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Graduate Student Journal of Psychology
2022, Vol. 19

Copyright 2022 by the Department of Counseling and Clinical Psychology 
Teachers College, Columbia University

Serving Whom? An Exploration of Cultural Taxation 
Themes in Latinx Graduate Students

Madasen Briggs, M.S., Jonathan Cajas, B.A., Audon Archibald, Ph.D., and Yolanda Flores Niemann, Ph.D.,
Department of Psychology, University of North Texas

�ȣǹȠȣȖƺǹ�ȠƺΠƺȠǩȅǿ�ȖǓǟǓȖș�Ƞȅ�ȠǦǓ�ǓΠȠȖƺ�ȖǓșȒȅǿșǩǈǩǹǩȠǩǓș�শǓঀǠঀॹ�ǩǿǉȖǓƺșǓǏ�șǓȖΚǩǉǓ�ǓΠȒǓǉȠƺȠǩȅǿșॹ�șǓȖΚǩǿǠ�ƺș�ȣǿȅГǉǩƺǹ�ǏǩΚǓȖșǩȠΡ�
consultants) placed on members of marginalized racial groups within academia. However, the extant literature on 
cultural taxation does not clearly indicate the extent to which that research applies to graduate students who often 
ǟȣǹЙǹǹ�șǩǾǩǹƺȖ�ȠƺșǷș�ƺș�ǾǓǾǈǓȖș�ȅǟ�ƺǉƺǏǓǾǩƺ�ƺǿǏ�ǟƺǉȣǹȠΡঀ�'ȣȖȠǦǓȖǾȅȖǓॹ�ȠǦǓ�ƺǉƺǏǓǾǩǉ�ǉȅǿȠǓΠȠ�ȅǟ�ƺ�/ǩșȒƺǿǩǉ�^ǓȖΚǩǿǠ�
Institution (HSI) is particularly relevant to this line of work as this designation, while projecting an image that an 
institution is inclusive, is not directly representative of the institution’s commitment to equitable practices. The goal 
of the present research is to identify how Latinx graduate students are potentially taxed and whether their experi-
ences of cultural taxation are analogous to the taxation that faculty experience. Transcripts from 20 interviews with 
Latinx students at an HSI were analyzed via qualitative thematic analysis to identify potential themes of this sample’s 
experiences with cultural taxation. Findings suggest that Latinx graduate students’ cultural taxation converge in 
some ways with faculty patterns, but with key exceptions. Major themes from students’ responses include a sense of 
ǩǿǉȖǓƺșǓǏ�ǏǩșȠƺǿǉǓ�ƺǿǏ�ǹƺǉǷ�ȅǟ�șȣȒȒȅȖȠ�ǟȖȅǾ�ȅǿǓঢ়ș�ǦȅǾǓ�ǏǓȒƺȖȠǾǓǿȠॹ�ƺș�ΛǓǹǹ�ƺș�ǏǩГǉȣǹȠǩǓș�ǩǿȠǓǠȖƺȠǩǿǠ�ǏǩΚǓȖșǩȠΡ�ƺǿǏ�
ǩǿǉǹȣșǩȅǿ�ΛȅȖǷ�ǉǹǓƺǿǹΡ�ǩǿȠȅ�ȅǿǓঢ়ș�ǠȖƺǏȣƺȠǓ�ǉƺȖǓǓȖঀ�eǦǓșǓ�ЙǿǏǩǿǠș�șȣȒȒǹǓǾǓǿȠ�ǓΠǩșȠǩǿǠ�ǉȣǹȠȣȖƺǹ�ȠƺΠƺȠǩȅǿ�ǹǩȠǓȖƺȠȣȖǓ�ǈΡ�
ǦǩǠǦǹǩǠǦȠǩǿǠ�ȠǦǓ�ǓΠȒǓȖǩǓǿǉǓș�ȅǟ�ƺǿ�ȣǿǏǓȖȖǓǉȅǠǿǩΦǓǏ�ȒȅȒȣǹƺȠǩȅǿ�ΛǩȠǦǩǿ�ƺǉƺǏǓǾǩƺ�ƺǿǏ�ȒȖǓșǓǿȠǩǿǠ�ǩǿǩȠǩƺǹ�ЙǿǏǩǿǠș�ǟȅȖ�
taxations imposed on this group. 
Keywords: cultural taxation, graduate students, Latinx students, identity taxation, thematic analysis

 Cultural taxation refers to the elevated workload 
expected of academics from marginalized commu-
nities (Padilla, 1994). This elevated, but rarely com-
pensated, workload often includes participation in 
diversity and equity work due to a faculty member’s 
presumed knowledge of diversity, regardless of its rele-
vance to their research expertise (Padilla, 1994; Joseph 
૭�/ǩȖșǦЙǓǹǏॹ� �আ��ǹǓΚǓǹƺǿǏࢲࢲࢱࢳ ǓȠ� ƺǹঀॹ� �ষঀࢹࢲࢱࢳ �ǾȅǿǠ�
ȠǦǓ�ǾȅșȠ�ǩǏǓǿȠǩЙƺǈǹǓ�ǟȅȖǾș�ȅǟ�ȠƺΠƺȠǩȅǿ�ǩǿǉǹȣǏǓॸ�ǈǓǩǿǠ�
expected to serve as an expert on all matters of diversity 
even when they are not relevant to one’s expertise, be-
ing called on to educate the majority group on diversi-
ty issues outside of one’s job description, serving on an 
ƺГȖǾƺȠǩΚǓ�ƺǉȠǩȅǿ�ǉȅǾǾǩȠȠǓǓ� ȠǦƺȠ�ȅǿǹΡ� ȖǓșȣǹȠș� ǩǿ� ȖǓǉ-
ommendations that have already been unmet, serving 
as a spokesperson from an ethnic community to the 
ȣǿǩΚǓȖșǩȠΡॹ� șƺǉȖǩЙǉǩǿǠ� ȠǩǾǓ� Ƞȅ� șǓȖΚǓ�ƺș� ƺ�ǾȣǹȠǩǉȣǹȠȣȖƺǹ�
problem solver, and being asked to serve as a transla-
tor or interpreter (Padilla, 1994; Gutiérrez y Muhs 
et al., 2012; Boyd et al., 2017; Njie-Carr et al., 2020).
 In practice, cultural taxation could also be inclusive 
of discriminatory practices such as the tokenization of 
a department’s marginalized members (Amie, 2020). 
Tokens are numerically or culturally underrepresent-
ed groups within an organization who are viewed as a 
symbolic representation of that group as a whole (Nie-

mann, 2016). An example of this phenomenon would 
be a faculty member of color being pointed to by ad-
ministration as a symbol of a department’s commit-
ment to diversity. While the perspectives and contri-
butions of marginalized community members are vital 
to an organization’s success (Page, 2007), involvement 
in such work that draws attention to their marginal-
ized status can heighten the burden already in place by 
a standard academic teaching and research load. Fac-
ȣǹȠΡ�ǾǓǾǈǓȖș�ǓΠȒǓǉȠǓǏ�Ƞȅ�ǟȣǹЙǹǹ� ȠǦǓșǓ�ǓΠȠȖƺ�ǏǓǾƺǿǏș�
have experienced stress, longer hours, and depression 
শ=ȅșǓȒǦ�૭�/ǩȖșǦЙǓǹǏॹࢲࢲࢱࢳ�ষ�ƺș�ΛǓǹǹ�ƺș�ƺ�ǏǩГǉȣǹȠ�ȖǓǹƺ-
tionship with their professional identity (Amie, 2020).
 The expectation that racialized1�ǟƺǉȣǹȠΡ�Λǩǹǹ�ǟȣǹЙǹǹ�
these additional responsibilities becomes more insidi-
ous when considering that White academics continue 
to occupy about 75% of all faculty positions (NCES, 
2020; Pew Research, 2019). Even with a gradual in-
crease in the diversity of faculty, student bodies contin-
ue to be more diverse by comparison (Pew Research, 
2019). Already underrepresened, racialized faculty are 
also less likely to secure  tenure or promotion in their 
institution, even after controlling for human capital, 
cultural taxation, and discipline (Wijesingha & Ra-
mos, 2017).
  

11 For the purposes of this project, “racialized” refers to those who are marginalized according to their racial group. This term was selected for consistency  For the purposes of this project, “racialized” refers to those who are marginalized according to their racial group. This term was selected for consistency 
throughout the paper, but we recognize that “racialized” is an imperfect term that could falsely imply that Whiteness is not factored into the treatment of throughout the paper, but we recognize that “racialized” is an imperfect term that could falsely imply that Whiteness is not factored into the treatment of 
someone according to their racial group.someone according to their racial group.



