real is the idea and nature is its manifestation. the human mind, which has affinity both with nature and the idea, comes to be real insofar as it is part and parcel of the process (in which history is realized) of the absolute’s self-realization. conversely, the essence of human nature lies in the mediatory role played by the human mind. as the human mind unveils the true essence of humanity in the process of the absolute’s self-actualization, it moves from particularity (awareness of one’s self-consciousness) to universality (awareness of self-consciousness in others). one may wonder which phenomenon could substantially address this transference. hegel’s suggestion is twofold: society and religion. the beginning phases of individual’s recognition of selfconsciousness are ushered in by society, but the entrance into the universal mind is religion. this latter point is well-expressive of the growing perception of the universality of religion, which is marked by encounter with and dependence on the holy, as a universal phenomenon. this was the very point marx starkly opposed in hegel’s philosophy. hegel’s thought on the organic conception of society, the evolutionary and ongoing view of history, and growth whose process results from the dialectic of repelling forces and elements, altogether influenced marx and his friend friedrich engels. marxism, as it was developed and propounded by marx and engels, adopted hegelian dialectics in approaching philosophy. however, the materialism and thereby critique of religion came from ludwig feuerbach (1804-72). feuerbach was strict adherent of what is known as left-wing hegelianism that “ saw in christian religion only a product of human conscience.” 4 according to hans-lutz poetsch, feuerbach “taught that the adoration of god, revelation, and faith are not realities outside man but products created by him, and projections of his longings and unrealizable wishes; namely, they were illusions.” 5 this perspective constitutes his analysis of christianity in his magnum opus the essence of christianity. in this writing feuerbach extensively argues that religion proceeds from human consciousness making it a boundary marker against that of animals. thus the idea of god is mere human mental projection not a reality. whatever humans think of or portray about god is actually humanity itself. it follows from this that god is a sort of ensemble of attributes that essentially belong to human beings. in the words of feuerbach: “in religion man has in view himself alone, or, in regarding himself as the object of god, as the end of the divine activity, he is an object to himself, his own end and aim. the mystery of incarnation is the mystery of the love of god to man, and the mystery of the love of god to man is [actually] the love of man to himself.”6 god, thus for feuerbach, remains human beings” mental projection of their own highest being.7 having been considerably influenced by hegel’s dialectics and feuerbach’s materialism, marx arrived at understanding that religion, which was once regarded by hegel as the apex of the mind’s self-realization in a universal capacity, as mere illusion to be done away with when “social 3 sumner, philosophy of man, 36. 4 sumner, philosophy of man, 58. together with was david f. strauss (1808-74), a biblical scholar who did a lot of work on the history of jesus of nazareth and who wrote two notorious books the life of jesus critically examined and the christ of faith and the jesus of history. he and another historian hermann s. reimarus (1694-1768) are known for ridiculing the stories of the gospels as no more than an ancient near east fiction. 5 hans-lutz poetsch, marxism and christianity, contemporary theology series (st. louis, mo: concordia publishing house, 1973) 21. 6 ludwig feuerbach, the essence of christianity, e.t. by george eliot (new york: harper & brothers, 1957) 289. 7 see also feuerbach, essence, 281-282. another atheist friedrich nietzsche was also in the same vein who thought, as miroslav volf noted, that god “is nothing but an image fashioned out of human ideals; human beings are the creators and god is both their creature and the jstuffj out of which they ought to recreate themselves.” miroslav volf, exclusion and embrace: a theological exploration of identity, otherness, and reconciliation (nashville, tn: abingdon press, 1996) 168-169. zewde, “gudina tumsa’s approach to human rights” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 14 relations of mankind are transformed.”8 the essence of humanity was thus perceived in terms of materiality which leaves human beings susceptible to objectify their species/being. this objectification is realized through labor. in this way nature comes to be their work and their reality. that is, the true nature of humanity lies in the fact that human beings are working beings; and this distinguishes them from animal kingdom. hodgkiss rightly observes: “ conscious life activity directly distinguishes man from animal life activity.”9 this is not achievable individually but through associating oneself with a given society. in other words, it is membership of a given society that bestows humanity upon human beings. human development is achievable through labor. therefore, human beings are but machinery beings. one’s presumed right is maintained as long as she complies with the ideology that governs a given society. the state cannot guarantee to respect the rights of an individual who stands in opposition to the majority’s ideological system. this was the force behind human slaughtering of the so-called “the red terror” in ethiopia in late 1970s. marxist view of the constitutional nature of human beings was purely materialistic. any notion of an immaterial element was denied. this was deeply enriched by the fruits of darwinian evolutionary theory. evolutionary theory, in its classical version, attributed the origin of life a simple form of life out of which complex forms of life, including human beings, emerge. no place for the human soul or human spirit. human beings were no longer regarded as personal beings for which marxists could not find a point of reference10 but working machines. gudina tumsa’s analysis of marxist anthropology and the question of human rights rev. gudina heavily criticized marxism in two aspects: its atheism and its view of human nature.11 as regards the former, god was relegated but to mere product of human mind. concerning the latter, gudina rightly maintained that marxism’s materialistic view of human nature had quite negative effects. since human beings were regarded as purely material beings and working machines, many marxists fell into the trap of human rights abuses to the extent of mass killings. some notable examples were the heinous acts of the secret police of stalin’s regime in ussr, and the killing fields of cambodia, and the red terror in ethiopia. tens of millions lost their lives and hundreds of millions had to experience the dehumanizing acts of communists. the romanian church leader, richard wurmbrand, once made a stunning remark, in his famous testimonial inscribed under the title tortured for christ, that the brutality he suffered as a result of communist persecution by far outweighed what he had experienced in nazi concentration camps. as gudina points out in his treatise unbelief, at the heart of the brutality committed by adherents of marxism was “the denial of human nature and human dignity.”12 in other words, the issue of human dignity is the foundation of human rights; without establishing the dignity of humans one cannot talk about human rights. m. douglas meeks, in his introduction to jürgen moltmann’s on human dignity: political theology and ethics, states that human dignity “requires human rights for its embodiment, protection, and full flowering. human rights are the concrete, indefeasible claim of human dignity. without human rights, the human dignity cannot be historically realized in action.”13 8 philip hodgkiss, the making of the modern mind: the surfacing of consciousness in social thought (london: athlone press, 2001) 45. 9 hodgkiss, modern mind, 47. see also david lyon, “evaluating marxism: some christian reflections,” in alan scarfe and patrick sookhdeo (eds.), christianity and marxism (exeter, uk: paternoster press, 1982) 131-132. 10 in christian tradition this point of reference is god, who is the ground of personality and who himself is a person or personal being. 11 gudina tumsa, “unbelief,” in witness and discipleship: the essential writings of gudina tumsa (addis ababa: gudina tumsa foundation, 2003) 25-33. 12 “unbelief,” 30. 13 jürgen moltmann, on human dignity: political theology and ethics, e.t and introduction by m. douglas meeks (philadelphia, pa: fortress press, 1984) xi. see also matthijs de blois, “the foundation of human rights: a christian perspective,” in paul r. beaumont (ed.), christian perspectives on human rights and legal philosophy (carlisle, uk: paternoster press, 1998) 14-18. zewde, “gudina tumsa’s approach to human rights” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 15 in christian discourse of humanity, the dignity is based on the image of god. according to biblical testimony, it is the image of god stamped on humanity which declares the dignity of human beings. interestingly, this counter claim was already current in gudina’s thought, where he said: “our response to unbelief should be based on a clear and full testimony to the nature of god, the world and man from the biblical perspective.”14 human beings are not purely material beings, as many marxists underscore; they are personal and holistic beings, having both material and immaterial aspects within their constitutional nature.15 gudina notices that as very ancient as the fifth century before christ, the greek philosopher democritus suggested that reality is to be understood in terms of matter. democritus is commonly known as the “father of materialism,” a belief that matter is the only and final reality. for materialism, human beings are to be viewed but in terms of matter.16 gudina’s critique does not only target marxist ideology but also the materialism that undergirds western concept of development where “[the] standard of human life and that of society is normally evaluated in terms of economic growth and material wealth, or in technology and production.”17 regarding his challenge to the partners of the church, gudina maintained that integral human development cannot be attained without a holistic view of humanity. on the paper entitled “on the interrelation between proclamation of the gospel and human development” (1972), one finds an emphasis that human beings are holistic beings with holistic needs physical and spiritual to be met.18 in the “pastoral letter,” we find a firm perspective on this holistic view of humanity that the primary task of the gospel of jesus christ and the continuing task of the church is “the full liberation of the whole man.”19 this holistic view of man also recurs in gudina’s “report at the ethiopia consultation” (1973), where he, on behalf of the church, explains away the matter: “for us it is very difficult to dissect human life into various parts, ministering to one aspect while neglecting the other. man is created by god as a totality. what we confess on sundays as the resurrection of the body should be practiced during the week and must be in conformity with the biblical understanding of man.”20 as a natural upshot to this perspective of humanity comes the declaration: “we aspire for justice, respect for human rights and the rule of law.”21 the above references indicate that at first gudina approached the issue of human rights from anthropology, taking a view of human nature as a starting point of human rights discourse. however, anthropology was not the only element in gudina’s approach to human rights, but christology, too, had an enormous role in the discourse. as i have hinted at the beginning of this paper, gudina’s approach to the issue of human rights was the result of the dialogue between his creative perspectives on theological anthropology and christology. what precipitated this outlook? the answer is twofold the failure of marxist view of human progress and theological metamorphosis. marxism, highly influenced by darwinian evolutionary theory, envisioned that human beings grow both essentially and technologically with the march of time. however, this humanistic 14 “unbelief,” 31. in this penetrating treatise, gudina does not merely focus on atheism, as the title “unbelief” may mistakenly be read, but to any act and belief that is contrary to the gospel of jesus christ and the ideal of the kingdom of god. for his explication of the nature of unbelief, see “unbelief,” 25-26. 15 in christian theological tradition there are three rivaling understandings of the constitutional nature of human beings: monism (only one element), dichotomism (body and soul/spirit), and trichotomism (body, soul and spirit). 16 “unbelief,” 27. 17 “on the interrelation between proclamation of the gospel and human development,” in witness and discipleship: the essential writings of gudina tumsa (addis ababa: gudina tumsa foundation, 2003) 84. 18 the writing is found in witness and discipleship: the essential writings of gudina tumsa (addis ababa: gudina tumsa foundation, 2003) 81-94. 19 “pastoral letter,” in witness and discipleship: the essential writings of gudina tumsa (addis ababa: gudina tumsa foundation, 2003) 78. 20 “report at ethiopia consultation,” in witness and discipleship: the essential writings of gudina tumsa (addis ababa: gudina tumsa foundation, 2003) 107. see also gerd decke’s insightful analysis gudina’s critical engagement with marxism in gerd decke, “the role of gudina tumsa in a critical dialogue between marxism/socialism and christianity,” in the life and ministry of rev. gudina tumsa (addis ababa: gudina tumsa foundation, 2003) 101-128. 21 “pastoral letter,” 79. emphasis added. zewde, “gudina tumsa’s approach to human rights” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 16 optimism shattered with the two world wars which claimed hundreds of millions of lives. in the main, the fact of the holocaust revealed the potential human beings have to lapse into heinousness. from the perspective of the christian view of humanity, this failure is a demonstration par excellence of human depravity. the bible speaks that human beings, although created in the image of god, are sinners. because of their sinfulness they are depraved of right relationship with god, themselves and the rest of the created order. st. paul in romans affirms this universal human predicament: “all have sinned and fall short of the glory of god” (3:23). justification is the only way out, which constitutes getting reconciled with god, oneself, and fellow human beings and nature. paul’s affirmation of the universal predicament of depravity is not, however, the denial of the dignity of human beings. despite all this, “[man] is still seen as the most noble of all creatures, with a power within him to be guided by his higher intellect.”22 no matter how far human beings advanced intellectually, economically, and technologically, they are always accompanied by dehumanizing atrocities. gudina rightly points out the basic necessity of humankind: though certain flagrant allures of justice have been removed from the affairs of man, unjust practices like racism, oppression and corruption continue whenever man is found. thus, man’s basic need is not simply to be informed of what is good and right. man’s primary need is to be set free from his own self-centered greed. here is where the gospel of lord jesus christ comes in as the liberating power.23 with the perspective conceived in these words, gudina joins the thought-world of the american civil rights activist, martin luther king, jr. king was highly critical of communism’s atheistic materialism. for him the christian alternative was theistic idealism. in his own words: “reality cannot be explained by matter in motion or the push and pull of economic forces…. man cannot save himself, for man is not the measure of all things and humanity is not god. bound by the chains of his own sin and finiteness, man needs a savior.”24 the conception of salvation was also dominant in some theologians who lived towards the end of the nineteenth century, such as albrecht ritschl (1822-1889) and the proponent of the social gospel movement, walter rauschenbusch (1861-1918). for these thinkers, human life is characterized primarily in terms of selfishness, the ultimate vice that alienates human beings from god. salvation is thus to turn from one-self to god and humanity.25 several things can be noted briefly about justification. first, justification refers to a legal declaration by god that our sins—past, present, and future—are forgiven through christ and christ’s righteousness is imputed to us. second, it is a once-for-all decision to declare (not make) us righteous in his sight so that there remains no longer any legal recourse or accusation against us. this is the meaning paul intends when he asks in romans 8:33: “who will bring any charge against god’s elect? it is god who justifies.” third, since justification involves forgiveness of sin and dealing with actual condemnation, it ultimately settles the question of our guilt; we are no longer in a state of guilt. fourth, we possess, in god’s sight, the righteousness of christ, and since god views it this way, this is indeed reality. our standing has been forever changed and we are no longer guilty; the law no longer has recourse against us. lastly, justification comes through faith and not by works as paul makes clear in romans 3:26-28; 4:4-5. we do not earn this standing, but rather it is credited to our account through faith in christ. 22 “gospel and human development,” 86. 23 ibid. 24 the quotation comes from a collection of king’s sermons that was published posthumously. martin luther king, jr., strength to love (philadelphia, pa: fortress press, 1981) 98. for a quick rationale of the connection between martin luther king, jr. and gudina tumsa, see øyvind eide, “integral human development: rev. gudina tumsa’s theology, with special reference to his critique of dominant trends in missiology and the question of human rights,” in the life and ministry of rev. gudina tumsa (addis ababa: gudina tumsa foundation, 2003) 41-42. 25 for further interest, the two theologians expounded their understanding of human nature, sinfulness and reconciliation rithschl, the christian doctrine of justification and reconciliation (1874) and rauschenbush, a theology for the social gospel (1917). zewde, “gudina tumsa’s approach to human rights” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 17 the other reason for the two-dimensional theological outlook in gudina’s approach to the question of human rights was his own theological metamorphosis. we see a major embrace of christology. in the later writings such as “the role of a christian in a given society” (1979) and “ pastoral letter” (1975), this shift becomes visible. jesus christ is depicted as the center and meaning of christian existence and service.26 what is underlined in these writings is that without a personal acquaintance with jesus christ, one cannot understand her true humanity and may not truly talk about human dignity and human rights.27 the gospel is the key to discovering one’s true humanity. in gudina’s own words: “the gospel is the power of god working in the human heart with a view to transforming man and thereby putting him in a right relationship with god, who is the source and goal of his life, regardless of the stage in the process of historical development at which man finds himself.”28 regarding christian service the last paragraph of the “pastoral letter” has a higher christological end: the people of god have been called to discipleship, pilgrimage, even suffering in this world, because true life is found only through suffering and death. the church is challenged to find itself by giving itself for the true liberation of the whole man. in this, its witness to the gospel of christ and its service to man, it teaches that salvation as wrought by christ must be experienced in this life, but that fullness of life is to be realized at the second coming of our lord and savior.29 having established the reasons for the development of rev. gudina’s view of human rights out of the interplay between anthropology to christology, i shall now briefly present how the doctrine of justification serves as epistemological factor in recognizing one’s christian existence and role in a given society. justification: the heart of human existence and the logic of c hristian social involvement the 16th-century protestant reformation brought about turning points in the areas of hermeneutics, ecclesiology and soteriology. especially, as regards the latter, the reformation’s teachings of salvation by grace through faith [alone] almost shook the soteriological foundations of the late medieval catholic church. in the medieval catholic church salvation was regarded as solely constituted in the church; and it was out of this perspective that the dictum “there is no salvation outside the [institutional] church” arose. this theological turning point became one of the steering forces of the protestant spirit. i think we also share something of it, although the degree of application may vary from denomination to denomination. implications of justification in the doctrine of justification, human beings are justified by faith apart from works. it has soteriological, ecclesiological and existential implications: • soteriologically, faith in the provision of god’s grace is the “gateway” to the kingdom of god, which is at hand. human contribution is downplayed in that it does no longer have crucial role in matters pertaining to entering into a redemptive relationship with god. 26 here comes a clear indication of the influence of dietrich bonhoeffer on the formation of gudina’s theological thought. the centrality of jesus in christian existence is well described by bonhoeffer in his book entitled christ the center. 27 in the west, the issue of human rights has unfortunately been coupled with [moral] relativism thereby making the whole notion of human rights as an excuse to unnatural and ungodly [!] predispositions. 28 “the role of a christian in a given society,” in witness and discipleship: the essential writings of gudina tumsa (addis ababa: gudina tumsa foundation, 2003) 9. 29 “pastoral letter,” 80. zewde, “gudina tumsa’s approach to human rights” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 18 • ecclesiologically, justification – entering into a right relationship with god – concerns an individual. in the context of the reformation, the church no longer was regarded as the guarantor of salvation. in the words of alister mcgrath: “the doctrine of justification came to be seen as dealing with the question of what an individual had to do in order to be saved…the question of how human beings, as individuals, could enter into a relationship with god.”30 • existentially, it points to the fact that at the heart of human existence is found god’s justice. hans g. ulrich rightly hits the point: “we are not delivered to any living conditions we have produced, but invited to live together with god in those times and places god has prepared for us. here we experience god’s care and justice in places of a sufficiently “good” human life.”31 it is the existential implication of justification that finds much expression in christian ethics. for ethics or moral philosophy, in general, and christian ethics, in particular, the primary concern is the promotion of “good” human life. the ethos of the bible upon which christian ethics is founded has something to say. for example, in psalm 127:1, it reads: “unless the lord builds the house, those who build it labor in vain. unless the lord guards the city, the guard keeps watch in vain.” psalm 23:1-3 indicate that life that is marked by a right relationship with god has a heavenly touch: “the lord is my shepherd, i shall not want. he makes me lie down in green pastures; he leads me beside still waters; he restores my soul. he leads me in right paths for his name’s sake.” the doctrine of justification reminds us that it is to this kind of life that we have been invited and it is the same life that we are called to witness and communicate. at the heart of justification lies the incarnation (and its sequel, the cross), the historical grandeur in which god and human beings met essentially or ontologically. such an ontological divine-human intersection was not a one-time movement. although inaugurated at the moment of the incarnation, it has found a continuation in the meaning of justification. and this is clearly indicated in one of very sensitive statements of the new testament: “thus he has given us, through these things, his precious and very great promises, so that through them you may escape from the corruption that is in the world because of lust, and may become participants in the divine nature” (2 peter 1:4, emphasis added).32 therefore, justification, in its advanced sense, could mean an entrance into coexistence between god and humanity; and those who are privileged with it are also called to witness and communicate what coexistence is about to others. when we understand justification in the context of moral (ethical) life it plays a kind of “checklist” role by asking whether we are in the right track and context of living with god, always alert 30 alister e. mcgrath, historical theology: an introduction to the history of christian thought (oxford, uk.: blackwell, 1998) 185. 31 hans g. ulrich, “on the grammar of lutheran ethics,” in karen l. bloomquist (ed.), lutheran ethics at the intersections of god’s one world, lutheran studies 02/2005 (geneva, switzerland: the lutheran world federation, 2005) 29. emphasis added. 32 in the eastern [orthodox] tradition, salvation is understood in terms of “deification.” the concept revolves around the theological refrain: “god became human, in order that humans might become god.” from this statement we can observe that there is a close affinity between the doctrine of salvation and the incarnation. of the early church fathers, athanasius underscored that salvation is constituted in the human participation in the being of god. the moment of incarnation whereby the logos became flesh indicated that the divine logos is now imparted to humanity. put rightly, at the incarnation, the divine logos did not merely assume the specific human existence of jesus of nazareth, but that of human nature in general. as a result, all human beings are able to partake in the deification process. the concept of salvation for this tradition is the point where redemption and deification meet. the russian orthodox theologian, vladimir lossky, affirms of this concept: “the descent (katabasis) of the divine person of christ makes human persons capable of an ascent (anabasis) in the holy spirit…. thus the redeeming work of christ – or rather, more generally speaking, the incarnation of the word – is seen to be directly related to the ultimate goal of creatures: to know and union with god.” vladimir lossky, in the image and likeness of god (crestwood, ny.: st. vladimir’s seminary press, 1974) 97-98. zewde, “gudina tumsa’s approach to human rights” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 19 of one’s constant need of god’s grace his help and consolation.33 perhaps, ulrich is right in summarizing the existential implication of justification on christian ethics: the logic of justification is the central rule in…ethics. it asks if we have lost the context of living with god, attending to god’s help and consolation. ethical reflection reminds us of this context of living. it is not a universal morality we have to communicate, but this reality which is the common focus for social and political coexistence. it is reflected in the spheres of human living which bear god’s promises: to govern with justice for the political sphere, politia, to care about the needs of god’s creatures for the sphere of economics, oeconomia, and to communicate god’s word to our hearts and minds in the sphere of communal life, ecclesia. it is [thus] in those spheres to live together with god and to respond to god’s promises and acting, to god’s creative word and work.34 that the doctrine of justification has certain moral implications on christian moral life is reflected in romans 6:1-14. paul explains his view that believers are united with christ in his death and resurrection, which has a close tie with baptism. for paul, baptism is god’s act and it is “the sign and seal and pledge that the benefits of christ’s death for all men really do apply” 35 to the person who undergoes the rite. the fact that they died and were raised with christ, in the sight of god, is intended by god that they have to make sure that they find a continuation of that moment in their life; that is, to use paul’s metaphor, they have to die to sin in their daily living.36 for paul, justification is a once-for-all moment in the process of salvation yet its implications are continual, it is “a past event with present implications.”37 what then is the compelling force behind justification? according to paul, the cross of christ, in which god’s saving love was ultimately revealed, serves as the paradigm for those who are justified. it was the righteousness of god which was demonstrated on the cross. it is this righteousness of god revealed in jesus christ that justifies men and women, inviting them into the new life (which is in christ). gudina also has a theologically matured perspective, which is trinitarian in flavor, on this fact: a christian is a transformed person by believing the gospel of christ (justification), and is in constant process of being transformed (sanctification) by the power of the third person of the holy trinity, the holy spirit, who dwells in the christian. god has counted the believer as righteous without any contribution on his/her part, with the exception of accepting the gracious gift of god through the lord jesus christ.38 one may ask on what ground this new existence stands. p. stuhlmacher is perhaps right in suggesting that this imputed righteousness is the “ground and power” of this new life in christ.39 christians are saved by the grace of god, which they are also called to radiate it in their lives, lest it will degenerate into “cheap grace” (bonhoeffer). they are to “lead a life worthy of god, who calls [them] into his own kingdom and glory” (1 thess 2:12). when we collate paul’s idea of justification with the idea we earlier raised (human entrance into coexistence with god), what the psalmist says in psalm 8:4 becomes more and more meaningful: “what are human beings that you are mindful of them, mortals you care for them?”40 conversely, such a remark reflects god’s care and loyalty, as he 33 ulrich, “on the grammar,” 29. 34 ibid. 35 c. e. b. cranfield, on romans and other new testament essays (edinburgh, uk.: t & t clark, 1998) 26. cranfield synthesizes three other senses, besides the moral one, of paul’s metaphor of “dying and being raised” – juridical, baptismal and eschatological senses. 36 cranfield, on romans, 27. 37 mcgrath, “justification,” in gerald f. hawthorne et al. (eds.), dictionary of paul and his letters (downers grove, il./leicester, uk.: intervarsity press, 1993) 518. 38 “role of a christian,” 5. 39 peter stuhlmacher, paulys letter to the romans: a commentary, e.t. by scott j. hafemann (louisville, ky.: westminster/john knox, 1994) 88-97. 40 the quotation comes from nrsv (new revised standard version). the context of the quoting of this verse in hebrews 2:6-8 prompted some biblical scholars to consider this psalm as messianic psalm, thereby critiquing any attempt of zewde, “gudina tumsa’s approach to human rights” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 20 cooperates with them in all spheres of human life. ulrich maintains: “god’s promise shapes the logic of christian political, economic and communicative practices. the promise is that god will govern the world in opposition to presumptions of absolute human power, that god will care for human beings in opposition to poverty, and that god will be loyal to them in opposition to their resignation”41; hence, the moral summoning of justification to cooperate with god in the spheres of daily life. put rightly, by engaging themselves in their respective society, christians have to present that human beings are not alone in their day-to-day struggles for survival. it is in this way that christians are said to live out their justification which set them free from egoistic self-interest and self-preservation. in this we “no longer present [our] members to sin as instruments of wickedness, present [ourselves] to god as those who have been brought from death to life, and present [our] members to god as instruments of righteousness” (rom 6:13). human rights today and the church’s call to action a brief overview of the current human rights situation globally 20th century was perhaps of striking polarities of life on earth. in as much as human beings enjoyed technological, education, and economical advancements, they had also been traumatized by the unspeakable human-made atrocities against the dignity of humankind – ranging from the world wars and the 1994 rwandan genocide. many people towards the end of the previous century had a mixed feeling whether history would repeat itself or a new c entury of peace and prosperity would come. i presume that the former was right, for the twenty-first century has so far seen human brutality – the terrorist attacks on 9/11 claiming more than 3,000 lives “in the name of god,” the wars in afghanistan and iraq, under the disguise of “war on terror” that did cost nearly a million lives, the darfur humanitarian crisis, and, not least, the still-ongoing violence on election frauds in kenya (so far about 850 people have been brutally killed, mainly by machetes). let me give some figures from amnesty international’s 2007 report. 2 million people are trafficked each year – the majority being women and girls, mostly from central and eastern europe, asia, west africa, latin america and the caribbean. at least 1 in 3 women around the world has been beaten, coerced into sex, or otherwise abused in her lifetime. 70% of the casualties in recent conflicts have been non-combatants – most of them are women and children. tens of thousands of women and girls have been subjected to rape and other sexual violence since the crisis erupted in darfur in 2003. 0 people are known by amnesty international to have been convicted in darfur for these atrocities.42 in all these dehumanizing atrocities, no one or no institution seems to seriously act in order to alleviate the problem. in rwanda genocide of 1994 the world kept silent and simply watched more than 800,000 people were slaughtered in just 100 days. those countries that are said very developed and civilized – mainly, usa, uk and eu – have always been accused by human rights organizations of prioritizing political expediency over decisively acting against tyrannical regimes. electoral frauds are often time deliberately cooled down, simply for the sake of political convenience; and that is all. using inclusive-language rendering in some theologically sensitive and fluid biblical passages. but the context of hebrews 2:6-8 suggests that in quoting psalm 8:4, the writer of the epistle might have been pointing to the human jesus. for an excellent study of the debates centering on the use of inclusive language in bible translations, see d. a. carson, the inclusive language debate: a plea for realism (grand rapids, mi.: baker books, 1998). 41 ulrich, “on the grammar,” 31. 42 “amnesty international report 2007.” website: http://thereport.amnesty.org/eng/facts-and-figures. zewde, “gudina tumsa’s approach to human rights” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 21 the indispensability of freedom and justice in human rights discourses and practices human rights are one of the signposts to democracy which are recognized and protected by society and no government should have the right to abolish them. human dignity, upon which the whole notion of human rights rests, is not bestowed upon human beings by any social, political, or, even, religious institution. instead, it is a given fact – part and parcel of human nature. in more christian way, it was naturally endowed by god when he created human beings in his image (gen 1:26-27). as such, if human rights are undermined democracy itself is undermined. in connection to the role of human rights in the process of democracy or democratization comes the indispensability and inseparability of freedom and justice. the kind of freedom in view is in no way a kind of “animalistic” freedom – i recall dr. johnny bakke once said, “ freedom without limitation is slavery.” rather, it is freedom of expression, freedom of association, freedom of assembly, and the right to equality. the classic and most popular definition of justice is “giving every person her due.” the well-known american situational ethicist, joseph fletcher, defines justice as “love distributed.” it follows, then, from this that since love implies a human relationship in freedom, justice cannot be realized apart from justice. another reason why freedom and justice remain inseparable comes from the meaning of the opposite of justice – injustice. injustice means forcing upon another person an event which in freedom she would reject, and she is thus being unfree. and to make someone unfree is to deprive her of what is due as a human being, is therefore unjust. injustice and unfreedom cannot thus be separated. for marxists/communists, the individuals are expected to be at the service of the state; and they are not concerned with freedom and justice. the role of christians and church in maintaining human rights gudina was visionary in outlining the need of a wholistic theology for the church in order to be an agent of transformation. he writes on the essence of this genre of theology: wholistic theology is an effort in rediscovering total human life. a political life is not worthy of existence, involvement is a denial of the goodness of creation and of the reality of incarnation. we are not interested in creating medieval monasteries, in setting up ghettoes (modern monasteries), but in being involved in the complex social life of our people as we find it daily, with full knowledge of our christian responsibility.43 in another instance, gudina also presents that the church’s healing ministry “has to do with the restoration of man to liberty and wholeness.”44 how does a church put into practice this ideal of its ministerial existence? it begins with self-examination and self-criticism. in socrates’ famous words, “unexamined life is not worth living.” if the church is not in a position to critically examine her ministerial ideas and practices, it cannot boldly say that it is living out its lord’s commission. gudina’s call is for the church to be political, in the strict etymological sense of the word “politics.” it means to be engaged with the affairs of the people. whenever the church stands for and speaks on behalf of the people it becomes political. if the church cloister itself from the outside world, by labeling itself as sacred and the outside as profane put her, there is a failure a failure in following in the footsteps of jesus christ. in order to proclaim justice one has to begin to exercise justice. the big question is: do we find justice and freedom abundantly exercised in the church? can a person criticize some faulty 43 gudina tumsa, “memorandum,” in witness and discipleship: the essential writings of gudina tumsa (addis ababa: gudina tumsa foundation, 2003) 69. 44 “serving the whole man: a responsible church ministry and a flexible international aid relationship,” in witness and discipleship: the essential writings of gudina tumsa (addis ababa: gudina tumsa foundation, 2003) 117. zewde, “gudina tumsa’s approach to human rights” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 22 practices in the church and remain embraced? are elections held in a godly and genuine way – or the whole process is full of lobbying and orchestration? how far professionally sensitive are the employment practices in different units of the church? if the answer for these questions is “yes,” then, the church is not justified for having kept silent when complaints about human rights abuse and undemocratic practices were instigated at times. at this point, perhaps, one may be justified in declaring that there has been a complete discontinuity between gudina tumsa and the church leaders who succeeded him to date. the elements of the discontinuity are: • “blind” allegiance to the lordship of jesus christ, no matter what the cost it may incur. • being cognizant of one’s theological tradition and being able to theologically reflect on situations, ideologies or systems that are current in a given period of time. • willingness and readiness to suffer, even to the point of death, for the eternal cause of the gospel of jesus christ. “the church is the community existence of jesus christ,” once said dietrich bonhoeffer. in pauline writings, we find also a metaphorical expression of the church as “the body of christ.” and whenever the church celebrates the eucharist, it commemorates the body of christ that was given for the salvation of humanity. whenever one thinks of the church’s sacramental nature in terms of the body of christ, it appears that the church’s existence is not one of hegemony – as the late medieval catholic church mistakenly appropriated, but one of rejection and suffering. it is not to say the church is the arena of despair and anxiety, but peace, freedom, justice and reconciliation are the results of the church’s identification with and participation in the rejection and suffering of jesus christ. to concur with martin luther’s theology of the cross, just as god’s power and true being were revealed in the weakness and rejection of his son on the cross, the church’s impacting triumph takes place in keeping its safety but in undergoing suffering for the safety and well-being of the society. only then is gudina’s actually be preserved in life. not-a-conclusion we have seen above how gudina’s approach to the issue of human rights developed out of the dialog between his theological anthropology and his christology. the presentation by no means intends to claim that theological anthropology had lost its significance in gudina’s perspective on the issue of human rights. the change may well be described in terms of the medieval catholic doctrine of transubstantiation on the eucharist. in this doctrine, upon consecration the bread and the wine will be changed to the real body and blood of christ. this may at face value look nebulous but the whole concept was drawn from aristotle’s dualistic conception of physical reality, which sees in every physical object two qualities accident (appearance) and substance (essence). when it applies to the case of this presentation, the shift is accidental (from anthropology to christology), which is expressive of gudina’s deep-seated concern for humanity, which in turn constitutes the substance of his ministry. øyvind eide concludes his appraisal of gudina’s contribution to integral human development with these words: “qes gudina was not given the opportunity to develop a confessio africana,45 given the circumstances that led to his brutal murder. to this i would also add that he, nevertheless, had laid a foundation for confessio aethiopica.” in a country which was full of brutality and strife, violence and abuses, where the so-called “red terror” was sweeping away the then youthful generation, gudina as a true church leader could not keep silent. to the contrary, he raised his voice, on behalf of the voiceless, against all the dehumanizing atrocities that marked the early days of the dergue regime. but this courage did cost him his life, but to the glory of his lord. 45 “integral human development,” 73. zewde, “gudina tumsa’s approach to human rights” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 23 the fact that this section is not meant to be a “conclusion” is in line with the overall purpose of the paper. it is not meant to arrive at mere appreciation of gudina’s contribution to the church, and the society at large. rather, it is meant to set forth a challenge to each one of us a challenge to examine ourselves and a challenge to responsibly continue his legacy, in thought and deed. as long as it exists, the church has the greatest responsibility of maintaining and safeguarding the dignity of humanity, for it takes hold of the truth about humanity, whether anthropologically or christologically. silenced by death? no way! gudina’s legacy is alive. and his thought still smells fresh. zewde, “gudina tumsa’s approach to human rights” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 24 sources cited amnesty international, “amnesty international report 2007.” website: http://thereport.amnesty.org/eng/facts-and-figures. carson, d. 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abraham, “pastoral letter,” in witness and discipleship: the essential writings of gudina tumsa. addis ababa: gudina tumsa foundation, 2003. gudina tumsa et. al, “on the interrelation between proclamation of the gospel and human development,” in witness and discipleship: the essential writings of gudina tumsa. addis ababa: gudina tumsa foundation, 2003. gudina tumsa, “memorandum,” in witness and discipleship: the essential writings of gudina tumsa. addis ababa: gudina tumsa foundation, 2003. -----------, “report at ethiopia consultation,” in witness and discipleship: the essential writings of gudina tumsa. addis ababa: gudina tumsa foundation, 2003. -----------, “the role of a christian in a given society,” in witness and discipleship: the essential writings of gudina tumsa. addis ababa: gudina tumsa foundation, 2003. -----------, “unbelief,” in witness and discipleship: the essential writings of gudina tumsa. addis ababa: gudina tumsa foundation, 2003. -----------, “serving the whole man: a responsible church ministry and a flexible international aid relationship,” in witness and discipleship: the essential writings of gudina tumsa. addis ababa: gudina tumsa foundation, 2003. hodgkiss, philip, the making of the modern mind: the surfacing of consciousness in social thought. london: athlone press, 2001. king, jr., martin luther, strength to love. philadelphia, pa: fortress press, 1981. lossky, vladimir, in the image and likeness of god. crestwood, ny.: st. vladimir’s seminary press, 1974. lyon, david, “evaluating marxism: some christian reflections,” in alan scarfe and patrick sookhdeo (eds.), christianity and marxism. exeter, uk: paternoster press, 1982. mcgrath, alister e., historical theology: an introduction to the history of christian thought. oxford, uk.: blackwell, 1998. -----------, “justification,” in gerald f. hawthorne et al. (eds.), dictionary of paul and his letters. downers grove, il./leicester, uk.: intervarsity press, 1993. moltmann, jürgen, on human dignity: political theology and ethics, e.t and introduction by m. douglas meeks. philadelphia, pa: fortress press, 1984. poetsch, hans-lutz, marxism and christianity, contemporary theology series. st. louis, mo: concordia publishing house, 1973. stuhlmacher, peter, paulys letter to the romans: a commentary, e.t. by scott j. hafemann. louisville, ky.: westminster/john knox, 1994. http://thereport.amnesty.org/eng/factsuandufigures zewde, “gudina tumsa’s approach to human rights” global south theological journal x, no. x (202x): 25 sumner, claude, the philosophy of man, volume ii: from kant to the situation in 1963. addis ababa: aau press, 1974. ulrich, hans g., “on the grammar of lutheran ethics,” in karen l. bloomquist (ed.), lutheran ethics at the intersections of godys one world, lutheran studies 02/2005. geneva, switzerland: the lutheran world federation, 2005. volf, miroslav, exclusion and embrace: a theological exploration of identity, otherness, and reconciliation. nashville, tn: abingdon press, 1996. preamble marxist anthropology and the enigma of human rights influences of hegel and feuerbach: the formation of marxist doctrine of humanity gudina tumsa’s analysis of marxist anthropology and the question of human rights justification: the heart of human existence and the logic of christian social involvement implications of justification human rights today and the church’s call to action a brief overview of the current human rights situation globally the indispensability of freedom and justice in human rights discourses and practices the role of christians and church in maintaining human rights not-a-conclusion sources cited global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022): 30 the ethiopian evangelical church mekane yesus (eecmy) between indigeneity and globalism: re-measuring growth, re-visioning mission, recasting leadership ezekiel gebissa (kettering university) abstract: the church needs to recognize its place between indigeneity and global forces. while its circumstances and social location has changed, its core values remain the same. it is a challenge for the current eecmy leadership to ensure the church is equipped with a theology and practice to carry out faithful and missional work locally that is effective in a changed global context. introduction in the1970s, church growth scholars predicted that by the end of the century the center of christianity will have shifted from europe and north america to the third world, and christians beyond the first world will be setting the agenda for the christian church as a whole.1 christianity is indeed growing in africa, asia and latin america and declining in the west.2 in africa, the christian population grew from 60 million in 1962 to 411 million (or 46% of the total population) by 2005.3 in numerical terms africa is arguably the center of gravity of global christianity, but the numerical strength has yet to translate into the kind of theological prowess capable of defining christianity as earlier predicted. andrew walls writes: the christianity typical of the twenty-first century will be shaped by the events and process that take place in the southern continents, and above all by those that take place in africa.… the things by which people recognize and judge what christianity is will increasingly be determined in africa. the characteristic decisions, the liturgy, the ethical codes, the social applications of the faith will increasingly be those prominent in africa.4 the lag between numerical growth and theological impact holds true for the ethiopian evangelical church mekane yesus (eecmy) among world lutherans. the eecmy is reportedly the fastest growing lutheran church in the world and the largest in africa. if size is all that matters, it can 1 walbert buhlman, the coming of the third church: an analysis of the present and future of the church (maryknoll: orbis, 1977). 2 david b. barrett, george t. kurian, and todd m. johnson, “a comparative survey of churches and religions in the modern world,” in world christian encyclopedia (oxford: oxford, 2001); harvey cox, fire from heaven: the rise of pentecostal spirituality and the reshaping of religion in the twenty-first century (new york: addison-wesley, 1995); h. j. hendriks, “evangelism in africa,” praktiese teologie in suid-afrika. 22, no. 1 (2007): 23-40; jenkins, philip. 2002. the next christendom: the coming of global christianity (oxford: oxford university press, 2002); andrew f. walls, the cross-cultural process in christian history. (maryknoll ny: orbis books, 2002); lamin sanneh, whose religion is christianity? the gospel beyond the west (grand rapids: eerdmans, 2003). 3 sanneh, whose religion, 18. 4 walls, cross-cultural process, 85. ezekiel gebissa, is professor of history and african studies at kettering university. he is the author of leaf of allah: khat and the transformation of agriculture in harerge ethiopia, 1875–1991 sole editor of two books to which i contributed several chapters, and of more than a dozen articles in highly regarded international journals, several book chapters, and numerous book reviews. he has served as editor-in-chief of major academic journals, as book review editor of a journal, and online moderator of an electronic list. his research interest includes processes of commoditization of psychoactive plants and criminalization of cultural uses of psychoactive substances. gebissa, “between indigeneity and globalism” global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022): 31 rightfully be claimed that it symbolizes the shift in christianity’s center of gravity. even in terms of qualitative attributes, the eecmy has a record of leadership and theological distinction in defining the mission of the church nationally within ethiopia, within the african continent, and globally.5 in recent years, however, this national church has struggled in its quest for becoming an independent church that can sustain itself financially even as its membership has grown steadily. above all, its capacity for theological vitality is regarded by young church members to be severely diminished.6 the strain between numerical expansion and institutional maturity that has beset the african church’s capacity to define the very character of the christian church seem evident in the eecmy case. at the outset, it is important to underscore that numerical growth could be read in a way that can divert the leaders’ attention from measuring the raison d’être of the national church. descriptions such as “fastest growing” and “largest church,” albeit justified by the numbers, have the potential to foster complacency. while the eecmy has grown steadily in actual numbers since its inception as a national church, the rate of growth has declined over the same period. the church started out with approximately 25,000 members in 1959 and reached 209,000 in 1974, growing at an average of 49% annually for the 15 years of eecmy’s existence. the church grew from 2.1 million in 1998 to 5.3 in 2009, a phenomenal growth in actual numbers (the fastest growing lutheran church), but at 13% annual growth rate, at a much slower rate than during the first decade and half. the rate of growth relative to population growth shows a slower rate than the actual church growth rate. figure 1: eecmy growth, 1959-2009 while the eecmy can celebrate its growth, the declining rate raises a whole host of questions about why the church is growing, who actually is responsible for the current growth, and in what geographic area or what level of the church structure is the growth occurring. i shall not, however, pursue this line of inquiry. rather, the relevant issue here is the preparedness of the national church to become a global leader among lutherans. by its very design, the eecmy’s national governing structure is meant to be a visible symbol of its unity, to coordinate the work of the synods, and serve as a conduit to the ethiopian government and international relationships. as gudina tumsa long ago observed, “the organizational structure of the eec-my must be judged on the quality of service it is rendering to the people of god. … the administration of the eec-my must use its organizational structure as effective tools [sic] and be itself an effective means whereby the gospel proclamation is accelerated.”7 these objectives cannot be 5 for details on eecmy leadership from marangu to lutheran world federation, see emmanuel abraham, reminiscences of my life (trenton, nj: red sea press, 2011). 6 an informal survey of sentiments shows rampant dissatisfaction, particularly on the part of the youth, with the leadership, the mission, and experience of church even as the national church boasts numerical growth. 7 gudina tumsa, “the church as an institution: the concept of the church as an institution,” in for the gospel and the church: documents of the rev. gudina tumsa and mekane yesus church from the period 1961-1970 (addis ababa: gudina tumsa foundation, 2006), 1:120. gebissa, “between indigeneity and globalism” global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022): 32 measured using quantitative data. growth in size cannot be taken as an indication of maturity and wellbeing, two qualities required for global leadership. to go forward into the twenty first century, the work of the eecmy should be assessed for the quality of service it provides rather than statistical data that records numerical increases. self-assessment is critical for other equally important reasons. even though the national polity bears the name “church,” we should keep in mind gudina’s observation that the “church as an organization is a human institution. … and the organizational set-up of the church must be subject to critical evaluation.”8 the reason is that all organizations, by their very nature, follow what may be called an “organizational maturation curve.” institutions are built to advance a vision. many fail but those that succeed grow in numbers and organizational complexity. in time, they reach a level of maturity and operational regularity that result in the creation of a bureaucracy that functions on routine procedure. richard hamm has pointed out that eventually, unless the leadership assesses its performance and updates the original vision, “the institution begins to lose its mission focus, becomes self-serving, loses the confidence of the membership and suffers a decline. every human institution, including every expression of the church, has this tendency to ‘turn on itself’ and to become preoccupied with self-service and survival.”9 in church institutions, survival becomes the mission. reassessment allows the leadership to get the institution back on track, clarify and reaffirm its mission, and live out its core values. this paper proposes that any self-assessment conducted by eecmy must be multidimensional in approach. this will require different instruments to measure progress. the matrix of numerical growth needs to be supplemented by measures that take account of the church’s capacities to sustain, govern, extend, and contextualize itself. the paper argues that the main reason for the disparity between the numerical increases in converts/members joining the church and the impact of church leadership to affect change is a lack of theological depth guiding decision-making. this includes the way the eecmy regards its identity and how the church chooses to relate to its own cultural context. it is my position that the gospel needs once again to confront the church and the very many challenges facing ethiopian society. related to this i assert that the ebb in theological vitality is a function of myriad factors, but revitalizing is a leadership challenge. this paper argues that that the future of the church’s mission depends entirely on the adaptive capacity of the leadership to undertake the task of leading change.10 re-measuring growth: expanding the matrix for over 150 years, mission-oriented churches have determined that a newly planted church is mature when it is self-governing, self-supporting, and self-propagating. because these principles were often ignored in practice, rather than try to make a definitive conclusion about whether the ‘three-self” formula has been efficacious in assessing the independence of churches that grew out of external missionary enterprises, i suggest that the critical question is whether the principles have merit in the current day, i.e., can they be used today to assess the health and continued growth in maturity of the independent church? over the years, the formula has been criticized as inadequate, outdated, and narrow. robert reese, of the world mission associates, argues that the “the formula, whatever may be its shortcomings and blind spots, remains the criterion in missions for a church or christian organization that is not dependent. a three-self body of christians has enough strength and responsibility to work for christ whether others are available to help or not.”11 further, reese adds, “the three-self formula remains relevant because it takes christians in the developing world more seriously than many other current popular mission methods that continue to create dependency.” following reese, i argue that the three 8 tumsa, “church as an institution,”120. 9 richard hamm, recreating the church: leadership for the postmodern age (st. louis, mo: chalice press, 2007), 26. 10 james o'toole, leading change: overcoming the ideology of comfort and the tyranny of custom (san francisco: jossey-bass publishers, 1995). 11 robert reese, “the surprising relevance of the three-self formula,” mission frontiers 29, no. 4 (2007): 25-27. gebissa, “between indigeneity and globalism” global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022): 33 self formula can be a critical instrument of self-assessment for the eecmy, because, as a body of believers, it desires to be a self-sufficient, independent, and missional in serving god’s purpose on earth. after all, as melvin l. hodges (1909-1988), an american missionary to nicaragua, long ago observed, “the indigenous church principles are in reality new testament church principles.”12 as long as the mission of the church in this world remains god’s mission, there should be no doubt that the three self principles should be applied to an independent church with missionary heritage. the challenge of the eecmy is not whether it is self-governing and self-propagating in its sociological sense or self-supporting in monetary terms. if the goal is to make sure the church remains on a trajectory toward fulfilling the greater expectations held of the african church, that is, that it attain global leadership, then indigeneity would be relevant, at least “indigeneity” in the sense of maintaining local cultural patterns, meanings and images.13 these are the issues that matter to indigenous ethical reflection, homiletical style, hermeneutical methods, sense of identity, cultural expressivity in worship and so forth. as such, these issues are not so much identifiers of indigeneity as they are signifiers of successful contextualization, a critical capacity for a missionary church. in the eecmy case, therefore, self-governing should be seen as self-identifying and self-adapting. in the context of our time, the most important construct of “contextualization” is the fourth “self” proposed by paul hiebert, renowned professor of mission and anthropology at trinity evangelical divinity school. arguing that a healthy church must have leaders with a deep understanding of scripture and how it should be applied to the cultural situation, he added another characteristic -selftheologizing.14 as david bosch suggested, the eecmy should self-theologize in dialogue with the universal 'invisible' church.15 only when the african church has fulfilled the four self principle, and is truly grounded and contextualized can it affirm that the center of gravity of world christianity has shifted to africa. indigeneity: the triple bottom line matrix the eecmy springs from the ethiopian soil and manifests many of the cultural traits and expressions of the people themselves, rather than being a church that consists, primarily, of an imported culture foisted on new believers. there is no escaping that one needs to seek to become a contextualized church aspiring to be autonomous, solvent, and missional.16 just how self-supporting, self-governing, and self-extending has eecmy had been? self-governing as self-identifying and self-adapting in a broader sense, self-governing encapsulates self-identifying and self-adapting more than the sociological aspect of church leadership. self-identifying is the concept that those who gather as a group identify themselves as the local expression of the body of christ in their area while self-determining refers to the idea of the church being able to organize itself and its worship services follow the scriptures and in accordance with indigenous patterns.17 in the sense that the concern in the latter case relates to how others should perceive the church, self-determining is sometimes described as self-adapting to local culture.18 12 melvin l. hodge, the indigenous church: a complete handbook on how to grow young churches (springfield, mo: gospel publishing house, 1999), 58. 13 charles kraft, “measuring indigeneity,” in readings in dynamic indigeneity, eds. charles kraft and tome wisely (pasadena, ca: william carey library, 1979), 118-152. 14 paul g. hiebert, anthropological reflections on missiological issues (grand rapids: baker, 1994), 97; and anthropological insights for missionaries (grand rapids: baker, 1985), 199-224. 15 david j. bosch, transforming mission: paradigm shifts in theology of mission (maryknoll, ny: orbis, 1997), 45057. 16 j. d. payne, discovering church planting: an introduction to the whats, whys, and hows of global church planting (colorado springs: paternoster, 2009), 18-24.: 17 alan tippett, verdict theology in missionary theory (pasadena, ca: william carey library, 1973), 148-163. 18 ebbie smith, a manual for church growth surveys (pasadena, ca: william carey library, 1976), 41-54. gebissa, “between indigeneity and globalism” global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022): 34 self-identifying from the very beginning of the introduction of evangelical christianity, ethiopian evangelicals envisioned themselves as a separate entity independent of the ethiopian orthodox church (eoc). the indigenous evangelical missionaries of the early 20th century knew where they stood vis-à-vis the protestant missionaries with whom they shared a common understanding of the meaning of salvation. this faith made them a target for persecution by the eoc clergy and ethiopian authorities. the evangelicals’ faith and the structure of their church were formed in contradistinction not only to the powerful eoc, but also to the imperial political rulers who, according to the prevailing or traditional mythology of governance, derived their power from the church. as such, the eecmy evolved as a church of the periphery of official political power, as opposed to the eoc that has always dominated the center of power and privilege. unable to make inroads into the stronghold of the eoc in the northern highlands, indigenous evangelical missionaries first got a foothold in the western and southern peripheries. from its inception, the eecmy has occupied the periphery, kept at bay by members of the eoc through derision and alienation.19 reforming the eoc was never a goal of ethiopian evangelicals. nor was identification with european missionaries. in 1907, seven indigenous evangelists20 met in naqamtee to discuss their common purpose of evangelization. they resolved to preach the gospel with integrity and determination, and to conduct themselves in irreproachable manners to deny that the orthodox clergy grounds for persecuting them. the evangelicals were aware that they were different from the orthodox in their beliefs and commitment to evangelization. any hope that the evangelical christians would attempt to reform the eoc dissipated during the italian invasion (1936-41) in part because of the treatment they received at the hands of the orthodox clergy. the ultimate break occurred in the absence of european missionaries. the act that symbolized the evangelicals’ intention of becoming a separate church came after the italians were expelled in 1947, when the evangelical congregation in addis ababa sent a letter to the sweden declaring its independence from the mission.21 a more concrete step to establish a unified ethiopian evangelical church was taken when a meeting of all ethiopian evangelicals was convened in naqamtee in december 1944. due to the harrowing experience of the occupation years which all the evangelicals shared, the conveners did not invite expatriate missionaries to participate in the council’s conference. persecution became a mark of evangelical identity in ethiopia. the eecmy also worked assiduously to self-identify in the formation of the constitution of the church – insisted on the term “evangelical” and refusing to be called “lutheran.” “qes badima yalew reportedly remarked incisively asserting that the newly established eecmy was an indigenous church: ‘we are reformers, but we are not a colony, reformers of the church, but not a colony of the mission.’”22 qes badima left the orthodox church to become the first pastor of the aamy church. his statement emphasizes the indigenous roots of ethiopian evangelicals and determination to be independent not just from the eoc but also from the foreign missions. after its establishment of the eecmy as a national evangelical church, the leaders saw their primary task to be affirming the identity of the church as ethiopian in its leadership and organization.23 19 øyvind m. eide, revolution and religion in ethiopia: the growth and persecution of the mekane yesus church, 1974-85 (oxford: j. currey; athens: ohio university press; addis ababa: addis ababa university press, 2000), 147. 20 attended by negussie tashu from jimma, habte mariam kassa from sayyo, habteh yimer from ammaya, boru siba from liban, onesimos nesib, aster ganno salbana, and gebresellassie tesfa gabr from naqamte. 21 addis ababa evangelical church archives. a copy of the letter is in my possession. 22 staffan grenstedt, ambaricho and shonkolla : from local independent church to the evangelical mainstream in ethiopia : the origins of the mekane yesus church in kambata hadiya (uppsala: swedish institute of missionary research, 2000), 131-132. 23 djalletta jaffero, “ethiopianiszation and missionary personnel,” in for the gospel and the church: documents of the rev. gudina tumsa and mekane yesus church from the period 1961-1970 (addis ababa: gudina tumsa foundation, 2006), 1:91-96. gebissa, “between indigeneity and globalism” global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022): 35 as such, the church’s national identity was defined theologically, ecclesiastically, and politically24 against other churches or state institutions in ethiopia,25 foreign missions, and other evangelicals. this was done by the “integration of church and mission,” a mechanism which achieved all the goals of independence without antagonizing any of the parties involved. the integration document demonstrated to the state that the eecmy was an ethiopian church that would respect the law of the country, thus denying the eoc the grounds to tag that the eecmy as a foreign agent. it defined the eecmy as distinct from those of the eoc and the imperial government and placed missions under the auspices of the national church. the integration agreement showed that independence was not just a matter of the law but central to the national character, identity and integrity. as noted, persecution had become a mark of identity for evangelicals. during the derg years (1974-91), church closings, harassment of believers, and arrest of leaders exemplified the eecmy’s place in society. throughout that revolutionary period, the church was consistently labeled an “outsider,” “the enemy within,” and “an imperialist agent” and especially targeted for persecution during the war with somalia in the late 1970s.26 the suffering church’s only strength was a theology of “bearing the cross,” expressed in such scriptural themes as “god is with us” and “hitherto the lord has helped us” that were chosen for its conferences.27 self-adapting the eecmy congregations and the structure of the governing bodies of the national church organization are unique and the members worship in their multicultural variety. the structural foundation for organizing the church was the biblical concept that jesus christ is the head shepherd who joins and holds every part of the church’s body together.28 without jesus as the head, the church will not be able to function or accomplish its mission. underneath the head shepherd, there is a group of under shepherds (overseers, elders, or pastors) who are the spiritual leaders of the church. this group of spiritual leaders can be composed of individuals who have dedicated their lives and livelihoods to ministry and others who earn a living elsewhere. as such, the church’s organizational structure was laid out upside down by the standard of the world, with autonomous congregations at the top of the organizational structure and directly accountable to the head of the church. the para-congregational structures -the synods and the head office -were designed to support and facilitate the work of the congregations, not to dictate decisions to them. for thirty-four years after its inception in 1959 as a national church, the eecmy was led by lay ministers. the presidents of the paracongregational structures of the church (bishops and archbishops in lutheran churches elsewhere) were not ordained ministers. the number of congregations and preaching sites always outpaced the number of full-time pastors nearly five to one. proclamation was almost exclusively conducted by volunteer evangelists. using the method of chain-reaction evangelism, ordinary believers disseminated the gospel and built a church with a profound impact on ethiopian society. in the process of organizing itself, the eecmy leaders made a conscious choice to establish a lay church, quite different from the missionary churches with which it was cooperating. there was a debate even before the founding of the church whether the eecmy’s governing structure was going to be organized following the episcopal structure of the mission home churches in scandinavia and north america. a decision was made to make the leadership positions at all levels elective offices open to any lay member. it was a matter of self-expression based on an indigenous ecclesiology which took account 24 for detail, see abraham, reminiscences, 264-265, 268-269, 276-284. 25 ezra gebremedhin, “the church as an institution: challenges facing the eec-my in its relations to other churches,” in for the gospel and the church: documents of the rev. gudina tumsa and mekane yesus church from the period 1961-1970 (addis ababa: gudina tumsa foundation, 2006), 1:114-117. 26 eide, revolution and religion, 62, 199. 27 eide, revolution and religion, 228. 28 ephesians 1:22-23, 4:15-16; 1 corinthians 12:12-13. gebissa, “between indigeneity and globalism” global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022): 36 of the lutheran view of the “priesthood of all believers” and jesus’ model of servant leadership. equally importantly, the episcopal structure was deemed inappropriate to the ethiopian context. thus, the eecmy organized itself democratically contrasting the eoc’s hierarchical governing structure which the clergy claimed was ordained by god. it seems the choice was made as a selfconscious statement of the eecmy’s aspiration that it was in ethiopian society but not of the “prevailing structures of ethiopian society.”29 the structure was distinct from the monarchy which claimed divine provenance and legitimacy. as tasgara hirpo notes, “for the first time in the history of the ethiopian empire a purely democratic structure was introduced. power sharing became a reality.”30 this commitment to a democratically inspired lay church never waned throughout the years. in his pastoral letter of 1975, gudina tumsa wrote: “we welcome the prospect of participation by the people at all levels of decision-making.”31 although not explicitly stated, this statement can be easily construed as a critique of the historic structure of the ethiopian orthodox church. self-supporting properly understood in many ways, the lay emphasis was meant to harness the resources of members in advancing god’s mission and making the church genuinely self-supporting. the earlier evangelical missionaries were itinerant preachers who responded to the call “whom shall i send” and became messengers of the gospel. these missionaries, to my knowledge, except for onesimos nesib, were all self-supporting. to a large extent, the local congregations that grew out of their labor of love were, by and large, self-supporting. there was probably no time in the church’s history where the congregations were financially more than self-sufficient to provide financial outlay for church organizations such as the synods and the head office. indeed, there were services that the congregations could not provide by themselves. the human development aspects of the church’s mission required cooperation and coordination of services by the various church organizations. the synod, for instance, was supposed to be such an agency for the congregations. i cannot say that the church has gone very far in the direction of becoming self-supporting in this respect. it was a young church. in this regard, the eecmy saw itself as part of the mission of the church of christ in the world. the church was in development, and there the eecmy viewed it as interdependent, not dependent, and rejected paternalism. many observers have commented that the eecmy has not quite made significant progress towards being self-supporting. this statement is true to a large extent as it applies to the church organizations rather than to the congregations. if the church has not been self-supporting, it is because it lost its strategic choice to be a lay-supported church. here i would like to quote gudina tumsa, writing in 1968, only two years after he became general secretary. … if i may say something out of my experience during this short time in the eec-my headquarters, i find the dialectical theology of the law and the gospel in a restricted sense, to be an analogy to the church as an institution and the church as proclaiming christ. the church as an institution, with its routine administrative tasks strives to dominate us after the fashion of the law.… the church as proclaiming is the assembly of saints … the local congregation in action, the right place for inventing manpower as well as funds. it must be obvious by now that the organizational structure as well as the central administration of the eec-my are seen to be of secondary importance to the life of the church. thus, the central administration must be kept to the minimum.32 over the last four decades since gudina made this observation, the church has changed its organization and structure of administration several times. to a large extent, change was forced by 29 eide, revolution and religion, 83-4. 30 tasgara hirpo, “the cost of discipleship: the story of gudina tumsa (guddinaa tumsaa),” word & world 25, no. 2 (2005), 162. 31 eide, revolution and religion, 269. 32 tumsa, “church as an institution,” 121. gebissa, “between indigeneity and globalism” global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022): 37 external events. the persecution of the church during the derg years had compelled the church to create stop-gap measures to survive, such as making the traditional lay president a paid official in charge of daily operations at the central office. the famine of 1984-85 necessitated that the development side of the church’s service be extended to respond to human suffering more effectively. in the subsequent administrative reorganization, the temporary arrangements that were made to respond to emergencies were institutionalized into several layers of administrative structure. the church administration came to resemble the structure of government ministries of ethiopia than one that is designed to advance the church’s own mission. the failure to achieve self-reliance was in large measure the result of innovations at the central office rather than at the level of the proclaiming church. it has been noted above and it should be added here that all human institutions have a natural tendency to become self-serving and preoccupied with control instead of with serving the mission for which they were created. this is not the result of self-centered leaders but a dynamic process that arises that causes the institutions to begin to lose their mission focus. the organizational face of the church, as a human institution, is susceptible to the syndrome that renders bureaucracy preoccupied with self-service and survival without the conscious intervention of leaders to combat it by continuously updating the mission of the organization.33 in the case of the eecmy, some now claim that progress has been made in recent years to make the central office self-supporting, though questions remain whether this means the capacity for the central office to survive or for it to carry on the mission for which it was created. self-propagating as self-teaching in its origin, evangelical christianity in ethiopia is deeply embedded in orthodox christianity. throughout its history, there were orthodox clergy and monks of evangelical persuasion who attempted self-propagation of their faith long before any european missionary set foot in the country. in tigray, this tradition goes back to the fifteenth century when a monk known as estifanos who publicly chastised the clergy for deviating from the teachings of the apostles and was martyred for being tsere mariam (enemy of mary), a label that persisted to our days to designate all evangelicals. the stephanite movement survived to the nineteenth century in the form of secret groups of monks who espoused essentially evangelical beliefs without any contact with foreign missionaries. 33 hamm, recreating the church, 28-30. gebissa, “between indigeneity and globalism” global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022): 38 in seventeenth century gonder, there is the case of a secret brotherhood called the “evangelical association” in begemider and gojjam who rallied to the teachings of the lutheran missionary peter heyling because it comported well with their own beliefs. the eoc was compelled to issue doctrinal statement in amharic to vindicate its own position in face of evangelical faith that they espoused. some of its members joined in the 1950s the first independent lutheran church in ethiopia, the evangelical church mekane yesus. another example of self-propagation is the evangelical movement in hamasen which grew out of reading the first edition (1840) of abu rumi’s bible in tse’azega st. george church sometime in the early 1860s. when peter lager visited the tse’azega orthodox clergy he was surprised to discover that they were thoroughly evangelical in its beliefs. the first successful evangelical mission to the ethiopian interior was sent by the indigenous bible readers’ movement in hamasen. in wallaga, in the early twentieth century, an orthodox priest named kumsa gulti (also known as abba tirgum), with no affiliation with the evangelicals, famously gave public sermons that attacked the teachings of the legends of saints and indifference of the orthodox church to the salvation of souls. because kumsa had attended the famous debre libanos monastery his orthodox credentials were unimpeachable and, as such, his public sermons presented a greater threat to the eoc establishment than was posed by the protestant indigenous missionaries. at the stage of expansion, a self-propagating church, according to charles brock, is also selfteaching in the sense that the individual members of the church family are able and willing to teach one another while expressing their own beliefs in developing patterns of worship and rituals of service.34 in this regard the role played by bible translators is critical in the conversion of many. for example, the massive conversion of the macca oromo in western ethiopia was made possible because the message of the bible was transmitted in the vernacular. as noted, abu rumi’s bible launched a bible readers’ movement in hamassen which was able to send a missionary into ethiopia’s interior. interestingly, the first successful mission, which was led by gebre ewostatewos of hamassen who learned the oromo language specifically to read scriptures, did not stand a chance making connection with the local oromo had he not been equipped with the oromo new testament. here, it is appropriate to mention the work of oromo bible translators such as christian rufo, aleqa zeneb and his assistants solan, waré, and dchagan, as well as onesimos and his associates, and early converts. their extensive efforts to translate the bible into vernaculars were especially important. without them message of the gospel and rituals of the christian faith could not have been rendered audible or readily understandable to potential converts. the gospel that was planted by indigenous pioneers in western and southern ethiopia was extended to villages and localities by their converts and students. it is reasonable to state that evangelical christianity was brought to the periphery by indigenous people who 1) accepted the christian message mainly from reading holy scriptures in their language, 2) converted personally, 3) translated the message into vernaculars and 4) returned to their countrymen as missionaries to preach their new faith. as such, they set in motion a chain-reaction evangelical movement, the effects of which went beyond their own people, cutting across clan, linguistic, and cultural barriers. this entire enterprise was essentially an independent movement of self-propagation and self-teaching. the eecmy has been self-conscious almost from its inception that its worship services should be patterned in culturally appropriate patterns lest it invoke the usual characterization of imported culture. in 1967, the church’s first executive secretary stressed that the eecmy “had its distinctive teachings and styles of worship. some of its practices in fact had settled into a definite tradition with some variations. its liturgy, its congregational set up and its requirements for membership are common knowledge not only to members of the eec-my but also to ethiopian christians outside the eec-my.”35 years later, 34 charles brock, indigenous church planting, a practical journey (neosho, mo: church growth int., 1994). 35 ezra gebremedhin, “church as an institution,” 114. gebissa, “between indigeneity and globalism” global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022): 39 eskil forslund has shown that mekane yesus preachers used local language, style, and structure of their sermons as 'rhetorical strategies' in order to make the message relevant to various situations.36 self-theologizing the eecmy fares well on the scale of self-theologizing, in its own theologies regarding its unique cultural issues of the ethiopian context. gudina tumsa is considered a dominant figure in the production of eecmy’s indigenous theological thought. oyvind eide, a long-time co-worker and a leading scholar on gudina life and legacy, relates that gudina “gave his church a decisive push towards independence in theological thought and church practice.”37 what is striking about gudina is not just he was theologically reflective, but he was also a prolific writer who left behind a sizeable number of conference papers and correspondences which addressed the specific circumstances in the life of the church. in his theological reflection, he is motivated by the need to apply in action the gospel into ethiopian and, by extension, african realities. this is perhaps the dimension that many describe as contextualization, an effort to interpret the scripture in ways that have local meaning and relevance. concerning western theology, gudina’s hermeneutic historical-critical but he is by no means a rejectionist. in my view, his theology applies itself both to the temporal aspect of life in this world and the timelessness of the next. he recognizes the reality of suffering and underscores the joy of the next, without losing sight of the emancipatory relevance of the gospel in the ethiopian context. in this formulation, i cannot help hearing a loud ring of reinhold niebuhr’s thoughts as the intellectual foundation of gudina’s theology. in gudina’s writings, one sees a range of theological reflections on the relevant ecclesiological,38 ecumenical,39 missiological, and christological40 issues of his time. the eecmy and gudina are noted globally for the theological position enunciated in 1972 report “on the interrelationship between proclamation of the gospel and human development,” in which eecmy leaders addressed the nature of development-related relationship with sister churches. the position is theological, reflective not only for the interpretive insight of the scripture from an african perspective, but also for its assertive challenge of dominant interpretations extant in western theology. it rejects martin luther’s “two kingdoms” dichotomy as inapplicable to africa, for, in the african context, the “mind and the body” are inseparable and therefore the temporal cannot have any precedence over the spiritual. the eecmy asserted the church can serve “whole person” in a holistic fashion. the lutheran world federation acknowledges this position as a distinct biblical understanding that originated with the leaders of the eecmy. gudina also makes it clear the eecmy’s ecclesiology grew “out of her experience…taking the spiritual and the physical together in an inseparable manner.”41 it is obvious that a fair amount of self-theologizing had already occurred in the eecmy before hiebert’s proposition was made in the mid-1980s, but much of it was probably considered syncretistic and ignored by sister churches. the eecmy does seem to have lost its theological vitality. its seminary has lurched towards becoming a management institute in its attempt to survive the tumult of impending insolvency. i see no wrong with the desire of the mytc to become a leading university in ethiopia if that is what the church chooses to do with it. it then cannot claim to continue to be the center of theological 36 forslund, eskil, the word of god in ethiopian tongues: rhetorical features in the preaching of the ethiopian evangelical church mekane yesus (uppsala: the swedish institute of missionary research, 1993). 37 eide, revolution and religion, 60. 38 tumsa, “the church as institution.” 39 gudina tumsa, “eecmy’s responsibility towards ecumenical harmony” in witness and discipleship or the gospel and the church: documents of the rev. gudina tumsa and mekane yesus church from the period 1961-1970 (addis ababa: gudina tumsa foundation, 2006), 1:120. 40 gudina tumsa, “the role of a christian in a given society,” in witness and discipleship: leadership of the church in multi-ethnic ethiopia in a time of revolution: the essential writings of gudina tumsa (addis ababa: gudina tumsa foundation, 2003). 41 eide, revolution and religion, 277. gebissa, “between indigeneity and globalism” global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022): 40 vitality as the church approaches the challenge of the twenty first century in a changed national and global context. looking forward: the challenges facing the eecmy today the eecmy, like all churches, exists to represent the authority of god’s presence on earth and to serve the gospel of jesus christ. this is the unalterable mission it shares with all christian churches. there are some unarticulated core visions that are relevant for a particular period, be it the goal of becoming the largest evangelical church in ethiopia or helping in the county’s development endeavors. some challenges, such as poverty, have been rightly construed four decades ago but remain virtually unaddressed. in the mid-1970s, eecmy leaders brought to light an imperative point concerning global theology. the last section of the report the lwf, shows their awareness that the “phenomenal expansion” of the christian church across africa will establish the “‘center of gravity’ in the christian world” firmly on the african continent. the document identifies the challenges it entails as “simply frightening.” considering the rapid growth, countries such as ethiopia will have difficulties solving or managing the immense shortage of “physical plant” (e.g., church buildings, religious education, literacy programs, etc.). this puts immense theological responsibility on the “historically young churches” of the world, which are not only dealing with a lack of theological experience and history. these challenges pertain to the self-supporting and self-theologizing imperatives of the four selfs principle. as we have seen in the preceding section, the eecmy has excelled in some and underperformed in other areas of the three selfs criteria. the assessment shows, the eecmy is selfgoverning (on the scales of self-identifying and self-adapting), self-supporting (in evangelization but struggling in providing services), self-propagating in the sense of self-teaching and self-expressing, and self-theologizing, although theological vitality has not been consistently increasing. as such, the eecmy remains a church suspended between indigeneity and globalizing forces. as it prepares to live up to the expectations of global leadership, the church needs to define its challenges as they exist now. the local context a mature and healthy church, according to melvin hodges, “shares the life of the country in which it is planted."42 in this, hodges underscores the importance of being relevant to the human dimension of mission and the importance of being responsive to the needs of people. a responsible church cannot be oblivious to the plight of those within and outside the church. a responsible church views the challenges of the citizens of a country as an opportunity to serve god’s mission on earth. the challenges ethiopian citizens face may serve as a mission field for the eecmy. in recent years, ethiopia has experienced profound sociopolitical transformation but the challenges of poverty and governing a multinational polity remain largely unresolved. throughout the twentieth century, ethiopia’s leaders have sought to modernize the country’s political economy. earlier in the century, japan’s model of political and economic progress was held by political leaders and opinionmakers as one to be emulated. in the post-world war ii period, the oriental model was replaced by the western model of rapid industrialization, military/administrative/educational reorganization, and agricultural mechanization. in keeping with the then-ascendant theory of modernization, policies were designed to achieve development via an “imitative process” in which the application of western scientific and technical knowledge would lead to prosperity. these objectives failed to pan out, resulting in a revolution of 1974. the failure of the western model ushered in the era of the centrally guided socialist modernization of the ussr. plagued by a rigid commitment to an ideological course and lack of material and financial capacity to undertake meaningful investment, this model turned out to be a catastrophic 42 melvin hodges, on the mission field: the indigenous church (chicago: moody press, 1953). gebissa, “between indigeneity and globalism” global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022): 41 failure which not only tore apart the country’s cultural and moral constitution, but also its political and economic structures. in 1991 when the military regime that relentlessly pursued socialist modernization fell, the promise of modernization stood in ruins, the society characterized by cultural dislocation, economic devastation, and political fragmentation. the failure of the modernization experiments unleashed centrifugal forces that were intent on improving the lot of their own group over serving fellow citizens. for the last two decades, ethiopia has been on a journey to achieve economic development and political enfranchisement. in the new political dispensation, economic growth has been adopted to political stability. the ruling party has declared that its objective is to follow the developmentalist state, said to be eclectic in its provenance but increasingly resembling the chinese variant. yet history has shown repeatedly that economic growth fosters harmony among culturally disparate peoples only when it works for all. in the chinese model, it also has shown to produce undesirable consequences such as unsustainable inequality, rampant corruption, and environmental degradation. the challenge for the eecmy today is to deal with the ravages of failed modernization, the vagaries of transition to a prosperous democratic country, and peace-building efforts to deal with the conflicts emanating from the depredations of past failures and the elusive promises of the future. the global context the challenge of confronting the depredations of domestic social change is compounded by the equally profound changes that have occurred globally. in the last two decades, the concept of globalization has become one of the more familiar tools of social analysis. while this is important, the concept’s utility in our context relates more to the question of how the church should function locally and encourage meaningful expression in a globalized culture and economy. mediated through modern communications technology, ethiopian youth are buffeted with a wide-ranging menu of cultural and religious content. as christians, they tend to imbibe religious themes and images that are broadcast into the country but lack the capacity to filter out patently false teachings or recognize meaningless rituals. as regards the globalized economy, as members of their generation, christian youth have embraced the individualist drive of american capitalism without the ethos of hard work and frugality, and deference all without knowing the rules that govern the free enterprise system. business in ethiopia today is not governed by the principle of fair trade but by opportunism. in the latter half of the twentieth century, the eecmy has experienced a gyrating change in its social location and function. the church was tolerated for the social benefit it provided to ethiopian society during the imperial period; dubbed an instrument of the cia by the military junta; and apparently co-opted when it seems expedient for the regime in power to capture the churched. in terms of its social location, therefore, it has gone from arms-length cooperation to consignment into exile, to a constatinian détente. in a political dispensation that publicly professes that individual freedoms are constitutionally protected and legislatively enacted, freedom of religion has come to be viewed as precious, to be preserved no matter how steep the price to be paid in the identity and function of the church. the church leadership seems determined to achieve respectability by becoming more closely identified with the dominant political culture even at the cost of losing the church’s identity. at a time when the eecmy could be buoyant about its numerical expansion, it would be playing the spoiler to imply that all is not well. interviews with youth leaders, pastors, and past and present leaders of the central office of eecmy, as well as my observation of active leaders, inside and outside the country, has revealed a wide chasm in the assessment of the life of the church between the bottom-up and top-down perspectives. the grassroots vision is one of despair, disappointment, and disenfranchisement. there is a profound sense of dissatisfaction with leadership at all levels. the topdown view is one of relative contentment, complacency, and self-congratulation. the leadership feels it has weathered the tumultuous period of its recent past which was wrought by declining finance and division within the church. the reality is captured by what one pastor told me: “the congregations are fine; the central office is in decline.” gebissa, “between indigeneity and globalism” global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022): 42 the history of the church amply demonstrates that christianity that is faithful to god’s mission often, perhaps usually, finds itself at odds with the dominant culture in which it functions. there is no doubt that survival is a precondition for continued service, but it is not for the sake of organizational maintenance. the overriding political task of the church is “to be the community of the cross,” a church “that again asserts that god, not nations, rules the world, that the boundaries of god’s kingdom transcend those of caesar, and that the main political task of the church is the formation of people who see clearly the cost of discipleship and are willing to pay the price.” for church leaders to fix their eyes on the mission rather than on survival, it is an imperative to view themselves as with exilic eyes as “resident aliens, an adventurous colony in a society of unbelief.”43 globalism – how would the church serve its mission? the analysis in preceding sections has shown that the eecmy has succeeded in some of the three-self formula but did not fare as well in others. the self-supporting criterion was barely met in attempting to carry out its development projects while covering operational costs. it is clearly self-extending and selftheologizing. based on its history, the eecmy should be expected to be poised to take up global leadership. the assessment shows, the eecmy is a church suspended between the demands of indigeneity and globalism. this is not a new position that the eecmy now finds itself in. as early as 1972, church leaders were able to anticipate the that the impending shift of the “center of gravity” of world christianity to the global south within three decades, which they described as “simply frightening,” will place immense theological responsibility on the “historically young churches” of the world, such as the eecmy. writing to the lwf, the church officers stated: “if the historically young churches will represent the “centre of gravity” in the christian world in three decades they must be prepared.” the numbers kept growing as the capacity of the church declined commensurately. this is the disjunction between numbers and maturity i raised at the beginning of this paper. the church will have to assess systematically why it is unprepared to assume the global leadership that its size warrants. the main challenge for the eecmy going forward is dealing with change. the first one is organizational change. the central office needs to guard against succumbing to the syndrome that ravages all human institutions. when the leadership spends disproportionate amount of its time on maintenance of the organization neglecting mission, on ways of increasing finance rather than on stewardship, and on ongoing management issues rather than on recalibrating vision, it is clear that the organization has entered a stage of decay. if the mission of the church is more than a generation old, it is due for reconsideration of its purpose, approach, and governance. the first step the eecmy needs to take in such a reconsideration is to refuse to gloat over numerical expansion and instead engage in re-measuring growth using a multidimensional approach. in this regard, it is important to eschew innovations that do not comport to the church’s historic identity, integrity, and independence. according to its vision, eecmy, like all churches, exists to represent the authority of god’s presence on earth and to serve the gospel of jesus christ. this is the unalterable mission it shares with all christian churches. there are also some unarticulated or time-sensitive goals that are relevant for periods and contexts, whether that is becoming the largest evangelical church in ethiopia or helping the county’s development endeavors. some challenges have been rightly construed four decades ago but remain virtually unaddressed. the theology of serving the whole person, which engaged the world lutheran community, was envisioned [adopted?] as theological contextualization of the gospel for the realities of the society in which the eecmy was embedded. it was a product of self-theologizing and selfidentifying.44 this year is the 40th anniversary of the issuance of the eecmy document “on the interrelation between proclamation and human development.” in the intervening period, both ethiopian 43 stanley hauerwas and william h. willimon, resident aliens: a provocative christian assessment of culture and ministry for people who know that something is wrong (nashville: abingdon press,1989), 44-49. 44 hiebert, anthropological reflections, 94. gebissa, “between indigeneity and globalism” global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022): 43 society and global christianity have shifted in significant ways. the changes are so fundamental that the context in which the church operates has been radically restructured. these new conditions create a demand for theological reconsideration. for the eecmy re-visioning its mission is an imperative as it strives to toward the unalterable purpose of god’s mission. operating in a changed context has altered eecmy’s operations and its conceptions of its identity and purpose. because of the social transformation in ethiopian society, the societal positioning of the church has changed, thus requiring adjustments, not just to its vision but also its modus operandi. some of the adjustments that the church has recently made to its organizational structure were in response to external demands rather than the result of internal soul-searching as had happened in the 1970s, when the national political context in ethiopia changed dramatically following the ethiopian revolution of 1974. beginning in the last years of the derg years and more so in recent years, the observable trend in the eecmy approach to its role in society has been to become domesticated by politics rather than working with a theological foundation to challenge the depredations of the failure of politics. there is inherent danger in comfortable accommodations over against sacrificial immersion. as donald posterski put it, describing mainline churches in the west, instead of being “in the world but not of the world,” the churches have inverted the dictum of jesus and become openly “of the world… both captured and intimidated by the culture.”45 the eecmy must choose what kind of church it wants to be: an constantantian accommodationist or a proclaiming missionary church. the most significant challenge pertains to the development of an authentic indigenous theology, referred to as “self-theologizing.” the essential precondition for overcoming the challenges is the capacity to restore theological vitality. without a contextualized theological prism, nothing that the eecmy does matters for it means that it has no utility without a clear vision of the goal. there is an acute need of theological reflection that at the same time addresses local concerns without ignoring the global dimension. at one level, contextualization should make the gospel relevant to local concerns. describing how the weekly sermons from the pulpit left him unprepared for the horrors of the 1994 genocide, a son of a rwandese preacher, stated: [every week i] only heard one sermon; a sermon that only addressed the life of the hereafter. … so much death, so much hatred and distrust between tribes, so much poverty, suffering, corruption, and injustice, and nothing ever really changed. eventually, i realized something. i had never heard a sermon that addressed these realities.46 a theology that interprets lived realities is needed in ethiopia. it also means, local events must be interpreted from a global perspective.47 the eecmy needs heightened awareness of its position as a church located in the new center of global christianity and of its own history in world lutheranism. while globalization sensitizes us to our common humanity it also introduces to a variety of christian practices in diverse cultural traditions. in this diverse world, the eecmy must be responsible enough to recognize differences and embrace the phenomenon of globalization as an opportunity to maintain a continuous dialogue with national churches while remaining faithful to its own identity. in all, we must yearn for recasting leadership for the eecmy to elevate the level of discourse the church ought to maintain within the lutheran family if it is to have the predicted global impact. dealing with change is what good leaders do. they find a way to make change work. in the present context, the key responsibility of eecmy leaders should be positioning and preparing the church for global leadership. it requires that leaders have courage to change and wisdom to minimize resistance to change. ronald heifetz first defined as adaptive challenge that requires 'adaptive leadership.'48 applying heifetz’s theory, richard hamm argues that, to be continually functional and effective, institutions must be able to change in response to changing contexts and adopt their mission, structures, 45 david c. posterski, reinventing evangelism: new strategies for presenting christ to the world today (downers grove, il: intervarsity press, 1989), 28. 46 m. brian mclaren, everything must change: jesus, global crisis and revolution of hope (dallas, tx: thomas nelson, 2007), 18. 47 max stackhouse, apologia (grand rapids, mi: eerdmans, 1988). 48 ronald a. heifetz, leadership without easy answers (cambridge, mass: the belknap press of harvard press, 1994). gebissa, “between indigeneity and globalism” global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022): 44 and style to serve current needs. but institutions tend toward homeostasis (staying the same) regardless of how much change has occurred in the surrounding environment. an institution that has difficulty operating optimally but keeps resisting the very change that it needs for its viability becomes anxious, precarious, and unstable. when these dynamics are set in motion, it becomes the duty of leaders be a “non-anxious presence,” that is, engaged enough to maintain a sense of being in charge but emotionally removed just enough to take stock of what is going on.49 in a situation that heifetz describes as having technical challenges, the problems can be addressed with known solutions or existing know-how. because such solutions do not require changes to current structures and procedures, their impact on people is minimal and resistance can be easily overcome. if however, the situation of the type of adaptive challenges, systemic problems that are not amenable to authoritative expertise or standard operating procedures, the solution involves significant (and often painful) shifts in people's habits, status, role, identity, ways of thinking, without which “people cannot make the adaptive leap necessary to thrive in a new environment.”50 these problems call for "adaptive leadership" which mobilizes people and units that frequently have different needs, priorities and perspectives toward new ways of working and ways of thinking. 51 when the challenge requires adaptive change, heifetz says, it is the function of leaders to creating a “holding environment.” he uses the metaphor of pressure cooker to illustrate the proper role of an adaptive leader, saying that it is in the balance between “not enough heat” and “too much heat” that a holding environment exists, and cooking takes place. in institutions, change creates heat (anger) and pressure (discomfort) within the institutional body. too much heat blows up the system; too little heat precipitates decline and eventual collapse. adoptive leaders allow enough level of discomfort in the body to ensure healthy adaptation and avoid complacency from taking hold and stymie change altogether.52 as described in this paper, the eecmy now operates amidst profound economic, political, cultural, and theological changes occurring nationally and globally. leading change is an inherently risky business. eecmy leaders demonstrated competent leadership through tumultuous times, a fact that european lutheran leaders readily recognized as a distinctive asset of the church.53 there is a precedent here. in the mid-1970s, when the church faced existential challenges from the derg government, the leadership conducted four seminars on christianity and socialism to help its members adapt to the immanent change that was already in process. the position of the church should be based on biblical theology when it comes to concern for human equality, dignity, and standing for truth. the resolution reminds us that this church places a high value on theological reflection regarding political and economic issues. these seminars were devoted to “the relationship between socialism and christianity in areas such as social justice, equality, spirit and concern for the poor.”54 the church needs to recognize its place between indigeneity and global forces. while its circumstances and social location has changed, its core values remain the same. it is a challenge for the current eecmy leadership to ensure the church is equipped with a theology and practice to carry out faithful and missional work locally that is effective in a changed global context. 49 hamm, recreating the church, 8-9, 50 ronald heifetz and marty linsky, leadership on the line: staying alive through the dangers of leading (cambridge, mass: harvard business press, 2002), 13. 51 ronald a. heifetz, leadership without easy answers (cambridge, mass: the belknap press of harvard press, 1994). 52 hamm, recreating the church, 8, 41-42 53 minutes of ethiopia consultation on the ecmy memorandum “on the interrelation between proclamation of the gospel and human development (held in villach, germany, 4 november 1972),” in ministry of the whole person: documents of the rev. gudina tumsa and mekane yesus church from the prerevolutionary period 1971-1973 (addis ababa: gudina tumsa foundation, 2006), 2:57. 54 eide, revolution and religion, 117. introduction re-measuring growth: expanding the matrix indigeneity: the triple bottom line matrix self-governing as self-identifying and self-adapting self-identifying self-adapting self-supporting properly understood self-propagating as self-teaching self-theologizing looking forward: the challenges facing the eecmy today the local context the global context globalism – how would the church serve its mission? global south theological journal 3, no. 1 (2024): 2 authentic discipleship1 david lumpp emeritus, concordia university, saint paul, minnesota, usa abstract: the prosperity gospels must be considered first in the context of authentic discipleship, which is herein defined and unfolded thematically (from both old and new testaments) as a life of worship; devotion and loyalty in the form of faithfulness, renunciation, mercy, and love; and self-sacrifice. so understood, such discipleship is the antithesis of personal status, worldly privilege, and/or temporal power--in other words, it is the antithesis of the kinds of status, privilege, and power falsely claimed by the prosperity gospels. introduction and working description permit me to begin with the obvious: jesus of nazareth was different. he shattered and exceeded expectations, and he broke with the norms of orthodox jewish behavior when and as it suited him—and when it was called for by the mission of redemption and reconciliation on which he had been sent.2 as the apostle paul encapsulated it, “in christ god was reconciling the world to himself, not counting their trespasses against them” (2 corinthians 5:19).3 my thesis for this first lecture is the following: jesus himself called his disciples specifically to follow him; and he called them not to lives of prestige, unique personal insight, or, even less, to power or worldly privilege. instead, jesus called them to lives of worship (to worship him, and through him, the father); to devotion and loyalty in the form of faithfulness, renunciation, mercy, and love; and, when necessary, to self-sacrifice even to the point of death for the sake of him and his gospel. regardless of whether the specific vocabulary is used,4 disciples were those people who responded faithfully to jesus’ beckoning imperative: “follow me.” before discipleship is any pattern of disposition or behavior, it is jesus’ invitation, and then the disciples’ response of faith, trust, worship, and life. while it should be obvious, the point bears repeating: without incessant attention to this bedrock “christ connection” itself—in other words, to the relational dimension—there is literally no discipleship.5 1 obviously, an enormous bibliography is available for any and all of these topics. when it comes to authentic new testament discipleship, this is true historically, exegetically (e.g., the relevant commentaries, both ancient and modern), and more topically (e.g., studies in biblical theology devoted to this theme, giving rise in some instances to more systematic works). in the nature of the case, only the smallest fraction of these sources will be referenced here; and the very informal and personal criterion of their selection and citation will be roughly those titles that i have found most helpful in my own exploration of these topics. the omission of one work or another should not be considered in any way as a negative estimation of its potential contributions. 2 since jesus was a jew, his 12 called apostles were jews, and most of those with whom he interacted in the gospels were jews (at least up to the passion narratives), the above point is worth noting. of course, one should immediately add that he routinely broke with the normal patterns of greco-roman behavior as well. 3 unless otherwise indicated, translations in the text are from the english standard version. the occasional use of different translations comes in the third presentation, where we look at a few of the specific texts most often used in support of the prosperity gospels. 4 as we will acknowledge below, the specific vocabulary of “discipleship” is that of the four gospels and acts. paul himself does not use the vocable in question. 5 in other words, the point cannot merely be “presupposed.” for specific, helpful treatments of this point in connection with especially john’s gospel and paul’s letter to the colossians, see the essays by melvyn r. hillmer (“they believed in him: discipleship in the johannine tradition”) and michael p. knowles, (“`christ in you, the hope of glory’: discipleship in colossians”), both in patterns of discipleship in the new testament, ed. richard n. longenecker (grand rapids, mi: eerdmans, 1996), pp. 84-89 and 181-184 respectively. this excellent volume goes into detail with respect to each of the canonical new testament authors and at least their most important individual books. lumpp, “authentic discipleship” global south theological journal 3, no. 1 (2024): 3 a brief encapsulation of the old testament background as the promised and long-anticipated messiah of israel, jesus was the fulfillment of the history, the worship, the institutions, and the scriptures of the old covenant. saint matthew’s gospel, which is a rich source for material on the nature and meaning of discipleship, has as his particular burden to make this fulfillment most explicit. it follows that when jesus and later the new testament writers spoke about discipleship—about what it meant to live as the redeemed people of god in their worlds—they did not start from scratch. from god’s rescue of israel from egyptian enslavement on (as recounted in exodus 12—15), the rest of old israel’s often sad story can be read as a multi-dimensional elaboration of, and perhaps commentary on, the first three verses of exodus 20: “and god spoke all these words, saying, i am the lord your god, who brought you out of the land of egypt, out of the house of slavery. you shall have no other gods before me” (exodus 20:1-3). let us highlight only the most obvious themes imbedded in these verses: god speaks. god takes the initiative. israel’s god who speaks is yahweh, who is identified more fully some chapters later as “a god merciful and gracious, slow to anger, and abounding in steadfast love and faithfulness . . ., forgiving iniquity and transgression and sin” (exodus 34:6-7). this yahweh intervenes in israel’s plight, draws them out through the waters of the red sea, and eventually gives them the land first promised to abraham. lest the implications of this saving intervention not be evident, yahweh declares in the first of the ten words, or decalogue, “you will have no other gods before me.” yahweh is asserting not only that he is their first or highest god. indeed, yahweh must necessarily be their one and only god. in an important sense, these three verses begin the call to discipleship in the old testament scriptures. discipleship always begins with the saving action of god and then with the word of and from god, whether in proclamation, declaration, or invitation. the old testament tells us that ancient israel’s memory was no better than ours is today. ever merciful, through his human instruments yahweh was prepared to refresh that memory seemingly as often as the need arose. god had expectations for his old covenant disciples. their lives were to be substantively different from the milieu of their surrounding culture. with the people still encamped at mount sinai, yahweh spoke through moses: speak to the people of israel and say to them, i am the lord your god. you shall not do as they do in the land of egypt, where you lived, and you shall not do as they do in the land of canaan, to which i am bringing you. you shall not walk in their statutes. you shall follow my rules and keep my statutes and walk in them. i am the lord your god. you shall therefore keep my statutes and my rules; if a person does them, he shall live by them: i am the lord. (leviticus 18:2-5) the decalogue that god spoke to israel at sinai he repeated 40 years later, on the eve of their entry into the land of promise, with this introduction: “hear, o israel, the statutes and the rules that i speak in your hearing today, and you shall learn them and be careful to do them” (deuteronomy 5:1). foreseeing the time when israel would be ruled by an earthly king, moses said, “[a copy of this law] shall be with him, and he shall read in it all the days of his life, that he may learn to fear the lord his god by keeping all the words of this law and these statutes, and doing them” (deuteronomy 17:19). this expectation and ideal would be the rare exception rather than the norm in the centuries to follow. conscientious discipleship all too often gave way to apostasy. nevertheless, the prophets and the authors of the psalms and wisdom literature continued to rehearse for wayward israel the works and words of god. for our present purposes this may be most evident in psalm 119, whose author was one immersed in and devoted to yahweh’s revelation: “in the way of your testimonies i delight as much as in all riches. i will meditate on your precepts and fix my eyes on your ways. i will delight in your statutes; i will not forget your word” (119:14-16). near the end of this same lengthy psalm, he says, “i hope for your salvation, o lord, and i do keep your commandments. . . . i long for your salvation, o lord, and your law is my delight” (119:166, 174). lumpp, “authentic discipleship” global south theological journal 3, no. 1 (2024): 4 selected texts and priorities in the new testament gospels if we assume with many scholars an original post-exilic setting for psalm 119, it was still centuries before mary, the mother of jesus, would exclaim, “my soul magnifies the lord, and my spirit rejoices in god my savior” (luke 2:47), and an aged zechariah would offer his own beatitude: “blessed be the lord god of israel, for he has visited and redeemed his people and has raised up a horn of salvation for us in the house of his servant david . . .” (luke 2:68-69). the redemption and salvation of which both mary and zechariah spoke would fulfill yahweh’s first promise to abraham, namely, “in you all the families of the earth shall be blessed” (see the abraham references in luke 1:54-55, addressed to mary; and in luke 1:72-75, addressed to zechariah). zechariah expresses the core of the new covenant gospel when he affirms that his son, john, would “go before the lord to prepare his ways, to give knowledge of salvation to his people, in the forgiveness of their sins, because of the tender mercy of our god” (luke 1:76b-78a). the gospel of matthew, whose genealogy and nativity accounts complement those of luke, was placed first in our new testament for a reason. matthew’s first verse reads: “the book of the genealogy of jesus christ, the son of david, the son of abraham.” later in chapter 1, matthew records the angel’s instructions to joseph, who tells joseph not only that mary’s child was conceived by the holy spirit, but also that they will call this son’s name “jesus.” “jesus,” of course, means “yahweh is salvation.” for those who have not studied hebrew, the angel spells out what this means going forward: “you shall call his name jesus, for he will save his people from their sins” (matthew 1:21; i.e., jesus means “yahweh is salvation”). one can only imagine how overwhelming this must have been for joseph. little did he know, as well, that the boundaries of “his people” to whom jesus’ salvation extended would quickly include not only jerusalem and judea, but also places like samaria, ethiopia, and all the way to the “end of the earth” (acts 1:8, and the subsequent unfolding of the narrative in acts). yet, in the last verse of matthew 1, we are told that joseph possessed one of the most important gifts any christian disciple might have, which was and is the ability to hear and listen to the word of god. matthew tells us that joseph indeed “called his name jesus” (1:25). from that moment on, god would do the calling, first directly by jesus himself in the narratives of the four gospels; and then, by the holy spirit working within the church, through the gospel proclamation that jesus had brought to expression and fulfillment. one is thus initiated into the nature of the saving mission and ministry of jesus, and the various dimensions of christian discipleship must be understood within this context. as one approaches this topic, he or she is confronted by a number of additional important factors. at one level, the entire new testament was written by, to, and for disciples; and one obviously cannot deal with everything. second, not everything in the new testament was spoken and written to everyone, by which i mean that materials that clearly were first spoken to the narrower circle of the 12 apostles are not necessarily to be regarded as imperatives or instructions for all followers of jesus today—at least not necessarily in the same way, without significant interpretative caution.6 i have enough qualifying adverbs and clauses in that last sentence to preview how complicated these matters can sometimes become. for these reasons, i am limiting my consideration to passages that seem quite clearly to have abiding import and relevance for jesus’ disciples in all times, places, and contexts. this also means that we will be accenting passages in the gospels that are picked up in the apostolic letters as well. most directly, this means that passages where jesus is speaking to one or more of the 12 apostles directly and specifically (i.e., uniquely) will not be assumed to have been addressed to all christ-followers more generally.7 (by way of anticipation, 6 this is a variation on the point frequently made by john walton and others, namely, that while the entire bible was written for us, it was not all written to us. in north american lutheran theology, the point (or one much like it) was a consistent refrain of robert bertram, drawing initially from the 16th-century debates between luther and carlstadt. 7 admittedly, this is sometimes a “judgment call,” and not everyone who assesses these texts will always come to the same conclusion regarding every passage. in any case, this above point should not be taken to mean that passages spoken to the original 12 are irrelevant to the larger group of disciples—including 21st-century disciples. it does mean, though, that when the context indicates that something is spoken uniquely to one or more of the twelve, this point needs to be recognized before one lumpp, “authentic discipleship” global south theological journal 3, no. 1 (2024): 5 something similar will apply in the third presentation when we consider passages that are often used in support of prosperity gospels. there, one of several keys will be the all-important issue of context.) finally, there is the matter of sheer volume. the most pertinent vocabulary for a study such as ours is very common.8 the basic word for “disciple” [mathetes] is used 261 times in the greek new testament.9 likewise, the verb “to follow” [akoloutheo] is used 90 times.10 also, new testament authors write to disciples about discipleship—in other words, about what it means to follow jesus and what will be entailed thereby—often without using the most direct and specific vocabulary (e.g., paul does not use mathetes).11 given these facts, in the next few minutes i will be weaving together and illustrating major themes and priorities of christian discipleship as they are present in the new testament materials; as they seem to be spoken to christians generally (i.e., not first intended for a much smaller and more intimate circle); as they are typically repeated multiple times; and, as they relate to the emphases of these three presentations when they are considered together. in new testament theology, discipleship—by whatever vocabulary it is addressed—begins with, is sustained by, and ends with the gospel of jesus christ. after saint paul’s intense and searching autobiographical reflections in romans 7, he transitions to what is perhaps the pinnacle of his theological expression in romans 8 with these introductory words: “there is therefore now no condemnation for those who are in christ jesus. for the law of the spirit of life has set you free in christ jesus from the law of sin and death” (verses 1-2). this means that discipleship is an exercise in christian freedom for men and women12 whose lives had previously been characterized by a hopeless cycle of law, sin, and death. this cycle was broken by nothing less than the call of a faithful god; or, in other words, by a god who always keeps his promises. thus paul wrote to the corinthians: “god is faithful, by whom you were called into the fellowship of his son, jesus christ our lord” (1 corinthians 1:3). discipleship takes place as it draws its life and strength from one’s connection to jesus, and this connection to jesus is always and invariably a product of the action of god. for this reason, discipleship is never about achievement, but rather childlike humility: “truly, i say to you, unless you turn and become like children, you will never enter the kingdom of heaven. whoever humbles himself like this child is the greatest in the kingdom of heaven” (matthew 18:3). later, in matthew 23, jesus spoke to the “crowds and to his disciples” (i.e., to a larger group): “but you are not to be called rabbi, for you have one teacher, and you are all brothers. and call no man your father on earth, for you have one father, who is in heaven. neither be called instructors, for you have one immediately uses the passage for a broader purpose or application. one illustration of this situation might be some of those things spoken by jesus to the apostles in the “upper room discourse” in john 14—17. 8 see richard longenecker’s introduction to patterns of discipleship in the new testament, pp. 2-5 for a careful but still accessible survey. 9 william d. mounce, gen. ed., mounce’s complete dictionary of old and new testament words (grand rapids, mi: zondervan, 2006), p. 183. for a deep and extended treatment of the vocabulary, see the lengthy article by lutheran exegete karl rengstorf in volume iv of the theological dictionary of the new testament, trans. geoffrey w. bromiley, ed. gerhard kittel (grand rapids, mi: eerdmans, 1967), pp. 415-461, especially pp. 441-459. amid all of the technical material, rengstorf’s summary comment on p. 441 may be most relevant to our discussion: “mathetes always implied the existence of a personal attachment which shapes the whole life of the one described as mathetes, and which in its particularity leaves no doubt as to who is deploying the formative power.” 10 mounce, p. 260. note well, “follow” in this context and in the forthcoming discussion means “to accompany,” rather than merely going behind. see johannes p. louw and eugene a. nida, eds., greek-english lexicon of the new testament based on semantic domains, vol. 1 (new york: united bible societies, 1988), entry 15.156, on p. 202. 11 mounce, pp. 183-184. 12 throughout these three essays the word “disciple” pertains to all followers of jesus christ, both men and women. this is expressly indicated in acts 9:36, where tabitha (or dorcas) is identified as a disciple who was “full of good works and acts of charity.” similarly, in acts 11:26, barnabas and paul met with the church at antioch and there “taught a great many people”; and also there, we are told, the disciples—clearly a larger group—were “first called christians.” lest there be any residual confusion, while all of the 12 apostles were jewish men, “disciple” is a larger, more inclusive category than “apostle.” so, all the apostles were most assuredly disciples, but not all of the disciples were apostles (see, for example, acts 11:1, with its reference to “the apostles and the brothers [and sisters]”). on this point, see the comments in louw and nida, entries 36.38 and 36.41, both on p. 471. lumpp, “authentic discipleship” global south theological journal 3, no. 1 (2024): 6 instructor, the christ. the greatest among you shall be your servant. whoever exalts himself will be humbled, and whoever humbles himself will be exalted” (verses 7-12). jesus himself pulls much of this together in chapter 12 of john’s gospel when, on the eve of his passion and after somewhat cryptically referring to his own impending death, he tells a wider audience: “if anyone serves me, he must follow me; and where i am, there will my servant be also. if anyone serves me, the father will honor him” (verse 26).13 those who follow jesus are those who serve him, and such disciples follow and serve him because they have put their faith in jesus, in whom they recognize the presence of god (see john 2:11). indeed, before they do anything else, disciples put their faith in jesus. in other words, they trust him, which means that they stake everything on him. then they follow him, and they will not follow someone for very long if they do not trust him. moreover, they will not follow a stranger, because they do not recognize the voice of strangers (see john 10:4-5). this language comes from the good shepherd pericope of saint john’s gospel. later, in this same reading, jesus told some skeptical jewish leaders: “the works that i do in my father’s name bear witness about me, but you do not believe because you are not part of my flock. my sheep hear my voice, and i know them, and they follow me. i give them eternal life, and they will never perish, and no one will snatch them out of my hand” (john 10:25b-28). once again, to repeat: “i give [my sheep] eternal life, and they will never perish, and no one will snatch them out of my hand.” reemphasizing the earlier point: this is the promise of the gospel, and it is the foundation for any and every examination of authentic discipleship. as we will hear in the third presentation, any other promise is a falsification of jesus’ gospel. genuine discipleship lives from its connection to this word and only to this word. as jesus himself put it, “if you abide in my word, you are truly my disciples, and you will know the truth, and the truth will set you free” (john 8:31-32). what is this truth, which undergirds the life of discipleship? a few verses earlier, jesus had taken up that very question, and he used the vocabulary of discipleship in doing so: “i am the light of the world. whoever follows me will not walk in darkness, but will have the light of life” (john 8:12). if the old covenant torah can be understood properly as israel’s covenant way of life14 from and with yahweh, the sermon on the mount, or luke’s counterpart in the so-called sermon on the plain, can profitably be considered as the new covenant way of life for disciples of jesus, who seek to live our this relationship to their lord in humility and trust. by heeding its instruction, such disciples are following him who is the light of the world. celebrated volumes and entire courses of study have been devoted to this sermon and to all of the issues these materials raise. while important, many of those issues are not our primary focus today. nor am i going to concern myself with interesting but often distracting questions as to whether this sermon is gospel or law, and, if the latter, which function or use of the law it represents.15 for what it is worth, i find these kinds of questions at least potentially anachronistic. instead, for our immediate purposes today, i will call attention to those passages that especially inform not only the nature of christian discipleship but also the related question of how jesus’ teaching, as concentrated or epitomized in these sermons, might begin to inform a consideration of both suffering and the prosperity gospels. in essence, i regard this sermon (as found in both matthew and luke), as jesus’ practical, down-to-earth unfolding of the new and extraordinary pattern of life that characterizes true human existence as it is intended to be lived, under and empowered by god’s rule of grace, to which his disciples have been called in their varied stations of life.16 from the outset in matthew and luke, jesus’ words are an exercise in inversion. often countering prevailing greco-roman norms, those who are pronounced “blessed” are the poor (luke 6:29), or the poor in spirit (matthew 5:3); those who mourn or weep (matthew 5:4; luke 6:21); those who are meek (matthew 5:5); those who are hungry (matthew 5:6; luke 6:21) and thirst for righteousness 13 see john 12:20 for the reference to the wider audience. 14 for this simple but nonetheless rich working definition of “torah” i am indebted to andrew bartelt. 15 at least as they are often addressed, these seem to be pretty uniquely “lutheran” questions. 16 we will touch on the matter of vocation briefly in the second presentation on the theology of the cross. lumpp, “authentic discipleship” global south theological journal 3, no. 1 (2024): 7 (matthew 5:6); those who are pure in heart (matthew 5:8); the peacemakers (matthew 5:9); and those who are persecuted for the sake of righteousness (matthew 5:10). at the end of these beatitudes, jesus asserts that the kingdom of heaven belongs to these kinds of disciples (matthew 5:10); or, in the more expansive rendering of luke, “rejoice in that day, and leap for joy, for behold, your reward is great in heaven” (luke 6:23). both matthew and luke include jesus’ observation that the persecution these disciples encounter puts them in very good company, for they are following in the steps of the old testament prophets (matthew 5:12; luke 6:23). for a moment we do well to pay attention to the evangelist luke’s account of this portion of the sermon, because in terms of our unifying themes in these three presentations, luke’s version of jesus’ beatitudes is even more explicit. “blessed are you who are poor, for yours is the kingdom of god. blessed are you who are hungry now, for you shall be satisfied. blessed are you who weep now, for you shall laugh. blessed are you when people hate you and when they exclude you and revile you and spurn your name as evil, on account of the son of man! rejoice in that day, and leap for joy, for behold, your reward is great in heaven; for so their fathers did to the prophets.” (luke 6:20b-23) please observe, those who suffer all these things do so “on account of the son of man.” in other words, it is part and parcel of their discipleship, of their following jesus in humility and trust. luke’s presentation of the sermon continues with three “woes,” which do not have a counterpart in matthew: “[w]oe to you who are rich, for you have received your consolation. woe to you who are full now, for you shall be hungry. woe to you who laugh now, for you shall mourn and weep. woe to you, when all people speak well of you, for so their fathers did to the false prophets” (luke 6:24:26). jesus’ blessed disciples are told not to resist one who is evil and, indeed, to eschew personal retaliation (matthew 5:38-39). most radical of all—and without known counterpart among other teachers in the ancient world—jesus in both matthew and luke tells his disciples actually to love their enemies (matthew 5:44; luke 6:27, 35);17 to bless those who curse them (luke 6:28); and to pray for those who persecute (matthew 5:44) or abuse them (luke 6:28). with such behavior, one demonstrates his or her identity as a son or daughter of “your father who is in heaven” (matthew 5:45). it is simply assumed that a disciple will give to the needy (matthew 6:6; cf. luke 6:30). jesus does not “make a case” for it. in matthew, the only admonition is to do such giving without seeking publicity or honor in the process (6:24). luke’s account draws these themes together: “but love your enemies, and do good, and lend, expecting nothing in return, and your reward will be great, and you will be sons of the most high, for he is kind to the ungrateful and evil. be merciful, even as your father is merciful” (luke 6:35-36).18 similar instruction is provided for the disciples’ lives of prayer. empty public verbiage should be replaced with the “our father” (matthew 6:9; cf. luke 11:2), central to which is an extolling of the father (matthew 6:9b). the familiar and familial direct address is followed by a prayer for the realization of god’s kingdom, and that the activities of down-to-earth human existence may reflect the prior realities and values of heaven. after a petition for “daily bread” comes a prayer to god for the forgiveness of our sins (luke 11:4), or, in matthew’s rendering, “our debts” (matthew 6:12).19 this forgiveness is then properly and necessarily expressed in our own forgiveness of those who have wronged us (matthew 6:12b; luke 11:4b). ever reflective of spiritual realism, the prayer concludes with a plea that disciples might be spared temptation (matthew 6:13a; luke 11:4) and delivered from the evil one (matthew 6:13b). 17 see the comments of jewish new testament scholar amy-jill levine, “jesus through jewish eyes,” in christianity today, april 2012, p. 54: “[jesus] is the only person i can find in antiquity who says you have to love your enemy” (emphasis levine’s). 18 for very useful materials on the sermon on the mount in general and the beatitudes in particular, see dale c. allison, jr., in his sermon helps for matthew 5:1-12, in new proclamation year a, advent through holy week, 2001–2002, ed. marshall d. johnson (minneapolis: fortress, 2001), pp. 125-131. in very general terms, allison’s remarks contribute to the overall reading of the sermon on the mount offered above. see also the older work by martin h. franzmann, follow me: discipleship according to saint matthew (st. louis: concordia, 1961), especially pp. 33-64. franzmann refers to the sermon on the mount as a “messianic molding of the disciple’s will” (p. 34). 19 in his exposition of the lord’s prayer in the small catechism, martin luther uses the german word schulde, which is translated “debts.” this is also the typical german word for “guilt.” lumpp, “authentic discipleship” global south theological journal 3, no. 1 (2024): 8 while each of these petitions warrants—and historically has received—frequent and extended treatment in its own right, the matter of forgiveness is especially significant. god’s forgiveness in jesus christ is a first prerequisite to any consideration of discipleship, for it is literally the lifeline from which discipleship is sustained and by which it is empowered. knowing this reality about themselves, disciples will—not merely should—extend the same forgiveness to those who have sinned against them. we do well to pause here for a moment and acknowledge that both dimensions of this fifth petition of the “our father” were of enormous importance to martin luther and to the entire theological tradition that followed him. he was very careful not to claim that our forgiving others ever causes or elicits god’s forgiveness.20 nevertheless, for luther, the disciples’ prayers were always predicated on their having first heard god’s forgiveness themselves, and then, non-negotiably, their extending that same forgiveness to their neighbor. in sometimes strong language, luther asserts that such willingness to forgive others in effect “doubles back” and assures petitioners that their own prayers for forgiveness have been heard and answered.21 in simplest language, this is a major point in any lutheran understanding of discipleship. returning to the sermon itself, to anyone in jesus’ audience who might have been attracted to a first-century version of the prosperity gospel, jesus declared flatly, “you cannot serve god and money” (matthew 6:24b). later in his ministry, jesus would underscore this point in his exchange with the rich young man: “truly i say to you, only with difficulty will a rich person enter the kingdom of heaven” (matthew 19:23; and parallels in mark 10:23-25 and luke 18:23-25; see also luke 12:15, 21).22 just as their heavenly father feeds the birds of the air and cares for the lilies and grass of the field, human anxiety should give way to faith in the same father who knows precisely what we need. jesus’ counsel here is direct: “[s]eek first the kingdom of god and his righteousness, and all these things will be added to you.” note too in this immediate context, “these things” refer to what one eats, drinks, and wears—and not to anything and everything that might be on one’s personal “wish list” (see, in context, matthew 6:2534). similarly, matthew’s account includes jesus’ expansive promise: “ask, and it will be given to you; seek, and you will find; knock, and it will be opened to you. for everyone who asks receives, and the one who seeks finds, and to the one who knocks it will be opened” (matthew 7:7-8). once again, read in context, jesus is speaking of bread and fish—in other words, of daily necessities—and good gifts to one’s children. jesus concludes with his all-important rhetorical statement, “how much more will your father who is in heaven give good things to those who ask him!” (matthew 7:11b). before returning to the broader thematic consideration of discipleship in the new testament, i should add that one need not blend matthew’s and luke’s versions of this sermon into a single homogenized account, nor should one play them off against each other. here, as elsewhere, matthew and luke are offering the work and words of jesus at least initially to different audiences in different circumstances, and their gospel messages will be nuanced accordingly. if one does read them together— in other words, listening to their distinct yet still complementary voices—luke sometimes offers a more intense version of what is already a stark and direct presentation in matthew. also, in both cases, their gospel message, extending to its eschatological consummation, is crystal clear: “blessed are,” and “your reward is great in heaven.”23 from such gospel promises arise the vitality of discipleship. selected texts and priorities in the remaining new testament materials 20 along with his explanations of the lord’s prayer in both the small and large catechisms, see especially his commentary on the sermon on the mount, from 1532, in volume 21 of the american edition of luther’s works, translated and edited by jaroslav pelikan (st. louis: concordia, 1956), p. 149. this volume is cited as lw 21 below. 21 lw 21, p. 149-151. see also large catechism iii, 97. 22 apparently, while it was and is difficult for a rich person to enter the kingdom of heaven, it is not impossible. joseph of arimathea, who was responsible for the burial of the crucified jesus, is identified in matthew 27:57 (see also mark 15:43 and luke 23:50-51) as being both a “rich man” and a “disciple of jesus.” 23 along with the allison materials referenced above, see also jack dean kingsbury’s comparable sermon helps for matthew 5:1-12, in new proclamation year a, 2004–2005, advent through holy week, ed. harold w. rast (minneapolis: fortress, 2004), pp. 115-117. kingsbury’s various writings are consistently helpful on these topics. lumpp, “authentic discipleship” global south theological journal 3, no. 1 (2024): 9 turning to some of the rest of the new testament and their different modes of presentation, james, the brother of jesus, was not a disciple or follower of jesus during our lord’s public ministry. but he most certainly got the message—figuratively and literally—when he was confronted by jesus after his resurrection from the dead (see 1 corinthians 15:7). scholars have long observed that james’ letter strongly reflects the influence not only of jesus’ teaching but even extends to jesus’ actual words, not least of which are those from the sermon on the mount.24 despite popular caricatures based on particular readings of james 2 (especially verses 14-26), james is not short on gospel either, the gospel from which any and all discipleship springs: “every good and perfect gift is from above, coming down from the father of lights with whom there is no variation or shadow due to change. of his own will he brought us forth by the word of truth, that we should be a kind of first fruits of his creatures” (james 1:17-18; not coincidentally, see galatians 2:5, which explicitly connects “truth” and “gospel”). well known for his simple statement, “mercy triumphs over judgment” (2:13), james concludes his extraordinarily practical letter with this counsel: “my brothers, if anyone among you wanders from the truth and someone brings him back, let him know that whoever brings back a sinner from his wanderings will save his soul from death and will cover a multitude of sins” (5:19-20). james’ didactic materials likewise echo those of jesus. among the many passages one could cite, disciples are to be “doers of the word, and not hearers only,” for the one who embraces and perseveres in what james calls “the perfect law, the law of liberty” will finally “be blessed in his doing” (james 1:25). similarly, james says, “if you really fulfill the royal law according to the scripture, `you shall love your neighbor as yourself,’ you are doing well” (2:8). sometimes considered as an informal instance of “wisdom literature” in the new testament, james earns this reputation with selections like this one: “who is wise and understanding among you? by his good conduct let him show his works in the meekness of wisdom. . . . [t]he wisdom from above is first pure, then peaceable, gentle, open to reason, full of mercy and good fruits, impartial and sincere. and a harvest of righteousness is sown in peace by those who make peace” (3:13, 17-18). james has very strong words for those who mistreat the poor, and he echoes luke’s version of jesus’ sermon when he observes that god has chosen “those who are poor in the world to be rich in faith and heirs of the kingdom” (2:5). rehearsing the common appeals for justice that one finds throughout the old testament prophets, james boils down to its essence what christian behavior looks like: “religion that is pure and undefiled before god, the father, is this: to visit orphans and widows in their affliction, and to keep oneself unstained from the world” (james 1:27). james uses “world” here as a summary of human existence as it is lived outside of, and without dependence on or reference to, the life and rule of god. the verse just quoted from james sounds much like the typical rendering of a more familiar verse in chapter 12 of paul’s letter to the romans: “do not be conformed to this world, but be transformed by the renewal of your mind, that by testing you may discern what is the will of god, what is good and acceptable and perfect” (romans 12:2). the greek word that is so customarily translated as “world” in romans 12 is actually aion, or “age,” which gives a new sense to the passage. specifically, “do not be conformed to this age” introduces an eschatological element in paul’s consideration of a faithful christian life.25 the arrival of the reign of god in the person and work of jesus means that everything—our thinking, our relationships, our personal and corporate 24 for example, see the excellent essay by peter h. davids, “controlling the tongue and the wallet: discipleship in james,” in longenecker, ed., patterns of discipleship in the new testament, p. 227. according to davids, there are a minimum of 36 parallels with jesus’ teaching, 25 of which are found in the sermon on the mount. in an older work by martin franzmann, james’ letter is described as “essentially the recalling of the words of the lord jesus christ,” and an application of these words to his own, still largely jewish church. see the word of the lord grows: a first historical introduction to the new testament (st. louis: concordia, 1961), p. 38. 25 the use of this vocabulary and paul’s emphasis here were initially brought to my attention by jeffrey gibbs. to the best of my knowledge, the only modern english translation that renders aion with “age,” as opposed to “world,” is the new american bible, which is published by the roman catholic church and used primarily in roman catholic congregations. lumpp, “authentic discipleship” global south theological journal 3, no. 1 (2024): 10 behavior—has to be re-visioned from the vantage point of one’s entirely new existence in jesus christ.26 thus, the values of the reign of god now come to challenge not only the seductive external trappings of the fallen world, but also its frequently ingrained assumptions, attitudes, and criteria. now, in christ, these are to be exchanged for an entirely new set of priorities, expectations, and opportunities that come with life in the kingdom of god. much in the other new testament letters can be read as an unfolding of this brand-new way of thinking, even when the explicit language of discipleship is no longer present. in a concentrated summary, in galatians 5 paul identified as the “fruit of the spirit” no less than nine new attributes to be manifested by those who would inherit the kingdom of god: “[t]he fruit of the spirit is love, joy, peace, patience, kindness, goodness, faithfulness, gentleness, self-control; against such things there is no law” (5:22; see also 1 corinthians 13:1-3, regarding love, in connection with the other virtues of discipleship). paul follows this verse with an important identity marker: “[t]hose who belong to christ jesus have crucified the flesh with its passions and desires” (galatians 5:24); and then, he uses the more direct language of discipleship, “if we live by the spirit, let us also walk by the spirit” (5:25). it is important to notice in these descriptions of christian character, attitudes, and behaviors what is missing, or, what one who reads these passages in their contexts does not find. one does not find that christian discipleship, even at its most consecrated, leads to or entails perpetual health, fame, good fortune, or any other physical or material bounty. when it comes to discipleship as such, jesus does not say, “here are all the great and impressive things i have in store for you when you follow me.” instead, in 21st-century idiom he says something almost along the lines of, “are you sure you are ready to undertake this? are you ready to follow this path with me? you need to know what you are getting yourselves into. pay attention, because i am going to tell you what that is.” for those with even a passing familiarity with dietrich bonhoeffer, they are aware of his phrase “cheap grace,” which he uses frequently in his classic study on the sermon on the mount. roughly speaking, cheap grace is grace without discipleship.27 “cheap grace” means that “grace alone does everything,” and this in turn means that “everything can remain as it was before.”28 if that were not bad enough, the grace to which bonhoeffer refers here is not even god’s grace. it is instead the phony grace that human beings bestow upon themselves.29 in bonheoffer’s own exposition, he unfolds what he calls “costly grace,” which undergirds and informs the sermon on the mount. “costly grace confronts us as a gracious call to follow jesus; it comes as a word of forgiveness to the broken spirit and the contrite heart. grace is costly because it compels a man to submit to the yoke of christ and follow him; it is grace because jesus says: `my yoke is easy and my burden is light.’”30 for our purposes this afternoon, the phrase “costly grace” describes an essential feature of christian discipleship, namely, that there is inevitably responsibility and cost to following jesus. this point was not a surprise; rather, it was explicit from the very beginning, and it is present in every category of new testament writing. once again, james, writing at least 15 or so years after the public ministry of jesus, urged his readers to regard these “trials of various kinds” with “joy” (1:2), for james understood their larger purpose in the refining and strengthening of one’s faith: “[f]or you know that the testing of your faith produces steadfastness. and let steadfastness have its full effect, that you may be perfect and complete, lacking in nothing” (1:3-4). some verses later, he is even more explicit: 26 “union with christ,” or life “in christ” is pervasive in the pauline letters. for a convenient survey of the “in christ” language in paul, see michael p. knowles, “`christ in you, the hope of glory,’: discipleship in colossians,” in longenecker, ed., patterns of discipleship in the new testament, pp. 194-195. 27 the cost of discipleship (new york: macmillan, 1959 [german edition, 1937], p. 53. bonhoeffer unpacks all of this—and repeats the point multiple times—in in a dense 15-page first chapter (in the older english translation) of cost of discipleship (pp. 45-60). 28 cost of discipleship, p. 46. 29 ibid., p. 47. for what might be bonhoeffer’s strongest indictment of cheap grace, see p. 57: “we lutherans have gathered like eagles round the carcass of cheap grace, and there we have drunk of the poison which has killed the life of following christ. . . . everywhere luther’s formula [i.e., grace alone] has been repeated, but its truth perverted into selfdeception.” 30 ibid., p. 48. lumpp, “authentic discipleship” global south theological journal 3, no. 1 (2024): 11 “blessed is the man who remains steadfast under trial, for when he has stood the test he will receive the crown of life, which god has promised to those who love him” (1:12). if one looks back to the gospels, jesus explicitly connects discipleship, and following him, with the cross. he does this in the aftermath of peter’s confession of jesus as messiah in matthew 16, mark 8, and luke 9.31 in each case, the audience extends beyond peter or the immediate 12 apostles. however, the most stark connection comes in luke 14, where jesus casts the matter in dramatic terms to a larger aggregate of people: “now great crowds accompanied him, and he turned and said to them, `if anyone comes to me and does not hate his own father and mother and wife and children and brothers and sisters, yes, even his own life, he cannot be my disciple. whoever does not bear his own cross and come after me cannot be my disciple’” (verses 25-27). it is not coincidental that the one to whom the references to taking up the cross were first made most directly, the apostle peter, later on imparts something very comparable to his own audience of new, gentile christians in his first canonical letter. facing imminent persecution for their devotion to and worship of jesus instead of the cult of the roman emperor, peter wrote: “[i]f when you do good and suffer for it you endure, this is a gracious thing in the sight of god. for to this you have been called, because christ also suffered for you, leaving you an example, so that you might follow in his steps” (1 peter 2:20b-21). enduring persecution and suffering precisely for one’s confession of jesus becomes an opportunity and occasion for implicit and perhaps explicit witness. later, near the end of his letter—and nearing the time of his own martyrdom—peter makes this very move, combining warning, admonition, encouragement, witness to the promissory gospel, and doxology: “be sober-minded; be watchful. your adversary the devil prowls around like a roaring lion, seeking someone to devour. resist him, firm in your faith, knowing that the same kinds of suffering are being experienced by your brotherhood throughout the world. and after you have suffered a little while, the god of all grace, who has called you to his eternal glory in christ, will himself restore, confirm, strengthen, and establish you. to him be dominion forever and ever. amen.” (1 peter 5:8-11) making these kinds of connections was not unique to peter. in the same chapter in which saint paul introduced the eschatological dimension of discipleship (see above, regarding romans 12 and his use of aion), he told his roman christian readers, “rejoice in hope, be patient in tribulation, be constant in prayer” (12:12). conclusion a few moments ago, we cited jesus’ words in john 8: “i am the light of the world. whoever follows me will not walk in darkness, but will have the light of life.” a bit before that, we sketched some discipleship themes from jesus’ sermon on the mount. in that sermon, a few verses after the beatitudes, jesus told his disciples: “you are the light of the world.” this was not a slip of the tongue or matthew’s faulty memory. jesus followed his statement in matthew with these words: “a city set on a hill cannot be hidden. nor do people light a lamp and put it under a basket, but on a stand, and it gives light to all in the house. in the same way, let your light shine before others, so that they may see your good works and give glory to your father who is in heaven” (matthew 5:14b-16). the larger theological point here is that the gospel—in its proclamation of jesus as the light of the world and in the lives of discipleship that this gospel creates—brings these two texts from john and matthew together. discipleship is thus from jesus christ, lived in jesus christ, and enhances the mission of jesus christ. matthew knew this. his own account of the “great commission” in chapter 28 (verses 16-20) reflects this. matthew expressly refers to the 11 remaining apostles as “disciples.”32 there, on the mountain, jesus tells these first core disciples to “go therefore and make disciples of all nations.” they were to do so by baptizing these men and women, and their sons and daughters, into nothing less than 31 the first mention of the cross in matthew 10 comes before any consideration of jesus’ passion, in connection with jesus sending out the twelve. hence, this earlier mention likely reflects a more limited audience. 32 to this point, see edgar krentz, “`make disciples’—matthew on evangelism,” in currents in theology and mission, vol. 33, no. 1 (february 2006), page 27, note 23. lumpp, “authentic discipleship” global south theological journal 3, no. 1 (2024): 12 “the name of the father and of the son and of the holy spirit,” and then cultivating their new lives in jesus christ by teaching them. what was the content of this instruction? jesus is equally clear: “teaching them to observe all that i have commanded you.” but there is still more. these new disciples are not left to fend for themselves on their own. jesus—and matthew’s gospel—concludes: “[b]ehold, i am with you always, to the end of the age.” with this last verse of matthew we have come full circle. near the beginning of this presentation we referred to the angel’s message to joseph. part of that message was a quote from isaiah 7, “`they shall call his name immanuel,’ which means, god with us” (matthew 1:23). as observed earlier, mary and joseph were to name their child jesus, “for he will save his people from their sins” (matthew 1:21). this jesus, who he is and what he has done, is in his person and work the saving presence and promise of god. finally, i began this presentation with an exceedingly brief discussion of old testament antecedents to distinctively new testament discipleship. i conclude by returning to what may be the most familiar and popular text in the entire bible. after hearing john 10, matthew 1, the sermon on the mount, and all of the other texts, we read selected verses from psalm 23 in a new and fuller light. “the lord is my shepherd; i shall not want . . . he leads me in paths of righteousness for his name’s sake. . . . i will fear no evil, for you [yahweh] are with me; , . . . . surely goodness and mercy shall follow me all the days of my life, and i shall dwell in the house of the lord forever” (verses 1, 3, 4, and 6). with the triune god’s love and mercy going before us, abiding with us, and following us, the life en christo, which is christian discipleship, is an exercise and adventure of high calling—and it is that precisely because it is always god’s calling. such a life offers both an expanse of opportunity as well as the adversity entailed by sinful human realities. the gospel that is its source brings comfort in suffering; and its abiding promises give a sure and certain hope of resurrection destiny. introduction and working description a brief encapsulation of the old testament background selected texts and priorities in the new testament gospels selected texts and priorities in the remaining new testament materials conclusion global south theological journal 4, no. 1 (2025): 1 introduction to volume 4, number 1 welcome to volume 4, number 1 of the global south theological journal. this issue features two papers adapted from the third annual yonas deressa lecture series, hosted by the mekane yesus seminary in addis ababa on april 8-10, 2025. the speaker for this series was dr. reed lessing of concordia university in st. paul. his lectures offered an exploration into the enduring relevance of the biblical book of lamentations for contemporary christian life, particularly in navigating grief, suffering, and trauma. the overall theme uniting dr. lessing's lectures is the assertion that the book of lamentations is not merely a relic of ancient history but a vital, transformative resource for believers today. he argues that embracing lamentation, as exemplified in the book, is essential for emotional and spiritual authenticity, a pathway to healing, and a necessary means of engaging with god and the world's pain. the sources highlight the danger of rejecting lamentations in favor of superficial positivity, suggesting that this leads to a loss of the ability to confront injustice, express vulnerability, and engage deeply with god during times of suffering. the first paper, "lamentations for today: part 1," delves into the book's raw portrayal of grief, despair, and suffering following the destruction of jerusalem. it emphasizes lamentations' universal resonance with human pain and loss, despite its brutal imagery and accusations against god. the text begins and ends with sorrow, prompting questions about its place in the bible due to its relentless brutality. todd linafelt describes it as "a more relentlessly brutal piece of writing is scarcely imaginable," affronting the reader with harsh and violent images. however, the paper argues that lamentations offers a pathway to spiritual healing by encouraging honest expressions of sorrow and lament. it challenges the tendency in western culture and christian worship to suppress grief, arguing that lamenting is essential for emotional and spiritual authenticity. the book hangs on, sometimes precariously, to god's faithfulness, notably in lamentations 3:23, which asserts, “great is thy faithfulness,” a verse that "bursts forth with hope" within the context of unspeakable despair. by omitting specific historical details and using conventional descriptions, the book adopts a "deliberately universalizing" style, allowing readers from any generation to relate to its chaos and disorder and make its prayers their own. ultimately, lamentations is yahweh's "yes" to express grief and sorrow, inviting believers to place their shattered hearts into god's hands and face life's setbacks honestly, serving every successive generation of the suffering faithful. the second paper, "lamentations for today: part 2," focuses specifically on the book's relevance in addressing trauma and grief. it discusses the destructive impact of trauma, including ptsd, which can silence victims and trap them in pain. trauma can destroy a person's capacity to tell their story, leaving them with fragmented memories but unable to combine them into a coherent narrative. the paper critiques linear models of grief like kübler-ross's stages, instead emphasizing the importance of lament as a transformative process for healing. lamentations is identified as trauma literature, with its vivid depictions of famine, rape, and destruction mirroring the experiences of trauma survivors, offering them a voice. the author of lamentations gives "words to replace silence, and he resurrects personal agency." finding a language for pain is crucial for those afflicted. verbalizing pain helps survivors integrate their experiences, reclaim agency, and reconnect with god and community. denial is presented as a harmful response that dismisses pain and avoids naming it. lamentations refuses to "whitewash what happened," encouraging readers to name their pain and lament their loss, which allows truth to surface and the past to loosen its grip. it helps traumatized people reconnect with god by providing a language of lament, a cry of pain. the paper underscores that the only healthy way to address pain is to go through it, as denial leads to negative consequences, and "pain kept from speech pushed underground and denied, will turn and twist and tunnel like a ferret until it grows in those lightless spaces into a violent, unrecognizable monster." lamentations helps in "reclaiming our humanity" and "breaking through our denial," offering a biblical framework for navigating grief and loss. together, these papers articulate why lamentations remains a vital part of the christian canon, challenging believers to confront suffering and trauma with honesty and faith. we are pleased to present them here. the editors global south theological journal 4, no. 1 (2025): 1 adaptation and resilience in south and southeast asia dear readers, welcome to the latest issue of the global south theological journal, volume 4, issue 2. in this collection, we bring together three scholarly articles that illuminate christianity’s adaptation and resilience in south and southeast asia. these papers offer insights into how christian faith has been shaped by, and has in turn shaped, the unique historical, cultural, and socio-political landscapes of india, the philippines, and burma. from its ancient origins to its contemporary expressions, christianity in these regions is a testament to constant negotiation, robust resistance, and enduring transformation. here's a glimpse into the contributions awaiting you: allan varghese meloottu's article explores the evolution of christianity in india from its traditional arrival with apostle thomas in a.d. 52 to its current status as a minority faith within a hindumajority nation. the study traces key transitional modes, including the early assimilation with syrian traditions, robust resistance against portuguese catholic impositions in the 16th century, significant vernacularization through extensive bible translations, and profound indigenization spurred by revivals and social reforms in the 1900s. meloottu highlights the intricate interplay between foreign missionary influences and local adaptations, which collectively fostered a uniquely indian expression of christianity. the article identifies three distinctive features of contemporary indian christianity: its inter-religious nature, characterized by theological permeability with other faiths; its holistic approach to mission, actively addressing multidimensional poverty and social inequalities; and its resilience amidst rising persecution from radical hindutva movements. this comprehensive analysis underscores christianity's enduring adaptability and relevance in india's pluralistic and socio-politically complex environment. delfo c. canceran examines how christianity arrived in the philippines as an external religion, introduced and imposed by spanish catholics and american protestants, profoundly influencing filipino society and identity over centuries. the article draws a compelling contrast between the spanish catholic approach, marked by christianization through conquest, friars learning native languages primarily for control, and establishing an "abysmal relationship" that created social divisions, and the american protestant strategy, which embraced a separation of church and state, emphasized public education and the english language, and inadvertently led to the marginalization of filipinos as "little brown americans." canceran importantly emphasizes that filipino christianity developed as a hybrid entity, often blending with indigenous religious beliefs and practices, which is still evident in popular religiosity. furthermore, the paper explores the significant ideological influences of marxism, feminism, and postcolonialism on the filipino church, and details the fluctuating societal and governmental influence of the catholic church in contemporary times, noting a discernible trend towards secularism, where individuals increasingly make independent moral choices, even contrary to hierarchical positions. pum za mang provides a detailed exploration of the faith's history in burma and its profound impact on ethnic minorities, particularly the chin, kachin, and karen populations. the article highlights the pivotal role played by american baptist missionaries, who, beginning in the 19th century, were instrumental in introducing christianity and significantly transforming these communities. missionaries achieved this transformative impact by creating written scripts, translating the bible into local vernaculars, and establishing vital institutions such as schools, hospitals, and printing presses, which collectively elevated literacy, education, and ethnic consciousness among the converted groups. mang elucidates how the adoption of christianity by many karen, kachin, and chin groups served partly as a means to preserve their distinct ethnic identities against pressures of burmanization and state persecution. additionally, christianity fostered urbanization and political organization among these communities. the study underscores that despite persistent challenges like ethnic conflict and religious persecution, christianity remains central to the identity, resilience, and societal progress of many ethnic minorities in burma, with native evangelism driving the majority conversion among groups like the chin and kachin today. editors, “adaption and resilience in south and southeast asia” global south theological journal 4, no. 2 (2025): 2 together, these articles offer a rich and multifaceted understanding of christianity's dynamic presence in south and southeast asia. they reveal a faith that is not merely received but re-shaped, indigenized, and actively lived out in complex contexts. the narratives of adaptation, resistance, social engagement, and resilience presented here are crucial for comprehending the global trajectory of christianity. we invite you, our readers, to consider these analyses and discover the vibrant and complex realities of christian life and witness across these pivotal regions. the editors adaptation and resilience in south and southeast asia global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022): 14 gudina tumsa and dietrich bonhoeffer gerd decke (retired) abstract: the situations in which dietrich bonhoeffer and gudina tumsa lived were basically very different from each other, but nevertheless similar because of the parallel challenge through a totalitarian dictatorship with a quasi-religious anti-christian world view. in many basic theological decisions, both prove to be amazingly similar. both have been equally gifted in initiating ideas and inspiring people during their lives and far beyond. many of gudina's statements have the evocative, associative, fascinating power of bonhoeffer's sometimes fragmentary, but always provocative, deep and concise reflections. both their legacies are certainly worthy of interpretation for each generation--the theology of gudina tumsa just as the theology of bonhoeffer has been during the past decades. introduction: christian and/or political martyr “i believe that god wants to give us in each emergency situation as much power of resistance as we need.” the middle-aged woman next to me looked at me with a serious face that betrayed the suffering of a difficult life full of worries. she sighed heavily. “amen,” she said. “but god does not give us this power of resistance beforehand so that we do not rely on ourselves, but on him alone.” again, a deeply moving “amen” came from her that was picked up by many in this charismatic congregation. we were in a sunday service, february 2006, in arba minch in the south-west synod of the ethiopian evangelical church mekane yesus. my successor in the berlin mission, rev. dr. reinhard kees, quoted these words of dietrich bonhoeffer's at the end of his word of greeting giving an example of a german evangelical witness of jesus christ who became a martyr just like the eecmy's former general secretary, gudina tumsa. this woman didn't know anything about bonhoeffer, but his words reached her directly. she certainly didn't know anything about gudina beyond his name. (gudina is his name, tumsa his father's name, thus most of the time gudina only is used here.) in my word of greeting, i had asked somebody to read a central text of gudina's in amharic. breathless silence and nodding of heads were the response. in three places there was an expressive “amen” from the congregation. that happened in a gamu church service in arba minch as in services in oromia – gudina being oromo, from the most numerous people of ethiopia, about forty percent of a population of about eighty-five million in 2011. i shall now read the text and ask you to say the “amen” of the congregation: the gospel of jesus christ is god's power to save everyone who believes it. it is the power that saves from eternal damnation [amen.], from economic exploitation, from political oppression, etc. because of its eternal dimension, the gospel could never be replaced by any of the ideologies invented by men throughout the centuries. it is the only voice telling about a loving father who gave his son as a ransom for many. [amen.] it tells about the forgiveness of sins and the resurrection of the body. it is the good news to sinful man, the only power to save mankind from its sinfulness. [amen.} it is too powerful to be compromised by any social system. it is too dear a treasure to be given up (matthew 13:44). nationalism has its own place, but it can never replace rev. gerd decke was study secretary in the department of the lutheran world federation from 1971-1977. in 1993 he became a secretary for the africa of the berlin mission (berliner missionswerk), and also deputy director of the mission. he retired in 2006. decke, “gudina tumsa and dietrich bonhoeffer“ global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022): 15 the gospel of jesus christ. i hope and pray that the ecmy will be able to make the right decision at this critical moment in her history.1 these sentences are as relevant in contemporary ethiopia as they were originally. gudina tumsa was murdered on july 28, 1979, by the socialist military dictatorship, the same evening that he was arrested for a third time. he was fifty years old; his wife tsehay tolessa was arrested with him. she survived ten years of imprisonment also with the help of hermannsburg and swedish missionaries. their three daughters and one son went into exile in germany. gudina remained in disappearance. the government claimed that he was either in exile or with the olf guerillas. for thirteen years it kept to this version of lies. through the berlin mission and its first secretary for the horn of africa, gunnar hasselblatt, several letter and post card campaigns were undertaken; amnesty international was informed. the churches in west berlin and in west germany as well as in east germany included the names of gudina tumsa and his wife and many other victims in their prayers of intercession. bishop werner krusche as chairman of the federation of evangelical churches in the gdr (german democratic republic) and oberkirchenrat (high level church official) gerhard linn visited the ethiopian embassy in the early 1980s to ask for the whereabouts of gudina tumsa. the gdr state secretariat for church matters was extremely negative towards their having avoided using the proper channels. at a time when we remember the fall of the berlin wall twenty-two years ago and with it the end of socialism on german soil, the issue of the role of the churches in conformity and/or resistance over against the gdr, a state based on fundamental injustice (unrechtsstaat), is being discussed. therefore, it is instructive to remember the only evangelical church leader who became a martyr in a socialist dictatorship. for many years his church found it difficult to identify with him, because he was considered too political. he was deemed to have gone into conflict with the powerful and to have been executed because of his political views and activities, because of his being an oromo, and not because of his being a committed christian.2 like bonhoeffer, gudina tumsa was controversial–and still is. was he a charismatic church leader of the ethiopian evangelical church mekane yesus or a political hero of the oromo, a christian martyr, or a “narrow” nationalist, the label which the government of the dictator mengistu used against him? at the international memorial consultation of the berlin mission and the hermannsburg mission on gudina tumsa, commemorating the twenty-fifth anniversary of his death and the seventy-fifth of his birth, in september 2004, in wittenberg, a heated controversy came about. politically committed oromos reproached us with keeping gudina too much within the church without recognizing him as struggling for the liberation of the peoples of ethiopia from dictatorship, especially the oromo. this same controversy is moving the oromo in ethiopia and in exile, even including the family of gudina. until a few years ago one did not talk about him and his legacy in his own church. “that was a taboo; he was said to be too political,” according to his daughters, aster and lensa. they are continuing his legacy in a gudina tumsa foundation founded in 1992 by family and friends. bonhoeffer, too, is controversial. although the author of life together and the cost of discipleship was appreciated in some pietist circles, the political commitment which led to his participation in a conspiracy of violent resistance, however, was not. the adherents of bonhoeffer's nonreligious interpretation of religious concepts and of stressing the coming of age of the world have problems with his practice of personal and communitarian piety in a predigerseminar (a church training college giving practical training for ministry before ordination), of which he was the director. people who knew gudina have said that it is nonsense to divide gudina into a christian and a politician. of course, they say, he was both--committed as a christian to human rights and to the selfdetermination of his people and all peoples of ethiopia. 1 gudina tumsa, witness and discipleship: leadership of the church in multi-ethnic ethiopia in a time of revolution: the essential writings of gudina tumsa, general secretary of the ethiopian evangelical church mekane yesus (1929-1979), ed. gudina tumsa foundation (addis ababa: gudina tumsa foundation, 2003), 76. 2 paul e. hoffman, “gudina tumsa: christian martyr or narrow nationalist” (n.d.). decke, “gudina tumsa and dietrich bonhoeffer“ global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022): 16 comparing bonhoeffer and gudina differences and similarities the american lutheran theologian paul wee, for many years in the 1970s a representative of the lutheran world federation in west berlin and later in the 1980s responsible for questions of human rights for the lwf in geneva, presented a paper on “dietrich bonhoeffer and gudina tumsa: the answer of the church to the challenges of today.”3 wee maintained that presentations of gudina's life and the history of the eecmy always mention his affinity to bonhoeffer. in july 1980, bishop martin kruse (evangelical church in berlin--brandenburg) wrote an essay in the german church sunday paper (deutsches allgemeines sonntagsblatt) with the title, “bonhoeffer from ethiopia,” and the subtitle, “july 28: a year ago the ethiopian pastor gudina tumsa was abducted.” he called for commitment to work for the release of gudina and his wife, tsehay. this article was inspired by kruse's encounters with gudina and drafted by gudina's close friend, gunnar hasselblatt, then the first secretary for the horn of africa of the berlin mission. hasselblatt founded a committee, “freedom for gudina,” which engaged itself for years in letter campaigns together with amnesty international. the former oberkirchenrat (high level church official) of the united evangelical lutheran church in germany, later president of the lwf and bishop of the evangelical lutheran church of brunswick (braunschweig), christian krause, also a close friend of gudina, said in 1991: “gudina received all his motivation from the scriptures. according to my opinion he is only to be compared with bonhoeffer.”4 tasgara hirpo, the president of the western synod while gudina was general secretary of the eecmy and his co-worker since 1983 with the hermannsburg mission (elm) in germany, stated at the first missiological seminar of 2001: “gudina was justifiably compared with dietrich bonhoeffer from germany who courageously turned against hitler's ideology and publicly spoke against it.”5 a comparison between bonhoeffer and gudina shows both great differences in their biographical data and amazing parallels in the center of their christian existence.6 dietrich bonhoeffer was born in 1906, twenty-three years before gudina tumsa. bonhoeffer was raised in a well-to-do, bourgeois family of educators and doctors in breslau, germany, living from 1912 on in berlin. gudina tumsa was born in 1929 in the oromo village of bodji, western wollega, oromia, ethiopia, the son of poor farmers. bonhoeffer was educated in the classical tradition of german philosophy and literature at the socalled “humanist gymnasium” (high school with greek and latin) in berlin and then studied at the universities of tübingen, rome, and berlin. he finished all of his exams including his dissertation in the shortest time (a theological doctorate at twenty-one, a second theological exam and habilitation at twentyfour). gudina went to school in his village at the age of ten; he became a voluntary evangelist while working as a dresser in nekemte between 1947 and 1952, before going off to study at the swedish mission school in nedjo from 1955 to 1958 and becoming ordained at the age of twenty-nine as one of the pioneer national pastors. he was admitted to luther theological seminary in st. paul, minnesota, 3 paul wee, “dietrich bonhoeffer and gudina tumsa: the answer of the church to the challenges of today,” in church and society : lectures and responses : second missiological seminar 2003, on the life and ministry of gudina tumsa, general secretary of the ethiopian evangelical church mekane yesus (eecmy) (1966-1979), ed. gudina tumsa foundation (hamburg, germany: wdl-publishers, 2010), 15–51. 4 oeyvind eide, revolution & religion in ethiopia: the growth & persecution of the mekane yesus church, 1974-85, 2nd ed., eastern african studies (oxford : athens : addis ababa: j. currey ; ohio university press ; addis ababa university press, 2000), 177. 5 gudina tumsa foundation, ed., the life and ministry of gudina tumsa, general secretary, ethiopian evangelical church mekane yesus (eecmy) : lectures and discussions, first missiological seminar, 2001 (hamburg, germany: wdlpublishers, 2007), 96. 6 i am deeply indebted to paul wee's paper which i have both reworked and reworded and largely expanded. decke, “gudina tumsa and dietrich bonhoeffer“ global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022): 17 u.s.a., without the formal academic prerequisites, studying from 1963 to 1966 without any problems, to the amazement of all and inspiring all with his deep spirituality, obtaining a bachelor of divinity degree at the age of thirty-seven. gudina tumsa and tsehay tolessa were married when gudina was twenty-two and were parents to six children. bonhoeffer was engaged to maria von wedemeyer when he was thirty-seven but, because of imprisonment and death, was never able to marry and have children. gudina became an evangelist and pastor of his church who went on to hold the top leadership position in his church. gudina was engaged in the issues relating to the evangelization of non-christians. bonhoeffer was never faced with such questions except in the form of how to deal with secularized or repaganized christians in germany. gudina was an important discussion partner and initiator of discussions in the ecumenical context and in international church relationships concerning mission and development, moratorium, church order, as well as the relationship between western missions, churches, and donor agencies and african former mission churches, concerning interdependence and self-reliance. bonhoeffer was a pastor, serving in german congregations in barcelona, spain, and london, england, and inner-city congregations in berlin, but he was above all an academic theologian in the german classical tradition who never held office in the hierarchy of the church. however, he started important initiatives within the ecumenical movement concerning peace and reconciliation between the nations formerly at war during world war i, and he struggled with the issue of pacifism. though not holding an office in the established church, he gave practical training for ministry as leader of an illegal seminary (predigerseminar) of the confessing church, the part of the church which was anti-nazi, and he accomplished many official and unofficial jobs for the confessing church. bonhoeffer became a member of the military intelligence (abwehr) and actively worked with members of the military and of government ministries who were part of the resistance movement. through his international ecumenical contacts he undertook secret tasks of military intelligence in a conspiracy with the aim of eliminating the dictator, hitler. this obviously seemed to be the only way to stop the destruction of elementary human rights of people persecuted (e.g., the jews and the political opposition) and of people destroyed in wars of extermination (e.g., poland, soviet union). gudina never left his position as general secretary within the church (1966-1979). at the same time--through his international ecumenical contacts, mainly within the lutheran world federation (lwf) and its member churches, especially in germany, scandinavia, and north america, through the united evangelical lutheran church in germany (velkd) and through the berlin mission (bmw)--he transmitted important information on the socialist dictatorship of mengistu hailemariam, the suppression of the churches, and the denial of human rights. this was done mainly through oberkirchenrat (high level church official) christian krause as the contact person of partner churches and organizations, but also through gunnar hasselblatt of the bmw. gudina also participated in political discussions during the mengistu dictatorship concerning the oromo movement, which developed in resistance to amharic centralism under the emperor and then under socialist military rule. while bonhoeffer made the choice of active, violent resistance to the third reich, gudina personally apparently took the path of active, non-violent resistance. it is difficult to say what position he took concerning violent resistance to the socialist dictatorship and its “red terror” against all opposition from 1977 to 1978. we are speaking of two very different individuals who lived at different times and in very different historical and geographical contexts. what was it that bound them and continues to bind them together, such that gudina tumsa is often referred to as ethiopia's bonhoeffer? the lives of both men were characterized by a deep, personal faith in jesus christ; both were committed to the discipline of daily bible reading, prayer, study and meditation. both were known for maintaining integrity between what they said and what they did, between what they represented as christians and who they were as individual people; this rare integrity was part of their faithful witness until the end of their lives. both rejected the notion that the christian faith decke, “gudina tumsa and dietrich bonhoeffer“ global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022): 18 belonged to one area of human activity alongside other areas; christ was the centre of life, the dimension of depth and meaning within every discipline and within every human activity. neither divorced the spiritual from the material, the secular from the sacred.”7 through their studies and experiences in the u.s.a., both bonhoeffer (1930-1931 and 1939) and gudina (1963-1966) were brought face to face with the burning issues of racial discrimination and economic and political injustice. at the same time, both were exposed to the theological resources and to the people within and outside the church actively addressing those issues. bonhoeffer met the young liberal reinhold niebuhr, who invited him into exile in 1939; gudina read and was influenced by niebuhr's mature position of christian realism in his political ethics. bonhoeffer met african-americans while he taught at union theological seminary in new york, at a time when there was no civil rights movement. gudina became acquainted with the civil rights movement of the 1960s and the non-violent, active resistance of martin luther king jr.8 both understood that there is a political dimension inherent in the proclamation of the gospel of christ, that it is directed not only to the personal lives of individuals, but also to the structures and practices of the social, economic, and political life of the community. both understood that, in addition to the forces of the state that sought to undermine or compromise the mission of the church, there were also forces within the church that were doing the same. these needed to be confronted. both bonhoeffer and gudina stood against demonic powers within their respective societies and governments and sought to enlist the support of international friends and partners, because they had a vision of the community of the church of jesus christ in the whole world.9 both were given opportunities to avoid the immense personal dangers that threatened them in their own countries; both were encouraged to leave for safe havens abroad (bonhoeffer to the u.s.a., gudina to tanzania). knowing the risks, both chose to remain with their people, their country, their church. both dietrich bonhoeffer and gudina tumsa, in their own way, protested the violations of human rights and human dignity that were being carried out on a massive scale in their respective countries. both, because of their opposition, were executed by the security arms of their own governments, through political murder ordered by their country's dictators--bonhoeffer through a prefabricated court-martial ordered by hitler and gudina through an order of mengistu without the semblance of a court procedure. reception of bonhoeffer and gudina both have left a legacy of discipleship, its costs, and its joys, that will continue to be an inspiration to people within their own churches, the ecumenical church, as well as to people outside the church who value human dignity, human rights, integrity, and the courage to stand up for one's beliefs. the history of the influence of bonhoeffer is extraordinary, because his writings have been published for decades, are being read worldwide, and are being applied to many contexts. in the future, this could also become possible for gudina tumsa's writings. his main writings have been published in 7 wee, “dietrich bonhoeffer and gudina tumsa: the answer of the church to the challenges of today.” 8 oeyvind eide, “integral human development,” in the life and ministry of gudina tumsa, general secretary, ethiopian evangelical church mekane yesus (eecmy) : lectures and discussions, first missiological seminar, 2001, ed. gudina tumsa foundation (hamburg. germany: wdl-publishers, 2007), 41–43. 9 wee, “dietrich bonhoeffer and gudina tumsa: the answer of the church to the challenges of today,” unknown. decke, “gudina tumsa and dietrich bonhoeffer“ global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022): 19 english since 2003 (since 2007 in amharic and oromo also). moreover, there is a biography in øyvind eide's religion and revolution in ethiopia 1974-85, which he dedicated to the memory of gudina.10 gudina's inner-ethiopian as well as international ecumenical impact with all people who met him consisted of his extraordinary spiritual and intellectual charisma combined with an analytical and visionary mind and a winning, convincing, authentic personality. his appeal now is based to a large extent on both his martyrdom and on the direct, and at the same time intellectually differentiated, language of faith that touches people equally in their hearts and minds. the same effect has developed with bonhoeffer in the world-wide reception of his work, credible because of his active resistance against a totalitarian dictatorship and his destiny as a martyr. concerning gudina a slow reception is beginning–also through the help of the berlin mission since 1993 and others (emw, lwf, velkd, elm) since 2001 in supporting the work of the gudina tumsa foundation on gudina tumsa's legacy–in spite of the ambivalent attitude of his own church towards its most important martyr and theologian. he has also been embraced in international mission and church circles by those who had known gudina and the eecmy from that time. the excited reaction to the regional seminars that have been organized regularly each year since 2005 through the gudina tumsa foudation and which are being supported mainly by bmw and elm shows that there is a great longing for knowing about and learning from gudina's witness and discipleship. the excitement about the translation of gudina's writings into oromo and amharic has been great. the power of his language, its conciseness, and at the same time the fragmentary character which suggests his openness of thinking have been fascinating together with the unity of his life and work. elisabeth hasselblatt, widow of gudina's friend gunnar hasselblatt, berlin mission secretary for the horn of africa from 1975 to 1993, said in one of the gudina tumsa seminars in the berlin mission: “gudina tumsa is like bonhoeffer unfinished. after the revolution he definitely wanted to continue studying theology, especially ethics.” this is an obvious parallel to bonhoeffer's main theological interest of his last years, ethics, due to the need to find answers to the extreme challenges in church and politics in both of their contexts. the words of eberhard bethge, friend and biographer of bonhoeffer, are equally valid for gudina: “until today the church feels challenged by bonhoeffer [and equally by gudina] because of his deeply “politicized” understanding of the word of god. thus, he is both inconvenient and relevant.” bethge writes the following in the year 1976, thirty years after the end of world war ii and bonhoeffer's violent death, when many witnesses of the time of bonhoeffer were still alive. we today are in a similar situation concerning gudina, thirty-two years after his death and twenty years after the end of the ethiopian socialist military dictatorship, many witnesses of the time being still alive. psychologically for many of the older ones bonhoeffer's [respectively, gudina's] total personal commitment which they themselves did not enter into has become a barrier and cause for insecurity, often unconsciously, so that they repress the phenomenon or reject it with the traditional theological objections (destruction of the theology of the word and dissolution of the doctrine of the two kingdoms): in germany, therefore, many people who did not fight against the third reich react towards bonhoeffer with disinterest and rejection [respectively in ethiopia towards gudina, many who did not fight the socialist military dictatorship], while he does not have to overcome such resistance in other countries. bonhoeffer's work is taken up and reflected eagerly all over wherever churches exist under pressure or have lost their existential freedom. and to be sure, wherever groups became involved in experiments of new forms.11 i think this will be true also for gudina when his writings and his biography become known in ethiopia and internationally, especially in regard to the political implications of his wholistic theology 10 eide, revolution & religion in ethiopia. 11 dietrich bonhoeffer, letters and papers from prison, ed. eberhard bethge (new york: macmillan, 1976), 109–10. decke, “gudina tumsa and dietrich bonhoeffer“ global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022): 20 which overcame thinking in separated spheres (doctrine of the two kingdoms, word of god over against religious experience). gudina tumsa himself was fascinated with bonhoeffer when he studied in the years 1963through 1966 in the u.s.a. at luther seminary in st. paul, minnesota. øyvind eide, former missionary of the norwegian missionary society in ethiopia, now retired professor in stavanger, norway, created a great work on the time of gudina: religion and revolution in ethiopia: the growth and persecution of the mekane yesus church 1974 – 1985,” dedicated to gudina and other martyrs: “in memory of guddinaa tumsaa and all those who suffered during the persecution.” gudina was influenced and impressed theologically particularly by reinhold niebuhr, martin luther king jr., and the civil rights movement, and by dietrich bonhoeffer. it is a pity that there are no written testimonies of gudina's from the time, because all his books and papers were sunk together with the ship by an air attack of the israelis on the harbor of port said, egypt, during the six days war in 1967. unfortunately, also, all his sermons and personal papers were lost, destroyed, or stolen after his murder when the eecmy office building was confiscated in 1981 by the government. theological affinities truth is concrete and contextual eberhard bethge in his succinct portrayal of dietrich bonhoeffer in 1976 states at the end: bonhoeffer's work can be grasped in an overview with the help of the catchwords that stand for different phases of his theological development. christ existing as community for the first, more academic phase of the books sanctorum communio and act and being; cheap and costly grace for the next, more church oriented phase of the cost of discipleship and life together; the ultimate and the penultimate for the time of ethics; and finally non-religious interpretation, world come of age, jesus the man for others, and church for others for the time of tegel in letters and papers from prison.12 for bonhoeffer these phases do not signify leaps between quite different themes. his theological life theme was always the same: it kept dealing with christ and christ’s church–whereby the church makes christ concrete and christ corrects the church.13 (p.110). bonhoeffer's theological work can at no time be understood without a concrete here and now. it is mixed with daring to act. bonhoeffer was able to communicate an amazing presence: whatever is “always” true is not true “today.” god for us is “always” god “today.”14 (p.109). correspondingly and similarly gudina emphasizes: an indigenous theology in the ethiopian context may be defined as a translation of the biblical sources, the various confessions, and traditions transmitted to us throughout the history of the christian church, to the patterns of the thought of our people, that they may feel at home with the gospel of love as revealed in the life, death and resurrection of jesus christ. contextual theology is making the message of the gospel of the risen lord meaningful and relevant to our life situation, economic life, political life and social life as a whole. in our case, theology must grow out of concrete daily experiences, from our dealing with the ordinary affairs of life as we 12 bonhoeffer, 110. 13 bonhoeffer, 110. 14 bonhoeffer, 109. decke, “gudina tumsa and dietrich bonhoeffer“ global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022): 21 experience them in our situation, in our cultural setting, in our economic life, in our political experience and in our social practice.15 eide sees a change in gudina from normal western theological thought patterns (i.e. the hermeneutical model theory-practice) towards a model practice-theory-practice (eide, life and ministry, p.45f). the perspective from below: jesus, the man for others, and the church for others the perspective from below is the access to bonhoeffer's and gudina's theological thinking: the theological theme, “who is christ for us today?” and the theological answer, “jesus, the man for others,” gained shape three times in bonhoeffer's life.... first it was peace against nationalistic militarism; then antisemitic racism; finally the option of the church gaining the perspective from below.... in his own painful relearning process, the vision of a process of transformation of christianity finally revealed itself to bonhoeffer: liberation of one's own church through the return to poverty, through stepping down from the positions of a hierarchical dominance, grown theologically as well as historically, legally as well as economically – down to the path of christ among humankind.16 “church for others” as impulse and vision has probably become bonhoeffer's most fruitful inspiration world-wide. the option for the poor has become an essential criterion of being the church in the different theologies of liberation. for gudina's theology, this vision was not one he had to gain in a process of transformation as bonhoeffer did. bonhoeffer called to repentance a church perverted and compromised during national socialism. for gudina, the option for the poor was reality from the start: “deriving from the poor, the church rededicates itself to living for others, serving the whole person, meeting his spiritual and physical needs.”17 gudina sees a “contrast between the traditional african idea of life and the western one”: in his [jesus'] ministry, we note that forgiveness of sins and healing of the body, feeding the hungry and spiritual nurture, opposing dehumanizing structures and identifying himself with the weak were never at any time divided or departmentalized. he saw [man] as a whole and was always ready to give help where the need was most obvious.18 at that time, gudina consciously took up the theme of justice and because of that demanded a change in the salary scale of the church. the low salaries were to be raised, and the higher ones were to be reduced. “sharing with our brothers and co-workers whatever is made available to our church in the interests of the kingdom of our god and saviour” was gudina's challenge.19 his church, however, was not ready to follow him in this. nor did they follow the aim that had been proclaimed in the general assembly in nedjo in 1976, namely, to reduce dependence on the rich partner churches step by step and to become financially self-reliant within fifteen years. gudina had not discovered the question of social and political justice only through socialism. the exploitation of the peasants and the oppression of the people through the amharic administration during the imperial time caused gudina from the beginning to develop a strong commitment to political 15 tumsa, witness and discipleship, 69. 