16

 Increased expectations of racialized faculty impose 
barriers by taking time away from more personally im-
portant tasks, such as the research that is necessary to 
advance their careers (Domingo et al., 2022). Unfortu-
nately, the combination of stagnant performance and 
increased responsibilities can lead to decreased work 
satisfaction, longer promotion times, and increased 
position resignation (Domingo et al., 2022). This 
translates to decreased representation among racialized 
faculty, which can negatively impact racialized student 
success and retention (Tram et al., 2020). Outcomes for 
students can include decreased program satisfaction 
ǏȣǓ�Ƞȅ�ȣǿǾǓȠ�ǓΠȒǓǉȠƺȠǩȅǿșॹ�ǹƺǉǷ�ȅǟ�Йǿƺǿǉǩƺǹ�șȣȒȒȅȖȠॹ�
and an inability to connect with faculty mentors who 
may not understand cultural needs (Tram et al., 2020). 
eǦǩș�ǏȅǾǩǿȅ�ǓАǓǉȠ�șȒǓƺǷș�ΚȅǹȣǾǓș�Ƞȅ�ȠǦǓ�ǩǾȒȅȖȠƺǿǉǓ�
of racialized faculty’s presence in academia and stu-
dents’ vulnerability, particularly graduate students, 
who rely on a close relationship with faculty members.
 While faculty have received much research at-
tention, the extant literature is limited in directly ad-
dressing the unique positioning and circumstances of 
graduate students as a potentially culturally taxed pop-
ulation. Nearly thirty years ago, Padilla (1994) called 
ǟȅȖ�ǩǿΚǓșȠǩǠƺȠǩȅǿș�ȅǿ�ȠǦǓ�ǓАǓǉȠș�ȅǟ�ǉȣǹȠȣȖƺǹ�ȠƺΠƺȠǩȅǿ�ȅǿ�
marginalized graduate students. Padilla notes that grad-
uate students face unique challenges in the pursuit of 
ǓȠǦǿǩǉ�șǉǦȅǹƺȖșǦǩȒॹ�ЙǿǏǩǿǠ�ǾǓǿȠȅȖșǦǩȒ�ȠǦƺȠ�ΛȅȣǹǏ�ƺǉ-
company that work, and the inability to access all of an 
institution’s resources (Padilla, 1994). However, clari-
ЙǉƺȠǩȅǿ�ǩș�ǿǓǓǏǓǏ�ȅǿ�ȠǦǓ�ΛƺΡș�ǩǿ�ΛǦǩǉǦ�ǠȖƺǏȣƺȠǓ�șȠȣ-
dents with marginalized racial and ethnic identities are 
ƺАǓǉȠǓǏ�ǈΡ�ƺǿǏ�ǉȅȒǓ�ΛǩȠǦ�ǉȣǹȠȣȖƺǹ�ȠƺΠƺȠǩȅǿॹ�șȒǓǉǩЙǉƺǹǹΡ�
in how they relate to the faculty model proposed by Pa-
dilla. Some culturally informed models identify com-
mon graduate student experiences, such as imposter 
phenomenon amongst Black graduate students at a 
predominately White institution (Stone et al., 2018). 
However, these models have typically failed to incor-
porate the perspective of Latinx2 graduate students, a 
group sorely in need of targeted work given their sta-
tus as the largest ethnic minority group in the United 
States. Testimonies from graduate students and early 
career academics reveal the immediacy with which we 
must address the interplay of graduate student status, 

identity, and cultural taxation (Templeton et al., 2021). 
 Lerma and colleagues (2020) elaborated upon 
forms of cultural taxation in student populations in 
the form of “racialized equity labor.” This labor refers 
to the actions taken by marginalized students within 
an organization to address racial inequity that is then 
appropriated by those with more organizational pow-
er. The stress and demands from this cycle can force al-
ready marginalized individuals to relinquish additional 
ȖǓșȅȣȖǉǓșॹ�șȣǉǦ�ƺș�ȠǩǾǓॹ�ΛǦǩǉǦ�ǾƺΡ�ȖǓМǓǉȠ�ȒȅȅȖǓȖ�ȒǓȖ-
formance in professional and academic settings (Ler-
ma et al., 2020). However, Lerma’s innovative work 1) 
did not distinguish between the work of undergrad-
uate and graduate students and 2) sought out partic-
ǩȒƺǿȠș� șȒǓǉǩЙǉƺǹǹΡ� ǟȅȖ� ȠǦǓǩȖ� ǩǿΚȅǹΚǓǾǓǿȠ� ǩǿ�ȣǿǩΚǓȖșǩȠΡ�
ǉǦƺǿǠǓ� ȠǦƺȠ� ǈǓǿǓЙȠș�ǾƺȖǠǩǿƺǹǩΦǓǏ� șȠȣǏǓǿȠșঀ� 2Ƞ� ǩș� ȣǿ-
clear how racialized equity labor, and by extension, the 
labor appropriation cycle outlined by Lerma (2020), 
occurs amongst graduate students who may objec-
tively have more power but also may have more com-
plex tethers to their universities than undergraduates 
(Grady et al., 2014). Like marginalized faculty, gradu-
ate students are often expected to put their own needs 
or goals aside for those of the department (Grady et al., 
2014). Furthermore, members of Latinx communities 
already face unique challenges integrating into higher 
education, such as increased psychological and accul-
turative stress (Wang et al., 2016), and the highest like-
ǹǩǦȅȅǏ�ȅǟ�ǦȅǹǏǩǿǠ�ЙȖșȠেǠǓǿǓȖƺȠǩȅǿ�șȠȣǏǓǿȠ�șȠƺȠȣș�ǉȅǾ-
pared to their Black and White peers (PNPI, 2021).

Beyond Student Status: The Importance of   
Gender and Culture

 Beyond student status, members of marginal-
ized communities experience cultural taxation based 
ȅǿ� ȖƺǉǓ� ƺǿǏ� ǠǓǿǏǓȖ� ǩǿȠǓȖșǓǉȠǩȅǿș� শ/ǩȖșǦЙǓǹǏ� ૭� =ȅ-
seph, 2012; Diaz & Bui, 2016). Making space for 
these identity intersections within research is critical 
to appropriately framing people’s experiences with 
nuance and avoiding the homogenization of an en-
tire group’s experiences. At the intersection of race 
and gender, women of color are often looked to as 
supporting pillars of their communities through the 
perpetual association with women, inherent com-
munality, and nurturing expectations (Gutiérrez y 

22For the purposes of this project, Latinx is used during each research stage as a gender-neutral term to refer to those of Latin American For the purposes of this project, Latinx is used during each research stage as a gender-neutral term to refer to those of Latin American 
descent (e.g., Latino,   Hispanic, Mexican American, Chicano, Puerto Rican, Cuban American, etc.). The authors want to recognize descent (e.g., Latino,   Hispanic, Mexican American, Chicano, Puerto Rican, Cuban American, etc.). The authors want to recognize 
that, while the term has gained popularity within university student populations and higher education research, Latinx is an imperfect that, while the term has gained popularity within university student populations and higher education research, Latinx is an imperfect 
term thatterm that may contribute to the homogenization of individual cultures (Salinas & Lozano, 2017). may contribute to the homogenization of individual cultures (Salinas & Lozano, 2017).

BRIGGS ET AL.



17

CULTURAL TAXATION THEMES IN LATINX GRADUATE STUDENTS

Muhs et al., 2012; Velásquez et al., 2004). Culturally 
taxing experiences for women of color in the profes-
sorate are further compounded by gendered ascrip-
tions and ongoing professional disparities in academia. 
Women faculty are canonically more involved in de-
partmental or university service work than their male 
colleagues (Niemann, et al., 2020; Njie-Carr, et al., 
2020; O’Meara et al., 2017), which partially explains 
why women, on average, publish less and receive fewer 
research grants than men (Wijesingha & Ramos, 2017). 
Adding to their challenging experiences is the relative-
ly small number of women of color in upper-level pro-
fessor and administrative ranks (Sánchez et al., 2021). 
� �ȣǹȠȣȖƺǹǹΡ� șȒǓǉǩЙǉ�ǉǩȖǉȣǾșȠƺǿǉǓș�ǾƺΡ�ƺǹșȅ� șǦƺȒǓ�
experiences. Mexican Americans face marginalization 
within the United States that may lead to steep social 
consequences, such as feelings of alienation and ‘oth-
ering’ perpetrated through negative stereotypes (Hes-
ter et al., 2020; Olguin-Aguirre et al., 2022). Further, 
discrimination can be perpetrated through public pol-
icy that imposes limits on equitable access to quality 
education and health-related resources (Brenes, 2019; 
Shi et al., 2018). Arbona and colleagues (2010) theo-
rize that Latinx individuals are especially vulnerable 
ǈǓǉƺȣșǓ� ȠǦǓǩȖ� ǩǏǓǿȠǩȠΡ� ǩș� ȣǿǩȕȣǓǹΡ� ƺАǓǉȠǓǏ� ǈΡ� ȠǦǓ� șǩ-
multaneous experience of generational cultural prac-
tices and of American society outside of the home. Al-
though some Latinx academics may feel comfortable 
navigating a bicultural perspective, others, particularly 
those who have recently immigrated to the United 
States, could face increased adversity that may lead to 
acculturative stress (Berry, 1992; Meca et al., 2017). 
 The research outlined in this paper explores Lat-
inx graduate students’ experiences of cultural taxation 
at a Hispanic Serving Institution (HSI). While an HSI 
designation requires that a minimum of 25% of stu-
dents enrolled be Hispanic (White House, n.d.), that 
does not guarantee representation at the graduate 
level. For example, Latinx graduate enrollment at this 
southwestern public university (SWPU) equals about 
half that of undergraduate enrollment, with even few-
er faculty in place to support those graduate students 
(SWPU Factbook, 2020). Although an HSI designa-
tion presents opportunities to apply for federal fund-
ing to serve Latinx students, assessments indicate that 
universities often funnel these extra funds into color-
blind programs that do not prioritize Latinx students 
(Vargas & Villa-Palomino, 2018). Investigations of fac-

ulty’s cultural taxation within an HSI also indicate that 
this institutional designation does not protect against 
racism, marginalization, and taxation for faculty of 
color (Martinez et al., 2017). Beyond numerical enroll-
ment, it is not clear what the term Hispanic Serving In-
stitution means to the experiences of Latinx students.
 The goal of the present study is to 1) understand 
how Latinx graduate students at an HSI identify with 
cultural taxation and related labor on campus and 2) 
identify how these experiences compare to faculty tax-
ƺȠǩȅǿঀ�̂ ȒǓǉǩЙǉƺǹǹΡॹ�ΛǓ�ƺǩǾ�Ƞȅ�ǩǏǓǿȠǩǟΡ�ȠǦǓ�ΛƺΡș�ǩǿ�ΛǦǩǉǦ�
existing understandings of cultural taxation align with 
Latinx graduate students’ experiences of cultural taxa-
tion unique to this population. Furthermore, we seek 
to understand how the intersections of race and gender 
play into Latinx women graduate students’ experienc-
es with cultural taxation. Findings from this work will 
help identify where this sample of Latinx graduate stu-
dents falls in relation to existing cultural taxation liter-
ature. It is our hope that such knowledge will highlight 
ȒƺȠǦΛƺΡș�ȅǟ�ƺǉȠǩȅǿ�ǟȅȖ�ȒȖȅǠȖƺǾș�ƺǿǏ�ǾǓǿȠȅȖș�ǩǿ�șȒǓǉǩЙǉ�
support of marginalized graduate students. Addition-
ally, the current work seeks to bolster the understand-
ing of graduate students’ experiences as a population 
already subjected to exploitative practices surround-
ing their learning and labor (Cohen & Baruch, 2021).