16 eberhard bethge, dietrich bonhoeffer, überarbeitete neuausgabe, 2. auflage, rororo (reinbek bei hamburg: rowohlt taschenbuch verlage, 2007), 147. 17 tumsa, witness and discipleship, 82. 18 tumsa, 122. 19 tumsa, 79. decke, “gudina tumsa and dietrich bonhoeffer“ global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022): 22 responsibility. at the same time, he was influenced by the christocentric theology of the oromo in western wollega. both are decisive in understanding his later writings, claims øyvind eide.20 already during the time of emperor haile selassie, gudina made the question of land reform and the feudal structures of exploitation and oppression a theme at the general assembly of the church in 1972. at his insistence, a petition of the church on this issue was sent to the parliament dependent on the emperor. the emperor, however, did not admit the discussion of this theme. at the same time, gudina stopped praying for the emperor and his family in church services, because such a prayer was understood as legitimation of the emperor's rule. this was a shock to congregants and a clear spiritual-political demonstration. faith cannot be separated from the political questions of the time, according to gudina. therefore, theology has to “interpret the signs of the time and clarify the problems as they relate to the life of the church and to that of society.21 as followers of christ, we cannot do less than those who profess that christ is irrelevant to the problems of this age and so strive to bring social and economic justice to the underprivileged by ideologies thought out by men.22 the ecmy should be an example to others. the church has been able to set an example in showing interest to the outcast in our society.23 in the question of salaries and their equalization, according to gudina, the church is to set an example for the government as for others concerned, not by words but by actions of sacrificial nature. jesus christ lived and sacrificed himself for others.24 in this issue there is a very clear parallel between gudina and bonhoeffer. gudina actually may have been directly inspired theologically and practically on this issue by bonhoeffer. gudina is one of very few, if not the only protestant church leader who tried to put into practice bonhoeffer's concept of “church for others” in a contextual way, what later has been called “the option for the poor.” bonhoeffer, in prison and cut off from direct action and a co-opted, disrupted, and weak church that was being marginalized by the nazi totalitarian dictatorship, puts it in even more radical terms: the church is the church only when it exists for others. to make a start, it should give away all its property to those in need. the clergy must live solely on the free-will offerings of their congregations, or possibly engage in some secular calling. the church must share in the secular problems of ordinary human life, not dominating, but helping and serving. it must tell men of every calling what it means to live in christ, to exist for others. in particular, our own church will have to take the field against the vices of hubris, power-worship, envy, and humbug, as the roots of all evil.... it is not abstract argument, but example, that gives its word emphasis and power.25 to clarify the possibilities of the witness of the church in socialism which had been proclaimed as state ideology gudina invited the lwf department of studies to hold seminars on “christianity and socialism” for the pastors and church leaders of all christian churches in addis ababa for the sake of clarifying options of the church confronted by the challenge of socialism. because of great demand in 1975 and 1976, four seminars were held. i was the speaker providing the main input leading these seminars. i was impressed by the openness of the discussions. the results of the seminars were translated 20 eide, revolution & religion in ethiopia, 60. 21 tumsa, witness and discipleship, 79. 22 tumsa, 80. 23 tumsa, 73. 24 tumsa, 73. 25 bonhoeffer, letters and papers from prison, 383. decke, “gudina tumsa and dietrich bonhoeffer“ global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022): 23 into amharic and spread within the mekane yesus church. later that proved to be dangerous and caused detention of quite a number of people. state and party did not want to tolerate any independent position vis-à-vis socialism from 1977 on, the period of “red terror” when the corpses of those in opposition were lying in the streets of addis ababa as deterrent. particularly, they did not want to listen to a church that held up to them the mirror of their socialist ideals. totalitarian ideologies versus the gospel / non-religious interpretation of religious concepts / the ultimate and the penultimate / a world come of age gudina developed both an existential and a political interpretation of the gospel, both included in his concept of wholistic theology--in contrast to western and marxist interpretations of the world, which are both secularized, materialist, by definition non-religious interpretations of human life. on these issues gudina did not shy away from critical dispute. a sharp controversy with his brother, baro tumsa, developed concerning the confession of god. baro tumsa was at that time one of the chief ideologists of the party. gudina had expressly invited him to the general assembly in nedjo in april 1976 for the purpose of debate. he criticized baro's marxist atheism and materialism as unscientific and inadequate to a wholistic view of human existence. man has been created in the image of god (genesis 1:26-27). and human beings have freedom, creativity, honour, dignity, deriving from that image of god. to have a closed understanding of the world and a materialist understanding of man is to deny essential elements of science and human nature.... the truly effective testimony against unbelief is a life lived by faith.26 with this courageous attack on the dominant ideological world view, he challenged its claim to a supposedly wholistic political-philosophical ideology–and thus he confronted the ruling party and government for which his brother baro spoke as a member of the politburo. “it must be understood that there can be no reconciliation and no compromise between what the church believes and materialism. marxism-leninism and the church can never be friends, gudina said after the controversy.”27 bonhoeffer in prison in 1944 put the question this way: what christianity really is, or indeed who christ really is, for us today. . . . we are moving towards a completely religionless time: people as they are now simply cannot be religious any more. . . . how do we speak . . . in a ”secular” way about god? in what way are we ”religionlesssecular” christians? . . . in that case christ is no longer an object of religion, but something quite different, really the lord of the world.28 the thought of non-religious interpretation of religious concepts has been criticized because it seems religion and spirituality are considered as irrelevant. that is unthinkable in africa, as the atheist ideologues of ethiopian socialism also had to realize. in secularized germany, believing in science and being religiously disillusioned (although at the same time holding the nazi pseudo-religious totalitarian world view) this thought was and is an intellectual challenge. however, bonhoeffer's fundamental criticism is meant to go against the corruption of religion through our church, which has been fighting in these years only for its self-preservation, as though that were an end in itself. [such a church] is incapable of taking the word of reconciliation and redemption to mankind and the world. our earlier words are therefore bound to lose their force 26 tumsa, witness and discipleship, 32. 27 eide, revolution & religion in ethiopia, 127. 28 bonhoeffer, letters and papers from prison, 279–81. decke, “gudina tumsa and dietrich bonhoeffer“ global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022): 24 and cease, and our being christians today will be limited to two things: prayer and righteous action among men.29 gudina rejects the total claim of socialism, of a world allegedly come of age full of non-religious interpretations of the world, and puts straight the relation of the ultimate (the gospel of jesus christ) and the penultimate (nationalism/patriotism): the gospel of jesus christ is god's power to save everyone who believes it. it is the power that saves from eternal damnation, from economic exploitation, from political oppression, etc. because of its eternal dimension the gospel could never be replaced by any of the ideologies invented by men throughout the centuries. it is the only voice telling about a loving father who gave his son as a ransom for many. it tells about the forgiveness of sins and the resurrection of the body. it is the good news to sinful man, the only power to save mankind from its sinfulness. it is too powerful to be compromised by any social system. it is too dear a treasure to be given up (matthew 13: 44). nationalism has its own place, but it can never replace the gospel of jesus christ. i hope and pray that the ecmy will be able to make the right decision at this critical moment in her history.30 church as paradigm and advocate: the political role of the church gudina sees the role of the church as paradigm (an example), as model in advocacy for justice for the underprivileged. the church stands for the liberation of human beings from oppression, but with clear criteria and standards: human rights, justice, rule of law, grass roots democratic participation. the church sees “its continuing task to be the full liberation of the whole man. it welcomes the opportunities which the new situation provides for building a more just society.” it sees self-reliance and land reform as decisive because it has itself been active about it before.31 the church is emphasized as a paradigm and as an advocate: “we welcome the prospect of participation by the people at all levels of decision making, where the power of the people is channeled from bottom to top. we aspire for justice, respect for human rights and the rule of law. ideologies cannot be considered as absolute. complete allegiance is due to god and god alone.”32 the church must be an example in its own life: the ecmy has been practicing democracy since her establishment in her present form. our congregations have been and are the source of authority. no one commands power at any level of this church unless he/she is elected. the democratic system being introduced into our country has been in practice in the ecmy for years. this must be appreciated and acted on.33 insofar as the church is the paradigm for the overcoming of class struggle and enmity between different groups: “such dialogue, trust and love must be extended to those outside our particular fellowship, to christians of different confession and to persons of other faiths and ideologies.”34 in this text, in direct adoption of bonhoeffer's notion of “the church for others,” gudina says: deriving from the poor, the church rededicates itself to living for others, serving the whole human person, meeting his spiritual and physical needs. through its health, educational and other services, the ecmy has contributed meaningfully to the development of ethiopia and has at the 29 bonhoeffer, 300. 30 tumsa, witness and discipleship, 76. 31 tumsa, 82. 32 tumsa, 83. 33 tumsa, 79. note that evangelical church mekane yesus (ecmy) was used until 1978; ethiopian was officially allowed and added to the church’s name after 1978. 34 tumsa, 83. decke, “gudina tumsa and dietrich bonhoeffer“ global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022): 25 same time prepared people for change. it sees its continuing task to be the full liberation of the whole man.35 already before the revolution gudina had demanded in the last year of the emperor the need for land reform which would liberate the peasants out of quasi-feudal dependency to become owners of the land they work on. (the slogan of the first phase of the revolution was “land to the tiller.”) that was a demand that the revolution put into practice at the beginning. then all land was nationalized or socialized, that is, controlled by the government. quite different was the reality of the german church at the time of bonhoeffer--authoritarian in itself and subservient towards the authorities in the sense of a rigid doctrine of the two kingdoms. that is true to a large extent also for the confessing church. in his introductory speech which gained unanimity of acceptance for the 1934 barmen theological declaration, hans asmussen had stressed the unpolitical character of the confessional statements of barmen and, thereby, had won the consensus: “we do not protest as members of our people against the recent history of our people, not as citizens against the new state, not as subjects against the authorities.”36 it is amazing that this could be said after democracy and the constitutional rule of law had already been destroyed--all basic human and civil rights, among them the right to freedom of opinion, freedom of the press and of assembly had been cancelled, opposition to the government was being considered enmity against the nation, all social voluntary organizations were dissolved or forced into line, opposition members and jews were left without rights, concentration camps were being established. the pfarrernotbund (the pastors' emergency association founded in 1933 in opposition to the nazi dominance of the church), the bruderräte (brothers' councils, councils of confessing church members in opposition to the centralized nazi dominance of the evangelical church in germany), and the congregations of the confessing church were partly a counter image to the attempt of creating a centralized state church and to the totalitarian state. but they had limited paradigmatic function and were able to exert the function of advocacy only in a very limited way, not even for the jewish christians (formerly jewish persons who had converted to christianity). concerning the reichs pogrom night 1938 (the night of november 9, 1938, when the nazis clamped down on the jewish population, burning synagogues, killing and maiming jews, and putting tens of thousands into concentration camps), they felt powerless and stayed silent. bonhoeffer had criticized sharply the fear of the confessing church to speak out politically, especially concerning the so-called jewish question, but also concerning a future war of aggression. because of his participation in the conspiracy against hitler he was not able to take a public position. moreover, he was officially prohibited from speaking and writing. in his speech, “the church before the jewish question,” he had stated very clearly already in 1933 what he would expect from a church that prays and acts righteously: first, the church has to ask the government whether or not the government's action can be accepted responsibly by the government itself as legitimate government action.... in relation to the jewish question this question needs to be asked in perfect clarity.... secondly, the church is dutybound to the victims of any social order unconditionally even if they do not belong to the christian congregation.... thirdly, when the church sees the government exercising too much or too little law and order, it arrives at the situation not simply to bind up the victims who have come under the wheel, but to block the very spokes of the wheel.37 a year later, in 1934, bonhoeffer wrote in a letter from london to a friend in switzerland (without fear of censorship and therefore openly): “all of christianity is to pray with us that “resistance 35 tumsa, 82. 36 bethge, dietrich bonhoeffer, 64. 37 bethge, 56–57. translation by the author. decke, “gudina tumsa and dietrich bonhoeffer“ global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022): 26 up to the ultimate consequences” will come about and that people will be found who are willing to suffer the consequences.”38 years later, he himself became one of these people in political resistance who had to suffer the consequences. in his book, ethics, which he formulated in 1940, when he had decided to join the conspiracy, a devastating confession of guilt which is absolutely necessary for repentance and renewal of the church: the church was mute where it should have shouted, because the blood of the innocent cried to heaven…. the church confesses to have seen the arbitrary use of brutal violence, the bodily and spiritual suffering of countless innocent people, oppression, hatred and murder without having found ways to rush to their aid. it has become guilty of the lives of the weakest and most defenseless brothers of jesus christ (i.e., the jews). the church confesses having seen robbery and exploitation of the poor, enrichment and corruption of the strong without raising its voice.39 we don't know whether or not there are statements of gudina's expressing a confession of guilt on behalf of the eecmy during the dictatorship. i think he was killed too early to formulate such a confession. but i am very sure he would have, had he lived to see the end of that regime. the parallel in gudina's theology to this “political theology” of bonhoeffer's is gudina's great and challenging statement that an unpolitical existence is not worth living: wholistic theology is an effort in rediscovering total human life. apolitical life is not worthy of existence, uninvolvement is a denial of the goodness of creation and of the reality of incarnation.... the history of the people of god in the old testament starts with the liberation of a group of slaves from oppression. nothing is more political than this biblical narrative. in our continent what is prevalent is the basis to define economic policy, agricultural development, foreign relations–“politics decides who should die and who should live.” african theology should develop a political theology relevant to the african political life.40 gudina continues stressing that he feels encouraged and inspired by the fact that the elders of the congregations of the south ethiopia synod who were elected to be leaders of peasant associations practice their christian faith in these leading positions. “political theology should grow out of such experiences on the local congregational level.”41 contemporary, relevant confession of faith it’s impossible for an african to divide the secular from the religious, mind from body, faith from development. confessio augustana [the basic confession of the lutheran churches] was relevant to the needs of the reformers. african churches of our time have to develop a “confessio africana”, a confessional stand relevant to african social, political and ideological reality.42 gudina had not been able to begin this task expressly. but elements of such a confession can be found in his most important statements and passages. bonhoeffer sharpens the impossibility of separating the worldly from the religious in the following formula: “whoever does not cry out on behalf of the jews, may not sing gregorian chants.” bonhoeffer basically pronounces himself in favor of a wholistic confession when he speaks against thinking in two separate spheres which he considers as sterile: “the basic concept of ethical thinking that 38 bethge, 68. translation by the author. 39 bethge, 100. translation by the author. 40 tumsa, witness and discipleship, 70. 41 tumsa, 70. 42 tumsa, 37. decke, “gudina tumsa and dietrich bonhoeffer“ global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022): 27 determines everything consciously or unconsciously, the meeting of two spheres, the one is divine, sacred, supernatural, christian, the other worldly, profane, natural, unchristian.”43 bonhoeffer's theological thinking was considered as too political also by the confessing church which wanted the barmen declaration to be understood in a non-political way. an example is his participation in drafting an earlier confession. bonhoeffer, who could not be present at the barmen confessional synod in 1934 because he was at that time serving as a pastor in a german parish in london, received this confessional declaration at first positively. but then he became increasingly critical because the barmen declaration does not say anything on the jewish question, which should have been central at that time for a christian confession. he had cooperated in drafting the so-called bethel confession which questioned the very nature of a christian church when on the basis of a racist ideology it accepted the expulsion of jews who had converted to christianity. because of that the bethel confession had been considered as too political and therefore had not been accepted by the confessing church as a basis for confessing. witness to the gospel in a political context: cheap and costly grace, the cost of discipleship like dietrich bonhoeffer, gudina tumsa was murdered because of his political commitment on the basis of his christian witness. when directly after his second detention the possibility was offered to him by christian krause to go into exile with the help of president nyerere of tanzania, gudina rejects this offer as temptation: “here is my church and my congregation. how can i, as a church leader, leave my flock at this moment of trial?”44 a few weeks after that he was killed. already in the u.s.a. and invited to take up a teaching position at union theological seminary in the summer of 1939, after six weeks of heart-rending wrestling with himself, bonhoeffer decided to return to germany: “it was a mistake of mine to go to america. i have to live through this difficult period of our national history with the christians in germany. i shall have no right to cooperate in the reconstruction of christian life after the war in germany when i do not share the trials of this time with my people.” gudina was quoting to christian krause, then contact person of the lutheran churches and missions for the eecmy, 2 corinthians 5:15: “christ died for all that those who live should no longer live for themselves but for him who died for them and was raised again.” krause reported to eide: “this had become the key sentence for him in prison.” gudina added: “never ever will i escape.”45 with 2 corinthians 5, gudina in fact made reference to bonhoeffer's book, the cost of discipleship. gudina had just quoted that scriptural passage in his spiritual last will, “the role of a christian in a given society,” a few days before his abduction and murder: as someone has said [namely dietrich bonhoeffer], when a person is called to follow christ, that person is called to die. it means a redirection of the purpose of life, that is death to one’s own wishes and personal desires and finding the greatest satisfaction in living for and serving the one who died for us and was raised from death (2 corinthians 5:13-14).46 in the following, last paragraph of his will he states crystal-clear that he was ready to transgress for the sake of the people the laws of an ethiopian state based on fundamental injustice: it has been stated that a christian is a citizen of a given country and as such under the laws and policies of that country. because he is under the laws of the country of which he is a citizen, it is his duty to pray for the peace of that country and cooperate with his fellow-citizens for its well 43 translation by the author. quoted from bethge, dietrich bonhoeffer, 137. 44 eide, revolution & religion in ethiopia, 177. 45 eide, revolution & religion in ethiopia, 177. 46 tumsa, witness and discipleship, 11. decke, “gudina tumsa and dietrich bonhoeffer“ global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022): 28 being. the only limitation to his cooperation or obedience to the laws of his country is if he is commanded to act contrary to the law of god.47 why was gudina tumsa murdered? the files of the ethiopian state security (which had been trained by the east german state security) are not easily accessible, but on demand information was received that they could be looked into if there were an official demand by the eecmy. this has not yet happened. is it because of certain fears? it is probable that gudina's building of a church network under the perspective of how the churches could stand up together to the challenge of socialism was a nuisance to the control mania of the dictatorship. gudina's independence as a whole was considered a nuisance by the regime: mengistu had tried in vain to win gudina's cooperation for the purpose of sending him on a propaganda tour through europe where he was supposed to affirm that in ethiopia there were no persecutions of christians or muslims, but religious freedom. during the interrogations of his first two detentions gudina was reproached with participating in political resistance in the form of cooperation with the oromo liberation front. this was denied by gudina. furthermore, he was reproached with church independence creating an opposition forum by founding for the first time in ethiopian history a council for the cooperation of the churches to which even the orthodox church belonged. in this way, like in the gdr and in poland, the churches were to be strengthened as public institutions independent of party and government.48 bonhoeffer, in a conspiratorial way together with others, did what he could for a group of jews who had to flee, and they succeeded in getting them into switzerland. thus, he endangered himself to the extreme. similarly, gudina during his last visit 1978 to berlin challenged gunnar hasselblatt, the first horn of africa secretary of the bmw, to take care of the tens of thousands of oromo refugees in sudan. he suggested founding an aid organization, which happened in 1979 with the creation of the oromo relief association (ora). gudina said during the interrogations that he had never actively taken part in the olf, but that he had followed developments.49 but he participated in many discussions during the time of the dictatorship and knew about the change of his brother baro from a marxist ideologue to an oromo nationalist. he certainly took part in the discussions on how the dictatorship and atheist-materialist socialism were to be overcome. to him a pseudo-religious idolatrous world view that excludes genuine religious faith in god was unacceptable. gudina tumsa in resistance bonhoeffer, like gudina, knew exactly when a political system had become totalitarian, and he reacted accordingly. finally, from 1940 on, bonhoeffer went into active resistance admitting as unavoidable the use of force (“to block the spokes of the wheel”). starting in about 1975, gudina was at first in critical solidarity with the general aims of socialism, but in clear intellectual resistance against the ideology of “ethiopia tikdem” (ethiopia first). his position was: “nationalism has its own place, but it can never replace the gospel of jesus christ.” at the general assembly at nedjo in april 1976, he voiced the incompatibility of christian faith and marxist atheism only three days after the national democratic revolutionary programme of ethiopia (ndrpe) had been proclaimed with scientific socialism as a new social myth” and a proletarian vanguard party leading the revolution, a definitely marxist-leninist path.50 it could well be that he may have shared discussions on violent resistance against the increasing terror of the regime whose amharic and marxistleninist centralism made it impossible for the different nations, nationalities and peoples of ethiopia to advance their own self-reliant development. an indication of gudina's openness to ethnic liberation may 47 tumsa, 11–12. 48 eide, revolution & religion in ethiopia, 260. 49 eide, 176. 50 eide, revolution & religion in ethiopia, 108, 126. decke, “gudina tumsa and dietrich bonhoeffer“ global south theological journal 1, no. 1 (2022): 29 be the intercession for eritrea included in the pastoral letter, the ecmy in the ethiopian revolution, of 1975: “special prayer should be made for our sister church in eritrea and for peace in that province.”51 there were a number of reasons for his detention and his assassination. from what we know from witnesses of the time, after the fall of the emperor, gudina became a member of a committee which produced reading material in the oromo language. his proud identity as an oromo who could not be intimidated made him suspicious. as a leading evangelical churchman with many contacts in the west he was equally suspicious. that he did not want to serve the dictator in a propaganda tour in the west was certainly a factor. moreover, at the time of his detention his brother and other friends had gone underground or were in exile. and he had founded a church organization that could be seen as a forum of opposition.52 all this made him potentially guilty of high treason or espionage. from oral testimony of contemporaries, it seems evident that gudina's commitment to justice was an integral part of his christian faith because gudina believed that god is on the side of justice and therefore also on the side of the liberation of the oppressed peoples of ethiopia. on balance: theology and practice of resistance against totalitarian dictatorship we do not know how gudina assessed bonhoeffer's decision for active resistance against a totalitarian dictatorship–and which political ethics he might have developed had he lived after 1979--after twelve years of an increasingly brutal dictatorship with tens of thousands of refugees, many thousands of torture and murder victims, millions of forcibly resettled peasants and others forced into so-called villagizations. maybe because of the disillusionment with a dictatorship massively violating human rights and the rule of law and leading numerous civil wars (eritrea, tigray, oromia, somalia, sidamo, etc.) he increasingly saw no other way as the path of active resistance conceding the use of violence. like in many other countries in africa, many oromos turned from the destroyed hope in liberation through socialism towards another alternative--liberation through ethnic self-determination. the situations in which dietrich bonhoeffer and gudina tumsa lived were basically very different from each other, but nevertheless similar because of the parallel challenge through a totalitarian dictatorship with a quasi-religious anti-christian world view. in many basic theological decisions, both prove to be amazingly similar. both have been equally gifted in initiating ideas and inspiring people during their lives and far beyond. many of gudina's statements have the evocative, associative, fascinating power of bonhoeffer's sometimes fragmentary, but always provocative, deep and concise reflections. both their legacies are certainly worthy of interpretation for each generation--the theology of gudina tumsa just as the theology of bonhoeffer has been during the past decades. let us be inspired through their common vision of a “church for others” (bonhoeffer and gudina), through the wholistic gospel of “liberation from eternal damnation, economic exploitation and political oppression” (gudina) in “praying and acting righteously” (bonhoeffer). 51 tumsa, witness and discipleship, 83. 52 eide, revolution & religion in ethiopia, 176, 260. introduction: christian and/or political martyr comparing bonhoeffer and gudina differences and similarities reception of bonhoeffer and gudina theological affinities truth is concrete and contextual the perspective from below: jesus, the man for others, and the church for others totalitarian ideologies versus the gospel / non-religious interpretation of religious concepts / the ultimate and the penultimate / a world come of age church as paradigm and advocate: the political role of the church contemporary, relevant confession of faith witness to the gospel in a political context: cheap and costly grace, the cost of discipleship gudina tumsa in resistance on balance: theology and practice of resistance against totalitarian dictatorship global south theological journal 4, no. 1 (2025): 8 lamentations for today: part 21 reed lessing (concordia university st. paul, minnesota) abstract: explores the profound relevance of the biblical book of lamentations in addressing trauma and grief. it highlights the destructive impact of trauma, including ptsd, which silences victims and traps them in cycles of pain. drawing from interdisciplinary studies, the author emphasizes the importance of lament as a transformative process for healing. lamentations provides a language for expressing grief, enabling individuals to confront their past, name their pain, and move toward recovery. the book’s vivid depictions of suffering—cannibalism, famine, rape, and destruction—mirror the experiences of trauma survivors, offering them a voice and a pathway to healing. by verbalizing pain, survivors can integrate their experiences, reclaim agency, and reconnect with god and community. the article critiques superficial approaches to grief, advocating for an honest engagement with sorrow as a prerequisite for hope and renewal. ultimately, lamentations serves as a spiritual and emotional tool, helping individuals process their trauma, break free from denial, and find comfort in god’s presence. it underscores the necessity of mourning as a step toward healing, resilience, and the restoration of humanity, offering a biblical framework for navigating the complexities of grief and loss. introduction men carrying machine guns load women and children into trucks, drive them to a mass grave, and then riddle their bodies with bullets. godless governments trap citizens in abject poverty with no way out. infants are frantic for formula, orphans are longing for a home, young mothers are trafficked as sex slaves, and entire countries are on the brink of economic collapse. when we consider all the evil—the pornography industry, the ideology of terror, rampant greed, the enduring impacts of alcoholism—it is tempting to hang our heads in frustration, shrug our shoulders, and get on with life as best we can. overwhelming evidence shows that pillaging profiteers of unrighteousness are winning the day. our response? tune out. numb out. check out. is there a better way? yes. lamentations. while the historical context of the book is the immediate aftermath of 587 bc, kathleen o’connor maintains, “the power of its poetry can embrace the sufferings of any whose bodies and spirits are worn down and assaulted, whose boundaries have shrunk, who are trapped, and who face foreclosed futures.”2 trauma studies one popular view on working through trauma comes from elizabeth kübler-ross and her 1969 book on death and dying. she made famous this five-point process following loss: 1) denial and isolation, 2) rage and anger, 3) bargaining, 4) depression, and 5) acceptance.3 kübler-ross advanced this model based on her study on how bereaved people coped with the loss of loved ones. she did not ground it upon empirical 1 this article is adapted from the concordia commentary lamentations by r. reed lessing (st. louis: concordia publishing house, 2024). 2 kathleen m. o’connor, lamentations and the tears of the world (maryknoll: orbis, 2002), xiv. 3 elizabeth kübler-ross, on death and dying (london/toronto: collier-macmillan, 1969), 10-33. lessing, “lamentations for today: part 2” global south theological journal 4, no. 1 (2025): 9 research.4 originally, kübler-ross intended her taxonomy to describe steps for people facing their death. however, it quickly morphed into a process of how to cope with any kind of deep trauma. for instance, paul joyce follows kübler-ross’ paradigm in his outline of lamentations: chapter one, denial and isolation; chapter two, anger; chapter three, bargaining; chapter four, depression; and chapter five, acceptance.5 dalit rom-shiloni doubts that reactions to trauma are so linear.6 others agree that it is dubious to think people experience the stages of grief in such a strictly sequential manner.7 moving beyond küblerross, in 1980, the american psychiatric association added the term "post-traumatic stress disorder" (ptsd) to its diagnostic manual.8 kathleen o’connor describes trauma with these words: it so overwhelms the capacities of victims to take in that the violence cannot be absorbed as it is happening. traumatic violence comes as a shocking blow, a terrifying disruption of normal mental processes, distorting reality, even as it becomes the only reality.9 ptsd describes combat veterans, battered women, rape survivors, and abused children. it characterizes people ruled by tyrants—tyrants who rule nations and tyrants who rule families. “long after the danger is past, traumatized people relive the event as though it were continually recurring in the present. they cannot resume the normal course of their lives, for the trauma repeatedly interrupts.”10 those with ptsd become frozen in time. memories become indelibly etched in their minds. they replay the nightmare repeatedly. they rehash traumatic moments in their thinking and even in their dreams. "even though i am here, i know that the smallest thing—a song, a sound, a smell—can send me back there."11 trauma destroys people’s capacity to tell their stories. they have snapshots and memories—even smells and tastes—but they cannot combine them. it is a bunch of mumbo-jumbo. selective amnesia appears as the only way to function. “hear, say, and speak no evil.” those who have ptsd draw a curtain between the past and the present. perpetrators insidiously encourage—and sometimes insist—on secrecy and silence. when this fails, they launch attacks against the credibility of the victim. “she had it coming!” “how could you believe his story?” “what an exaggeration!” “they’re making this up!” powerful forces render victims voiceless, unable to talk about their pain. there is a term for this—shellshocked. 4 ruth d. konigsberg, the truth about grief: the myth of the five stages and the new science of loss (new york: simon & schuster, 2011). george a. and bonanno, the other side of sadness: what the new science of bereavement tells us about life after loss (new york: basic books, 2009). 5 paul m. joyce, “lamentations and the grief process: a psychological reading,” biblical interpretation 1 (1993): 304-20, 308-20. 6 dalit rom-shiloni, voices from the ruins: theodicy and the fall of jerusalem in the hebrew bible (grand rapids: eerdmans, 2021), 93. 7 david j. reimer nuances kübler-ross's view in “good grief? a psychological reading of lamentations,” zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche wissenschaft 114 (2002): 542–59. 8 judith lewis herman, trauma and recovery (new york: basic books, 1992), 33. she states that ptsd happens when events consist of “physical violation or injury, exposure to extreme violence, or witnessing grotesque death … when neither resistance nor escape is possible, the human system of self-defense becomes overwhelmed and disorganized.” judith lewis herman, trauma and recovery, 34. 9 kathleen m. o’connor, jeremiah: pain and promise (minneapolis: fortress, 2011), 3. 10 herman, trauma and recovery, 37. june f. dickie concurs: “trauma … disrupts the way memories are processed, preventing them from being stored in long-term, ‘past-time’ memory.” june f. dickie, “biblical lament intersects with psychotherapy as a means of healing the effects of trauma,” in when psychology meets the bible, ed. heather a. mckay and pieter van der zwain (sheffield: sheffield phoenix press, 2023), 19. 11 ann hood, comfort: a journey through grief: a journey through grief (new york: norton, 2008), 156. william faulkner writes, “the past is never dead. it’s not even past.” william faulkner, requiem for a nun (new york: random house, 1951), 51. lessing, “lamentations for today: part 2” global south theological journal 4, no. 1 (2025): 10 trauma in lamentations as part of a growing interest in interdisciplinary work, trauma studies entered the field of the old testament late in the twentieth century.12 the book of lamentations—among other old testament books like jeremiah and ezekiel—is now frequently identified as trauma literature. why is the focus so much on lamentations? the book replays memories of cannibalism (lam 2:20b; 4:10), famine (e.g., lam 1:11a-b; 2:12b; 4:4–8), rape (lam 1:10a-b; 5:11), the complete dismantling of a city (lam 2:1–10) and her people (e.g., lam 4:1–10). other symptoms of ptsd include the lack of consolation and comfort (lam 1:2b, 9b, 16b, 17a, 21a) and overwhelming grief (e.g., lam 1:22c; 5:15). survivors were shocked (lam 1:1a; 2:1a; 4:1a, 2b), isolated (e.g., lam 1:1a; 2c), had memories of better days (lam 1:7a-b), and felt deep shame (lam 1:8a-b). they were stuck in silence (lam 2:10a), bargaining (lam 2:18–19; 3:40–42), anger lam (2:20), denial (lam 3:39), weeping (lam 3:48–51), and blaming (lam 4:12–13; 5:7). warfare brutalizes people while numbing and deadening their hearts. “a single traumatic event can occur almost anywhere. prolonged, repeated trauma, by contrast, occurs only in circumstances of captivity.”13 moreover, babylonians had judeans right where they wanted them—entirely subjected. however, the empire could not take away the author’s pen. he gives meaning to pain, words to replace silence, and he resurrects personal agency. “medically, the binding up of the mental wounds caused by suffering is every bit as important as healing the sufferer’s physical wounds.”14 the author of lamentations encourages us not to deny the past nor to get stuck in it; instead, he invites us to work through our past. “sharing the traumatic experience with others is a precondition for the restitution of a sense of a meaningful world.”15 but how? trauma often prevents survivors from constructing a story about their experiences. they might have "snapshots" of moments, feelings, smells, tastes, and sounds, but they cannot put them together into a sequence that would explain what happened to them and why. “[trauma] stops the chronological clock and fixes the moment permanently in memory and imagination.”16 judith herman suggests that “recovery unfolds in three stages. the central task of the first stage is the establishment of safety. the central task of the second stage is remembrance and mourning. the central task of the third stage is reconnection with ordinary life.”17 none of this happens in a linear manner. the general development, though, is from fear to security, from denial to acceptance, from stigmatized detachment to community connections. describing feelings is important in every stage. “finding a language for pain is one of the needs of those afflicted.”18 often, distress silences speech. it robs us of words. when we do not talk through trauma, we become slaves to emotions we neither understand nor can control. however, by giving us words that echo our feelings, lamentations becomes our way out of despondency and despair. the book’s words are god’s words given to heal and make us whole. “yhwh does not command shutting up when we feel let down.”19 we can cry out to god in agony. we do not need to hide from god. we can scream in anger at 12 david g. garber, trauma studies,” in the oxford encyclopedia of biblical interpretation, ed. s.l. mckenzie (oxford: oxford university press, 2013), 421-28. 13 herman, trauma and recovery, 74. 14 w. f. dobbs-allsopp, lamentations (louisville: john knox press, 2002), 35. 15 herman, trauma and recovery, 70. 16 lawrence l. langer, holocaust testimonies: the ruins of memory (new haven: yale university press, 1991), 17475. 17 herman, trauma and recovery, 155. 18 robin parry, lamentations (grand rapids: eerdmans, 2010), 206. dorothee soelle writes, "if people cannot speak about their affliction, they will be destroyed by it." dorothee soelle, suffering, trans. e. kalin (philadelphia: fortress, 1975), 76. 19 john goldingay, lamentations (grand rapids: eerdmans, 2022), 210. ellen f. davis writes, “we cannot have an intimate relationship with someone to whom we cannot speak honestly.” ellen f. davis, getting involved with god: rediscovering the old testament (cambridge, mass.: cowley, 2001), 8. lessing, “lamentations for today: part 2” global south theological journal 4, no. 1 (2025): 11 god, against god, and finally with god, who, in jesus, shares our laments and sorrows. “we must allow the film to roll, and dare to watch it.”20 through the ages, lamentations has helped the faithful survive disasters by giving them a way to express shock and sadness. the book summons us to express our pent-up frustrations and put them on the table in a safe and loving environment. in doing so, negative emotions begin to lose their power, and little by little, we find that we can, in fact, deal with our trauma. “lamentations can melt frozen and numbed spirits.”21 naming the pain denial dismisses pain. it puts on a happy face. it saddles up and keeps on riding. denial was judah's response to babylon's impending invasion (jer 5:21; 6:14; 8:11). scott ellington maintains: so strong is the need to hold on to a stable rendering of reality that the one suffering may even be willing to commit intellectual, moral, and emotional suicide in order to preserve an ordered world, regardless of its flaws.22 living in the land of make-believe creates even more angst and anguish. choosing fiction over reality never works—but that does not keep us from trying to beat the odds. we avoid facing the music, getting honest, and naming our pain. herman writes, “the typical response to atrocity and trauma is to banish them from consciousness. certain violations of the social contract are too terrible to allow them to come to consciousness or to be uttered aloud.”23 denial finds a million ways to cope with painful memories—overeating, overdrinking, overworking, overexercising, overspending. nicolaus wolterstorff writes: to voice suffering, one must name it—identify it. sometimes that is difficult, even impossible. the memories are repressed so that the suffering is screened from view. or one is aware of it, in a way; but naming it, identifying it for what it is, would be too painful, too embarrassing.24 lamentations refuses to whitewash what happened. the book spells out judah’s demise in great detail. following the author’s lead, we can name our pain, lament our loss, face our failures, and refuse to live in denial. truth begins to surface. the past begins to loosen its iron grip. “laments are the beginning of action, a rejection of passivity, and so they can invert despair.”25 lamentations’ five poems expose wounds to the healing power of the gospel. this is daughter zion’s experience. she finds her voice, slowly at first (lam 1:9c; 11c)—then with a fury, she emerges full of words (lam 1:12–15b, 16, 18–22; 2:20–22). in chapter five, first-person speech cascades like a mountain river during a spring thaw. f.w. dobbs-allsopp maintains: for those who come to lamentations hurting and struck dumb by suffering’s cruel ravages, not only do they find comfort in the knowledge that they do not suffer alone, but they also find, unbidden, a language for their suffering.26 it is liberating to allow suppressed emotions and voices to surface to tell our story—the good, the bad, and the ugly. it may seem paradoxical, but we need to experience grief in order to alleviate grief. the pain of our past may seem daunting, but through lamentations, we realize that this is the balm that heals our ruptured souls. kathleen o’connor writes, “lamentations can be a resource for the work of 20 molly fumia, a piece of my heart: living through the grief of miscarriage, stillbirth, or infant death (berkeley: conari press, 2000), 104. 21 o’connor, lamentations and the tears of the world, 131. 22 scott a. ellington, risking truth: reshaping the world through prayers of lament (eugene: pickwick, 2008), xii. 23 herman, trauma and recovery, 7. 24 wolterstorff, “if god is good and sovereign, why lament?” calvin theological journal 36 (2001): 42-52. 25 o’connor, lamentations and the tears of the world, 129. 26 dobbs-allsopp, lamentations, 35. he also maintains that the book’s poems, “individually and collectively, facilitate a recovery of voice that is life giving and life sustaining.” dobbs-allsopp, lamentations, 134). delbert r. hillers concurs, “people live on best after calamity, not by utterly repressing their grief and shock, but by facing it, and by measuring its dimensions.” delbert r. hillers, lamentations: introduction, translation, and notes, anchor bible 7a (garden city: doubleday, 1992), 4. lessing, “lamentations for today: part 2” global south theological journal 4, no. 1 (2025): 12 reclaiming our humanity, for breaking through our denial, personal and social, and for teaching us compassion.”27 the book helps us step out of shaming shadows and into the light of god’s love in christ jesus. we may think we are finished with our past, but our past is not finished with us. lynn caine writes about grieving widows: “until they can talk, they have not really started on the road to recovery.”28 lamentations expresses and values our wounds and empowers us—like daughter zion and the author—to give free rein to the pain bottled up. june dickie maintains: “lament can facilitate physiological healing in the brain, allowing toxic memories to be properly processed and stored in the past, no longer to intrude as disturbing flashbacks.”29 god accepts us when angry, upset, and drenched with tears. there is no other way forward. only the truth sets us free. lamenting “enables individuals and communities to break with the past without forgetting it.”30 and if we do not? "pain kept from speech pushed underground and denied, will turn and twist and tunnel like a ferret until it grows in those lightless spaces into a violent, unrecognizable monster."31 is that putting it too firmly? not at all. “when i kept silent, my bones wasted away through my groaning all the day” (ps 32:3). to survive, people need language. by retelling the trauma, survivors can integrate, process, and move on. "it is not the experience of loss that becomes the defining moment of our lives … it is how we respond to loss that matters.”32 and if we do not narrativize our feelings? the event becomes toxic. it is not a memory; it is an ongoing nightmare. telling stories is how lamentations moves us from trauma to healing. “voiced hurt already contains the seeds of life revived and resurrected.”33 learning about sorrow is a significant factor in healing from the past and building resilience to survive future heartbreaks. lamentations thus helps traumatized people reconnect with god because it helps sufferers “find a language of lament, a cry of pain, words which begin to express what is happening in his or her life.”34 conclusions trauma happens. it happens to us all. “why? why did he leave me? why did she have to die so young? why did i lose all that money? why does my job continue to cause me so much anxiety? why? why? why?” when traumatized, it is almost impossible to remain calm and clearheaded. it is even more challenging to find words that describe what happened. yet, to reclaim our future, we need to verbalize our past. "the ordinary response to atrocities is to banish them from consciousness. certain violations of the social compact are too terrible to utter aloud: this is the meaning of the word unspeakable.”35 if we are going to lament, we must give up the idea that we need to get over our losses as quickly as possible. our faulty thinking goes like this. “if i can learn the right coping skills, follow these ten steps, pull this lever, push that button, then my pain will subside in no time.” 27 o’connor, lamentations and the tears of the world, xiv. 28 lynn caine, widow (new york: morrow, 1974), 140. herbert l. gravitz and julie d. bowden observe, "no pain is so devastating as the pain of a person refuses to face, and no suffering is so lasting as suffering left unacknowledged.” herbert l. gravitz and julie d. bowden, recovery: a guide for adult children of alcoholics (new york: simon & schuster, 1987), 37. 29 dickie, “biblical lament,” 23. 30 denise ackermann, “on hearing and lamenting.” pages 47–56 in to remember and to heal. edited by h.r. botman and r. m. peterson. cape town: human & rousseau, 1996, 55. 31 o’connor, lamentations and the tears of the world, 95. 32 gerald sittser, a grace disguised: how the soul grows through loss (grand rapids: zondervan, 1996), 9. 33 dobbs-allsopp, lamentations, 149. 34 barbara a. bozak, “suffering in the psalms of lament: speech for the speechless, power for the powerless,.” église et theologie 23 (1992): 325–38, 328. dickie observes: “the first step in trauma healing is to regain one’s voice and recover agency (being the ‘subject’ rather than the ‘object’ who was acted upon), and the second step is to reconstruct the story of what happened and to express it.” dickie, “biblical lament,” 26. 35 herman, trauma and recovery, 1. lessing, “lamentations for today: part 2” global south theological journal 4, no. 1 (2025): 13 biblical laments look at this with great pessimism. jeremiah calls purveyors of quick healing quacks and fakes (cf. jer 6:14; 8:11). he rejects superficial solutions. lamentations also insists that we take the past seriously. dig it up. remember it well. first things first. crushing, then hope. weeping, then joy. death, then resurrection. emmanuel katongole and chris rice maintain: to the extent that we are not shattered, we do not hope. there is in lament a desperation—even more, a demand—for something deeper, something beyond, something new. those who are not easily consoled have entered a place of restlessness. they have opened their hands to accept a different vision. they are now ready to receive a better hope.36 this is the way of jesus. he welcomes honesty. "blessed are those who mourn, for they will be comforted" (matt 5:4). the greek word, translated as "mourn," suggests a sorrow that begins in the heart, takes possession of the entire person, and is outwardly manifested. mourning is far from superficial and sentimental sorrow. the only healthy way to address pain is to go through it. “i walk through the valley of the shadow death" (ps 23:4). god pours out immeasurable comfort and consolation on those who mourn—on people who walk through their sorrows. “remembering and telling the truth about terrible events are prerequisites both for the social order and for the healing of individual victims.”37 there is something very godly about acknowledging our deep distress. in gen 6:6, god the father looks at the world's sin in noah's day, and his heart grieves. in luke 19:41, jesus approaches jerusalem and weeps over the city. in ephesians 4:30, paul writes that sin grieves the holy spirit. when we are tempted to appear super-christian or super-pastor—a façade that will surely fail us—the book of lamentations invites us to be honest and human. "cast your burden upon yahweh, and he will sustain you" (ps 55:22). 36 emmanuel katongole and chris rice, reconciling all things: a christian vision for justice, peace and healing (downers grove: intervarsity press, 2008), 89. 37 herman, trauma and recovery, 1. introduction trauma studies trauma in lamentations naming the pain conclusions global south theological journal 4, no. 1 (2025): 2 lamentations for today: part one1 reed lessing (concordia university st. paul, minnesota) abstract: the article explores the relevance of the biblical book of lamentations in modern christian life. it highlights the book’s raw portrayal of grief, despair, and suffering following jerusalem’s destruction, emphasizing its universal resonance with human pain and loss. despite its brutal imagery and accusations against god, lamentations offers a pathway to spiritual healing by encouraging honest expressions of sorrow and lament. the text challenges the tendency in western culture and christian worship to suppress grief in favor of positivity, arguing that lamenting is essential for emotional and spiritual authenticity. by rejecting lamentations, believers risk losing the ability to confront injustice, express vulnerability, and engage deeply with god during times of suffering. the article underscores the importance of lament as a way to reconnect with god, address personal and communal wounds, and navigate life’s tragedies. it advocates for embracing lamentations as a tool for healing, reflection, and prayer, asserting that its timeless themes of anguish and hope remain profoundly relevant in a world marked by disasters and loss. ultimately, lamentations invites believers to honor their pain, confront reality, and seek god’s mercy amidst life’s darkest moments. introduction within the last one-hundred and fifty years, the world has witnessed “the war to end all wars,” world war two, the holocaust, the firebombing of dresden, stalin’s purges, the chinese cultural revolution, the killings fields of the khmer rouge, rwanda, 9/11. the point? life can be hell. sometimes, it crushes our hearts. so why study lamentations—an ancient book that mourns one more disaster? why increase our sadness by throwing ourselves into poetry filled with mourning and misery? when offered the opportunity, most christians take a pass. alternatively, if they do read lamentations, it is probably because they are systematically reading the bible—cover to cover. they have to read lamentations to get to the next book, ezekiel. “how lonely sits the city once full of people" (lam 1:1a). "renew our days as of old—unless you have completely rejected us, and you remain exceedingly angry with us" (lam 5:21–22). the book of lamentations begins and ends with sorrow and deep sadness. most of the baptized hear snippets from lamentations, especially 3:22–23. after that, a quick read of the book might prompt the question, “why is this in the bible?” todd linafelt aptly writes, “a more relentlessly brutal piece of writing is scarcely imaginable.”2 some react vehemently. for instance, in 1995, naomi seidman composed a short story titled "burning the book of lamentations."3 1 this article is adapted from the concordia commentary lamentations by r. reed lessing (st. louis: concordia publishing house, 2024). 2 todd linafelt, surviving lamentations catastrophe, lament, and protest in the afterlife of a biblical book (chicago: chicago university press, 2000), 2. he continues, “this short biblical book affronts the reader with a barrage of harsh and violent images: from its opening portrayal of the city of jerusalem as an abandoned widow exposed to endless dangers, to the broken man of chapter three, to the bleak description in chapter four of the inhabitants of a devastated city, to the final unanswered appeal of chapter five.” 3 seidman’s story is about a young jewish woman in poland during the late 1980s who throws lamentations into a fire after the tiš’â bĕ’ āb liturgy—a worship rite that mourns the babylonian atrocities of 587 bc, the roman destruction of the second temple, as well as other events experienced by the jews in their long and tortured history. naomi seidman, "burning the lessing, “lamentations for today: part 1” global south theological journal 4, no. 1 (2025): 3 the hebrew bible titles lamentations ֵאיָכ֣ה, “how could it be?” after the first word in the book. the babylonian talmud (b. b. bat. 14b–15a) calls it qînôt, “laments.” ancient jews also termed it mĕgillat qînôt, "a scroll of laments" (y. shab. 16:15c), as well as sēper qînôt, “a book of laments” (b. ḥag. 8b). the lxx calls it θρηνοι, “dirges,” while the vulgate offers this title, threni id est lamentations jeremias prophetiae, “dirges, that is, laments of jeremiah the prophet.” martin luther simply labeled it klagelider, “dirges/laments.” israel’s long history—from genesis to 2 kings—culminated in total disaster. called tiš’â bĕ’ āb by jews for centuries (mishnah ta’an. 4:6), it all appeared to be a complete and irrevocable end. the latter appears mild when we compare the book of lamentations with jeremiah's protests (jer 11:18–12:6; 15:10–21; 17:14–18; 18:18–23; 20:7–13). while jeremiah complains that yahweh has led him "like a lamb to the slaughter" (jer 11:19) or is a "deceitful brook" (jer 15:18), he does not blame god for directly attacking him. however, in lamentations, daughter zion (e.g., lam 1:11c–16; 2:4a-b, 5a) and jeremiah (e.g., lam 3:1–18) accuse yahweh of becoming their adversary. only the book of job matches this bitterness and rancor. lamentations expresses misery, sadness, anguish, heartache, darkness, agony, hurt, affliction, tribulation, calamity, torment, isolation, wretchedness, misfortune, and unmitigated pain. “the multitude of dead bodies, fractured bones, and broken spirits that fill the lines of this poetry attest to the horrific outcome of god’s attack.”4 baylon ripped apart jerusalem’s walls, gates, citadels—and most importantly, the city’s temple (lam 2:1–9). enemy soldiers decimated the nation’s army (lam 1:15a), who ran for their lives (lam 1:6b-c). political and religious leaders were either dead (lam 1:15b-c), exiled (lam 1:3a), starving to death (lam 1:11a), or drowning in sorrow (lam 2:10). survivors huddled together—broken and hopeless. not so fortunate others were executed (lam 5:12). normal life, including judicial and economic processes, ceased, ushering in suffering and starvation (lam 2:12, 20; 4:2–10; 5:2, 4–6). access to life’s basic needs evaporated (lam 5:2, 4). the upshot? jerusalem became like a slave (lam 1:1c); her citizens felt like filth and garbage (lam 3:45). the empire’s military force reduced everything to dust. a thick veil of darkness covered the landscape. babylon negated, voided, and destroyed everything. death hovered around every corner. the future was blank. there was no future. w.f. dobbsallsopp maintains, these poems constitute some of the bible’s most violent and brutal pieces of writing as well, as they emerge, both literally and figuratively, out of the ashes and ruins of jerusalem and are filled with horrifyingly dark and grizzly images of raw human pain and suffering.5 and yet! in 1923, thomas chisholm wrote the hymn "great is thy faithfulness." little did he know that, after william runyan set the words to music, it would find its way into worship services and—in time—be a staple in christian hymnals. the title comes directly from lamentations 3:23, a verse that bursts forth with hope. despite everything, the book of lamentations hangs on—sometimes by a thread—to god’s faithfulness. the small trickle of prayers (e.g., lam 1:9c; 1:11a; 2:20–22) becomes a steady stream (lam 3:40–47). it then turns into a rushing river in chapter five, where the community’s cries and protests, laments and longings, are brought to yahweh, whose steadfast love endures forever. this prayer places the book’s tears and heavy sighs into god’s hands. it is within the context of unspeakable despair that lam 3:23 dares to assert, “great is thy faithfulness.” god also invites us to sing and raise our voices defiantly when it is the most difficult.6 to join the choir with these lyrics, "great is thy faithfulness. morning by morning, new mercies i see." book of lamentations,” in out of the garden: women writers on the bible, ed. christian büchmann and celina spiegel (new york: fawcett columbine, 1995), 278-88. 4 f. w. dobbs-allsopp, lamentations (louisville: john knox press, 2002), 30. 5 dobbs-allsopp, lamentations, 2. 6 dobbs-allsopp maintains that “lamentations may well be the most remarkable and compelling testament to the human spirit’s will to live in all the old testament.” dobbs-allsopp, lamentations, 2. lessing, “lamentations for today: part 1” global south theological journal 4, no. 1 (2025): 4 rejecting lamentations is there a place for the book of lamentations in the christian life? most believers say no. christ fulfills old testament promises. it is time to rejoice, be glad, and weep no more. consider paul. the apostle exhorts us with upbeat expressions. "rejoice in the lord!" (phil 4:4) "we are more than conquerors through him who loved us" (rom 8:37). "give thanks in all circumstances" (1 thess 5:18). "we boast in our suffering" (rom 5:3). why become lost in defeat when we can live in victory? why shed a tear? if we trust god enough and believe in his promises wholeheartedly, everything will turn out to be sunshine and roses. is it not our duty to thank, praise, serve, and obey god? who needs lamentations? besides, it is best to hurry past loss and grief, to get over yesterday's sorrows, and to get on with today's possibilities. "everything will be all right." "time heals all wounds." "the sun will come up tomorrow." the goal is a church where "seldom is heard a discouraging word" because we all know that laments do not market well in a society where life’s chief purpose is to be happy, joyful, and carefree. who wants to become downcast and depressed anyway? lamentations? some insist that the book may be dangerous to our spiritual lives. grieving over life’s dark turns could signify unbelief and sin. why, in our post-pentecost era, christ promises to always be present through his gospel and sacraments (matt 28:20; heb 13:5). how could we even think about lamenting when we have jesus? our marching orders are clear from romans 9:20, “who are you to answer back to god?” whatever you do or say, do not argue with god. be tough. submit in silence. put your hand over your mouth. go along with whatever happens. god is the potter, and we are the clay. and even if life gets messy, it is better to pretend everything is “just fine.” there is a long history of people in the church who reject lamentations. augustine believed that those who lament have an inordinate affection for this world, while john calvin taught that christians already know why they suffer—god teaches and blesses through it. consequently, augustine confined laments to confessions of sin, while calvin demanded sporadic use.7 oswald bayer writes, since the earliest days of christianity, expressions of lament in worship have largely withered. because of the influence of stoic thought, lament was pushed out of the everyday lives of christians.8 why are we so reticent to embrace the book of lamentations? w.f. dobbs-allsopp observes: “western culture, in particular, oftentimes appears impatient with or embarrassed by acute grief and deep sorrow and thus rushes to medicate it away.”9 the result? lamentations is a liber non grata. what do we lose? if we spurn the book of lamentations, what are we losing? much, very much. overlooking lamentations means we can only utter weak and anemic prayers in the face of injustice and pain. thinking that god only cares about our praises, we hesitate to tell him about our angst and sorrow. when engulfed in sadness, our prayers seldom diverge from these four words, “thy will be done.” if god’s throne is only a place where we show him esteem and acclaim, we ignore our brokenness and the brokenness of others. we coldly dismiss people who are struggling and depressed, who are slogging through difficulties like sickness, disease, loneliness, divorce, bankruptcy, and the like. matthew boulton writes, to the extent that christian churches implicitly or explicitly exclude modes of indignation and anguish from their liturgies, they effectively abandon indignant and anguished people, leaving them to 7 kathleen d. billman and daniel l. migliore, rachel’s cry: a prayer of lament and rebirth of hope. (cleveland: united church press, 1999) 73-74. 8 oswald bayer, “toward a theology of lament,” in caritas et reformatio: essays on church and society in honor of carter lindberg, ed. david m. whitford (st. louis: concordia publishing house, 2004), 211. 9 dobbs-allsopp, lamentations, 37. lessing, “lamentations for today: part 1” global south theological journal 4, no. 1 (2025): 5 suffer these agonies in isolation from the worshiping assembly and thus also, it may well seem to them, in isolation from god.10 walter brueggemann further maintains that when we forfeit laments, “both psychological inauthenticity and social immobility may be derived from the loss of these texts.”11 we not only relinquish lamentations’ spiritual/emotional healing, but we also lose our engagement with the significant social and political issues of our day—whose challenging issues “soon appear to be improper questions in public places, in schools, in hospitals, with the government, and eventually even in the courts.”12 we also see this at funerals. instead of solemnity, reverence, and grief, there is a growing propensity to turn burials into “celebrations of life” instead of facing the cruel reality—a loved one is dead. federico villanueva provides this scathing rebuke: "there used to be much weeping at funerals; these days, there is karaoke singing."13 when engulfed in darkness, when its bitterness almost feels tangible, god does not invite us simply to pray, "yes, lord. whatever you say." no. he wants us to speak our minds. pour out our hearts. even challenge and question him. faithfulness does not always imply the passive acceptance of trial and torment. william soll writes: "lament is not merely an articulation of unhappiness; it seeks in the midst of unhappiness, to recover communion with god.”14 the deep longing to reconnect with yahweh lies at the heart of lamentations. the book’s protests explore the fissures of god’s absence and covenantal brokenness. old testament laments the book of lamentations is just one voice in a much larger choir of lamenters in the old testament. rebekah cries, “if it is this way, why should i live?” (gen 25:22). moses objects to yahweh’s plan to wipe israel off the map (exod 32:11–12). gideon complains, "if yahweh is with us, why has all of this happened to us?" (judg 6:13). when saul and jonathan die on mt. gilboa, david grieves over his unbearable loss (2 sam 1:23–27). then, when his son absalom is struck down, david again laments (2 sam 18:33). and even after joab reprimands him, the king keeps on weeping (2 sam 19:4). rachel mourns over her lost children (jer 31:15). put these prayers together, and what do we learn? to lament is to stay involved with life, face reality, feel sorrow for the world's wounds, and become vulnerable before the divine throne of grace. kathleen o’connor writes: laments announce aloud and publicly what is wrong right now. laments create room within the individual and community not only for grief and loss but also for seeing and naming injustice. laments name the weeping and fracturing of relationships—personal, political, domestic, ecclesial, national, and global. the point of lamenting is … to name injustice, hurt, and anger.15 psalmists, for their part, often acknowledge the raw experiences of life. they cry out to yahweh, “how long?” (e.g., ps 13:2–4 [en 13:1–3]), “where is god?” (e.g., ps 79:10), “why?” (e.g., ps 74:1), “are you asleep?” (e.g., ps 44:24 [en 44:23]), “wake up!” (e.g., ps 35:23), “listen!” (e.g., ps 17:1). these prayers reject a fake and pretentious faith. they affirm that distress and setbacks are real. federico villanueva observes, “we are most open with the people we are closest with. the more intimate the relationship, the greater the vulnerability and openness. intimacy explains why people in the bible know how to lament.”16 10 matthew boulton, “forsaking god: a theological argument for christian lamentations,” scottish journal of theology 55 (2002): 58–78, 59. 11 walter brueggemann, “the costly loss of lament,” journal for the study of the old testament 36 (1986): 57–71, 67. 12 brueggemann, “the costly loss of lament,” 64. 13 federico villanueva, lamentations: a pastoral and contextual commentary (carlisle, uk: langham global library, 2016), 31. 14 william m. soll, “the israelite lament: faith seeking understanding.” quarterly review 8 (1988): 77-88, 79. 15 kathleen o’connor, lamentations and the tears of the world , (maryknoll: orbis, 2002), 128. 16 villanueva, lamentations, 14. lessing, “lamentations for today: part 1” global south theological journal 4, no. 1 (2025): 6 appropriating lamentations add zion in lamentations to the ensemble of protesters in the book of psalms. zion’s “i” in lamentations helps readers/hearers find the voice of their despair.17 why? lamentations mostly deletes the specifics of jerusalem’s defeat—striking a more universal note.18 it omits the names of key leaders on both sides—for instance, it does not mention nebuchadnezzar, zedekiah, or babylon. yahweh’s past mighty acts of salvation also do not appear; neither do any of the great heroes of faith—abraham, moses, or david. “the style of the book is deliberately universalizing, using conventional and traditional descriptions of the fall of a city that, by their very nature and intent, resist efforts to treat them as documentary films of what happened.”19 jeremiah, the book’s author, gives us historical bits and pieces, snippets and scraps. if he had provided too much detail, it would be difficult for us to make the book's prayers our own. thus, every reader can relate to lamentations’ chaos and disorder. “the mourning is for the common loss, and it seems fitting that here there are no names of the slain, nor private griefs.”20 by giving voice to universal hurt, the book of lamentations offers a way forward for sufferers—out of the darkness and into yahweh’s healing light. when we ignore grief, it often metastasizes into deadly pathologies that distort reality, leading us into more pain. lamentations is yahweh's "yes" to express our grief, sorrow, crying, and mourning. the book invites us to place our shattered hearts into god's loving hands and to face life's setbacks and their emotional fallout honestly.21 lamentations offers spiritual and theological categories to help us make sense of what happened, as well as how to survive it. its poems give us words and images that help us speak the unspeakable. “every life, and every land and people, has reasons for lament and complaint.”22 conclusions no doubt. because jerusalem's demise and the ensuing catastrophe are far from the lived experience for most of us, we do not relate to everything in lamentations. we are separated by time, local, language— and most obviously, event. put bluntly, babylon overran zion, not us. nevertheless, we still face disasters. our world has tsunamis, genocides, pandemics, fires, earthquakes, mass shootings, mass devastation, and mass starvation. moreover, we all face death. when we pray the book of lamentations, we pray with the faithful who have been victims of violence, rape, murder, and every sort of mayhem. we plead with god to turn from judgment to mercy and to heal his broken world. brevard childs writes that lamentations “serves every successive generation of the suffering faithful for whom history has become unbearable.”23 the book corrects euphoric and celebratory notions of faith that romantically portray the christian life as consisting of only sweetness and light. the cries of anguish in lamentations help us avoid a one-sided, happiness-only mindset that fails to 17 what athanasius of alexandria (ca. 296–373 ad) wrote about the psalter holds for lamentations: “he recognizes [the psalms] as being his own words. and the one who hears is deeply moved, as though he himself were speaking, and is affected by the words of the songs, as if they were his own songs.” athnasius, the life of antony and the letter to marcellinus, trans. robert c. gregg (new york: paulist press, 1980), 109. 18 delbert hillers observes, “such ‘history’ as we have it in lamentations is not told with an eye to the unique, particular, unrepeatable, contingent circumstances; it is experienced and narrated in conformity to certain pre-existing literary and religious patterns.” delbert hillers, “history and poetry in lamentations,” currents in theology and mission 10 (1983): 155-61, 160. these patterns make the book accessible to future generations. 19 hillers, lamentations introduction, translation, and notes, anchor bible 7a (garden city: doubleday, 1992), 10. 20 hillers, lamentations, 5. 21 “grief creates a canon within the biblical canon, headed by the books of job and lamentations and the lament psalms in the book of psalms” (leslie c. allen, a liturgy of grief: a pastoral commentary on lamentations. grand rapids: baker academic, 2011, 25). 22 miriam j. bier and tim bulkeley, eds., spiritual complaint: the theology and practice of lament. (eugene: pickwick press, 2013), xv. 23 brevard childs, introduction to the old testament as scripture. london: scm press, 1979, 596. lessing, “lamentations for today: part 1” global south theological journal 4, no. 1 (2025): 7 deal forthrightly with life’s tragedies.24 after all, expressing our pain is the first step towards healing our pain. lamentations honors judah’s suffering so we may honor our own—and the suffering around us. "in this conversation between worlds, it can help us see our pain, and, by reflecting it to us, however indirectly, it has the potential to affirm our human dignity in a first step towards healing."25 the book calls us inward to address our wounds. outward to address the wounds of the world. and upward to bring these wounds before the throne of our loving savior. “lamentations is a book whose time has come.”26 do you see? lamentations is our lament. 24 robin parry writes, “if the only prayer language into which believers are inducted through communal worship is that of thanksgiving, praise, and adoration then we are depriving believers of a language for dealing with the dark periods of life. we are also communicating the message that to speak to god with words of complaint and lament is somehow inappropriate, irreverent, and unfaithful (in spite of the fact that jesus himself took the words of a complaint psalm upon his lips while on the cross). in this way, we are in danger of failing to train disciples to walk with god through the valley of the shadow of death” (“wrestling with lamentations in christian worship,” pages 175–97 in great is thy faithfulness? toward reading lamentations as sacred scripture. edited by robin parry and heath a. thomas. milton keynes: paternoster, 2011, 194). 25 o’connor, lamentations and the tears of the world, 4. 26 paul m. joyce and diana lipton, lamentations through the centuries, diana lipton. lamentations through the centuries. west sussex: wiley-blackwell, 2013, 7. christopher wright maintains: “never to read lamentations is to miss the challenge and reward of wrestling with the massive theological issues that permeate its poetry. how can the ultimate extremes of suffering be endured alongside faith in the living god whom we have learned from the scriptures and in experience to be allloving and good?” (the message of lamentations, downers grove: ivp, 2015, 22). introduction rejecting lamentations what do we lose? old testament laments appropriating lamentations conclusions global south theological journal 3, no. 2 (2024): 21 walking the talk: jacobite exhortation as a missiological method melesse woldetsadik, phd candidate (columbia international university, columbia, sc, usa) abstract: a study of the epistle of james reveals that true faith is expressed in obedience. the message of the letter, therefore, is not just a set of rules but a call to transformation, transcending the mere observance of rules. it is designed to shape a new community of disciples who embody a new way of life, a life that belongs to the new era established by jesus christ through his death and resurrection. this new life changes believers and enables them to radiate christ's life to the world. the letter advocates for a life of faith expressed through obedience, providing practical biblical principles for living in a way that pleases god and fosters connections with others. the book is designed to inspire dispersed messianic communities to uphold god's moral and ethical standards in their daily lives and, in doing so, to experience the transformative power of christ. introduction james' letter asserts direct ethical teachings and authoritative statements that call on the messianic communities to demonstrate their faith through obedience. essentially, it encourages believers to unite their obedience with their faith, emphasizing that faith without works is dead (2:17). this meticulously composed document aligns with the traditional teaching patterns of the word of god, particularly the torah.1 the letter addresses the twelve tribes scattered among the nations (1:1) and encourages all readers to embrace its teachings, regardless of their church or city affiliations. the letter highlights essential themes that illustrate james's commitment to ethical behavior as outlined in the torah. these themes include the importance of facing trials, demonstrating faith through action, showing perseverance, advocating for socio-economic justice, using respectful speech, displaying compassion for the marginalized and needy, and obeying the commandment to love god and others. additionally, the letter discusses the temptation of violence, offers practical advice on responding biblically, and emphasizes the need to provide pastoral care for those who are lost and wandering. adhering to these ethical standards is not a mere suggestion but a responsibility and accountability that believers must earnestly embrace. surprisingly, christians have avoided this book in their studies or at least given it short shrift because most assume it contradicts paul’s preaching of salvation by grace. on the contrary, the letter reveals that true faith is expressed in obedience. the letter is not just a set of rules but a call to transformation, transcending the mere observance of rules. it shapes a new community of disciples who embody a new way of life, a life that belongs to the new era established by jesus christ through his death and resurrection. this new life, transformed by the power of jesus christ's resurrection, changes believers and enables them to radiate christ's life to the world. hence, the letter advocates for a life of faith expressed through obedience, providing practical biblical principles for living in a way that pleases god and fosters connections with others. those who follow god's word serve as a living testament to their faith, demonstrating that christianity is not just a religion but a relationship with the resurrected christ and the transformative power it brings. the letter of james inspires dispersed messianic communities to uphold god's moral and ethical standards in their daily lives and, in doing so, to experience the transformative power of christ. these messianic communities endured various trials and hardships. the letter encourages these communities to find joy in their circumstances, as they can help build patience and lead to perfection and fulfillment. the letter of james was a guide and a unifying force, reminding members to support those in 1 scot mcknight, the letter of james (grand rapides: eerdmans publishing company, 2011), 44. woldetsadik, “walking the talk” global south theological journal 3, no. 2 (2024): 22 need and cautioning the wealthy to prioritize ethical living. the communities were more than just a group of individuals; they were a family, aligning their behavior with their shared principles. this behavior fostered a sense of belonging and unity in their commitment to god's moral and ethical standards, making each member feel valued and part of something greater. in his message to believers enduring trials, james urges them to persevere, knowing god uses these challenges to refine them in their spiritual journey. through patience, these trials shape them into wholehearted disciples of christ, lacking nothing (1:4). understanding god's purpose in trials can be difficult, so he advises them to seek wisdom from god to discern their purposes and what god intends to allow in their lives (1:5). these trials can range from everyday struggles to inner conflicts between following god's word and personal desires, ultimately leading to sanctification brought about by external struggles faced daily due to their faith. james also strongly warns wealthy oppressors who exploit the poor, amass wealth unfairly, and disregard the well-being of their fellow believers (2:6, 5:3, 5:5). he reminds them of the approaching judgment day (5:1-7) and encourages believers to remain faithful in this life, expecting a reward in the future. the duty of christians is to live in a way that brings honor to him and fulfills his command to spread the gospel and disciple all nations. the bible teaches us that just as the father sent jesus, he also sends us to share the message of the kingdom of god to the ends of the earth (matthew 28:18-20; john 17:18; 20:21; acts 1:5-8). therefore, preaching and making disciples is a sacred responsibility that the church has faithfully fulfilled throughout history and will continue to do until his return. however, for the message of christ to truly impact the unbelieving world, it must first be lived out by those who proclaim it. sharing the good news of the lord jesus christ involves displaying the fruit of the spirit and proclaiming the message (john 15:10; galatians 5:16-24). in addition to facing persecution, one of the church's significant challenges is complacency, which involves embracing a worldly lifestyle that diminishes the church's ability to serve as a guiding light in the world. to counteract the threat of complacency, the church can actively demonstrate its faith through obedience. therefore, an examination of the letter of james encourages believers to purposefully participate in god's mission through a life of obedience. although james does not explicitly promote the messianic community to engage in missionary work, a missiological interpretation of the book offers valuable insights into spiritual growth and discipleship practices. james urges believers to lead ethical and moral lives that bring honor to god through a combination of faith and obedience. missiological models and methods before discussing a missiological method in james' letter, looking at different views on the missiological models is essential. the two major missionary models in practice worldwide are incarnational missiology,2 where jesus is the model missionary, and representational missiology, where paul is the model missionary.3 in the incarnational missiology, three groups differ in understanding and applying biblical passages. liberation-incarnationalists take their cues from israel’s emancipation from egypt and jesus’ announcement in luke 4:16–20. they believe that jesus is the great liberator and emancipator of men 2 some theologians argue that the term "incarnation" presents both lexical (vocabulary) and semantic (meaning in language) challenges. they note that the english word "incarnation" is derived from the latin "incarnates" and refers to the process by which the second person of the trinity took on human form (john 1:14). therefore, strictly speaking, only god the son is the subject of incarnation. this theological assertion creates a difficulty when applying the term to humans, as no human can be reborn into another culture and take on physical form like jesus christ did. the second issue is semantic, as there is concern that emphasizing the mission of jesus as a movement toward addressing political and socio-political injustices may shift the focus away from preaching the good news to the unsaved world and toward social justice. see ross langmead, the word made flesh: towards an incarnational missiology (lanham: upa, 2004), 19; duan litfin, wors versus deed (wheaton: crossway, 2012), 164–65, craig ott and stephen strauss, encountering theology of mission (grand rapids: baker academic, 2010), 100. 3 david j. hesselgrave & keith e. eitel, eds., paradigms in conflict, 2nd ed. (grand rapids: kregel academics, 2018), 129–51. woldetsadik, “walking the talk” global south theological journal 3, no. 2 (2024): 23 from enslavement, to which sin subjects them to ignorance, misery, hunger, operation injustice, and hatred.4 for them, the solemn obligation of the church is to be an agent of socio-political revolution where the oppressed achieve their liberation.5 holism-incarnationalists seek the extension of christ's kingdom over life and society. the adherents of this view, like john stott, think of witness in terms of word, deed, and sign. they see jesus as the transformer of societies, cultures, and individuals. conversion-incarnationalists see the mission of the church in terms of discipling the ethnē by proclaiming the good news, bringing people to christ, baptizing, instructing them, and incorporating them into the church body.6 representational missiology takes paul as its model of missiology. two words stand out in this model to help understand its difference from that of incarnationalists: discontinuity and witness. köstenbereger describes it: another view, the "representational model," accentuates more keenly the discontinuity between the respective missions of jesus and his disciples. it acknowledges the uniqueness of jesus’ person and work while viewing the primary task of his disciples as witnessing to jesus. while jesus can be said to "give life" in a primary sense, the disciples' contribution is limited to their witness.7 representationalists emphasize the unbroken connection between the message of salvation in the old and new testaments and between the gospel of christ and the message of the gospel preached by paul. according to them, paul can declare that jesus christ has been crucified, raised from the dead, and seen by the disciples (1 cor 15:3–9), which makes the post-passion gospel complete and distinct. in this model, the word “witness” is especially significant for representationalism. it highlights that missionaries are sinners saved by grace and have no ground for preaching to others apart from their witness to the saving power of their lord jesus christ.8 some evangelicals embrace incarnational models, but reject the liberation-incarnational model. instead, they adhere to two different incarnational models: holism-incarnation and conversionincarnation. other evangelicals follow representative models. conversion-incarnationalists can coexist with representationalists in a collaborative relationship. both models can find common ground and draw inspiration from the examples set by christ and paul in advancing the gospel's message through missions. therefore, when discussing missiological methods, one can refer to either or both models based on personal preferences. christians should look to jesus as the ultimate example, lord and savior. the book of hebrews emphasizes that christ is the founder and perfecter of faith, as well as the apostle and high priest of the confession of that faith(heb 12:2; 3:1). paul himself made it clear that he was an imitator of christ (1 cor 11:1). jesus christ is the model for christian lives and ministry. examining paul’s method of mission work in the context of the church’s mission can also be instructive. don n. howell writes, from the moment of his conversion, paul understood the proclamation of the gospel of jesus christ to be his mission in life. however, he was more than an itinerant evangelist. he aimed to bring the gentiles to the obedience of faith (rom. 1:5) and to organize his converts into self-governing churches. paul energetically labored not to gain many converts but to present each person mature in christ (col. 1:28-29). such maturity in the corporate congregation of believers occurs as each one exercises his or her gifts to the edification of the whole (eph. 4:11-16). in short, paul was a pioneering church-planting evangelist.9 4 gustavo gutiérrez, a theology of liberation, trans., and ed., caridad inda and john eagleson (maryknoll: orbis, 1973), 281–82. 5 hesselgrave and eitel, 132. 6 ibid., 133–4. 7 andreas köstenberger, the mission of jesus and the disciples according to the fourth gospel: with implication for the fourth gospel’s purpose and the mission of the contemporary church (grand rapids: eerdmans, 1998), 3–4. 8 hesselgrave and eitel, 136–38. 9 don n. howell jr., "mission in paul's epistles: genesis, pattern, and dynamics." mission in the new testament: an evangelical approach (maryknoll: orbits, 2001): 63–91. woldetsadik, “walking the talk” global south theological journal 3, no. 2 (2024): 24 as previously discussed, both models play a crucial role in the mission to fulfill god's will and share his message. from a practical perspective, both models are valuable for individuals who wish to aid and build connections with others, whether locally or internationally. by emulating the humility, selflessness, and sacrifice demonstrated by jesus and paul, believers can spread the gospel to many. therefore, it is important to recognize the value of both models and not separate them from one another. james' letter profoundly impacts the believer's journey toward perfection by encouraging them to model their work with faith and moral ethics after christ. it emphasizes the importance of demonstrating christ’s love and care for humanity in everyday life, in addition to the eschatological reward. the letter identifies the followers of christ by their conduct among their neighbors through the fruits of their labor. by aligning faith with good works, the spiritual community can spread the glorious gospel of christ. embracing the imitation of christ as a way of life is key to gaining traction in witnessing, as evidenced by church history and contemporary experiences. obedient living and practicing charity bear more fruit than living according to worldly desires or in a nominal manner. elsa támez shares a powerful account of her experience in latin america, where she encountered individuals who identified as christian but did not demonstrate god's love through their actions. she raises the concern that if the letter of james were delivered to christian communities in a country plagued by violence and exploitation, government security forces could intercept it because the letter of james condemns oppression and injustice by the wealthy and powerful. támez's firsthand experiences have led her to believe that some who claim to be christian do not live by their faith, using religion as a means of oppression in politics and business. however, faith should show itself in good works that honor god and benefit the neighbor. while her viewpoint aligns with the liberationincarnational model rooted in liberation theology, which may not be universally accepted, there is a shared belief that god desires justice and righteousness.10 james encourages the community to obey and show their obedience with good works. acknowledging the balance within christianity is essential, where neither social action nor personal holiness should overshadow the other. genuine faith requires a harmonious blend of individual and ecclesiastical commitment. merely engaging in acts of charity in the name of jesus may not effectively bring people to christ if they do not witness a transformation in those reaching out to them. similarly, a morally upright believer who does not demonstrate love and aid to the needy may struggle to share christ's message with others. so, how can the christian effectively reach out to the world? acts of charity and a personal relationship with jesus demonstrated through the fruits of the spirit lead to acceptable worship and outreach to others. therefore, orthodoxy and orthopraxy go together. by intentionally honoring god and extending help to others, christians can make a meaningful impact that alleviates suffering and offers eternal life to many.11 trials of many kinds: internal and external trials (1:2–15; 5:7–11) in this passage, james encourages believers to embrace trials with joy, as they can lead to spiritual growth by cultivating patience. he emphasizes that developing patience can lead to spiritual maturity and a sense of completeness, even though it can be challenging to understand why suffering is necessary. for those who are confused and do not see the benefits of enduring hardships while remaining faithful to god, james highlights the importance of seeking wisdom from god to understand the purpose and outcomes of 10 liberation-incarnationalists take their cue from israel’s emancipation from egypt, a servant passage in isaiah, and christ's incarnation and ministry, especially jesus’ announcement in luke 4:16–20. they vied jesus as a great liberator and emancipator from all kinds of enslavement to which sin has subjected them. the most influential of liberation theologians is gustavo gutierrez. they contend that the church’s solemn obligation is to be the divine agent of a sociopolitical revolution so the oppressed may achieve total liberation on earth. see david j. hesselgrave and keith e. eitel, eds., paradigms in conflict, 2nd ed. (grand rapids: kregel academy, 2018); gutiérrez, a theology of liberation; roland allen, missionary methods: st. paul’s or ours? (grand rapids: eerdmans, 1962). 11 craig l. blomberg and mariam j. kamell, james: exegetical commentary on the new testament, clinton e. arnold, ed. (grand rapids: zondervan academic, 2008), 100. woldetsadik, “walking the talk” global south theological journal 3, no. 2 (2024): 25 these trials. he also emphasizes that god is not the author of evil but instead oversees every situation for the benefit and growth of his followers. by following this divine guidance, believers can mature in their faith and ultimately receive a reward from god. new testament believers have the advantage of enduring suffering with the help of the holy spirit, enabling them to bear fruit and testify to the risen lord, bringing glory to him. the letter explores the inner struggles that followers of the faith may encounter when facing external challenges and trials. external pressures have the potential to test one's faith in the lord unless one chooses to place reliance on god. this internal struggle can lead believers astray, as it can be challenging to sense his presence during trying times. therefore, james advises his audience to draw nearer to god when tempted. when a believer reacts inappropriately to trials intended by god to foster growth, it becomes a temptation that the devil can exploit to lead the believer into sin. however, this internal trial also presents a significant opportunity for spiritual development for those who comprehend that god does not set temptation traps. when believers grasp the nature of god, his benevolent intentions, and his bestowal of good things, they begin to live by god's wisdom, relying on him and his strength to withstand the influence of temptation (1:13; 4:8-10). hence, those who persevere through trials, recognizing that god desires his children to endure with patience, will ultimately receive the crown of life promised by the lord. the persecution of believers, referred to as external trials, is a common experience for christians due to their faith in jesus. early christians were known for finding joy in their sufferings and tribulations, knowing that a crown of life awaited them in heaven. there is a notable example in the book from jerusalem to irian jaya, where ruth tucker shares accounts of early believers who encountered persecution and death, leading many non-believers to embrace the kingdom of god during the early roman empire. the unwavering faith of these early christians was evident not just in their lives but also in their deaths, as they faced persecution with confidence and a willingness to become martyrs.12 similarly, james encourages believers to endure suffering and turn to prayer, drawing inspiration from the perseverance of job, who was ultimately shown compassion and mercy by the lord (5:10-13). caring for others as true religion (1:27) according to james, caring for orphans and widows is fundamental to the community's spiritual values, reflecting a pure and genuine faith. he emphasizes that those who ignore the needs of others are only fooling themselves, and their religious devotion is insincere. therefore, believers ought to prioritize helping those in need within their community. by supporting the vulnerable, individuals can lessen their suffering and demonstrate a genuine religious commitment pleasing to the divine. the passage echoes the proclamation in psalms 24:4 that individuals who find favor with god are those with pure hearts and clean hands. this depiction illustrates the intersection of ritual and moral symbolism. the old testament emphasizes caring for vulnerable individuals and refraining from mistreating widows and orphans. this command is clearly stated in exodus 22:22 and reiterated in deuteronomy 10:18, highlighting the significance of providing for their needs. it is evident that helping those in distress, whether due to loss or poverty, is pleasing to the lord. additionally, james urges the community to maintain moral purity and remain unstained by the world. this call for holiness emphasizes the contrast between the kingdom of god and the world, with believers demonstrating their sanctified lives through their actions. the bible emphasizes holiness as god himself is holy (1 peter 1:13–16) and separation from worldly desires to live by god's will (1 john 2:12-17; 1 pet. 2:9-10; rom. 12:1-2). wealth and poverty and justice deconstructed (4:13-16; 5:1–6) 12 see ruth tucker, from jerusalem to irian jaya: a biographical history of christian missions (grand rapids: zondervan academic, 1983). woldetsadik, “walking the talk” global south theological journal 3, no. 2 (2024): 26 james calls on the community to avoid preferential treatment towards the wealthy and influential, as they often unfairly condemn and mistreat the poor. he warns those who are rich not forget its transience and use material resources to buy preferential treatment (4:13, 15-16). instead, they can use their wealth to help the neediest. he also highlights the abuse of power to exploit the vulnerable for personal gain, which he describes as a form of both legal and physical violence. james brings awareness to corruption within law enforcement and the legal system, where those in power abuse their authority. these oppressors, who also hold leadership positions in the community, can dictate seating arrangements in the synagogue and courtroom.13 james encourages the righteous to show kindness to one another and to maintain patience during conflicts for multiple reasons: (1) they will receive the crown of life from the lord in the future, (2) the lord, who is the righteous judge, will soon pass judgment, (3) they are urged to pray for one another, and (4) the righteous do not retaliate with violence against evil. there is a powerful demonstration of the breakdown and function of justice in the experiences of james h. cone, a black theologian who grew up in the deep south of arkansas in the 1940s and 1950s. cone witnessed the harsh realities of jim crow and grappled with his faith as he observed the cruelty and injustice faced by african americans at the hands of those white americans who professed christianity. cone's reflections on this brutal treatment of african americans led him to conclude that new ways of expressing the truth of the gospel were necessary when the perpetrators of inhumanity controlled the public interpretation of the christian faith. the confusion and disillusionment made him consider the idea that liberation theology is god’s will for the oppressed to move forward in seeking justice and freedom. cone also reflected on malcolm x's characterization of christianity as the "white man's religion" and his subsequent embrace of a new religion aimed at combating racism. while cone did not condone malcolm x's actions or share his departure from the christian faith, cone empathized with his disillusionment with white oppressors who professed to be christian but did not align their actions with the principles of love and justice that christ espoused. ultimately, cone concluded that the church was the issue, not christ. he argued that the church did not align with the values of christ, especially in its treatment of the poor and oppressed, and therefore could not fulfill its prophetic role. these accounts should remind christians to embody christ's teachings actively, attract others to his kingdom, and refrain from actions that could push fellow believers away from the faith. in addition to preaching, personal testimony, and intellectual argument, the unwavering faith displayed during persecution and the early christians' nonverbal demonstration of christian love profoundly impacted evangelism. the letter of james thus urges christians to live out the faith in ways that are visible to others, as advocated in the new testament. living according to god's word truthfully sets an example for others to see the love of god in us and prevents them from rejecting the message. unfortunately, the church has been complicit in injustice and oppression at various points in history. james addresses economic injustice and public policy with forceful language that may challenge us.14 it is very clear from the teaching that faith not backed up by good works is not faith. the jacobite ethics prioritize the socio-economic factors that contribute to societal well-being, a perspective that differs from some of the ideologies of liberation theology. in other words, james does not support responding to violence with more violence, as some liberation theologians do. instead, he promotes prayer and patience while awaiting divine intervention. christians should advocate for social justice and equality in a manner that aligns with the word of god. for instance, james focuses on addressing the mistreatment of the poor, the injustices committed by the wealthy, the arrogance of merchants, and the importance of showing mercy to those in need and vulnerable (1:9-11, 26-27; 2:1-4, 507, 14-17; 4:13-5:6) without advocating violence at any time. 13 mcknight, 396-7. 14 d. warden, “the rich and the poor in james: implications for institutionalized partiality,” journal of the evangelical theological society, 43 (2000), 247-57, quoted in scot mcknight, the letter of james (grand rapids: eerdmans, 2011), 4. woldetsadik, “walking the talk” global south theological journal 3, no. 2 (2024): 27 conclusion the book of james emphasizes the significance of embodying the gospel of jesus christ in daily life, effectively spreading the message of faith. in essence, the letter encourages believers to speak about their faith and live a life that reflects the teachings of christ through obedience. while the term "mission" is not explicitly used in the letter, james communicates that demonstrating faith through good deeds requires unwavering commitment and adherence to the scriptures. he expresses his concern for the scattered christian community, cautioning them against allowing persecution to lead them to contradict the teachings of the word. instead, he urges them to remain steadfast in obeying god's commandments in the face of adversity. their faithful obedience will ultimately yield fruits that reflect god's goodness and serve as a testimony to those around them. by enduring hardships, their actions will be evident to the unbelieving world, allowing them to witness the risen christ through the believers. this demonstration of godliness amidst various trials and injustices they encounter can be a powerful tool for spreading the message of faith in their local community. during her time as a student in spain, rebecca pippert had a meaningful encounter with a woman named ruth siemens, whose warmth and generosity left a lasting impact on her. this experience significantly influenced pippert's decision to embrace christianity and reinforced the notion of "lifestyle evangelism." pippert stresses the importance of living authentically, reflecting one's faith in christ, thereby demonstrating the gospel to others through acts of obedience.15 this story highlights the universal desire for the love of god to be evident in his children, creating an openness to receiving the good news of the gospel of jesus christ. the letter of james encourages believers to look out for one another with the love of god. ruth tucker also recounts the events surrounding the persecution of early church martyrs. despite their suffering, these believers remained obedient and faithful to the point of death. their commitment to pleasing their lord led to a newfound openness among unbelievers and created an environment conducive to the manifestation of the power of the gospel. tucker also shares the story of emperor julian, who was troubled by the testimony and obedient lifestyle of persecuted christians, fearing that it might overshadow the members of his religion. the christians' selfless service to even strangers, including his people, greatly unsettled him, as he saw it as a threat.16 persecution and death did not deter the early church from being faithful and obedient unto the lord to the point of death. james stresses the importance of christians showcasing their faith through obedience, which serves as a compelling testimony to the love and righteousness of god in society. growing up in southern ethiopia, i saw some protestant leaders become enthusiastic supporters of communism, leading to oppressive actions toward political dissidents and evangelicals. however, other believers, firm in their faith, remained steadfast in their beliefs and opposed godless marxist ideology, even in the face of persecution. those who embraced marxist ideology caused some immature believers to turn away from their faith and non-believers to be offended. conversely, those who chose to obey the lord and endure persecution bore much fruit by bringing many into the kingdom of god through their lives of obedience in the underground church. therefore, james' encouragement resonates with us to be living testimonies of the gospel of jesus christ. james delves into several crucial themes fundamental to the jewish world, the early messianic community, and the current era. these themes encompass god, church community, torah, salvation, faith and works, socio-economic justice, speech, prayer, wisdom, and eschatology. each theme shapes the believing community through the new era it represents. the letter provides guidance and fosters the growth of the dispersed christian community, aiding them in strengthening their moral and ethical 15 rebecca pippert, out of the saltshaker and into the world: evangelism as a way of life (intervarsity press, 2021), 7. 16 ruth tucker, from jerusalem to irian jaya: a biographical history of christian missions (grand rapids: zondervan academic, 1983), 27. woldetsadik, “walking the talk” global south theological journal 3, no. 2 (2024): 28 beliefs. ultimately, this leads to the expansion of the messianic community, bringing them closer to the likeness and image of the lord jesus christ. when discussing missions and missionary methods, the most frequently cited approach within the faith community is the commonly known models derived from the ministry of jesus and paul's missionary work. however, other missiological models go beyond those based on the lives and ministries of jesus and paul that align with biblical principles. the letter of james may [provide such a model. james' focus on obedience, justice, and ethics is crucial for disciple-making, as discipleship is essential for attaining maturity and emulating jesus christ. when believers embody the word through their actions and words, they preach it in their proclamation and through a life lived well for his glory. the new testament emphasizes the crucial responsibility of spreading the message of jesus and the salvation he provides to people worldwide (matt 28:18-20, mark 16:15-20; acts 1:8). jesus preached about the arrival of god's salvation for all humanity, and after his resurrection and ascension, the holy spirit marked the beginning of a new era. this new age brings salvation through faith to all who believe in jesus christ. therefore, sharing the gospel is a divine mandate for all believers. additionally, the bible addresses the sinful reality that causes injustice and despair in this broken world, as people live in the blessings of the kingdom of god that are already present but not fully realized. christians show compassion for the less fortunate and uphold moral and ethical principles by confronting evil with the goodness of god. it is essential to recognize that the church's mission and social action are interconnected, guided by the spirit and the teachings of the bible. the letter of james encourages believers to live in a way that brings light to their communities, laying the foundation for reaching the world through a life of faith demonstrated through obedience. this lifestyle evangelism reflects the love and righteousness of god. when the life of christ shines through his children, the world can see his loving grace extended to them. thus, james' exhortation can indeed serve as a missiological method. bibliography allison, dale c. a critical and exegetical commentary on the epistle of james. the international critical commentary on the holy scriptures of the old and new testaments. bloomsbury, 2013. batten, alicia j. “the jesus tradition and the letter of james.” review & expositor 108, no. 3 (august 1, 2011): 381–90. https://doi.org/10.1177/003463731110800305. blomberg, craig l. & kamell, mariam j. james. exegetical commentary on the new testament. grand rapids: zondervan, 2008. calloway, brent a. the book of james: cph christian commentary. christian publishing house, 2015. cone, james, h. my soul looks back. mary knoll, ny: orbis, 1986. gutiérrez, gustavo, a theology of liberation. trans. and ed., caridad inda and john eagleson. maryknoll: orbis, 1973. hartin, patrick j. a spirituality of perfection: faith in action in the letter of james. liturgical press, 1999. howel, don n. jr., "mission in paul's epistles: genesis, pattern, and dynamics." mission in the new testament: an evangelical approach. maryknoll: orbits, 2001. langmead, ross, the word made flesh: towards an incarnational missiology. lanham: upa, 2004. litfin, duane, word versus deed. wheaton: crossway, 2012. mccartney, dan g. james. baker academic, 2009. mcknight, scot. the letter of james. grand rapids: eerdmans, 2011. moo, douglas j. james: an introduction and commentary. intervarsity press, 2015. ———. the letter of james. wm. b. eerdmans publishing, 2021. nystrom, david p. james. grand rapids: zondervan publishing house, 1997. ott, craig and stephen strauss. encountering theology of mission. grand rapids: baker, 2010. pippert, rebecca manley. out of the saltshaker and into the world: evangelism as a way of life. intervarsity press, 2021. about:blank woldetsadik, “walking the talk” global south theological journal 3, no. 2 (2024): 29 segovia, fernando f., and r. s. sugirtharajah. a postcolonial commentary on the new testament writings. bloomsbury publishing, 2007. támez, elsa. the scandalous message of james: faith without works is dead. rev. ed. a crossroad book. crossroad publ., 2002. tucker, ruth a. from jerusalem to irian jaya: a biographical history of christian missions. grand rapids: zondervan academic, 1983. veeneman, mary m. introducing theological method. grand rapids: baker academic, 2017. introduction missiological models and methods trials of many kinds: internal and external trials (1:2–15; 5:7–11) caring for others as true religion (1:27) wealth and poverty and justice deconstructed (4:13-16; 5:1–6) conclusion bibliography global south theological journal 3, no. 1 (2024): 21 the lure of false gospels david lumpp emeritus, concordia university, saint paul, minnesota, usa abstract: the strong appeal of prosperity gospels in contexts of severe poverty and intense human suffering is understandable. sadly, the dominant emphases of these prosperity gospels misunderstand the gospel itself and are typically a theology of glory rather than a theology of the cross. they routinely confuse law and gospel, promising temporal rewards for some human performance. they misunderstand the "already" / "not yet" eschatological structure of the new testament, insisting that the "not yet" should be fully present in the here and now. finally, prosperity gospels arise out of a thoroughly deficient hermeneutics (most notably, a philological carelessness and an altogether ahistorical and decontextualized reading of a very selective cluster of passages). thankfully, the genuinely biblical gospel of jesus christ--which brings god's forgiveness of sins, new life, and eternal salvation--offers the theological resources and proclamatory power to address the needs that have given rise to the prosperity gospels in the first. place. introduction: setting the stage this third presentation will attempt both to combine and apply what we have said about discipleship and the theology of the cross with some additional theological considerations that have to do directly with socalled “prosperity gospels.” as one whose work has been in north america, my knowledge of the circumstances in africa in general and ethiopia in particular is based on secondary sources and on conversations with colleagues. i hope that what i am able to contribute here will suggest a theological foundation for evaluating and addressing those prosperity gospels that you encounter and with which you struggle. some years ago, what has usually been considered the flagship publication for north american evangelical christians suggested that throughout sub-saharan africa, some form of the prosperity gospel (what this magazine called “prosperity-tinged pentecostalism”) was growing faster than not only other expressions of christianity, but faster even than all of the other religious groups, including islam.1 the authors of this article went on to distinguish among various forms of the prosperity gospel; but they asserted that “many, if not most” of africa’s pastors proclaim at least “some version” of the prosperity gospel.2 they concluded, somewhat dramatically, “the gospel of wealth now pierces the heart of africa’s dynamic, growing church.”3 i leave you to judge the accuracy of that assessment.4 historians of this movement have noted that the prosperity gospel phenomena (plural), while variegated, is an import from north american religion that reaches back into the early part of the 20th century.5 lest i spend too much time on historical background, i am going to move to matters of 1 this comes from “gospel riches,” by isaac phiri and joe maxwell, in christianity today, july 2007, p. 23. at least at the time of this publication, phiri was a writer living in zambia. 2 phiri and maxwell, p. 24. 3 phiri and maxwell, p. 26. in the same july 2007 issue of christianity today, arlene sanchez walsh discussed the similar impact of “african-style” prosperity gospels in both latin america and in immigrant latino churches. see “first church of prosperidad,” pp. 26-27. 4 this important qualifying sentence was directed to the overwhelmingly ethiopian audience when this material was first presented in lecture form in addis ababa on april 19, 2024. 5 for historical accounts, along with the christianity today material cited above, see especially both the academic and popular work of kate bowler. for the bowler material in this essay i am relying on andrea palpant dilley, “when the prosperity gospel got personal,” a book review of bowler’s book, everything happens for a reason: and other lies i’ve loved, again in christianity today, january – february 2018, p. 76; an interview with bowler conducted by karen swallow prior, entitled “the lumpp, “the lure of false gospels” global south theological journal 3, no. 1 (2024): 22 theology almost immediately.6 however, before doing so, i need to make one more historical (or perhaps more sociological) observation, and this has to do with the way these matters are often discussed in north america. so far i have referred casually to “prosperity gospels,” without much definition, qualification, or nuance. in the united states, when these topics are discussed, one often also hears the catchy expression “health and wealth gospels.” for the most part, the two labels are used interchangeably, and usually there is no confusion. however, more strictly speaking, there is a difference between the two; and, this difference can matter theologically. simply put, “health” (or, if one wishes, “healing”) was part of the reign of god brought to expression by the person and work of jesus with his incarnation and the commencement of his public ministry. in other words, one can and must assert that jesus did sometimes bring physical healing; but, conversely, it was never part of his ministry—then or now—to “make people rich.” this distinction means that we need to exercise some caution and discrimination in our reflections going forward. in basic terms, many of the same critiques will apply, but not always in the same way. i am dividing this third presentation into two overall parts. the first part deals with theological issues, while the second part takes up briefly a few biblical texts that are frequently invoked by those who promote a prosperity gospel. theological considerations the first important theological order of business is to provide a definition. what do we mean by “prosperity gospels”? while my convictions on this topic have been clear from the beginning, i will attempt to state a definition as neutrally as i can, without prejudging things too much from the outset. for purposes of this exploration, i understand prosperity gospels to be those purportedly divine messages that claim the following: (a) physical and/or material blessing are maintained as being essential elements of the biblical gospel, if not the gospel itself.7 (b) these kinds of blessing are in the realm of divine promise today and are not only part of one’s fervent hope. (c) one should read the bible primarily in terms of these expectations. stated generically, using deliberately the very ambiguous english word, the prosperity gospels claim that “god wants you to prosper, and you can enjoy these blessings here and now.”8 before progressing, it is important to make three more positive observations. first, almost regardless of geography, prosperity gospels (again, understanding them in the most general sense) do not arise in a vacuum, and they are not simply a matter of religious entrepreneurs trying to “cash in.” sometimes they might be; but if they were only that, they would have negligible appeal. much more seriously, prosperity gospels take root and may thrive in places where poverty is extreme, food is often scarce, violence of various kinds is routine, education is spotty at best, health care is minimal, and early death is all too normal. to the extent that the church catholic does not address these kinds of concerns, this is a more telling self-indictment than any criticism coming from the prosperity gospels could be.9 second, while i have been speaking about prosperity gospels pretty generally, or without much qualification or differentiation, it needs to be acknowledged forthrightly that prosperity gospels are not the same, either in north america, africa, or latin america. speaking bluntly, it is easier to dismiss those preachers for whom “prospering” means a lifestyle of opulence and excess, for whom the “abundant christian woman’s path to power,” in christianity today, october 2016, pp. 64-67; and, finally, jason byasse, “suffering with the prosperity gospel: a review of everything happens for a reason, in the other journal, april 19, 2018, which is an online journal accessed on november 20, 2019. 6 readers will also note that i am not discussing at all the specific popular preachers who promote and propagate the prosperity gospels, sometimes with considerable visibility and media following. information on particular figures within this movement, broadly construed, is a few internet searches away. i say this not to be dismissive entirely, because some of these figures have had enormous influence, but rather to emphasize that our primary responsibility is to assess their unifying and underlying theological assumptions and not the messages of one or another popular preacher. 7 this is based on phiri and maxwell, p. 26. 8 this is taken from walsh, p. 27, but it is from a larger context to which i will return shortly. 9 the quote from walsh, p. 27, is prefaced by her observation that pastors in immigrant latino churches, availing themselves of “the african-style prosperity gospel” (p. 28) “view their theology as one of liberation” (pp. 27-28). lumpp, “the lure of false gospels” global south theological journal 3, no. 1 (2024): 23 life” of which jesus speaks in john 10 means enormous wealth and riches. to be sure, such preachers can be dangerous, and they cannot be ignored; but at least they are easily recognized and identified. on the other hand, one needs to be much more sympathetic and pastoral towards those people in our various contexts for whom “prosperity” more accurately refers to decent food, clean clothes, a place to sleep that is not threatened by violence, access to decent modern medicine, and at least some educational opportunity for all of their children. these people may misunderstand the new testament gospel to one degree or another, but the manner of one’s critique—in both substance and tone—will be significantly different.10 third, recognizing this distinction, we should give some credit where credit is due. for all of the shortcomings that we will enumerate, those who practice (perhaps implicitly) a more “down-to-earth” and less extravagant version of the prosperity gospel at least take the biblical narrative and its texts seriously.11 whether they articulate these points or not, they intuitively understand the more “holistic” dimensions of biblical spirituality, and they have an inchoate recognition of the goodness of creation. they know, moreover, that jesus really healed and fed people; and that he said “blessed are you who are poor, for yours is the kingdom of god,” followed by, in the very next verse, “blessed are you who are hungry now, for you shall be satisfied” (luke 6:20b-21).”12 as kate bowler puts it, “the prosperity gospel looks at the world as it is and promises a solution. it guarantees that faith will always make a way.”13 in the light of these comments, i now undertake the substantive critique, trying to be forthright and direct while at the same time heeding luther’s catechetical admonition to put the best construction on everything. my critique of the prosperity gospels will move in these four directions: (1) the prosperity gospels misunderstand the gospel itself. they are typically a theology of glory and not a theology of the cross. (2) using another of our central lutheran distinctions, the prosperity gospels confuse law and gospel. (3) the prosperity gospels misunderstand the eschatological structure and thought of the new testament. (4) the prosperity gospels are seriously deficient in their interpretation of the bible (i.e., in their biblical hermeneutics), and these deficiencies play out in their selection and use of individual texts. the prosperity gospels misunderstand the gospel itself. at one level, this is a terminological matter. first, and most important, the prosperity gospels, as usually presented, are not gospels. their proponents’ disclaimers notwithstanding, they do not focus on or emphasize the person and work of jesus christ expressly for sinners. for this reason, they are not “good news,” as the greek word euangelion is usually translated. why not? the prosperity gospels come in various shapes and sizes, but they have one thing in common: they typically offer some combination of physical, material, and temporal rewards in return for human performance. the “reward(s)” may be something in themselves quite positive, such as good crops or good health. in some instances, the reward may be more crassly material, along the lines of “perform and/or contribute to these levels, and you will be `blessed’ with previously unexperienced levels of wealth or prosperity.” also, the human performance to which one is exhorted may be something otherwise laudable and even pious, such as the strength of one’s faith or more disciplined prayer; or, it may be something much less sanctified, such as the level of one’s financial contributions to a particular “ministry.” literally in any instance, when someone is proclaiming something other than the crucifixion and resurrection of jesus christ to atone for the real sins 10 phiri and maxwell acknowledge these differences on pp. 28-29. 11 after all, one would not have to critique their hermeneutics and resultant exegesis if they did not first take the bible and its authority seriously. 12 some of the material in this paragraph is based on james k. a. smith, “what’s right with the prosperity gospel?” in calvin theological seminary forum, vol. 16, no. 3 (fall 2009), pp. 8-9. 13 bowler, as quoted by andrea palpant dilley, p. 76. lumpp, “the lure of false gospels” global south theological journal 3, no. 1 (2024): 24 of real human beings, or when they are offering something other than or beyond the forgiveness of sins, this is not the new testament gospel of jesus christ.14 one recalls that the indulgence salesmen of martin luther’s era were in effect selling the remission of sins. today, there does not seem to be as great a market for the remission of sins. the assumption may be crassly pelagian, along the lines of “i’m personally okay, and i don’t need forgiveness.”15 or, some people are in the market (quite literally) for more material or temporal rewards. in passing, i would observe that today’s preachers of the prosperity gospels, at least in my part of the world in north america, are able to exploit a crudely and pervasively materialistic culture for precisely their own ends. as we noted earlier, the aspiration to and expectation of tangible rewards immediately signals the presence of a theology of glory at work. sadly, this is true both for the promoter of the prosperity gospels as well as for their often unwitting victims. the promoters of these gospels should and may in fact know better, and they and their claims can be addressed accordingly. their victims, on the other hand, need to hear what gifts god really does promise, and not what spiritual exercise they are expected to perform in order to reap a material or temporal reward. when one’s self-constructed theology of glory falls apart, faithful pastors and teachers should be present and ready with something infinitely better, with something eternal—in other words, a word of god that sin, death, and the devil are powerless to destroy. luther knew as much when he crafted the theses of the heidelberg disputation: “the law says, `do this,’ and it is never done. grace says, `believe in this,’ and everything is already done” (thesis no. 26). those who are tempted by prosperity gospels need to hear the reminder: god’s gospel is always his eternal promise in jesus christ; it is never a transaction, not even a “spiritual” one. the prosperity gospels confuse law and gospel. the prosperity gospels are in fact not gospel because their counterfeit benefits have displaced the forgiveness of sins. the lutheran confessions dealt with this problem repeatedly in the 16th century. to luther, melanchthon, and their colleagues, their roman opponents had “abolished the gospel” and “buried christ” (see apology of the augsburg confession iv, 81, 110, among many other places). the following summary is representative: “since the opponents understand neither the forgiveness of sins, nor faith, nor grace, nor righteousness, they miserably contaminate this article [of justification], obscure the glory and benefits of christ, and tear away from devout consciences the consolation offered them in christ” (apology of the augsburg confession iv, 3). following the lutheran confessors’ line of thought, the prosperity gospels falsify genuine new testament proclamation not only because of their substitute set of benefits. lutheran theology affirms and develops as its central teaching the apostle paul’s declaration that god has justified the ungodly on account of the completed work of jesus christ.16 this eschatological pronouncement—that is, in the absolution of sinners, god pronounces eternity’s verdict in the present moment—is made within the context of the distinction between law and gospel, or god’s commands and god’s promises. god’s gospel is his unconditional promise that human sin has been forgiven and one’s eternal destiny has been secured on the basis of the accomplished work of jesus on the first good friday and easter sunday. everything after that is announcement and acclamation. this is the god who has and will keep his promises; and his promise fulfilled and kept in jesus christ is the ground of all of our faith, trust, and eternal hope. the gospel is god saying, in effect, “i’ve taken care of this. there is literally nothing left for you to do.” god’s law works differently. god’s law makes demands. when and as it is spoken to sinners— in other words, to all of us—god’s law always accuses. it exposes our sinful condition and all of its ugly 14 see again the forde essay cited above, “is forgiveness enough?” 15 it might be worth observing that this kind of claim can arise from either arrogance or ignorance, which invites different pastoral responses. the former instance is more deeply problematic than the latter. 16 see the “passive righteousness” discussion above, in the second presentation. lumpp, “the lure of false gospels” global south theological journal 3, no. 1 (2024): 25 manifestations. in ordinary discourse, the language of the law is conditional; it is the language of “if . . . then.” it is performance language, and it is routinely transactional. the language of the law is also seductive, because so much of our typical daily discourse is conducted in this sphere of interaction. moreover, there is literally nothing “wrong” with god’s law. it is god’s law, after all. the only problem with the law has to do with the people to whom it is addressed. functionally, this plays out inasmuch as the law cannot justify. in short, the law will never tell you, “your sins are forgiven.” once again, luther understood this: “the law says `do this,’ and it is never done” (heidelberg disputation thesis 26). the prosperity gospels actually work in this second, legal realm. they impose conditions. they are transactional. they hold out certain kinds of rewards in return for kinds and degrees of performance. these conditions may be crafted and communicated ever so piously, but their effect is the same. as with any law statement left to stand on its own (i.e., one not countered and answered by god’s promise), the burden is thrust back squarely onto the sinner. this is what is going on with the dynamics of the prosperity gospels: “give and/or perform in order to get”; and when the desired result is not forthcoming, the onus continues to rest on the person who had the burden to begin with. in very blunt but i hope not unkind terms, the prosperity gospels are not really gospels at all; rather, they are law. the church and its theologians need to identify them as such. it should also be observed that the prosperity gospels not only falsify the gospel and in the process confuse law and gospel. in addition, they do not get the law itself right either. properly understood, god’s law is never left to “hang out there” as an isolated indictment or accusation. once again, the law of which we are speaking is god’s law, and as such it always has a saving purpose. the intended point of god’s law is never performance for its own sake, but real and comprehensive repentance, which is understood in classical lutheran theology as a recognition of one’s sin (“contrition,” in the language of the book of concord), worked by the law’s accusation, and a confident faith in jesus christ, bestowed entirely by the holy spirit through the gospel in its spoken and sacramental forms. (see article xii in both the augsburg confession and its apology.) this real gospel is predicated on god’s promises, and not on any human performance. in the words of timothy saleska, god’s promises create hope, authentic hope.17 god’s promises kept in jesus christ engender confidence and trust. conversely, false promises or conditions produce anxiety, fear, or worse. promises unfulfilled, as is routinely the case with prosperity gospels, lead not just to disappointment but often also to exhaustion and eventually despair. the prosperity gospels misunderstand the eschatological structure and thought of the new testament. one of the great contributions of modern biblical scholarship is its recognition that the structure of biblical thought is to a very significant degree eschatological in character.18 the writers of our new testament read the hebrew scriptures (or, perhaps more accurately, typically the septuagint) eschatologically. in other words, and a little more specifically, they read their bibles through the prism of a christocentric eschatology. the new testament itself saw the coming of jesus as god’s messiah as the fulfillment of old testament hope and the agent of the coming reign of god. jesus’ public ministry indicated as much. he forgave sinners and welcomed outcasts. he healed the sick. he cast out demons. in several cases, he even brought the dead back to life. as he himself proclaimed, certainly the coming of this jesus marked the arrival of the kingdom of god—and the longed-for new age—in its eschatological fullness. but then the unimaginable happened. this jesus, in whom so many had come to place their hopes, was crucified; and, as an unavoidable conclusion for any reasonably conversant jew, this meant that their hopes had died with him. 17 saleska, “the hope to which we cling,” in concordia seminary magazine, spring 2021, p. 9. 18 in general, the discussion in these paragraphs has been informed broadly by the contributions of an array of scholars, who approach the subject from various directions. listed alphabetically, they are geoffrey bromiley, james childs, gordon fee, jeffrey gibbs, donald hagner, richard hays, robert holst, horace hummel, fleming rutledge, martin scharlemann, timothy saleska, lewis smedes, and n. t. wright. when their individual contributions are used specifically, they are appropriately cited. lumpp, “the lure of false gospels” global south theological journal 3, no. 1 (2024): 26 one would think that easter sunday, when god raised jesus from the dead, would have solved everything. most certainly, in the most important sense it did, and it has. jesus’ resurrection ratified his atonement for human sin. in the words of saint paul, by his resurrection jesus “was declared to be the son of god in power according to the spirit of holiness” (romans 1:4). jesus’ resurrection is central to all new testament hope, because it means that death—the last enemy (1 corinthians 15:26)—will in fact never have the last word. the risen jesus is the “firstfruits of those who have fallen asleep” (1 corinthians 15:20). yet even for jesus’ own contemporaries and immediate disciples, things were not so simple. the risen jesus did remain with his apostles for 40 days, during which time he spoke about the kingdom of god (acts 1:3). he promised the coming of the holy spirit (acts 1:5), a promise fulfilled with visible and audible manifestation some 10 days later (acts 2:1-4). it was left to peter in the early chapters of acts and the rest of the apostolic new testament to make sense of the new situation in which the earliest followers of jesus found themselves. in jesus the messiah, the end of the old age and the beginning of the eschatological new age had truly arrived, and with him the reign of god had come to tangible expression. the holy spirit had come, as promised. but jesus himself had left again. moreover, here is the most difficult part: many of the same earthly realities his followers had known from before were still with them. god’s servants were still getting sick and dying. sin in all of its dark manifestations was still a personal and social force of destruction in the early christian communities. to this situation, by inspiration of the holy spirit the apostles interpreted these new circumstances for christians struggling to come to terms with and understand their situation. specifically, while the new age and the reign of god’s grace had truly and already arrived with the coming of jesus, it was not yet the new heaven and the new earth (revelation 21). the new age now overlaps with the old age, but it does not do away with it completely. only with the final return of jesus does the “overlap” end. only then will the promises of revelation 21 be a comprehensive and exclusive reality: “he will wipe away every tear from their eyes, and death shall be no more, neither shall there be mourning nor crying nor pain anymore, for the former things have passed away” (21:4). all of this is bound up with jesus’ own promise at the end of revelation: “surely i am coming soon.” to which john adds, “amen. come, lord jesus!” (22:20). what does all of this mean for the “prosperity gospels”? the interpretative key comes with our use of the very well-known vocabulary of “already” and “not yet.” the kingdom of god has already come; but it has not yet been fully and entirely consummated. simply stated, advocates of the prosperity gospels do not recognize this current “tension” between the “already” and the “not yet.”19 they are correct with respect to the first part, namely, that the kingdom of god most certainly arrived with the incarnation of jesus. but, in the words of gordon fee, “they demand all of the future in the present age,”20 and they cannot or will not live with the ongoing realities of life in a still fallen and broken world. however, while they may not be, the apostle paul was. writing to the romans about 25 or 30 years after the resurrection of jesus, paul described his present situation well: “for i consider that the sufferings of the present time are not worth comparing with the glory that is to be revealed to us” (8:18). this is the voice of one who understood eschatology. in fairness, the preachers of prosperity gospels had their predecessors in the new testament too. the gifted yet fractious and arrogant corinthians had their own theologians of glory in their midst, who challenged paul and his apostolic credentials in favor of other false apostles who seemingly were not burdened by paul’s own shortcomings. to these corinthians paul spoke of a crucified messiah, with all this entailed, and of his own weaknesses and his “thorn in the flesh” (2 corinthians 12). gordon fee 19 see especially gordon d. fee, the disease of the health and wealth gospels (vancouver, british columbia: regent college publishing, 2006), p. 33. for further help on this point, see also lewis w. smedes, editor and drafter, ministry and the miraculous: a case study at fuller theological seminary, published by fuller theological seminary in pasadena, california, in 1987, especially pp. 23-34. 20 fee, p. 33. lumpp, “the lure of false gospels” global south theological journal 3, no. 1 (2024): 27 brings together these first and 21st-century contexts well, in connection with the eschatological emphases we have been making: the problem in corinth, and that which the wealth and health gospel is repeating, was to emphasize the “already” in such a way that they almost denied the continuing presence of the world. they saw christ only as exalted, but not as crucified. they believed that the only thing that glorified god was signs and wonders and power. because god heals, he must heal everyone. there is no place for weakness or hunger or thirst for this kind of eschatological existence.21 the “already / not yet” tension that i have been describing is routinely called “inaugurated” eschatology. there is also “realized eschatology” in its various forms, which tends to collapse the “not yet” into the “already” and claim that the coming reign of god is already fully present.22 this brief detour into quite common academic vocabulary is relevant here because advocates of the prosperity gospels seem to work with what kate bowler has described as an “over-realized eschatology,”23 which not only overemphasizes the “already” but seems to deny altogether the ongoing force of the “not yet.”24 the prosperity gospels are deficient in their interpretation of the bible. while it has become an expansive and sometimes very complicated discipline, one abiding purpose of biblical hermeneutics is to provide readers with the skills they need to read their bibles so as to discern its meaning—both in terms of its central message and its individual texts. from there, if that enterprise is successful, bible readers will have some resources to help them apply these texts to their christian faith and life. as we have repeated several times in each of these presentations, the central message of the bible, to which everything else relates and which informs everything else, is the gospel of jesus christ. as saint paul put it in romans 4, “jesus our lord . . . was delivered up for our trespasses and raised for our justification” (vv. 24b-25); or, a few verses later, “god shows his love for us in that while we were still sinners, christ died for us” (5:8). using these and an assortment of similar passages, martin luther called this “the first and chief article,” and he went on to evaluate teachings of the roman church of his day in terms of their fidelity to or their falsification of this first, chief article. (see the smalcald articles, part ii, article 1, followed by luther’s use of this “first, chief article” throughout his evaluative comments in article 2 of these same smalcald articles.) this means that as we look at several of the favorite passages invoked by the prosperity gospels, we will seek to determine whether their interpretation underscores or undermines this gospel. we will be asking: does their interpretation or use of a passage highlight this new testament gospel? or, conversely, does it divert attention from it? second, as one of the great prayers of the church puts it, christians beseech god to help them “read, mark, learn, and inwardly digest” the holy scriptures.25 we seek humbly to understand the reasons god gave us these scriptures in the form and manner in which the holy spirit has inspired them. in other words, briefly put, we seek to understand and apply to our lives the spirit-intended meaning of these texts. god first gave these scriptures through entirely human authors, to ancient peoples, in ancient languages. each individual writing has its own real, flesh-and-blood, this-worldly setting. before we are in a position to say what these texts mean, we have to try—with all the sanctified scholarly resources we can muster—to understand what they first meant, to the human author who wrote a particular passage, 21 fee, p. 32. 22 see richard b. hays, “operation evil power,” a helpful, short essay on colossians 2:15, in christianity today (february 2004), p. 74. 23 see the dilley review of bowler, in christianity today, january – february 2018, p. 76. 24 this is based on but is not identical to material in both bowler and in james k. a. smith, “what’s right with the prosperity gospels,” pp. 8-9. 25 lutheran service book, prepared by the commission on worship of the lutheran church–missouri synod (st. louis: concordia, 2006), p. 309. lumpp, “the lure of false gospels” global south theological journal 3, no. 1 (2024): 28 and to the persons or communities who first heard or read them.26 to state this positive point from the other direction, a passage cannot mean for us today what it never could have meant to its first human author or to its first human audience.27 in practice, these observations mean that one will need to be attentive to language, to history, and, above all, to context(s). in the passages to which we will turn our attention in a moment, we will be raising questions about one or more of these considerations, either individually or in some combination. how should the passage be translated? does one’s translation speak to a passage’s relevance to the claims of the prosperity gospels? what is the historical context of a particular passage? in other words, to whom was this text first spoken or written? what would it have meant—and what could it have meant—to this first audience? is this historical meaning of the passage congruent with the claims made by supporters of prosperity gospels today? finally, the all-important issues of context do speak to these questions. this may be a relatively straightforward matter of literary or historical context. on the other hand, it may be a more involved question of assessing not only the historical setting of a passage but the role of this text in the overall presentation or argument of a longer writing or narrative. to oversimplify considerably, this procedure may be “boiled down” to a couple of rules. first, attend to the language carefully (i.e., to the precise vocabulary and the translation of the passage). second, be vigilant about context and potentially multiple contexts (and the plural is deliberate). roughly speaking, this amounts to three questions: in what historical context was this passage first written? to whom was it initially spoken? what was its role in the life of ancient israel (for old testament passages) or for the early christian church (for new testament passages)? to preview our final section, we will be assessing one or more of the following issues: (a) matters of selection, or why a particular passage was chosen; (b) matters of translation, or whether the language of the text was rendered accurately; and (c) matters of historical and/or literary context. (in connection with one passage below, the celebrated text from romans 8, we will also need to explore very briefly a more technical issue about the actual wording of the verse itself.) when we do so, we will discover that the principal texts on which the prosperity gospels are most commonly based will not stand up to careful exegetical scrutiny. in other words, the claims made by the prosperity gospel find no basis in any responsible interpretation of the word of god. specific matters of biblical interpretation the several passages below are considered in what i regard—very informally and perhaps arbitrarily—as their order of importance to the claims of the prosperity gospels. they are illustrative. there are additional texts that others deem relevant. in terms of the their relevance to the prosperity gospels, most of these texts can be addressed without a lot of intense research in commentaries as long as we keep a few of our hermeneutical basics (see above) in mind. the discussions will vary in length based on how straightforward or complex the arguments need to be. regarding jeremiah 29:11, “for i know the plans i have for you, declares the lord, plans for wholeness [shalom] and not for evil, to give you a future and a hope.” one does not need to be a full-blown advocate of the prosperity gospel to use—or, more typically— misuse this passage. the use of this verse to support a version of the prosperity gospel depends on what translation one uses. it really only “works” to that end when one uses the king james version: “`for i know the plans i have for you,’ declares the lord, `plans to prosper you and not to harm you, plans to 26 i am here borrowing the language of andrew bartelt, namely, that what a passage means is based on what it initially meant. as he and many others unfold it, this is a guiding principle of what has long been called the historical-grammatical method of biblical interpretation. 27 this has been helpfully unfolded in gordon d. fee and douglas stuart, how to read the bible for all it’s worth, 4th ed. (grand rapids, mi: zondervan, 2014), in their introductory chapter, especially p. 34. lumpp, “the lure of false gospels” global south theological journal 3, no. 1 (2024): 29 give you hope and a future.’” when i quote from the english standard version (or from most other modern translations), one sees immediately the word “wholeness” and not “prosper.” this is a much more accurate rendering of the familiar hebrew word shalom. instead of signaling material prosperity, shalom is a holistic, covenant term, which communicates that all is well between yahweh and his people. finally, such shalom is always a gift from god and never a product of human initiative or accomplishment.28 also, perhaps no other passage we will consider better illustrates the need to pay attention to context. the main point is clear: this passage was not spoken to modern christians about their material or financial situation. rather, it was addressed by god, through his prophet jeremiah, to the people of israel in the sixth century before the coming of jesus. in other words, it was not addressed to any one individual—much less to any individual today—but to god’s ancient people as a community. it is part of jeremiah’s letter to a collective people in exile, who were under the thumb of babylon. in addition, right before the verse in question, yahweh indicates that he would fulfill his promise and bring them back to the land, but only after their 70 years of exile were completed. this means, of course, that very, very few of those living at the time these words were spoken would be around to realize their fulfillment. this real fulfillment of the passage would be more and better than any short-term monetary prosperity might buy. as the text indicates, judah would have a future and a hope. yahweh would hear their prayers (29:12), they would be restored as god’s people, and out of this reconstituted people would come the messiah who would himself embody and deliver on all of god’s promises. those who would be frustrated by the failures of the prosperity gospel need to be told that god has something even better in store for them. read carefully and in context, this passage from jeremiah 29 contributes to that proper understanding. regarding third john, verse 2, “beloved, i pray that all may go well [euodousthai] with you and that you may be in good health [hugiainein], as it goes well [euodoutai] with your soul.” perhaps more than any other single new testament text, this passage has been central to the practice and public appeals of those who advocate prosperity gospels. (this seems to be true especially in north america.) the second verse of john’s very short letter, it is part of john’s personal greeting to “the beloved gaius,” who is contending for the truth of the gospel in the face of doctrinal error. the text is often cited by advocates of the prosperity gospels because the first and third words in question, both forms of the verb euodoo, have sometimes been translated as “prosper” (e.g., by the king james version). then, if with respect to hugiainein, one opts for “good health,” one seems—superficially—to have both dimensions of “health and wealth” gospels. in fact, this is a misreading, on the grounds of both language and context. with respect to language, the better rendering of euodoo is to “go well.” moreover, historically, the combination of wishing both that things go well for the one to whom one is writing, and that one’s addressee be in good health, was a common greeting in ancient correspondence.29 gaius would not have concluded that john was praying for his personal, material prosperity, especially not in the context of the doctrinal priorities of this letter. he certainly would not have concluded that john was praying for the material prosperity of christians at all times and in all places.30 such an interpretation would have been inconceivable to either john or gaius. gordon fee summarizes the point well: “we may rightly learn from this text to pray for our brothers and sisters that `all will go well with them’; but to argue from the text that god wills our financial prosperity is to abuse the text, not use it.”31 28 see richard l. schultz, out of context: how to avoid misinterpreting the bible (grand rapids, mi: baker, 2012), pp. 82-83. 29 fee, p. 10. in support of his claim, fee cites the collection of personal letters from the loeb series. 30 ibid. 31 ibid. lumpp, “the lure of false gospels” global south theological journal 3, no. 1 (2024): 30 regarding john 10:10, “i came that they may have life and have it abundantly [perisson].” this beloved promise of our lord is situated within the account of jesus as the good shepherd. it takes little imagination to recognize why it has been pressed into service by those who endorse the prosperity gospels, and that is its use of the adverb “abundantly” (perisson) to modify the clause “in order that they might have life [zoen].” once again, the vocabulary will not bear the weight sometimes put on it. a better rendering of the verse, and in particular perisson, would be, “i came in order that they might have life and have it to its fullest.” material prosperity is not entailed here either by this adverb, or by the common johannine word for life, zoe. also, as is well known, whereas the synoptic gospels typically speak of the reign of god, john’s gospel talks much more commonly about “eternal life.” once again, an eschatological dimension is present and important, for john is talking about the new life god gives now and will give in the age to come. to capture this dimension, n. t. wright has rendered the verse in question (with its adverb perisson), “i came so that they could have life—yes, and have it full to overflowing.”32 the passage is further explained by its context in john 10, where beginning in the very next verse jesus declares, “i am the good shepherd. the good shepherd lays down his life for the sheep. . . . for this reason the father loves me, because i lay down my life that i may take it up again. no one takes it from me, but i lay it down of my own accord” (10:11, 17-18a). the self-sacrifice of the son of god for human sin was about much more—something much different and better—than increasing his disciples’ standard of living. in short, reading john 10 in terms of material or physical prosperity is foreign to the language, the literary setting, and the theological context of the passage. regarding romans 8:28, “and we know that god causes all things to work together for good to those who love god, to those who are called according to his purpose.”33 with respect to this beloved passage, my selection of the above translation from the new american standard bible instead of the english standard version involves a matter of textual preference. specifically, i have chosen the reading of pauline papyrus number 46, dated from about ad 200, and codex vaticanus, from the fourth century. the other, shorter reading, which admittedly is reflected in the nestle-aland greek new testament (as well as the united bible societies edition) and the esv translation, does have diverse support, probably most notably in codex sinaiticus (also fourth century).34 so, textually, it is a close and debatable call. what matters theologically is that god is the subject of the sentence.35 indeed, generally, when one is theologically in the realm of gospel—as romans 8 most emphatically is—god is the subject of the sentences. with respect to the passage itself, at a minimum it means that christians can be confident resting in the providence of the triune god, who has revealed himself to be gracious in jesus christ. but very decisively, and contrary to some popular misunderstandings, romans 8:28 does not mean that all of the things that happen to christian people are somehow “the will of god,” or that all things in an unqualified way will have a good outcome. this recognition means that one must be very cautious not to identify the “good” too quickly or glibly, and certainly not to identify the good with what may be personally pleasing 32 n. t. wright’s translation is provided in his popular commentary john for everyone, part 1, chapters 1—10 (london: spck, 2002), p. 147. for a discussion of the eschatological point, see fee, p. 11. 33 please note, this translation is from the new american standard bible, updated in 1995. 34 without going into any more detail, the older work of bruce metzger opts for the shorter reading, but he offers the following helpful comment: “since sunergei may be taken to imply a personal subject, ho theos seems to have been a natural explanatory addition made by an alexandrian editor.” metzger’s comment seems implicitly to address whatever theological concerns may arise from the variant. see a textual commentary on the greek new testament [london: united bible societies, 1975], p. 518. 35 as the metzger quote indicates, god should be considered the subject of the sentence regardless of which variant reading one chooses. lumpp, “the lure of false gospels” global south theological journal 3, no. 1 (2024): 31 or desirable.36 the passage does affirm that for those who love god and are called by god, finally and ultimately this merciful god can and will work “good” out of even the most difficult and tragic of human circumstances.37 still, to this point, neither you nor i get to prescribe how this “work[ing] together for good” may happen, nor should we claim some insight into how god may or may not be exercising his providence. above all, one will not try to identify the “goodness” in some particular event, and certainly not in some tragedy. the point is an important one: avoid any and all facile “explanations,” for which there is no word of god. it is very possible, even probable, that often one will never know the answer to the question of what good god might have been working through a particular episode in one’s life.38 as always, context is essential here. in romans 8:28, paul associates “the good” with the purpose of god, which in verse 29 he identifies as being conformed to the image of his son.39 as we read elsewhere in the scriptures, being conformed to the image of god’s son may entail suffering trials (1 peter 1:6-9) or enduring discipline (hebrews 12:5b-11, in turn quoting proverbs 3:11-12).40 such discipline can be an exacting teacher, for it exposes our own insufficiencies, breaks down our idolatries of autonomy and selfreliance, and in the process invites and draws us to entrust ourselves more completely to the grace and mercy of god. regarding philippians 4:13, 19, [13] “i can do all things through him who strengthens me. . . . [19] and my god will supply every need of yours according to his riches in glory in christ jesus.” first, no one can argue responsibly that the “all things” in verse 13 means anything and everything in an unqualified sense. rather, it is generally taken to mean that god in christ will help believers to do whatever they are called upon to do. in fact, however, the larger context (i.e., philippians 4:10-20) indicates that the “all things” (4:13) refers to “whatever situation” (4:11) or to “any and every circumstance” (4:12) in which paul might find himself. the point is that in any of these circumstances, paul can rest secure and content through jesus christ, who gives him strength and will provide him with all of his needs.41 finally, verse 19 is part of paul’s statement of gratitude to the philippians for their having supported him materially, which paul calls “a fragrant offering, a sacrifice acceptable and pleasing to god.”42 regarding malachi 3:10, “bring the full tithes into the storehouse, that there may be food in my house. and thereby put me to the test, says the lord of hosts, if i will not open the windows of heaven for you and pour down for you a blessing until there is no more need.” the post-exilic prophet malachi is writing in about 450 bc, and he is an early contemporary of ezra and nehemiah. the first verse of this chapter is the prophecy that would be fulfilled by the coming of john the baptizer (see matthew 11:10), and then by jesus himself. malachi 3:10, the verse in question, comes as part of an illustration of judah’s post-exilic failures, despite the fact that they had returned to the land and their temple had been rebuilt. their inattention to the tithe was one illustration of these failures (3:612). the text, then, is about faithfulness to the torah, and it is not intended as a practical investment strategy whereby god’s people could cultivate material wealth. rather, whether in the pentateuch or here 36 see millard erickson, christian theology, 2d ed. (grand rapids, mi: baker, 1998), pp. 427, 450. 37 this is based loosely on comments by michael middendorf and mark schuler. 38 this is a revision of a point made by marva j. dawn, being well when we’re ill: wholeness and hope in spite of infirmity (minneapolis: augsburg-fortress, 2008), p. 67. 39 see, most recently, n. t. wright, into the heart of romans: a deep dive into paul’s greatest letter (grand rapids, mi: zondervan academic, 2023), pp. 154-174, especially pp. 154-161. 40 see marva dawn, pp. 57ff. also, see millard erickson, pp. 427, 450. 41 see donald a. carson, exegetical fallacies, 2d ed. (grand rapids, mi: baker, 1996), pp. 115-116. 42 see schultz, out of context, p. 44. lumpp, “the lure of false gospels” global south theological journal 3, no. 1 (2024): 32 in malachi, the tithe was intended as a response to yahweh’s prior gifts, first in the exodus event and now in the fifth century, having returned to their land after the exile. for new testament christians, the same principle applies: christians give not in order to get, or to get more, but rather because they have been given to in jesus christ. finally, this passage from malachi, first spoken in its old testament context, is alluded to by the apostle paul in 2 corinthians 9. there, in the broad context of the generosity of the corinthians to the beleaguered saints in jerusalem, paul is resolutely focused on the gifts of god in jesus christ, genuine thanksgiving for these gifts, and the appropriate response of god’s new covenant people.43 in the process, he turns any thought of some prosperity gospel on its head. god gives bountifully, and god’s people pass his gifts on to others. hear the language of saint paul: you will be enriched in every way for all your generosity, which through us will produce thanksgiving to god. for the ministry of this service is not only supplying the needs of the saints, but is also overflowing in many thanksgivings to god. by their approval of this service, they will glorify god because of your submission flowing from your confession of the gospel of christ, and the generosity of your contribution for them and for all others, while they long for you and pray for you, because of the surpassing grace of god upon you. thanks be to god for his inexpressible gift! (2 corinthians 9:11-14) epilogue to all three presentations in these three presentations, we have had the opportunity to address an important topic by considering it within the larger context of the life of christian discipleship, the theology of the cross, and finally the set of considerations that necessarily informs any direct theological examination of the prosperity gospels. in one respect, the prosperity gospels and the issues to which they give rise illustrate a pattern that runs through the history of christian theological reflection. in the providence of god, questions, debates, and even error have been used often to help the church and its teachers clarify its own position on topics that everyone recognizes are central to its identity, its confession of faith, and its mission. this was true of arius and the trinity, pelagius and theological anthropology, and the late medieval roman church in terms of nature of the gospel itself. while other examples could be given, each one of these three individually and collectively touches on the heart of the christian faith. the fourth-century debates resulted in the ecumenical confession that jesus is indeed the incarnate son of god, of one substance with the father. the early fifth-century controversy over original sin led people like saint augustine to reaffirm what paul had told the ephesians, namely, that fallen human beings are dead in trespasses and sins, and that their only hope of salvation rests in god’s mercy in jesus christ (2:1-2, 8-10). the 16th-century saw itself embroiled in an argument about whether human merit played any role in the attainment of salvation, and if so what that role might be. martin luther realized more profoundly than most of his contemporaries that these were not academic games but rather matters of spiritual life and death. once again, going back to the heidelberg disputation (among countless other places), luther insisted, “the law brings the wrath of god, kills, reviles, accuses, judges, and condemns everything that is not in christ” (thesis 23), and, a few sentences later, “the love of god does not find, but creates, that which is pleasing to it” (thesis 28). given their prevalence around the world, it may not be saying too much to claim that the prosperity gospels have prodded the church to reassert, yet again, what is not the gospel—and, more importantly, what the gospel truly is. luther’s study of the bible—in context, with the best academic tools at his disposal—taught him that idolatrous human beings could only be saved by a recreative act of the triune god. the only “exchange” he was interested in was jesus christ’s righteousness for his sin. 43 in the context of this collection and the example of the persecuted macedonian churches, linda l. belleville makes the sobering observation: “sadly, it is often those having the least, rather than the most, who model discipleship the best.” see belleville, “`imitate me, just as i imitate christ’: 1–2 corinthians,” in longenecker, ed. patterns of discipleship in the new testament, p. 139. lumpp, “the lure of false gospels” global south theological journal 3, no. 1 (2024): 33 there could be no deals or transactions, no reciprocity, but only god’s gifts in jesus christ and martin luther being “given to.” what was luther given? he was not unaware of material human need, nor was he unresponsive to it. but luther, his family, his colleagues, and their students and congregants could and did help with those kinds of things.44 that was part of their vocation, or part of their discipleship. luther knew, though, that in the terrors of sin and conscience the only gospel that would matter was god’s absolution for the sake of jesus christ: “your sins are forgiven.” without such forgiveness, the size of one’s land holdings or bank account—whether in 16th-century germany, north america, or 21st-century ethiopia— do not matter. at the same time, for martin luther and for those he taught, this gospel of the forgiveness of sins in jesus christ was not a minimalistic or “pared down” message. for him, this gospel itself was the whole bundle of god’s very good gifts. luther said as much in his small catechism. in talking about the comprehensive benefits of the lord’s supper, he said: “the words `given for you’ and `shed for you for the forgiveness of sins’ show us that forgiveness of sins, life, and salvation are given to us in the sacrament through these words, because where there is forgiveness of sin, there is also life and salvation” (sc v, 5-6). it turns out that martin luther knew not only what the gospel is. he knew what genuine prosperity is as well. 44 see especially robert rosin, “bringing forth fruit: luther on social welfare,” in a cup of cold water: a look at biblical charity, ed. robert rosin and charles p. arand (st. louis: concordia seminary publications [monograph series— number 3], 1996), pp. 117-164. introduction: setting the stage theological considerations the prosperity gospels misunderstand the gospel itself. the prosperity gospels confuse law and gospel. the prosperity gospels misunderstand the eschatological structure and thought of the new testament. the prosperity gospels are deficient in their interpretation of the bible. specific matters of biblical interpretation regarding jeremiah 29:11, “for i know the plans i have for you, declares the lord, plans for wholeness [shalom] and not for evil, to give you a future and a hope.” regarding third john, verse 2, “beloved, i pray that all may go well [euodousthai] with you and that you may be in good health [hugiainein], as it goes well [euodoutai] with your soul.” regarding john 10:10, “i came that they may have life and have it abundantly [perisson].” regarding romans 8:28, “and we know that god causes all things to work together for good to those who love god, to those who are called according to his purpose.”32f regarding philippians 4:13, 19, [13] “i can do all things through him who strengthens me. . . . [19] and my god will supply every need of yours according to his riches in glory in christ jesus.” regarding malachi 3:10, “bring the full tithes into the storehouse, that there may be food in my house. and thereby put me to the test, says the lord of hosts, if i will not open the windows of heaven for you and pour down for you a blessing until th... epilogue to all three presentations global south theological journal 3, no. 2 (2024): 30 holiness and the mission of god in the epistle of james abyot s. gashute, phd candidate africa international university, nairobi, kenya abstract: james’s central critique in the epistle is faith that is devoid of practical action or ethics. genuine christian faith should be reflected in practical ethical conduct. the theme of holiness and the mission of god is explored from the perspective of the practical nature of holiness that is aligned with god’s mission. holiness involves practical action that reflects the genuineness of faith. true holiness is expressed in practical ways, both in fulfilling personal and communal ethical responsibilities through guarding oneself against the wickedness of the world (1:27; 4:4), loving one’s neighbor (2:8), caring for the needy (1:27; 2:14–17), and administering justice for the oppressed (2:6–7; 5:1–6). in james, christian faith (orthodoxy) and ethics (orthopraxy) are inseparable, and the practical nature of holiness and the mission of god is founded on these two aspects of christianity. introduction the following questions guide the arguments of this paper. how is the theme of holiness presented in the epistle of james, and what implications does this presentation have for our understanding of god’s mission? james’ central critique in the epistle is of faith devoid of practical action or ethics. genuine christian faith should be reflected in practical ethical conduct. the theme of holiness and the mission of god is explored from the perspective of the practical nature of holiness that is aligned with god’s mission. holiness involves practical action that reflects the genuineness of faith. true holiness is expressed in practical ways, both in fulfilling personal and communal ethical responsibilities through guarding oneself against the wickedness of the world (1:27; 4:4), loving one’s neighbor (2:8), caring for the needy (1:27; 2:14–17), and administering justice for the oppressed (2:6–7; 5:1–6). in james, faith (orthodoxy) and ethics (orthopraxy) are inseparable, and the practical nature of holiness and the mission of god is founded on these two aspects of christianity. mark allan powell accurately stated the concern of the epistle: "it presents christianity as a way of life, not just a system of beliefs.”1 christians fulfill their missional vocation as witnesses to the world through practical ethical conduct. how should believers maintain their holiness in a fallen world? how can they bear witness to god’s holiness in the world, which is their mission? biblical texts such as matt 5:13–16 and 1 pet 2:92 are crucial in this regard. believers are called to be the light of the world and the salt of the earth, and their ethical lives must reflect the holiness of god and be a beacon for the fallen world. according to christopher j. h. wright, “in the old as well as the new testament, the ethical demand on those who claim to be god’s people is determined by the mission with which they have been entrusted.”3 as he writes, the mission entrusted to god's people is "to be—a light to the nations, a holy priesthood."4 my thesis is that holiness and mission in james are presented as witnessing christian faith through practical personal and communal ethics. in other words, although james focuses on internal matters and does not explicitly command his audience to go outside their community for a proclamation task, he urges them to live a practical, ethical life consistent with their faith. and the goal of consistently 1 mark allan powell, introducing the new testament: a historical, literary, and theological survey, 2nd ed. (grand rapids: baker academic, 2018), 463. 2 unless otherwise indicated, i will be using the english standard version (esv) throughout. 3 christopher j. h. wright, “truth with a mission: reading all scripture missiologically,” sbjt 15, no. 2 (n.d.): 13. 4 wright, 13. gashute, “holiness and the mission of god” global south theological journal 3, no. 2 (2024): 31 living out their faith in practical ethical living is to fulfill god’s mission by bearing witness to the world. as wright puts it, “those who know god are required to make god known. and that requires the medium of words and deeds.”5 theological and missional value of james the role of james receives less emphasis in theological and missional discussions. scot mcknight rightly observed that both in the past and the present, james is "ignored when it comes to christian theology and gospel preaching."6 during the protestant reformation in the 16th century, luther regarded james as a less suitable candidate for the theology of salvation, i.e., justification by faith. most bible scholars find little missional significance in the epistle because the traditional understanding of mission mainly focuses on specific biblical books or texts containing explicit missional imperatives. nonetheless, james, as part of scripture, has significant theological and missional value. refuting the traditional missiological approach, wright states, “the bible is in so many ways a missional phenomenon in itself.’’7 wright's argument is sound. the understanding of mission should not solely rest on selecting specific texts from the books in the bible. wright shifts his understanding of mission “from the biblical basis of mission to the missional basis of the bible.”8 indeed, this shift of understanding must influence our missional hermeneutics. likewise, johannes nissen states, “the bible is not a single book with a single understanding of mission.”9 the theological significance of james when commenting on each book of the new testament, martin luther made a negative assessment of the epistle of james, saying, “st. james’ epistle is really an epistle of straw, compared to others, for it has nothing of the nature of the gospel about it.”10 luther believed that james placed too much emphasis on works and not enough on faith. in his view, james’ emphasis on works endangered the doctrine of justification by faith alone that other books of the new testament taught and that the apostle paul repeatedly discussed in his letters (rom 3:28; gal 2:16). martin luther’s view is echoed by martin dibelius who suggests that james is writing to correct paul’s view of faith without works in james 2:14– 24.11 however, paul and james are not in conflict with each other, although they were discussing the same topic of justification from the perspective of faith and works, using the same old testament text. luke timothy johnson, after carefully comparing paul and james, concludes, "there is no compelling reason to suppose that either had the other in mind.”12 james teaches the inseparability of orthodoxy and orthopraxy, in which the theme of practical holiness is a key part. 5 christopher j. h. wright, the mission of god’s people: a biblical theology of the church’s mission (grand rapids: zondervan, 2010), 164. 6 scot mcknight, the letter of james, the new international commentary on the new testament (grand rapids: eerdmans, 2011), 10. 7 christopher j. h. wright, the mission of god: unlocking the bible’s grand narrative (downers grove: ivp academic, 2006), 50. 8 wright, “truth with a mission: reading all scripture missiologically,” 5. capitalization for emphasis is the author's, not mine. 9 johannes nissen, “testament in mission: the use of the new methodological and hermeneutical reflections,” mission studies 21, no. 2 (2004): 167, https://doi.org/10.1163/1573383042653695. 10 e. theodore bachmann, ed., luther’s works: word and sacrament i, american edition, vol. 35 (united states of america: fortress press, 1987), 362. 11 martin dibelius, james, hermeneia (philadelphia: fortress press, 1975), 174–80. 12 luke timothy johnson, brother of jesus, friend of god: studies in the letter of james (grand rapids, mich: w.b. eerdmans pub, 2004), 17. gashute, “holiness and the mission of god” global south theological journal 3, no. 2 (2024): 32 missional value of james because james lacks explicit or implicit mission command, many writers dismiss james from a discussion of missional theology. donald senior concludes that the hebrews, james, jude, and 2 peter "offer little material that bears directly on the issue of mission."13 andreas j. köstenberger, in his treatment of mission in the general epistles, contends that the contribution of the epistle of james to mission is not “substantial.”14 similarly, johannes nissen ignores the missional value of the epistle of james by prioritizing the epistle of hebrews and 1 peter among the general epistles.15 in a recent work, joel b. green explored the motif of mission in james. “james invites reflection on what it means for the church to be a missionary outpost in a world whose patterns and conventions are out of step with god's mission.”16 green has established a strong foundation for reading james in a missional context. holiness and mission: a biblical perspective it is important to clarify the concepts of “holiness” and “mission” for their use in james. these concepts may raise questions that require answers. is there a holiness theme in james? does james address the theme of god’s mission, or does he anywhere compel his audience to carry out missionary activity to reach their unbelieving neighbors? how does holiness relate to mission? these are legitimate questions. direct and indirect answers will be provided as we explore the meaning of holiness and mission from a biblical perspective. the popular notions of holiness and mission each emphasize a single aspect. for instance, the word holiness is viewed in terms of cleanliness (purity) or perfection. the word mission is also viewed in terms of crossing borders and cultures to evangelize the unevangelized. these are popular understandings of holiness and mission. but, as i will describe below, the bible presents the concept of holiness and mission as each having two senses. in the case of holiness, the bible presents it in two key aspects: separateness from that which is common or ordinary and an ethical aspect in the sense of holy character. in the case of mission, the bible also gives two key aspects: the missio dei and missions in the sense of the church’s missionary activity. when these aspects are properly understood, the plausibility of reading james missionally from the perspective of holiness and mission becomes clear. holiness the english words “holy” and “holiness” are derived from the biblical hebrew word ָקדוׁש (qadosh), literally meaning “holy.” the hebrew root word קדׁש (qdsh) has other word groups apart from ָקדוׁש (qadosh). our focus is on this one: ָקדוׁש (qadosh), “holy.” the septuagint (lxx) translates the hebrew word groups of קדׁש (qdsh) with the greek root word of ἅγ (hag). in this case, the greek equivalent of is ἅγιος (hagios, “holy”). the new testament uses ἅγιος (hagios) with its old testament (qadosh) ָקדוׁש background for the concept of holy and holiness.16f 17 13 donald senior, “witness and mission: the remaining books of the new testament,” in the foundations for mission, ed. donald senior and carroll stuhlmueller (london: scm press ltd, 1983), 309. 14 andreas j. köstenberger, “mission in the general epistles,” in mission in the new testament: an evangelical approach, eds. william j. larkin and joel f. williams (maryknoll: orbis books, 1998), 190. 15 johannes nissen and johannes nissen, new testament and mission: historical and hermeneutical perspectives (frankfurt am main ; new york: peter lang, 1999), 143. 16 joel b. green, “reading james missionally,” in reading the bible missionally, ed. michael w. goheen, (grand rapids: wm. b. eerdmans publishing co., 2016), chap.10. 17 m. c. lyons, “holiness” in the lexham bible dictionary, ed. john d. barry et al. (bellingham: lexham press, 2016). gashute, “holiness and the mission of god” global south theological journal 3, no. 2 (2024): 33 holiness as separation when holiness is applied to god, the central concept is his otherness. holiness is his identity or divinity, used to refer to “the absoluteness, majesty, and awfulness of the creator in his distinction from the creature.”18 this is a clear indication that “only god is holy, there is nothing either within humans or on earth that is inherently holy.”19 when holiness is applied to humans and other things, the central thought is that they are not inherently holy. for them, the lack of holiness is a result of being separated from god. this separation is not merely physical but shows a lack of belonging to god, participating in his mission, and reflecting his holy character before the world. that is the key to understanding the practical nature of holiness. nevertheless, the audience addressed by james is a holy people because of god's redemptive work through his son jesus christ, who saved them. james affirms this in the beginning of his letter (1:18 and 2:1). holiness as displaying holy character (ethical aspect) the other aspect of holiness is the ethical dimension. god’s holy characteristics—love and righteousness—are central concepts in the bible. according to kent brower, “god reveals his holiness in action.”20 hence, believers “are called to be holy as god is holy, reflecting the holy character of the triune god.”21 the call to be holy as god is holy is a call to love one’s neighbor and promote justice (lev 19:2; exod 19:5–6; 1 pet 1:15–16; 2:9–10). to live a holy life is to participate in god’s mission by reflecting his being before the world. james’ ethical concerns in his epistle call on his audience to reveal god by displaying holy characteristics—love, justice, and solidarity with the poor. these are not merely theoretical concepts but practical matters that must be lived out in action. in 2:8, james quotes leviticus 19:9, but most of the ethical concerns in his epistle seem to allude to the entire chapter of leviticus 19. his call to his audience is to practice love and justice as people of god through treating one’s neighbor in love, showing charity to the poor, and administering justice to the oppressed. mission and missions in defining the term “mission,” there are also two key concepts. as indicated in the sections above, there is a conceptual difference between mission (singular) and missions (plural). david bosch defines the term “mission” as “refers primarily to the missio dei (god’s mission) that is, god's self-revelation as the one who loves the world, god's involvement in and with the world, the nature and activity of god, which embraces both the church and the world, and in which the church is privileged to participate.”22 mission is primarily about god. similarly, michael barram, commenting on the biblical understanding of mission, writes, "the source, motivation, character, and ongoing vitality of the church's mission is rooted ultimately in the missio dei.”23 18 j. c. lambert, “holiness” ed. james orr et al., the international standard bible encyclopaedia (chicago: the howard-severance company, 1915), 1403–1404. 19 j. e. hartley, "holy and holiness, clean and unclean," in dictionary of the old testament: pentateuch, ed. alexander and baker (downers grove, ill.: intervarsity press, 2003), 420. 20 kent brower, “holiness,” in dictionary of scripture and ethics, ed. joel b. green et al., (grand rapids, mich.: baker academic, 2011), 362. 21 kent brower, “holiness,” in green et al., jacqueline e. laspely, rebekah miles, and allen verhey, 362. 22 david j. bosch, transforming mission: paradigm shifts in theology of mission, twentieth-anniversary ed, american society of missiology series (maryknoll: orbis books, 2011), 21. 23 michael barram, “the bible, mission, and social location: toward a missional hermeneutic,” interpretation: a journal of bible and theology 61, no. 1 (january 2007): 43, https://doi.org/10.1177/002096430006100106. gashute, “holiness and the mission of god” global south theological journal 3, no. 2 (2024): 34 according to bosch, the definition of the word “missions” denotes the church’s involvement in the ultimate mission of god. he defines the word as “missions (the missions ecclesiae: the missionary ventures of the church), refers to particular forms, related to specific times, places, or needs, of participation in the missio dei.”24 misconception arises when the two concepts are separated from each other. the traditional approach was to look for scriptural texts as proof texts for doing missionary activities. the mission becomes primarily about what the church does. boubakar sanou states, “this misconception has often caused the christian church to see itself both as initiator of and authority for mission.”25 however, mission is primarily about who god is and what he has done and is doing in the world he created. when reading the epistle of james missionally we are acknowledging the bold and correct claim of christopher wright that “the whole bible is itself a ‘missional’ phenomenon.”26 that means "the scripture as a whole is the product of, and witness to, the ultimate mission of god."27 hence, the epistle of james as part of scripture is “a product of, and witness to, the ultimate mission of god.”28 the manifestation of genuine christian faith: james 1:26–27 genuine faith is the central theme in the epistle of james. faith should be manifested in practical life, both in the aspect of personal ethical purity and communal ethical responsibilities. dan g. mccartney has rightly concluded that “faith without ethical consequences is an implicit denial of the reality of that faith.”29 the ground of genuine faith and ethical life is that james’ audiences are saved by faith in christ (2:1) and are a new creation (1:18, 21). hence, they are required to live their daily life as a community of faith by manifesting both individual purity and communal responsibilities. they should show their christianity in the world in which they live (geographical location). only genuine faith manifesting itself in practical ethical life can transform the culture, faith, and values of the fallen world, which is the goal of god’s mission. james 1:26–27 is a text that serves as a hinge for the themes of genuine faith and ethics that are addressed in the entire epistle. it summarizes the faith and ethical themes james raised as concerns in 1:1–25 and chapters 2–5. the text addresses both themes of faith and ethics as an individual and communal concern. the noun θρησκεία "religion" occurs four times in the nt; two of them used positively and the other two negatively. acts 26:5 and james 1:27a use the term positively for the correct practice of faith. in colossians 2:18, "religion" is used negatively for angel worship, and in james 1:26c, it is used negatively for a faith that lacks practical evidence. the adjective θρησκὸς "religious" only occurs here. the passage contrasts christian faith that does and does not manifest itself in practical ethical life. the latter is described as a “worthless religion”, and the former as a “religion pure and undefiled before god” (jas 1: 26-27). marks of worthless religion the conditional sentence in 1:26 describes the characteristics of the christian faith that do not manifest themselves in practical life. the conditional sentence is structured in two parts: the “if” and the “then” clauses. 24 bosch, transforming mission, 21. 25 boubakar sanou, “missio dei as hermeneutical key for scriptural interpretation,” andrews university seminary studies 56, no. 2 (2018): 308. 26 wright, the mission of god, 5. 27 wright, 5. 28 wright, 5. 29 dan g. mccartney, james: baker exegetical commentary on the new testament (grand rapids: baker academic, 2009), 71. gashute, “holiness and the mission of god” global south theological journal 3, no. 2 (2024): 35 the “if” part: “if anyone thinks he is religious and does not bridle his tongue but deceives his heart,” the “then” part: “this person’s religion is worthless.” the relation of the “if” part, the protasis, and the “then” part, the apodosis, is “evidence– inference.”30 the protasis provides the evidence or ground that characterizes christian faith that does not manifest itself in practical life or that does not result in ethical life: • one thinks of himself (δοκεῖ from δοκέω “think or suppose”) – a person on his self-judgment supposes himself as religious (θρησκὸς) – that is, “the person has the outward practice of religious activity and so considers himself pious.”31 the outward religious activities in view might be those religiously observable activities such as prayer, fasting, etc. • one does not bridle his tongue – the person thinks or considers himself religious but does not control his tongue. the concern here is speech ethics, the manifestation of faith in practical life. • one only deceives his heart – ἀλλὰ ἀπατῶν καρδίαν αὐτοῦ “but [only] deceives his heart.” this person only deceives himself since his assumed faith can only impact others when it is manifested in his practical ethical life (speech ethics). james discusses speech ethics in 1:19– 20 in terms of controlling anger and 3:1–12 in terms of cursing others. the “then” part, the apodosis (the implication or conclusion) shows that the person’s religious practices apart from ethical consequences are useless or empty – μάταιος “worthless.” marks of true religion in 1:26–27, james describes three marks of true religion–the ethical life of christian faith. • controlling the tongue (speech ethics), • visiting orphans and widows (social-ethical responsibilities), and • “to keep oneself unstained from the world” (personal ethical purity). all three marks of true religion are discussed in the entire epistle. speech ethics (1:19–20, 26; 3:1–12; 4:11–12; 5:9, 12) the greek word γλῶσσα “tongue” occurs five times in james. the tongue, as an organ of speech, is characterized as an “author of many sins, jm. 3:1–12 (cf. also jm. 1:26; 1pet. 3:10=ps. 34:13).”32 in the history of interpretation, scholars have suggested various kinds of sins. in the words of dale c. allison, “readers have filled in the blank.”33 however, in james, the sin of the tongue has to do with various kinds of speech ethics. the concern is the inconsistency between what one says and how one lives in practice. james is against the use of the tongue that incites the whole body for violent action. james introduces the theme of speech ethics in 1:19–20 with a discussion of anger issues. in the preceding section, 1:16–18, he discussed rebirth "by the word of truth," and in the following section, 1:22–25, he discussed the necessity of doing or obeying the word of god. hence, being born again by the 30 daniel b. wallace, the basics of new testament syntax: an intermediate greek grammar (grand rapids: zondervan, 2000), 305. 31 peter h. davids, the epistle of james: a commentary on the greek text, new international greek testament commentary (grand rapids: eerdmans, 1982), 101. 32 gerhard kittel, gerhard friedrich, and geoffrey w. bromily, theological dictionary of the new testament, vol. i (grand rapids, mich., exeter: eerdmans ; paternoster, 1985), 721. 33 dale c. allison, a critical and exegetical commentary on the epistle of james, international critical commentary on the holy scriptures of the old and new testaments (new york: bloomsbury, 2013), 346. gashute, “holiness and the mission of god” global south theological journal 3, no. 2 (2024): 36 word of truth and hearing the word of god must result in speech ethics, being "slow to anger." hearing god's word and anger that leads to violent action do not go together. in 1:26, james stresses the issue of controlling the tongue, which is a main concern in the entire epistle. in this verse, james teaches the religious person to show his religiousness through observable speech ethics, “bridling his tongue.” religiousness and an uncontrolled tongue do not go together. in 3:1–12, james begins with a warning addressing those involved in teaching regarding the use of the tongue and speech ethics (3:1–2). what they teach and how they live by what they teach are concerns here. they should be self-disciplined, maintaining consistency between what they teach and how they live. that way, they will show maturity (τέλειος “perfect”). being a teacher of the word of god and an uncontrolled tongue do not go together. another speech ethics issue in 3:1–12 is that of blessing god and cursing people made in the image of god. blessing god and cursing people made in god’s image do not go together. james warns his audiences against such an inconsistent life (3:11–13). in 4:11–12 and 5:9, james warns against slandering (speaking evil against someone) and judging others. obeying the law of god and slandering a brother do not go together. the law of god commands loving one’s neighbor (lev 19:18; jas 2:8). in 5:12, james warns against making an oath. instead of vowing, he promotes the ethics of speaking the truth. a life of integrity consistent with genuine faith is more important than a mere verbal oath. this warning alludes to the teaching of jesus in matthew 5:34. social ethical responsibility (1:27; 2:2, 14–17) from the internal evidence, it is evident that james’ audience was going through various kinds of trials (1:2)—the test of their faith to produce steadfastness (1:12). but what was the source of the trial testing their faith? what is making them react contrary to their christian faith? james’ audience was not going through any external persecution; there was no internal division and no heretical issue. among other things, their source of trial appears to be the internal oppression of the poor by the rich (2:6–7; 5:1–6) and economic tension (1:9–11, 27; 2:2, 14–17). james hints regarding the source of their trial in various places in the epistle. however, these two stand out to be key in his epistle. in 1:9–11, james introduces his theme of the poor and the rich, which he will address fully in chapters 2 and 5. the greek word ταπεινὸς “humble” is used two times in james, in 1:9 and 4:6. in 1:9, it is used to refer to the person’s economic low status in society, “low degree” (asv). in 4:6, the usage refers to any humble person. in 1:9, the concern is on the attitude towards possessing material wealth. the greek word πλούσιος “rich” occurs five times. in 1:9, james exhorts the poor to boast about their present status in christ, knowing the coming of eschatological glory. in 1:11, he warns the rich not to boast in earthly material possession of wealth nor to oppress the brother in a lowly status (5:1–6). material wealth should not be a means of oppressing the disadvantaged but of service and justice to others. peter h. davids well stated that “the wealthy christian is instructed to take no pride in possessions or position but rather to think of his self-abasement in identifying with christ (i.e., repenting) and christ’s poor people.”34 both material wealth and the person possessing it are temporary. if 1:9–11 and 5:1–6 are about an attitude towards possession and the inappropriate use of material wealth, 2:1–13 is about the attitude towards the poor as a person. the ethical sin is favoritism. the community welcomes the rich based on their material wealth possession. they are discriminating against the poor based on their impoverished status. in the community of faith, there should be no favoritism. christian faith and favoritism do not go together. the royal command is “you shall love your neighbor as yourself” (2:8; lev 19:18). a true christian community must deal with negative social divisions. they should welcome the poor and rich not based on their social or material status but as persons created in the image of god. moreover, they should manifest the love of christ by caring for the needy. 34 davids, the epistle of james:, 77. gashute, “holiness and the mission of god” global south theological journal 3, no. 2 (2024): 37 in 1:22–25, james raised the issue of those hearing the word of god but not acting ethically. he urged the audience to hear and do the word of god. genuine faith must manifest itself in action. in the sections 1:26–27 and 2:14-26, the main concern is faith and action. in 1:26–27, he indicated the key areas of concern regarding faith and action: faith and controlled speech (1:26), faith and fulfilling social responsibility (1:27b), and faith and keeping personal holiness (1:27c). in 1:27, james describes the ethical aspect of true religion as “pure and undefiled.” the standard of purity and defilement is not in the eyes of the person, as in 1:26, but “before god the father.” the action that should be consistent with genuine faith is “to visit orphans and widows in their affliction.” according to deuteronomy 10:18, god “executes justice for the fatherless and the widows and loves the sojourner, giving him food and clothing.” god’s love for the fatherless and widows manifests in meeting their need for food and clothing. in 1:27 and 2:14-26, james stresses the incompatibility of professing faith and neglecting to care for the physical needs of the poor. such a faith, not accompanied by observable ethical social responsibility, is dead. another area of ethical and social responsibility that james addresses is prayer and responsibility for one another. in 5:16, he discusses the issue of faith and action concerning confessing sins to one another and praying for one another. the point here is that the community of faith must confess wrongs (sins) committed against each other. one who professes faith must reconcile with their brother (matt 5:24). the community of faith must also pray for one another for the healing of physical illness. finally, in 5:19–20, james exhorts his audience regarding mutual responsibility to help one another spiritually. if a brother strays from either orthodoxy or orthopraxy, there is a mutual responsibility to bring them back in repentance. james not only discusses communal ethics and mutual responsibility but also addresses personal ethical responsibility. christian ethics are manifested not only in what one does for others but also in one's character. faith and maintaining personal holiness must go hand in hand. the greek words ἄσπιλον (1:27; from ἄσπιλος "unstained") and κόσμου (4:4; from κόσμος "world" are used in a moral sense. to maintain consistency between faith and action regarding personal holiness, one must live a morally blameless life in a world that is morally polluted. one must guard oneself (τηρεῖν) from any moral evil in the world. conclusion although some scholars tend to neglect the epistle of james in their theological and missional discussion, this paper has demonstrated that the epistle of james holds importance for both theology and mission. the central themes of the epistle—faith and action, or orthodoxy and orthopraxy—serve to summon the community of faith to become the light of the world and the salt of the earth. james is not merely encouraging his audience to maintain consistency between faith and practical living; rather, the aim is to engage in god's mission by acting as witnesses through the display of a holy life within their community. when the concepts of holiness and mission are understood from a biblical perspective, as attempted in this paper, the missiological reading of the epistle of james becomes unmistakably clear. bibliography allison, dale c. a critical and exegetical commentary on the epistle of james. international critical commentary on the holy scriptures of the old and new testaments. new york: bloomsbury, 2013. barram, michael. “the bible, mission, and social location: toward a missional hermeneutic.” interpretation: a journal of bible and theology 61, no. 1 (january 2007): 42–58. https://doi.org/10.1177/002096430006100106. bosch, david j. transforming mission: paradigm shifts in theology of mission. twentieth anniversary ed. american society of missiology series. maryknoll, n.y.: orbis books, 2011. gashute, “holiness and the mission of god” global south theological journal 3, no. 2 (2024): 38 brower, kent. “holiness.” in dictionary of scripture and ethics, edited by green, joel b., jacqueline e. lapsley, rebekah miles, and allen verhey, 361–64. grand rapids, mich.: baker academic, 2011. davids, peter h. the epistle of james: a commentary on the greek text. new international greek testament commentary. grand rapids, mi: w.b. eerdmans, 1982. dibelius, martin. james. hermeneia. philadelphia: fortress press, 1975. e. theodore bachmann, ed. luther’s works: word and sacrament i. american edition. vol. 35. united states of america: fortress press, 1987. green, joel b. “reading james missionally,” in reading the bible missionally, edited by michael w. goheen, chap. 10. grand rapids: wm. b. eerdmans publishing co., 2016. johnson, luke timothy. brother of jesus, friend of god: studies in the letter of james. grand rapids, mich: w.b. eerdmans pub, 2004. hartley, j. e. “holy, and holiness, clean and unclean.” in dictionary of the old testament: pentateuch, edited by alexander, t. desmond, and david w. baker, 420–431. downers grove, ill.: intervarsity press, 2003. köstenberger, andreas j., and t. desmond alexander. salvation to the ends of the earth: a biblical theology of mission, 2nd ed. london: apollos, 2020. köstenberger, andreas. “mission in the general epistles." in mission in the new testament: an evangelical approach, edited by larkin, william j., and joel f. williams, 189–206. american society of missiology series, no. 27. maryknoll, n.y: orbis books, 1998. kittel, gerhard, gerhard friedrich, and geoffrey w. bromily. theological dictionary of the new testament. vol. i. grand rapids, mich., exeter: eerdmans ; paternoster, 1985. lyons, m. c. “holiness.” in the lexham bible dictionary, edited by john d. barry, david bomar, derek r. brown, rachel klippenstein, douglas mangum, carrie sinclair wolcott, lazarus wentz, elliot ritzema, and wendy widder. bellingham, wa: lexham press, 2016. mccartney, dan g. james baker exegetical commentary on the new testament. grand rapids, mich.: baker academic, 2009. mcknight, scot. the letter of james. the new international commentary on the new testament. grand rapids, mich: w.b. eerdmans pub. co, 2011. moo, douglas j. the letter of james. michigan: w. & b. eerdmans publishing co, 2000. nissen, johannes. “testament in mission: the use of the new methodological and hermeneutical reflections.” mission studies 21, no. 2 (2004): 167–99. nissen, johannes, and johannes nissen. new testament and mission: historical and hermeneutical perspectives. frankfurt am main ; new york: p. lang, 1999. powell, mark allan. introducing the new testament: a historical, literary, and theological survey. second edition. grand rapids, michigan: baker academic, 2018. sanou, boubakar. “missio dei as hermeneutical key for scriptural interpretation.” andrews university seminary studies 56, no. 2 (2018): 301–16. senior, donald. “witness and mission: the remaining books of the new testament,” in the foundations for mission, edited by donald senior and carroll stuhlmueller, 297–312. london: scm press ltd, 1983. wallace, daniel b. the basics of new testament syntax: an intermediate greek grammar. grand rapids, michigan: zondervan, 2000. wright, christopher j. h. the mission of god: unlocking the bible’s grand narrative. downers grove, ill: ivp academic, 2006. ———. the mission of god’s people: a biblical theology of the church’s mission. grand rapids, mich: zondervan, 2010. ———. “truth with a mission: reading all scripture missiologically.” sbjt 15, no. 2 (n.d.): 4–15. introduction theological and missional value of james the theological significance of james missional value of james holiness and mission: a biblical perspective holiness holiness as separation holiness as displaying holy character (ethical aspect) mission and missions the manifestation of genuine christian faith: james 1:26–27 marks of worthless religion marks of true religion conclusion bibliography global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 49 the ministry of qes gudina tumsa in the kambata/hadiya region staffan grenstedt (uppsala university) abstract: this paper highlights qes gudina tumsa’s efforts in the kambata/hadiya region with special bearing at integrating the kambata evangelical church 2 (kec-2), which had broken away from the kambata evangelical church (kec) in 1954, into the ethiopian evangelical church mekane yesus (eecmy). the kec-2 attended the annual conference of ethiopian evangelical churches (ceec) from 1955 to 1961, when the eecmy “home mission” with the kambata home mission program (khmp) was launched. qes gudina’s efforts in the region can be divided into two periods. the first was in 1963 when he tried to integrate the kec-2 into a synod of the eecmy. as we will see, this approach generated some problems. his second attempt, together with the finnish missionary society (fms) in 1967-69, was more successful. notation and theological method the footnotes at the bottom of the pages refer mainly to my doctoral dissertation (grenstedt 2000), on which i ground my paper.1 the title is: ambaricho and shonkolla – from local independent church to the evangelical mainstream in ethiopia. the origins of the mekane yesus church in kambata hadiya, published by uppsala: uppsala university in 2000. for convenience’s sake, i let the ambaricho mountain symbolize the kambata ethnic group and the shonkolla mountain, the hadiya. i will make use of the “theological typology” of the norwegian scholar einar molland and elaborate on it for my own purpose. turner and daneel have employed molland’s typology for independent churches in a similar way.2 in order to characterize a christian community, molland identifies four basic aspects in his structural, theological analysis: doctrine, polity, worship, and ethos.3 there is an organic correlation between these aspects but different communities display a characteristic emphasis on one of them. for example, doctrine is the dominating (and unifying) characteristic of lutheran churches. molland furthermore defines ethos as a characteristic lifestyle linked to a confession. it is thus wider than ethics. i elaborate on molland’s scheme and add relation to eecmy, ecumenism and size as further aspects for comparison. 