Methods
Participants
 A total of 20 Latinx graduate students participat-
ǓǏॹ�ǩǿǉǹȣǏǩǿǠࢳࢲ��ΛǦȅ�ǩǏǓǿȠǩЙǓǏ�ƺș�ΛȅǾǓǿॹ�ƺǿǏ�ǓǩǠǦȠ�
ΛǦȅ�ǩǏǓǿȠǩЙǓǏ�ƺș�ǾǓǿঀ�^ȠȣǏǓǿȠș�ȖǓȒȖǓșǓǿȠǓǏ�ȅΚǓȖࢱࢲ��
ǏǩАǓȖǓǿȠ�ǏǓȒƺȖȠǾǓǿȠș�ȅǿ�ǉƺǾȒȣș�șǓǓǷǩǿǠ�ƺ�ΚƺȖǩǓȠΡ�ȅǟ�
degrees, including both master’s and Ph.Ds. Students 
came from a blend of business, STEM (Science, 
Technology, Engineering, Math), and social science 
programs with career tracks inclusive of both industry 
and academia. Participants’ ages ranged from 22 to 
48. Participants came from a range of Latinx back-
ǠȖȅȣǿǏșॸࢶࢳ�ઔ�ȅǟ�ȠǦǓ�ȒƺȖȠǩǉǩȒƺǿȠș�ǩǏǓǿȠǩЙǓǏ�ƺș�ǦƺΚǩǿǠ�
mixed heritage (e.g., Mexican and Salvadorian, mixed 
ǩǿǏǩǠǓǿȅȣș�ƺǿǏ�EǓΠǩǉƺǿ��ǾǓȖǩǉƺǿষॹࢱࢳ�ઔ�ǩǏǓǿȠǩЙǓǏ�
ƺș�/ǩșȒƺǿǩǉॹࢱࢳ�ઔ�ǩǏǓǿȠǩЙǓǏ�ƺș�@ƺȠǩǿΠॹ�ƺǿǏ�ȠǦǓ�ȖǓǾƺǩǿ-
ǩǿǠ�ȒƺȖȠǩǉǩȒƺǿȠș�ǩǏǓǿȠǩЙǓǏ�ƺș�EǓΠǩǉƺǿ��ǾǓȖǩǉƺǿ�ȅȖ�
Argentinian. 
 Data collection took place during the Spring 
2021 semester when many students had still not yet 
returned to face-to-face classes due to the COVID-19 



18

pandemic. While questions related to participant 
experiences did not specify a particular timeframe, 
student responses are a mix of both their pre-pan-
demic and pandemic experiences on campus. 

Research Design
 A series of one-on-one, open-ended interviews 
were conducted and analyzed qualitatively. Open-end-
ed questions were based on Padilla’s (1994) cultural tax-
ƺȠǩȅǿ�ǟȖƺǾǓΛȅȖǷॹ�ΛǦǩǉǦ�șȒǓǉǩЙǓș�ƺǿ�ǩǿǉȖǓƺșǓǏ�ǈȣȖǏǓǿ�
of service and mentorship to students, colleagues, and 
the university faced by racialized faculty (Jacobs et al., 
2002). Consideration was also given to other aspects 
of this phenomenon, such as its intersectional nature 
শ=ȅșǓȒǦș�૭�/ǩȖșǦЙǓǹǏॹࢳࢲࢱࢳ�ষॹ�Ƞȅ�ǓǿșȣȖǓ�ȠǦƺȠ�ǩǿȠǓȖΚǩǓΛș�
were capturing the full breadth of graduate students’ 
experiences with cultural taxation (Lerma et al., 2020; 
Blake, 2018). All questions were iterated over a series 
ȅǟ�ǾǓǓȠǩǿǠș�ƺǾȅǿǠșȠ�ȠǦǓ�ȖǓșǓƺȖǉǦ�ȠǓƺǾ�ȣǿȠǩǹ�ȠǦǓ�Йǿƺǹ�
set of 25 questions was reached (see Appendix B for 
list of interview questions). An example item from this 
list is “In what ways, if any, was your service reward-
ed, validated, or noticed?” To not lead participants to 
șȒǓǉǩЙǉ� ƺǿșΛǓȖșॹ� ȕȣǓșȠǩȅǿș� ƺșǷǓǏ� ȒƺȖȠǩǉǩȒƺǿȠș� ƺǈȅȣȠ�
‘their identities’ as opposed to specifying a particular 
Ȗƺǉǩƺǹ�ȅȖ� ǓȠǦǿǩǉ�ǠȖȅȣȒঀ�XƺȖȠǩǉǩȒƺǿȠș�ΛǦȅ� ǩǏǓǿȠǩЙǓǏ�ƺș�
women were given an additional set of four questions 
to discuss their experiences within the intersection 
of race and gender in graduate school. An example 
item from this set is “Do you feel as if expectations in 
your department are identical for men and women?”
 It is important to note that the research team 
who conducted interviews, subsequent analy-
ses, and authored this manuscript identify as fol-
lows: White nonbinary person, cisgender Lati-
no/Hispanic man, cisgender biracial Mexican 
man, and cisgender Mexican American woman. 

Procedure
 The present project received institutional review 
board approval at a large southwestern public univer-
sity (SWPU) during the Spring of 2021. Study invi-
tations were sent to all graduate students informing 
them of an opportunity for Latinx graduate students 
to self-select into a study to discuss their experiences 
with race on campus. A request for Latinx students 
was used in the mass mailer, but participants were 
asked to self-report their racial/ethnic identity if 

their identity was not fully encapsulated by the term 
Latinx. Students were also given the opportunity to 
șȒǓǉǩЙǉƺǹǹΡ� ȖǓȕȣǓșȠ� ƺ� @ƺȠǩǿΠ� ǩǿȠǓȖΚǩǓΛǓȖ� ǏȣǓ� Ƞȅ� ȠǦǓ�
sensitive nature of the questions. Following recruit-
ment, all participants took part in individual inter-
views with a member of the research team. All 20 
interviews were conducted via Zoom, recorded, and 
transcribed live using Panopto. After the interview 
stage concluded, the authors reviewed the transcrip-
tions produced by Panopto for any potential errors.
 Data analyses followed Braun and Clarke’s (2006) 
six phases for Thematic Analysis, a qualitative data 
ƺǿƺǹΡșǩș� ȠǓǉǦǿǩȕȣǓ� ȠǦƺȠ� ǩǏǓǿȠǩЙǓș�ȅΚǓȖƺȖǉǦǩǿǠ� ȠǦǓǾǓș�
and patterns of meaning in a particular dataset. The 
phases for thematic analysis are: 1) familiarizing your-
self with your data, 2) generating initial codes, 3) 
șǓƺȖǉǦǩǿǠ� ǟȅȖ� ȠǦǓǾǓșॹ� �ষࢵ ȖǓΚǩǓΛǩǿǠ� ȠǦǓǾǓșॹ� �ষࢶ ǏǓЙǿ-
ing and naming themes, and 6) producing the report. 
Overall, due to the novelty of the work, we took a pri-
marily inductive approach, meaning our codes and 
themes are derived from the semantic content of the 
data rather than coding the data according to pre-exist-
ing theoretical concepts (Braun & Clarke, 2012). While 
the research team was deeply familiar with pre-existing 
frameworks of cultural taxation, “our analytic lens 
does not completely override their [participants’] 
stories” (Braun & Clarke, 2012, p. 60). This analytic 
ȠǓǉǦǿǩȕȣǓ�Λƺș�ȒȖǓǟǓȖȖǓǏ�ǈǓǉƺȣșǓ�ȅǟ�ǩȠș�ȠǦǓȅȖǓȠǩǉƺǹ�МǓΠ-
ibility compared to other techniques such as discourse 
analysis which requires theoretical framing for the role 
and meaning of language (Braun & Clarke, 2012).
� vǩȠǦ� ȠǦǓ� Йǿƺǹ� ȠȖƺǿșǉȖǩȒȠǩȅǿșॹ� ǓƺǉǦ� ƺȣȠǦȅȖ� ǩǿǏǓ-
pendently read and generated individual lists of codes 
for the data using Nvivo (version 12). For this tech-
ǿǩȕȣǓॹ�ǉȅǏǓș�ǩǏǓǿȠǩǟΡ�ƺ�șȒǓǉǩЙǉ�ǟǓƺȠȣȖǓ�ȅǟ�ȠǦǓ�ǏƺȠƺșǓȠॹ�
and these codes are grouped into overarching themes. 
Coding involved the individual labeling of data seg-
ments that were potentially relevant to the research 
question. These independent code lists were reduced 
collaboratively based on codes that all four research 
ȠǓƺǾ� ǾǓǾǈǓȖș� ǉȅǹǹǓǉȠǩΚǓǹΡ� ƺǠȖǓǓǏ� ΛǓȖǓ� șȣГǉǩǓǿȠǹΡ�
ȒȖǓșǓǿȠ�ƺǿǏ�ǾǓƺǿǩǿǠǟȣǹ�ǩǿ�ȠǦǓ�ǏƺȠƺॹ�ȖǓșȣǹȠǩǿǠ�ǩǿ�ƺ�Йǿƺǹ�
list of over 40 codes. After code generation conclud-
ed, the research team sorted these codes into themes 
through collaborative discussion (see Table 1 for over-
view). Themes for this project were organized groups 
of codes that represented patterns and shared mean-
ings across the dataset. Coder reliability was not as 

BRIGGS ET AL.