1the footnotes come in a somewhat different order in this paper than in the dissertation, but can easily be found there. the dissertation can be ordered from “the swedish institute of missionary research”, p.o. box 1526, se-754 41 uppsala, sweden. it can be downloaded from internet by www.uu.se/en click on: research; search publications; ambaricho. 2molland 1961, p.19; turner 1968, see grenstedt 2000, p.24; daneel 1987. on weber’s “ideal types”, see burke 1992, pp.28ff. 3in the english version molland uses “constitution” and “church order” not polity. molland 1959, p.6. turner prefers the more comprehensive concept “polity”. turner 1968. i follow turner and include molland’s concepts as part of my concept “polity”. http://www.uu.se/en grenstedt, “ministry of qes gudina tumsa in the kambata/hadiya region” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 50 historical and ethnical perspectives in the kambata/hadiya region the kambata/hadiya region the area between the river omo in the west and the river bilate in the east, which i call the kambata/hadiya region, has its own complicated history.4 originally the kambata peoples, in a “general sense”, were peasants and the hadiya were semi-nomads. their internal history has to be differentiated into the history of their sub-groups. the relations between kambata in a “narrow sense” and the hadiya sub-groups shashogo and badowacho, for instance, were quite friendly.5 by the end of the 16th century one can use kambata not only as a political term for a people, drawn together from heterogenous groups, symbolised by the number seven (sebat in amharic; lamala in kambatissa) and with a king at its head.6 relations between the two strongest hadiya sub-groups, lemu and soro, however, have been strained from time to time, the main reason being their need of grazing land for their herds. soro and wollamo became enemies of the kambata “proper”, whose kingdom started to expand c.1810. it is thus too simplistic to talk about tensions between the kambata and the hadiya just in a general sense. the situation has been more complex than that. in fact, the kambata peoples in many cases complemented the products of the semi-nomadic hadiya through their skilled farming techniques.7 the good agricultural conditions in the kambata/hadiya region led to a population density up to more than 300 per square km. many conflicts in the region were due to scarcity of land. this was also the case in the conflicts along the southern borderland to wollamo.8 early missionary ventures, revivals and schisms the sudan interior mission (sim) started its work in the wollamo (wolayta) region in 1928 and among the hadiya around hosanna in the kambata/hadiya region in 1929.9 in 1933 a station was built in durame among the kambata. the missionaries were forced to leave the two regions due to the italian occupation in 1936 (kambata/hadiya region) and in 1937 (wollamo region). when they left ethiopia in 1937-38 just ten converts from the kambata/hadiya region had been baptized by the sim missionaries. another twenty had been baptized by ethiopians.10 when the sim missionaries resettled in wollamo (1945) and in kambata/hadiya (1946), they recognized that in the meantime there had been a remarkable church growth of approximately 15,000 baptized members (adults), in what i hereafter call “the wollamo church”, and approximately 10,000 in 4see below, map 3, p.3. in 1977-87 the region was called “the kambata/hadiya awraja”. from 1987 it belonged to the so-called “southern shoa”. negussie 1988, pp.109, 119. today the area belongs to “the hadiya zone” and “the kembata, alaba, tembaro zone” in the wider “southern nations, nationalities and peoples’ region” (snnp), or just “region 7”. constitution of the federal democratic republic of ethiopia (fdre) article 47, 1994.12.08. 5braukämper 1980, pp.202ff.; 1983, pp.51ff., 61ff., 81, 294ff. the terms kambata in a “narrow sense” and the “kambata proper”, are used for the kambata living around the mountain of ambaricho, in contrast to the three kambata groups with origins from sidama. 6characteristically the districts of the kec, the kec-2 and the kambata synod were originally called sebats, that is, “sevens”. see below, pp.5, 9, 11-15, 17-18, 20-22. 7ibid. 8braukämper 1983, pp.10, 61ff., 70, 294. 9wolayta is from 1976 the name for the former sidamo sub-province of wollamo. before this year i use the latter name. ethiopian herald 1976.03.10. 10italy invaded ethiopia in october 1935. by “the italian occupation” i mean the time, from the fall of addis abeba in may 5, 1936 until may 5, 1941 when the emperor returned to addis abeba. marcus 1994, pp.147ff.; prouty 1994, pp.181ff. grenstedt, “ministry of qes gudina tumsa in the kambata/hadiya region” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 51 the kambata evangelical church.11 these remarkable revivals were led by indigenous ethiopian christians in the densely populated regions in southern ethiopia.12 after the return of the sim missionaries in 1946, however, there occurred schisms within the kec. in 1951 a group of seventeen churches broke away from the kec. in 1952 the two dissenting groups were reconciled. again, in 1954 another group broke away. it is this latter group i identify as the independent kec-2. 11counting 100 members a church. cotterell 1973, pp.27ff., 170; braukämper 1983, p.103; balisky 1997, p.190; duff 1980, pp.243, 327. when speaking of baptised members, it should be remembered that the sim did not acknowledge the eoc baptism. a number of the converts were thus “rebaptised”, from an eoc point of view. sg-a: lundgren to grenstedt 1995.06.25. 12the revivals in southern ethiopia and in wollega under and after the italian occupation support the theory that the main agents of africa’s christianisation were the africans. see sundkler 1987, pp.75ff.; sundkler & steed 2000, pp.2f.; walls and bediako in bediako 1995 pp.204ff. ; ogbu u. kalu quoted in verstraelen 1996, p.325; see below, p.64. a pertinent example in southern ethiopia is the wolayta evangelists. balisky 1997. grenstedt, “ministry of qes gudina tumsa in the kambata/hadiya region” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 52 evangelical church formation as hinted above, annual conferences called the conferences of ethiopian evangelical churches (ceec) were arranged by ethiopian evangelicals from various parts of ethiopia in 1944-63.13 they were signs of the ecumenical climate, which prevailed among ethiopian evangelicals after the italian occupation. owing mainly to later missionary influences, causing a growing denominationalism, the importance of the ceec decreased. in 1957 the sim-affiliated groups stopped attending the ceec meetings in addis abeba. this is a clear indication that the ethiopian evangelical movements went in different directions.14 instead of firmly establishing one united ethiopian evangelical church (“eec”) or a federation of ethiopian evangelical churches, the road to establish confessional churches was set. the evolving ethiopian evangelical church mekane yesus, which traces its roots via the ceec to the “evangelical pioneers” from the 19th century and to even earlier influences, established itself in 1959.15 sim missionaries and sim-related churches, like the kec and the wollamo church, met in may 1956 and founded “the fellowship of evangelical believers” (feb). the feb, which from its inception had a doctrinal statement, started to meet annually and was later joined by churches connected to the baptist general conference mission.16 the fellowship of evangelical believers was registered with the ethiopian government in 1964.17 from 1969 the name “the kale hiywot churches” (khc) began to be used by members of sim-related churches.18 the presbyterian bethel church, which was initiated by the american united presbyterian mission (aupm), preserved its ethiopian evangelical legacy and attended the ceec until 1963. in 1974 it became a part of the eecmy.19 a common experience, which both the eecmy and the khc share as the two dominant evangelical churches in ethiopia, is a long-felt critique from the venerable eoc.20 the kec-2 evolves as a new local independent church as will be recalled, ato biru dubale was the strong leader in the early wollamo church. his “new” indigenous church in wollamo started to grow when it received financial support from the swedish mission bible-true friends (smbv) in 1951. in 1954-55 it comprised approximately thirty to forty congregations.21 the norwegian lutheran mission (nlm) policy of paying salaries attracted kec members and generated discussions between the kec and the sim. even if an agreement was reached between the nlm and the sim in 1953, the situation was still tense. the presence of the seventh day adventists (sda) in nearby shashamene, and its intensified contacts in the region, and the ethiopian orthodox church’s (eoc) attitude towards evangelicals, did not improve ecclesiastical relations. to use an understatement: religious dynamics inside the region were complex in 1953.22 13the kec took part in the annual conferences of the ceec held in addis ababa in 1947, 1948, 1952, 1955 and 1956 but not in 1949. see grenstedt 2000, p.89. 14grenstedt 2000, pp.89ff., 121ff. 15by “even earlier influences”, i.e., the 17th century peter heyling. arén 1978, pp.34ff., 409ff. 16pb-a: minutes of meeting held at s.i.m. headquarters, a.a. on 21st may, 1956; fargher 1996, p.301, n.6. in amharic it is referred to as “b’wengeil amanyotch andinet”. sg-a: balisky to grenstedt 1994.02.17; cotterell refers to it as “andinnet”. cotterell 1973, p.164. 17balisky 1997, p.256. 18in 1974 all the sim-related churches agreed on the name the kale hiywot churches, translated as “the word of life churches”. in feb.1994 no official recognition had been received from the government. sg-a: balisky to grenstedt 1994.02.17. in 1971 a crucial decision on forming a denomination with this name was made according to fargher 1996, p.301. 19eecmy-a: inception, p.3, n.d. (1982). 20movements inside the eoc have often had more positive relations with evangelicals than official attitudes may indicate. arén 1978, pp.13ff., 409f.; see grenstedt 2000, pp.220f. 21pedersen (aasebø rønne) 1989, pp.103ff., 108f.(danish). 22grenstedt 2000, pp.88ff.; 106f. grenstedt, “ministry of qes gudina tumsa in the kambata/hadiya region” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 53 a discontented group in the kec reacted against the kec’s sharpened discipline on drinking since 1953. it looked at the church of ato biru dubale, and in 1953 several deputations from “kambata” visited the nlm center in sidamo and asked for an alliance. they were, however, let down by the norwegians, who were more concerned about comity principles than the smbv.23 it seemed as if the new dissenting group in the kec was very concerned with gaining an outside supporter. it was pressed from two sides: the kec (sim) and the eoc. it understood that it could hardly survive on its own and was discussing “. . . how to obtain the missionaries who could support their work”.24 it was this discontented groupthat i identify as the evolving kambata evangelical church 2. it had its strongholds around dodoba, close to mt. shonkolla, and in mishgida (durame), close to mt. ambaricho. two of its early leaders were men of some wealth: ato mersha tesema from the dodoba area and ato ashebo wolecho, a coffee trader from mishgida . ato mersha was active in connection with the addis ababa mekane yesus (aamy) reconciliation attempt of the kec in 1952. furthermore, he presented a letter to the emperor on religious freedom. he obviously mastered amharic and became the new spokesman of the kec-2.25 the sim-related churches had probably received special invitations to the 1955 ceec to discuss and decide on a federation among evangelicals in ethiopia. this was also in the interest of the evolving kec-2. the determined preparations of this dissenting group in 1954 to attend the 1955 ceec in addis abeba under the leadership of ato mersha, as a church in its own right separated from the kec, marks the final split within the kec and the birth of the kec-2. the kec-2 primarily reacted against the kec (sim) foreign cultural pressure on drinking, that is on ethos, otherwise it was very similar to the kec. moreover, it was founded in africa, by africans,and primarily for africans. the kec-2 had the characteristics of a local african independent church fighting for its cultural freedom.26 after breaking away from the sim-related kec, the kec-2 found a platform in the ceec from 1955 onwards. when the eecmy was founded in 1959, one of the big challenges of this church was how to relate to the kec-2. describing its engagement in the kec-2 as a “home mission”, the eecmy deliberately bypassed missionary comity principles and involved itself in the kambata/hadiya region.27 in 1962 the kambata home mission program (khmp) was launched. it was mainly financed by the lutheran world federation (lwf). the kec-2 gained a new status as the kambata synod in the eecmy in 1969 and the finnish missionary society (fms) became its supporting mission. the kambata synod changed its name to the south central ethiopia synod (sces) in 1977. it was later amended to the south central synod (scs) in c.1983.28 23sem-a: tausjø to lundgren/arén 1953.09.27 (norwegian). not all the nlm missionaries shared the view of dr m. tausjø, that is, to discard the kambata petitions for help. sg-a: lundgren to grenstedt 1995.06.25. 24mys-a: beredo bekalo 1990, p.12. grenstedt 2000, p.81. 25ga-a: ceec minutes 1955, list of delegates; sg-a: tarekegn adebo o.i.1995.07.26. the strongest “sevens” in the kec-2 were later on dodoba and abonsa. see grenstedt 2000, pp.150, 164ff., 169, 185, 191. on ato mersha, see grenstedt 2000, pp.102, 106; sg-a: donald to grenstedt 1998.06.15. peter refers to ato mersha as a neftanya. peter 1999, p.345. 26sundkler 1961, pp.38ff.; turner 1968, pp.22f. see grenstedt 2000, pp.23ff.,110, 114ff., 128. on cultural freedom as part of human rights, see tergel, 1998. 27just like in colonies in africa and in other continents “spheres of interest” or “comity areas”, i.e., areas which the missionaries considered belonged to a special mission and where other missions were supposed not to work were discussed and clarified among missionaries in ethiopia. ethiopia of course was not a colony but an independent country. 28from 1984 the english name of the fms is the finnish evangelical lutheran mission (felm). forslund 1993, p.60. throughout this study i indicate translations of quotations etc. from an original source in amharic, danish, finnish, german, norwegian and swedish by putting this language in brackets after the source, e.g. (amharic). these translations have been done by myself, except from the finnish language in part iv, where i have translated from swedish to english. grenstedt, “ministry of qes gudina tumsa in the kambata/hadiya region” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 54 the eecmy’s “home mission” in the kambata/hadiya region ethiopian evangelical solidarity in practice the eecmy executive committee was called at short notice for its second meeting on june 12, 1961. the main issue was to discuss and come to a final decision on questions relating to the kec-2. the four founding synods of the eecmy were represented by eight men. in addition to the five eecmy church officers, qes badima yalew had been invited as a guest.29 the history of the kambata churches was presented to the eecmy executive committee in four ways: 1. the eecmy president, ato emmanuel gebre selassie, gave a short introduction on developments from 1947 to 1961. these concerned the conflicts in the kec and the kambata churches’ petitions to the ceec and to the eecmy. the final decision on how to relate to the kec-2 was now going to be made, he declared. 2. the report of the special commission to kambata was handed out to the executive committee’s delegates and read, probably by ato amare mamo. he was the only one of the special commission attending the meeting.30 3. the ceec minutes from 1947 to 1961 were read in short. 4. qes badima yalew was asked to speak on what he knew of the matter. this was the background given to the executive committee to act upon. qes badima and ato emmanuel were indeed the right men to relate the history of the ceec contacts with the kambata churches. the written report of the special commission to kambata provided a fresh illustration of the situation. the eecmy presentation provided an elaborate basis for decision-making. the importance of the ceec legacy to the eecmy was highlighted by the reading of the ceec minutes since 1947. this was the first year of kec attendance at the ceec.31 the links of the eecmy leaders to the ceec, which the kambata churches were part of, were spelled out by this elaborate indigenous ethiopian presentation. the main decision of the eecmy executive committee was to help the kec-2 “according to its capacity” and to approve of a provisional budget for this purpose. another decision was to call some church leaders from the kec-2 to addis abeba for education in church administration and an introduction to the constitution of the church. the executive committee delegates were also encouraged to take a copy of the budget and try to find support for it in their synods.32 lastly the delegates unanimously decided to inform the sim of the eecmy decision to help the kec-2 according to its petition. this was the final step in a row of decisions taken on by the kec-2 since the eecmy general assembly in january 1961. the process of decision-making described above shows what a delicate and challenging question the kec-2’s application for membership was to the eecmy. in fact, it dominated the eecmy second executive committee totally. by this decision in june 1961, the eecmy character of an autonomous all-ethiopian church was reinforced. the somewhat adventurous decision by the kec-2 rekindled the ceec legacy of an enthusiastic ethiopian evangelical solidarity in the eecmy. the 29ga-a: eecmy executive committee minutes 1961.06.12, pp.54-55, §62-53 to §66-53 (amharic) is referred to in this section unless indicated by footnotes. 30the “special commission” of the eecmy in april 1961 consisted of three persons elected to an eecmy delegation: ato amare mamo, qes gamachu danu and ato zacheus edamo. they were instructed to study the main cause of the conflict in the kambata churches and the situation in the kec-2, and bring a report to the eecmy church officers. grenstedt 2000, pp.140ff. 31see grenstedt 2000, pp.89ff. 32a draft for a budget had already been prepared. at once the wollo-tigré synod enthusiastically was prepared to support the project with e$ 300 (!). grenstedt, “ministry of qes gudina tumsa in the kambata/hadiya region” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 55 caution among eecmy leaders, which had been generated by missionary comity since the ceec in 1956 and onwards, was now definitely on the decline. ato emmanuel gebre selassie links kambata with geneva ato emmanuel gebre selassie was a key person in the ceec and in the aamy. in 1952 he had been sent to hosanna by the ceec on a reconciliation mission to the kambata churches.33 at the lwf/commission on world mission’s (cwm) annual meeting in berlin july/august 1961 he, as the first ethiopian ever, gave the eecmy “field report” on ethiopia. he did it in the capacity of one of the six “members” of the lwf/cwm and as the chairman of “the ethiopia committee”.34 ato emmanuel was indeed the right person to present the eecmy program on kambata to the lwf. the minutes speak for themselves: upon recommendation of the ethiopia committee, cwm, resolved a) that cwm encourage the evangelical church – mekane yesus in its plan of assistance to the kambata christians; b) that cwm refer to the budget committee the request for $ 14,800 for 1962 . . . .35 this sum was altered to $ 13,754, “. . . taking into consideration local contributions of $ 1,000 . . .” it was included in the 1962 lwf/department of world mission (dwm) program budget as an expenditure called “educational program, kambata, ethiopia 13,754.00”.36 this meant that the eecmy request for the home mission program 1962, which in ethiopian was $36,885, had been approved by the lwf/cwm.37 the detailed budget of the kambata program had the following structure:38 1. evangelist training center (12 months) e$ 16,875. 2. elementary school. elementary school boarding 7,400. 3. six scholarships debre zeit 1,800. 4. bible school (12 students) 7,210. 5. teacher-adviser (300x12) 3,600. first year needs e$ 36,885. with this budget, one of the fundamental sim-principles applied in the kambata/hadiya region, i.e., not to pay for ethiopian indigenous enterprises with foreign money, was abandoned.39 salaries for an adviser, two pastors, two teachers, and guardians had been included in the budget for 1962.40 there had not been much discussion in the eecmy on this change of principles in the kambata/hadiya region, in addition to the deliberations prepared by schaefer and lundgren.41 they had posed the question on how to provide help “. . . without destroying the self-governing, self-propagating, self-supporting nature of the christians already there.”42 when discussing church-mission relations 33on ato emmanuel gebre selassie’s reconciliation mission, see grenstedt 2000, pp.118ff., 124. 34lwf-a: lwf/cwm minutes 1961, pp.2, 10. 35lwf-a: lwf/cwm minutes 1961, p.27. 36lwf-a: lwf/cwm, pp.46, 49. 37the exchange rate used at this time was 2.5, i.e., the ethiopian $ (birr) was worth 40 us cents. ullendorf 1965, p.206. u$ 14,800 x 2.5 = e$ 37,000. 38ga-a: suggested budget, n.d., u.s. (1961 lundgren); see grenstedt 2000, pp.166f., appendix iv. 39cotterell 1973, pp.70ff. ethiopians were employed by the sim in e.g. the sim school and bible-school in durame called “taza”, but this was looked upon as a sim enterprise not to be mixed up with the indigenous enterprises of the kec. sga: teferi sendabo o.i.1995.05. 30. on the sim “parallel structure”, see grenstedt 2000, p.58, pp.223ff. 40the budget was broken down in three parts under the heading: “budget estimate”. ga-a: suggested budget, n.d., u.s.; see grenstedt 2000, appendix iv. 41dr. schaefer and rev. lundgren had prepared a four page paper to the eecmy church officer’s 9 may 1961 with the title: a program of help to the people of kambata. see grenstedt 2000, pp.144 ff.; appendix iii. 42see grenstedt 2000, appendix iii, p.3. grenstedt, “ministry of qes gudina tumsa in the kambata/hadiya region” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 56 concerning the eecmy on an earlier occasion, rev. lundgren was anxious not to build a church that would depend on mission budget. all churches and schools should be built by congregations, and all workers should be employed and salaried directly by the church. this was what lundgren opted for, but the principles should be used wisely.43 it seems that there was neither enough time nor enough interest for such a discussion in the eecmy, when it came to the point. here again the eecmy leaders acted pragmatically and with an ethiopian purpose. from now on, ethiopians would pay salaries to ethiopians with foreign funds in the kec-2. a picture of the kec-2 in 1961 in 1961 the kec-2 had been on its own as an independent church for eight years.44 as a whole, it still was very similar to the kec except on its teaching on moral and traditional issues.45 polity: the kec-2 consisted of five “sevens” (districts). the two strongest were the dodoba “seven” with ato zelleke luke’s congregation in hawora, and the abonsa “seven” with ato ashebo wolecho’s congregation in mishgida. the endara congregation north of hosanna in the lemu “seven” and the sorgago congregation in the soro “seven” were places of interest, too.46 four times a year, baptisms were held at quarterly meetings.47 these meetings can be compared to kinds of kec-2 “general assemblies”. the kec-2 was heavily dependent on local elders. the model was conservative and authoritarian. worship: as there were almost no church buildings, the services were held in private homes and thus became dependent on the good-will of the house-owner/house-elder.48 singing and prayer in local indigenous manner dominated kec-2 services and liturgy. doctrine: when the link to the eecmy became stronger in 1961, the interest in following eecmy practices on baptism increased among kec-2 leaders. but as no mission or the “eec”/eecmy had yet come to the kambata/hadiya region to teach the kec-2, and as the educational level of the kec2 elders and leaders was very low, three years of schooling or less, not much teaching was accomplished in the church. instead, the legacy of the sim, where confession was emphasised in connection with the sacraments, still lingered in 1961. the kec-2 form of baptism was immersion in a river and a baptisand was expected to profess “. . . jesus christ as his personal savior publicly . . . .”49 then he also became a communicant. because liberalism on moral issues was common, the kec-2’s legacy of public confession became formalistic and confusing. the contradiction between profession and practice made the kec-2 vulnerable. ethos: the kec-2 attitude on drinking and polygamy was liberal. ecumenism: at a national level, the kec-2 delegates had been attending each ceec in addis abeba from 1955 to 1961. the ceec at this time functioned as a lifeline of moral support to the kec-2 but the ceec representatives did not involve themselves actively in the kambata/hadiya region. since 1961 the kec-2 was happily aware of an increasing support from the eecmy. ato zelleke and ato 43lundgren 1960, pp.189f. (swedish). 44this section refers to ga-a: amare may 1961 unless indicated by footnotes; see grenstedt 2000, appendix ii. 45see abebe bushero’s argument above, p.128; km-a: hodges to donald 1960.07.18. 46the dodoba “seven” was a middle-ground, where kambata and hadiya ethnic borders met. according to one of my maps, the shonkolla mt. was situated inside the dodoba “seven”. it would be too simplistic to refer to this “seven” as only kambata. mp-a: palmu 1977; see grenstedt 2000, p.51, pp.164, 219. 47ga-a: amare may 1961, p.2; see grenstedt 2000, appendix ii, p.2. 48ga-a: djalatta 1966.01.21. 49ga-a: amare may 1961, p.3; see grenstedt 2000, appendix ii, p.3. grenstedt, “ministry of qes gudina tumsa in the kambata/hadiya region” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 57 ashebo and others met with aamy elders in addis abeba on january 18, 1961. this was the final step of the kec-2 open acceptance by the eecmy.50 in april 1961, the eecmy special commission to kambata visited all five “sevens” of the kec2. in june, when the eecmy support to the kec-2 received official status, six elders were invited to come to addis abeba in july to study the eecmy constitution and church administration.51 these things were anticipation of what was to come, and filled the kec-2 leaders with optimism. at the local level, the kec-2 leaders’ opinions of the sim and the kec were critical. the kec-2 felt discriminated against. size: in 1961 the kec-2 claimed to have twenty congregations in each one of the five “sevens” and a membership of 25,000. this was probably a huge exaggeration as 100 congregations normally would be estimated to approximately 10,000 members.52 50the eecmy second general assembly was jan.18-22, 1961. ga-a: ceec 1961, pp.37f. 51ga-a: eecmy church officers’ minutes, p.57, §73-53, hamle 12, 1953 e.c. (july 1961, amharic); eecmy church officers’ minutes, p.59, introduction, pagume 3, 1953 e.c. (sept.1961, amharic). 525 x 20 x 100 = 10,000 using “the rule of thumb”. see grenstedt 2000, p.67. map 1: the kec-2 five “sevens” in 1961 [approximate scale 1:1,000,000] grenstedt, “ministry of qes gudina tumsa in the kambata/hadiya region” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 58 qes gudina tumsa’s contribution in the kambata/hadiya region the double strategy of the eecmy the framework of the kambata evangelical church 2 (kec-2) since 1962 was the ethiopian evangelical church mekane yesus (eecmy) with its four synods and church officersofficers in addis abeba. in 1962 the eecmy developed what i call a “double strategy” in its contact with the kec-2.53 one part of the strategy was to release qes gudina tumsa from the shoa and eastern wollega synod (nakamte) for some time and make use of his talents in the kec-2. his task was to integrate the independent church kec-2 as a synod of the eecmy. this was a primary concern of the eecmy strategy. the other part of the strategy was to ask ato zacheus edamo to leave the wollo -tigré synod and be appointed to the local kambata home mission program (khmp)as executive secretary in the kambata hadiya region. his task was to implement various indigenous eecmy projects in kec-2 within the khmp budget. the process of communication between the kec-2 and the different eecmy representatives would prove vital for the future. in this next part i will follow developments from 1962 to 1964 on the basis of eecmy minutes. qes gudina tumsa’s attempt at integrating the kec-2 into the eecmy 1963 as has been mentioned earlier, the eecmy already in july 1961 had begun to educate kec-2 elders in church administration and in the eecmy constitution in accordance with the eecmy executive committee’s resolution in june 1961. this indicates an interest from the eecmy side to integrate the kec-2 as a synod from the very start of the more active eecmy support.54 53“double strategy” is not an eecmy expression but seems to have been the way followed. 54ga-a: eecmy church officers’ minutes, p.59, pagume 3, 1953 e.c. (sept.1961, amharic). see above, p.6. photo 1: qes gudina tumsa, photo by leif gustavsson, upsala grenstedt, “ministry of qes gudina tumsa in the kambata/hadiya region” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 59 a year later, in 1962, qes gudina tumsa paid a first visit to the kambata/hadiya region and met with kec-2 elders.55 accordingly, the link between qes gudina and the kec-2 leadership was already well established when, in november 1962, the eecmy church officers wrote a letter and asked the shoa and eastern wollega synod to send him to the kec-2 for a longer period of time.56 qes gudina proved to be an excellent person to bring trustworthy information on local developments to the eecmy church officers and, above all, to start the integration of the kec-2 into the eecmy. in february 1963 he went to the kambata/hadiya region with the view to prepare the kec-2 for its integration as a synod into the eecmy. as aforementioned, this integration was the primary concern of the eecmy with regard to the kec-2. the khmp was meant to serve this purpose, too. 57 qes gudina tumsa was from boji in wollega, born in 1929. he had been working as the first indigenous pastor in nakamte since his ordination in 1958. he was a strong preacher referred to as “our billy graham” by ato emmanuel gebre selassie. with the mishgida center in the abonsa “seven” as his base, qes gudina started his new venture, which would go on for about six months.58 the charisma of the tall qes gudina, when teaching and preaching, made a strong impression on kec elders. but they (and kec-2 christians) were confused because he smoked a pipe. they were told that he had been advised by his doctor to smoke due to health reasons.59 apparently the theological paradigm of qes gudina and the sim ethos on “worldly practices” differed on this point.60 after three weeks, on march 9, 1963, he returned to addis abeba, where a “special session” with the eecmy church officersofficers was arranged. qes gudina gave a short report on how kec-2 congregations were starting to “establish themselves” and arrange their work “properly”, as he put it. qes gudina presented a plan on how congregations should be organized and the work be directed.61 his ambition was to visit as many congregations as possible in all the “sevens” and teach eecmy doctrine and worship. his idea on polity was to organize the small kec-2 congregations into larger units. thus the dominance of the house-fathers in the family-based churches of the kec-2 would be broken, and a more democratic system, similar to the eecmy model, would be introduced. he also aimed to introduce a synod structure of eecmy model in the kec-2.62 the kec-2 elders speak their mind qes gudina was accompanied to addis abeba by a delegation of elders from the five “sevens” of the kec-2.63 they were angry and disappointed with the current development of the khmp because of two reasons. one was that the eecmy school was built in mishgida, close to durame south of mt. ambaricho. the other was that they felt forgotten by the eecmy as a partner. they asked “. . . why don´t you ask us for advice, when you give your support?”64 55ga-a: eecmy church officers’ minutes, p.83, §75-54, hamle 10, 1954 e.c. (july 1962, amharic); see eecmy general assembly minutes 1963, p.52, the president’s address. 56ibid. 57ga-a: eecmy church officers’ minutes, p.89, §21-55, hedar 10, 1955 e.c. (nov.1962, amharic); eecmy church officers’ minutes, p.100, yekatit 30, 1955, e.c. (1963.03.09 amharic); see above, p.10. 58mys-a: beredo bekalo 1990, pp.19ff.; sæverås 1974, p.138; bakke 1987, p.173; sæverås 1992, p.30; ga-a: arén 1972, p.10. 59sg-a: yacob baffa o.i.1997.06.23; teferi sendabo o.i.1993.09.02. 60on sim view on “worldly practices” see grenstedt 2000, pp.57, 83 et.al. 61ga-a: eecmy church officers’ minutes, p.100, a special session on kambata 1963.03.09 (yekatit 30, 1955, e.c. amharic, english). 62ibid.; ga-a: djalatta 1966.01.21, p.6; see mys-a: beredo bekalo 1990, pp.19ff. 63ga-a: eecmy church officers’ minutes, p.100, a special session on kambata, 1963.03.09 (yekatit 30, 1955, e.c. amharic, english). the following section is based on this source unless indicated by footnotes. 64ibid. grenstedt, “ministry of qes gudina tumsa in the kambata/hadiya region” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 60 the elders, except for the one from the abonsa “seven”, maintained that there had been an agreement in the kec-2 to build a school in dodoba, northwest of ambaricho. the elders explained that they had not wanted to bring this matter up before, as they “. . . did not want to oppose the man, whom the eecmy had chosen and sent.” now, however, was the time to take an “authorised letter” from “the five sevens” of the kec-2, asking for a bible school and a synod center to be established in dodoba.65 as we saw above, the two strongholds in the kec-2 were the abonsa “seven” and the dodoba “seven”. the eecmy general assembly, held in january 1963, had resolved to buy a “centrally located plot of land” in the kambata/hadiya region. the kec-2 elders then wanted to challenge the eecmy on that decision.66 in fact, dodoba is situated in the center of the region and, in 1963, was in the actual center of the kec-2. some of the elders obviously meant that dodoba ought to become the center of the synodto-be. this kec-2 approach to the eecmy was an important event. it was in fact a demonstration of its local legacy of independence, with links to ambaricho and shonkolla. the kec-2 elders wanted to reestablish a direct contact with the church officers of the eecmy to regain their authority with regard to the khmp representative.67 after all, the real leaders of the kec-2 were the elders. they had been accustomed to attending the ceec meetings since 1955 and to consulting the eecmy directly. qes gudina obviously was in favor of the direct approach of the kec-2 elders to the eecmy. he understood that his plan on integration would not be successful, if it did not get the support of the majority of the kec-2 elders. what is illustrated here is a failure of the eecmy in its early communication with the kec-2 on at least two points: 1. the eecmy church officersofficers neglected the importance of a direct contact with the kec-2 elders instead of unilateral contacts with their own khmp representative. this made the kec-2 elders frustrated. 2. the relation between the khmp “director,” ato zacheus, and the kec-2 elders had not been sufficiently spelled out by the eecmy. thus, ato zacheus did not base his decisions on proper consultations with the kec-2 elders. the eecmy’s lack of communication had brought the kec-2 elders to addis abeba. as an “outsider” qes gudina sensed their disappointment. now the kec-2 elders used qes gudina as a spokesman in an indigenous kec-2 effort to get things sorted out with the eecmy church officersofficers. i identify their interaction as a test of ethiopian evangelical solidarity. restructured congregations qes gudina’s option provided a comprehensive attitude towards his attempt to integrate the kec-2 into the eecmy. he returned to the kambata/hadiya region together with the kec-2 elders. soon after, he set up a team in order to implement his plan to reconstruct the kec-2 into a less family-dominated form and to introduce democracy in accordance with the eecmy constitution and by-laws.68 the team was led by qes gudina himself. ato tamru segaro was used as his interpreter, as qes gudina spoke amharic and not any of the local languages. he could not use his own mother tongue, oromiffa. ato marqos gobebo from dodoba, and the evangelist of the abonsa “seven”, ato mattheos dattago, were the other members of the team. ato zacheus was just an outside supporter.69 65ibid. 66grenstedt 2000, p.158; see above p.8. 67eecmy-a: meeting on kambata, schaefer 1963.03.09. 68the section below is based on ga-a: djalatta 1966.01.21; mys-a: beredo bekalo 1990, pp.19f.; sæverås 1992, pp.50f. 69ga-a: djalatta 1966.01.21, p.6. ato mattheos is the father of dr. misgana mattheos, teacher at egst and mys in 2011. grenstedt, “ministry of qes gudina tumsa in the kambata/hadiya region” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 61 an ambitious visiting program was arranged in order to preach, teach on the eecmy constitution, and rearrange the kec-2 at the local level. the five “sevens” were visited in turn. however, neither the effort to rearrange the kec-2 “family churches” into larger units was a success, nor the socalled “organisation” of the “sevens” into eecmy parishes.70 as already mentioned, the kec-2 congregations usually met in ordinary houses or huts. the house-father accordingly had a strong influence on the congregation, which he was not willing to discard. if a so-called “proper” church was built outside his land and a new set of elders was chosen, he and his colleagues might risk losing their influence. it seems as if the team members had to abandon the idea of bringing smaller congregations together, owing to a stubborn resistance to this enterprise. instead they concentrated on rearranging the kec-2 at a higher level.71 a synod structure in april and august 1963 qes gudina arranged two conventions where he tried to apply a synod structure to the kec-2. at the first “synod assembly” at mishgida in april (miazia 17-19), the purpose was to introduce the constitution and by-laws of the shoa and eastern wollega synod in the kec-2, and to elect a president and a secretary.72 from the sources available, i identify three administrative levels of a kind of “eecmy set-up”:73 1. a “synod assembly” with two representatives from all the congregations in the kec-2 was the wider base. the number of delegates could amount to approximately eighty delegates. 2. an executive committee, consisting of five church officers plus eight other delegates. it was called: “the board of the kambata church”. 3. the kec-2 conventions first elected three church officers, who soon were extended to five.74 the first church officers of the kec-2 were the following: president ato tamru segaro abonsa “seven” mishgida vice-president ato zelleke luke dodoba “seven” hawora general sec. ato marqos gobebo dodoba “seven” dodoba assistant sec. ato wondafresh selato lemu “seven” endara treasurer ato erjabo handiso dodoba “seven” dinika we note that the stronger “sevens” dodoba (3), abonsa (1), and lemu (1) were represented among the church officers. qes gudina’s interpreter ato tamru, who was the best educated of the five men, was elected president. most of the church officers were probably of kambata origin, but as already mentioned, dodoba created a middle ground for both kambata and hadiya. dinika, for example, is close to mt. shonkolla. ethnic borders were less strict in such areas and sometimes even hard to define. according to my sources, ato erjabo handiso’s father, for example, was kambata but his mother hadiya. ato erjabo speaks both 70ibid.; eecmy-a: gudina tumsa, nehase 6, 1955 e.c. (aug.1963, amharic). 71in june 1971, when commenting on the situation in the kambata synod, qes gudina states that special efforts are needed to pull small congregations together. this needs careful study, a good deal of propaganda and money, he maintains. gaa: gudina tumsa, june 1971. 72eecmy-a: gudina tumsa, nehase 6, 1955 e.c. (aug.1963, amharic). 73ga-a: ezra jan.1965, p.1; felm-a: ojanperä 1967.09.30-11.21, p.27 (finnish); ga-a: djalatta may 1965, p.1; mys-a: beredo bekalo 1990, pp.20f.; see felm-a: kambata synod 1st convention 1971.02.12-14, list of delegates. this section refers to these sources unless indicated. 74ato tamru and ato marqos were first elected (apr.1963), then ato erjabo (aug.1963). eecmy-a: gudina tumsa, nehase 6, 1955 e.c. (aug.1963, amharic). grenstedt, “ministry of qes gudina tumsa in the kambata/hadiya region” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 62 languages well. from a patriarchal point of view, he is a kambata but one may ask what such a definition really explains. mixed marriages and other close relationships make the picture rather complicated.75 with the new arrangement the kec-2 elders’ desire to regain influence had been satisfied. the outline of an eecmy synod structure had been introduced to the kec-2, at least on paper. from now on, the kec-2 was now and then referred to as “the synod”, by the eecmy.76 the transformation of the kec-2 into an eecmy synod structure had been a very fast process. the rearrangement of the kec-2 congregations into larger units created new tensions. the future would prove how wise the new measures were. ambivalent primary concerns the “double strategy” of the eecmy influenced the kec-2 to a great extent. its primary concern was to integrate the kec-2 into the eecmy synod structure. accordingly, the eecmy strategy favored an integration of the khmp and its “director” into the “new” kec-2, or the so-called “synod”, and under the kec-2 church officers.77 ato zacheus implemented the khmp strategy through the support of various projects. he was a key person in the process of communication between the eecmy and the kec-2. he felt content with his position as “director” of the khmp. it is apposite to suggest that his primary concern was not to reduce his own influence in favor of the newly elected kec-2 church officers. qes gudina’s arrangements for a kec-2 synod model created a new leadership structure in the kec-2. on the one hand, the kec-2 elders were eager to transform the kec-2 into an eecmy synod. on the other hand, the kec-2 had a legacy of a congregation-centered polity and a mobile leadership of elders, which was appreciated by many. thus, qes gudina’s rearrangements were not happily received by all kec-2 members. when he left the kec-2 in the summer of 1963, he left two strong bodies of the kec-2 behind him. one body revolved around the khmp leader ato zacheus and the abonsa “seven”. the other body was the new kec-2 “synod” led by the church officers with a majority of its members from the dodoba “seven”. they were keen to demonstrate the “central” importance of dodoba compared to abonsa. the former body was then expected to coordinate its efforts and projects more closely with the latter. in fact the khmp was subordinate to the kec-2 and its church officers. at that time, there was also a third disappointed “body”, i.e. the elders, who had lost their positions because of qes gudina’s new arrangements. they were “the losers” and fanned the flames of discontent with the new order whenever an opportunity occurred.78 indeed, the eecmy “double strategy” was hard to realize.79 in fact qes gudina’s short, intense campaign opened up an implicit tension. 75grenstedt 2000, pp.25f., 150, n.108; in the 1980’s the dodoba sebaka (“seven”) was divided into two sebakas: the shonkolla sebaka (hadiya) and the ambaricho sebaka (kambata). the division was made mainly along ethnic lines. sg-a: mauranen to grenstedt 2000.06.08. 76eecmy-a: gudina tumsa, nehase 6, 1955 e.c. (aug.1963, amharic); ga-a: djalatta may 1965, p.1. 77the section below is based on the following sources, unless indicated. ga-a: attachment, suggestions for remedying problems in the kambatta program, n.d., u.s. (dec.1964); djalatta may 1965, p.1. 78ga-a: ezra jan.1965, p.3. 79for the expression “double strategy”, see above, p.10. grenstedt, “ministry of qes gudina tumsa in the kambata/hadiya region” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 63 an issue of relevant contextualization the kec-2 was a church that earlier had reacted to pressures from outside. its negative reactions to the kec (sim) were mainly generated by cultural reasons. as already has been mentioned, the kec-2 evolved as an independent church owing to such reasons.80 the problems confronting the eecmy in its realization of its “double strategy” in the kec-2 can be described from different perspectives. one perspective is to describe them as due to a lack of eecmy understanding of the kec-2 context and thus a failure of “contextualization” of the khmp efforts into the kec-2 reality.81 as already mentioned, the young eecmy showed little interest in the “schaefer and lundgren” deliberations, which emphasized a preservation of the kec-2’s indigenous legacy. the shift of principles from not paying salaries from external funds to indigenous work, applied by the sim for years in the kambata/hadiya region, to the opposite, was not carefully assessed by the eecmy.82 the centralized eecmy approach with a dominant khmp leader was foreign to the kec-2 collective polity built on elders. the kec-2 elders may have asked: is it recommendable to let one man employ people and pay their salaries in a fast-expanding program? the idea of collecting money into a centralized budget had been a main reason for the kec split in 1951. when this idea eleven years later came dressed in khmp “clothes”, it did not look much better to the kec-2. why, did the eecmy introduce such a foreign idea anew? the collecting and sending of money to an “unknown” place filled kec-2 christians with suspicion. why, were some prominent people like the khmp “director”, the kec-2 president, and the kec-2 secretary receiving salaries, while others were not? how could someone believe that the kambata/hadiya farmers would support such a foreign idea? the khmp was interested in quick results. the kec-2 procedure was slow and demanded considerable time for discussions. the new synod structure of the kec-2 was furthermore foreign to the kec-2 indigenous ideas. the kec-2 elders were used to a mobile system of meetings, visiting all the “sevens” in turn. the eecmy approach was to make one place, mishgida, a dominating center. this reinforced tensions with other “sevens”, especially with the other kec-2 stronghold dodoba. the eecmy system of a centralized democracy, with five church officers as dominating representatives, brought new ideas too fast into the kec-2 pattern of collective leadership. the kec-2 indigenous leadership with all its shortcomings had the support of the kec-2 elders and ordinary christians. this was hardly the case of the new kec-2 in its “eecmy synod set-up” in 1963.83 roots of new conflicts it seems as if the centralized approach of the eecmy to the kec-2 in 1962-64 and the lack of contextualization were major reasons for the problems generated in the early period of more intense eecmy/kec-2 relationships. one cannot speak of a long-range plan on the part of the eecmy in its 80see above, p. 5; grenstedt 2000, pp.23ff., 108, 123. 81a simple definition of the concept “contextualization” in a mission process is that the sender (e.g. a mission) must pay careful attention to the receiver’s environment and culture, i.e., his “context”, in order to communicate successfully. stress is put on the appreciation and preservation of this context and its indigenous utterances, when conveying the christian message. the importance of this issue in a mission process is dealt with in brief by the lausanne covenant of 1974 (“lc 10”) and more fully by the willowbank consultation (1978): “the consultation approved the principle that all churches must “contextualize” the gospel in order to share it effectively in their own culture.” scherer 1987, pp.167ff., 179; see hallencreutz 1983, pp.127, 145 (swedish); hiebert 1987; bosch 1991, pp.420ff. 82as already mentioned above, rev. schaefer and rev. lundgren had written a report called: “a program of help to the people of kambata”, in which the eecmy attitude to the kec-2 indigenous legacy was discussed. grenstedt 2000, pp.143.ff., appendix iii, pp.279 ff. 83grenstedt 2000, pp.124f., 150f.; ga-a: ezra jan.1965, pp.1ff. the custom of the independent kec-2 was to have monthly and quarterly meetings. the latter alternated between “sevens”. grenstedt, “ministry of qes gudina tumsa in the kambata/hadiya region” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 64 behavior towards the kec-2 in 1962-64. on the contrary, the pace of the eecmy actions seems to have been guided by the lwf budget process. when money was available, eecmy chose a suitable man, ato zacheus, and appointed him the khmp executive secretary. qes gudina was sent to the kec-2 from an unsolved conflict in nakamte on his way to studies abroad.84 he made a concerted effort in the kec-2 and used a model familiar to him, that is, the shoa and eastern wollega synod constitution and by-laws, as a means of reorganizing the indigenous independent kec-2. he was in a hurry as he was going to leave the country. he probably had little time for reflection on the kambata/hadiya context and the kec-2 legacy. the lack of understanding of the kec-2 legacy and its context on the part of the eecmy at this early stage proved to be very negative to the khmp results in 1962-64. the evident problems of communication experienced by the eecmy church officers in their contacts with the kec-2 and local khmp representatives were signs of this lack of contextualization. ato zacheus’s central position and his favoring of the abonsa “seven” were already established when qes gudina started his mission with a view to implement eecmy democracy. his arrangements came both too late and too early. actually, they reinforced an inherent conflict and further dissonance. it is tempting to try to find simple explanations and scapegoats when analyzing conflicts of this kind. this can hardly be done in the complicated framework of the eecmy khmp kec-2 interaction with its various aspects. the idea of the khmp was to bring educational, administrative and spiritual support to the kec-2. furthermore, the eecmy aimed at integrating the kec-2 as one of its synods. yet, the eecmy synods in 1961 and onwards were in fact in need of the same support as the kec-2 when they now enthusiastically were trying to bring it into the eecmy.85 the khmp generated positive results, too. yet there were obvious weaknesses in the eecmy approach to church problems in the kambata/hadiya region. the results of the khmp were not as good as the eecmy had expected. from the autumn of 1964, this state of affairs led the eecmy leaders into a period of analysis and reflection on how to continue its operations in the kambata/hadiya region. the eecmy change of attitude to the khmp can be illustrated by the eecmy reports delivered to the annual cwm meetings of the lwf for the years 1962-64. ato emmanuel abraham proudly describes the eecmy involvement for the year of 1962 in a written report: although the church is a very young church, it has not neglected to initiate its own home mission program. in the kambata area of ethiopia, it has established, with the help of the lwf a home mission program which is directed by the church and has no foreign missionary personnel serving in it. there are no exact figures as to how many are now seeking admittance in the church in this area, but estimates run from 25 to 45,000 individuals. the church has instituted a five-year program during which time it hopes to be able to organise, teach and bring into the church those in kambatta who have declared themselves so interested.86 the new eecmy executive secretary, qes ezra gebremedhin, made the following presentation for the year of 1963: the home mission program of the church in kambatta is proceeding under the leadership of kambata christians. in the year 1963 a synod was organised, a new elementary school completed and a literacy campaign launched.87 the report for the year of 1964, which was presented by qes ezra, did not mention the khmp.88 84grenstedt 2000, pp.153, 166. 85grenstedt 2000, pp.145f. 86lwf-a: lwf/cwm field reports africa 1963, emmanuel abraham, pp.2f. ato emmanuel was not attending the 1963 lwf/cwm in person. lwf-a: lwf/cwm minutes 1963, p.10. 87lwf-a: lwf/cwm field reports africa 1964, ezra gebremedhin, pp.3f. qes ezra gebremedhin was the eecmy executive secretary (general secretary) 1963-66. 88lwf-a: lwf/cwm church reports africa 1965, ezra gebremedhin, pp.2f. grenstedt, “ministry of qes gudina tumsa in the kambata/hadiya region” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 65 a picture of the kec-2 in 1962-63 in 1962 the independent church kec-2 had set out for an unknown destiny. this ethiopian church tried to adapt to an eecmy synod structure. this was especially the aim of some leaders and elders who tried to direct its course. the real dynamics from our point of view, however, were hidden. this part of the kec-2 was not that easy to influence. polity: the transformation of the kec-2 leadership functions, from a more flexible, collective system based on consensus and long discussions to a more centralized administrative system based on democratic principles of majority voting, was introduced by the eecmy pastor in nakamte, qes gudina tumsa. in the spring of 1963, he led an intense campaign that aimed at rearranging the kec-2 according to eecmy patterns. in the summer of 1963, the kec-2 adopted an eecmy synod structure consisting of three administrative levels, hence from now on it was occasionally referred to as the “synod”: • a “synod assembly”, which corresponded to the former quarterly meetings, consisted of two members from each congregation in the kec-2. • an executive committee consisted of the five church officers plus eight others. it was called “the board of the kambata church”. it corresponded to a certain extent to the monthly meetings of the kec-2. • the executive leaders were five men called “church officers”. most of them were from the dodoba “seven”. the president and secretary of the “synod” were paid by khmp budget. the kec-2 five “sevens” were then taught how to adapt to an eecmy parish (sebaka) structure with central administrative functions. these were, however, not easy to implement in the “sevens”. instead tensions between the kec-2 strongholds, the khmp-dominated abonsa “seven” and the dodoba “seven”, increased. the mobile character of the kec-2 leadership structure was challenged by the kec-2 new static center in mishgida. a new class of paid kec-2 church-workers evolved. at a congregational level, the “new” ideas of drawing smaller congregations together after some time met a stubborn and even violent resistance.89 especially strong was the reaction to collect and send away money for common purposes. this was probably due to previous experiences of kec-2 members before the kec re-structure in 1952.90 the efforts of re-structuring the kec-2 polity thus led to two ecclesiastical systems competing for influence in the kec-2 in the summer of 1963: an independent congregation-centered collective kec2 type and a centralized administrative eecmy type. the competition fanned the flames of discontent in an evolving multi-facetted conflict, which was induced by the new khmp budget-system introduced into the kec-2. the tensions generated a big conflict, which shook the kec-2 from the summer of 1963.91 numerous conflicts between elders of smaller congregations were reinforced by former discontented elders, now “losers” in the new system, and the poor examples set by the new kec-2 “synod’s” top leaders ato tamru segaro and ato zacheus edamo.92 worship: the same as in 1961. doctrine: subjective aspects of faith dominated kec-2 doctrine. qes gudina’s teaching was actually the first time ordinary kec-2 christians and local elders were influenced by a systematic eecmy teaching on the sacraments. qes gudina, furthermore, emphasised the necessity to start sunday schools and confirmation classes in the congregations.93 when it was functioning, the bible school 89ga-a: djalatta 1966.01.21, p.6; grenstedt 2000, p.211. 90grenstedt 2000, pp.97, 105. 91ga-a: ezra jan.1965, pp.1ff.; djalatta 1966.01.21, pp.6ff. 92ibid. 93ga-a: djalatta 1966.01.21, p.6; eecmy-a: gudina tumsa, nehase 6, 1955 e.c. (aug. 1963, amharic); grenstedt 2000, p.211. grenstedt, “ministry of qes gudina tumsa in the kambata/hadiya region” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 66 provided traditional basic knowledge in the scriptures, probably augmented with some lutheran doctrine. as the bible school itself was a tool in the conflict, its teaching was not effectual, however. ethos: the kec-2 attitude to drinking and polygamy was liberal. relations to the eecmy: at a national level, the kec-2 elders and “church officers” from 1963 took part in the eecmy general assemblies and executive committee meetings. at the regional level, there was a flow of ethiopian contacts between the kec-2 and the neighboring nlm-related sidamo and gamu gofa synod. scholarships were distributed for education in different institutions. at the local level, the lack of contextualization of the eecmy approach led to strong reactions against the eecmy novelties. this had not been anticipated by the eecmy representatives. size: in 1963 the kec-2 membership was estimated at about 30,000. as in 1961 this was a gross exaggeration.94 there were still five “sevens” in the kec-2. qes gudina tumsa connects fms with the kec-2, 1967-69 after studies at luther seminary in st. paul, minnesota 1963-66, qes gudina returned to ethiopia and served the eecmy as its general secretary from 1966 to 1979.95 with his widening perspectives, he resumed his efforts to support the kec-2 in becoming a synod in the eecmy. heart-searching questions on the continued financing of the kambata home mission program (khmp) and its integration into the kec-2 had forced ato djalatta to begin to contemplate the possibility of the direct involvement of a new missionary agency in the joint eecmy-kec-2 enterprise 94see above, p.9. 95eide, ø., ‘integral human development’, pp.41, 51, in: the life and ministry of rev. gudina tumsa, addis ababa: gudina tumsa foundation, 2003. map 2: the kec-2 five “sevens” in 1963 [approximate scale 1:1,000,000] grenstedt, “ministry of qes gudina tumsa in the kambata/hadiya region” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 67 in the kambata/hadiya region. continued developments resulted in a new venture by the finnish missionary society (fms).96 in africa the fms was hitherto mainly involved in namibia and tanzania. the eecmy with its international connections took the initiative in the contacts with the fms. in this new process, the kec-2 was simply at the receiving end. it is this development that will be the main preoccupation of this part of my paper. in addition to the eecmy minutes, i mainly base my account on primary sources in finnish from the archives of the fms, nowadays called the finnish evangelical lutheran mission (felm).97 the fms arrives in ethiopia on june 5, 1967 the fms general assembly decided to let the fms board make arrangements for the start of a new involvement in ethiopia, but it was not yet fully committed to the kambata/hadiya region.98 when the eecmy prepared the fms survey in ethiopia, it planned to present two options, the kambata/hadiya region and the western wollega synod (wws).99 however, the lwf preferred the fms to choose the first. this is further illustrated by a personal visit paid by dr. hellberg to the region in the rainy season of 1967.100 on august 15, 1967 he was able to report on his visit in the region to the eecmy church officers. in this time, he had actually travelled in the hilly country from durame to hosanna on slippery “roads” mainly on mule, a distance of c.60 km. his guides were qes gudina tumsa and ato djalatta djaffero.101 dr hellberg’s impression was “. . . that hosaena would be a suitable location for a future synod office as well as for the bible school . . . .”102 there were many reasons for this, but communication and light were the two mentioned. astonishingly, according to the eecmy minutes, nothing was said of the khmp centre in mishgida/durame or the consequences for the work when the center was changed from the kambata area to hadiya area. dr hellberg just limited himself to suggesting: . . . that in case the finnish missionary society would undertake the work in kambata, cwm would be in a position to give favourable consideration to the request submitted to cwm/lwf in the five year plan.103 this was a clear message from the lwf to the eecmy. according to the eecmy, the lwf had agreed to support the khmp at the lwf/cwm meeting in april 1967 if a supporting mission was found. in august the fms was explicitly recommended as such a mission.104 a three week trip, october 16 november 7, to ethiopia had been prepared by the eecmy for the fms delegates rev. ojanperä and rev. remes. october 17-23 was set aside for a survey of the 96ato djallata djaffero was the director of the yemissrach dimts literacy campaign from 1962 and was working as secretary of the eecmy “advisory committee” of the khmp from 1965. grenstedt 2000, pp.177ff. 97my mother, margit l. grenstedt, born silfver, has translated felm (fms) material from finnish into swedish. i would like to thank her for this important contribution to my study and for her continuous support! the translations from swedish to english are mine. references to pages in the finnish reports refer to the finnish original. i indicate a source in finnish by writing “(finnish)”. 98felm-a: the fms general assembly minutes 1967.06.05, §13 (finnish). 99felm-a: travel schedule fms, oct.16-nov.7, 1967. 100dr. hellberg was the lwf/dwm secretary of africa. 101ga-a: eecmy church officers’ minutes 1967.08.18; sg-a: c-j. hellberg o.i. 1993.08.20. hellberg humorously speaks of the change in means of transportation, which he often experienced when visiting the countryside: from plane to car and to mule. the group lost its trail in the darkness and rain. hellberg fainted from exhaustion and fell off his mule just before reaching hosanna. 102ga-a: eecmy church officers’ minutes 1967.08.18. 103ibid. 104ga-a: eecmy executive committee, june 1967, president’s report, p.2. grenstedt, “ministry of qes gudina tumsa in the kambata/hadiya region” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 68 kambata/hadiya region, october 24-31 for the wws. one week would be spent in addis abeba, including a meeting with the eecmy church officers on the day before their departure.105 eecmy leaders introduce the kambata/hadiya region to the fms on october 17, 1967 the fms delegation went by plane from addis abeba to hosanna. the eecmy guides were qes gudina and ato djalatta.106 it was stated that one should try to make hosanna the new centerof the church, and the group visited a land-strip “. . . reserved for the administration of the church”. dodoba, which also was visited on the trip, was not considered interesting for a bible school any longer, however.107 there were probably several motives for this new interest in hosanna. as has been indicated, hosanna is a central place for the hadiya ethnic groups, and durame a central place for the kambata ethnic groups. by moving the kec-2 center from mishgida/durame to hosanna it was moved from a kambata centre to a hadiya center. when dr. hellberg in conversation with rev. ojanperä calls hosanna “. . . a neutral place”, this must be understood as “neutral” in respect to the kec-2 “sevens”.108 hosanna was not in the center of the conflicts of the kec-2. in fact the town of hosanna seems to have been more or less an empty spot for the kec-2 in 1967. in 1962 comity questions were more sensitive to the eecmy than later on. in that year it would probably have been complicated to place the kec-2 center in hosanna, close to where the kec/sim center was situated.109 in 1967 the internal tension between the kec-2 “sevens” was a more problematic issue for the eecmy than questions of comity, however. it is likely that the eecmy wanted a new start for the khmp and the fms missionaries to begin in more “neutral” ground outside the spheres of influence of the stronger “sevens” of abonsa and dodoba and their mutual and internal conflicts. these ideas, coupled with the advantages of having a new synod center situated close to the awraja center, became decisive for the choice of hosanna.110 the group continued to the south of the region by plane, via soddu, the capital of wollamo. at the mishgida center, they visited the bible school with its thirteen students. it made a poor impression on the finns. the mishgida school was more impressive with its 450 students. after the stay in the mishgida center, they visited four small congregations in the abonsa “seven”. these were ambo, abonsa, djore, and adilo. then the group returned to addis abeba via shashamene and the nlm agricultural school in wondo.111 the fms delegates meet the eecmy church officers when the fms representatives met the eecmy church officers in addis abeba to discuss the fms engagement in ethiopia, the following persons received them: qes gudina, ato emmanuel gebre selassie, rev. lundgren (sem), and mr. magnar magerøy (nlm). the finnish delegates raised the question of comity as a possible obstacle to working in the kambata/hadiya region.112 they had been told by mr. hodges of the sim that concerning comity regulations the sim: 105felm-a: travel schedule fms, oct 16-nov.7, 1967; see felm-a: spehar to emmanuel 1967.07.17. 106felm-a: ojanperä 1967.09.30-11.21, pp.19-31, 49-54 (finnish). the following section refers to this source unless indicated by footnotes. 107ibid. 108ibid. 109the kec (sim) centre was just outside hosanna. originally in lambuda, then dubancho and bobicho. 110felm-a: ojanperä 1967.09.30-11.21, pp.19-31, p.54 (finnish). 111felm-a: ojanperä 1967.09.30-11.21, pp.19-31, pp.49-54 (finnish). 112felm-a: ojanperä 1967.09.30-11.21, pp.52-54 refers to this section (finnish). grenstedt, “ministry of qes gudina tumsa in the kambata/hadiya region” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 69 . . . did not want to forbid anyone to come, but would on their part go on working on their own. he argued that the comity committee had allotted kambata to the sim. naturally there have been confrontations with other missions.113 the eecmy’s answer to the fms delegates reflects ethiopian independent mentality, which opposed the missionaries’ comity constructions. the finns were accordingly advised “. . . not to bother too much about the sim-work there, as no mission has any special rights to the said area.”114 the goal for the work in kambata was to build a national church. a new missionary society was not needed, but workers sent by the fms, were willing to work “under” the eecmy.115 the immediate need for personnel was further specified: an adviser, with experience from another part of africa, a teacher for the bible school and a builder for a shorter period. it was emphasized that there was need for investments both in personnel and economy in the kambata/hadiya region. rev. ojanperä realized that the eecmy was keen to get the fms engaged in the region.116 there was a certain ambiguity as to what was expected from the fms, however. when confronting the issue of comity raised by the sim, and while talking on integration, it was stressed that the mission was “under” the eecmy and that the missionaries were just co-workers in the church. when it came to concrete expectations, the fms was expected to make a huge input of money and personnel. thus, qes gudina stressed that if the eecmy did not invest in personnel and money as in other synods, one could not expect any better results. ato djalatta, who was not present at the church officers’ meeting, had for his part said that the new five-year plan would be dependent on what the lwf and the fms wanted to do. he hoped that the builder, the adviser, and the teacher would soon arrive.117 it seems that the two men with the closest knowledge of the kec-2, i.e., ato djalatta and qes gudina, had quite a pragmatic view of the fms enterprise in the kambata/hadiya region. others were more concerned with ideology. the words above of not sending a mission to the region and building a national church are vague when considering the specific needs, which had been presented earlier to the fms delegates. they can be specified under the following three headings: 1. spiritual needs: about 80-100 new evangelists were needed for the kec-2. the place of teaching should be in the kambata/hadiya region and it was going to be given on two levels. one for students who had finished the third class, and the other for students who had finished the sixth class. 2. educational needs: hostels were needed in mishgida and in hosanna. the other five “sevens” ought to have a six-grade school of their own. scholarships were needed. a vocational school combined with an agricultural project would be welcome. 3. medical needs: a small hospital with fifteen places was needed, and at least one clinic in each “seven”.118 nothing had been said about who would meet these needs except that the eecmy responsibility had been stressed. it is reasonable to conclude that it was implied that the fms was to supply the budget for the new projects, hopefully together with the lwf. the eecmy leaders knew that the lwf was interested in reducing its involvement in the khmp-project, and the fms delegates must have been realized this by the fms delegates at the 1967 cwm, too.119 according to the fms minutes, though, the 113felm-a: ojanperä 1967.09.30-11.21, p.50 (finnish). grenstedt 2000, pp.87f. 114ibid. 115ibid. 116ibid. 117felm-a: ojanperä 1967.09.30-11.21, pp.53f. (finnish). 118felm-a: ojanperä 1967.09.30-11.21, pp.29-31 (finnish). 119grenstedt 2000, pp.198f. grenstedt, “ministry of qes gudina tumsa in the kambata/hadiya region” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 70 eecmy had agreed with dr. hellberg that the lwf would provide the budget at the initial stage if the finns sent personnel.120 what about the kec-2? according to available sources, the kec-2 kept a low profile during the fms explorations of the kambata/hadiya region. the presentation of the region was made by two oromos qes gudina and ato djalatta. ato geletta wolteji’s name is also mentioned in the fms report.121 in fact, not one person from the kec-2 or one local leader of the region is mentioned by name in the finnish report. in a similar way no one from the kec-2 was present when the fms discussed the kambata/hadiya region with the eecmy church officers. the leader of the kec-2 bible school, ato leggese segaro, obviously was english-speaking as he was a graduate from the mekane yesus seminary. the kec-2 president, ato erjabo handiso, was most certainly around. neither of them is mentioned by name in the finnish report. the short visit by the team to dodoba conveys the impression that this place, which for so long had been planned to be the site for a bible school, was not of special interest any longer. after all, this was the place where the majority of the current kec-2 pastors had been ordained by qes ezra gebremedhin in 1965. then, however, it seems to have been regarded as situated in the middle-ofnowhere.122 was the move of the kec-2 center from durame to hosanna ever properly discussed with the kec-2? or was it just decided at a “higher level”? i suggest that the latter is the case. thinking of the prevailing conflicts in the kec-2, it may have been a wise decision of the eecmy to let the kec-2 representatives keep a low profile in their presentation of the kambata/hadiya region. anyhow, one must admit that it was not an integrated presentation from a kec-2 point of view. it was planned and arranged by eecmy officials on a national level in addis abeba. no strong objection from the kec-2 side on this state of affairs can be traced though. it was then on its way to get a supporting foreign mission. this was the vital issue for the kec-2 in 1967. the fms delegation faces the challenge the fms delegates were challenged by what they had been introduced to in the kambata/hadiya region. they were not to register as a mission, but to start its work as a part of the eecmy. this was very much in line with theological discussions on the integration of missions into the eecmy in ethiopia in 1967.123 the american lutheran mission (alm) signed a document of such an integration with the eecmy and the wollo-tigré synod on may 29, 1966. this was well known to the other synods in 1967. meetings and deliberations concerning the integration of the missions into the eecmy were taking place in 1967-68. the synod presidents and the lutheran mission directors listened to lectures on this subject by ethiopian speakers such as ato emmanuel abraham, qes ezra, qes gudina, and ato djalatta.124 the 120felm-a: ojanperä 1967.09.30-11.21, p.53 (finnish). it is maintained that the eecmy and dr hellberg had agreed that at the initial stage the lwf would provide the budget if the fms provided personnel. this interpretation was questioned by hellberg. felm-a: hellberg to ojanperä 1969.06.11. 121felm-a: ojanperä 1967.09.30-11.21 (finnish). this source refers to this section. 122qes ezra gebremedhin (being the eeecmy general secretary 1963-66) ordained 18 pastors in his “visiting program” from march 3 to april 17, 1965 in the kambata/hadiya region. all the 6 “sevens” were visited as well as 36 congregations. grenstedt 2000, pp.185, 199f. 123felm-a: ojanperä 1967.09.30-11.21, p.54 (finnish). 124sæverås 1974, pp.142-52. missionaries and other foreigners also lectured. grenstedt, “ministry of qes gudina tumsa in the kambata/hadiya region” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 71 fms had the chance to become an early follower of the alm in this respect. this was apparently important to the fms.125 furthermore, the financial engagement of the lwf in the region was regarded as an asset by the fms.126 the decision of the fms in 1968 the groundwork was made for the integrated fms approach in the kambata/hadiya region. parallel arrangements were going on in ethiopia and finland. on april 22, 1968 the fms board decided to start work in the kambata/hadiya region.127 the eecmy leadership welcomed the decision at the eecmy executive committee meeting in june 1968. the eecmy looked forward to welcoming two new missionaries in january 1969.128 at the same meeting of the eecmy executive committee, the kec-2 presented a draft constitution for membership as a synod in the eecmy. this draft was sent to the eecmy synods’ presidents for comments.129 apparently it was still felt necessary to base important decisions on the kec-2 within the four synods. as this new synod would become an important part of the eecmy body with its reported high membership, the kec-2 merger with the eecmy had to be well established among the other synods. qes gudina tumsa reports to the commission on world mission (lwf) at hillerød in denmark in august 1968: . . . the kambata home mission program was one of the areas which has been absorbing much of the attention of the church. the finnish missionary society was invited to come out to assist in this challenging undertaking by the church, and we now rejoice over the fact that our invitation has been accepted by the fms to start work in january 1969. a plan to form a team to organise the kambata congregations in a synod structure is being carried out and it is hoped that the sixth general assembly of the church in january 1969 will accept the kambata synod as a full member of the church, a fact which will increase the number of synods of the church from four to five and a growth in membership from seventy-seven thousand to over hundred thousand.130 the feeling of relief and joy can be read between the lines in qes gudina’s report. the process of integrating the kec-2 as a synod into the eecmy had been initiated by qes gudina in the spring of 1963. now the implementation was not far away.131 on october 22, 1968, the eecmy president ato emmanuel abraham and the fms director rev. alpo hukka signed an agreement between the eecmy and the fms in addis abeba. the fms’s agreement with the eecmy anticipated the document on integration between the eecmy and its cooperating missions, which was finally signed on april 7, 1969. the agreement stated that: the mission shall work with and within the church in accordance with her constitution and shall in all its work, until otherwise decided, be directly responsible to the church officers.132 125felm-a: hirvilammi 1989, pp.23ff. (swedish). 126felm-a: ojanperä 1967.09.30-11.21, p.54 (finnish). the fms was interested in starting work in the region on the condition that the lwf supplied all capital investment except for the costs of the missionaries’ houses. otherwise the fms would turn to the wws, it is said. 127felm-a: hirvilammi 1989, p.18 (swedish). 128ga-a: eecmy 17th executive committee, june 1968, the president’s report, p.2. 129ga-a: eecmy 17th executive committee minutes, june 1968, §17-30, p.7. 130lwf-a: lwf/cwm church reports 1968, gudina tumsa, p.3. 131see above, pp.11 ff. 132felm-a: hirvilammi 1989, appendix 3, agreement, article 1, no.1, p.1 (swedish); see fms årsbok 1969, p.35 (swedish). on rev. hukka, see grenstedt 2000, p.135. grenstedt, “ministry of qes gudina tumsa in the kambata/hadiya region” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 72 it should be noted that the agreement concerned the fms and the eecmy. apparently the eecmy church officers already considered the kec-2 an integrated part of the eecmy. however, the fms relations to the kec-2 were yet an unwritten chapter. after all, it was not in addis abeba but in the kec-2, a church in transition, that the local integration was expected to be realized. the fms appointed five missionaries for work in the kambata/hadiya region. the leader was rev. kaarlo hirvilammi. he had experience from six years of integrated mission work in the evangelical lutheran church in tanzania (elct).133 the decision to choose a fms-missionary from tanzania and not from namibia was probably due to the experiences of the tanzanian missionaries working in a church with a similar agreement on integration as the eecmy was expected to achieve.134 this experience was considered to be of great value when trying to work “under” the eecmy as an “integrated mission”. at the eecmy executive committee on june 13-14, 1969 the eecmy members accepted the kec-2 as the 5th synod of the eecmy. it got the name “the kambata synod”. today, in 2011, its name is “the south central synod” (scs). conclusion when qes gudina tumsa arrived in the kambata/hadiya region in february 1963, there was already an evolving conflict between the kec-2 church elders and the khmp and its powerful director, ato zacheus edamo. it seemed as if one of the “sevens”, that is the abonsa “seven”, had received too much favor at the expense of the other “sevens”. the khmp was experienced as a “foreign body” by the kec2 elders and was not properly integrated into the kec-2 ecclesiastical structure. the kec-2 elders felt that they were losing authority and were not listened to by the eecmy, which qes gudina (perhaps too late) tried to rectify.135 qes gudina’s concerted effort to rearrange the polity of the indigenous kec-2 into what was called “a proper church”, that is, into an eecmy synod model, needed the support of the kec-2 elders. qes gudina’s efforts were perhaps a bit too ambitious in the short time he could spend in the region, just six months. the small family-based house-churches being rearranged into larger units met stubborn and even violent resistance. the transformation of the “sevens” into an eecmy sebaka (parish) structure was not easy to implement. the idea of having a static “power-center” in line with an eecmy model, instead of a mobile kec-2 one that promoted long discussions and great collective participation, was not favored by many of the kec-2 members. they seemed to have enjoyed the kec-2 polity with “sevens”, “monthly and quarterly meetings”, rather than the three-level structure of the eecmy. anyhow, by this new structure, the kec-2 elders (now church officers) formally regained their influence over the khmp (and its director), an achievement more easily said than done. to employ some of the church officers by outside funds was another foreign idea to the kec-2 with its legacy of self-support in line with indigenous principles introduced early on by the sim. in fact the kec-2, though weak, was selfsupporting before the lwf program started in 1962. even worse was the idea to collect money to a centralized budget. that reminded the kec-2 members of one of the crucial motives of the split in the kec in 1951.136 there was an obvious lack of time, a lack of study of the history of the kec and kec-2 from the eecmy side (of which qes gudina was a key-person), and thus a lack of proper contextualization. one result of the changes in the kec-2 polity and the way the khmp was introduced in the region was an intense power struggle between the representatives of the khmp and the kec-2, and also in the kec-2 133felm-a: hirvilammi 1989, pp.28f., appendix 1, p.1 (swedish). 134felm-a: hirvilammi 1989, pp.24, 29 (swedish). m. hirvilammi sees a wisdom in calling fms missionaries from tanzania (elct), not from namibia, “. . . where the model was more traditional.” the integration of missions in elct was made in 1963. bachmann 1989, p.81. 135see above, p.12; grenstedt 2000, pp.153.ff. 136see above, pp.12-16. on the split in the kec in 1951, see grenstedt 2000, pp.95ff. grenstedt, “ministry of qes gudina tumsa in the kambata/hadiya region” global south theological journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 73 itself. though there were some positive effects of the eecmy “home mission”, it was decided that the eecmy approach to the kec-2 had to be re-evaluated and rearranged, starting in1964.137 the lutheran doctrinal teaching of the kec-2 by the eecmy was introduced at the regional level by qes gudina. this teaching would take a long time to be grasped and implemented among the kec-2 members, who had been brought up in a baptist environment mixed with indigenous cultural ideas.138 in 1967-69 qes gudina, now as general secretary of the eecmy, once more played an important part in the process of merging the kec-2 into a synod of the eecmy. he became instrumental as the one who linked the kec-2 with the finnish missionary society. it is however interesting to notice that the deliberations of the fms and the eecmy was conducted at a national level. the kec-2 was in fact just at the receiving end of these procedures.139 the eecmy vision from 1961 to support the kec-2 was thus finalized in 1969 when the kec-2 was accepted as the 5th synod of the eecmy, “the kambata synod”. this process had perhaps become more adventurous than the eecmy could have imagined. the story of the kec-2 – eecmy relations is an example of how an autonomous church (eecmy) supports an african independent church (kec-2) in an indigenous “home mission” regardless of missionary comity rules. in this venture, qes gudina tumsa was one of the key figures. he must be admired for his endurance and dedication in this great challenge. qes gudina is still well remembered in the kamabata/hadiya region as one who transcended barriers of ethnicity, social status, and denominationalism. this way of doing mission is in line with the legacy of the “evangelical pioneers” of the eecmy since the early bethel congregation at massawa. the early bethel congregation functioned as the yeast of an expanding evangelical counterculture in ethiopia at the end of the 19th century, and this counterculture continued in the 20th century in the eecmy. the concept for this type of attitude in mission can be called “ethiopian evangelical solidarity”.140 qes gudina tumsa’s ministry in the kambata/hadiya region is a good example of this attitude. 137see above, p.16. the reflections of qes gudina on the kec in 1971 are illuminating; see above, p.13, n.72. 138still in 1986 large parts of the eecmy (scs) members around durame (mishgida) had not attended a confirmation class. i had myself the privilege to lead the first confirmation class in the ambo congreation that year. see grenstedt 2000, p.222. 139see above, pp.19-22. 140see above, pp.6, 12; on the early bethel congregation at massawa, see grenstedt 2000, pp. 25-26. notation and theological method historical and ethnical perspectives in the kambata/hadiya region the kambata/hadiya region early missionary ventures, revivals and schisms evangelical church formation the kec-2 evolves as a new local independent church the eecmy’s “home mission” in the kambata/hadiya region ethiopian evangelical solidarity in practice ato emmanuel gebre selassie links kambata with geneva a picture of the kec-2 in 1961 qes gudina tumsa’s contribution in the kambata/hadiya region the double strategy of the eecmy qes gudina tumsa’s attempt at integrating the kec-2 into the eecmy 1963 the kec-2 elders speak their mind restructured congregations a synod structure ambivalent primary concerns an issue of relevant contextualization roots of new conflicts a picture of the kec-2 in 1962-63 qes gudina tumsa connects fms with the kec-2, 1967-69 the fms arrives in ethiopia eecmy leaders introduce the kambata/hadiya region to the fms the fms delegates meet the eecmy church officers what about the kec-2? the fms delegation faces the challenge the decision of the fms conclusion global south theological journal 4, no. 2 (2025): 30 christianity in burma pum za mang, phd (myanmar institute of theology, yangon, myanmar) abstract: this article explores the history and development of christianity in burma, focusing on its profound impact on ethnic minorities, particularly the chin, kachin, and karen. christianity was introduced to burma by portuguese and armenian traders in the 16th century, but significant evangelization efforts began during british colonial rule. american baptist missionaries played a pivotal role in converting the karen, kachin, chin, and other upland ethnic groups, often leveraging local traditions such as folklore of a "lost book" and monotheistic concepts of god. missionaries introduced christianity and transformed these communities by creating written scripts, translating the bible, and establishing schools, hospitals, and printing presses. these efforts elevated literacy, education, and ethnic consciousness among the converted groups. the karen, kachin, and chin embraced christianity partly to preserve their distinct identities amidst burmanization and state persecution. christianity also fostered urbanization, political organization, and national awakening among these groups. despite challenges, including ethnic conflict and religious persecution, christianity remains central to the lives of many ethnic minorities in burma. today, christians constitute significant portions of the chin, kachin, and karen populations, with diaspora communities thriving globally. the article underscores the enduring influence of christianity in shaping ethnic identity, education, and societal progress in burma. christians in burma represent diverse races, languages, and cultures—the akha, burman, chin, kachin, karen, lahu, mon, naga, shan, and wa—, however, most of them are from the chin, kachin, and karen, which means christianity has been synonymous with ethnic minorities and will grow or contract with their fortunes. portuguese traders settled in burma in the 16th century. wherever they moved, they brought priests to baptize their children, celebrate their marriages, and perform their religious services— the priests who came to burma never evangelized the local burman.1 the portuguese formed a small christian community, and in 1613, when their leader, filipe de brito e nicote, was killed, king anaukpetlun sent them to central burma.2 known for trade, armenian traders “have managed to permeate almost every corner of the globe in the successful pursuit of trade.”3 expert in trade, armenian merchants also did business in burma and built their church in rangoon in 1766—they were prosperous, but small in number—only 265 in 1901.4 during british rule (1826-1947), indian christians came to burma and founded churches in mandalay, rangoon, and moulmein.5 most present christians, however, come from those native to the land. in terms of statistics, there were 3,172,479 christians, representing 1 vivian ba, “the beginnings of western education in burma: the catholic effort,” the journal of the burma research society 47, no. 2 (1964): 4. 2 g.e. harvey, history of burma: from the earliest times to march 10, 1824, the beginning of the british conquest (london: longmans, green and co, 1925), 189. 3 margaret sarkissian, "armenians in southeast asia," crossroads: an interdisciplinary journal of southeast asian studies 3, no. 2-3 (1987): 1-3. 4 morgan webb, the census of india, 1911: burma part i report (rangoon: government printing, 1912), 104. 5 marja-leena heikkila-horn, “christianity in myanmar: with a particular emphasis on its indian roots,” ethnic and religious diversity in myanmar: contested identities, eds. perry schmidt-leukel, hans-peter grosshans, and madlen krueger (london: bloomsbury academic, 2022), 150. mang, “christianity in burma” global south theological journal 4, no. 2 (2025): 31 6.2 percent of the entire population in burma, according to the latest national census in 2014.6 the real number of christians could be higher, though, given a long record of successive juntas underplaying the strength of ethnic and religious minorities. why did many karen adopt christianity? there was a history of troubled relations between the karen and the burman, so many karen backed the british during the first war between burma and england (1824-1826), with the british finally annexing two provinces of burma.7 whereas the burman nearly universally resisted missionaries and their religious teachings, many karen embraced them, accepted christianity, and collaborated closely with the british, deepening the existing ethnic divide between the two races during and after the colonial era. less than two years after the end of the third and last war between burma and england (1885), the british colonial officials actively advanced the cause of the karen by highlighting the karen's loyalty to the british empire and amplifying their overt support for the karen.8 the british policy of favoring the karen acutely infuriated the burman, and ethnic antipathy between the lowland burman and upland minorities, including the karen, intensified before and during wwii, when the burman sided with the japanese, on the one hand, and the karen, kachin, and chin actively backed the british and americans. andrew selth details the role of ethnicity during wwii in burma.9 it is under this politically stormy context that many karen became christians. american baptist missionaries, george boardman, adoniram judson, francis mason, and jonathan wade, started proselytizing the karen in the 19th century and made inroads among them without much difficulty, partly because of their folklore of 'lost book,' 'white brother,' and 'ywah' (god).10 in 1828, boardman baptized ko thabyu, the first karen christian, marking the birth of karen christianity. in the following decades, karen missionaries, especially ko thabyu and saw quala, evangelized their people with considerable success, marking a popular culture of evangelism among karen christians.11 the burman, who still ruled the province of pegu, however, persecuted karen christians, which forced many karen to seek refuge in the province of rakhine, already under british control. the burman attacked the karen, since the karen, as stated earlier, assisted the british during the first war between burma and england.12 when the british annexed the province of pegu after the second war between burma and england (1852), american baptist missionaries expanded their mission efforts among the karen, which saw the slow but steady growth of the karen baptist church. by 1901, there were 130,271 karen christians, representing 12 percent of the karen population and 62 percent of all burmese christians (210,081).13 christians are now estimated to constitute one-third of the karen population.14 whereas they are known to the christian world as the baptist christians, most karen practice religions other than christianity—most sgaw karen adopt christianity, while most other sub-tribes of the karen practice buddhism and animism. although the statistical strength of karen christianity is hardly significant, the influence of christianity has been pervasive and enduring—karen christians received literature, education, medicines, schools, books, and more from missionaries, who had lived with and for them from the 1820s until the 1960s. what is striking is that their missionaries invented the written karen language, translated the bible into that karen language, wrote various karen history books, immensely popularized the name “karen” nationally and internationally, founded renowned mission schools, seminaries, and karen newspapers, educated many karen young men in the u.s. seminaries, colleges, and universities during the 19th century, deeply awakened national consciousness, and started karen urbanization. recognizing this 6 u thein swe, census atlas myanmar: the 2014 myanmar population and housing census (naypyidaw: immigration and population, the republic of the union of myanmar, 2014), 26. 7 john cady, a history of modern burma (ithaca: cornell university press, 1960), 73. 8 donald m. smeaton, the loyal karens of burma (london: kegan paul, trench & company, 1887). 9 andrew selth, “race and resistance in burma, 1942-1945,” modern asian studies 20, no. 3 (1986). 10 gen. smith dun, memoirs of the four-foot generals (ithaca: cornell university press, 1980), 5-7. 11 yoko hayami, “karen culture of evangelism and early baptist mission in nineteenth century burma,” social sciences and mission 31 (2018): 251-283. 12 harry i. marshall, the karen people of burma: a study in anthropology and ethnology (columbus: university of columbus, 1922), 306. 13 morgan webb, census of india: burma 1911 (rangoon: 1912): 100-101. 14 pum za mang, “christianity and ethnic identity in burma,” journal of church and state 61, no. 1 (2019): 96. mang, “christianity in burma” global south theological journal 4, no. 2 (2025): 32 astonishing transformation in their national history, karen leaders and scholars have praised their bygone missionaries.15 the u.s.-educated karen baptist theologians founded the karen national association (kna), the first political organization in the history of british burma, in 1881 to serve the interests of the karen regardless of religion and language.16 san c. po, a u.s.-educated baptist karen, also called for the first time in history to form an independent karen country.17 the description of karen progress must include the historical importance of the printing press. in this case, the karen and all races in burma never saw the press before 1816, when g.h. hough brought the first press from india to rangoon for baptist missionaries, who afterward used it to print portions of the bible and other christian literature. due to the first war between burma and england, the printing service ended, and the press was taken back to india. in january of 1830, cephas bennet brought the wooden printing press from the united states and served as a missionary printer in moulmein, tavoy, and rangoon until september 1882. a few years after 1830, the first iron press, donated by the oliver street baptist church of new york, was brought to burma. missionaries brought more presses in the subsequent decades to meet the demands of churches among the karen and other races.18 this mission press printed christian literature, including the bible and hymn books in vernaculars, the burman messenger, the karen morning star, the sabbath awakener, the sgaw karen sunday school paper, pwo karen sunday school paper, the news, sunshine hymn book, songs and solos.19 urbanization was included in the annals of evolution among the karen. it started with the internal immigration of primarily karen christians from their upland villages to major towns and cities in the lowland. missionaries noticed that there was no chance of long-term progress for the karen in the highlands, so they urged christians to leave their villages and settle in urban centers, where they would seek holistic growth. in altering the trajectory of karen history, many karen moved to lowland cities.20 this urbanization perhaps played an important role in the karen national awakening. the education programs that missionaries initiated and advanced have uplifted them the most, given that they, particularly christians, perfectly amplified the power of education to flourish. the end of british rule negatively reversed the fate of the karen, but the achievement of karen christians in education has served them well to thrive despite everything. to highlight the level of feat they made in acquiring education, thomas a. marks writes, "christian karen students comprised 22% of the student body at rangoon university, despite their being only 2% of the population."21 overall, most karen of national repute attended mission schools. religious diversity among the karen is sometimes a curse for them when their opponents manipulate the religious divide between the christian and non-christian karen. in the 1990s, the karen national union (knu), led mainly by christians, suffered politically and militarily when karen buddhist soldiers left the knu and formed their buddhist armed group and subsequently sided with the then junta.22 the military regime was partly responsible for this split. all governments of post-colonial burma, both civilian and military, likewise, consistently advance burman buddhist interests against ethnic and religious minorities. due to persecution after persecution perpetrated by the successive regimes against them, hundreds of thousands of the karen fled and sought refuge in camps in thailand. tens of thousands were resettled in democratic countries in the west, with most of them in the united states. angelene naw, a karen historian, recently wrote that the karen americans are more than 70,000.23 it is sure that 15 san c. po, burma and the karens (bangkok: white lotus, 2001), 58–65, ardeth m. thawnghmung, the other karen in myanmar: ethnic minorities and the struggle without arms (lanham: lexington books, 2012), 26–31, angelene naw, the history of the karen people of burma (valley forge: judson press, 2023), 16 naw, the history of the karen people of burma, 85-88. 17 po, burma and the karens, xiv. 18 frank d. phinney, the american baptist mission press, burma, 1816-1908 (rangoon: american baptist mission press, 1908), 11–14, 19 phinney, 31-33. 20 po, burma and the karens, 64. 21 thomas a. marks, “the karen revolt in burma,” issues and studies 14, no.12 (1978): 58. 22 mikael gravers, nationalism as political paranoia in burma: an essay on the historical practice of power (richmond: curzon press, 1999), 91-93. 23 angelene naw, the history of the karen people of burma (valley forge: judson press, 2023), 317. mang, “christianity in burma” global south theological journal 4, no. 2 (2025): 33 christianity has been central to most diaspora karen in the united states, and karen american baptists founded the karen baptist churches-usa (kbcusa) in april 2009 2023, with 105 churches and 35,000 members.24 let us now explore the story of the ethnic kachin native to the northernmost frontier of burma. estimated to number a million to a million and a half, they practiced animism before american baptist missionaries started an evangelization effort among them in 1877, with robert j. lyon as the first baptist missionary. when lyon arrived in rangoon, he and josiah n. cushing, another american baptist missionary to the ethnic shan, sought assistance from karen christians in bassein, lower burma. in his letter dated january 29, 1978, lyon wrote, "the native preachers came into an afternoon meeting in the interest of the mission at bhamo. they paid close attention to mr. cushing as he detailed the opening there. as a partial result, two native preachers are with us for this work: to leh and naytha."25 lyon died of malaria in the town of bhamo less than two months after he arrived in the kachin country, and more missionaries came afterward, lived with the kachin, and evangelized them with noteworthy success. the most beloved, revered, and remembered missionary to the kachin is a swedish-american missionary, ola hanson, who invented a written kachin language, created an english-kachin dictionary and a kachin grammar book, translated the bible into the kachin, and authored multiple books on the kachin.26 it is difficult to overstate that, dedicated his entire life to the kachin, his works have been an important source of enduring scholarly values for scholars and students interested in kachin and burma studies. missionaries initially faced opposition from the animistic kachin; however, they slowly made inroads among them, which forever changed the kachin country's religious landscape, especially after the turn of the 20th century. what prepared these upland people to be receptive to christianity? like other hill people in burma and elsewhere, they had the old traditions of 'lost book,' 'life-after-death,' 'blood sacrifice,' and 'god' (karai kasang in kachin) embedded deeply in their traditional religion and subsequently proved helpful when missionaries evangelized them. the fact that they had the idea of karai kasang made them well acquainted with the christian concept of god, according to missionaries. to be more specific, ola hanson, one of the first missionaries to the kachin, observed that for the kachin, karai kasang “is immortal, omniscient, omnipotent, and omnipresent, and this is never affirmed of the nats.”27 other factors for their religious conversion included economic freedom, mission education, social changes, and political situation.28 the practice of christianity, for instance, not only liberated christians from the economic burden of costly animal sacrifices to nats, but also effectively allowed them to maintain their distance from their far more powerful buddhist neighbors. this new reality must be assessed against burman nationalists, conveniently blaming british colonialists for all problems, particularly the ethnic divide between the burman and the kachin. kachin scholars insist that ethnic conflict preceded colonialism.29 what is more, karen baptist missionaries from lower burma, especially the bassein area, enormously contributed to the success of american missionaries proselytizing the kachin. living and working with and for the kachin for more than 85 years, karen missionaries played a crucial role in the making of kachin christianity.30 in 1927, when kachin christians had celebrated the golden jubilee, karen christians from lower burma joined them, accordingly underlining growing religious ties between the two races and churches. in his widely cited mission history book, herman g. tegenfeldt, one of the 24 naw, 319. 25 robert j. lyon, “mission to the ka-khyens.” baptist missionary magazine 58, no. 5 (1878): 143. 26 ola hanson, the kachins: their customs and traditions (rangoon: american baptist mission press, 1913); ola hanson, a grammar of the kachin language (rangoon: american baptist mission press, 1896); ola hanson, a dictionary of the kachin language (rangoon: american baptist mission press, 1906). 27 hanson, the kachins, 168. 28 la seng dingrin, “conversion to mission christianity among the kachin of upper burma 1877—1972,” asia in the making of christianity, edited by richard f. young and jonathan a. seitz (leiden: brill, 1913), 132-134. 29 maran la raw, “toward a basis for understanding the minorities in burma: the kachin example,” in southeast asian tribes, minorities, and nations, peter kunstadter, ed. (princeton, nj: princeton university press, 1967), 129-131. 30 pum za mang, “native christian mission in burma,” theology and ethics for the public church: mission in the 21sit century world, edited by samuel yonas deressa and mary sue dreier (lanham: lexington/fortress academic, 2023), 63-66, dingrin, "conversion to mission christianity among the kachin of upper burma 1877—1972, "126. mang, “christianity in burma” global south theological journal 4, no. 2 (2025): 34 last american baptist missionaries to burma, writes, “a choir and a band from the karens of bassein presented numerous numbers.”31meanwhile, kachin christians proselytized and christianized their people, which resulted in the rise of christianity among them. in the 1960s, when missionaries left burma, christians represented about 40 percent of the kachin, but they are today estimated to number more than 95 percent of the entire kachin population.32also, kachin christians actively evangelized other races, such as the shan, palaung, and naga.33 in this significant way, they display that christianity is their religion. it is sure that conversion among the kachin to christianity has an enduring implication for them and burma alike. the kachin traditionally lived in upland villages, but many left their mountainous villages and founded new villages in the lowland after becoming christians. this internal immigration, encouraged by missionaries, allowed them to be free from the control of chiefs (duwa in kachin). this migration must be observed and understood against the historical backdrop that the first christians came from the ordinary kachin without social status or political influence. they formed christian villages in the fertile lowland.34 mission education, then, slowly but certainly uplifted them with each passing year, given that in 1948, when burma became independent, christians were still a minority among the kachin, but started shaping the future fate and destiny of the kachin, because most educated kachin elites were already christians. kachin christians, like karen christians, cherished education.35 ethnic conflict and war defined the collective life of kachin christians after the educated kachin christians started their armed uprising against the government, dominated by the burman, when it declared buddhism the state religion despite strong opposition from the kachin and other minorities. u nu, the first prime minister of burma, made this politically divisive and unhelpful move. aung san, the founding father of independent burma, vehemently rejected making buddhism the official religion for national unity among different religious and ethnic groups.36 he was assassinated before independence, however, and his friend, u nu, became the leader of the young nation. the kachin, meanwhile, increasingly adopted christianity to protect their distinct ethnic identity against the burman hegemony, illustrating the rising role and influence of christianity among them after the 1960s. what this means is that most kachin became christians amid violence, suffering, and war, which resulted in boosting kachin nationalism. mandy sadan rightly contends that the independent state of burma was "deeply implicated in the dramatic growth of the indigenized kachin christian missionary movement after 1948.”37 the most christianized people in burma, the kachin, have almost always been subject to restriction, persecution, and militarization.38 inhabiting the mountainous borderland between western burma and northeast india, the ethnic chin practiced animism, spoke various distinct vernaculars, and preserved their independence before the british annexed their homeland in 1896 and american baptist missionaries evangelized them in 1899. the earliest chin converts were, however, not from the hill chin. in his journal, willis f. thomas noted that francis mason baptized the first unnamed chin christian, a woman, on february 1, 1837, in tavoy. eugenio kincaid baptized the second unnamed chin christian, a man, in prome in 1854, adding that there were 268 baptized chin christians before american baptists started mission efforts among the asho, one of the sub-tribes of the chin, at thayetmyo, lowland burma, in 1888.39 invited by captain dury, a british superintendent of the chin hills, arthur and laura carson left thayetmyo and arrived at hakha, the chin 31 herman g. tegenfeldt, a century of growth: the kachin baptist church of burma (south pasadena: william carey library, 1974), 171. 32 pum za mang, “buddhist nationalism and burmese christianity,” studies in world christianity 22, no. 2 (2016): 163. 33 tegenfeldt, a century of growth, 226. 34 tegenfeldt, a century of growth, 322–323. 35 mandy sadan, being and becoming kachin, 373. 36 donald e. smith, religion and politics in burma (princeton: princeton university press, 1965), 230. 37 mandy sadan, being and becoming kachin: histories beyond the state in the borderworlds of burma (oxford: oxford university press, 2013), 373. 38 layang seng ja, “burmanization and its effects on the kachin ethnic group in myanmar,” ethnic and religious diversity in myanmar: contested identities, 173-187. 39 willis f. thomas, “chin jubilee notes,” baptist missionary magazine 67, no. 8 (august 1887): 338–339. mang, “christianity in burma” global south theological journal 4, no. 2 (2025): 35 hills, on march 15, 1899.40 the carsons and other missionaries who came after them converted many chin to christianity. to be sure, they initially faced rejection from the chin, as robert johnston, the last american baptist missionary to the chin, wrote, “the carsons, the easts, the woodins, and even the copes seemed to beat their heads against a stone wall in the effort to win the tribal people there.”41 presenting the success story of missionaries evangelizing the chin requires underlining the important role of dedicated native karen and chin missionaries. crossing arduous linguistic, cultural, social, and geographical barriers, karen baptist missionaries and american missionaries arrived in the chin country, learned the chin language, earned their trust, educated them, and proselytized them.42 witnessing their contribution to the chin, johnson rightly states, “the names of san win, po ku, shwe zan, po e, maung gone, maung kya, tgyi gaing, aung dwe, and others should be forever remembered and honored by the christian chins for their sacrificial work.”43chin scholars and historians similarly extolled their bygone karen missionaries for the labor of love and service for the chin.44 karen missionaries converted the first hill chin christians and served them as pastors; american missionaries even ordained shwe zan, po ku, and san win—graduates of karen baptist theological seminary at insein—on march 28, 1907.45 with the intense mission zeal for their people, chin missionaries from northern chin state also went to southern chin state. they effectively proselytized their brethren during and after the era of foreign missionaries. when foreign missionaries left burma in the 1960s, christians represented roughly one-third of the chin population. however, today christians form roughly ninety percent of the chin, meaning most of the chin became christians without missionaries.46 the fact that the chin evangelized the chin belies the burmese nationalists, who have typically accused the chin of practicing a western religion. it is helpful to stress that the mizo, who live in mizoram, and the kuki, who reside in manipur (both in northeast india), have enduring ethnic, religious, and social ties to the chin—virtually all the mizo and kuki are now christians.47 they, with the chin, adopted christianity, partly because of parallels between christianity and their animistic religion.48 the account of mission success among the chin would be incomplete without describing the important role of christianity in the course of ethnic awakening among early chin christians. speaking numerous distinct languages, belonging to different subtribes, and scattered in the vast borderland dotted with high mountains, the chin were divided before missionaries arrived in their homeland, but the new religion they adopted united them.49 christianity has profoundly transformed chin society and history beyond recognition. the onceilliterate and impoverished people, who lived in upland villages with no written script, literature, education, medicines, school, and books, now have their written language, their own bible, their colleges and seminaries, their learned religious leaders and organizations, and their extensive networks with worldwide christians. that they adopted christianity as their new religion has subsequently elevated them and awakened their ethnic awareness. while highlighting the magnitude of transformation they have been undertaking, martin smith writes: "the growth of a chin national consciousness is usually dated to the arrival of the british, when many chins converted from their traditional animist beliefs to christianity. many also joined the british army and served with distinction in the second world war."50 for this to 40 lian h. sakhong, in search of chin identity: a study in religion, politics and ethnic identity (copenhagen: nias, 2003), 124. 41 robert g. johnson, history of the american baptist chin mission. vol. 1 (valley forge: author, 1988), 531. 42 maung shwe wa, burma baptist chronicle (rangoon: burma baptist convention, 1963), 385, 388–89. 43 johnson, history of the american baptist chin mission. vol. 1, 283. 44 sakhong, in search of chin identity, 127-128. 45 johnson, history of the american baptist chin mission, 147. 46 mang, “buddhist nationalism and burmese christianity,” 163. 47 joy l.k. pachuau, being mizo: identity and belonging in northeast india (new delhi, oxford university press, 1914), 137, yuimirin kapai, “william pettigrew: mythicizing the man and his work,” international bulletin of mission research 43, no. 4 (2019): 358–367. 48 mangkhosat kipgen, christianity and mizo culture (aizawl: the mizo theological conference, 1997), 115–123, sakhong, in search of chin identity, 233–235. 49 vumson, zo history: with an introduction to zo culture, economy, religion, and their status as an ethnic minority in india, burma, and bangladesh (aizawl: the author, 1986), 145-146. 50 martin smith, ethnic groups in burma: development, democracy, and human rights in burma (london: antislavery international, 1994), 36-37. mang, “christianity in burma” global south theological journal 4, no. 2 (2025): 36 happen, missionaries paid a high price while evangelizing the chin, with laura h. carson writing in 1927: "but what sacrifice can counterbalance the joy of giving to a people the word of life in their language? or the touching of darkened lives to uplift and ennoble? there are hardships and sacrifices in every strong, purposeful, worthwhile life, and there are equalizing compensations."51 at the same time, the chin, not unlike the karen and kachin, have faced systematic marginalization, restriction, and persecution from the state for practicing christianity. a key reason behind this state oppression against religious and ethnic minorities has been the historically polarizing policy of burmanization.52 in other words, what sustains conflict between the majority buddhist burman and ethnic minorities, including the chin, is a tension between, on the one hand, minorities, who think they seek to protect their distinct identity and legitimate rights, and on the other, the burman, who think they need to unify all races. when we think of burmese christians, we usually think of the chin, kachin, and karen, who form the solid majority of christians in today's burma; there are, nevertheless, other sizeable christians, most of them in the mountainous borderlands between burma, china, and thailand. the akha, lahu, and wa practiced animism for centuries. however, many became christians when missionaries evangelized them, with james c. scott stating that christianity has been popular among the upland people with a prophetic tradition in the borderlands between china and southeast asia.53 for instance, the lahu, like the karen, had old folklores of 'lost book,' 'white brother,' and 'god,' which led them to embrace missionaries and christianity. american missionaries wrote, "rev. young was a white man, and wore the white cotton clothing common to westerners in burma in those days. he brought the bible, the scriptures of god. thus, the lahus saw the fulfillment of their prophecies and were inclined to accept the new religion."54 lazarus, a native lahu church leader, also states, “when the american baptist missionary william marcus young first preached the gospel to the lahu in north-eastern burma in 1901, they told him that they had been waiting for him to come for centuries.”55 like the chin, kachin, and karen, the lahu had the monotheistic concept of god (g’ui sha in lahu).56 the wa, not unlike most other hill people, were rich in prophecies and continuously practiced their traditional religion until they came into contact with western missionaries. many of them, like the lahu, became christians when american baptist missionaries evangelized them.57 unlike the case with the lahu and the wa, few akha became christians in the early 20th century, implying that the efforts of american missionaries among the akha initially did not move the needle. according to missionaries, the religion they practiced for generation after generation appeared to be an obstacle to conversion. however, when many became christians during and after the 1970s, they also attributed it to their religion, which was undoubtedly expansive and costly. to underscore this conflicting situation, cornelia a. kammerer writes, "ironically, it is precisely those aspects of traditional religion that missionaries considered a barrier to conversion that are currently cited by akha as the impetus for conversion."58 in making sense of this contradiction, he adds that many akha converted to christianity in recent decades, actually both because they have been under ecological pressure and social changes, which, in turn, prevent them from performing expensive rituals required by their religion, and because the practice of christianity has practically helped them to protect their distance from their dominant lowland buddhist neighbors.59 51 laura h. carson, pioneer trails, trials, and trumps: personal memories of life and work as a pioneer missionary among the chin tribes of burma (new york: baptist board of education, 1927), 255. 52 richard cockett, blood, dreams, and gold: the changing face of burma (new haven: yale university press, 2015), 64-108. 53 james c. scott, the art of not being governed: an anarchist history of upland southeast asia (new haven: yale university press, 2009), 289. 54 wa, burma baptist chronicle, 409. 55 lazarus, an integral mission model for the lahu baptist churches of the lahu baptist convention: a new way of being lahu baptist church (central baptist theological seminary, 2017), 16. 56 elena samuel, the religious and traditional beliefs of lahu people (bachelor of divinity thesis, myanmar institute of theology, 1998), 9-10. 57 wa, burma baptist chronicle, 419. 58 cornelia ann kammerer, “customs and christian conversion among akha highlanders of burma and thailand.” american ethnologist 17, no. 2 (1990): 283. 59 kammerer, 284-285. mang, “christianity in burma” global south theological journal 4, no. 2 (2025): 37 regarding the native missionary agency, karen christians proselytized and converted many akha, lahu, and wa to christianity.60 the history of christian mission among these races would, thus, remain incomplete without karen missionaries. in 1902, two karen missionaries, thra pho htoo and thra bete, arrived in kengtung to help american missionaries, learned the akha and lahu languages, lived among them, and evangelized them.61 in april of 1936, thra tun gyaw, another karen missionary, and his wife established the first akha baptist church after years of labor of love among them. moreover, karen missionaries contributed to the making of lahu christianity.62the akha, lahu, and wa christians evangelized their people, making christianity their religion. in 1904, ca sheh pu tao, the first lahu christian, was baptized in kengtung, and he and his wife, nang tee, afterward started evangelizing their people.63 by preaching and christianizing their people, these dedicated native christians displayed to everyone around them and the state of burma that they had played an active role in making christianity. what is striking, after all, is that american baptist missionaries created the written scripts for the illiterate akha, lahu, and wa, and translated the bible into their respective vernaculars, thus buttressing ethnic identities of these hill people when they enter the wider modern world. “in 1933, marcus vincent young and his wa colleagues romanized the wa language and published the first book in this new script, a collection of hymns,” according to bertil lintner, who adds, “a complete translation of the bible into romanized wa was published in 1939.”64 paul w. lewis and other american missionaries, including william young, the father of vincent young, created a written lahu script. lewis, then, created a written akha language and translated the bible into both languages.65 taken all together, there are lessons from the making of burmese christianity. if the passion of christian mission is to create a written language for illiterate people, to translate the bible into their language, to establish schools to educate their children and hospitals to relieve their miseries, to found religious institutions and organizations for holistic evolvement, and to modernize their society, missionaries to the upland races of burma undoubtedly fulfilled their goals. whereas their conversion ostensibly ended their traditional way of life, their new religion allowed them to buttress their distinct ethnic identities by creating the written scripts and the subsequent translation of the bible into their respective vernaculars. burman nationalists typically criticize western missionaries for christianizing them, but it is also true that they have been active players in the long course of their conversion to christianity. finally, education, brought and advanced by missionaries, has helped them join a larger intellectual world. 60 wa, burma baptist chronicle, 418. 61 yar htu, a study on the holistic mission of akha churches to non-christian akha communities (doctor of ministry diss., central baptist theological seminary, 2018), 5. 62 hayami, “karen culture of evangelism and early baptist mission in nineteenth century burma,” 277-278, wa, burma baptist chronicle, 318. 63 wa, burma baptist chronicle, 410. 64 bertil linter, the wa of myanmar and china’s quest for global dominance (chiang mai: silkworm books, 2021), 31. 65 lazarus, an integral mission model for the lahu baptist churches of the lahu baptist convention 19, lintner, the wa of myanmar and china’s quest for global dominance, 31, wa, burma baptist chronicle, 419. global south theological journal 4, no. 2 (2025): 18 christianity in the philippines delfo c. canceran, op (de la salle university, manila, philippines) abstract: this paper will discuss in a broad stroke christianity in the philippines. according to the 2020 religion census, at least 84% of the population is christian in their religious affiliation.about 79% belong to the catholic church while about 6% belong to protestant churches (wikipedia). christianity was an external religion introduced and imposed by the spaniards in the philippines. as an external religion, it did not completely abrogate the indigenous religion in the mentalities and practices of the filipinos. our christian religion blends with our indigenous religion. the indigenous religion is articulated in our popular religiosity or devotion as we can see in the festivities of the black nazarene in manila city and santo niño in cebu city (canceran, 2016). although christianity has been introduced for centuries, it did not penetrate the mentalities and embed in the practices of filipinos. filipinos have been historically hispanized (15211898) and americanized (1898-1946). in effect, filipinos have become hybridized identities. the filipinos have accepted christianity because it is congruent to the indigenous religion believing in bathala, diwata and anito corresponding to god, angel and saint (canceran, 1994). historical backgrounds we start with history since it has an enduring influence on the present and future of christianity in the philippines (schumacher, 1979; anderson, 1969). colonization is a disturbance or intervention in the historical formation of people that eventually formed or deformed our society and church (cosmao, 1985). although such disturbance or intervention already happened in the distant past, we still must reflect on its consequences and learn from their lessons, lest we repeat the same history. this return to history calls for decolonization. decolonization frees our minds from captivity and attains the autonomy of our country (alatas, 2006). spanish catholicism the church and the empire represented by the pope and the king were hierarchized and united in the colonization. this hierarchy and unity are based on the relationship between the soul and body. the soul is higher than the body and the body depends on the soul. the pope belongs to the spiritual while the king belongs to the material. the pope precedes the king. but they are linked. the king was a benefactor of the church and the implementor of christianity. the church in turn provided privilege to the king. this was called the patronato real. the pope divided the world into two parts, one for spain and other for portugal. the pope through a papal bull authorized the spanish king to colonize the new world and lead the christianization. for the church, the main objective of the colonization was christianization, and colonization was only justified by that purpose. thus, christianity came to the philippines through colonization (phelan, 1959). the christianization of the new world showed the achievement of spain as a global power. the spanish empire achieved their global power by exploring and discovering the world. however, it did not stop in the exploration and discovery of the new world, but continued through eventual conquest and colonization. the spaniards landed in the philippine islands and began the colonization. at the beginning, canceran, “christianity in the philippines” global south theological journal 4, no. 2 (2025): 19 the spaniards were united in christianization. the colonizers brought both their weapons and religion symbolized by the sword and the cross. wherever the friars went, soldiers would accompany and protect them (bernard, 1972). having occupied the island, the spaniards saw the potential economic benefits of the islands. they also needed economic support for their existence and survival. they then exploited both the natural and the human resources of the land. thus, glory, god and gold coalesced in the colonization. the spaniards were both material and spiritual conquerors.1 here we have the satisfaction of both the soul and the body through religion and wealth. they then exacted and collected taxes from the natives. in exchange, the spaniards would protect and evangelize the natives. the encomienda system was a privilege given to the spaniards in exchange for their contribution to colonization. these encomiederos imposed and collected taxes from the people. unfortunately, the encomienderos failed to deliver these duties to the natives. instead, they abused their privileges at the expense of the natives. the natives resisted these taxes and abhorred these abuses. some natives left their houses and settled in the mountains as a refusal to submit to the authority of the spaniards (forster, 1956). in the synod of manila, the missionary friars agreed that they would learn the native languages to teach catechism to the natives. this strategy deviated the usual method of christianization in the case of the americas. instead of the spaniards teaching spanish to the natives, they would rather learn their native languages and translate the spanish catechisms into the native languages. the friars would use the native languages in the christianization of the natives. the friars printed catechism books for the use of the spaniards in the christianization of the natives. this method sounded favorable to the natives and seemed to show the benevolence of the spaniards. however, this impression was not the case. the friars learned the native language in order to have more control over the natives. the spaniards did not just conquer the lands but also the natives, minds. generally, the natives then did not learn the spanish language (porras, 1990). american protestantism the philippines was surrendered by spain to the us in exchange for an amount. it appeared that the philippines was owned by spain and sold to the us. only the two empires – one falling and the other rising – were representing the country like a seller and a buyer in a market. the filipinos were nonexistent. unlike the spanish unity of the church and empire, the american empire was separated from the church. there was a separation of church and state. the american empire occupied the philippines and governed the people. the americans were preoccupied with the government of the country and engrossed with the justification of the colonization. having witnessed the spanish atrocities, the filipinos were pursuing their independence from colonization. they learned from the spanish empire and they envisioned their independence. however, the americans thought that the filipinos were still unprepared for independence. thus, they still needed to be taught or trained by the americans. thus, the independence was belated. just like other colonizers, the americans invoked the logic of backwardness as a justification for the continued colonization. they deployed or mobilized the binary logic of prepared americans and unprepared filipinos. thus, the filipinos who owed their preparation from the americans sacrificed in modernizing or being civilizing by them (clymer, 1986). comparatively, the american empire did not concentrate on religion but on education. they founded public school systems to educate the filipinos on the american way. they taught english language among the filipinos. language is the carrier or expression of culture. thus, filipinos were americanized. unlike the spaniards who learned the native languages, the americans taught their native language to the filipinos. in a way, the filipinos were unified by the english language. however, they were also pushed into elitism. language became the standard or distinction of inclusion. the americans 1 aside from economic (gold) and religious (god) motives of spain as a global power (glory) , the spaniards were also in search for the spice islands. during those times, spices were a luxury item and status symbol of social distinction (freedman, 2004). canceran, “christianity in the philippines” global south theological journal 4, no. 2 (2025): 20 opened their world to the filipinos through use of the english language. the natives entered into that world of the americans not as co-equals but as “little brown americans.” that description included the body in terms of size (little) and in terms of race (brown) people. thus, filipinos were contrasted from the americans as the standard of humanity being tall and white people. education became an instrument in the colonization of the minds of the filipinos. in learning the english language, the filipinos entered into their world and inculcated the superiority of the american civilization. they then developed a colonial mentality of uncle sam as the representation of the american people. the protestant missionaries immediately went to the philippines for the mission of evangelization. they took advantage of the american occupation in the country. they taught that the filipinos were not yet well evangelized; instead, they were taught superstitions. having that assessment, these missionaries justified their presence in the country. thus, these missionaries propagated the christian faith. they were scattered in various parts of the country and established their churches in those areas. unlike the missionary friars, the protestant missionaries did not limit themselves to religion but also included some public services like medical mission to the filipinos. they wanted to attract more filipinos to their faith by offering services to them. nonetheless, they were unable to recruit more members since the filipinos were more interested in independence as they were already accustomed to catholicism (suarez, 1999). the protestant missionaries cooperated with the american government by supporting them in the occupation. although they preached religion and acknowledged their separation from the state, they nonetheless agreed on the colonization of the philippines. these protestant missionaries were invited to share their views on the american occupation and the filipino independence, and they were unanimous on the continuity of the american occupation of the country. they followed the same american logic. the filipinos were still unprepared, and they needed more education to civilize them in the american way. in that logic, they would also justify their presence in the country and continue their mission of evangelization. to appease the filipinos, the american empire recruited more filipinos in the management of the country. the protestant missionaries trained more filipino preachers into their churches (apilado, 1999). let us now summarize the spanish and the american empires. in the spanish empire, the missionary friars were more powerful than their civilian counterparts. the logic then was the hierarchy between the spiritual and the temporal and the primacy of the spiritual over and above the temporal. the spiritual realm belonged to the domain of the church while the temporal belonged to the realm of the state. thus, the friars claimed ascendancy in the colony. moreover, they also had bigger numbers than their civilian counterparts. since they were widely spread all over the islandss, they had direct interaction and control over the natives. in their respective territorial assignments, they exercised tremendous powers over the natives. their presence was felt by the people in their respective parishes. they then overpowered the civilian authorities in many ways. in the american empire, the protestant missionaries were separated from their civilian counterparts due to the provision of the separation of the church and state. although these missionaries were consulted by the civilian government on colonization, they were independent from the state in their mission efforts. they were then subservient to the government and dependent on the policy of the state. they joined the government in the extension of the colonization since they also benefited from that option. the missionary friars were able to enter into the world of the natives by learning their language. this decision seemed advantageous to the natives since they were not required to learn the spanish language, and friars seemed to acknowledge the potential of the native language in christianization. however, the learning of the native language added more power to the friars since they increased their power in control of the minds of the natives. moreover, learning the native language was not automatic. they cleansed the native language from traces or intrusion of native religion since they considered it as paganism. they replaced pagan terms with christian words or equivalences. since the contents of the catechism was composed of both native and catholic terms, they created a barrier of effective communication. thus, the natives interpreted their words from their local knowledge. there was then a canceran, “christianity in the philippines” global south theological journal 4, no. 2 (2025): 21 sort of hybrid linguistic encounter. this may be the reason why the indigenous religions have remained in the form of popular religiosity or devotion among the filipinos.2 the americans established the public school system and taught english language to the filipinos. the filipinos learned their language and that, in a way, unified the people. the americans opened their world to the filipinos by teaching them their language and by learning english. however, such opening of the american world to the filipinos did not necessarily mean equality between them. the filipinos remained subordinate to them. they were just accommodated by the americans. since english language is a foreign or second language, filipinos did not comparatively possess the same linguistic performance and competence of native speakers. there remained a gap of communication in their interaction. this gap might have hindered their understanding of their evangelization effort. using the categories of bonaventura de sausa santos, the spaniards established an abysmal relationship with the natives by separating themselves from them. this separation was symbolized by the intramuros in manila where the spaniards belonging to the elite class resided. the spaniards put up a wall around their city and lived in that secluded place among themselves. in short, the spaniards created a separate world from the natives. the natives remained outside consigned to a lower class of subhuman people. the spaniardsrefused to teach thenatives their spanish language. rather, they learned the native language so that they could also invade the cognitive world of the natives. their learning of the native language did not mean that they considered the natives as equal in status or in a respectful attitude. using again the category made by santos, the americans established a non-abysmal relationship to the filipinos, not by separating them or excluding them, but by relegating them to an inferior or subordinate class. in contrast, by teaching the english language to the filipinos, the americans opened their world to the filipinos by accommodating them into their world. the filipinos did not achieve equal status or get respect to for their differences. they were included in the world of the americans by discriminating against them. in both the spanish and american empires, the filipinos suffered from racism being labeled as indio and small brown americans. the colonizers and the colonized remained in an asymmetrical relationship in a social hierarchy. in both cases, there was inclusion by exclusion (spaniards) and marginalization (americans). for the spaniards, there was exclusion by division. the spaniards and the natives belonged to separate worlds while the americans and the filipinos belonged to an unequal world (see de sousa santos, 2018). ideological influences it is not just history that affects society and church; there are also other factors. we are also influenced by the social transformations around us. these influences come via communication like written publications and movements such as scholarship abroad. scholars are influenced by their socialization in their studies and from their peers. these are communicated to the communities and pulpits. some join the groups and movements. influence of marxism during the period of martial law, many priests and sisters were exposed to the poverty of the people and they commiserated with them. with the influence of the vatican ii documents, especially the church in the modern world, church people went to the native people and witnessed their joys and their sorrows. they were also influenced by marxism in understanding poverty. they were infiltrated or taught by the leftists on this matter. moreover, aside from leftism, these church people were also influenced by liberation theology from latin america. liberation theology deployed marxist theory in understanding 2 although the spaniards learned some native languages as their foreign languages, they could not possess the linguistic competence and linguistic performance of the native speakers. they would only know the surface structures but not necessarily the deep structures of these foreign languages (hale, 2010; chomsky, 2013). canceran, “christianity in the philippines” global south theological journal 4, no. 2 (2025): 22 pervasive poverty among the people. having similar history of colonization and underdevelopment, these priests and sisters joined the leftist movements and some of them went underground (de la torre, n.d.). many priests and sisters were dissatisfied with the government and with its economic policies since these policies were indifferent to the plight of the poor. coming from traditional politicians and family dynasties, these politicians in the government were motivated by their self-serving interests or class interests forgetting their campaign promises to the people. they were engaged in unchecked graft and corruption. moreover, the government followed the dictates of some international institutions like the international monetary fund (imf), the world bank (wb) and the world trade organization (wto) that disadvantaged the developing global north through imposition of structural adjustments to the advantage of the global north. instead of developing the philippines, they worsened the economic plight of the already poor (aguilan, 2013). religious people who were socialized in the catholic institutions found themselves in a contradictory situation. having been trained in elite institutions, the priests and sisters were also socialized in an elite class and transformed into an elite group. they lived in elite institutions that formed them into part of the elite class of priests and sisters and exalted them to elevated positions in society. however, knowing the debilitating plight of the poor, they underwent transformation of their lifestyles and opted to align themselves to the marginalized people. having no other option, they made their individual decision to join the left and protest this injustice. this was not only impelled by the social teachings of the church on the church of the poor or option for the poor, but they experienced this poverty by either comingfrom poor families themselves or from being exposed to the poverty of the people. while waiting for the transformation of the catholic institutions, these religious people walked both in the social transformation of their religious identities in line with the church and with the poor and the option for the poor. they needed to unlearn their elite baggage and re-socialized themselves to the plight of the poor (nadeau, 2002). due to ideological differences, the left was polarized. the polarization consisted of three factions: the reaffirmists, the rejectionists, and a third force. the reaffirmists consisted of the loyal members of the founder of the communist party of the philippines (cpp), namely, joma sison; the rejectionists consisted of the separationist members of the founder, and the third force consisted mostly of church people who split from the leftist group. the progressive or radical church people formed their own group unlinking themselves from these two groups. these church people continued their work with the poor and struggled with the poor independent from the other groups. although there was a third force, it did not mean that all the progressive or radical church people joined it. some stuck to the founder of the party, while some joined the separate group. this division of the left affected church people since that polarization was extended to their congregations, and religious people were ideologically divided among themselves in their alliances. this polarization remains today (jong, 2016). influence of feminism church people were also influenced by feminism and the feminist movement. this brand of feminism came from the west. a debate sparked in the leftist circle on the relationship between class analysis and gender analysis. some wanted to subsume gender analysis under the umbrella of class analysis while others questioned this subsumption. this subsuming would mean the continuing subordination of women since their concern was secondary. for class analysis believers, class analysis precedes gender analysis since many filipinos were literally or economically impoverished and needed immediate response and help. when they already met or satisfied their basic needs, then they could attend to gender analysis. thus, gender analysis was postponed. some viewed gender analysis as separate from class analysis. in this case, women and mothers belonged to poor families and due to that class belonging, they suffered from poverty. others argued that gender analysis and class analysis can be done simultaneously and complementarily since there is the phenomenon of the feminization of poverty wherein women and mothers have suffered more from the impact of poverty. in this case, the intersection of gender and class could enrich their analysis of the condition of women and mothers. religious sisters joined the feminist canceran, “christianity in the philippines” global south theological journal 4, no. 2 (2025): 23 movements like general assembly binding women for reform, integrity, equality, leadership and action (gabriela)and worked with women and mothers to alleviate their plight in the areas of human trafficking and domestic violence (roces, 2012). this feminist movement came or grew from liberation theology. some members of religious people who embraced liberation theology and feminist theology integrated class analysis and gender analysis. the ecumenical association of third world theologians (eatwot) espoused liberation theology that attracted scholars from the philippines. this association is participated in by some religious women who contributed to journals and books on the poverty of women and advocacy for their welfare. they expanded their analyses and included gender in class analyses and deployed these analyses. they criticized both the injustice of poverty and the inequality of women. however, they had to criticize not just the injustice and inequality in society but also in their own backyard, that is, intheir own churches and their own associations. in this case, they had to criticize the prevailing unjust and sexist practices within their churches and associations. these women religious also experienced difficulty coming to terms with their own institutions and movements characterized by social hierarchy and gender divisions. women religious occupied a subordinate status in the institutional church and in the social movement. the men occupied a privileged position for the simple reason that they are male. their masculinity provided them an unmerited privilege. women could easily and actively join advocacy groups and protest movements for women’s causes such as human trafficking and domestic violence because they could resonate with their subordinate status. they could share in the sufferings with other marginalized groups or sectors (sanchez, 2022). influence of postcolonialism postcolonialism came to the philippines from the west, specifially from the united states (u.s.) and united kingdom (u.k.). scholars from western universities embarked on postcolonial discourse initiated and influenced by edward said in his orientalism. orientalism is a western construction of the nonwestern other. this construction was produced during the colonial period where the colonizers represented the colonized. the other is subordinate or inferior to the west. filipino scholars have picked up this orientation and applied it to the philippine situation. being a colonized country by spain and the us, they can immediately identify with postcolonialism (brazal 2019). postcolonialism examines the colonial and western representation of the filipinos. spain labeled the filipinos as indios. indo was a name for inferior others. the indio collectively referred to the natives of the islands. indio was the lowest rank in a social hierarchy. the “pure” spaniards occupied the superior rank followed by the “impure” mestizos. the americans used the expression “little brown american” in referring to the filipinos. filipinos were americans, but they were little in stature and brown in color. thus, they were an inferior type of americans. both labels indio and little brown americans were racialized representations of the colonized natives or filipinos (camacho, 2011). they never equaled the colonizers, but they were always belittled. these labels were not complimentary but subordinate names for the natives or filipinos. in the case of the indio, the natives were excluded as being subhuman, while in the case of the little brown americans, the filipinos were marginalized as being inferior (tupas, 2022). basically, postcolonialism examines or analyzes the western or colonial representations of the natives or the filipinos. the colonizers unilaterally represented the colonized as inferior peoples. it was a representation of the colonized by the colonizers. the colonized were reduced into silence and subservience. that representation is unequally made since it emanated from the colonizers and convertedthem into their reality and imposed on them the colonized fate. using foucault and lacan, postcolonialism understands this representation as discourse of power that controls the production of knowledge, subjugating the natives and as the western unconsciousness that projects their fear to the colonized. spivak distinguishes two types of representation, one as a portrait-like picture that represents someone, and two, as a proxy-like politician whorepresents his/her constituents (barnett, n. d.). canceran, “christianity in the philippines” global south theological journal 4, no. 2 (2025): 24 contemporary times catholicism remains the majority religion of the filipinos, while protestantism remains a minority religion. filipinos have been socialized and accustomed to the catholic religion and our ancestors have handed down and brought up the succeeding generations in this religion. thus, they still practice this traditional religion despite the atrocities and abuses of the spaniards. the protestant religion exists side by side with the catholic religion, and there are ecumenical dialogues and movements going on between these religions. the vatican ii documents have opened the doors of the catholic church to ecumenical as well as interreligious dialogues. most collaborations have focused on social issues and social justice in the service of the ordinary people. in the past, the catholic religion has been influential through the leadership of the catholic bishops conference in the philippines (cbcp) and the conference of the major superiors of the philippines (cmsp). comparatively, the cmsp has been more vocal and active in their engagement with social problems and advocacies. but in the present, the influence of catholic religion has dwindled among the people (world faiths development dialogue, 37). during the marcos era, the catholic leadership was a staunch critic of the administration. marcos had been accused of gross violation of human rights and unchecked graft and corruption. the catholic church under the leadership of the late cardinal sin joined the opposition headed by widow of the slain senator benigno aquino, sr., the late corazon aquino, in calling the people in unseating and toppling the dictator. people had been mobilized to join the so-called people power. people went to edsa (epifanio de los santos avenue) demanding the immediate stepping down of marcos. the snap election that he called to legitimize his administration was believed to have been rigged. the filipinos called for his immediate resignation from the presidency and installed the new leader, president corazon “cory” aquino (abinales, 1996). the aquino administration was a friend of the catholic church. the church reestablished its good relationship with the government under the new administration who restored democracy in the country. generally, there was a smooth relationship between the church and state during the aquino government (youngblood, 1987). in fact, after the demise of the president, there are sectors who are pushing for his sainthood. however, this push died out eventually (sotelo, 2009). under the estrada administration, the church again joined the opposition in criticizing the president for corruption charges. the president was accused of being a jueteng (gambling) beneficiary. the church was against gambling. in the senate, the senators initiated the investigation of the jueteng charges and the impeachment complaints against the sitting president. after a series of senate hearings, majority of the senate members voted for the impeachment against the president. he was eventually ousted from the presidency (arugay, 2004). president estrada was succeeded by the vice president, gloria macapagal arroyo. president arroyo was also a friend of the catholic church. the church again regained its influence in the government ruiz austria, 2004). some bishops even received some privileges such as the infamous suv bishops. the senate invited some bishops to attend the investigation. in the hearings, these bishops admitted their faults and eventually returned these cars. the bishops learned a lesson from that practice. after that experience, they decided to refuse any financial aid from the government (associated press, 2011). when president benigno aquino, jr. ascended to the presidency, he endorsed the reproductive rights bill (rh bill). this move antagonized the church hierarchy since they opposed the bill because it contradicts the moral teaching of the church on artificial contraception. the bishops considered the bill contradictory to the doctrine which only allows the natural method and not the artificial method of contraception. in the survey, a majority of the filipinos approved the reproductive rights. even other religions supported it. the catholic church received its backlash. people did not listen to the catholic hierarchy. rather, they acted based on their consciences (zialcita, 2019). during the time of the duterte administration, the catholic church was openly antagonized by the president. the catholic church criticized the war on drug policy of the president. in spite of that open opposition, duterte still received a consistently high trust rating and approval of his notorious war on drug canceran, “christianity in the philippines” global south theological journal 4, no. 2 (2025): 25 policy. the catholic church joined with the other human rights advocates such as the commission on human rights (chr) in denouncing that policy. most victims of that policy belonged to the poor sectors of society. the catholic church opposed the war on drug since it contradicts the commandment of god: you shall not kill. only god can give life and take that away. president duterte enforced its policy and disregarded the criticisms (willis 2018). with the election of the team party of bongbong marcos, the namesake of the late dictator, and sara duterte, the daughter of the anti-drug leader, the catholic church was generally silent. perhaps, church people are still observing the movements of the new leadership using the strategy of wait and see. although in the past we have seen the conflict between the church and marcos and the church and duterte, we cannot also attribute the same relationship with their son and daughter. during the national election campaign, some church people were openly declaring their support to the candidacy of the opposition party, namely, leni robredo and kiko pangilinan under the liberal party. some church people were criticizing the clergy for that open campaigning to their congregations. perhaps, it is still early to assess their leadership. although there are already criticisms lodged against them (de guzman, 2022). in these instances, we see the ebb and flow of the influence of the church hierarchy or clergy in the government and in society. this fluctuation does not only mean the temporality of the power of the church but, also, it also manifests its instability. although the church is seen as a trustworthy institution, it cannot automatically command agreement or assent to its doctrine or position in some issues besetting the people. the people can make their own choices or form their own positions even if contrary to the official stand of the hierarchy or clergy. the hierarchy or clergy can no longer impose its doctrine or position on the people. some church members may still belong to the catholic church, but they do not just believe the church doctrine or hierarchy. this is the thesis of secularism. secularism is no longer referring exclusively to the traditional sense of privatization or decline of religion but the empowerment of people to make their independent decisions and choices that affect their lives. the people have become secular in their views in the sense that they provide themselves with their own space in decision-making and empower themselves in forming their views on some issues. the people know their situation and trust their experience. they no longer depend on or consult the clergy for guidance and enlightenment. not only because the priests are inaccessible, but the priests are human like them who also struggle on some hurdles in their lives. the sexual scandals in the church are a case in point. priests also commit sins or crimes just like anybody else. they are not exempted. the church is just one among the many institutions in our society. it cannot claim priority or ascendancy with the rest. it must relate to other institutions like the government, the media, the market and the family. it can no longer impose its doctrine and expect obedience from other institutions. institutions have separate rules. although the church may still enjoy the trust of the people, it cannot always expect submission to its authority. some members may belong to the church, but they do not believe the doctrine. they attend the sunday masses, but they question the homilies of the priests. they do not just believe but they engage. for example, in the reproductive rights law, the church hierarchy opposed the bill then, but it lost in the votes. the bill was finally approved into law. prospects christianity in the philippines should be studied in its historical contexts. we factor in the history of the spanish empire and the u.s. empire that introduced christianity into the country, first catholicism and then protestantism. they have conditioned or influenced our brand of christianity (hispanic and american). moreover, we also factor in the movements in society and in the church. these movements on the ground have entered or infiltrated church people, mostly as individual members in their congregation or diocese. social events influence the church and clergy. moreover, church documents have also influenced church people. these documents were received differently by the church, both lay people and consecrated people who are sympathetic to the marginalized sectors in society and aligned with the papal canceran, “christianity in the philippines” global south theological journal 4, no. 2 (2025): 26 pronouncements. they are determined to continue the ongoing transformations in society and in the church. changes must come from below and not from above. those from above should only support and accompany those from below. there are more people from below who could bring about changes in society and in the church. the pope has been encouraging the youths to make a noise and get involved in the church. unfortunately, the youths are not getting the message of the pope and are afraid to make noises. they are more preoccupied with social media. they spend more time and express themselves in social media. the ordinary people are also preoccupied with their struggles for survival. they need to work and earn their living for their daily needs. in this case, the middles class people like religious priests and sisters can initiate the education and conscientization of these marginalized sectors. this move is risky since people are being red-tagged if you oppose the government. we cannot expect a total or grand transformation. but we can do bits and pieces of changes here and there. these changes may face some resistances, oppositions and indifference from the traditional or conservative camps but committed christians have to sustain their actions and continue their endeavors. the minority can influence the majority by their commitment and persistence. before liberation theology was a taboo in the institutional church. now it has become acceptable. that small group or individual initiatives can expand by their witnessing. people will be convinced of the legitimacy of their movement or initiative. this is prophetism. we do not expect to have automatic acceptance and immediate transformation. prophets testified and suffered for their commitment in building the reign of god on earth. church people need to engage with other groups. those marginalized groups such as the young and the poor – are potential members since they are the affected and marginalized people in society and in the church. these people desire change that would eventually include them. they resist this exclusion and marginalization. they want to be active participants and partners in changing our society and church. however, they are not consulted and tapped so they remain marginalized and excluded. changes come from them. it will not just be an inclusion as accommodation or assimilation but a partnership and cooperation. we are equal since baptism is the basis, not ordination. we can also connect with our protestant brothers and sisters. they have been active in the area of social justice and social transformation. the catholic people can join them. in fact, there are already existing cooperation between protestants and catholics. in that case, we expand our group and membership and strengthen these initiatives and collaborations. catholics have been talking about ecumenical and interreligious dialogues. these dialogues are encouraged by catholic documents. however, they should not remain as documents and in academies. they should be translated into action and movement. if the initiatives gain more members and expand the movements, then churches can influence and demand more changes in the process. we need to dialogue with all people who are interested in social transformation. most intellectual influences on the catholic church come from the west such as us and uk. without being critical on the consequences of these influences, filipino scholars reproduce western representations or discourses. liberation theologians were influenced by the political theology in the europe, specifically in germany like johann baptist metz and jűrgen moltman. moreover, marxist theory came also from the west since karl marx lived in england and reflected on the impacts of industrial revolution to the workers. in this case, the western influence still operates in our institutions. filipino scholars have not yet explored the full potentials of non-western sources and scholars. they have to link with the global south and explore the decolonial scholarship and the indigenous people as. sources of new production of knowledge. conclusion the church as an institution or organization is not a monolith, but is fragmented by theological beliefs, political affinities and religious concerns. there are those who belong to the traditional or conservative camp, those who identify with the liberal and open camp, and those who belong to the progressive and canceran, “christianity in the philippines” global south theological journal 4, no. 2 (2025): 27 radical camp. although they profess their faith in the trinitarian god, they view that god through different lenses. there are those who identify with scholastic theology, liberation theology, feminist theology, postcolonial theology and decolonial theology. these differences create spaces for alliances and movements and adjustments. with the leadership of pope francis, we are beginning to see some transformations taking place in the catholic church. the pendulum swings to the liberal persuasion. in this persuasion, liberation theology, feminism and postcolonialism find their place in the church. in various occasions, pope francis has supported the marginalized sectors like the poor, women, queers and indigenous peoples. he encourages the church to be demasculinized, to engage into dialogue with women, queers, marxists or communists, to bless same sex unions and irregular couples. these gestures indicate some changes in the direction of the church toward inclusivity and solidarity. however, these transformations have been initiated from abovefrom the , and the marginalized sectors from below welcome this development. the middle leadership of the local clergy has a significant role in linking the papacy to the marginalized sectors in their respective countries, dioceses and parishes. this middle leadership needs to cascade these pronouncements to the congregations and firm up these pronouncements in specific programs on the ground. if the middle leadership of the local clergy supports the pope, then it would greatly facilitate the push for transformation in the church. the grassroots or the ordinary peopleare crucial to this transformation process. they are not just the majority that compose the church, but they are the actors in this transformation. we do not expect an automatic or fast change in the church. there will be a number of individuals or small groups of religious men and women (priests and sisters) who will pursue that path of transformation. but as usual, they will be in the minority and will be marginal in the church. documents need to be translated into action. there will be more changes in the church as we move forward toward this synodal church. the church is on the move toward changes. bibliography abinales, patricio n. “review essay: church and state and church as state in the philippines.” bulletin of concerned asian scholars, 28:2 (1996): 62-70, doi: 10.1080/14672715.1996.10416201. aguilan, victor. “the convergence of marxism and christianity: implications for philippine democracy.” phavisminda journal, 12, 1 (2013): 12-24. https://ejournals.ph/file.php?id=uploads/archive/phavisminda/vol.%2012%20no.%201%20( 2013)/articles/b%20aguilan.pdf&name=theconvergenceofmarxismandchristia 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southeast asia: liberation-postcolonial ethics in the philippines. new york: orbis books, 2019. camacho, marya svetlana. “race and culture in spanish and american colonial policies.” mixed blessing: the impact of the american colonial experience on politics and society in the philippines. hazel m. mcferson. quezon city: university of the philippines press, 2011. canceran, delfo. pagan face of god. quezon city: rex publication, 1994. https://ejournals.ph/file.php?id=uploads/archive/phavisminda/vol.%2012%20no.%201%20(2013)/articles/b%20aguilan.pdf&name=theconvergenceofmarxismandchristianityimplicationsforphilippinedemocracy&di=9526&type=pdf https://ejournals.ph/file.php?id=uploads/archive/phavisminda/vol.%2012%20no.%201%20(2013)/articles/b%20aguilan.pdf&name=theconvergenceofmarxismandchristianityimplicationsforphilippinedemocracy&di=9526&type=pdf https://ejournals.ph/file.php?id=uploads/archive/phavisminda/vol.%2012%20no.%201%20(2013)/articles/b%20aguilan.pdf&name=theconvergenceofmarxismandchristianityimplicationsforphilippinedemocracy&di=9526&type=pdf https://clivebarnett.files.wordpress.com/2017/03/12_aitken-and-valentine_ch-12.pdf canceran, “christianity in the philippines” global south theological journal 4, no. 2 (2025): 28 canceran, delfo. “interrogating secularism: the case of filipino experience.” asia journal of theology, 30, 1 (2016): 115-130. chomsky, noam. “studies on semantics in generative grammar,” (2013). https://babel.ucsc.edu/~hank/ds4i.pdf. clymer, kenton j. protestant missionaries in the philippines, 1898-1916: an inquiry into the american colonial mentality. urbana: university of illinois press, 1986. cosmao, vincent. changing the world: an agenda for the world. quezon city: claretian publications, 1985. de la torre. “marxism and religion: experiences of filipino christians,” marx bicentennial lecture 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church history. quezon city: ateneo de manila university, 1979. sotelo, yolanda. “cory sainthood? wait 3 years, says bishop,” philippine daily inquirer, . 8 august 2009. suarez, oscar s. protestantism and authoritarian politics: the politics of repression and the future of ecumenical witness in the philippines. quezon city: new day publishers, 1999. ruanni tupas. “the coloniality of native speakerism.” asian englishes 24:2 (2022): 147-159, doi: 10.1080/13488678.2022.2056797. ruiz austria, carolina s. (2004). the church, the state and women's bodies in the context of religious fundamentalism in the philippines, reproductive health matters, 12:24, 96103, doi: 10.1016/s0968-8080(04)24152-0 wikipedia. “christianity in the philippines.” https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/christianity_in_the_philippines. https://babel.ucsc.edu/%7ehank/ds4i.pdf https://www.researchgate.net/publication/332522913_marxism_and_religion_experiences_of_filipino_christians_introduction_marx_on_religion https://www.researchgate.net/publication/332522913_marxism_and_religion_experiences_of_filipino_christians_introduction_marx_on_religion https://time.com/6180512/philippines-marcos-catholic-church/ https://time.com/6180512/philippines-marcos-catholic-church/ https://muse.jhu.edu/pub/315/oa_monograph/chapter/2366291/pdf https://compass.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/pdf/10.1111/j.1478-0542.2004.00115.x https://doi.org/10.1177/09667350221085162 https://doi.org/10.1016/s0968-8080(04)24152-0 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/christianity_in_the_philippines canceran, “christianity in the philippines” global south theological journal 4, no. 2 (2025): 29 willis, adam, and lopez, eloisa. "church vs. state: philippine president rodrigo duterte's brutal but popular war on drugs has forced the catholic church to ask itself a defining question: what is its responsibility under an immoral regime?" virginia quarterly review 95, 2 (2019): 3855. muse.jhu.edu/article/727036. world faiths development dialogue. faith and development in focus philippines. berkley center for religion, peace & world affairs, 2019. https://s3.amazonaws.com/berkleycenter/191001wfddbcfaithdevelopmentfocusphilippines.pdf. youngblood; robert l. “the corazon aquino ‘miracle’ and the philippine churches.” far eastern survey 27 (12): 1240–1255, 1 december 1988. doi: https://doi.org/10.2307/2644632 zialcita, jean paul l. “presidential influence in the legislative process: the passage of the rh bill in the philippine house of representatives.” philippine social sciences review, 71, 1 (2019): 27-41. https://muse.jhu.edu/article/727036 https://s3.amazonaws.com/berkley-center/191001wfddbcfaithdevelopmentfocusphilippines.pdf https://s3.amazonaws.com/berkley-center/191001wfddbcfaithdevelopmentfocusphilippines.pdf https://doi.org/10.2307/2644632 historical backgrounds spanish catholicism american protestantism ideological influences influence of marxism influence of feminism influence of postcolonialism contemporary times prospects conclusion bibliography global south theological journal 4, no. 2 (2025): 3 indian christianity: through historical transitionary modes to contemporary polyvalent christianity allan varghese meloottu (asbury theological seminary) abstract: this article explores the historical evolution and contemporary features of indian christianity, tracing its journey from the arrival of apostle thomas in a.d. 52 to its current status as a minority religion in a hindu-majority nation. it examines key transitional modes, including assimilation with syrian traditions, resistance against portuguese catholic impositions, vernacularization through bible translations, and indigenization through revivals and social reforms. the narrative highlights the interplay between foreign missionary influences and local adaptations, resulting in a uniquely indian expression of christianity. contemporary indian christianity has three distinctive features: its inter-religious nature shaped by theological permeability with other faiths, its holistic approach to mission addressing multidimensional poverty and social inequalities, and its resilience amid rising persecution from radical hindutva movements. the article also discusses the diverse denominational landscape, including catholics, orthodox, protestants, pentecostals, and independent churches, and their varied theological and missional priorities. despite challenges, indian christianity remains a dynamic and polyvalent faith, embodying cultural integration, social transformation, and spiritual resilience. this study underscores the enduring adaptability and relevance of christianity in india, offering insights into its historical transitions and contemporary significance in a pluralistic and socio-politically complex context. introduction christianity’s early emergence in west asia, its subsequent reach to south asia with the arrival of jesus’ disciple thomas, and its spread to central asia in the form of syriac christianity, “asia has the longest and perhaps the most complicated history with the christian faith.”1 however, despite these long-standing relations with christianity, today, “asian christians live as minorities among people of other faiths.”2 indian christianity characterizes this minority status very well, as the christians in the region continually make sense of their faith as they interact with the normative aspects of other major world religions (hinduism, islam, buddhism, jainism, and sikhism) along with other socio-economic and political factors. this chapter, while providing a brief account of indian christian history, also calls attention to the distinctive theological features of indian christianity as it engages with significant contextual trends in the region. in the first part of this chapter, i briefly recount the various major transitory modes in the formation of indian christian history as it traversed from christianity’s arrival in the first century, through a period of conquest, migration and resistance in the 1400s-1600s; then through accommodation, and vernacularization in the 1600s-1800s; and finally, through revivals and indigenization in the 1900s. second, considering the diverse theologies of indian christianity, i highlight three distinctive 1 lalsangkima pachuau, world christianity: a historical and theological introduction. (nashville, tennessee: abingdon press, 2018), 63. 2 sebastian kim and kirsteen kim. christianity as a world religion: an introduction. second edition. (london; new york: bloomsbury academic, 2016) 25. meloottu, “indian christianity” global south theological journal 4, no. 2 (2025): 4 characteristics of contemporary indian christianity: inter-religious nature, holistic and resilient amid religious persecution. transitory modes in the history of indian christianity: arrival and assimilation: the beginning of indian christianity can be traced back to the long-held tradition that jesus’ disciple, thomas, arrived and preached the gospel, establishing churches. although there have been speculations around the historical reliability of thomas’ arrival, the tradition claims that the apostle arrived at the malabar coast in a.d. 52.3 furthermore, in light of the available evidence of maritime trade routes between west asia and south india, as robert eric frykenberg notes, it is “not implausible” to claim thomas’ arrival and the subsequent establishment of a christian community.4 after almost two hundred years, in 345, a merchant named thomas cana arrived from the persian empire with four hundred christians and two syrian bishops,5 reviving the pre-existing thomas christians. consequently, the south indian thomas christianity (including parts of today’s kerala and tamil nadu) embodied syrian theology, worship forms, and customs. such a syrian influenced christianity, assimilated and localized into the south indian social class-caste structures. subsequently, from the fourth to the sixteenth century, the church and its doctrines (influenced by the syriac rites) assimilated into the local contexts and have become, in francis thonippara’s words, “truly an indian church rooted in indian soil.”6 such an assimilated and localized christianity remained unchallenged for centuries until the arrival of the portuguese in the sixteenth century. conquest, migration, and resistance: during the portuguese period, the story of indian christianity shifted due to conquest, transregional migration, and resistance. the pathway for these transitory modes began when the portuguese merchant vasco da gama arrived on the shores of kozhikode (calicut) on may 20, 1498, claiming that “we come to seek christians and spices.”7 however, the portuguese had long-term plans of conquest. the portuguese declared parts of south india as the ‘state of india’ (estado da india) in 1505, and appointed alfonso de albuquereque as the portuguese ‘governor of india’ in 1509, marking a new beginning in the indian socio-politics and religious history. alfonso de albuquereque, “a genial colonizer and administrator,”8 transferred the portuguese base from kochi to goa, as “the conditions in goa were favourable for a conquest.”9 with five islands located ideally between the muslim kingdoms of the north 3 susan bayly, saints, goddesses and kings: muslims and christians in south indian society, 1700-1900. (cambridge: cambridge university press, 1989) 244. 4 robert eric frykenberg. “christianity in south india since 1500: historical studies of transcultural interactions within hindu-muslim environments.” dharma deepika 1, no. 2 (1997): 4. 5 c. p. mathew and m. m. thomas, the indian churches of saint thomas. revised edition. (delhi: ispck, 2005), 20. 6 francis thonippara, “from colonization to romanization: the impact of the synod of udayamperur on saint thomas christian in heritage of early christian communities in india: some landmarks, edited by g. john samuel (chennai, india: institute of asian studies, 2010) 111. 7 quoted in robert eric frykenberg. christianity in india: from beginnings to the present. (new york: oxford university press, 2010), 121. 8 leonard fernando and george gispert-sauch. christianity in india. (new delhi: penguin, 2004), 113. 9 fernando and gispert-sauch. christianity in india, 114. meloottu, “indian christianity” global south theological journal 4, no. 2 (2025): 5 and the hindu vijayanagar kingdom of the south, albuquerque allied with the hindu feudal lords.10 while the portuguese were critical and intolerant towards the muslims, they adopted a tolerant outlook toward the hindus, hoping that they would convert to catholicism. however, such a tolerant attitude soon started to fade. starting in 1540, policies were instituted to indicate intolerance towards non-christians. forceful conversions, demolition of hindu temples, and other intolerant actions ensued (especially in goa) under the portuguese conquest. the portuguese policies were also detrimental to the local christians as the portuguese “sought to purify the native christians from the influence of their former hindu traditions and customs.”11 consequently, religious persecution, poor living conditions, and the excessive land taxation prompted the native christians to leave goa in the 1540s-50s. later on, the attacks from the sultan of bijapur (1570) and shambaji, the maratha king (1683) on goa also prompted further migration among native christians to kanara. while these transregional developments occurred in goa and karnataka, a different story played out in kerala: the story of resistance. the local syrian bishops resisted any attempts to lure the syrian christians or to replace syrian ceremonies with latin. the unrest between the syrians and the catholics came to its pinnacle in 1597 with the death of the syrian bishop mar abraham, and the catholic archbishop of goa, alexis de menezes, saw to it that no new bishop should arrive in malabar from mesopotamia to replace the deceased bishop.12 using this syrian leadership vacuum, menezes set his agenda “to purify all the churches from heresy and errors.”13 in 1599, by convoking a synod at udayamperur (popularly known as the synod of diamper), which lasted for seven days, the archbishop made steps to establish the pope’s supremacy over the syrian christians, and instructed all syrian clergy to institute the latin rituals. however, a good section of the syrian thomas christians under the leadership of archdeacon thomas resisted the portuguese latinization, leading to an insurgency by local syrian christians that resulted in the coonen cross resolution against the portuguese and the roman church on january 3, 1653.14 the coonen cross resolution resulted in the division of the syrian christians, marking “the end of the unity of the kerala church.”15 “the ones who remained with the roman church came to be known as the ‘pazhayakur’ (old party), and the ones who maintained their separation from the roman church came to be known as the ‘puthenkur’ (new party),”16 re-integrating their ecclesial order with the syrian jacobite church as they reintroduced oriental customs, and reinstated syriac as the ecclesiastical language. while the colonially minded portuguese administration ventured on conquering goa with its militarized christian policies (unscathed by the jesuit protests against the colonial imposition of 10 in light of the ongoing attempts to resist the muslim encroachment into the south, the hindu empire of vijayanagara was also happy to establish bonds with the christian portuguese traders. for a brief history of the vijayanagara empire, see (pillalamarri 2015, https://thediplomat.com/2015/06/450-years-ago-this-battle-changed-the-course-of-indian-history/ accessed on december 2, 2021) 11 carmine d’costa. “migration of christians from goa and the making of the mangalorean christian community in south kanara (1560-1763).” indian church history review 44.1 (2010), 44. some of the polices were: the 1540 rigor of mercy, the 1541 conformity of the holy faith, and the 1684 anti-konkani legislation. 12 quoted in allan varghese, the reformative and indigenous face of the indian pentecostal movement. international journal for indian studies, 4, no. 2 (2019). 3. 13 mathew, and thomas, the indian churches of saint thomas, 32 14 the local syrian christians gathered outside a church at mattancherry in cochin and took the oath on the crookedshaped stone cross. the word ‘coonen’ translates to ‘crooked.’ 15 sreedhara menon, kerala history and its makers. (kottayam, kerala: dc books, 2008), 122. 16 varghese, “the reformative and indigenous face of the indian pentecostal movement,” 4. https://thediplomat.com/2015/06/450-years-ago-this-battle-changed-the-course-of-indian-history/ meloottu, “indian christianity” global south theological journal 4, no. 2 (2025): 6 christianity), with the native goan christians migrating to neighboring kingdoms and the local kerala syrian christians resisting the catholic invasion, some missionaries ventured on to communicate the gospel. most notably, the life and work of francis xavier and robert de nobili are noteworthy for their missionary efforts of accommodating the local elements to christian faith, contrasted with the portuguese militarized christianity. accommodation and vernacularization: when francis xavier arrived among the paravas in 1542, xavier found christians who had converted ten years ago due to a tactical alliance as the local caste group sought military protection from the catholics against the muslim merchants. xavier’s two-year presence among the paravas of tamil nadu (considered low caste) is one of the early missionary examples of attempting to truly inform the locals of the catholic beliefs and practices beyond mere colonial impositions. although xavier could only teach them “to make the sign of the cross and to recite garbled tamil renderings of the creed and the ave maria,” xavier consolidated a new and distinctive christian tradition among the paravas.17 however, after xavier, an italian jesuit, roberto de nobili (1577-1656), took intentional steps to accommodate indian cultural norms in communicating the gospel. de nobili lived in madurai for almost 40 years (16061644) and is known for his lifestyle missionary witness among the prominent tamil class. “if francis xavier has dealt with the lowest, most polluting segments of tamil society down the fisher coast, roberto de nobili dealt exclusively with the highest and most pure.”18 de nobili immersed himself in the south indian brahmic culture, embodied as a sannyasi, and “sought to remove the barriers that lay between the hindus of caste and faith in christ by stripping both the christian message and the christian messenger of their respective ‘cultural encoding’ and embracing the local cultural norms.19 in addition, de nobili became well versed in the tamil language, “developed a tamil writing style far surpassing the minimal requirements of the colloquial; he learned sanskrit, hinduism’s classical language, and was probably the first european to be fluent in it.”20 de nobili translated some parts of the scripture and catholic liturgies into tamil vocabulary, which became valuable for the protestant missionaries who translated the bible into local vernacular languages. de nobili’s approach to mission was revolutionary to the extent that it brought a new understanding of gospel accommodation and set the ground for vernacularization that resulted from translation. after de nobili, bible translation became a crucial transitional mode that led the future trajectory of indian christianity. on july 9, 1706, bartholomew ziegenbalg and henry pluetschau arrived at tranquebar. subsequently, numerous lutheran missionaries joined the mission in tranqubar (also known as tarangambadi). for the protestant missionaries, education and church building went hand in hand. therefore, ziegenbalg and other subsequent missionaries began translating the bible into the vernacular languages as a vital step forward in their education mission. with his hope to present the gospel to the natives, ziegenbalg first completed and printed the tamil new testament between 1714 and 1715. although ziegenbalg’s version had to be revised multiple times until it was fit for local reading, as 17 bayly, saints, goddesses and kings, 328. 18 robert eric frykenberg, “india” in adrian hastings, a world history of christianity. (grand rapids: eerdmans, 1999), 169. 19 cody c. lorance, “cultural relevance and doctrinal soundness: the mission of roberto de nobili.” missiology 33, no.4 (2005), 417. 20 francis x. clooney, “roberto de nobili, adaptation and the reasonable interpretation of religion.” missiology 18, no. 1 (1990), 26. meloottu, “indian christianity” global south theological journal 4, no. 2 (2025): 7 stephen neil writes, ziegenbalg’s achievement was considerable; for the first time, the entire new testament had been made available in an indian language.”21 for the other missionaries who translated the bible into other south indian languages, ziegenbalg’s work served as a foundation. benjamin schultze, another lutheran missionary, was a successor to ziegenbalg. not only did he take the task of completing the old testament translation to tamil in 1724 (which ziegenbalg started), but he also became the first person to translate “the new testament into telugu in 1727 and the old testament by 1732.”22 while lutheran missionaries began translating the bible into tamil and telugu, the english missionaries translated it into kannada and malayalam. as the danish political influence waned with the ascendancy of the english east india company, various british christian missionary societies took on the task of translating the bible into indian languages. western protestant missionary societies during the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries pioneered numerous literary endeavors in north indian states as they embarked on translating the bible into local languages. although christianity had a minimal presence in north india until the eighteenth century, with the arrival of the british missionaries, notably the ‘serampore trio’—william carey, joshua marshman, and william ward, christianity became a strong social influencer. the trio translated the bible into six languages— sanskrit, bengali, hindi, marathi, odia, and assamese.23 these translation efforts paved the indian christian’s trajectory towards vernacularization, social reform, and indigenization. for example, in kerala, as hepzibah israel rightly points out, “this christian population in general had no recourse to reading the bible either in syriac or malayalam, [but] unlike other parts of india, the bible was first translated into malayalam not for non-christians but for a largely christian population.”24 therefore, upon the availability of the bible in the local malayalam vernacular, the locally reform-minded clergy of syrian churches(who also helped the missionaries in their translation efforts) broke away from the syriac liturgy, beginning to celebrate rites in malayalam.25 eventually, this led the reform-minded syrian christians to establish themselves as the mar thoma church, leading the way to forming the mar thoma evangelistic association in 1888. as the bible became readily available in local languages, the wave of reformations and revivals emerged, leaving a “strong foundation of an indigenous church in india.”26 during the european translation efforts, the native “helpers” and leaders who played a pivotal role in helping the european translation efforts also led the charge in reforming the existing christian communities towards vernacularization. in speaking of vernacularization, it is also important to highlight that the accessibility of the vernacular bible and education has empowered the dalits and women. 27 the dalits were “forbidden to read and hear the sacred scriptures of the hindus. thus, they were cut off from all forms of literacy, 21 stephen c. neill, a history of christianity in india: 1707-1858. (cambridge: cambridge university press, 1985), 34. 22 hephzibah israel, “protestant translations of the bible in indian languages.” religion compass vol. 4, no. 2, (2010), 95. 23 for more details, see vishal and ruth mangalwadi, the legacy of william carey: a model for transformation of a culture (crossway books: 1999). 24 israel, “protestant translations of the bible in indian languages,” 94. 25 fernando and gispert-sauch. christianity in india, 176. 26 daniel jeyaraj, “early tamil bible translation in tranquebar.” dharma deepika vol. 1, no. 1(1997), 75. 27 for example, see chakali chandra sekhar, “dalit women and colonial christianity: first telugu bible women as teachers of wisdom.” economic & political weekly vol. 56, no. 11(2021), 57-63. meloottu, “indian christianity” global south theological journal 4, no. 2 (2025): 8 especially from hindu sacred texts.”28 such is the context in which the protestant missionaries gave the dalits access to study at the mission schools and listen to the biblical teachings. thus, the “accessibility of the christian sacred scriptures was an opportunity for empowerment.”29 while the vernacularization of the scripture brought the liberationist perspective to dalits and women in regions of india, the western christian missionary advocacy also brought forth certain social reform in india. for example, the serampore missionaries—william carey, william ward, and joshua marshman—were strong advocates against sati—the widow-burning practice—prevalent across the state of bengal in india. in his letter to dr. ryland, william carey writes on his experience of april 1, 1799, saying, “as i was returning from calcutta i saw …a woman burning herself with the corpse of her husband, for the first time in my life.”30 this exposure moved carey to study and propose the abolition of sati to the governor lord wellesley. carey’s proposal involved two aspects: a) a statistical account of all the deaths (through sati) that happened within a 30-mile radius around calcutta, and b)a religious account of all the hindu texts that report that sati is not a sacred duty enjoined with hinduism. eventually, the partnership of the serampore trio with the indian hindu reformers led lord william bentick to abolish sati in 1829. revival and indigenization: the availability of the bible in their language provided a sense of authority and autonomy to the local reform-minded indian leaders to lead reforms in their existing churches and to reach out to nonchristians. additionally, with the rise of an anti-western, nationalist socio-political context, indian christianity entered an era of revival of indigenization. such a local reformative and revival impetus paved the way for pentecostalism in india as part of the “indian-initiated” indigenization process, shaking off the captivity of western missionary christianity.31 one of the earliest revivals in south india was the christianpettah revival, led by john christian aroolappen, a trained anglican catechist. in his diary for august 8, 1860, aroolappen recorded: “in the month of june some of our people praised the lord by unknown tongues, with their interpretations.... my son and a daughter and three others went to visit their own relations, in three villages, who are under the church missionary society, they also received the holy ghost. some prophesy, some speak by unknown tongues with their interpretations.”32 aroolappen began to preach beyond the cms churches following the apostolic pattern of traveling evangelists and embraced an indigenous attitude when limiting the western missionary influence on the revival by accepting little or no western funding. aroolappen’s revival became influential in reforming christianity, leading to more reformminded churches, from the mar thoma church to the brethren and pentecostal churches. consequently, in 1926, the first indigenous pentecostal denomination was formed as “south indian pentecostal church of god (sipc)” under the leadership of k.e. abraham,33 insisting on indigenous leadership. this instance prompted sipc to send missionaries to various parts of india, eventually removing the ‘south’ from the title and reframing themselves as the ‘indian pentecostal church of god’ (ipc). 28 sathianathan clarke, “viewing the bible through the eyes and ears of subalterns in india.” biblical interpretation vol. 10, no. 3(2002), 256. 29 sathianathan. “viewing the bible through the eyes and ears of subalterns in india,” 256. 30 quoted in george smith, the life of william carey (london: j. m. dent & sons), 1909,78, 79. 31 paul joshua, christianity remade: the rise of indian-initiated churches. (texas: baylor university press, 2022). 32 aroolappen quoted in mcgee 1996,113. 33 varghese, “the reformative and indigenous face of the indian pentecostal movement,” 11. meloottu, “indian christianity” global south theological journal 4, no. 2 (2025): 9 in the north indian setting, the sialkot revival of 1904, the dholka revival of 1905, the revival of 1905 in khasi hills, and the mukti revival of 1905 became pivotal in establishing pentecostalism. noteably, it is essential to attribute the influence of pandita ramabai’s leadership, who held the balance of social reformation, religious revivalist faith, and an anti-western attitude. being a hindu widow, a mother of a girl child, and a woman with reformative ambitions, ramabai firmly believed that women’s leadership is imperative for the fight against inequalities propagated by the hindu caste system. although ramabai stood against some of the missionaries in india who embodied a colonial attitude, christianity gave her an ideological imagination for social reforms. in 1889, ramabai started sharada sadan (home of learning) in bombay, and “was the first ever residential school for high caste hindu widows and unmarried girls in maharashtra.”34 later, ramabai established the ‘mukti mission’ (home of salvation) and a rescue home named ‘kripa sadan’ (home of mercy), which carried a more christian expression. while ramabai continued to be a strong advocate for women, her openness to revive indian christianity began in “the revival of 1905” at the mukti mission, one of the early expressions of indian pentecostalism.35 during this revival, which lasted for the following years, ramabai writes, “most of the workers, and many of the girls and boys have received greater blessings. the fruit of the blessing began to manifest itself in deepening spiritual life, continuance in earnest prayer, greater zeal in winning souls for christ, increasing love, peace and joy in the holy ghost.”36 the revival of 1905 is a pivotal historical gathering, from which girls and women went to other parts of north india to establish churches and social reform efforts. numerous contemporary pentecostal and charismatics in various north indian states see the current growth as an aftermath of early twentieth-century revivals. simultaneously, in other parts of india, the anti-western political sentiment also led numerous revival-minded local leaders to the path of indigenization in their respective denominations to be more indian-initiated in their approach. even though the vision for a unified church in south india was forming from the early 1900s, it took till 1947 (immediately after india gained political independence from britain) for the main protestant denominations to officially inaugurate the new church as the church of south india (csi). although the political independence of india was not a direct reason for such a unified church, the increasing sense of nationalism in the country did influence it.37 especially in ensuring that churches be “authentically indian church in matters of finance and personnel.”38 in 1970, the churches in north india also followed the trend in establishing the church of north india (cni). the transitional modes of revival and indigenization also led to the establishment of various christian ashrams, in an attempt to imagine a hindu way of christianity, for example, in north india, notably the sat tal christian ashram (established in 1930), in south india, the shantivanam in tamil nadu (established in 1950) and kurisumala ashram in kerala (established in 1958). the primary aim of these ashrams is to “establish a way of contemplative life, based alike on the traditions of christian 34 meera kosambi, “indian response to christianity, church and colonialism: case of pandita ramabai,” economic and political weekly, 27, no.43/44, (1992), 63. 35 for a general introductory discussion on the mukti revival, see allan h. anderson, “pandita ramabai, the mukti revival and global pentecostalism.” transformation, vol 23, no. 1 (2006), 37–48. 36 quoted in adhav, s. m. pandita ramabai. (madras: the christian literature society, 1979), 217-218. 37 joshva raj, “united and uniting churches,” in christianity in south and central asia, edited by kenneth r. ross, daniel jeyaraj, and todd m. johnson. (edinburgh: edinburgh university press, 2019), 239. 38 george oommen, “challenging identity and crossing borders: unity in the church of south india.” word & world, vol. 25, no. 1(2005), 62. meloottu, “indian christianity” global south theological journal 4, no. 2 (2025): 10 monasticism and of hindu sannyas.”39 from an educational perspective, the national biblical catechetical and liturgical center in bangalore (founded in 1967) sought to “promote the renewal of the church in an indian context.”40 such contextual efforts have also led to the notion of “churchless christianity”41 where groups such as jesu bhakta (devotees of jesus), yeshu satsang (jesus truthgatherings), and yeshu darbar (the royal court of jesus) have reimagined the indigenous way to be christians while believing in the lordship of jesus christ, but belonging to their hindu cultural customs. statistical overview collectively, the christian population in india currently is the “largest christian population in the [south asian] region, [with] more than 60 million.”42 additionally, as gina a. zurlo notes, “the country is home to historic orthodox and catholic churches as well as tens of millions of protestants and independents.”43 the orthodox constitute about 0.4 percent (4,975,000), with catholics at 1.5 percent (19,882,000), protestants at 1.6 percent (21,478,000), evangelicals at .8 percent (10,027.000), the pentecostals at 1.6 percent (20,485,000), and the independents at 1.5 percent (18,990,000).44 while catholic denominations include latin, syro-malabar, and syro-malankara churches, orthodox include malankara jacobite syrian orthodox church (mjsoc), malankara orthodox syrian church (mosc), and the malabar independent church (thozhiyur church). on one end, the protestant classification includes the western-originated branches such as lutheran, anglican, methodist, and presbyterians (which constitute ‘mainline’ protestants); on the other end, such a categorization can also include indigenous protestant churches such as the mar thoma church and the church of south india (csi). there is also a growing presence of evangelicals of reformed and baptist traditions. finally, while pentecostal denominations involve the pentecostal mission (tpm), indian pentecostal church of god (ipc), assemblies of god (ag), church of god, sharon bible fellowship, and new life church of god, there has been a rise of a plethora of independent churches that individual charismatic leaders have founded. most recently, the calvary temple in andhra pradesh, founded by satish kumar, claims to have “close to 200,000 members who worship in four services.”45 geographically, the south and northeastern states of india comprise a significant minority christian population compared to the northern states. state-wise, according to the government of india, the 2011 census,46 kerala tops the list of south indian states with 6.2 million christians constituting 18.38 39 sagaraj, antonysamy. 