19

CULTURAL TAXATION THEMES IN LATINX GRADUATE STUDENTS

sessed quantitatively; these numeric itatively; these 
numeric measures of intercoder reliability are more 
common in qualitative work guided by post-positiv-
istic values. We aligned with a paradigm that empha-
sizes an organic approach to the data and each coder’s 
ǿƺȠȣȖƺǹॹ� ȖǓМǓΠǩΚǓ� ȖǓșȒȅǿșǓ� শ�Ȗƺȣǿ� ૭� �ǹƺȖǷǓॹ� ষঀࢲࢳࢱࢳ

Results
� 'ǩΚǓ�ȠǦǓǾǓș�ΛǓȖǓ� ǩǏǓǿȠǩЙǓǏ�ȣșǩǿǠ�ȠǦǓ�ƺǈȅΚǓ�ǉȅǏ-
ing process. These themes are Distance/Isolation from 
Support; Power, Labor, and ‘Something’s Gotta Give;’ 
Culturally Taxing Levies Against Latinx Student Iden-
tities; Unique Pressures on Women; and Reluctance 
to Assign Accountability and Responsibility. In gen-
eral, participants reported that they were not entirely 
supported by their departments and largely abstained 
from diversity labor. Women participants reported 
undertaking more social and emotional labor than 
their male counterparts. Finally, participants provided 
evidence that they experienced cultural taxation (e.g., 
feeling that they are made into a representative for all 
Latinx peoples), but were hesitant to assign account-
ability to the parties contributing to these taxations.
 An in-depth description of each theme and some 
supporting data points are provided below. We pro-
vide a brief overview of how each theme relates or di-
verges from existing literature; these points are further 
explored in the discussion. Throughout the follow-
ing section, we refer to participants according to the 
identities they provided on their demographics ques-
ȠǩȅǿǿƺǩȖǓ�ΛǦǩǹǓ�șȠǩǹǹ�ǾƺǩǿȠƺǩǿǩǿǠ�ȠǦǓǩȖ�ǉȅǿЙǏǓǿȠǩƺǹǩȠΡঀ

Theme One: Distance/Isolation from Support
 Latinx interviewees acknowledged acute dif-
ferences between the graduate and undergraduate 
ǓΠȒǓȖǩǓǿǉǓș� ȅǿ� ǉƺǾȒȣșঀ� EƺǿΡ� ȅǟ� ȠǦǓșǓ� ǏǩАǓȖǓǿǉǓș�
manifested as a physical and psychological distance 
from campus life and culture, as well as distance 
from potential campus support networks within and 
outside their department. This was compounded in 
no small amount by the realities of the COVID-19 
pandemic in the United States, with many students 
lamenting that working from home and the stress-
ors of the pandemic exacerbated the pre-existing 
lack of support for Latinx graduate students. One 
Hispanic graduate student speaks up about how de-
partmental support for students of color, in general, 
ǏȅǓș�ǿȅȠ�ǿǓǉǓșșƺȖǩǹΡ�Йǹǹ�ǩǿ�ȠǦǓ�ǿǓǓǏș�ȠǦƺȠ�@ƺȠǩǿΠ�ǠȖƺǏ-

uates display based on their cultural backgrounds:
৚ॺǈǓǩǿǠ�/ǩșȒƺǿǩǉॹ�ǾΡ�ΚǩǓΛș�ƺȖǓ�ƺ�ǹǩȠȠǹǓ�ǈǩȠ�ǏǩАǓȖǓǿȠঀ�2�
don’t think [departmental support] is Hispanic serv-
ǩǿǠॹ�2�Ǐȅǿঢ়Ƞ�ȠǦǩǿǷ�ǩȠ�ǟȣǹЙǹǹș�ȠǦƺȠঀ�2�ȠǦǩǿǷ�ǟȅȖ�ǾǩǿȅȖǩȠǩǓș�
as a whole, [SWPU] does a great job with lots of in-
clusion, lots of opportunities for graduate students 
to work with faculty members… But for Hispanics, 
they love to preach how they’re going to help and that 
they’re going to support you… but in the ways they ac-
tually do it’s very, very limited… [For example] when 
my father was dying of liver disease… and my mother, 
she had breast cancer at the same time, it’s like, hey, 
I can’t live on campus because I need to live close to 
my parents due to that whole cultural aspect of His-
panic children taking care of their parents. So, I said 
“Hey, I’m not going to be able to relocate,” and they 
șƺǩǏॹ� ৚KǷ� ΛǓǹǹ� ǩǟ� Ρȅȣ� ǉƺǿঢ়Ƞ� ǟȣǹЙǹǹ� ȠǦǩșॹ� Ρȅȣঢ়ȖǓ� ȅȣȠঀ৛
 Faculty and administrators’ seeming inability to 
understand the responsibilities many students felt to 
their identity and community was not unique to this 
student. Other students spoke more to how physical 
distance from campus life inhibited the formation of 
more support networks. For many of the Latinx grad-
uate student interviewees, the realities of being discon-
nected from the physical campus began long before 
the pandemic (Erichsen & Bolliger, 2011). One non-
ȠȖƺǏǩȠǩȅǿƺǹ�ǾƺǹǓ�ǠȖƺǏȣƺȠǓ�șȠȣǏǓǿȠ�ΛǦȅ�ǩǏǓǿȠǩЙǓș�ƺș�ǩǿ-
digenous Mexican responded “I mean, I’m so discon-
nected because I’m online. I really have no idea how 
SWPU serves students of color. I don’t know honest-
ly… There’s very little interaction, at least for me...”
 These feelings of isolation were further character-
ized by students often being in a position where their 
existing support networks were challenged by unique 
graduate student circumstances. This lack of face-to-
face support, physical distance from campus, and the 
lack of fellow Latinx academics in one’s home depart-
ment played a key role in why an interviewee believes 
many of their Latinx peers drop out. In addition, even 
for students who mentioned that they had a support 
network in place, it was often not the case that the sup-
port network was housed within the university. These 
students often sought support outside of campus, such 
as in the form of an international Latinx graduate sup-
port group, having been driven to this by the universi-
ty’s failure to provide them the support they needed.
 These experiences with isolation speak to a key el-
ement of cultural taxation - the feeling of a lack of 



20

belonging in one’s department due to the to keniz-
ing nature of the lack of support for your racial and 
ǓȠǦǿǩǉ� ǈƺǉǷǠȖȅȣǿǏ� শ=ȅșǓȒǦ� ૭� /ǩȖșǉǦЙǓǹǏॹ� �ষঀࢲࢲࢱࢳ
The common mentor/mentee model did not alle-
viate the isolation felt by many graduate students, 
especially when they sought guidance. For in-
stance, a woman graduate student of mixed Lat-
inx ancestry speaks about how she does not have 
someone in her department she can approach:
“Unfortunately, no, I don’t…even with my research 
mentor, I have asked for a lower workload in the past 
because I feel very overwhelmed and basically got told 
no. I learned very early on that I can’t trust to reach 
out to faculty for support … I have to be very direct 
to be able to get the support that I need and when 
I’m not, it’s not as helpful. So, it’s hard. When I don’t 
know the questions to ask, then I end up not getting 
the help I need… And the growth that I’ve had, the 
progress I make, I always have to approach them for 
it. It’s always about self-advocacy, rather than them 
bringing it to you in a potential teachable moment.”
 Some students were not willing to ascribe this lack 
of mentorship as a problem (i.e., students saying they 
hated to bother faculty or that they believed faculty 
were inherently too busy to be available for graduate 
students). However, students still indicated that they 
felt their mentors often failed to discuss informa-
tion crucial to their degree advancement or failed to 
take notice of their major milestones. For instance, 
another half-Hispanic, half-White woman graduate 
student contributes a sentiment shared by most of 
the graduate student participants under the mentor/
mentee model: “Looking at my department, my advi-
sor talks to me once a semester… a lot of students in 
my department especially feel that we have not been 
supported through the [graduate student] process.”
 This lack of mentorship is often present for 
junior full-time faculty members, but the ad-
ǏǩȠǩȅǿƺǹ� ȒȅΛǓȖ� ǏǩАǓȖǓǿȠǩƺǹ� ǟǓǹȠ� ǈΡ� ǠȖƺǏȣƺȠǓ� șȠȣ-
ǏǓǿȠșॹ� șȒǓǉǩЙǉƺǹǹΡ� ǩǿ� ȖǓǹƺȠǩȅǿ� Ƞȅ� ȠǦǓ� ǉȅǾȒǹǓȠǩȅǿ�
of their degrees, suggests a potential gap between 
student and faculty models of cultural taxation.

Theme Two: Power, Labor, and ‘Something’s Got 
to Give’
� XǓȖǦƺȒș� ȠǦǓ�ǾȅșȠ� șȠȖǩǷǩǿǠ�ǏǩАǓȖǓǿǉǓ� ǩǿ�ǦȅΛ�ǉȣǹ-
tural taxation manifests in graduate students, com-
pared to other members of academia, is in labor ex-

pectations. While faculty often undergo heightened 
expectations of racialized equity labor that their 
non-White peers do not experience (Padilla, 1994), 
respondents did not spontaneously express the same 
ǓΠȒǓǉȠƺȠǩȅǿঀ�vǦǓǿ�ƺșǷǓǏ�șȒǓǉǩЙǉƺǹǹΡ�ƺǈȅȣȠ�ǦȅΛ�ȠǦǓΡ�
participated in diversity labor and advocacy, surpris-
ingly, most interviewees indicated that they did not 
commonly participate in racialized equity labor. Their 
reasons included: fear of retaliation that threatened 
their positions in the department, lack of knowledge 
of where to begin advocacy work, and just wanting 
to ‘keep their heads down’ during the turbulence of 
ǠȖƺǏȣƺȠǓ�șǉǦȅȅǹঀ�eǦǩș�ƺǹșȅ�ǈƺȖǓș�ƺǿ� ǩǿȠǓȖǓșȠǩǿǠ�ǏǩАǓȖ-
ence with how other students’ experiences of cultural 
taxation often manifest. As outlined by Lerma (2020), 
șȠȣǏǓǿȠș�ΛǦȅșǓ�ȒǓȖșȅǿƺǹ� ƺǿǏ�ȒȖȅǟǓșșǩȅǿƺǹ� ǹǩΚǓș� șȣАǓȖ�
for their involvement in racialized equity labor are of-
ten forced to let their academic performance drop due 
Ƞȅ�ȠǦǓ�ǓАȅȖȠ�ǩȠ�ȠƺǷǓș�Ƞȅ�șȣȒȒȅȖȠ�ǉƺǾȒȣș�ǉǦƺǿǠǓঀ�
 In contrast, respondents did not believe that a drop 
in academic or professional performance in exchange 
for engaging in racialized equity labor was a valid op-
tion. One female student with a mixed indigenous and 
Mexican American identity states regarding proposed 
bans of Critical Race Theory in U.S. schools, a politi-
cally charged discussion of which students were aware:
“What makes me want to pause is being aware of legis-
lature with what they want to do about race theory, so 
that does make me consider that there will be retaliation 
linked to [diversity] work… if this happens, it is going to 
come down to my professional or educational experi-
ences being impacted… and I just can’t let that happen.”
 When they did engage in racialized equity la-
bor, more often than not interviewed graduate stu-
dents preferred to conduct it ‘behind the scenes’ or 
ǓΚǓǿ� ȅАেǉƺǾȒȣș� ǓǿȠǩȖǓǹΡঀ� eǦǩș� ǉƺǾǓ� ǟȖȅǾॹ� ǩǿ� ȒƺȖȠॹ�
the disconnection they felt from the campus com-
munity (see theme 1) as well as not wanting to jeop-
ardize their standing in their programs. The same 
woman graduate student who commented on the 
lack of adequate mentorship in Theme 1 elaborates,
“It’s hard to get involved… I think I’ve just kind of been 
working behind the scenes, here for support for people 
who have negative experiences on campus… I’ve been ap-
proached to be recruited for some leadership positions 
[in organizations that support students of color], but 
with my professional life and mental health, I just didn’t 
want to do it… I just want to graduate and move on.”

BRIGGS ET AL.

 



21

CULTURAL TAXATION THEMES IN LATINX GRADUATE STUDENTS.

Respondents often had concerns about engag ing in 
racialized equity labor at the forefront of their expe-
riences. That said, unlike undergraduates of color 
who are perhaps more likely to ‘give up’ their aca-
demic work to support diversity labor on campus, 
or racialized faculty who are compelled to participate 
in diversity labor as an aspect of their employment, 
our study respondents have trouble being as active 
ǩǿ� ǉƺǾȒȣș� ǓȕȣǩȠΡ� ǓАȅȖȠș� ƺș� ȠǦǓΡ� ΛȅȣǹǏ� ǹǩǷǓ� Ƞȅ� ǈǓঀ
 It is here that we see a unique manifestation of 
how cultural taxation may have been realized for this 
șȒǓǉǩЙǉ�șƺǾȒǹǓ�ȅǟ�@ƺȠǩǿΠ�ǠȖƺǏȣƺȠǓ�șȠȣǏǓǿȠșঀ��ș�ǾȣǉǦ�
as they would like to participate in more diversity la-
bor, many fear ‘rocking the boat’ and jeopardizing 
their position on campus. Simultaneously, gradu-
ƺȠǓ� șȠȣǏǓǿȠș� ǾƺΡ� ǿȅȠ� ǈǓ� ƺАȅȖǏǓǏ� ƺș� ǾƺǿΡ� ǉǦƺǿǉǓș�
to engage in racialized equity labor as faculty (even 
if their participation is tokenizing and directly con-
ducive to culturally taxing experiences). This lack of 
engagement can turn into a threat to one’s cultural 
ǩǏǓǿȠǩȠΡ� ƺǿǏ� ƺАǓǉȠ� ȠǦǓǩȖ� ȅΚǓȖƺǹǹ� ǠȖƺǏȣƺȠǓ� șǉǦȅȅǹ� ȠȖƺ-
jectory as one Indigenous Mexican student puts it:
“No, personally, I don’t engage in work on behalf of 
ǉƺǾȒȣș�ǏǩΚǓȖșǩȠΡ�ǓАȅȖȠșॺ�2�ǹǓƺȖǿǓǏ�ȠǦƺȠ�ǷǓǓȒǩǿǠ�ȒǓȅ-
ple at ease gets you far, you’ve got to know how to keep 
people from calling the cops and, you know, not give 
them a reason to feel threatened, but when you start re-
ƺǹǩΦǩǿǠ�ȠǦƺȠ�ǏȅǩǿǠ�șȅ�ǏǓЙǿǩȠǓǹΡ�ǉǦƺǿǠǓș�Ρȅȣॺ�2ঢ়ΚǓ�ǹȅșȠ�
șȅ�ǾȣǉǦঀ�2ঢ়ΚǓ�ǦƺǏ�Ƞȅ�șƺǉȖǩЙǉǓ�ǾΡ�ȅΛǿ�ǩǏǓǿȠǩȠΡ�Ƞȅॹ�Ρȅȣ�
know, stay alive… worrying about everything that’s 
happened distracts me so much from grad school. 
You’d hope that this is something that only comes 
up every so often, but no, it comes up every day.”

Theme Three: Culturally Taxing Levies Against 
Latinx Student Identity
� �� ȖǓǉȣȖȖǩǿǠ� ǓǹǓǾǓǿȠ� ȅǟ� ȖǓșȒȅǿșǓș� Λƺș� ǏǩГǉȣǹȠΡ�
navigating their professional workload due to levies, 
or unique impositions, against Latinx identities. Stu-
dents spoke about how their Latinx identity, rather 
than their general identity as students of color, was 
ƺ� șȒǓǉǩЙǉ� șȠȖǓșșȅȖ�ΛǦǓǿ�ǾƺǿƺǠǩǿǠ� ȠǦǓǩȖ� ǠȖƺǏȣƺȠǓ� ǉƺ-
reers. Navigating their program responsibilities was 
ƺǹșȅ� ǏǩГǉȣǹȠ� ǏȣǓ� Ƞȅ� ȠǦǓ� ǾǩΠǓǏেȖƺǉǓ� ǈƺǉǷǠȖȅȣǿǏ� ȅǟ�
many participants, who had their diversity-centric 
research interests undermined due to ‘not being His-
panic enough’ for other scholars to take their work on 
Latinx populations seriously. One student relayed an 

anecdote whereby a professor requested he change his 
research topic to something more ‘suitable’ to him due 
to ‘passing’ as a person of color. This highlights how 
many non-Latinx academics may be incorrectly assum-
ing what Latinx students ‘should’ present as and how 
that should inform their academic interests. Addition-
ally, many interviewees highlighted how ‘Latinx’ was 
not a term with a lot of explanatory power of their cul-
ȠȣȖƺǹ�ǈƺǉǷǠȖȅȣǿǏș�ǩǿ�ȠǦǓ�ЙȖșȠ�ȒǹƺǉǓঀ�eǦȣșॹ�ǩȠ�Λƺș�ȅǟȠǓǿ�
ǏǩГǉȣǹȠ�Ƞȅ�ǿƺΚǩǠƺȠǓ�ǟǓǓǹǩǿǠș�șȣȖȖȅȣǿǏǩǿǠ�ȠǦǓǩȖ�ǩǏǓǿȠǩȠΡ�
(a key feature of the faculty model of cultural taxation) 
ΛǦǓǿ� ȠȖǓƺȠǓǏ�ƺș� ȠǦȅȣǠǦ� ȠǦǓΡ�ƺȖǓ� ড়ǠǓǿǓȖǩǉঀঢ়�^ȒǓǉǩЙǉƺǹ-
ly, interviewees expressed not wanting to be forced to 
be a representative of all Latinx people. For instance, 
a graduate student from South America comments,
৚eǦǓΡ�ǉȅǿǟȣșǓ�ȅȣȖ�ǏǩАǓȖǓǿȠ�ǉȣǹȠȣȖǓș�ƺǿǏ�ȠǦǓȖǓঢ়ș� ȠǦǩș�
really racist notion that everything south of the U.S. 
is Mexico… Often times they would ask me about 
EǓΠǩǉƺǿ� șȠȣАঀ� 2� ƺǹΛƺΡș� ǦƺΚǓ� Ƞȅ� ǉǹƺȖǩǟΡ� ȠǦƺȠ� 2ঢ়Ǿ� ǿȅȠ�
Mexican. It’s like constantly trying to tell them you’re 
not Mexican and having to prove that we [people 
ǟȖȅǾ�ǾΡ�ǉȅȣǿȠȖΡয�ǦƺΚǓ�ǏǩАǓȖǓǿȠ�ǉȣǹȠȣȖǓș�ƺǿǏ�ȠǦǩǿǠșॹ�
and all I do is get asked ‘do you eat spicy food?’”
 Interviewees also expressed concerns about the 
ǹƺǉǷ� ȅǟ� șȣȒȒȅȖȠ� ǟȅȖ� ЙȖșȠেǠǓǿǓȖƺȠǩȅǿ� ƺǿǏ� ǩǾǾǩǠȖƺǿȠ�
students, especially in the face of severe underrepre-
șǓǿȠƺȠǩȅǿ� ȅǟ� ȠǦǓșǓ� ȒǓȖșȅǿș� ƺǾȅǿǠșȠ� ǟƺǉȣǹȠΡ� ƺǿǏ� șȠƺА�
in their graduate programs. These feelings of under-
representation and lack of support were especially 
apparent in those that come from communities that 
were majority-Latinx. For these students, campus life 
brought the additional stress of being separated from 
a community driven by commonalities to which they 
were accustomed, with accompanying feelings of iso-
lation vis a vis a culturally taxing experience. Students 
ƺǹșȅ� ȅǟȠǓǿ� ǏǩǏ� ǿȅȠ� ǦƺΚǓ� ƺǉǉǓșș� Ƞȅ� șȒǓǉǩЙǉƺǹǹΡ� @ƺȠǩǿΠ�
ǟƺǉȣǹȠΡ� ƺǿǏ� șȠƺА� ΛǦȅ� ȣǿǏǓȖșȠȅȅǏ� ȠǦǓǩȖ� ǓΠȒǓȖǩǓǿǉǓঀ�
As a result, students found themselves facing addi-
tional levels of solitude (see theme 1) not necessarily 
felt by those who were more used to majority-White 
settings. For instance, a Hispanic woman states,
“I mean, I would not call myself a representative 
where I live in [city with Latinx majority popula-
tion] because it’s a minority majority…But as far as 
in [City of University] or as far as campus goes...
ǾΡ� ǿƺǾǓ� ǏȅǓșǿঢ়Ƞ� ЙȠ� ǩǿॹ� 2� Ǐȅǿঢ়Ƞ� ǷǿȅΛ� ΛǦǓȖǓ� Ƞȅ�
Ǡȅॹ� ƺǿǏ� șȣǏǏǓǿǹΡ� 2ঢ়Ǿ� ǹȅȅǷǓǏ� ȣȒȅǿ� ǏǩАǓȖǓǿȠǹΡঀ৛
 This sentiment was echoed by other stud

 



22

dents who agreed that going from an environment 
where they are not looked upon as a representative of 
a race or culture into an environment where it is very 
easy to be perceived as one was jarring and disruptive to 
ȠǦǓǩȖ�ΛȅȖǷঀ�/ǓȖǓ�ΛǓ�șǓǓ�ƺ�ȖǓǹǓΚƺǿȠॹ�ǾȅȖǓ�@ƺȠǩǿΠেșȒǓǉǩЙǉ�
sentiment that may modulate how culturally taxing ex-
periences are understood by Latinx graduate students. 
Many do not necessarily come from backgrounds 
where they built an understanding of their identity as 
coming from a ‘minority group,’ often traveling to ac-
ademia from environments that were majority Latinx. 
2Ƞ� ǩș� șȒǓǉǩЙǉƺǹǹΡ�ΛǩȠǦǩǿ� ƺǉƺǏǓǾǩƺ� ȠǦƺȠ� ȠǦǓșǓ� șȠȣǏǓǿȠș�
are exposed to, even at HSIs, White-dominated space.