2013. “christianity in india: a focus on inculturation,” research papers of the anthropological institute vol. 1, 129. accessed online on december 1, 2021. https://rci.nanzanu.ac.jp/jinruiken/publication/item/ronshu1-06%20sagayaraj.pdf 40 for more details on the national biblical catechetical and liturgical center, see the link: http://www.nbclcindia.org/history.html. accessed on december 4, 2021. 41 herbert e. hoefer, churchless christianity. (california: w. carey library, 2001). 42 gina a. zurlo, “a demographic profile of christianity in south and central asia,” in christianity in south and central asia, edited by kenneth r. ross, daniel jeyaraj, and todd m. johnson (massachusetts: hendrickson publishing, 2019), 12. 43 zurlo, “a demographic profile of christianity in south and central asia, “12. 44 todd m. johnson and gina a. zurlo quoted in leonard fernando, “north india” in christianity in south and central asia, edited by kenneth r. ross, daniel jeyaraj, and todd m. johnson (massachusetts: hendrickson publishing, 2019), 120. 45 james, jonathan d. “global, ‘glocal’ and local dynamics in calvary temple: india’s fastest growing megachurch”. in handbook of megachurches, edited by stephen hunt (leiden, the netherlands: brill, 2020), 303. 46 “christian religion census 2011,” census of india 2011. https://www.census2011.co.in/data/religion/3christianity.html. last accessed, november 24, 2023.covid-19 and other geopolitical aspects resulted in the delay of conducting the 2021 census. it will take place in 2023, and the results will be published the following year. http://www.nbclcindia.org/history.html https://www.census2011.co.in/data/religion/3-christianity.html https://www.census2011.co.in/data/religion/3-christianity.html meloottu, “indian christianity” global south theological journal 4, no. 2 (2025): 11 percent of the state population. tamil nadu follows with 4.4 million (6.12 percent), karnataka with 1.1 million (1.87 percent), and andhra pradesh with 1.1 million47 (1.34 percent) and goa with 366 thousand (25.10 percent). in northeast india, although the christian population is not majority in the region, christianity is the largest religion in five states, namely arunachal pradesh with 418,732 (30.26 percent), manipur with 1.1 million (41.29 percent), meghalaya with 2.2 million (74.59 percent), mizoram with 956,331 (87.16 percent), and nagaland with 1.7 million (87.93 percent). in north india, jharkhand with 1.4 million (4.30 percent) leads in state-wise percentage of christians, with chhattisgarh with 490,542 (1.92 percent) and punjab with 348,230 (1.26 percent) immediately following. key features of contemporary indian christianity although one can imagine numerous features of contemporary indian christianity, i narrow the discussion in this section to three features roughly following pachuau’s paradigm of three “common macro-contextual issues faced in the majority world”: religiosity, poverty & inequality, and tensional existence.48 first, as already introduced, the religious plurality of the region produces the distinctive interreligious nature of indian christianity. second, the indian context of multidimensional poverty and inequality provides the holistic approach to the practice of christian faith, and third, as christianity remains a minority religion in india, the christian faith is also characterized by a tensional existence leading to persecution (or the fear of persecution) from majoritarian radical groups. inter-religious nature of christianity in the context of other religions: because christianity is a minority religious group in india, inter-religiosity has been a trademark of indian christianity. christianity in the region is diverse in its local cultural expressions (along with the denominational diversities), making the theologies of inter-religiosity diverse. these theologies raise the question of how permeable the boundary of particular theologies is in relation to local religions. theologian swarup bar integrates permeability with ecclesiology: “permeability refers to the phenomenon of the passage of things through porous borders or boundaries.” bar continues, “it would mean that it ought to have borders or boundaries, but those are porous, allowing selective passage of, say, perspectives and people.”49 various denominations and theologians in the region hold a diverse spectrum of theology of religion that allows varying levels of permeability between christianity and other religions; the church and other religious communities on one end, theologians like stanley j. samartha and s. wesley ariarajah50 adopt a more inclusive, pluralistic perspective towards other religions and propose a softer boundary between christ, the church, and the outsider. on the other end, scholars like lesslie newbigin51 and vinod 47 this statistic involves christians from the state of telangana, as the state of formation did not occur during the 2011 census. the state was officially formed on june 2, 2014, constituting the northwestern part of andhra pradesh with hyderabad as its capital. 48 pachuau, world christianity, 111. 49 swarup bar, the spirit shaped church: a spirit ecclesiology in india. (minneapolis, minnesota: fortress press, 2021), 49 50 s. wesley. ariarajah, strangers or co-pilgrims?: the impact of interfaith dialogue on christian faith and practice. (minneapolis: fortress press, 2017). 51 lesslie newbigin, the open secret: an introduction to the theology of mission. revised edition. (grand rapids, michigan: w.b. eerdmans, 1995) 160-189. meloottu, “indian christianity” global south theological journal 4, no. 2 (2025): 12 ramachandra52 attempt to provide a more exclusive yet inclusive approach, upholding the uniqueness of christ and the church. although the boundary between christianity and other religions is clear, there is enough porosity in the relational attitude toward the religious other. however, scholars like m. m thomas still attempt to permeabilize christianity with the other by imagining three levels of “koinonia-in-christ.” first, the koinonia of the eucharistic community of the church, where people acknowledge the lordship of jesus christ, and second, a larger koinonia, where people from different faiths who are “inwardly being renewed by their acknowledgment of the ultimacy of the pattern of suffering servanthood as exemplified by the crucified jesus.” third, a still larger koinonia of those involved people who are “in the powerpolitical struggles for new societies.”53 through the levels of ‘koinonia-in-christ,’ thomas attempts to soften the borders of christianity, the church, and other religions. these varied theologies of religion have influenced how different denominations and christians have emphasized different priorities in their missional engagements. on one end, there have been calls from mainline traditions “to move away from a mission that targets other religious communities for conversion,”54 and instead to collaborate with other religious adherents “in promoting the life-centered values of the reign of god.”55 however, on the other end, conversions have been a reality with the emergence of the pentecostal movement and its emphasis on the holy spirit’s power over other spirits.56 one could add that the evangelical and pentecostal christians uphold an exclusivist position of the uniqueness of christ that results in the hard bordering of the church’s relation with the non-christian religions. pentecostals have not shied away from teaching a total rupture from the old religious traditions, making it clear that there is a hard border between christianity and other religions. yet, there is also the growing presence of “churchless christianity,”57 constituted of hindu followers of christ who attempt to soften the borders of christianity with other religio-cultural traditions, with the belief that “when a person from hinduism turns to christ, he may do so without giving up socio-religious ties.”58 however, missiologically, irrespective of where one lands on the spectrum of permeability (with a soft or harder border), the unavoidable challenge of indian christianity is presented in how one communicates the christian gospel to other religious adherents. lesslie newbigin’s experience in tamil nadu serves as an example of how the daily missiological engagements with other religious adherents not only force the missionary to be creative in theological translation but also add to the unique feature of christianity. in the mission context of south india, newbigin writes: i have heard speakers use many different tamil words to explain who he (jesus) is. he is swamy (lord). alternatively, he is satguru (the true teacher). he is avatar (incarnation of god). or, he is kadavul (the transcendent god) who 52 vinoth ramachandra, the recovery of mission: beyond the pluralist paradigm. (grand rapids, mich.: w.b. eerdmans, 1997). 53 m. m. thomas, “a christ-centered humanist approach to other religions in the indian pluralistic context,” in gavin d’costa (ed). christian uniqueness reconsidered: the myth of a pluralistic theology of religions. (maryknoll, n.y.: orbis books, 1990), 61. 54 ariarajah, strangers or co-pilgrims?, 124 55 ariarajah, strangers or co-pilgrims?, 125 56 sarbeswar sahoo, pentecostalism and politics of conversion in india. (new delhi, india: cambridge university press, 2018). 57 hoefer, churchless christianity. 58 natun bhattacharya, “exploring hindu ‘insider movements’: syncretism or authentic contextualization? a theological and missiological appraisal with a fresh approach” in allen l. yeh and tite tienou. majority world theologies: theologizing from africa, asia, latin america, and the ends of the earth. (littleton: william carey publishing, 2018) 97. meloottu, “indian christianity” global south theological journal 4, no. 2 (2025): 13 became man. all these words have in common that they place jesus within a world of ideas formed by the hindu tradition and embodied in the people’s languages.59 as newbigin rightly points out through this example, “one cannot begin to answer the question ‘who is jesus?’ without using a language—and therefore a structure of thought—shaped by the pre-christian experience of the one who asks the question. there is no way of avoiding this necessity.”60 at the same time, newbigin notes, “the introduction of the name of jesus places the structure under a strain that it cannot bear without breaking.”61 the theological translation of christian themes through the existing religious idioms breaks free of the existing religious mold, giving a unique christian imagination. in other words, the christian theology, when translated (both linguistically and theologically) to the local settings, maintains a particular element of continuity and discontinuity with the existing religious idioms and ideologies. from its inception till now, christianity in india continues such theological negotiation on individual and denominational levels with other religions around them, irrespective of one’s soft or hardbounded theology of religion. holistic christianity in the context of multidimensional poverty and social inequalities: multidimensional poverty is measured based on household surveys’ comprehensive health, education, and living deprivation data. although considerable progress has been made in reducing multidimensional poverty (from 2015 to 2021), there is still work to be done, as india ranks 131 with 27.9% of the population in multidimensional poverty. 62 within this context of multidimensional poverty, indian christianity attempts to embody a theology of holism, communicating the “transformative power of the gospel over every aspect of life.”63 even among the indian evangelicals and protestants heavily influenced by their american counterparts, there is a common consensus that, as aminta arrington notes, “that neither evangelism nor social action can stand on its own; they are integrally related in mission.”64 although the delivery of such a holistic/integral gospel appears differently based on the resources presented to the local congregation, there is a consensus across denominational boundaries as to the need for integral mission (evangelism and social action). nonetheless, in some circles of indian christianity, such an emphasis on holism does not negate the existence of the evangelical tendency to “prioritize the ‘spiritual’ ministry of the church over social engagement.”65 therefore, the debate continues regarding the importance of an integral mission. 59 newbigin, the open secret, 20. 60 newbigin, the open secret, 20. 61 newbigin, the open secret, 20 62 for details of the multidimensional report in india, see https://www.undp.org/india/publications/nationalmultidimensional-poverty-index-progress-review-2023 (last accessed on november 24, 2023). 63 aminta arrington, “american evangelicalism, social action, and christianity in india” in rebecca shah and joel a. carpenter. christianity in india: conversion, community development, and religious freedom. (minneapolis, mn: fortress press, 2018) 119. 64 arrington, “american evangelicalism, social action, and christianity in india”,118. 65 darren duerksen, “what god has joined together let no one separate: local church and development agencies in god’s mission” in rebecca shah and joel a. carpenter. christianity in india: conversion, community development, and religious freedom. (minneapolis, minnesota: fortress press, 2018) 130. https://www.undp.org/india/publications/national-multidimensional-poverty-index-progress-review-2023 https://www.undp.org/india/publications/national-multidimensional-poverty-index-progress-review-2023 meloottu, “indian christianity” global south theological journal 4, no. 2 (2025): 14 however, considering the context of indian multidimensional poverty, christians have partnered with other christian developmental organizations (cdos) or have formed various local organizations to alleviate poverty and develop social sectors. roger hedlund lists indian organizations such as the inheritors in nagpur, maharashtra village ministries, emmanuel ministries, kolkata, gospel echoing missionary society (gems), and din bandhu (friend of the poor) that focus on holistic mission as examples of “creative ministries of new christian movements” in india.66 in most instances, these developmental organizations and ministries work closely with local churches to bring change to people. the theological vision that unites the partnering work of local development organizations with local churches has been that of being “co-agents of missional transformation.”67 although at times the relationship may not have been smooth, duerksen equates notes the partnership to be “uneasy but divine marriage” where the close collaboration between the two creates some adaptive challenges,68 yet when churches partner with cdos; “when churches allow the development ideas and concerns brought by a cdo to permeate, mix and help shape their sense of mission; when the cdo values and honors the church’s primacy as mission agent in that place…it is probable that the calling of the christian development organization will contribute to god’s mission in ways not otherwise possible.”69 such is the social and missiological shaping of contemporary indian christianity that looks to provide a holistic transformation in individuals and communities in the context of multidimensional poverty. theologically, the context of poverty, along with various inequalities, namely the prevalence of systemic inequality against the lower castes (due to the existing social imaginary of caste consciousness), has also generated various contextual theologies. in this line of thinking, the latin american liberation theology finds its place among indian christianity, predominantly in the indian mainline denominations in the form of dalit theology. the objective of dalit theology was to communicate two complementary tasks. they are, as sathianthan clarke notes, “the resistance of dalits to counter the reach of dominant theologies, and creative construction to circulate themes of dalits’ experience of the divine one.”70 the resistance of inter-religious theologies that solely used brahminical texts, along with the resonance of dalit lived experiences in the suffering christ, provided a framework for the liberation of dalits. hence, dalit theology came to be known as “a contextual rendition of indian liberation theology.”71 while such theologizing continues to exist in certain quarters of indian christianity, without an overt liberation theology, the pentecostal and neo-pentecostal movement also began to get traction among dalits, especially among slum dwellers in urban cities72 and in the tribal areas of northern india.73 unlike liberation theology, which sidestepped the spiritual side in its purist form of socio-political challenge, in pentecostalism, dalits found holistic hope, which promises spiritual and socio-economic liberation. in other words, through the pentecostal emphasis on the manifestation and intervention of the holy spirit, 66 roger e. hedlund, christianity made in india: from apostle thomas to mother teresa. (minneapolis, minnesota: fortress press, 2017) 145–162. 67 duerksen, “what god has joined together let no one separate,” 146. 68 duerksen, “what god has joined together let no one separate,” 146. 69 duerksen, “what god has joined together let no one separate,” 147. 70 sathianathan clarke, “dalit theology.” in virginia fabella and r. s. sugirtharajah (eds), the scm dictionary of third world theologies” (london: scm press, 2003) 64. 71 clarke, “dalit theology,” 64. 72 rebecca samuel shah, and timothy samuel shah, “pentecost amid pujas: charismatic christianity and dalit women in twenty-first-century india” in global pentecostalism in the 21st century. edited by robert w. hefner, (bloomington: indiana university press, 2013) 194-222. 73 sahoo, pentecostalism and politics of conversion in india. meloottu, “indian christianity” global south theological journal 4, no. 2 (2025): 15 the dalits who are poor can receive, as simon chan notes, “spiritual liberation from fear and fatalism created by centuries of internalizing the law of karma; freedom from the fear of spirits; deliverance from demonic oppression, real or perceived; healing from their sickness, and so on.”74 in its theological emphasis on the holy spirit, pentecostalism provides a much-needed avenue for the dalits and people experiencing poverty to first experience spiritual liberation, which is imperative for any socio-political liberation. at the same time, in certain quarters of indian christianity, pentecostalism has also fallen prey to propagating the wider structural caste-based biases into their churches, which has led some to form exclusively dalit pentecostal churches.75 such pentecostal structural mannerisms also stand under the critique of dalit theological resistance in countering teachings and practices that propagate structural hierarchies. resilient christianity in the context of persecution: the religiously plural setting of india, where the nation’s cultural and social aspects are closely knitted with religion, “religious change or conversion from one religion to another has been a contentious issue.”76 as christians are a minority, any mission activities and preaching that invite other religious adherents to become new christians are offensive and, in some cases, are punishable under the law. although the indian constitution does not provide preference to hinduism as the state religion, the radical hindutva movements have been on the rise, especially during the rule of the bharatiya janata party (bjp) at the central government. the standard charge against the christians and muslims is that “these minority religious traditions are foreign and alien to the majority hindu culture of india.”77 while the government of india continues to publicly state that it upholds constitutional secularism and the right for all religious adherents to practice their religion fearlessly, hindu radical groups such as the vishwa hindu parishad (vhp), rashtriya swayamsevak sangh (rss), sang parivar, and bajrang dal continue to grow and instigate violence against christians and muslims in the grassroots. at the same time, under the disguise of upholding the right of the low caste people to practice their religion without falling to the material allure of christian missionaries, various indian states have instituted the ‘freedom of religion bill.’ this relatively new law, which is also popularly known as the ‘anti-conversion bill,’ was intentionally tailored to curb anyone from converting to christianity or islam. in addition, the christian community developmental organizations (cdo) are also finding it hard to implement developmental projects due to the accusation of conversion. compassion international is one of the examples, as they were forced to leave the country in 2017 after 48 years of its operation on charges that the child sponsorship funds are being used towards conversion.78 74 simon chan, grassroots asian theology: thinking the faith from the ground up. (illinois: ivp academic, 2014), 103. 75 v. v. thomas, dalit pentecostalism: spirituality of the empowered poor. (bangalore: asian trading corporation, 2008). 76 pachuau, world christianity, 86. 77 peter c. phan and jonathan y. tan. “interreligious majority-minority dynamics” in david cheetham, douglas pratt, and david thomas (eds). understanding interreligious relations. (oxford, u.k.: oxford university press, 2013), 222. 78 “christian charity set to withdraw from india after funding blocked,” the guardian, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/feb/03/christian-charity-set-to-withdraw-from-india-after-funding-blocked, accessed on november 24, 2023. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/feb/03/christian-charity-set-to-withdraw-from-india-after-funding-blocked meloottu, “indian christianity” global south theological journal 4, no. 2 (2025): 16 in response to these threats of persecution, christians in india have been resilient and have attempted to uphold their minority religious rights according to the country’s constitutional liberties. although the stringent religious freedom laws limit visible christian engagements in some indian states, the discussion around democracy and the constitutional rights of religious minorities comes to the forefront when attacks against christians occur. often in india, violence against minority religious adherents reinforces the need to find new ways to nurture a substantive democracy that enables religious freedom (for both the majority and minority). in advocating for religious freedom, indian christians are not only promoting the freedom to practice religion, but also to relate with other religions and their comprehensive doctrines.”79 theologically, persecutions also lead to reflecting upon how christians should position themselves in instances of future attacks. on one end, in their struggle against the culture of violence, christians should, as s. wesley ariarajah notes, look “beyond all religious boundaries” to embrace teachings and practical guidelines from other religious traditions and collaborate with others who are committed to overcoming the culture of violence through peace and nonviolence.80 however, on the other end, indian christians in some sense are expected to face more persecution, reminding themselves that “both conflict and suffering have always accompanied faith gospel witness.”81 ecumenically, the rise of religious persecution has also led to some contestation within indian christianity. often, the protestants and catholics have blamed the pentecostals (who embrace persecution as part of gospel witness) for their missionary approach of demonizing other religious beliefs and being “more assertive, more critical, and more visible in their evangelism” as an unnecessary provocation that is inviting persecution from other religious adherents.82 elizabeth koepping observes this phenomenon, especially among “certain pentecostal-charismatic churches” who, as koepping notes, “tend to promote the view that only jesus saves in a very strident, even aggressive, manner. moreover, they not only preach that no other religion is efficacious, but that all other religions are of the devil… needless to say, loud antagonistic attitudes worsen the often already difficult life of long-established christians.”83 despite these diversities of approach in the context of persecution, indian christianity strives through the challenges. through forming new collaborations with other religious communities or fearlessly engaging in missional activities, the resilient nature of indian christianity permeates in their fearless outlook amid persecution. conclusion the story of indian christianity is a testament to a faith that has been transitioning for the last two thousand years, as it has encountered multiple christian traditions over two thousand years through various transcontinental and transregional links. while christianity emerged in the early arrival of christianity in the first century from syria, it gave rise to an assimilated nature of south indian 79 gnana patrick, public theology: indian concerns, perspectives, and themes. (minneapolis, minnesota: fortress press, 2020) 100. 80 ariarajah, strangers or co-pilgrims?, 239. 81 vinoth ramachandra, faiths in conflict?: christian integrity in a multicultural world. (illinois: intervarsity press, 1999) 167 82 chad m. bauman, pentecostals, proselytization, and anti-christian violence in contemporary india. (new york, ny: oxford university press, 2015), 76. 83 elizabeth koepping, “india, pakistan, bangladesh, burma/myanmar” in peter c. phan (ed). christianities in asia. (malden, ma: wiley-blackwell, 2011), 26-27. meloottu, “indian christianity” global south theological journal 4, no. 2 (2025): 17 christianity with the syrian tradition. eventually, when the portuguese arrived in the fifteenth century with their catholic christianity (along with their political and militaristic agenda), we see the christianity in india going through the transitional modes of conquest, transregional migration, and resistance. however, as portuguese rule waned with the rise of british presence, we also saw christianity going through accommodation, bible translation, and vernacularization, leading to the christian face of social reform efforts. the era of translation opened a phase in indian christianity where the vernacular bible became the authority in indigenizing the faith, giving rise to revivals that ushered pentecostalism in india. this era also witnessed the various indigenization efforts of protestants and catholics, which continue to occur in different parts of india. the history of indian christianity is not only the story of how foreigners have imparted their faith tradition to indians (through their transcontinental links) but is also about how such traditions were received locally through assimilation, migration, resistance, vernacularization, revival, and indigenization. through it all, today, in the context of a hindu majority india, indian christianity stands as a polyvalent religion, where numerous forms of christianity assembled under major christian traditions—catholic, orthodox, protestants, and pentecostals & independents, claiming to be truly south indian and christian. even amid a polyvalent nature that embodies diversity, indian christianity collectively embodies some distinctive features. first, monopolizing the fact that christianity is a minority religion, the faith takes on a unique inter-religious nature of indian through the notion of permeability. second, within the context of multidimensional poverty and inequality, the face of indian christianity, irrespective of its various denominational diversity, embodies holistic mission as the right praxis of christian faith. finally, with the rise of the hindutva uprising, christianity as a minority religion is also under attack. however, the resilient nature of christians in india is a living testament of christ’s hope for the world. introduction transitory modes in the history of indian christianity: arrival and assimilation: conquest, migration, and resistance: accommodation and vernacularization: revival and indigenization: statistical overview key features of contemporary indian christianity inter-religious nature of christianity in the context of other religions: holistic christianity in the context of multidimensional poverty and social inequalities: resilient christianity in the context of persecution: conclusion two testaments in one bible: how do the old and new testaments interrelate?1 jostein ådna (professor emeritus of new testament, vid specialized university, norway) abstract: the article presents and discusses its topic, “two testaments in one bible”, in four parts. part 1. the jewish bible. the canonization of the jewish bible took place gradually in the postexilic era, first the law (torah), second the prophets (nebi’im), and, finally, in the period between the first and second jewish revolts (ad 66–135), the writings (ketubim). applying the initial letters of the hebrew designations of the three parts, the hebrew bible is called tanakh. from the third century bc the biblical books were gradually translated into greek. the greek version, commonly called the septuagint, contains more books than the hebrew bible. after the septuagint had enjoyed recognition in the greek speaking diaspora on the same level as the hebrew bible for a long period, it fell into disregard during the second century ad. since then the tanakh alone has been the authoritative biblical canon in judaism. part 2. the christian bible. jesus and the apostles read the holy scriptures in hebrew, but because of their missionary outreach beyond judea and galilee, the early christians predominantly used the pre-existing greek translation of the bible, the septuagint, for preaching and teaching. both due to its higher number of books (especially the wisdom books sirach and wisdom of solomon) and thanks to its salvation-historical compositional outline, with the prophetic books at the end, the septuagint corresponded well to the early christians’ understanding of the christ event as the continuation and peak of revelation history. gradually, the books that recount the story of jesus christ (the gospels) and the books that communicate faith in christ and elaborate what it means to live one’s life as a follower of him (the letters) were collected and given equal authority to as the holy scriptures shared with and inherited from the jews. these two collections, called the old testament and the new testament, were connected and united in the two-part christian canon. part 3. tradition-historical developments as expressions of revelation history. the relationship between the testaments seen from the old testament as point of departure. with regard to how different theological traditions developed, the transition from the old testament to the new testament does not frequently mark a unique, divisive point in the tradition-historical process. within the long old testament period, for example at the transition from the pre-exilic to the exilic and post-exilic eras, corresponding major or minor transformations in the tradition-historical developments did occur. the article employs the zion tradition as a paradigmatic example of a theological tradition that underwent a long, transformative development in many stages and through various currents from david’s conquest of jerusalem in the tenth century bc until its reception in jesus’ ministry and theological expositions in the new testament. part 4. the reception of the old testament in the new testament. the relationship between the testaments seen from the new testament. all new testament authors regard the old testament as holy scripture that they quote and allude to extensively. the new testament shares a common language of faith with the old testament, applied in order to express the shared confession of the one true god, the father of jesus christ. for a paradigmatic description of how the new testament applies old testament traditions and texts for expressing and elaborating the christ event, the article describes how the evangelists mark and matthew drew upon the old testament tradition of the righteous sufferer in psalm 22 to describe the passion of jesus, and how the letter to the hebrews drew upon the priesthood of melchizedek and the promise of a new covenant for the exposition of jesus’ ministry. conclusion. the early christians never regarded the old testament as obsolete. the new testament understands itself as a continuation of the old testament, testifying to the culmination 1 thanks to john goldie ma for helpful suggestions for linguistic corrections and improvements. ådna, “two testaments” global south theological journal 3, no. 1.1 (2024): 3 and fulfilment in the christ event of the history of revelation. the old testament is the indispensable first part of the christian bible.. introduction this article is a published version of three lectures that i held at mekane yesus seminary in addis ababa, ethiopia, 8–10 november 2023, on the invitation of this institution’s gudina tumsa research center.2 the issue of how the two parts of the christian bible, the old testament and the new testament, relate to each other, has accompanied and challenged theology ever since the ancient church. there are many historical, denominational and systematic aspects involved in the topic “two testaments in one bible: how do the old and new testaments interrelate?”, and we can think of various ways in which to proceed in presenting and discussing them.3 i have chosen a fourfold structure for my exposition: part 1. the jewish bible part 2. the christian bible4 part 3. tradition-historical developments as expressions of revelation history: the relationship between the testaments seen from the old testament as point of departure. part 4. the reception of the old testament in the new testament: the relationship between the testaments seen from the new testament. part 1. the jewish bible the collection of holy scriptures that christians call the old testament are also sacred, canonical scriptures in judaism. it is easy to understand why our jewish friends do not apply the same designation as christians do. the reason why we christians label the first part of our bibles as the old testament is that it is followed by a second part called the new testament. the greek word for ‘testament’ is diathēkē, which also has the meaning ‘covenant’. thus, the designations old and new testaments are prompted by the distinctions in 2 corinthians 3:1–18 and hebrews 8:6–7 between old and new covenant, respectively, between first and second covenant.5 in this presentation i will repeatedly emphasize that the designation “old testament” does not imply a negative verdict on these scriptures for being outdated. nevertheless, the name “old testament” might be perceived as a derogatory designation, and as christians we must accept without reservation that jews use other names. they recognize and respect this collection of writings as holy scripture, without viewing and accepting the new testament as its organic successor 2 i want to express my gratitude to rev. dr. bruk ayele asale, president of mekane yesus seminary, and rev. dr. tibebu teklu senbetu, director of gudina tumsa research center, for the invitation to give this lecture during a three-week stay at mekane yesus seminary. from 1993 until my retirement in september 2022 i worked at the school of mission and theology, owned by the norwegian mission society. (in 2016 this school merged with some other church-oriented institutions to become vid specialized university.) the norwegian mission society works closely with the evangelical ethiopian church mekane yesus and the mekane yesus seminary, and i visited the seminary in my capacity as a senior volunteer of the norwegian mission society. 3 my most important guide and reference source for the following presentation is peter stuhlmacher, biblical theology of the new testament, translated and edited by daniel p. bailey with the collaboration of jostein ådna (grand rapids, michigan: eerdmans, 2018). ever since i was professor stuhlmacher’s assistant (wissenschaftlicher assistent) 1988–1993 at the university of tübingen, germany, when he published the first german edition of the first part of this book, i have cooperated closely with him in developing and expounding a biblical theology that spans and combines the old testament and the new testament. 4 regarding parts 1 and 2, the jewish bible and the christian bible, see esp. stuhlmacher, biblical theology, 5–10 (section of chapter 1, “the task and structure of a biblical theology of the new testament”), 743–71 (= chapter 40, “the formation of the two-part christian canon”). 5 we encounter the term “the recognized scriptures of the old testament” in eusebius’ ecclesiastical history 4.26. eusebius coins this expression based on a treatise of the early bishop melito of sardis (ca. ad 100–180). melito writes that he “learnt accurately the books of the old testament”. see kirsopp lake, eusebius: the ecclesiastical history with an english translation. two volumes. lcl (london: william heinemann / cambridge, massachusetts: harvard university press, 1926 and 1932), 1:393. ådna, “two testaments” global south theological journal 3, no. 1.1 (2024): 4 and fulfilment. when there is no follow-up in a new testament, there is, of course, no need, no reason and no justification for speaking about an old testament. the tanakh the most common designation of these holy scriptures among jews is tanakh. this name is a so-called acronym, i.e., a word formed from the initial letters of the three hebrew words torah, meaning the law, nebi’im, meaning the prophets, and ketubim, meaning the writings. these three entities – the law, the prophets and the writings – are the names of the three parts into which jews divide the books of the hebrew bible. these group designations were already used at the time of the new testament. jesus and some of the new testament authors repeatedly speak about “the law and the prophets” as a collective reference to the holy scriptures. i will mention two examples: the first is taken from jesus’ sermon on the mount, matthew 7:12: “in everything do to others as you would have them do to you; for this is the law and the prophets.”6 i take the second example from the apostle paul, romans 3:21: “[…] the righteousness of god has been disclosed and is attested by the law and the prophets.”7 in the new testament we find only one example of a tripartite formula that corresponds to the jewish designation tanakh; however, the psalms replace the ketubim as the third element. the psalms represent the largest and perhaps most prominent book among the writings, the ketubim. the tripartite formula is found at the end of the gospel of luke when the risen christ encounters the disciples and speaks to them: “[…] these are my words that i spoke to you while i was still with you – that everything written about me in the law of moses, the prophets, and the psalms must be fulfilled” (luke 24:44). in modern biblical scholarship it has become common to speak about the tanakh as the hebrew bible. this name reflects the fact that hebrew is the language in which the included books were originally written. to be accurate we can specify that two of the books, ezra and daniel, are written partly in hebrew and partly in the related semitic language aramaic (ezra 4:8– 6:18; 7:12–26; dan 2:4–7:28), and that there are a few aramaic phrases also appearing in other books (jer 10:11; gen 31:47). the development and formation of the jewish canon the sequence of the three divisions of the hebrew bible, the law, the prophets and the writings, corresponds to the chronological order of their canonization. the words “canon” and “canonization” are derived from the greek word kanōn which, at the outset, means a rod used by craftsmen to keep a thing straight or to measure it. figuratively, kanōn means that which is measured in the sense of a rule or a standard, and the word is used with this meaning in galatians 6:16. applied to holy scriptures, canon is the designation of the books which are recognized by a religious community as genuine and normative in defining the religious truth, that is, as their rule. the related word “canonization” refers to the historical process through which specific texts acquire the position as canon. the law, encompassing the first five books in the bible, referred to as the pentateuch or the five books of moses, was recognized as canon among the jews in judea in the post-exilic period, perhaps already in the fifth century bc.8 this was followed by the canonization of the prophets perhaps as early 6 biblical texts, including old testament apocrypha, are generally quoted from holy bible: new revised standard version. catholic edition: anglicized text (london: spck, 2015), abbreviated nrsv. 7 further examples are matt 5:17; luke 16:16; john 1:45. see also the expression “moses and the prophets” in luke 16:29, 31. 8 neh 8:1–10:40 (et 8:1–10:39) recounts how the priest and scribe ezra publicly read “the book of the law of moses” (8:1) in jerusalem and it was recognized as authoritative by the people; they committed themselves “to observe and do all the commandments of the lord […] and his ordinances and his statutes” (10:30b [et 10:29b]). this incident is often considered as the ‘canonization’ of the law. whether the date of ezra’s arrival in jerusalem in the seventh year of the reign of the persian king artaxerxes (ezra 7:1–10) relates to artaxerxes i longimanus (465–424 bc) or to artaxerxes ii (405–358 bc) and, hence, is identified as 458 or as 398 bc, is an issue of debate among scholars. ådna, “two testaments” global south theological journal 3, no. 1.1 (2024): 5 as the third century bc or early in the second century bc (see sir 44–49).9 what might be surprising is the fact that the part of the hebrew bible called the prophets comprises not only what christians regard as prophetic books, that is, isaiah, jeremiah, ezekiel and the twelve minor prophets from hosea to malachi. in fact, the part nebi’im, the prophets, also includes the books joshua, judges, 1–2 samuel and 1–2 kings, books that we christians normally consider to be simply historical books. with canonical status established for the law and the prophets long before the birth of christ and the transition from the era before christ to after christ, it is not surprising that the phrase “the law and the prophets” appears repeatedly in the new testament as a collective reference to the recognized, normative holy scriptures. however, as already mentioned, there is only one example in the new testament for a tripartite reference to the canon, and the third element in this one example, to be found in luke 24:44, is not the broad term ketubim, the writings, but the psalms. there is disagreement among scholars regarding when the third part of the hebrew bible reached canonical status as the law and the prophets had done at an earlier stage. some claim that the ketubim were also established as canonical in the pre-christian era.10 the ketubim comprise the remaining books of the hebrew bible, beyond the five books of the pentateuch and the 21 books of the prophets. hence, the ketubim include the following books: psalms, job, proverbs, ruth, the song of songs, ecclesiastes, lamentations, esther, daniel, ezra, nehemiah and 1–2 chronicles. however, other scholars, with whom i agree, consider the fact that the complete tripartite reference tanakh occurs neither in jewish nor in early christian sources in the first century ad11 as an indication that the canonical process of the hebrew bible was ongoing, and had not yet come to an established end at the time of jesus and the apostles. the exact extent of the content of the third part, the ketubim, must have been fixed during the period between the first jewish revolt against rome in the years ad 66–70 (–74) and the second revolt in the years 132–135. it is time for a first conclusion with some essential implications for the relationship between the old and new testaments: the final canonization of the hebrew bible occurred after most of the new testament writings had been written. hence, there is no time gap between the two testaments; on the contrary, their formations overlap. although it is rather common among scholars to speak about an intertestamental period from about 200 bc to ad 100 and to call jewish writings that originated during this period intertestamental writings, the implied idea in such talk is nevertheless misleading and erroneous. the septuagint for a more complete comprehension of the relationship between the testaments we must now direct our attention to the greek translation of the hebrew bible, called the septuagint.12 after the military 9 sirach is an important wisdom book written around 180 bc. the way the prophets are referred to in the section called “hymn in honour of our ancestors” (chapters 44–49; cf. 48:22; 49:7, 8, 10) shows that the prophets had gained canonical status by this time. 10 for an argument in favour of the complete establishment of the jewish tanakh canon by the second century bc, see brevard s. childs, biblical theology of the old and new testaments: theological reflection on the christian bible (minneapolis, minnesota: fortress, 1993), 55–60. see the criticism in stuhlmacher, biblical theology, 749. 11 like the new testament (see luke 24:44), the dead sea scrolls from qumran list only the psalms (of david) explicitly in addition to the law and the prophets: “to you we have [written] that you must understand the book of moses [and] the book[s of the pr]ophets and davi[d …]” (4q397). the grandson of the author of sirach translated the book from hebrew to greek around 132 bc. in the prologue he added to the greek version the translator refers to “the law and the prophets” as established and welldefined entities, that are followed by other books, respectively “the other books of our fathers” or “the rest of the books”. such a general, vague reference to a third group of books beyond the law and the prophets, that is not yet clearly fixed, also appears in the writings of the jewish author philo of alexandria in the first century ad: jews are occupied with studying “laws and oracles delivered through the mouth of prophets, and psalms and the other [books]” (contemplative life 25). for these source references see stuhlmacher, biblical theology, 744. 12 septuagint means “seventy” (lxx) and has become the common designation for the greek translation of the hebrew bible, based on the story that the translation was made by 70 or 72 jewish scribes. this story occurs the first time in the so-called letter of aristeas, according to which the law was translated during the reign of the egyptian king ptolemy ii (285–247 bc). the ådna, “two testaments” global south theological journal 3, no. 1.1 (2024): 6 campaigns of alexander the great and the succeeding foundation of the hellenistic kingdoms towards the end of the fourth century bc, greek became lingua franca, that is, the common international language spoken and written throughout the entire mediterranean world. during the hellenistic period many jewish diaspora communities were founded both along the southern coast of the mediterranean sea in north africa and in southern europe. these jewish communities were predominantly greek-speaking, and as a consequence there was a need for greek translations of the jewish holy scriptures. first, the law (the five books of moses, the pentateuch) was translated from hebrew into greek in the third century bc. next, the prophets, psalms and daniel were translated in the second century bc. however, it was not until the beginning of the second century ad that all biblical books were translated. not only the books belonging to the hebrew bible tanakh, but also some further jewish writings from the period after ezra and nehemiah were included in the septuagint. some of these additional books, for example sirach from approximately 180 bc and 1 maccabees from around 100 bc, had first been written in hebrew and were subsequently translated into greek. other additional books which were included in the septuagint were composed in greek and, hence, did not undergo a translation process before they were included in the greek bible. this applies to the book called wisdom of solomon and to 2 maccabees.13 jesus spoke and taught in aramaic and hebrew. however, as we learn from acts 6, there were already many greek-speaking believers in the mother church in jerusalem, and, therefore, there was a need for the stories about jesus and his teaching to be translated into greek from the very beginning. many of the apostles and other leading figures in the first generation of christians were bilingual and used both the semitic languages hebrew and aramaic and greek in their proclamation. as soon as the early mission expanded beyond judea and galilee, greek became the dominant or even the only operative language. on this background, it is no surprise that all of the new testament books are written in greek. a further consequence of these circumstances is that the early christian missionaries and teachers used the already existing greek translation of the old testament when they read from the holy scriptures and referred to them. in the new testament we observe that most quotations from the old testament are cited according to the septuagint. there are also some deviations from the septuagint which prove that the new testament authors also related to the hebrew version of the bible and translated the text afresh into greek or at least independently of the septuagint. nevertheless, in spite of such competence, the general tendency among the new testament authors is to read and quote the holy scriptures according to the septuagint. the final fixation and delimitation of the jewish bible let me summarize and conclude regarding the fixation and delimitation of the jewish bible. the final definition of the content of the tanakh is the result of a long canonical process that ended some time between the two jewish revolts against rome in ad 66–70 and 132–135. there are different ways of counting the books in the hebrew bible depending on whether for example 1–2 samuel, 1–2 kings and 1–2 chronicles are counted as two books or only one. towards the end of the first century ad the jewish historian josephus states that there are 22 canonical texts (against apion 1.39–41)14 whereas the jewish apocalyptic book 4 ezra speaks of 24 books (14:18–47). story about the 70 or 72 translators reappears with variations both in the jewish authors philo and josephus and in many of the christian church fathers. 13 for more details about sirach see notes 9 and 11 above. for an english translation of the septuagint, see a new english translation of the septuagint and the other greek translations traditionally included under that title, ed. albert pietersma and benjamin g. wright (new york; oxford: oxford university press, 2007), abbreviation: nets. there is an electronic edition of nets available at https://ccat.sas.upenn.edu/nets/edition/. the sbl handbook of style for biblical studies and related disciplines, second edition (atlanta, georgia: sbl press, 2014), 125, lists the following books in the entry “8.3.3 deuterocanonical works and septuagint”: tobit, judith, additions to esther, wisdom of solomon, sirach/ecclesiasticus, baruch, epistle of jeremiah, additions to daniel (comprising prayer of azariah, song of the three young men, susanna, bel and the dragon), 1–2 maccabees, 1 esdras, prayer of manasseh, psalm 151, 3 maccabees, 2 esdras, 4 maccabees. 14 quoted in stuhlmacher, biblical theology, 744. https://ccat.sas.upenn.edu/nets/edition/ ådna, “two testaments” global south theological journal 3, no. 1.1 (2024): 7 4 ezra 14:44–47: (44) so during the forty days ninety-four books were written. (45) and when the forty days ended, the most high spoke to me, saying: “make public the twenty-four [omitted in some versions] books that you wrote first and let the worthy and the unworthy read them; (46) but keep the seventy that were written last, in order to give them to the wise among your people. (47) for in them is the spring of understanding, fountain of wisdom, and the river of knowledge.” and i did so.15 the analysis of these numbers shows that they refer exactly to the books that are contained in modern editions of the hebrew bible, counted as 36 or 39 books, depending on whether the books of samuel, kings and chronicles are counted as one or as two books. in most christian bibles samuel, kings and chronicles are counted as two books each so that the total number of books in the old testament is 39. as we will see later in this article, there are differences among the denominations regarding whether they restrict their editions of the old testament to these 39 books only or whether they include more books. as for now, we will limit ourselves to the 39 books which are identical with the content of the jewish bible. although there is an accurate correspondence regarding the inclusion of these books, their order within the canon differs. in the hebrew bible, the order is set corresponding to the three parts of the tanakh, that is, first the books of the torah, the law; second the books of the nebi’im, the prophets; and third the books of the ketubim, the writings. if we take the division of 39 books as our basis, this means that the first part, the law, contains five books, the second part, the prophets, contains 21 books, and the third part, the writings, contains 13 books. the bible in greek gradually supplanted by the tanakh as the only recognized jewish bible during the period when the holy scriptures were gradually translated into greek from the third century bc onwards, these new greek versions of the scriptures were met with enthusiasm and were highly regarded. indeed, among the greek-speaking diaspora jews the greek versions were recognized as inspired holy writ on the same level as the original hebrew versions.16 from the way new testament authors interact with the septuagint we can infer that the jewish believers in jesus christ shared this full recognition of the greek translation of the holy scriptures. however, by the second century ad the septuagint was increasingly perceived to be the bible of the christians, to which they successfully appealed for scriptural proofs. as a consequence, scepticism towards the septuagint increased among jews, and during the second century ad new greek translations, associated with the names aquila, theodotion and symmachus, were produced. these new greek versions replaced the septuagint in the greek-speaking jewish synagogues from the second century ad onwards. although these efforts were undertaken in order to let jews with insufficient knowledge of hebrew still have access to the holy scriptures in greek, gradually, as rabbinic judaism developed, a more exclusive position emerged that recognized the bible only in the original hebrew as the sole authoritative version of the holy scriptures. hence, with regard to both the language and the content of the jewish bible, the tanakh, represented by the so-called masoretic manuscript tradition, became the only and exclusive version. this outcome of the canonical process is upheld until the present. one remarkable consequence is that the holy scriptures are recited in hebrew in synagogues all over the world irrespective of the level of knowledge of biblical hebrew among people attending the synagogal services. in most cases the rabbis give their sermons and elaborate on and explain the biblical text in the local native language, but nevertheless, only the original 15 quoted from the old testament pseudepigrapha. volume 1: apocalyptic literature and testaments, ed. james h. charlesworth (peabody, massachusetts: hendrickson, 1983), 555. 16 this is a warranted inference from the way philo (see on the life of moses 2.25–44) and josephus (see jewish antiquities 12.11–118) describe the translation process and the inspired state of the greek biblical text. ådna, “two testaments” global south theological journal 3, no. 1.1 (2024): 8 texts in hebrew (and some passages in aramaic) are recognized as canonical. the historical fact that, in the period after the destruction of the temple in jerusalem and the failing of the jewish revolts, the leading centres of jewish studies in palestine and babylon used hebrew and aramaic, as reflected in the collections of the mishnah, the tosefta and the talmud, were decisive for this historical development. the orientation towards and the emphasis on the law in the tanakh canon the tanakh canon of the hebrew bible is oriented towards the law and the keeping of the law as its central message. because 1–2 chronicles are placed as the last books in the third division, the writings, 2 chronicles 36 appears as the end of the bible. this means that the final event recounted in the bible is the declaration of the persian king cyrus that god has commissioned him to rebuild the temple in jerusalem that the babylonian king had destroyed some decades before. the very last verse, 2 chron 36:23, says: “thus says king cyrus of persia: the lord, the god of heaven, has given me all the kingdoms of the earth, and he has charged me to build him a house at jerusalem, which is in judah. whoever is among you of all his people, may the lord his god be with him! let him go up.” any jew who read this in the first and second centuries ad, would have known that the declared intention of king cyrus materialized in the construction of the so-called second temple, raised from 520 to 515 bc. hence, the tanakh ends with a reference to the temple as the site where many of the commandments in the law, in particular those about different sacrifices, were to be practised. after the destruction of the second temple in the year ad 70, the end of the tanakh might have triggered hopes that once again a temple would be built in jerusalem. concentration on the law and the recognition of observance of the law as a valid replacement of the sacrifices in the temple were what became the lasting solution to the crisis that hit judaism when the temple was destroyed and the temple cult came to an end. the long-established practice in jewish diaspora communities, with the synagogue as the place to assemble for prayer and teaching, now became the regular religious practice among jews. the law was subjected to a detailed, meticulous study, as documented in the collections of the mishnah and the talmud. the emphasis on the study of the law and on its observance is reflected in the tanakh canon, where parts two and three, the prophets and the writings, are perceived to a high degree as comments and expositions of the first part, the law. respect for the hebrew bible i think that we as christians are obliged to show respect for the hebrew bible. this implies, first, that we treat all text passages in the biblical books with due humility and recognize that they reflect social, cultural and religious contexts prior to any christian reception and interpretation. it is the task of the biblical scholar to analyse and interpret the old testament texts historically, to demonstrate their uniqueness and protect them from being anachronistically appropriated and exploited. however, it would be a misplaced respect if we limited ourselves only to historical-critical analyses and interpretations of individual text passages and biblical books. our treatment of the biblical texts must also account for the tradition-historical processes that these texts were part of throughout the centuries and for their position and role within the bible as a whole. this second point of due respect has to do with the tanakh as canon. we must understand and recognize that the first part of our own bible, which we share with our jewish friends, is not only our, but also their treasured inheritance. as such the hebrew bible found a legitimate succession in the rabbinic tradition, reflected not only in the halakhic corpora of the mishnah and the talmud, but also in the aramaic, interpretative translations called targums and in the commentary literature, midrash. part 2. the christian bible i have already stated something about the christian bible, either indirectly or by implication. we have observed that jesus and his disciples, who were all jews, read and accepted the law, the prophets and the writings as the inspired word of god. jesus’ death on the cross and his resurrection did not change ådna, “two testaments” global south theological journal 3, no. 1.1 (2024): 9 anything in this respect; his followers who gathered as his church and as the church of god continued to read and teach the scriptures, seeing christ and his resurrection as the organic continuation and fulfilment of the testimony in the holy scriptures. due to the historical circumstances greek quickly became the dominant language used in the early church, and for this reason the septuagint was the version of the holy scriptures predominantly read, proclaimed and taught in mission and teaching. the salvation-historical structure of the septuagint the hebrew bible and the greek septuagint differ from one another not only with regard to the language, but also with regard to the number of books included and the order of these books. the septuagint is not divided into the three parts of the law, the prophets and the writings. instead, the compositional or editorial principle is a division into four groups of books: first, laws; second, histories or historical books; third, poetic books; and fourth, prophecies or prophetic books.17 when it comes to the higher number of books, i have already listed them above (see n. 13). these additional books in the septuagint are commonly called apocrypha or deuterocanonical books. depending on their content, they are distributed among the different groups, so that for example 1–2 maccabees are placed in the second group of historical books and sirach and wisdom are placed among the poetic books. whereas the hebrew tanakh canon in its divisions is oriented towards the law as its centre, the septuagint order expresses a salvation-historical process instead. a consequence of placing the prophetic books at the end in the collection of holy scriptures is that they orientate the reader towards the future. many of the prophets speak about how god will act in the future, both in judgment and for salvation. this structural composition of the holy scriptures clearly expresses an openness towards the future. they entail an implicit expectation that there will be something more to tell and that there will be a continuation of testifying to what the god of israel is doing in the world and for his people. the jewish holy scriptures were considered by jesus and the early church to be a source of truth and a resource for understanding the present like all other contemporary jews jesus and the apostles read, studied and explained the holy scriptures. it was not a surprise that they turned to the scriptures in order to learn truth and in order to interpret what was going on in the world, but, on the contrary, exactly what was expected and seen as a matter of course. the new testament contains many examples of this practice, and i will mention two of them. first, the third evangelist tells in luke 4:16–30 that jesus visits his home village of nazareth and attends the service in the synagogue on the sabbath day. there he is invited to read from the scroll of the prophet isaiah, and he reads the passage found in 61:1–2: “the spirit of the lord is upon me, because he has anointed me to bring good news to the poor. he has sent me to proclaim release to the captives and recovery of sight to the blind, to let the oppressed go free, to proclaim the year of the lord’s favour” (luke 4:18–19). after the reading, with the eyes of all in the synagogue fixed on him, jesus began to speak: “today this scripture has been fulfilled in your hearing” (v. 21). later on, when jesus was challenged by the disciples of john the baptist to state clearly whether he was the messiah or whether they should wait for someone else, jesus again hinted at these verses and other verses in the book of isaiah, and combined them with his own healing and preaching ministry: “go and tell john what you have seen and heard: the blind receive their sight, the lame walk, the lepers are cleansed, the deaf hear, the dead are raised, the poor have good news brought to them” (luke 7:22).18 second, in his speech on the day of pentecost (acts 2:14–36), the apostle peter quoted extensively from the scriptures in order to explain what had already taken place seven weeks earlier in the resurrection of jesus during passover, and what was happening now during the feast of weeks. he 17 for this compositional order see nets and the most widely used critical text edition of the greek septuagint: septuaginta, edited by alfred rahlfs and revised by robert hanhart (stuttgart: deutsche bibelgesellschaft, 2006). 18 in addition to isa 61:1 see isa 26:19; 29:18; 35:5–6; 42:7, 18. ådna, “two testaments” global south theological journal 3, no. 1.1 (2024): 10 cited from the prophet joel 3:1–5 (et 2:28–32) in vv. 16–21, from psalm 16:8–11 (quoted according to lxx ps 15:8–11) in vv. 25–28, and he also made references to other old testament texts like psalms 110 and 132 (see vv. 30, 34–35). altogether the new testament contains about 80 quotations from the law, about 80 quotations from the prophets and about 55 quotations from the psalms.19 thus, the way in which the early christians interacted with the holy scriptures is clearly documented. for them as jews in the first century ad it was neither coincidental nor accidental that they read and interpreted the holy scriptures; it was rather a matter of course. the formation of the gospels and the letters jesus was recognized by his followers and disciples as their teacher. they listened carefully to his words, memorized them and treasured them. soon after jesus’ death and resurrection, when the disciples began to proclaim him as the messiah and the lord, they related what jesus had done, and they presented the message and teaching of jesus to people. one example of how the life of jesus was communicated to people in the early mission, is peter’s speech to the people assembled in the house of the god-fearing roman officer cornelius in caesarea, recounted in acts 10:34–43. this speech appears as a summary of the gospel of mark. in mark as well as in the longer synoptic gospels of matthew and luke and in the gospel of john the treasured memories of jesus’ words and deeds, which at the beginning had been transmitted orally, are written down. thanks to the gospels, jesus’ ministry was communicated to people who had never encountered him face to face and, gradually, to subsequent generations born after his ministry. other written documents that communicate faith in jesus and elaborate what it means to live one’s life as a follower of jesus are the letters authored by apostles and missionaries like paul, peter, john, james and jude. we are particularly well informed about how paul operated. in the acts of the apostles luke reports extensively about paul’s three missionary journeys as well as his imprisonment in jerusalem, caesarea and rome. further, 13 of paul’s letters have been preserved, and some of them – for example his first letter to the thessalonians, his first letter to the corinthians and his letter to the romans – can be neatly plotted chronologically into the narrative of paul’s mission in acts: 1 thessalonians was written in the year 50 while paul resided in corinth during the second missionary journey; 1 corinthians was written in the year 54 or 55 while paul resided in ephesus during the third missionary journey; romans was written in the year 56 or 57 during paul’s new three-month visit to corinth at the end of the third missionary journey, shortly before he travelled to jerusalem, where he was imprisoned. as we can see from colossians 4:16, paul wanted his letters to be handed on to other christian communities, as well: “[w]hen this letter has been read among you, have it read also in the church of the laodiceans; and see that you read also the letter from laodicea.” after paul’s death in the 60s all his letters, originally addressed to individual churches or persons, were brought together and united in a collection, commonly referred to as the corpus paulinum, and 2 peter 3:15–16 testifies to this phenomenon when it refers to the collection of pauline letters: “so also our beloved brother paul wrote to you according to the wisdom given to him, speaking of this as he does in all his letters. there are some things in them hard to understand, which the ignorant and unstable twist to their own destruction, as they do the other scriptures.” references in the apostolic fathers to the gospels and the letters documentation of the memories of jesus’ words and deeds in the gospels and the writing of letters by missionaries and apostles with information and instruction sent to churches in need of such 19 for these numbers see stuhlmacher, biblical theology, 750. a book that analyses most of these quotations is commentary on the new testament use of the old testament, edited by g. k. beale and d. a. carson (grand rapids, michigan: baker academic; nottingham: apollos, 2007). ådna, “two testaments” global south theological journal 3, no. 1.1 (2024): 11 communication constitute the first phase of the canonical process that finally led to the collection of writings called the new testament. we are in the fortunate position that a number of early christian texts from the first half of the second century ad have been preserved; these books are commonly referred to as the apostolic fathers. in this collection we find writings like the teaching of the apostles, in short called didache; 1–2 letters of clement and altogether seven letters by ignatius, bishop in antioch, written around 110 during his travel to rome where he expected to be martyred.20 in the apostolic fathers we observe how old testament quotations and references to sayings of jesus and to formulations in paul’s letters are juxtaposed, appearing side by side in the text as theologically normative statements. hence, the apostolic fathers demonstrate how the new testament canonical process is progressing; gradually, quotations and references from the gospels and from the apostolic letters appear on a par with old testament quotations, as is plain from the following examples. 1 clement 13.1–2: (1) […] let us do that which is written, for the holy spirit says, “let not the wise man boast himself in his wisdom, nor the strong man in his strength, nor the rich man in his riches, but he that boasts let him boast in the lord, to seek him out and to do judgment and righteousness”, especially remembering the words of the lord jesus which he spoke when he was teaching gentleness and longsuffering. (2) for he spoke thus: “be merciful, that you may obtain mercy. forgive, that you may be forgiven. as you do, so shall it be done unto you. as you give, so shall it be given unto you. as you judge, so shall you be judged. as you are kind, so shall kindness be shown you. with what measure you mete, it shall be measured to you.”21 2 clement 14.2: now i imagine that you are not ignorant that the living “church is the body of christ”. for the scripture says, “god made man male and female”; the male is christ, the female is the church. and moreover the books [i.e. the old testament books] and the apostles declare that the church belongs not to the present, but has existed from the beginning; for she was spiritual, as was also our jesus, but he was made manifest in the last days that he might save us.22 1 clement 49.5: love unites us to god. love covers a multitude of sins. love bears all things, is longsuffering in all things. there is nothing base, nothing haughty in love; love admits no schism, love makes no sedition, love does all things in concord.23 20 for an overview of this group of writings, see sbl handbook of style, 133–34, the entry “8.3.11 apostolic fathers”. in the series loeb classical library, a greek-english edition of the apostolic fathers is published in two volumes (lcl 24 and lcl 25). the most recent version, translated and edited by bart d. ehrman, appeared in 2003. i quote with some modifications from the earlier version, the apostolic fathers, with an english translation by kirsopp lake (london: william heinemann / cambridge, massachusetts: harvard university press, 1912). 21 the first quotation is taken from jer 9:23–24. the quotation of the words of the lord jesus consists of a combination of sayings from the sermon on the plain, respectively, the sermon on the mount, see luke 6:31, 36–38; matt 5:7; 6:14–15; 7:1–2, 12. with the introductory formula “the holy word says”, the author quotes from isa 66:2 in the following verses 3–4. the first section in didache, comprising 1.1–6.3 and describing the “two ways”, i.e. the way of life and the way of death, cites extensively from the sermon on the mount. did 8.2 presents the lord’s prayer exactly the same as matt 6:9–13. 22 for the quoted references see eph 1:22–23 and gen 1:27. the statement about the manifestation of jesus for our salvation in the last days alludes to 1 pet 1:20. 23 the statement that love covers a multitude of sins originates in prov 10:12 and is also alluded to in jas 5:20 and 1 pet 4:8. the rest of the quoted text alludes to 1 cor 13:4–7. other references to pauline texts are found inter alia in 1 clem 35.5–6; 37.5–6; 47.3; 49.5, and in 36.2–5 there are extensive references to heb 1. more examples of quotations from and allusions to the gospels and the letters in the apostolic fathers are presented in stuhlmacher, biblical theology, 754. ådna, “two testaments” global south theological journal 3, no. 1.1 (2024): 12 marcion’s rejection of the old testament and most of the apostolic writings as the gospels and the letters gained a generally recognized position in all churches during the first half of the second century ad, the balance between the long-esteemed holy scriptures of the old testament and these new documents testifying to the divine revelation in the person and life of jesus and in the gospel message was suddenly challenged. around ad 140 marcion, son of a bishop and himself a rich shipowner, initiated a controversy in the church in rome. he claimed that jewish legalism was about to obscure the gospel. in his opinion, the church must reject the jewish bible, the old testament, because it represented this threatening jewish legalism. according to marcion such legalism had already influenced and infiltrated the texts about jesus and the gospel. for this reason, it was necessary to scrutinize the gospels and the letters and wipe out the intruded legalistic elements. marcion’s crusade against the old testament and its alleged legalism was rejected in rome, and he was expelled from the community. in ad 144 marcion founded his own church with no old testament and only with a version of the gospel of luke revised by him in an anti-jewish direction and ten similarly reworked letters of paul as the new canon. the fixation of the christian two-part canon of the old and the new testaments in greek marcion’s challenge prompted a more conscious and defined position in the church regarding its canon. in addition, the parallel development of gnostic influences in some regions and the morally rigid montanist movement intensified the need for such clarifications in the so-called catholic churches which were led by bishops loyal to their predecessors, who were originally ordained by the apostles. the outcome of the disputes in the second century was, on the one hand, a firm confirmation of the old testament in the form of the greek septuagint as the word of god and, on the other hand, an increasingly clearly defined new testament canon. the criteria for being accepted and recognized as authoritative were apostolicity, orthodoxy and consensus among the churches. apostolicity means that the writings had to be written by apostles, like paul, peter, john and matthew, but this principle also included authors who had been direct disciples or co-workers of some of the apostles, like mark in his relation to peter and luke in his relation to paul. by ad 200 the core of our new testament was firmly established and recognized in all christian churches. the core comprised the following: the four gospels, 13 or 14 pauline letters – the variation in numbers depends on whether the letter to the hebrews was considered as written by paul or not – further, acts of the apostles, peter’s first letter and john’s first letter. the extent of precisely those 27 books which our new testament comprises, was confirmed in the fourth and at the very beginning of the fifth century ad. for the church in the east the thirty-ninth festal letter of bishop athanasius in alexandria, written on the occasion of easter ad 367, witnesses the recognition of the new testament with 27 books. in the western church the synod in carthage 397 and the letter from the roman bishop, pope innocent i, to the bishop in toulouse in the year 405 confirm the establishment and recognition of all 27 books as new testament canon. the christian bible in other languages as the christian faith spread to more and more nations, the sacred texts were translated into new languages. as early as during the second century new testament texts were translated into latin, syriac and coptic. however, there was never any doubt that greek was the original language of the new testament and, thus, that any translations must be based on the greek text as their source. when it came to the corresponding translation of the old testament, the question of the source language appeared to be much more complicated and controversial. it was natural to use the septuagint as long as the church operated in a setting where greek was the common language. but as soon as other languages were involved, the question was whether the translation should be made on the basis of the septuagint or, rather, on the basis of hebrew, which was the language from which the septuagint had been translated. a paradigmatic case is the discussion between the church fathers augustine and jerome ådna, “two testaments” global south theological journal 3, no. 1.1 (2024): 13 at the turn of the fifth century ad regarding the translation of the old testament into latin. whereas augustine favoured the septuagint, jerome was convinced that he did right in translating the old testament from the hebrew. as a consequence, the latin bible, the vulgate, which soon acquired the position as the official and authorized bible in the western catholic church, is based on the hebrew bible. in this way the vulgate is not dependent on the septuagint, but rather appears as its parallel. however, the vulgate does not limit its content to the 39 books of the tanakh, but includes the additional deuterocanonical books of the septuagint, translated from greek, and the vulgate also follows the septuagint’s order of the books with the prophetic books at the end. the next time in history when the questions of the source language and the content of the old testament became a burning issue was during the reformation in europe in the sixteenth century. by this time the latin vulgate had been the one exclusive form of the bible in europe for centuries. one concern of highest priority for the reformers was to give the public access to the bible, and the invention of printing in the preceding century had suddenly made mass production of books possible. if the population at large should gain access to the biblical texts, it was necessary to translate the bible into the vernaculars. the reformer martin luther’s translation of the bible into german is generally seen as a brilliant achievement.24 the new testament books were, of course, translated from greek, but what about the old testament? luther did as jerome more than one thousand years earlier; he decided to translate from the hebrew bible, not from the greek septuagint. because of the total dominance of latin as the language of the church in europe, the knowledge of hebrew had by this time practically been lost. when the so-called renaissance humanists from the fifteenth century onwards gradually took an interest in returning to antiquity, they had to turn to the learned in the synagogue and study with them in order to learn hebrew afresh and be able to read the biblical texts. the reformers not only obtained the source text of the old testament from the synagogue, but they also took over the tanakh canon from the synagogue. thus, the reformation bibles removed the so-called apocrypha or deuterocanonical books that had always been part of the christian old testament. this was done with varying rigour. in his german bible of 1534 martin luther still included the apocrypha in a separate section between the old testament books and the new testament books and stated in the title of this section: “the apocrypha. that is, books which are not to be esteemed like the holy scriptures, and yet which are useful and good to read.”25 reformed protestantism went further in diminishing or even degrading the position of the apocrypha. we can cite the 1646 westminster confession of faith (§i.3) as an example: “the books commonly called apocrypha, not being of divine inspiration, are no part of the canon of the scripture, and therefore are of no authority in the church of god, nor to be any otherwise approved, or made use of, than other human writings.”26 the extent of the old testament in christian bibles as described above, the evangelists and the teachers in the early church and the new testament authors embraced the greek bible of the septuagint with its larger range of books than the hebrew tanakh. we can observe an emphasis on the law, the prophets and the psalms from the old testament references in the new testament. however, we can also observe that the new testament authors related to the so-called apocrypha and sometimes quote from them as scripture. the most explicit occurrences are quotations or echoes from sirach, for example the reception of sirach 4:1 in mark 10:19 and of sirach 5:11 in james 1:19.27 in some cases new testament authors combine phrases from different biblical 24 the new testament 1522; the whole bible 1534, nine more editions before luther died in 1546. 25 quoted from stuhlmacher, biblical theology, 761. this applies to the catholic (vulgate) apocrypha/deuterocanonical books: tobit, judith, additions to esther, wisdom of solomon, sirach, baruch (+ letter of jeremiah), 1–2 maccabees, additions to daniel. 26 quoted from stuhlmacher, biblical theology, 762. 27 for an accurate analysis of these two instances and the demonstration that the reproduction of sir 7:30 in barnabas 19:2 shows that the apostolic fathers relate in the same way as the new testament authors to the old testament apocrypha, see stuhlmacher, biblical theology, 750. ådna, “two testaments” global south theological journal 3, no. 1.1 (2024): 14 books among which can be apocrypha. one example of such conflated quotations is 2 timothy 2:19, where the author cites from numbers 16:5, sirach 17:26 and isaiah 26:13. in addition to including direct quotations or borrowed phrases from individual verses, new testament authors argue and expose certain theological issues on the basis of how biblical traditions have developed beyond the frames and limitations of the tanakh. for example, paul’s description of gentile idolatry and the corruption of all morals that goes hand in hand with it in romans 1:18–32 is closely related to the criticism and exposition in wisdom of solomon 13:1–14:31. in particular, from a traditionhistorical perspective new testament high christology, as expressed in the prologue to the gospel of john, john 1:1–18, and in the christ hymn in colossians 1:15–20, obviously has its background in wisdom theology the way it developed in early judaism (see, especially, sir 24 and wis 6:12–9:18). at the time of the new testament the exact delimitation of the septuagint was still not fixed. as a consequence, there was not yet any clear border line between those writings that later obtained the position as old testament apocrypha or deuterocanonical books (included in the septuagint and the vulgate) and other early jewish writings, later commonly classified as old testament pseudepigrapha.28 the pseudepigraphal book 1 enoch is especially well represented in early christianity. the nestle-aland edition of the greek new testament has registered more than one hundred allusions to or echoes from 1 enoch in the new testament books, and there is even one occurrence of a direct quotation.29 the discovery of aramaic fragments from all parts of the book except the similitudes or parables of enoch (1 enoch 37–71) among the dead sea scrolls proves that the original language was aramaic. further, a greek translation of parts of the book is known from various manuscripts, but a complete version is only preserved in ethiopic, and for this reason 1 enoch has frequently been referred to as the “ethiopic book of enoch”. this version of the book is included in the biblical canon of the ethiopian orthodox church. starting from the quotation of 1 enoch 1:9 in jude 14–15, classified by the new testament author as a prophecy, bruk ayele asale has offered an excellent and informative presentation of 1 enoch as christian scripture.30 from a tradition-historical and canonical perspective it is unfortunate that most protestant churches have reduced the first part of the christian bible to the books of the tanakh. however, there are ways in which this canon deficiency can be compensated for. it is crucial how new testament scholars operate. exegetes must recognize that the new testament authors did not distinguish with any vigour between what post-exilic jewish writings they were allowed to relate to as witnesses of the biblical tradition process and what writings were excluded from such status. correspondingly, they must identify such links between new testament texts and early jewish books like sirach, wisdom of solomon and 1 enoch and expose how these books are received and appropriated in the new testament texts. the openness of the old testament towards the future although the old testament in protestant bibles is based on the hebrew bible as the source text and with regard to the included books, these bibles, nevertheless, have not adopted the division of the books into the three parts of the tanakh. protestant bibles stick to the order that was established in the septuagint and continued in the vulgate, with the prophetic books as the fourth and last section. whereas the twelve so-called minor prophets from hosea to malachi are normally placed before the longer books of isaiah, jeremiah and ezekiel in the septuagint, this order has been reversed both in the vulgate and in protestant 28 for an overview see sbl handbook of style, 125–26, the entry 8.3.4. “old testament pseudepigrapha”. an english translation of the most important pseudepigrapha is found in old testament pseudepigrapha, ed. by james h. charlesworth. for volume 1, see note 15 above. according to the subtitle, volume 2 includes: expansions of the “old testament” and legends, wisdom and philosophical literature, prayers, psalms and odes, fragments of lost judeo-hellenistic works. 29 see novum testamentum graece, 28th revised edition (stuttgart: deutsche bibelgesellschaft, 2012) appendix iii. loci citati vel allegati, 836–78, 875–76. the corresponding references to the alluded or echoed verses in 1 enoch appear throughout in the margins of the greek text. 30 bruk ayele asale, 1 enoch as christian scripture: a study in the reception and appropriation of 1 enoch in jude and the ethiopian orthodox tewahǝdo canon (eugene, oregon: pickwick, 2020). a synopsis of 1 enoch 1:9 in ethiopic and greek and jude 14–15 in greek is found on page 33. ådna, “two testaments” global south theological journal 3, no. 1.1 (2024): 15 bibles. as a consequence, the final old testament book in protestant bibles is the prophet malachi. malachi ends with a prophecy of the return of the famous prophet elijah, prior to the day of the lord. let me quote the last two verses with this prophecy, mal 3:23–24 (et 4:5–6): “lo, i will send you the prophet elijah before the great and terrible day of the lord comes. he will turn the hearts of parents to their children and the hearts of children to their parents, so that i will not come and strike the land with a curse.” i have already touched upon the general effect of the compositional principle of letting the prophetic books constitute the final part of the old testament. this effect is an openness towards a future where the prophecies will be fulfilled. if we apply this general canonical principle to the specific oracle that closes the old testament if malachi is the last book, we encounter the expectation that the prophet elijah will return from the heavens, to where he had ascended in a chariot of fire (see 2 kings 2:11), and that he will help reconcile parents and children to each other and by this rescue them and the land from god’s judgment. in the new testament we observe a vivid awareness of this very prophecy and how it found its fulfilment. when asked by his disciples, jesus identified john the baptist as the returning elijah (matt 17:10–13 par. mark 9:11–13).31 the old testament as an indispensable part of the christian bible the old testament is an indispensable part of the christian bible. the new testament never intended to supersede it, only to confirm, continue and fulfil it by giving testimony about jesus christ as the messiah and saviour both for jews and non-jews. the new testament authors not only quote and allude frequently to old testaments texts, the very language of faith, by which the gospel about jesus is expressed in the new testament, is taken from the old testament. in fact, the two-part christian bible, consisting of the septuagint with its salvation-historical structure and the new testament, pictures a comprehensive way through salvation history that the one god has traveled with israel and the world and will continue to travel until the end. when the septuagint apocryphal books are included, the picture becomes even more clear than without them. god’s way leads from creation to the election of israel and the revelation at mount sinai. from there the people of god are led to jerusalem and mount zion, israel’s prayers and wisdom are presented, and the prophets point forward to the new testament fulfillment. the gospels make it clear that the incarnation and the story of jesus christ climaxing in his cross and resurrection precede the church’s faith and provide its foundation. the ministry of the apostles called by jesus and newly commissioned after easter stands under the missionary mandate to proclaim god’s good news about jesus christ throughout the whole world […] to jews and gentiles. at the end, the book of revelation portrays the present and future work of establishing the kingdom through the risen christ.32 part 3. tradition-historical developments as expressions of revelation history: the relationship between the testaments seen from the old testament as point of departure it is common knowledge that the old testament spans a long period of time. it is very complicated to date and chronologically order everything that precedes the settlement of the israelite tribes in canaan. if for this reason we restrict ourselves to the period from approximately 1200 bc, we still have to work with more than one thousand years prior to the new testament era. it is obvious that there were many changes 31 see, further, matt 11:14; luke 1:17. mal 3:1 is also applied to john the baptist in matt 11:10 par. luke 7:27; mark 1:2. 32 stuhlmacher, biblical theology, 801. ådna, “two testaments” global south theological journal 3, no. 1.1 (2024): 16 and developments during so many years. over the years the historical circumstances varied a lot both in israel, in the region with close neighbouring nations like edom, moab and syria and with regard to the international empires like egypt, assyria, babylonia, persia, the hellenistic kingdoms and, finally, rome. the various books in the old testament originated at different times, and many of them underwent a long compositional process before they reached their final form. many of the books interact with earlier traditions that have already existed for a long time, integrate these traditions in a new context and develop them further. those who consider the old and the new testaments to be very different and remote from one another, tend to underestimate or overlook the changes that occurred during the long formation process of the old testament. there are, of course, differences and contrasts between the old and the new testaments. nevertheless, it might be that for example the exile in babylon in the sixth century bc had a profound impact on theological developments similar to the transition from the old testament to the new testament had. thus, it may be arbitrary to claim a deep, divisive break between the old and the new testaments if one at the same time ignores the profound shifts and changes in the traditions during the long old testament period. personally, i am convinced that there exists an indispensable connection and unity between the old testament and the new testament. this connection and unity can be demonstrated from both sides. from the side of the old testament the connection appears and materializes in the form of traditionhistorical developments that do not stop at the border between the testaments; rather, they continue into the new testament and come to a climax and fulfilment there. in this third part of the article i will try to show this. in the fourth part, i will try to demonstrate the connection and unity from the new testament side. the zion tradition as a paradigmatic example of biblical tradition-historical developments instead of speaking in general and perhaps rather abstract terms about these tradition-historical developments, i have chosen one such central tradition that is capable and well suited for presenting this perspective on the relation between the old and the new testaments. my choice is the so-called zion tradition, that i have worked on in my own research.33 the location and meaning of zion zion was originally the name of the mountain ridge where king solomon built the first temple, simply called mount zion (ps 78:68–69). in the course of later development the meaning of the term was expanded to become the designation of the whole city of jerusalem or even of the people of israel (see lam 2:6–8; isa 51:16; zech 2:11 [et 2:7]; 8:2–3). hence, in the bible zion frequently alternates with jerusalem, with a slight tendency of emphasizing theological rather than political or geographical aspects connected to this city. king david conquered jerusalem and made zion a religious centre of the israelites a promise of settlement in the land of canaan accompanies the biblical narrative from abraham and the other patriarchs onwards throughout the entire exodus story, without any special focus on jerusalem or zion. the first time we encounter this promise of possession of land is in genesis 12:7: “then the lord 33 the following presentation depends heavily on jostein ådna, “the role of jerusalem in the mission of jesus”, in the identity of jesus: nordic voices, ed. samuel byrskog, tom holmén and matti kankaanniemi. wunt 2.373 (tübingen: mohr siebeck, 2014), 161–80. i have surveyed and discussed the zion tradition more extensively in my doctoral dissertation, jesu kritik am tempel (1993), and in one of the monographies based on the doctoral thesis: jostein ådna, jesu stellung zum tempel: die tempelaktion und das tempelwort als ausdruck seiner messianischen sendung. wunt 2.119 (tübingen: mohr siebeck, 2000). ådna, “two testaments” global south theological journal 3, no. 1.1 (2024): 17 appeared to abram, and said, ‘to your offspring i will give this land.’”34 after the conquest of canaan under the leadership of joshua, the book that carries his name notes in 21:43 that the promise of land is now fulfilled: “thus the lord gave to israel all the land that he swore to their ancestors that he would give them; and having taken possession of it, they settled there.” as already mentioned, there is no explicit reference to jerusalem or zion in this story of the land. as we learn from the next book in the old testament, the book of judges, there were actually a number of cities or regions that the israelite tribes did not invade and control, and among these were jerusalem, where the jebusites were living (josh 15:63; judg 1:21). it was not until two hundred years later, when david had been anointed king of all israel, that he conquered jerusalem with his personal troops and made it the new capital of the kingdom (see 2 sam 5:6–9). hence, compared to other parts of the land of israel, jerusalem became an integrated part of israelite soil and history at a late or a delayed point of time. david’s acceptance and appropriation of zion and its religious traditions jerusalem already had a long and rich history when it suddenly became the capital and centre for the entire people, during the reign of king david. we see a few glimpses of this in the bible. the first one is the somewhat puzzling story about king melchizedek as early as the time of abraham in genesis 14. melchizedek resided in salem, which seems to be a shortened form of jerusalem (see ps 76:3 [et 76:2]), and he was priest of el eljon, god most high. melchizedek blessed abraham with the following words: “blessed be abram by god most high, maker of heaven and earth” (gen 14:19). when david moved from hebron to jerusalem, he was accompanied by a number of men who already had leading positions in israel, for example the army commander joab son of zeruiah (2 sam 8:16; 20:23) and the priest ahimelech son of abiathar (2 sam 8:17).35 however, new men also suddenly appear in the story, like the priest zadok (2 sam 8:17), who soon seems to have taken up the leading position among the priests. in later history he was referred to as the father and founder of the zadokite priests, who qualified for the highest position as high priests in the temple.36 we cannot know for sure, but it seems likely that zadok had been a priest in jerusalem of the god known as el eljon, god most high, prior to david’s conquest, and that he sided with the new owner of the city, david, and was accepted by him. that david did not simply reject and crush the existing religious traditions in jerusalem can be seen from the last story in 2 samuel, recounting that david bought what is called the threshing-floor of araunah, the jebusite, for building an altar to the lord (see 2 sam 24:18–25). this threshing-floor was located to the north of david’s city and is probably close to the site on which david’s son solomon built the first temple some years later. on this background it seems likely that a kind of fusion or contextualisation took place when david and his people moved into jerusalem. instead of negating and wiping out the local traditions of the god known as god most high, these so-called zion traditions were appropriated, cleansed and combined with the unique religious tradition of the israelites. in the old testament we see, on the one hand, a complete rejection of some local religious traditions and practices in canaan, for example of the cults of baal and asherah, because they were absolutely incompatible with the worship of the lord. but, on the other hand, we observe in the case of melchizedek and zadok in jerusalem that the god they call el eljon 34 see further references in gen 15:7, 18–21; 24:7; 48:21–22; 50:24. the promise of land occurs in combination with the promise of abundant offspring in gen 13:14–17; 17:1–8; 26:3–4; 28:3–4, 13–14; 35:11–12; 48:4. 35 the priestly family of ahimelech had served in the sanctuary in nob. see the story about his grandfather, ahimelech son of ahitub, and his father, abiathar, in 1 sam 21–22. abiathar was the only one of his generation who survived king saul’s massacre of the inhabitants of nob (1 sam 22:19–23). 36 zadok played a major role in securing solomon at the cost of adonijah as successor of david at the throne (see 1 kings 1–2). 1 kings 4:4 and 1 chr 29:22 confirm his continued position as priest during solomon’s reign. however, from 1 kings 4:2 it seems that his son, azariah, took over the leading priestly position. in 2 chr 31:10 he is referred to as the chief priest, respectively as the high priest, and his belonging to the house of zadok as a prerequisite for holding this position is explicitly mentioned. the unique position of the zadokite priests as high priests in the post-exilic period is strongly supported by the prophecies of ezekiel, according to which they shall serve as high priests in the future temple because they stayed loyal to god when the rest of the nation went astray (ezek 40:46; 43:19; 44:15; 48:11). ådna, “two testaments” global south theological journal 3, no. 1.1 (2024): 18 can be identified as the god of israel, and for this reason the local zion traditions were not rejected, but, rather, integrated as an enrichment into the religious traditions of israel because the lord himself sanctioned such a procedure. zion as the lord’s property and abode psalm 132, one of the psalms of ascent, is an excellent text to start from in order to grasp the central content of the zion tradition and for understanding how it was combined with and integrated into israel’s unique religious heritage. this psalm opens with commending david for his commitment to bringing the ark of the covenant into jerusalem (see 2 sam 6). this is namely the right place for the ark, seen as the lord’s footstool (pss 99:5; 132:7–8), to be located. ps 132:13–18: (13) for the lord has chosen zion; he has desired it for his habitation: (14) this is my resting-place for ever; here i will reside, for i have desired it. (15) i will abundantly bless its provisions; i will satisfy its poor with bread. (16) its priests i will clothe with salvation, and its faithful will shout for joy. (17) there i will cause a horn to sprout up for david; i have prepared a lamp for my anointed one. (18) his enemies i will clothe with disgrace, but on him, his crown will gleam. god’s election of zion and of david are interconnected. i think psalm 132 helps us see that what comes first is zion, and, as a consequence, its earthly owner, david, is also the subject of god’s election. although jerusalem became the capital of the kingdom, it is, nevertheless, repeatedly called the city of david in the biblical texts, referring to the fact that jerusalem was not conquered by the army of the tribes of israel, but by david himself and his personal troops.37 furthermore, the election of david and his descendants is also expressly confirmed in psalm 132: (11) the lord swore to david a sure oath from which he will not turn back: “one of the sons of your body i will set on your throne. (12) if your sons keep my covenant and my decrees that i shall teach them, their sons also, for evermore, shall sit on your throne.” david intended to build a house for the lord in jerusalem, a temple where the ark of the covenant could be placed. however, through the prophet nathan god told david that this task had to be left to his son (2 sam 7). the temple was finally built during the reign of david’s son solomon. 1 kings 6 and 7 tell in detail about the construction of the temple, and the following chapter 8 relates the dedication of the temple. 