Theme Four: Unique Pressures on Women
 Women-identifying interviewees were aware 
of the link between their identity as women, their 
Latinx identity, and the social perceptions of these 
intersecting identities. Pressures on these inter-
viewees were further compounded by the aware-
ness of professionalism or leadership expectations 
ȠǦƺȠ� șǓǓǾ� Ƞȅ� ǉȅǿМǩǉȠ� ΛǩȠǦ� ΛȅǾƺǿǦȅȅǏ� ƺǿǏ� ǟǓǾ-
ininity. For instance, a woman respondent said,
“But once you get into the ranks of leadership, that 
was always historically men. And so, you have to prove 
that while retaining your femininity and your wom-
ƺǿǦȅȅǏॹ�Ρȅȣ�ǉƺǿ�ǈǓ�ƺǿ�ǓАǓǉȠǩΚǓ�ǹǓƺǏǓȖঀ��ǿǏ�ȠǦƺȠ�ǾƺΡ�
ǹȅȅǷ� ƺ� ǹǩȠȠǹǓ� ǈǩȠ� ǏǩАǓȖǓǿȠ� ȠǦƺǿ� ǩȠ� ΛȅȣǹǏ� ȅǿ� ƺ� ǾƺǹǓঀ৛
 However, the way women responded to these 
unique pressures varied. Some women felt the need to 
șȠǩМǓ�ǉǓȖȠƺǩǿ�ǟȅȖǾș�ȅǟ�ǓΠȒȖǓșșǩȅǿ�Ƞȅ�ƺǏǦǓȖǓ�Ƞȅ�ƺ�ǾȅȖǓ�
traditional archetype of professionalism. The mixed-
race student who previously commented on isolation 
ƺǿǏ�ǷǓǓȒǩǿǠ�ƺ�ǹȅΛ�ȒȖȅЙǹǓ�ǩǿ�eǦǓǾǓșࢲ��ƺǿǏࢳ��ǓǹƺǈȅȖƺȠǓșॹ
“Like facial expressions and like expressing emotion, 
like not wanting to come across too harsh, like con-
tinuing to be like smiley and happy…as women we 
have to like teeter the line of being like happy and 
smiley, but also not being, you know, too assertive… 
I think adjusting, knowing when to elevate their fem-
ininity to help in like graduate school or the work-
place and knowing when to kind of dial it down 
to where it’s like, well, she’s just a woman… female 
students have been called too emotional by facul-
ȠΡॺ�ЙǿǏǩǿǠ� ȠǦƺȠ�ǈƺǹƺǿǉǓ�Ǧƺș�ǈǓǓǿ� ȠǦǓ�ǏǩГǉȣǹȠ�ȒƺȖȠঀ৛
� 'ȣȖȠǦǓȖॹ� ƺ� @ƺȠǩǿƺ� șȠȣǏǓǿȠ� ȅАǓȖșॹ
“I have made it a point to, like in my emails, to be more 
ǏǓЙǿǩȠǓ� ǩǿ� ȠǦǓ�ΛƺΡ�2� ȠƺǹǷ�ƺǿǏ� ǹǓșș�ǷǩǿǏঀ�@ǩǷǓঀ� 2�Ǐȅǿঢ়Ƞ�

want to say submissive…but less submissive…I do feel 
the need to be more like of a dominant person or like, 
I don’t want to say manly, but like more just serious.”
 Conversely, other women, even though they were 
aware that their womanhood and femininity might be 
hypervisible, refused to modify their behavior or ex-
pressions of femininity. “And like I said, I don’t and 
I wouldn’t want to suppress it because I’m Mexican, I 
just can’t help myself.” One interviewee also describes 
the ways in which her identity as a woman is pres-
sured externally both from family and the university:
“Women especially have this responsibility [caring for 
family]… And especially being from a from a Hispanic 
ǈƺǉǷǠȖȅȣǿǏॹ�ȠǦƺȠঢ়ș�ǏǓЙǿǩȠǓǹΡ�ȠǦǓ�ǉƺșǓ�ǟȅȖ�ǾΡșǓǹǟॺ�ǿǏ�
so it’s just really unfortunate because being a Hispanic 
female, trying to go through graduate school, it’s al-
most like a double hit…Not only am I hearing it from 
my traditional family members, ‘are you not helping 
take care of your parents or sick elderly parents?’ But 
I’m also hearing from the graduate school saying, 
‘oh, no…this is our role. You have to stick to them.’”
 While some participants felt that their depart-
ments’ standards were equal for both male and fe-
male graduate students, other interviewees noted 
ȠƺǿǠǩǈǹΡ� ǏǩАǓȖǓǿȠ� șȠƺǿǏƺȖǏșॹ� ǈȅȠǦ� șȅǉǩƺǹ� ƺǿǏ� ȒȖȅǉǓ-
dural. When discussing faculty responses to female 
students’ work, one Mexican woman interviewee 
said, “I think there has to be more behind the scenes 
work to present it and be taken the same way as if 
like a male student did.” Regarding other depart-
mental standards, another Hispanic interviewee 
said, “I think men are given a little bit more academ-
ic freedom to express themselves, to pursue more 
things, to take on more and to take on more diverse 
research, whereas women are kind of put into a box.”
 These patterns primarily align with previously 
ǏǩșǉȣșșǓǏ� ЙǿǏǩǿǠș� ǟȅȖ� ΛȅǾǓǿ� ȅǟ� ǉȅǹȅȖ� ǩǿ� ƺǉƺǏǓǾǩƺॹ�
ǓǩȠǦǓȖ� ƺș� șȠȣǏǓǿȠșॹ� șȠƺАॹ�ȅȖ� ǟƺǉȣǹȠΡ�ǾǓǾǈǓȖș� শ(ȣȠǩǔȖ-
ȖǓΦ� Ρ�EȣǦș� ǓȠ� ƺǹঀॹ� �আ�/ǩȖșǦЙǓǹǏ�૭ࢳࢲࢱࢳ =ȅșǓȒǦॹ� �আࢳࢲࢱࢳ
Anantachai & Chelsey, 2018; Niemann et al., 2020). 
Responses indicate that Latinx women engage in labor 
intended to balance their personal identities with oth-
ers’ expectations and face unique identity challenges as 
graduate students. This is evidenced in the frequency 
that interviewees discuss personal and cultural obliga-
tions to engage in these forms of labor in the context of 
not being adequately represented in one’s department 
amongst students and faculty. One Latina interviewee 

BRIGGS ET AL.



23

stated, “I’m the only one of me. I never saw anybody 
that I can really think of, I saw one other Hispanic girl 
in all my classes this semester, but that was it.”  
That same interviewee also alluded to Joseph and 
/ǩȖșǦЙǓǹǏঢ়ș�শࢳࢲࢱࢳষ�Ǐǩșǉȣșșǩȅǿ�ȅǟ�ȠǦǓ�ΛƺΡș�ȠǦƺȠ�ǿǓǠƺȠǩΚǓ�
ȒǓȖǉǓȒȠǩȅǿș�ȅǟ�ƺГȖǾƺȠǩΚǓ�ƺǉȠǩȅǿ�ȒȖȅǠȖƺǾș�ǉƺǿ�ǉƺșȠ�ƺ�
shadow on women when she says, “I did have once a 
guy tell me he thinks that women have more opportu-
ǿǩȠǩǓșॺΛǦǩǉǦ�ǷǩǿǏ�ȅǟ�ǈȅȠǦǓȖǓǏ�ǾǓ�ȅȖ�ǏǓЙǿǩȠǓǹΡ�ǈȅȠǦ-
ered me because that’s not true.” Multiple women also 
discussed how they felt their research or intellectual 
contributions were devalued because they involved 
discussions of race or diversity. One woman interview-
ǓǓ�ΛǦȅ�ǩǏǓǿȠǩЙǓș�ƺș�vǦǩȠǓ�@ƺȠǩǿȅ�ƺǿǏ�EǓΠǩǉƺǿ�șȠƺȠǓșॹ�
“That [area of expertise] gets downplayed…And then 
also being like a female and also being like Latina, like 
not knowing what the issues actually are. Even though 
ȠǦǓΡ� ǏǩșȒȖȅȒȅȖȠǩȅǿƺȠǓǹΡ� ƺАǓǉȠ� @ƺȠǩǿȅș� ॺ�ǿǏ� șȅ� 2ঢ়Ǿ�
not being taken seriously on all those accounts.”

Theme Five: Reluctance to Assign Responsibili-
ty and Accountability
� �ǿȅȠǦǓȖ�ȠǦǓǾǓ�ǩǏǓǿȠǩЙǓǏ�ǈΡ�ȠǦǓ�ȖǓșǓƺȖǉǦ�ȠǓƺǾ�Λƺș�
the apparent reluctance of Latinx graduate students to 
label their experiences and the actions of others as po-
tential instances of racial prejudice or systemic prob-
lems. When asked if they had experienced prejudice 
or discrimination on campus, some participants qual-
ǩЙǓǏ�ȠǦǓǩȖ�ƺǿșΛǓȖș�ƺș�ǈǓǩǿǠ�ড়ǿȅȠ�șǓȖǩȅȣșॹঢ়�ǈǓǩǿǠ�ȣǿșȣȖǓ�
if it was prejudice, or otherwise not qualifying events 
as instances of racial prejudice, despite then pro-
ceeding to acknowledge that these events may have 
been racially motivated or inducive to harm for peo-
ple of a Latinx background. For instance, a student 
ΛǦȅ� ǩǏǓǿȠǩЙǓǏ� ƺș� Ǧƺǹǟ�EǓΠǩǉƺǿ� ƺǿǏ� Ǧƺǹǟ�vǦǩȠǓ� șƺǩǏॹ��
“No, I really haven’t [experienced discrimination], for 
my race or ethnic background… but you know, there 
are aspects of your identity that causes others to dis-
criminate or be prejudiced towards you… I guess like, 
ΛǩȠǦ� ǾΡ� ȠǓƺǉǦǓȖșॹ� ȠǦǓΡ� șƺΡ� ȠǦǩǿǠș� ȠǦƺȠ� ƺȖǓ� ȅАǓǿșǩΚǓ�
in a classroom [to Latinx students] … I don’t know 
ǩǟ� ǩȠ� ǉȅȣǿȠșॹ� ǈȣȠ� ȠǦǓȖǓঢ়ș� ǏǓЙǿǩȠǓǹΡ� ǈǓǓǿ� ǹǩǷǓ� ȠǦǩǿǠș�
that have been said or done that are kind of crappy, 
ǈȣȠ� ƺǉȠȣƺǹǹΡ� ǿȅȠ� ȖǓƺǹǹΡ� ȅАǓǿșǩΚǓ� Ƞȅ� ǾǓ� șȒǓǉǩЙǉƺǹǹΡঀ৛
 Students also seemed hesitant to identify behavior 
as prejudiced when it was more systemic or covert in 
nature. Interviewees often went to great lengths to pro-
ΚǩǏǓ�ȠǦǓ�ǈǓǿǓЙȠ�ȅǟ�ȠǦǓ�ǏȅȣǈȠॹ�ȅȖ�ȅȣȠȖǩǠǦȠ�ǏǓǿΡ�ȠǦǓ�Ȓȅș-

sibility their experiences may have been based on sys-
temic issues. For instance, one Mexican woman states,
“I couldn’t really say [if I had experienced prejudice on 
campus] …  but it’s not like they’re going to say, ‘we’re 
going to discriminate against you.’ But you see the in-
equalities, you see what’s happening with the person 
next to you and yourself… I see it, but I can’t prove it.”
 One other Hispanic man describes that, “I’ve nev-
er experienced any racism or discrimination within 
campus… I was just given a bad set of cards in my hand 
and well, tough luck right? No one ever said life was 
fair. So sometimes you’ve got to put in the extra work, 
you got to put in the extra mile, but it’s not always 
easy, right? I think I remember sometimes where I was 
ǹǩǷǓ�Ǿƺǿॹ�2�ΛǩșǦ�2�Λƺș�ǈȅȖǿ�ƺ�ǏǩАǓȖǓǿȠ�ΛƺΡॹ�2�ΛǩșǦ�ǾΡ�
family would have prepared for me to come to a college 
where I didn’t have to worry about work…”
 When asked to elaborate on their experiences, 
several students cited examples that included, but are 
not limited to: feeling pressured to be more prepared 
for classroom discussion than White male colleagues 
who ‘got away’ with not doing their homework or the 
reading, being forcibly labeled with terms they active-
ly did not associate with (such as Chicanx or Latinx), 
having to defend their interest in diversity research, 
having to defend their expertise in work unrelated 
to diversity, and feeling like prejudice they experi-
enced was more a fact of reality for them rather than 
something with a solution that they or the university 
could pursue. One Mexican woman student describes, 
“Regardless of what I do… People are going to see the 
color of my skin, and they’re going to be prejudiced… 
but I know I can’t advocate for me or my people… this 
doesn’t feel like a place where the perception of you, or the 
perception of your classmates is ever going to change.”
 This very same student in an earlier response, 
however, professed that they believed the universi-
ty to be doing very well in supporting students of 
color, claiming, “The university is basically doing 
all the things they can to really increase the visibili-
ty of the [student of color] population, and some-
thing I pride myself in as a student of the university.”
 In applying this absolution to cultural taxation, a 
key distinction between the Latinx graduate, faculty, 
and undergraduate experiences may be unveiled here: 
graduate students may be more likely to undergo the 
mental and emotional labor associated with witness-
ǩǿǠ�ǩǿǓȕȣǩȠǩǓș�ΛǩȠǦȅȣȠ�ЙǿǏǩǿǠ�ǉȣǹȒƺǈǹǓ�ȒǹƺΡǓȖș�ǩǿ�ȅǿǓঢ়ș�

CULTURAL TAXATION THEMES IN LATINX GRADUATE STUDENTS.



24

BRIGGS ET AL.

environment. This is not to say tgraduate students 
deny that action is important (see theme 2). Rath-
er, in light of a situation in which participating in 
diversity labor is something that is not made ac-
cessible, it may be safer for students to draw their 
focus away from areas in need of improvement.

Discussion
 The present study explores whether current un-
derstandings of cultural taxation, often modeled from 
faculty’s experiences, are applicable to Latinx graduate 
students. Findings suggest that there are aspects of Pa-
dilla’s model of cultural taxation that apply, but that 
universal application across faculty and graduate stu-
ǏǓǿȠș�ǾƺΡ�ǿȅȠ�ǈǓ�ƺȒȒȖȅȒȖǩƺȠǓঀ�eǦǓǾǓș�ǩǏǓǿȠǩЙǓǏ�ǩǿ�ȠǦǩș�
șƺǾȒǹǓ�șȣǠǠǓșȠ�ȠǦƺȠ�ȠǦǓȖǓ�ƺȖǓ�ȒȅΛǓȖ�ǏǩАǓȖǓǿȠǩƺǹș�ƺȠ�ȒǹƺΡ�
that distinguish cultural taxation in graduate students 
ǟȖȅǾ�ȠǦƺȠ�ȅǟ�ȅȠǦǓȖ�ƺǉƺǏǓǾǩǉ�ȒȅȒȣǹƺȠǩȅǿșঀ�^ȒǓǉǩЙǉƺǹǹΡॹ�
like faculty, present Latinx graduate students outlined 
ǟǓǓǹǩǿǠș�ȅǟ�ǩșȅǹƺȠǩȅǿ�ȠǦƺȠ�ΛǓȖǓ�ȅǟȠǓǿ�ǩǿȠǓǿșǩЙǓǏ�ǈΡ�ȠǦǓǩȖ�
origination from majority-minority settings and the 
lack of Latinx colleagues. Students also cited fatigue 
due to perceived slights against their identities that 
stemmed from being asked to represent and/or work 
ȠȅΛƺȖǏș� ǏǩΚǓȖșǩȠΡ� ǓАȅȖȠș� ȠǦƺȠ� ǾƺΡ� ȅȖ� ǾƺΡ� ǿȅȠ� ǦƺΚǓ�
been of interest to them professionally. However, di-
verging slightly from faculty’s experiences, we see pow-
ǓȖ�ǏǩАǓȖǓǿȠǩƺǹș�ȒǹƺΡ�ƺ�ǾȅȖǓ�ǏǩȖǓǉȠ�ȖȅǹǓ�ǏȣǓ�Ƞȅ�șȠȣǏǓǿȠșঢ়�
reliance on a direct supervisor with stark levels of con-
trol over their graduate experience (and, to an extent, 
ǹǩΚǓǹǩǦȅȅǏষঀ�eǦǓșǓ�ȒȅΛǓȖ�ǏǩАǓȖǓǿȠǩƺǹș�ƺȖǓ�ǟȣȖȠǦǓȖ�ǓΠƺǉ-
erbated by strong ties to university administration, and 
all these tethers could inhibit the ease with which grad-
uate students were able to participate in equity labor.
� 2șȅǹƺȠǩȅǿ� ǩǿ� ȅǿǓঢ়ș� ǏǓȒƺȖȠǾǓǿȠ� ȖǓМǓǉȠș� ȒƺȠȠǓȖǿș�
in racialized faculty outlined by Padilla (1994). Both 
graduate students and faculty must overcome the isola-
tion that accompanies statistical underrepresentation 
throughout the department. Tokenism may also be an 
underlying commonality between faculty and graduate 
student experiences. Among the consequences of to-
kenism are isolation, representativeness, lack of regard 
for race-based research areas, attributional ambiguity 
(which refers to not knowing how to interpret feed-
back), and loneliness (Niemann, 2016), all of which 
ΛǓȖǓ� ȖǓМǓǉȠǓǏ� ǩǿ� șȠȣǏǓǿȠșঢ়� ȖǓșȒȅǿșǓș� ǩǿ� ȠǦǩș� șȠȣǏΡঀ
� KȣȖ�șƺǾȒǹǓঢ়ș�ǏǩГǉȣǹȠΡ�ǩǿ�ǩǿǉȅȖȒȅȖƺȠǩǿǠ�ǏǩΚǓȖșǩȠΡ�
into their work while navigating departmental dynam-