1 kings 8:6, 10–11: (6) then the priests brought the ark of the covenant of the lord to its place, in the inner sanctuary of the house, in the most holy place, underneath the wings of the cherubim. […] (10) and when the priests came out of the holy place, a cloud filled the house of the lord, (11) so that the priests could not stand to minister because of the cloud; for the glory of the lord filled the house of the lord. the glory and inviolability of zion after the lord had made zion his holy abode, zion soon took up a central position in the psalms of israel. there are references to zion in different kinds of psalms, for example individual thanksgiving psalms (ps 37 in 1 sam 22:2 the number of david’s mercenaries is estimated as 400 men; according to 1 sam 27:2 they were 600. with these men david marched to jerusalem (2 sam 5:6), and after conquering it he “named it the city of david” (2 sam 5:9). ådna, “two testaments” global south theological journal 3, no. 1.1 (2024): 19 9:10–12 [et 9:9–11]), royal psalms (ps 20:2–3 [et 20:1–2]) and individual lament psalms (ps 26:8: “o lord, i love the house in which you dwell, and the place where your glory abides”). some psalms dwell on zion as such as their theme, and it is common to refer to this group of psalms as zion psalms (pss 46; 48; 76; 84; 87; 122). ps 46:5–6, 8 (et 46:4–5, 7): (5 [4]) there is a river whose streams make glad the city of god, the holy habitation of the most high. (6 [5]) god is in the midst of the city; it shall not be moved; god will help it when the morning dawns. […] (8 [7]) the lord of hosts is with us; the god of jacob is our refuge. ps 48:13–15 (et 48:12–14): (13 [12]) walk about zion, go all around it, count its towers, (14 [13]) consider well its ramparts; go through its citadels, that you may tell the next generation (15 [14]) that this is god, our god for ever and ever. he will be our guide for ever. ps 87:1–3: (1) on the holy mountain stands the city he founded; (2) the lord loves the gates of zion more than all the dwellings of jacob. (3) glorious things are spoken of you, o city of god. selah. we encounter the zion tradition in the prophets as well as in the psalms. the prophet isaiah operated in jerusalem in the second half of the eighth century bc, a period of political crises and much turmoil. the small kingdoms along the eastern coast of the mediterranean sea became victims of the aggressive expansionist policies of the assyrian empire. in order to withstand assyrian expansion, the kingdoms in the region had to cooperate closely, with united armies. whereas in 733 bc rezin and pekah, the kings in damascus and in the northern kingdom, israel,38 decided to rebel against the assyrians, king ahaz of judah, seated in jerusalem, hesitated and did not dare to join the rebellion against the powerful assyrians.39 because rezin and pekah needed to build a stronger alliance in order to have any chance of success, they wanted to force judah to join their alliance, and at some time during the years 733/732 bc they prepared a military attack against jerusalem with the aim of substituting someone called the son of tabeel for ahaz as new king, who would then join the alliance of the neighbouring kingdoms opposing the assyrian empire. the book of isaiah tells how this incident frightened judah and jerusalem: “when the house of david heard that aram [i.e. damascus] had allied itself with ephraim [i.e. the northern kingdom, israel], the heart of ahaz and the heart of his people shook as the trees of the forest shake before the wind” (isa 7:2). in this situation the lord asked the prophet isaiah to go to the king and say to him: “take heed, be quiet, do not fear, and do not let your heart be faint because of these two smouldering stumps of firebrands” (7:4), that is, the two attacking kings. the prophet isaiah appeals to the zion tradition: – trust the lord, have faith in him because he will protect jerusalem and zion.40 this message is repeated a number of times throughout the book of isaiah, for example in isa 14:32 and 31:5.41 38 after the death of king solomon the united kingdom of the israelite tribes was divided into a northern and a southern kingdom. during the period of the divided kingdoms, the northern kingdom was called israel and the southern kingdom was called judah. 39 we have information both in 2 kings 15:27, 29–30, 37; 16:1–20; isa 7:1–17 and in assyrian sources for the events during the years 733–732 bc. 40 this positive message about trusting god’s protection of zion is contrasted in the prophet’s famous warning in isa 7:9b: “if you do not stand firm in faith, you shall not stand at all.” 41 isa 14:32: “the lord has founded zion, and the needy among his people will find refuge in her.” isa 31:5: “like birds hovering overhead, so the lord of hosts will protect jerusalem; he will protect and deliver it, he will spare and rescue it.” ådna, “two testaments” global south theological journal 3, no. 1.1 (2024): 20 king ahaz turned down the message brought to him by the prophet isaiah. instead of putting his trust in the lord’s promise to protect jerusalem and its people, he decided to solve the crisis by taking political steps. he understood that the small kingdoms in the region would not manage to stand against the assyrians even if they built an alliance, and therefore he decided to approach the assyrian king, tiglath-pileser, and declare his loyalty and ask for his protection against the attacking neighbours syria and israel (see 2 kings 16:7). these tactics worked out; the assyrian king accepted ahaz’s submission and loyalty and marched up against the syrian capital damascus, took it, crushed the local kingdom and made it an assyrian province. king ahaz of jerusalem hurried to damascus to meet king tiglath-pileser to show him due respect and veneration. ahaz observed an altar in the assyrian camp at damascus, and he immediately commanded the priests at the temple in jerusalem to construct an exact copy of this altar. the new assyrian-inspired altar supplanted the earlier altar which was removed to a less prominent position within the temple area. king ahaz also made other changes inside the temple, and the historian behind the books of kings ends his report with the note: “he did this because of the king of assyria” (2 kings 16:18). later in his long career as a prophet in jerusalem, isaiah saw that king and people were tempted to seek help from the strong nation in the south, egypt, as a protection against the assyrian empire which continued to expand and put heavier and heavier burdens on small vasal kingdoms like the kingdom of judah. in the view of the prophet, the attempts to make such political alliances instead of trusting the promises of the lord regarding zion were again futile (see isa 30:1–5 and 31:1–3). exploitation of the zion tradition we have now seen examples of how the king and the people did not trust promises rooted in the zion tradition and instead sought to overcome dangers by declaring their loyalty to political powers. the history of judah also contains examples of how the inhabitants in jerusalem, instead of neglecting and rejecting the zion tradition, invoked it in a seemingly humble and pious way. however, the appeal to the wonderful descriptions of zion’s inviolability, found in the psalms, and the claim to be safe in zion, turns out to be a misuse and an exploitation of the zion traditions when the people involved at the same time transgressed severely against the commandments of the lord. pre-exilic prophets in judah and jerusalem exposed such misuse and perversion of the zion traditions whenever people claimed refuge in the secure city, jerusalem, while at the same time being unwilling to live in accordance with the will of the lord. zion was no guarantee of protection for disobedient israel. on the contrary, in such circumstances god would rather destroy the temple, the city and the people. the most conspicuous example of a judgment prophecy based on the zion tradition is the prophet jeremiah’s temple speech “at the beginning of the reign of king jehoiakim son of josiah of judah” (jer 26:1), that is ca. 608 bc. god’s command to the prophet is recounted in jeremiah 26:2–6 and the speech itself is presented in jeremiah 7:1–15. jeremiah stands in the gate of the temple and speaks to those who pass by: “hear the word of the lord, all you people of judah, you that enter these gates to worship the lord” (jer 7:2). the message is that the people must amend their ways and actions, stop oppressing aliens and orphans and widows, and stop shedding innocent blood. with a reference to the ten commandments god asks rhetorically, “will you steal, murder, commit adultery, swear falsely, make offerings to baal, and go after other gods” (v. 9) and at the same time “come and stand before me in this house, which is called by my name, and say, ‘we are safe’– only to go on doing all these abominations?” (v. 10). those addressed obviously trusted in the safety promised by the zion tradition. however, the prophet tells them that their mantra, “this is the temple of the lord, the temple of the lord, the temple of the lord” (v. 4), is deceptive words in their mouths as long as they ignore god’s will. in verse 11 the lord asks, “has this house, which is called by my name, become a den of robbers in your sight?” as the spokesman of god, the prophet jeremiah accuses his contemporaries of relating to the temple in the same way as robbers do to their den. the den is the safe haven of the robbers, where they hide between their robberies. correspondingly, his contemporaries look to the temple as their refuge, to which they seek without stopping sinning and violating god’s commandments. in jeremiah’s speech god makes it clear that he is not willing to accept ådna, “two testaments” global south theological journal 3, no. 1.1 (2024): 21 such a misuse of his temple. he warns that he himself will also consider the temple a den of robbers, and the consequence will be that he will reject and destroy the temple. god reminds the listeners that he has in fact judged and destroyed a holy sanctuary in the history of israel previously, namely, the temple in shiloh, where eli was the priest, and the prophet samuel grew up. because the contemporaries of jeremiah are as wicked as the people at the time of the shiloh sanctuary, “therefore i will do to the house that is called by my name, in which you trust, and to the place that i gave to you and to your ancestors, just what i did to shiloh” (v. 14; see also 26:4–6). as we know from history, a few years after jeremiah held this speech in the temple gate, the warning came true when the babylonian army conquered jerusalem and destroyed the temple. zion as the centre of the whole world there is one more very conspicuous aspect of the zion tradition that we must now bring to the fore. the presence of god in the city makes zion the true centre of the whole world. although the altitude of jerusalem is 750 to 800 metres above sea level and it is by far surpassed by mount hermon at the border to lebanon, nevertheless, psalm 48 describes zion as the highest mountain and locates it in the far north: ps 48:2–3 (et 48:1–2): (2 [1]) great is the lord and greatly to be praised in the city of our god. his holy mountain, (3 [2]) beautiful in elevation, is the joy of all the earth, mount zion, in the far north, the city of the great king. the israelites knew, of course, that this was not a correct geographical description. it is a tremendous exaggeration, made in order to express a theological and spiritual truth and ambition. although the other nations are not aware, the god of israel, who has his abode in zion and is worshipped in the temple in jerusalem, is actually the creator of the whole world and is therefore its only true king and ruler. for this reason, the israelites claim and appropriate for their god, the lord, designations and epithets used by the gods of the capitals of the great kingdoms, like nineveh or babylon, and transfer them to the lord and his city.42 a group of psalms proclaim and confess the lord as the king of israel and the whole world; in scholarship they are commonly referred to as “yahweh-king-psalms”, namely, psalms 47, 93 and 96–99. ps 99:1–3, 9: (1) the lord is king; let the peoples tremble! he sits enthroned upon the cherubim; let the earth quake! (2) the lord is great in zion; he is exalted over all the peoples. (3) let them praise your great and awesome name. […] (9) extol the lord our god, and worship at his holy mountain; for the lord our god is holy. the importance of zion in eschatology the aspects of zion as the centre of the whole world and the lord as its king played an important role as eschatology developed. eschatology has to do with the future, final stage of history. when the realities and hardships experienced by israel and judah in history contradicted the breathtaking statements in the psalms that praised zion and its king, the statements about zion and the kingdom of the lord were in part transferred into the realm of eschatology. although the kings of the great empires and their gods seemed 42 the statements that the lord is “a great king over all the earth”, respectively, “the king of all the earth” (ps 47:3, 8 [et 47:2, 7]) correspond to the assyrian titles “the great king” (šarru rabu) and “the king of the whole earth” (šarru kiššati). the claimed location of zion “in the far north” (ps 48:3 [et 48:2]) is an appropriation of the traditional idea of the mountain of the gods in the north, as exemplified in the arrogant utterance of the babylonian king in isa 14:13–14. zion is the holy mountain that el eljon has chosen as his abode. no other holy sites or mountains can match it (pss 68:16–17 [et 68:15–16]; 76:3, 5 [et 76:2, 4]). ådna, “two testaments” global south theological journal 3, no. 1.1 (2024): 22 to have the upper hand and triumph over zion and the lord, this will definitely be different at the end of the age. then mount zion will be elevated and lifted above all other mountains. the universal reign of the lord will become visible to everybody when all nations go up to zion, and the lord establishes peace for the whole world by his instruction and jurisdiction. this prospect for the eschatological future is proclaimed both by the prophet isaiah and by the prophet micah (see 4:1–4) in parallel texts that are almost identical. isa 2:2–4: (2) in days to come the mountain of the lord’s house shall be established as the highest of the mountains, and shall be raised above the hills; all the nations shall stream to it. (3) many peoples shall come and say, “come, let us go up to the mountain of the lord, to the house of the god of jacob; that he might teach us his ways and that we may walk in his paths.” for out of zion shall go forth instruction, and the word of the lord from jerusalem. (4) he shall judge between the nations, and shall arbitrate for many peoples; they shall beat their swords into ploughshares, and their spears into pruning-hooks; nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more. in 587 bc a great calamity befell the kingdom of judah. in this year the babylonian king nebuchadnezzar brought an end to the kingdom; the temple in jerusalem was completely destroyed, and parts of the population were deported into exile in babylon (see 2 kings 25; jer 52). all of this caused a shattering theological crisis. however, the prophet jeremiah had warned the inhabitants of jerusalem that something like this would happen if they did not change their ways and turned to the lord in obedience to his will. the prophet ezekiel had also shown how the temple was desecrated and intruded by pagan cults and that because of this the glory of the lord had left zion (ezek 8–11). in the severe crisis of the destroyed temple, the lost kingdom and the exile the prophecies of these judgment prophets actually became a vehicle to survive and overcome these immense challenges. these prophets had prophesied the devastating catastrophe without abandoning trust in the irrevocable and steadfast promises of god for zion. jeremiah and ezekiel prophesied a new beginning for the people of god beyond the judgment (see jer 30–35 and ezek 34–39), and, in fact, the zion traditions even assumed increasing importance through the crisis of the exile and in the post-exilic era. the sharp contrast between the difficult contemporary conditions and the exuberant hopes directed towards the city of god contributed to a more resolute eschatological profile of the zion traditions. in the eschatological consummation god will glorify zion and his temple, bring the dispersed of his people back to the land and the city, and with them also the gentile nations. assembled on zion they will all recognize and praise the lord as the only true god together, as revealed in zechariah 8. zech 8:2–5: (2) thus says the lord of hosts: i am jealous for zion with great jealously, and i am jealous for her with great wrath. (3) thus says the lord: i will return to zion, and will dwell in the midst of jerusalem; jerusalem shall be called the faithful city, and the mountain of the lord of hosts shall be called the holy mountain. (4) thus says the lord of hosts: old men and old women shall again sit in the streets of jerusalem, each with staff in hand because of their great age. (5) and the streets of the city shall be full of boys and girls playing in its streets. the zion tradition in early judaism the high eschatological expectations for zion were upheld in early judaism throughout the next centuries. jewish texts from this period adhere to and confirm the election of zion and jerusalem as the dwelling place of god. god will definitely glorify the temple on mount zion and bring the dispersed of israel back in the company of the nations. ådna, “two testaments” global south theological journal 3, no. 1.1 (2024): 23 a number of texts from the second century bc to the first century ad are of particular interest because they state that god himself, without human assistance, will establish the eschatological temple on mount zion. this development in the zion tradition is obviously based on the dreary experience from the previous centuries that the historical temples in jerusalem, built by humans, that is the temple of solomon as well as the second temple raised by zerubbabel in the years 520–515 bc, have fallen victims to sin and desecration. certain apocalyptically oriented circles in judaism apparently inferred from these experiences that only a divine construction would be a sufficient guarantee that the future, eschatological temple would avoid the kind of tragic fate which had befallen its predecessors in jerusalem. i have picked four texts from the second century bc as examples. 1 enoch 90:29:43 i went on seeing until the lord of the sheep brought about a new house, greater and loftier than the first one, and set it up in the first location which had been covered up—all its pillars were new, the columns new, and the ornaments new as well as greater than those of the first, (that is) the old (house) which was gone. all the sheep were within it. jubilees 1:17:44 and i shall build my sanctuary in their midst, and i shall dwell with them. and i shall be their god and they will be my people truly and rightly. tobit 14:5: [...] after this they all will return from their exile and will rebuild jerusalem in splendour; and in it the temple of god will be rebuilt, just as the prophets of israel have said concerning it. the temple scroll from qumran (11qta [11q19]) 29.9–10:45 (9) [...] until the day of creation, when i shall create my temple, (10) establishing it for myself for all days, according to the covenant which i made with jacob at bethel. i have claimed above that there is no special reference to zion in the tradition of the promise of the land in genesis and in the following books exodus through joshua. although this is true in general terms, nevertheless, this statement must be modified and nuanced as soon as we take one particular text into consideration. after israel had been rescued from the egyptian army at the sea of reeds, moses and the israelites sang a song to the lord (see exodus 15:1–21). this song resembles hymns in the book of psalms praising the lord for his strength and for having saved israel (vv. 1–12). from verse 13 onwards the song anticipates what will happen in the future when the wandering israelites arrive in the promised land, canaan. exod 15:13–18:46 (13) in your steadfast love you [lord] led the people whom you redeemed; you guided them by your strength to your holy abode. (14) the peoples heard, they trembled; pangs seized the inhabitants of philistia. (15) then the chiefs of edom were dismayed […] (17) you brought them in and planted them on the mountain of your own possession, the 43 quoted from old testament pseudepigrapha, vol. 1, 71. this verse belongs to the animal apocalypse (1 enoch 85–90), from ca. 164 bc. the sheep represent the israelites and their lord is god. the house is the temple. 44 quoted from old testament pseudepigrapha, vol. 2, 53. the book of jubilees is from ca. 150 bc. see also jub 1:29. 45 quoted from the dead sea scrolls study edition. 2 volumes, edited by florentino garcía martínez and eibert j. c. tigchelaar (leiden: brill; grand rapids, michigan / cambridge, u.k.: eerdmans, 1997/1998), 1251. 46 in these verses the nrsv has rendered hebrew perfect tenses with past tenses. nevertheless, what is recounted in vv. 13–17 are still future events seen from the crossing of the sea of reeds. ådna, “two testaments” global south theological journal 3, no. 1.1 (2024): 24 place, o lord, that you made your abode, the sanctuary, o lord, that your hands have established. (18) the lord will reign for ever and ever. the mountain that is the lord’s possession on which he planted the israelites is clearly a reference to jerusalem and zion. what is unusual with the statement in exodus 15:17 is the anthropomorphistic expression that the sanctuary was established by the lord’s own hands. from his throne in this temple the lord reigns as king. according to the apocalyptic world view god’s royal reign will only be established in the future. god will soon intervene and put an end to the rule of his evil enemies. after the judgment of the devil and his servants, the kingdom of god will be established. the lord will abide as king in the temple on mount zion in jerusalem, the centre of the eschatological kingdom, and all who inherit and enter the kingdom will worship him eternally. hence, the combination of the two elements of god’s reign and the sanctuary in zion made with his own hands in exodus 15:17– 18, gave these verses the potential to become key scriptural proof for those apocalyptically oriented circles in early judaism that drew a sharp dividing line between the present evil world age and the future world of salvation for the pious and the godly. we do in fact have evidence for such an interpretation and application of exodus 15:17–18 in early judaism. the most conspicuous example is a fragmentary text from the dead sea scrolls, registered as 4q174. in this document various old testament texts, most extensively 2 samuel 7 with god’s promises to david through the prophet nathan, are combined and interpreted. the passage which interests us the most runs as follows: 4q174 (frg. 1 col. i.1–6):47 (2) […] this (refers to) the house which [he (sc. god) will establish] for [him (sc. the people of israel)] in the last days, as is written in the book of (3) [moses: “the temple of] yhwh your hands will est[a]blish. yhwh shall reign for ever and ever.” this (refers to) the house into which shall not enter (4) [ … for] ever either an ammonite, or a moabite, or a bastard, or a foreigner, or a proselyte, never, because his holy ones are there. (5) “y[hw]h [shall reign for] ever.” he will appear over it for ever; foreigners shall not again lay it waste as they laid waste, in the past, (6) the tem[ple of i]srael on account of their sins. the authors of this text operated with an eschatological interpretation of god’s kingly reign according to which the exodus text must be applied to the coming age of fulfilled salvation. then there will be a new temple on mount zion established and put there by god himself. this corresponds with the phrase in the so-called temple scroll, quoted above, that on the day of the new creation (see isa 65:17– 25) god “shall create [his] temple, establishing it for [himself] for all days” (11qta 29.9–10). zion and the heavenly temple priestly sections in the pentateuch already state that the temple on mount zion shall be constructed in accordance with a model or a pattern that god shows the israelites. exod 25:1, 8–9: (1) the lord said to moses: […] (8) and have them [sc. the israelites] make me a sanctuary, so that i may dwell among them. (9) in accordance with all that i show you concerning the pattern of the tabernacle and all its furniture, so you shall make it. the importance of the transcendent model for the sanctuary and all its equipment is illustrated by the outline in exodus. first, in exodus 25–31, god’s instructions to moses, based on the transcendent 47 quoted from the dead sea scrolls study edition, 353. ådna, “two testaments” global south theological journal 3, no. 1.1 (2024): 25 pattern shown to him on mount sinai (see 25:40), are presented in detail, and then in chapters 35–40 the actual execution of these instructions is recounted in the same detail. there was a strong focus on the celestial spheres particularly in apocalyptic circles in early judaism. for example, in the qumran community there was an awareness that their worship interacted with the worship in the heavenly sanctuary.48 the idea that there is a correspondence between the earthly zion and its heavenly counterpart as the model according to which the temple in jerusalem was to be constructed, led in some strains of early judaism to the expectation that the future, eschatological temple would actually be the heavenly sanctuary descending upon zion. it seems that this idea or expectation is present in the book of watchers49 and in 4 ezra.50 whether or not 2 baruch reflects this idea is disputed.51 the zion tradition in the new testament the zion tradition does not come to an end in the old testament and early judaism, but continues its organic development into the new testament. jesus’ proclamation of the kingdom of god and his final journey to jerusalem god’s kingdom was at the very centre of jesus’ proclamation and teaching, as we learn from the synoptic gospels. as we have seen, in the biblical tradition the reign of god is linked to zion and the temple. i see a clear connection between jesus’ kingdom message and his final journey from galilee to jerusalem at passover time. jesus proclaimed the imminent coming of the kingdom, and because people expected the kingdom to appear at zion, this journey definitely triggered hopes and expectations among the people, as stated in luke 19:11: jesus was near jerusalem, and many around him “supposed that the kingdom of god was to appear immediately”. jesus’ entry into jerusalem riding on the colt confirmed such hopes and aroused their expectations even further: mark 11:9–10: (9) then those who went ahead [of him] and those who followed were shouting, “hosanna! blessed is the one who comes in the name of the lord! (10) blessed is the coming kingdom of our ancestor david! hosanna in the highest heaven!” the evangelists recount that upon his arrival in jerusalem jesus went straight to the temple (mark 11:11). the temple remains in focus in the dramatic events of the following days and is also addressed in sayings of jesus and of his disciples. in my opinion, jesus’ confrontation with the temple, expressed in sayings and acts, can only be understood on the background of the zion tradition. the temple saying(s) of jesus52 48 see esp. songs of the sabbath sacrificea [4q400], and also the reference in the above quoted text 4q174 to the presence of “his holy ones”. 49 this book constitutes the first part of 1 enoch, i.e. chapters 1–36. the heavenly temple is described in 14:15–20, and its descent on zion seems to be implied in chapters 24–26. 50 the promise to ezra in 13:36, “and zion will come and be made manifest to all people, prepared and built, as you saw the mountain carved out without hands” (old testament pseudepigrapha, vol. 1, 552), seems (on the background of the fourth vision in 9:26–10:59) to imply the idea of the descent of the heavenly jerusalem upon the earth. 51 it is obvious from 2 bar 68:5 that this apocalypse also points to a restoration of zion: “and at that time, after a short time, zion will be rebuilt again, and the offerings will be restored, and the priests will again return to their ministry. and the nations will again come to honor it” (old testament pseudepigrapha, vol. 1, 644). whether or not the new temple is thought of as the descending heavenly temple, depends on how the passages 4:2–7 and 32:2–4 are interpreted and interconnected. 52 ever since i started to work on my doctoral project in 1984, jesus’ relation to the temple in jerusalem has been the most central issue in my research. in addition to the dissertation, the monograph and the article mentioned in ådna, “two testaments” global south theological journal 3, no. 1.1 (2024): 26 with an impressively wide distribution in the new testament gospels, acts and the apocryphal gospel of thomas,53 there are a number of sayings about the destruction and establishment of the temple attributed to jesus (mark 13:2 par. matt 24:2 and luke 21:6; mark 14:58 par. matt 26:61; mark 15:29 par. matt 27:40; john 2:19; acts 6:14; gos. thom. 71). the most detailed study of this material known to me is the monograph das tempelwort jesu, written by the german scholar kurt paesler. the result of his source and traditioncritical analysis is that the different attested versions originated in an authentic saying by jesus still preserved in mark 13:2b: “not one stone will be left here upon another; all will be thrown down.”54 hence, according to paesler, jesus, employing the passivum divinum, confined himself to prophesying that god will destroy the second temple in jerusalem, built in 520–515 bc by zerubbabel, modestly expanded during hasmonean rule, and – in terms of jesus’ life – fairly recently vastly expanded by herod the great (20–10 bc) and subjected to some further construction work and embellishment ever since (see john 2:20). the earliest version of those sayings which consist of two parts, referring to both destruction and (re)establishment, is reconstructed by paesler as, “i will destroy this temple and build it”. he regards it as a post-easter reworking of mark 13:2b, in which the divine act of destroying the temple was transferred to the exalted christ and according to which the destruction would be succeeded by the reconstruction of the sanctuary, once again an act to be performed by the risen lord.55 the most comprehensive version of the two-part saying is found in mark 14:58: “i will destroy this temple that is made with hands, and in three days i will build another, not made with hands.” it contains two additional elements compared to paesler’s reconstructed original form of the two-part saying, first, the contrast between the present temple as “made with hands” (greek, cheiropoiētos) and the new one as “not made with hands” (acheiropoiētos), and, second, the fixation of the time of building “in three days”. paesler holds that this phrase must refer to the resurrection of jesus.56 he submits the epithets “made with hands” and “not made with hands” to a detailed examination. they are well-known topoi from greek and jewish philosophical temple criticism that, according to paesler, hellenistic jewish christians in jerusalem took up after they had abandoned the atoning cult of the temple. instead they sought salvation in invoking the name of jesus, and in line with this christological replacement of the temple they added the attributes “made with hands” and “not made with hands” to the earlier version of the temple saying.57 the fourth evangelist operates with a christological interpretation of the temple (cf. john 2:19 with vv. 21–22), and, thus, in this case the temporal phrase “in three days” corresponds to the tradition of jesus’ resurrection on the third day. further, the term “made with hands” (cheiropoiētos) is clearly used note 33 above, i will add two more publications here: jostein ådna, “jesus and the temple”, in handbook for the study of the historical jesus. four volumes. edited by tom holmén and stanley s. porter (leiden: brill, 2011), 3:2635–75; jostein ådna, “temple act”, dictionary of jesus and the gospels. second edition (downers grove, illinois: ivp academic; nottingham, england: inter-varsity press, 2013), 947–52. for the following sections, “the temple saying(s) of jesus”, “the temple act” and “jesus’ violent death and the zion tradition”, i take the freedom to reproduce most of the corresponding sections in my article, “the role of jerusalem in the mission of jesus”, 170–76, with only minor adjustments. a good independent treatment of jesus and the temple has been offered by my norwegian colleague, sigurd grindheim, god’s equal: what can we know about jesus’ self-understanding? lnts 446 (london: t & t clark, 2011). see esp. chapter 11, “god’s new temple”, pp. 205–18. 53 the gospel of thomas belongs to the group of writings found in the sbl handbook of style, entry 8.3.13 “new testament apocrypha and pseudepigrapha”, 135–37. it contains 114 logia, of which approximately half have parallels in the new testament gospels. logion 71 runs: “jesus says: ‘i will (destroy this) house, and no one will be able to build it (again) – (except me).’” the quotation is taken from kurt aland, synopsis quattuor evangeliorum. 15th revised edition (stuttgart: deutsche bibelgesellschaft, 1996), 517–46, 537. 54 see kurt paesler, das tempelwort jesu: die traditionen von tempelzerstörung und tempelerneuerung im neuen testament. frlant 184 (göttingen: vandenhoeck & ruprecht, 1999), 76–92, 256, 259–60. 55 see paesler, das tempelwort jesu, 189–93. 56 paesler, das tempelwort jesu, 167–78. 57 paesler, das tempelwort jesu, 203–27, esp. 221–25. ådna, “two testaments” global south theological journal 3, no. 1.1 (2024): 27 as a topos, cognate of hellenistic philosophical temple criticism, in acts 7:48 and 17:24.58 nevertheless, neither the application of the three days to jesus’ resurrection nor the drawing of the attributes “made with hands” and “not made with hands” out of enlightened philosophical temple criticism are compelling deductions as such. the temporal designation “three days” is a traditional expression of a very short time span (e.g. josh 1:11; 2 sam 20:4; 2 kings 20:8; hos 6:2), and the distinction between “made with hands” and “not made with hands”, attributed to the temple, corresponds perfectly to the apocalyptic tradition in early judaism, which contrasts the man-made temples of the past and present with the future, eschatological temple to be established by god himself (see above). in my opinion, there are no compelling reasons for the most comprehensive version of the twopart temple saying in mark 14:58 to be inauthentic. a condemnation of the present temple, combined with the proclamation that its destruction within a short time (“in three days”) will be followed by the establishment of a new temple, is in complete agreement with the apocalyptic-eschatological expectations of certain circles in contemporary judaism. the employment of the “made with hands” and “not made with hands” contrast in this ‘i-saying’ alludes to exodus 15:17 and is an expression of jesus’ bold claim to act on behalf of and in the role of the lord as the sole builder of the eschatological temple on mount zion. the first part of the saying must not necessarily mean a violent destruction of the present temple. the emphasis lies on the contrast between the present temple and the future temple, and the substitution of the eschatological temple for the man-made temple can also be conceived of as a miraculous transformation. hence, as the bringer of the imminent kingdom of god, jesus is also the one who will establish the sanctuary on mount zion, where god will reign as king and where the nations of the world will worship and praise him for ever and ever. the temple saying in mark 14:58 confirms in a very obvious way the interrelation between jesus’ eschatological kingdom message and the zion traditions. i assume that jesus spoke the words transmitted in mark 14:58 shortly after his arrival in jerusalem.59 it definitely bolstered his eschatological message about the turning of the eras through the imminent coming of the kingdom of god. the expectations of those followers of jesus who “supposed that the kingdom of god was to appear immediately”, as he approached jerusalem (luke 19:11), were definitely intensified and heightened when they heard his ambitious words that he intended, within a very short time span, to build a new temple not made with hands. however, because of the negative outcome of jesus’ symbolic act in the temple, performed immediately after his arrival in jerusalem (mark 11:15– 17, see below), jesus realised that the religious leaders of the jewish people would not accept the message conveyed through the two-part temple saying and the temple act. as a reaction to their lack of willingness to repent, jesus then uttered his unconditional prediction of destruction recorded in mark 13:2. hence, i also consider this saying to be authentic and think that mark has dated it correctly.60 58 the transference of the temple notion to the church (1 cor 3:16–17; 2 cor 6:16; eph 2:20–22; 1 pet 2:4–6) as well as, consequently, the designation of all christians as priests (1 pet 2:5, 9; rev 5:10) and the spiritualisation of sacrifices (rom 12:1; heb 13:15–16; 1 pet 2:5) are coherent with this detachment from physical sanctuaries as the divine abode. 59 mark’s charge against those witnesses who cite the alleged saying of jesus during the nocturnal interrogation in the palace of the high priest of giving “false testimony against him” (mark 14:57), does not mean that they simply made up a defamatory saying and wrongly accused jesus of having said this. the reference to a saying of this kind among those who mocked jesus on the cross in mark 15:29 presupposes that jesus uttered the temple saying in public. the characterisation of the testimonies as false might be a reference to the fact that they did not comply with the judicial criteria to convict the accused (see mark 14:59), and it definitely expresses the evangelist’s opinion that at this point in the conspiracy against him jesus’ adversaries consciously misconstrued his message to compromise and harm him as much as possible. 60 secondarily, after easter mark 14:58 was reinterpreted and the attributes “made with hands” and “not made with hands” were applied to the tradition critical of physical sanctuaries as abode of the divine: the risen christ or, rather, the community of the believers, was then understood to be a substitution as the temple “not made with hands” for the man-made jerusalem temple. the new testament references listed in footnote 58 above belong to the posteaster era and the exposition of christology, ecclesiology and soteriology in this phase of early christian theology. jesus’ prophecy in mark 13:2 was fulfilled approximately forty years later, in ad 70, when roman troops invaded jerusalem and burnt the temple. ådna, “two testaments” global south theological journal 3, no. 1.1 (2024): 28 the temple act during recent years the historicity of jesus’ temple act, recounted in all four gospels (mark 11:15–17; matt 21:12–17; luke 19:45–48; john 2:13–17), has found increasing acceptance among scholars. in my opinion, mark offers a rather accurate account: mark 11:15–17: (15) […] and he entered the temple and began to drive out those who were selling and those who were buying in the temple, and he overturned the tables of the money-changers and the seats of those who sold doves; (16) and he did not allow anybody to carry any vessel through the temple. (17) he was teaching and saying, “is it not written, ‘my house shall be called a house of prayer for all the nations’? but you have made it a den of robbers.”61 with due consideration of the historical and architectural circumstances the event can be reconstructed as follows: the temple market was situated in the basilica-like hall along the southern wall of the herodian temple complex, extensively described by the jewish historian josephus and labelled by him the royal stoa (jewish antiquities 15.411–416). inside this hall jesus overturned some tables and seats belonging to the money-changers and the sellers of doves. further, he did not allow vessels to be moved between the market area and the inner parts of the temple, and he began to drive some of those who were selling and buying sacrificial items out of the market hall. as a justification of his intervention jesus quoted the prophecy in isaiah 56:7b and alluded to the accusation of the prophet jeremiah against his contemporaries that they had made the temple a den of robbers (see jer 7:11, presented above).62 in the temple saying, recorded in mark 14:58, jesus stated that he was about to establish the new temple on the occasion of the ushering in of the kingdom of god. this eschatological turn will necessarily have consequences for the old temple and the cult performed there, and in my opinion the temple act is jesus’ symbolic demonstration of this fact.63 let us begin with the accompanying saying in mark 11:17. as already stated, the accusation that the temple has been turned into a den of robbers is an allusion to jeremiah 7:11. in the speech in jeremiah 7:1–15, the prophet jeremiah used the metaphor “den of robbers” as a characterisation of the schizophrenic practice of his contemporaries of seeking refuge and security in the temple while they at the same time worshipped idols and disregarded god’s commandments. the premise for drawing on jeremiah’s accusation must be that jesus has an analogous estimation of the situation in his time. because the religious leaders and most of the jewish people cling to the traditional temple cult instead of obediently answering jesus’ call for repentance and discipleship at the threshold of the kingdom of god, the people deceive themselves by seeking their security in a temple apparatus and order which are no longer appropriate. jeremiah had warned his audience that the temple of solomon would suffer the same fate as the sanctuary in shiloh unless they repented (see jer 7:12–14). this fate befell the temple when nebuchadnezzar destroyed it some twenty years later. correspondingly, jesus implicitly warns that the herodian temple will also be destroyed unless the priests and the people react properly to his words and acts by finally obeying him and repenting. 61 i have modified the nrsv translation of v. 16 in order to obtain a more precise rendering of the greek. 62 i have investigated the archaeological and architectural history of the herodian temple in detail in jostein ådna, jerusalemer tempel und tempelmarkt im 1. jahrhundert n.chr. adpv 25 (wiesbaden: harrassowitz, 1999), 3–90; and, further, i have subjected the gospel account about the temple act of jesus to a sourceand tradition-critical analysis in ådna, jesu stellung zum tempel, 157–238, and discussed the historicity of the incident on pp. 300–33 therein. shorter presentations in english can be found in jostein ådna, “temple”, encyclopedia of the historical jesus, ed. craig a. evans (new york: routledge, 2008), 630– 34, and in ådna, “jesus and the temple”, 2638–47, 2653–54. 63 there are numerous interpretations of jesus’ temple act, of which some ignore the zion traditions completely and others in which certain aspects of these traditions have a part. i cannot survey the different interpretations here. see ådna, jesu stellung zum tempel, 334–87, and ådna, “jesus and the temple”, 2654–65. ådna, “two testaments” global south theological journal 3, no. 1.1 (2024): 29 in the quotation from isaiah 56:7, which precedes the allusion to jeremiah 7:11, jesus points to the legitimate function of the future temple as the site for all nations to worship the one true god.64 whereas the atonement cult, as the central purpose of the old temple, becomes obsolete when the eschatological renewal is fulfilled, the redeemed and saved of all nations will still perform a worship of prayer and adoration. the contrasting references to the scripture bring the radical alternatives to the fore: a stubborn clinging to the old will ultimately bring destruction upon the temple, whereas an obedient response to jesus’ call will prepare for the eschatological transformation of which a new or renewed temple on mount zion will be a part. let us turn next to the actions of jesus reported in mark 11:15b–16. in overturning tables and seats and banning the carrying of vessels through the temple jesus actually disturbed functions vital to the temple cult. symbolically, he stopped the handing out of doves for individual burnt-offerings and sinofferings (see lev 5:7; 12:8; 14:21–23). furthermore, and again symbolically, he stopped the collection of the temple tax that financed the collective atonement cult performed by the priests on behalf of all of israel, securing the continuous state of purity and holiness of israel, because these daily sacrifices “appease and effect atonement between israel and their father in heaven” (tosefta sheqalim 1.6; cf. jubilees 6:14; 50:11).65 finally, he stopped the conveyance of money or sacrificial ingredients that were agricultural (flour, oil and wine) in vessels from the market in the royal stoa to the inner parts of the temple where the money was stored and the sacrifices performed. this was again symbolic. hence, by his actions, jesus hit crucial functions of the temple service, and his temple act appears as a symbolic gesture towards disrupting the sacrificial cult. the act and the accompanying saying correlate and completely cohere. the old atonement cult must be brought to an end because it is inappropriate in the eschatological era about to be ushered in, in which it will be replaced by eternal worship performed by the redeemed from all nations. jesus’ violent death and the zion traditions jesus was, of course, aware that his act and words in the temple were very provocative. being convinced that the decisive moment in his mission had arrived, jesus pushed things to extremes. the outcome would either be that the religious leaders of israel would finally react appropriately to his call, or that they would firmly reject him and his message and probably seek options for how to put an end to his activity. as we know, their reaction would soon be seen as negative (cf. mark 11:18, 27–33). in this situation jesus drew the conclusion that the threat of destruction to the temple, implicit in his reference to jeremiah 7:11 in mark 11:17, would now be its inevitable destiny, and stated correspondingly: “not one stone will be left here upon another; all will be thrown down” (mark 13:2, see above). if not voluntarily abandoned as a consequence of israel accepting jesus’ message, the obsolete atonement cult would be forcibly abandoned when the temple was destroyed. however, in the case of a disobedient reaction to the call to repentance there is still a positive message inherent in the symbolic act. the implication of jesus’ attack on the atonement cult is that it will be replaced under all circumstances, if not by the immediate realisation of the eschatological renewal on mount zion, then in a different way. the alternative is that jesus dies vicariously as a ransom (see mark 10:45 par. matt 20:28), and, as stated by him during the passover meal with the twelve, that his body is given and his blood poured out for the many (see mark 14:22, 24). hence, with this historical outcome of 64 irrespective of its setting in isa 56:3–8 and the original historical context of this text unit, by the first century ad isa 56:7 was generally interpreted as an oracle relating to the eschatological temple (see ådna, jesu stellung zum tempel, 276–87). 65 the money-changers present at the temple market not only operated currency exchange, the regular bank service needed when travellers arrived from all of the widespread diaspora inside and outside the roman empire, they also collected the temple tax (see ådna, jerusalemer tempel, 96–118). at the time of jesus, the daily tamid offering (cf. exod 29:38–42; num 28:3– 8; mishna tamid) constituted the centre of the collective cult, and – together with the rites and offerings of the annual day of atonement (lev 16) – the tamid was considered to be the fundamental basis for israel’s existence because of its atoning effect. because the temple tax gave each jew a share in the atoning effect, it was called a ransom (cf. philo, on the special laws 1.77; who is the heir? 186, and babylonian talmud baba batra 9a). ådna, “two testaments” global south theological journal 3, no. 1.1 (2024): 30 the confrontation in the temple, jesus was willing to offer himself and consequently take over and substitute the sacrificial cult in the temple as the basis for atonement. zion and the heavenly jerusalem the form of the zion tradition which emphasizes a correspondence of some kind between earthly zion and transcendent, heavenly realities, known from priestly sections in the pentateuch, qumran and jewish apocalyptic circles (see above), also appears in the new testament. in this article it is not possible to offer an extensive presentation and a profound analysis of this strain of the zion tradition; hence, we must content ourselves with some short references and remarks. in romans 11:26–27 the apostle paul applies a combined quotation of isa 59:20–21 and 27:9 to christ’s parousia for the salvation of israel: “out of zion will come the deliverer; he will banish ungodliness from jacob. and this is my covenant with them, when i take away their sins.” paul’s rendering contains a conspicuous variant in the beginning of the quoted verse isa 59:20. the hebrew text of this verse reads, “and he will come to zion (letsiyōn) as reedemer”, whereas the septuagint reads, “and the one who delivers will come for sion’s sake (heneken siōn).” by formulating “out of zion (ek siōn)”, paul has probably looked to psalm 50:2, “out of zion (mitsiyōn, rendered in the septuagint as ek siōn), the perfection of beauty, god shines forth.” in the same way as god’s beauty and glory shines forth and proceeds from zion, christ will perform his eschatological ministry for redemption out of zion. while there is no explicit reference to a heavenly jerusalem in paul’s location of christ’s parousia in zion in romans 11:26–27, he contrasts the present jerusalem and “the jerusalem above” in the allegory of hagar and sarah in galatians 4:21–31. he identifies hagar, the slave woman, with the covenant from mount sinai that “corresponds to the present jerusalem, for she is in slavery with her children” (v. 25). sarah, the free woman, whose children, born through god’s promise, are also free, “corresponds to the jerusalem above; she is free, and she is our mother” (v. 26). thus, in this text paul contrasts sharply the earthly jerusalem and the heavenly jerusalem, and the fulfilment of the promises of being free children and heirs of abraham is allegorically connected to the heavenly jerusalem. the letter to the hebrews attaches the utmost importance to the heavenly sanctuary in its exposition of christ’s atoning ministry. quoting god’s instruction to moses in exodus 25:40,66 the author characterizes the temple in jerusalem as “a sketch and shadow of the heavenly one” (8:5). in hebrews 9 the earthly (see vv. 1–5) and the heavenly sanctuaries (v. 11) and the priestly ministries performed in them are sharply contrasted.67 finally, the heavenly jerusalem has a prominent position in the revelation to john.68 the apocalyptic drama described throughout this book culminates in the ultimate renewal of the cosmos, and the new jerusalem is at the very centre of this vision (rev 21:1–22:5): rev 21:1–2: (1) then i saw a new heaven and a new earth, for the first heaven and the first earth had passed away, and the sea was no more. (2) and i saw the holy city, the new jerusalem, coming down out of heaven from god, prepared as a bride adorned for her husband. 66 “and see that you make them [sc. the utensils for the sanctuary] according to the pattern for them, which is being shown to you on the mountain.” 67 these aspects of the zion tradition are included in the broader presentation of christology and soteriology in hebrews in part 4. 68 based on a lecture series at salt, lutheran graduate school of theology, fianarantsoa, madagascar, in december 2009, i have written an article in three parts on “the revelation to john”, published in three issues of the magazine of this institution, voice of salt / feon’ ny salt / voix de la salt: part 1 in the issue for january–march 2010, part 2 in the issue for april– september 2010, and part 3 in the issue for april–september 2011. the following short presentation relies on the section “the new jerusalem (21:1–22:5)” in part 3 of this article. ådna, “two testaments” global south theological journal 3, no. 1.1 (2024): 31 according to revelation 21:10 the new jerusalem is situated at a high mountain. as we have seen, this corresponds with the biblical zion tradition (see ps 48:2–3 [et 48:1–2]; isa 2:2). further, with the water of life and the tree of life in its midst (22:1–2, cf. 21:6), it corresponds to the paradise of the first creation (gen 2). constructed of wonderful, precious stones and metals (21:18–21), the new jerusalem is a temple city adorned with the materials of paradise. having come down out of heaven, the new jerusalem has god’s glory and radiance (21:11, 23),69 and its wall, gates and streets are made of precious material as transparent as the heavenly sea of glass (21:18, 21, see 4:6). the throne of god has been moved from heaven (4:1–3) to the city (22:1, 3). the city is the light of the world, by which the nations will walk (21:24) and to which they come on pilgrimage, bringing the glory and the honour of the nations (21:25). only at one point does the seer john speak about what he did not see: “i saw no temple in the city, for its temple is the lord god the almighty and the lamb” (21:22).70 as the site of god’s immediate presence the whole city is a temple. like the inner chamber in the temple, the holy of holies, it has a cubic shape (cf. 21:16 with 1 kings 6:20). whereas in revelation 4–5 worship was only performed by the heavenly beings, now everybody inside the city participates in the worship (22:3b–5). previously, only the high priest was allowed to approach god’s presence in the holy of holies once a year (see lev 16); but now everybody will be close to god and the lamb continuously. what has not been possible for mortals will now be a permanent state: “they will see [god’s] face” (22:4). all distance between god and his creation will have been overcome and will have disappeared (22:5). part 4. the reception of the old testament in the new testament: the relationship between the testaments seen from the new testament the transition from the old testament to the new testament is marked both by continuity and renewal. this double relationship is expressed very well in the opening verses in the letter to the hebrews: heb 1:1–2: (1) long ago god spoke to our ancestors in many and various ways by the prophets, (2) but in these last days he has spoken to us by the son, whom he appointed heir of all things, through whom he also created the worlds. the apostle paul expresses his far-reaching expectation about what the old testament is capable of offering when he writes to the romans: “for whatever was written in former days was written for our instruction, so that by steadfastness and by the encouragement of the scriptures we might have hope” (rom 15:4). a shared language of faith the new testament’s conscious connection to the old testament becomes, of course, visible in the many quotations from and allusions to old testament texts. however, “[t]he new testament’s reference to the old testament is […] not exhausted by scriptural quotations and allusions, but extends to the very foundations of the language of faith and leaves its mark on the entire testimony about christ”.71 as a matter of fact, the old testament, both in the original hebrew language and in the greek septuagint 69 compare this with the earlier description of the heavenly throne hall in rev 4:1–5:14, see 4:3. 70 the lamb is the most frequent designation of christ in revelation with 28 occurrences (e.g. 21:9, 14, 23, 27; 22:1, 3). it appears the first time in the vision of the heavenly throne hall: “then i saw between the throne and the four living creatures and among the elders a lamb standing as if it had been slaughtered, […] the four living creatures and the twenty-four elders fell before the lamb […]. they sing a new song: ‘you are worthy to take the scroll and to open its seals, for you were slaughtered and by your blood you ransomed for god the saints from every tribe and language and people and nation’” (rev 5:6, 8, 9). 71 stuhlmacher, biblical theology, 751. ådna, “two testaments” global south theological journal 3, no. 1.1 (2024): 32 translation, had developed ways for testifying to the revelation of the god of israel and for expressing human responses in confession, prayer and lament. as jews the early christian believers and the new testament authors cherished the holy scriptures as the word of god and were familiar with how they spoke. now they applied these same language resources for testifying to god’s revelation in jesus christ and for expressing their response in confession and prayer. a shared confession of the one true god the shared confession of the one true god is fundamental for the unity between the old testament and the new testament. in the lord’s prayer jesus taught his disciples to pray, “our father in heaven, hallowed be your name” (matt 6:9, cf. luke 11:2). that the one true god had revealed himself and made his exclusive name known to israel is of paramount importance in the old testament. this was communicated to moses out of the burning bush. when moses asked god, who had commissioned him to bring his people the israelites out of egypt, about his name, exod 3:14–15: (14) god said to moses, “i am who i am.” he said further: “thus you shall say to the israelites, i am has sent me to you.” (15) god also said to moses, “thus you shall say to the israelites, the lord, the god of your ancestors, the god of abraham, the god of isaac, and the god of jacob, has sent me to you: this is my name for ever, and this is my title for all generations.” at the centre of biblical israel’s religious life, continued in judaism through all ages, stands the so-called shema yisrael, to be found in deuteronomy 6:4–5, the confession of the lord as their only god and the commandment to love him: deut 6:4–5: (4) hear, o israel: the lord is our god, the lord alone. (5) you shall love the lord your god with all your heart, and with all your soul, and with all your might. on this background, it is no surprise that the sanctification of god’s name is a very central issue in the old testament. in a prophecy about hope for the future for the house of jacob in isaiah 29:17–24 the prophet describes what happens when god’s people realize what god is doing. they will no longer feel ashamed, and they will sanctify their god.72 however, when israel fails in sanctifying god’s name and even brings shame upon him among the nations, god himself will sanctify his name. this is a central point in the proclamation of the prophet ezekiel, according to whom god intervenes for the salvation of the house of israel primarily for the sake of his name on which the israelites have brought shame. ezek 36:22–23: (22) therefore say to the house of israel, thus says the lord god: it is not for your sake, o house of israel, that i am about to act, but for the sake of my holy name, which you have profaned among the nations to which you came. (23) i will sanctify my great name, which has been profaned among the nations, and which you have profaned among them; and the nations shall know that i am the lord, says the lord god, when through you i display my holiness before their eyes.” 72 isa 29:22–23: “(22) therefore thus says the lord, who redeemed abraham, concerning the house of jacob: no longer shall jacob be ashamed, no longer shall his face grow pale. (23) for when he sees his children, the work of my hands, in his midst, they will sanctify my name; they will sanctify the holy one of jacob, and will stand in awe of the god of israel.” ådna, “two testaments” global south theological journal 3, no. 1.1 (2024): 33 we see how central this issue is to jesus, when he places the hallowing of god’s name as the first concern in the prayer he taught his disciples. as disciples of jesus, we are called both to be grateful human beings who hallow god’s name and to ask god that he himself shall intervene and sanctify his great name. both these aspects are central concerns throughout the old testament, taken up by jesus and continued in his ministry. further, jesus had and nurtured a close and intimate relationship to the one and only god as his father. there are abundant examples in the gospel of john (e.g. john 5:17–18, 37, 43; 14:2, 6–7; 17:1, 5; 20:17), and the synoptic gospels also give evidence to this unique relationship, as we can see in matt 11:25 and its parallel in luke 10:21: “i thank you, father, lord of heaven and earth, because you have hidden these things from the wise and the intelligent and have revealed them to infants.” in his most difficult hour, when he was distressed and troubled in gethsemane, jesus spoke words from psalms 42 and 43 to his disciples, “i am deeply grieved, even to death” (see pss 42:6, 12 [et 42:5, 11]; 43:5). in this most distressing time jesus addressed god as his father, saying: “abba, father, for you all things are possible; remove this cup from me; yet, not what i want, but what you want” (mark 14:36, cf. matt 26:39). this unique, intimate relationship of jesus to god is followed up in the new testament letters, which repeatedly speak of god as the “father of jesus christ”. i have already quoted from romans 15:4 regarding the role of the old testament scriptures as written for our instruction, and when paul in the following verses speaks of the effect and fruit of receiving such instruction from the holy scriptures, he encourages the believers in rome, stating: “so that together you may with one voice glorify the god and father of our lord jesus christ” (rom 15:6). when short formulas of praise to god are formulated at the beginning of more new testament letters, the father-son relation between god and christ is emphasized, for example in 1 pet 1:3: “blessed be the god and father of our lord jesus christ! by his great mercy he has given us a new birth into a living hope through the resurrection of jesus christ from the dead” (see also 2 cor 1:3; eph 1:3; col 1:3). from observation of the new testament statements about god’s holy name and the father-son relationship between god and jesus, we can see that what connects the old and new testaments is more than a mere continuity of tradition. in fact, jesus and his witnesses establish a continuity of confession between the two testaments. one text where this continuity is especially transparent is romans 4, where paul describes abraham as the exemplary believer, based on the statement in genesis 15:6: “abraham believed god, and it was reckoned to him as righteousness”, quoted by paul in romans 4:3. further on in his exposition, in verse 17, paul describes the character of the god in whom abraham believed as the one “who gives life to the dead and calls into existence the things that do not exist”. hence, god is the sovereign and mighty creator who brought the whole world into existence from nothing, simply by speaking his word. this is described in the creation story in genesis 1 and is testified in psalm 33:9: “for he [the lord] spoke, and it came to be; he commanded, and it stood firm.” after having defined the god abraham believed in as the creator god who created ex nihilo, paul proceeds further in his exposition on the faith of abraham: rom 4:23–24: (23) now the words, “it was reckoned to him”, were written not for his sake alone, (24) but for ours also. it will be reckoned to us who believe in him who raised jesus our lord from the dead. thus, in romans 4 paul proceeds seamlessly from the jewish predication about god as the creator who can even give life to the dead, to the identification of this god as the one who raised jesus from the dead. the continuity of both tradition and confession expresses most profoundly how the new testament relates to the old testament. in its own understanding the new testament depends upon the earlier holy scriptures; it belongs to and continues the process of witnessing what god has done and still is doing in order to bring salvation to the world and humanity that he has created, loves and cares for. ådna, “two testaments” global south theological journal 3, no. 1.1 (2024): 34 the inspiration of the holy scriptures and the role of the holy spirit the biblical canonization process (see parts 1 and 2, above) was accompanied by statements that these very scriptures are inspired by god and his spirit. at this point the early christians followed the general conviction among jews and showed the same respect and reverence as other jews for the holy scriptures as inspired. a famous example is found in paul’s address to his young co-worker timothy: 2 tim 3:15–16: (15) […] from childhood you have known the sacred writings that are able to instruct you for salvation through faith in christ jesus. (16) all scripture is inspired by god and is useful for teaching, for reproof, for correction, and for training in righteousness. another example is how the letter to the hebrews introduces long quotations from the old testament by identifying the holy spirit as the true author and speaker of these words. this applies to a quotation from psalm 95:7–11 (see heb 3:7–11) and to the famous prophecy in jer 31:31–34 about the new and different covenant (see heb 10:15–17, quoting vv. 33–34).73 regarding how the old testament and new testament texts speak about the spirit, peter stuhlmacher notes: the decisive difference over against the jewish understanding of scripture lay in the fact that for the new testament, the spirit that blows through the old testament scriptures was no longer only the spirit that communicates himself to israel and the entire world in the mosaic didactic tradition, but the spirit of the father of jesus christ and of the exalted christ himself. therefore the early christian church read the holy scriptures with eyes that had been opened for her by the risen christ and by the spirit whom he sent.74 the story in luke 24:13–35 about the two disciples walking from jerusalem to emmaus on easter sunday shows us how the disciples depended on the instruction given to them by the risen christ in order to interpret the holy scriptures properly. the risen jesus joined them on their walk without being recognized by them. the two disciples were confused and frustrated; their master had been crucified and buried two days earlier, but this same morning his tomb had been found empty, and some women belonging to the group of jesus followers had claimed to have had a vision of angels saying to them that jesus was alive. at this point, the risen jesus “said to them, ‘oh, how foolish you are, and how slow of heart to believe all that the prophets have declared! was it not necessary that the messiah should suffer these things and then enter into his glory?’ then beginning with moses and all the prophets, he interpreted to them the things about him in all the scriptures” (vv. 25–27). the role of the holy spirit in enlightening the disciples’ minds is emphasized in the gospel of john. in his farewell discourse to the disciples in john 14–16 jesus promises that he and his father will send the spirit, called the paraclete (the advocate), to them, and one of the functions of the spirit will be to teach them everything and remind them of all that jesus had said to them (john 14:26). the evangelist john has integrated this aspect of the spirit’s assistance in conveying the full understanding of the holy scriptures in his gospel narrative. there are two very clear examples. the first one is found in john 2:13–22, the story about jesus’ temple act, followed by a dispute about the destruction and renewal of the temple. observing how jesus interfered with the market activities in the temple, driving out those selling animals for sacrifices and overturning the tables of the moneychangers, his disciples remembered that it was written, “zeal for your house will consume me” (v. 17); the biblical text the disciples remembered is psalm 69:10 (et 69:9). however, according to the last verse in this passage, john 2:22, it was not until after jesus was raised from the dead that the disciples actually understood the meaning of this scripture. zeal for god’s house had consumed jesus in the sense that it led 73 all verses of the prophecy jer 31:31–34 are quoted in heb 8:8–12. 74 stuhlmacher, biblical theology, 752. ådna, “two testaments” global south theological journal 3, no. 1.1 (2024): 35 to his death, but through his resurrection jesus had overcome those who intended to destroy him and his mission, and thanks to the assistance of the spirit the disciples were now capable of understanding and believing the scripture. the second example we find in john 12:12–19, the story about jesus’ entry into jerusalem on palm sunday. when jesus was met by a crowd, shouting words from psalm 118:26, “hosanna! blessed is the one who comes in the name of the lord – the king of israel”, and, further, when jesus found a young donkey to ride on, as – the evangelist notes – is written in the prophet zechariah 9:9, “do not be afraid, daughter of zion. look, your king is coming, sitting on a donkey’s colt”, then in john 12:16 we read the following comment regarding the disciples: “his disciples did not understand these things at first; but when jesus was glorified, then they remembered that these things had been written of him and had been done to him.” logos christology as a uniting bond between the testaments as the son of god, the man jesus of nazareth is the incarnate logos or word, as we learn from the prologue in the gospel of john: “in the beginning was the word, and the word was with god, and the word was god. […] and the word became flesh and lived among us, and we have seen his glory, the glory of a father’s only son, full of grace and truth” (john 1:1, 14). the fact that jesus christ had been pre-existent with god his father prior to the creation of the world is also expressed in other new testament texts (e.g. 1 cor 8:6, phil 2:6 and col 1:15–17). already in the second century ad the ancient church inferred from the doctrine of the logos that the old testament scriptures testify to a revelation from and about the preincarnate logos, whereas the new testament scriptures testify to a revelation from and about the same logos after he had been born a human being, that is, had become flesh as the incarnate logos. the famous church father origen expressed this idea with the following words: “by the words of christ we do not mean those only which he taught … when present in the flesh; for also before this christ was the word of god in moses and the prophets.”75 in 1 corinthians 10 we find an example in the new testament itself, prior to the church fathers, that christ is identified as already present during israel’s exodus from egypt. the rock that moses struck to get water for the people to drink, recounted in exodus 17:6, is commented upon and explained by paul in the following way: “[…] all [our ancestors] drank the same spiritual drink. for they drank from the spiritual rock that followed them, and the rock was christ” (1 cor 10:4). application of old testament traditions and texts in new testament expositions of theological issues next, we will direct our attention to some texts in the new testament that apply old testament traditions and texts in their exposition of central theological issues. the application of psalm 22 in the passion narratives in the gospels of mark and matthew my first and most extensive example will be how the gospels of mark and matthew apply the old testament tradition of the righteous sufferer, particularly revealed in some psalms, of which psalm 22 is the most important, as a key resource for interpreting the passion of jesus christ.76 this approach of the evangelists has a basis in jesus himself. jesus was crucified at nine o’clock in the morning of good friday. after six hours on the cross, at three in the afternoon, he cried out with a loud voice: “eloi, eloi, lema sabachthani?” this is aramaic and means “my god, my god, why have you forsaken me?” jesus’ 75 origen, first principles, preface; quoted from stuhlmacher, biblical theology, 752. 76 the following presentation depends heavily on jostein ådna, “der psalter als gebetsbuch jesu nach der darstellung des markusund des matthäusevangeliums: aspekte biblischer theologie”, theologische beiträge 41 (2010): 384–400, esp. 395– 400. (et of the title of this essay: “the book of psalms as jesus’ prayer book according to the gospels of mark and matthew: aspects of biblical theology”.) ådna, “two testaments” global south theological journal 3, no. 1.1 (2024): 36 words are an exact aramaic rendering of the opening words in psalm 22 with the hebrew text, eli, eli, lama cazavtani, translated as “my god, my god, why have you forsaken me?” in our english bibles (see ps 22:2 [et 22:1]). there is discussion among scholars whether jesus only spoke this first sentence of psalm 22 in his prayer at the cross or whether the evangelists imply that he spoke the whole psalm. irrespective of the length of jesus’ prayer, the evangelists were directed towards this psalm because jesus, who knew the book of psalms as his own prayer book, had clothed his deep anxiety and despair in the words of the psalmist speaking in psalm 22: “my god, my god, why have you forsaken me?” psalm 22 is a combined lament and thanksgiving psalm. in old testament times individuals who were in trouble because of harassment, injustice, persecution or illness could go to the temple, turn to god in a prayer in which they described their suffering and worries, appeal to god for help and deliverance, and promise that they would come back to the temple and offer a thanksgiving sacrifice and sing a thanksgiving psalm after they have been rescued by the lord. an impressive example of someone who prays a lament psalm in the temple and later returns for thanksgiving is hannah, the wife of elkanah. she suffered and was mocked because she had not borne any children. her prayer in the temple in shiloh and her encounter with the priest eli is wonderfully described in 1 samuel 1. the lord answered her prayer and gave her a son, samuel. on the next occasion when she and her husband returned to the temple, she gave thanks to god (1 sam 1:24–2:11). the book of psalms contains a broad variation of different kinds of psalms; indeed, lament psalms of individuals make up the largest group. the first part of psalm 22, verses 1–22 (et vv. 1–21) is such an individual lament psalm.77 in a typical manner, this part of the psalm text varies between sections that describe pain and terror (vv. 2–3, 7–9, 13–19 [et vv. 1–2, 6–8, 12–18]), sections that praise the lord for what he has done in the past (vv. 4–6, 10–12 [et vv. 3–5, 9–11]), and finally an appeal to god for help and a promise to thank him in the future (vv. 20–22 [et vv. 19–21]).78 in the lament sections the psalmist describes his pain and misery. he appears as a worm and is ridiculed and despised by the people. he is surrounded by terrible and frightening enemies who are compared to the strong bulls of bashan or lions or a pack of wild dogs attacking him. he suffers severely in his body; he is dried up like a potsherd, his tongue sticks to his jaws and his bones are visible due to sickness and hunger. in the sections of praise the psalmist reminds god of what he has done for him before, and, finally, the lament part of the psalm culminates in the appeal to god to rescue him: “o my help, come quickly to my aid! deliver my soul from the sword, my life from the power of the dog! save me from the mouth of the lion!” (vv. 20b–22a [et vv. 19b–21a]). the last ten verses of psalm 22 make up the thanksgiving part. the first five verses (vv. 23–27 [et vv. 22–26]) are regular in the sense that they contain elements which are typical for all thanksgiving psalms. after having been rescued by god, the psalmist has returned to the temple where he speaks out in the assembled congregation. he asks them to praise the lord with him, and he tells them how god has helped and delivered him. the psalmist declares that he will now pay his vows. this means that he will perform his thanksgiving psalm in the midst of the congregation and offer a thanksgiving sacrifice, of 77 one challenge with the translation of the psalms into english is that many of the psalms in english bibles count the verses in a different way than in the hebrew bible. many of the psalms have a heading, counted as verse 1 in the hebrew text, and this is followed in many translations, e.g. in norwegian and german bibles. english bibles, however, omit the headings from the versification, with the consequence that there is a displacement in the verse count. in psalm 22 the heading is “to the leader: according to the deer of the dawn. a psalm of david,” registered as verse 1 in the hebrew bible. consequently, the next statement in the text which is the proper beginning of the psalm, “my god, my god, why have you forsaken me?”, is counted as verse 2. however, when the heading is not included in verse count, the opening cry, “my god, my god, why have you forsaken me?”, is registered as verse 1. 78 psalm 13 is often referred to as a paradigmatic individual lament psalm. in this short psalm the typical elements of lament (with a description of personal suffering and of the enemies), trust in god (with praise of him) and a promise (of what the psalmist will do when god has rescued him) are easy to identify. ådna, “two testaments” global south theological journal 3, no. 1.1 (2024): 37 which most of the meat will be distributed among those present for a common meal of peace and harmony, so that the poor will also satisfy their hunger.79 finally, the last five verses in psalm 22 stand out as unique: ps 22:28–32 (et 22:27–31): (28 [27]) all the ends of the earth shall remember and turn to the lord; and all the families of the nations shall worship before him. (29 [28]) for dominion belongs to the lord, and he rules over the nations. (30 [29]) to him, indeed, shall all who sleep in the earth bow down; before him shall bow all who go down to the dust, and i shall live for him. (31 [30]) posterity will serve him; future generations will be told about the lord, (32 [31]) and proclaim his deliverance to a people yet unborn, saying that he has done it. according to these verses it is not only the assembled congregation in the temple listening to the psalmist and sharing the thanksgiving meal with him who get to hear about how god delivered him. but in addition, in verses 28–29 (et vv. 27–28) we read that the whole contemporary world, in verse 30 (et v. 29) the past world, those who are dead, and in verses 31–32 (et vv. 30–31) the future generations get to hear about god’s deliverance of the psalmist in psalm 22, and they praise god for this. we return to the gospels of mark and matthew, which recount that jesus prayed with words from psalm 22 while he was hanging on the cross: “my god, my god, why have you forsaken me?” (mark 15:34; matt 27:46). irrespective of whether jesus actually spoke the whole psalm or only the first verse, the evangelists mark and matthew were directed towards this psalm when they reflected on how to present the narrative of jesus’ passion in written text. for them psalm 22 appeared as a model text for how to describe and express the suffering of a just person. wherever they observed similarities between how jesus was harassed, despised, mocked, mistreated and tortured, and the afflictions that befell the psalmist they clearly noticed these similarities. because matthew has in total more explicit allusions to psalm 22 than mark, i will refer to the text of matthew, chapter 27. we start in verse 35, when the roman soldiers have brought jesus to golgotha and hang him on the cross: “and when they had crucified him, they divided his clothes among themselves by casting lots.” this corresponds to what the psalmist speaks in verse 19 (et v.18): “they divide my clothes among themselves, and for my clothing they cast lots.”80 while jesus is hanging on the cross between two bandits, people passing by start to humiliate him. i quote from matthew 27:39–40: “those who passed by derided him, shaking their heads and saying, ‘you who would destroy the temple and build it in three days, save yourself! if you are the son of god, come down from the cross.’” this corresponds to verse 8 (et v. 7) in psalm 22: “all who see me mock at me; they make mouths at me, they shake their heads.”81 the religious leaders of the people, the high priests, along with the scribes and the elders, appear next in matthew’s text as those who mock the crucified jesus. the evangelist renders their words in verses 42– 43: “he saved others; he cannot save himself. he is the king of israel; let him come down from the cross now, and we will believe in him. he trusts in god; let god deliver him now, if he wants to, for he said, ‘i am god’s son.’” these words are ironic and mocking, and they correspond exactly to what the psalmist experienced from his enemies: “commit your cause to the lord; let him deliver – let him rescue the one in whom he delights!” (ps 22:9 [et 22:8]). we have now observed that there are as many as four corresponding similarities between the description of the sufferings of the psalmist in the lament part of psalm 22 and the sufferings and humiliation experienced by jesus at the crucifixion: 79 as can be seen from psalm 116 as a paradigmatic example, a thanksgiving psalm presented in the temple on the occasion when the psalmist returns after having received deliverance includes a retrospective description of the past misery that the psalmist has suffered. when a lament psalm and a thanksgiving psalm are fused and combined in one psalm, as exemplified in psalm 22 and psalm 69, the lament psalm is reproduced on the occasion of thanksgiving as the retrospective element. 80 see the parallel in mark 15:24. 81 see the parallel in mark 15:29–30. ådna, “two testaments” global south theological journal 3, no. 1.1 (2024): 38 1) the division of the clothes and casting of lots (matt 27:35 = psalm 22:19 [et v. 18]) 2) the deriding shaking of heads (matt 27:39 = psalm 22:8 [et v. 7]) 3) the ironic and mocking reference to god (matt 27:42–43 = psalm 22:9 [et v. 8]) 4) the cry of jesus (matt 27:46 = psalm 22:2 [et v. 1]) next, we must direct our attention to the fact that psalm 22 is a combined lament and thanksgiving psalm. this implies that the psalm transcends the situation of suffering and despair and includes god’s deliverance and the psalmist’s thanksgiving for having been rescued by the lord. we must presuppose that the evangelists did not isolate the lament part of psalm 22 from the last ten verses of the psalm; they definitely took the whole psalm into account when they, prompted by jesus’ cry, turned to this psalm as a biblical resource for exposing the passion of jesus. the exceptional ending of psalm 22 in particular made it a unique pre-text for expressing the universal scope and significance of the suffering and death of jesus christ for the kingdom of god and the salvation of the world. i have already indicated that the last five verses of psalm 22 proclaim that god’s intervention for the rescue of the psalmist has positive consequences beyond all geographic and temporal borders and limitations. first, verses 28 and 29 (et vv. 27–28), quoted above, declare that the god of israel by rescuing the psalmist from his morbid misery, announces to the whole world that dominion belongs to him alone. in response to this announcement all nations repent and worship the lord, who rules over them as king. next, verse 30 (et v. 29) states: “to him, indeed, shall all who sleep in the earth bow down; before him shall bow all who go down to the dust, and i shall live for him.” in the old testament lament psalms the realm of the dead is generally seen as a place outside the area where god can be worshipped, as expressed for example in psalm 115:17: “the dead do not praise the lord, nor do any that go down into silence.”82 once again, this psalm carries out an as yet inconceivable step by including the dead as worshippers of god and thus giving them a share of new life. thirdly and finally, verses 31 and 32 (et vv. 30–31), quoted above, state that god’s rescue of the psalmist from death shall be proclaimed and made known in all future generations. the evangelists knew and must also have taken the last five verses of psalm 22 into account. although there are no explicit allusions to these verses, there are, nevertheless, some clear indications of their reception in matthew and mark. when the roman centurion who was in charge of the group of soldiers who executed jesus, watched how jesus died, he confessed: “truly this man was god’s son” (matt 27:54).83 this gentile man realizes that the crucified jesus is not simply a despised and accursed villain, but the son of god. the soldier at the cross is a representative of the gentile world. according to psalm 22:28–29 (et 22:27–28) the message about god’s rescue of the one who in his misery had cried to god shall reach all of humanity, and in his statement and confession the centurion speaks on behalf of the gentile world in fulfilment of psalm 22. both mark and matthew mention that the curtain in the temple was torn in two, from top to bottom, in the very moment when jesus died (mark 15:38; matt 27:51a). whereas mark goes directly from telling about the curtain to the confession of the roman centurion, matthew alone adds a small, midrashic episode in between. matthew 27:51b–53: (51b) the earth shook, and the rocks were split. (52) the tombs also were opened, and many bodies of the saints who had fallen asleep were raised. (53) after his resurrection they came out of the tombs and entered the holy city and appeared to many. this seems to correspond to verse 30 (et v. 29) in psalm 22 according to which those who have died are also included in praising god for delivering the psalmist. when it comes to the final point in psalm 22, namely, that all future generations shall get to hear about god’s rescue of the psalmist, this is a task that the evangelists themselves take responsibility for by writing their gospels so that people in the future – even two thousand years after – can read and learn what happened to jesus. 82 other examples are pss 6:6 (et 6:5); 30:10 (et 30:9); 88:12–13 (et 88:11–12). 83 see the parallel in mark 15:39. ådna, “two testaments” global south theological journal 3, no. 1.1 (2024): 39 we can conclude our analysis of the relation between psalm 22 and the passion story in the gospels of mark and matthew. the desperate cry at the beginning of the psalm, “my god, my god, why have you forsaken me?” has its counterpart in jesus’ cry at the cross and in his death. the five last verses in psalm 22 have a corresponding text in jesus’ resurrection. the new testament testifies in correspondence with psalm 22:28–32 (et 22:27–31) that jesus’ death and resurrection is the point in history where the kingdom of god breaks through into our world. the exposition of christ’s ministry in the letter to the hebrews84 we will now turn to the letter to the hebrews as the next example of how new testament authors apply old testament traditions and texts. this book offers the most detailed exposition of the death of jesus as a once for all substitution for the atonement sacrificial cult in the old covenant. the one verse in the old testament that is quoted and alluded to most times in the new testament is psalm 110:1: “the lord says to my lord, ‘sit at my right hand until i make your enemies your footstool.’”85 according to the heading, the speaker in psalm 110 is king david, and he tells what god the lord says to another person whom david refers to as his lord. hence, according to psalm 110 david has a second lord in addition to god. this lord of david is seated at the right hand of god. in this verse jesus himself and then the apostles already found a scriptural confirmation that jesus was at the same time the messiah, son of david, and the son of god, higher than david and all his royal successors. whereas the gospels, the acts of the apostles and paul quote psalm 110:1, it is only the letter to the hebrews that also quotes verse 4 of this psalm. it happens three times: “the lord has sworn and will not change his mind, ‘you are a priest for ever according to the order of melchizedek’” (psalm 110:4). again, it is god the lord who speaks to the second lord of david, the exalted messiah: “you are a priest for ever, according to the order of melchizedek” (heb 5:6; 7:17, cf. 7:21 and the allusions in 6:20; 7:3, 11). hence, the holy scriptures inform about god’s inauguration of the messiah as a priest, indeed, as a priest according to the order of melchizedek. next to psalm 110:4, melchizedek is only referred to once in the scriptures, in genesis 14:17–20 in a spectacular sequence added to the puzzling story about abraham’s victory over four kings in a battle north of damascus (see gen 14:1–16). after abraham’s victory this man melchizedek, king in salem and priest of god most high, el eljon, approached abraham, blessed him and received tithes from him. in hebrews 7:1–3 the author combines the narrative about melchizedek and abraham from genesis and psalm 110:4 and interprets these two texts according to well-established rules of interpretation. the way in which melchizedek suddenly appears on the scene in genesis 14 is worthy of note. he is without father, without mother, without genealogy, having neither beginning of days nor end of life; therefore, he resembles the son of god and remains a priest for ever (7:3). on this basis, the letter to the hebrews demonstrates throughout the next verses, 7:4–10, that the levitical priests who descend from abraham are in an inferior position to jesus as a priest of the order of melchizedek because it is the one in a higher position who blesses the other one and receives tithes from him. further, all priests since the time of levi have died, and their priestly ministry has come to an end when they die. it is only the one risen from the dead, jesus, who is now exalted to heaven and is seated at the right hand of god, who qualifies for a priesthood of the order of melchizedek. we turn to how hebrews explains the difference between the priestly ministry of the high priests in the old covenant and the priestly ministry of jesus, who is high priest according to the order of melchizedek. jesus’ offering of himself by dying on the cross once for all corresponds to and surpasses what happens each year anew on yom kippur, the day of atonement. hebrews describes the priestly service in the old covenant in 9:1–10. only once each year, on the day of atonement, is the high priest allowed to go into the inner room in the sanctuary, taking with him the blood of goats and calves that he offers for himself and for the sins committed unintentionally by the people. as long as the two rooms in 84 see chapter 29 in stuhlmacher, biblical theology, 522–53, on “the theology and proclamation of hebrews”. 85 see the citations in mark 12:36 (with synoptic parallels in matt 22:44; luke 20:42b–43); acts 2:34; 1 cor 15:25; heb 1:13. in addition to these quotations there are numerous allusions to ps 110:1 in the new testament. ådna, “two testaments” global south theological journal 3, no. 1.1 (2024): 40 the sanctuary remain, there is no direct access to god, whose presence is located at the site of atonement over the ark of the covenant between the cherubim. hebrews interprets the sanctuary model with two rooms or chambers in the following way: the first room represents the mosaic cult system from sinai, whereas the inner room stands for the entry into the heavenly sanctuary and belongs to the eschatological era of salvation. from verse 9:11 onwards, the author of hebrews turns to describing the high priestly ministry of jesus likening it and contrasting it to the levitical high priest’s ministry on the day of atonement. christ must not limit himself to one annual visit in the inner room of the earthly temple, which according to hebrews 8:5 is only a sketch and shadow of the heavenly sanctuary. on the contrary, “when christ came as a high priest, […] [he came] through the greater and perfect tent not made with hands, that is, not of this creation” (9:11, cf. v. 24). the following similarities to the high priest on the day of atonement are emphasized: 1) jesus entered once for all into the holy place, not annually (see 9:12). 2) jesus brought himself as a perfect sacrifice without defect or blemish, not goats or calves (cf. 9:14 with 9:12–13). 3) jesus entered with his own blood, with himself as the sacrifice, whereas the high priests in the old covenant brought with them the blood of goats or calves to sprinkle at the site of atonement. the blood represents life poured out or indulged in death, and the reference to jesus’ blood here means his death on the cross as an atoning sacrifice (9:13–14). the way in which jesus transcends the israelite high priests on the day of atonement is expressed at the end of chapter 9: heb 9:24–25, 28: (24) for christ did not enter a sanctuary made by human hands, a mere copy of the true one, but he entered into heaven itself, now to appear in the presence of god on our behalf. (25) nor was it to offer himself again and again, as the high priest enters the holy place year after year with blood that is not his own. […] (28) […] christ, having been offered once to bear the sins of many, will appear a second time, not to deal with sin, but to save those who are eagerly waiting for him. the outlook to christ’s return in hebrews 9:28 brings us to a final point. the one atonement sacrifice of jesus has a lasting effect because he is the mediator of a new and better covenant: “but jesus has now obtained a more excellent ministry, and to that degree he is the mediator of a better covenant, which has been enacted through better promises” (heb 8:6). we find the classical prophecy of a new and different covenant in jeremiah 31:31–34. this passage is quoted in full in hebrews 8:8–12 and repeated in a somewhat shortened form in 10:16–17. with this positioning of the two quotations the prophetical promise of the new covenant encloses and frames what is said about the sacrifice of jesus in chapter 9 and in the first part of chapter 10. the fact that the holy scriptures themselves contain such a promise of a new covenant implies in the interpretation of hebrews that the old covenant from sinai will one day necessarily be obsolete. this day has already arrived on the occasion of jesus’ death and exaltation, and for this reason the old sacrificial system in jerusalem is outdated. the blood of jesus himself, brought into the sanctuary, represents not only the atoning blood on the site of atonement at the day of atonement; it is also the blood related to the inauguration of a covenant. hence, even the old covenant was inaugurated with blood, the author states in 9:18, and in the following verses he recounts the story from exodus 24:3– 8 about the sprinkling of blood in the inauguration of the covenant at sinai. whereas the atonement sacrifice erases and ends something, the covenant sacrifice points towards the future and remains valid in the covenant reality that is opening, that is, the era of the new covenant. in this way the death of jesus embraces past and present; it marks the definitive victory over sin and death and is the entry into salvation in the eternal kingdom of god. ådna, “two testaments” global south theological journal 3, no. 1.1 (2024): 41 conclusion in this article i have surveyed the canon history of the jewish and christian bibles. we have observed how the jewish bible developed gradually, beginning with the law, continuing with the prophets and, finally, being complemented by the scriptures. from the third century bc onwards, the formation of the jewish bible was a bilingual process that included the gradual translation of the biblical books from hebrew and aramaic to greek. the process that led to the christian bible interconnected closely with the jewish bible. jesus and the apostles shared the law, the prophets and the psalms with all other jews in galilee and judea. beginning in the bilingual community of jesus followers in jerusalem, the early church adopted the greek version of the bible, the septuagint, and cherished it as holy scripture on the same level as the hebrew bible. the christians very soon began to supplement the inherited holy scriptures with writings that recounted the story of jesus christ (i.e. the gospels) and theologically elaborated and applied the christ event (i.e. the letters). all these new books were written in greek, the lingua franca of the mediterranean world, and, correspondingly, the septuagint became the first part of the two-part christian canon, called the old testament. because the greek version of the jewish bible encompasses more books than the hebrew version, consequently, the christian old testament is broader than the jewish canon that obtained its final shape and size in early rabbinical judaism. the canonical processes of the jewish and christian bibles were intertwined and mutually interdependent. the christians inherited the greek version of the holy scriptures from the jews, who finally distanced themselves from the septuagint, as it appeared and was conceived more and more as (the first part of) the christian bible. consequently, they authorized the holy scriptures only in the original language hebrew (and aramaic) and with a reduced number of books compared to the septuagint as their canon, called the tanakh. the early christians never regarded the old testament as outdated and obsolete. hence, the new testament was never intended as a substitution for the old testament. on the contrary, the early christians conceived of the new testament as a continuation of the earlier holy scriptures, in which the same language of faith was applied in order to testify to god’s revelation in jesus christ and to express their response in confession and prayer. the complete integration of the (greek) jewish bible into the christian canon as its first part, called the old testament, is in no way a suspicious undertaking or an illegal appropriation of what belongs to others. like jesus, the apostles and the new testament authors (except luke) were all jews themselves, and they read the holy scriptures as a message that spoke to them and enabled them to grasp and express god’s contemporary work in christ for the redemption of humankind and the whole world. the greek jewish bible operates with a salvation-historical outlook, oriented towards the future. this is seen in the compositional structure of the septuagint, with the prophetic books at the end. hence, the expectation that the biblical tradition and revelation history will continue beyond the borders and frames of the collection of the law, the prophets and the scriptures, including the so-called apocrypha, is an intrinsic element in the greek jewish bible itself. in this article we chose the zion tradition as an example and saw how it developed coherently and organically beyond the jewish bible and continued throughout early judaism and in the new testament. further, taking the new testament as our point of departure, we saw two examples of how new testament authors turned to the old testament for finding theological resources for expressing and elaborating upon central aspects of christology and soteriology, namely, how the evangelists mark and matthew drew upon the old testament tradition of the righteous sufferer in psalm 22 to describe the passion of jesus, and how the letter to the hebrews drew upon the priesthood of melchizedek and the promise of a new covenant for the exposition of jesus’ ministry. new testament exegesis and theology can only be performed and expounded on the basis of the two-part christian canon, never disconnected from the old testament. the masterpiece of my honoured new testament teacher peter stuhlmacher, biblical theology of the new testament (see n. 3), is a paradigmatic example of what a new testament theology written on these premises might look like. introduction part 1. the jewish bible the tanakh the development and formation of the jewish canon the septuagint the final fixation and delimitation of the jewish bible the bible in greek gradually supplanted by the tanakh as the only recognized jewish bible the orientation towards and the emphasis on the law in the tanakh canon respect for the hebrew bible part 2. the christian bible the salvation-historical structure of the septuagint the jewish holy scriptures were considered by jesus and the early church to be a source of truth and a resource for understanding the present the formation of the gospels and the letters references in the apostolic fathers to the gospels and the letters marcion’s rejection of the old testament and most of the apostolic writings the fixation of the christian two-part canon of the old and the new testaments in greek the christian bible in other languages the extent of the old testament in christian bibles the openness of the old testament towards the future the old testament as an indispensable part of the christian bible part 3. tradition-historical developments as expressions of revelation history: the relationship between the testaments seen from the old testament as point of departure the zion tradition as a paradigmatic example of biblical tradition-historical developments the location and meaning of zion king david conquered jerusalem and made zion a religious centre of the israelites david’s acceptance and appropriation of zion and its religious traditions zion as the lord’s property and abode the glory and inviolability of zion exploitation of the zion tradition zion as the centre of the whole world the importance of zion in eschatology the zion tradition in early judaism zion and the heavenly temple the zion tradition in the new testament jesus’ proclamation of the kingdom of god and his final journey to jerusalem the temple saying(s) of jesus51f the temple act jesus’ violent death and the zion traditions zion and the heavenly jerusalem part 4. the reception of the old testament in the new testament: the relationship between the testaments seen from the new testament a shared language of faith a shared confession of the one true god the inspiration of the holy scriptures and the role of the holy spirit logos christology as a uniting bond between the testaments application of old testament traditions and texts in new testament expositions of theological issues the application of psalm 22 in the passion narratives in the gospels of mark and matthew the exposition of christ’s ministry in the letter to the hebrews83f conclusion 