ǩǉș�ǩș�ȖǓМǓǉȠǩΚǓ�ȅǟ�ȅȠǦǓȖ�ǠȖƺǏȣƺȠǓ�șȠȣǏǓǿȠșঢ়�ȠǓșȠǩǾȅǿǩǓșঀ�
Carbajal (2021) described the ways in which multiple 
members of his predominately White department re-
ferred to diversity and identity characteristics as nui-
sance variables. Discussions surrounding diversity 
have a steep impact on departmental and program cul-
ture, particularly for graduate students (Grady et al., 
2014). Further, when faculty members are dismissive 
ȅǟ�ȖǓǹƺȠǓǏ�ΛȅȖǷ�ȅȖ�ǓАȅȖȠșॹ�ǩȠ�ǉƺǿ�ǏǩșǉȅȣȖƺǠǓ�ȠǦǓ�ǠȖƺǏȣ-
ate student and add to the isolation they feel. Unfortu-
nately, this can lead graduate students to feel that they 
do not have a trusted resource who can identify with 
their experiences to help their navigation through ac-
ademia and professional skill development (Moore et 
al., 2020). A graduate student’s livelihood is also de-
pendent on maintaining a positive relationship with 
the department and, by extension, the administration. 
Racialized graduate students not only hold this tenu-
ous relationship but also must endure the additional 
costs of being a racialized person within a predomi-
nately White space (Vargas & Villo-Palomino, 2018).
 Levies or taxations against our sample of Latinx 
students seem to stem from multiple sources. First, the 
homogenization of all identities that are supposed to 
be encompassed by the ‘Latinx’ label places students 
in a precarious situation where they are motivated to 
defend themselves and their individual identity while 
ƺǹșȅ�ǾƺǩǿȠƺǩǿǩǿǠ� șȅǉǩƺǹ�ǦƺȖǾȅǿΡঀ�eǦǩș� ǩș� ȖǓМǓǉȠǩΚǓ�ȅǟ�
impositions on racialized faculty who are presumed to 
serve as a ‘cure-all’ for diversity needs, recycling the rac-
ist notion that one person of color can serve as a single 
representative of a department’s diversity values (Lo-
pez, 1997; Niemann, 2016). However, our sample en-
gaged in an extra layer of mental and emotional labor 
that sought to eclipse the university’s role in inequita-
ble practices. In application, this theme likely occurs 
simultaneously with both the theme of isolation and 
ȠǦǓ� ȠǦǓǾǓ� ȅǟ� ȒȅΛǓȖ� ǏǩАǓȖǓǿȠǩƺǹșॸ� ǠȖƺǏȣƺȠǓ� șȠȣǏǓǿȠș�
do not feel the necessary sense of community nor 
the motivational autonomy to go head-to-head with 
powerful players in the department or administration. 
Therefore, to help calm their senses of personal or cul-
tural obligation, they 1) do not seek out participation 
in equity labor that could put their security at risk 
and 2) do not place blame on those who could insti-
gate their educational and professional destruction.
 Concerning the taxation of Latinx graduate wom-
en, nearly all women participants cited unique pres-



25

CULTURAL TAXATION THEMES IN LATINX GRADUATE STUDENTS.

sures to their combined gender and cultural identities 
during their time as graduate students. Pressures asso-
ciated with identity as it relates to womanhood and 
professionalism are a common challenge due to the 
antithetical associations between femininity and what 
is considered professional (Lewis, 2011). Women in 
working environments often feel pressured to endorse 
ǴȣșȠ�ǓǿȅȣǠǦ�ΛȅǾƺǿǹΡ�ǈǓǦƺΚǩȅȖș� Ƞȅ�ƺΚȅǩǏ�ǏǩșǉȅǿЙȖǾ-
ing feminine stereotypes while simultaneously con-
forming to rigid standards of professionalism (Rud-
man & Phelan, 2008). While women hold more than 
half of all graduate degrees and outnumber men in as-
sistant professorships, academia still perpetuates these 
disparate standards through the overrepresentation 
of men in both full professorships and administrative 
positions (Lee & Won, 2014). Identity pressures are 
further exacerbated for women of color as they bal-
ance expectations based on both race and gender in 
addition to navigating often restrictive systems of pro-
fessionalism (Rudman & Glick, 2001; Eagly & Carli, 
2003; Brescoll & Uhlmann, 2008). These pressures 
may be exacerbated by Latinx cultural values about 
the primary role of women as wives and mothers.
 Future research should explore other marginalized 
racial and ethnic groups within the graduate student 
population to identify unique or overlapping needs 
and experiences as they relate to cultural taxation. 
vǦǩǹǓ� ΛǓ� ǏǩǏ� ǿȅȠ� ЙǿǏ� ǓΠȒǹǩǉǩȠ� ǓΚǩǏǓǿǉǓ� ȅǟ� @ǓȖǾƺঢ়ș�
labor appropriation cycle in our sample, this frame-
work should still be explored in samples of graduate 
students (i.e., those that are actively involved in leading 
ȣǿǩΚǓȖșǩȠΡ�ǏǩΚǓȖșǩȠΡ�ǓАȅȖȠșষঀ�EȅȖǓ�ΛȅȖǷ�ǩș�ƺǹșȅ�ǿǓǓǏǓǏ�
to understand the unique position of women gradu-
ate students of color, particularly regarding academic 
and labor expectations. While there can be similarities 
amongst racialized groups’ experiences, researchers 
should take care to disaggregate their methods and 
analyses regarding race, gender, and cultural experi-
ences. A simple step in this direction could be allowing 
participants the opportunity to provide their racial, 
ethnic, and gender identities in a free-response format 
rather than relying on normalized checkbox ques-
tionnaires that could limit participants’ expression.

Limitations
 There are limitations to this project that must 
be addressed. There may be other experiences within 
this population that were not presented by our limit-

ed sample. Additionally, this work relied entirely on 
subjective qualitative analyses. While qualitative work 
allows for the nuanced depiction of participants’ lived 
experiences, these topics could be supplemented with 
quantitative work (e.g., a cross-university survey that 
could illustrate these experiences proportional to en-
rollment). Similarly, while quantitative measures of 
intercoder reliability are often considered inappro-
priate for judging qualitative work (Braun & Clarke, 
2013), our choice not to implement such a measure 
ǾƺΡ� ǩǿМȣǓǿǉǓ� ȅȠǦǓȖșঢ়� ȒǓȖǉǓȒȠǩȅǿș� ȅǟ� ȅȣȖ� ǩǿȠǓȖȒȖǓ-
ȠƺȠǩȅǿșঀ� 'ǩǿƺǹǹΡॹ� ǏƺȠƺ� ȅǿǹΡ� ȖǓМǓǉȠ� ȠǦǓ� ǓΠȒǓȖǩǓǿǉǓș� ȅǟ�
Latinx graduate students at one university in the 
southwestern United States. It is possible that man-
ifestations of cultural taxation for Latinx graduate 
șȠȣǏǓǿȠș�ǉȅȣǹǏ�МȣǉȠȣƺȠǓ�ƺǉǉȅȖǏǩǿǠ� Ƞȅ� ȠǦǓ� ȖǓǠǩȅǿ�ƺǿǏ�
racial and ethnic makeup of the surrounding areas.

Conclusion
 Cultural taxation and related models must more 
inclusively account for the graduate student experi-
ence, including the psychological and physical toll 
that may result from tokenization, lack of cultural 
knowledge, and seeming practical irrelevance of the 
word “serving” for HSI designations. Within these 
contexts, students are driven to not only advocate for 
themselves as they navigate their degree but to simulta-
neously avoid rocking the boat in the hopes that they 
ǉƺǿ� ǠȖƺǏȣƺȠǓ� ƺǿǏ�ǾƺǷǓ� ƺ� ǏǩАǓȖǓǿǉǓ� ǩǿ� ȠǦǓǩȖ� ǟƺǾǩǹǩǓș�
and communities with their careers. Furthermore, stu-
dents may be driven to expend mental and emotional 
labor absolving their institutions of blame in the face 
of inequity due to their unique position as not-just-
students and not-quite-faculty. We invite scholars to 
incorporate mental and emotional burdens, as well as 
related phenomena like tokenism, into their conceptu-
alization of cultural taxation. The cognitive work as-
sociated with processing a discriminatory or culturally 
exclusive environment (e.g., questioning one’s experi-
ences and coping with isolation and discrimination) 
undoubtedly contributes to the invisible work con-
ducted by marginalized members of the department.
 The dearth of culturally sensitive faculty mentors 
exacerbates the challenges of Latinx students. For in-
stance, despite being in an area of the country where 
nearly 40% of citizens self-identify as Latinx, graduate 
șȠȣǏǓǿȠ�ǓǿȖȅǹǹǾǓǿȠ�ƺȠ�ȠǦǩș�ȒȖȅǴǓǉȠঢ়ș�^vXh�ǹƺǠș�șǩǠǿǩЙ-
cantly behind this number at 15%, which also falls be-



26

Factbook, 2020). Starker still is how these numbers 
compare to the presence of Latinx faculty. Inclusive 
of lecturers, tenure-track, and tenured professors, only 
-�ǟƺǉȣǹȠΡ�ǩǏǓǿȠǩЙǓǏ�ƺș�@ƺȠǩǿΠॹ�ƺǿ�ȣǿǏǓȖࢱࢱࢱࢲ�ઔ�ȅǟ�ȅΚǓȖࢷ
representation that directly impacts the mentor-men-
tee model that many graduate programs employ. 
Without knowledgeable mentors who can help Latinx 
students navigate and interpret feedback and expe-
riences, students may live in a state of attributional 
ambiguity. That is, they may not know whether their 
experiences are based on their accomplishments, suc-
cesses, writing, skills, etc., or whether they are a func-
tion of racism, sexism, homophobia, and other biases.
 Finally, universities and institutions should not 
only take care to ensure that graduate students have 
access to the resources and mentorship that they 
need, but also be aware that, even within the context 
of an HSI, students could be challenged by cultur-
ally taxing experiences due to tokenism, isolation, 
heightened need for self-advocating labor, and sac-
ȖǩЙǉǩǿǠ� ȒƺȖȠǩǉǩȒƺȠǩȅǿ� ǩǿ� ȣǿǩΚǓȖșǩȠΡ� ǉǦƺǿǠǓঀ� 2ǿșȠǩȠȣ-
tions must move beyond upholding diversity for 
accreditation and honor, or funding, as is the case 
with an HSI designation. It is time for university ad-
ministrators to pay particular attention to the word 
“Serving” in the label Hispanic Serving Institution.

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29

CULTURAL TAXATION THEMES IN LATINX GRADUATE STUDENTS

Appendix A



30

CULTURAL TAXATION THEMES IN LATINX GRADUATE STUDENTS

Appendix B


