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Graduate Student Journal of Psychology
2023, Vol. 20

Copyright 2023 by the Department of Counseling and Clinical Psychology
Teachers College, Columbia University

Understanding Migration and Resettlement 
Experiences of Uzbek Immigrants in the United States

Anastasiya Tsoy1, Khanh T. Dinh1, & Sharifa Djurabaeva2
1 University of Massachusetts Lowell, Department of Psychology,

2 Dennis-Yarmouth High School, Massachusetts
This qualitative study utilized a thematic six-step analysis process of interview data to identify prominent themes 
in the life experiences of 20 Uzbek immigrants regarding their migration to and resettlement in the United States; 
it also examined gender differences in their experiences. The results indicated that at the time of migration, most 
Uzbek participants were well-educated, middle class, and in their mid-20s. The primary reasons for their migration 
were limited socioeconomic and employment opportunities, and the declining educational quality in Uzbekistan. 
Uzbek participants reported some difficulties in their resettlement, including language barriers, cultural challenges, 
and financial stress. Most participants felt welcomed by the host community, believed in the “American dream,” con-
sidered themselves successful, and envisioned their future in the US rather than in Uzbekistan. Across all interview 
questions, women tended to focus on their children’s well-being and the opportunity to gain personal freedom in 
terms of education and employment, whereas career aspirations and achievement of financial stability were the focus 
for men. The results from this study provide much-needed information about the life experiences of Uzbek immi-
grants in the US and have implications for future research with this understudied population from Central Asia.
 Keywords: Uzbek immigrants, migration, resettlement, cultural adjustment, gender differences 

 The immigrant population in the United States 
(US) is the largest in the world; more than 40 million 
people living in the US were born in another country 
(Budiman, 2020). With future waves of immigration, 
the demographics of the US population will con-
tinue to change, resulting in increased diversity and 
awareness of new immigrant groups. Over the past 
two decades, the number of Uzbek immigrants in the 
US increased from 22,800 in 2000 to 65,126 in 2019 
(US Census Bureau, 2020), making them the largest 
group of immigrants from Central Asia. For most Uz-
beks who migrated to the US after 2000 (US Depart-
ment of Homeland Security, 2021), the pathway for 
legal immigration has been the Diversity Immigrant 
Visa Program (DV Program) or Green Card Lottery. 
Among Central Asian countries, Uzbekistan is the 
country with the highest number of DV Program lot-
tery winners (4,494), followed by Tajikistan (1,209), 
Kazakhstan (1,020), Kyrgyzstan (753), and Turkmen-
istan (306) (US Department of State, 2018). Over the 
last decade, researchers have explored migration and 
cultural adjustment of immigrants from post-Soviet 
countries but with a limited number of participants 
from Uzbekistan (Birman & Taylor-Ritzler, 2007; Bir-
man & Trickett, 2001; Roytburd & Friedlander, 2008). 
Therefore, the primary goals of this qualitative study 
were to address this gap in the research literature and to 
identify the prominent themes related to the migration 
and resettlement of Uzbek immigrants in the US. In 
addition, we placed particular emphasis on exploring 
potential gender differences across these experiences.

Migration of Uzbek Immigrants to the US
 The first wave of migration from Uzbekistan to 
the US began in 1991, after perestroika (refers to the 
restructuring of the Soviet political and economic sys-
tem during the 1980s; for more information, see e.g., 
https://www.history.com/topics/cold-war/perestroi-
ka-and-glasnost) and the breakup of the Soviet Union. 
The Uzbek community in the US has grown quick-
ly (Jackson, 2010; Kordunksy et al., 2012; Moskin, 
2006), and currently, Uzbek immigrants reside in 
more than nineteen states (US Census Bureau, 2020). 
However, it is difficult to precisely quantify the num-
ber of Uzbek immigrants living in the US because pri-
or to 2000, Uzbek immigrants were recorded as origi-
nating from the former Soviet Union. Official routes 
of migration employed by Uzbeks include the DV 
Program, student and tourist visas, and asylum (US 
Department of Homeland Security, 2021). However, 
the fastest way to come to the US remains the DV Pro-
gram. In 2020, the number of Uzbeks who applied for 
the DV Program was 1,674,787 (2,572,653 with de-
rivatives or 8% of the Uzbek population), making Uz-
bekistan the nation with the second-highest applica-
tion rate after Ghana (US Department of State, 2022).
 Uzbek migration is influenced by both push and 
pull factors, where push factors (e.g., political repres-
sion, lack of education, poverty) impact citizens’ moti-
vation to leave Uzbekistan, and pull factors (e.g., better 
opportunities, employment, safety, political stability, 
psychological and physical well-being) attract people 
to relocate (Castles, 2013; Lee, 1966). The primary 



154

reasons Uzbeks migrate to other countries are the lack 
of job opportunities, followed by low life satisfaction, 
job insecurity, and unemployment (Seitz, 2019). Re-
searchers also noted that outdated education in Uz-
bekistan negatively impacts the quality of training, 
making Uzbeks less suited for the current job market, 
leading to unemployment and low life satisfaction (Li-
brary of Congress, 2007; Ruziev & Burkhanov, 2018). 
Uzbekistan’s slow transition to a market economy also 
has been challenging for Uzbek citizens to adapt suc-
cessfully under the new political and economic system 
(Batsaikhan & Dabrowski, 2017). These various push 
factors may reflect the pre-migration stress experi-
enced by Uzbeks prior to their migration to the U.S.
 For many immigrants, regardless of their status or 
reasons for migration, the relocation process is chal-
lenging and stressful (Dinh, 2009; Heleniak, 2004; Vi-
nokurov et al., 2020; Yakushko, Watson et al., 2008). 
Immigrants experience depression, isolation, and 
homesickness both during and after migration. Im-
migrants may also experience pre-migration stress and 
face additional challenges after their relocation (Amer-
ican Psychological Association [APA], 2012, 2013).
Resettlement of Uzbek Immigrants in the US
 Uzbek immigrants reside primarily on the West 
and East Coasts (US Census Bureau, 2020) and live 
in Russian-speaking ethnic enclaves (Vinokurov et al., 
2020). For example, many Uzbeks living in New York 
City have recreated makhallas (neighborhoods or lo-
cal communities), built thriving environments for the 
Uzbek community (e.g., supermarkets, restaurants,      
offices with bilingual staff), and replaced well-known 
post-Soviet Jewish neighborhoods, such as Brighton 
Beach, Sheepshead Bay, Bensonhurst in Brooklyn (Kor-
dunksy et al., 2012), Forest Hills, Rego Park, and Kew 
Gardens in Queens (Jackson, 2010; Moskin, 2006).
 Approximately 59% of Uzbek immigrants are pro-
ficient in English, and 53% have bachelor’s degrees or 
more advanced degrees (US Census Bureau, 2020). 
However, most Uzbek immigrants prefer to speak Rus-
sian at home and maintain their customs, traditions, 
and post-Soviet values (Birman et al., 2005; Birman et 
al., 2014). Although most recent Uzbek immigrants 
are blue-collar workers, established immigrants have 
pursued careers in the arts, business, academia, and 
medicine. Additionally, Uzbek immigrants have estab-
lished nonprofit organizations to raise awareness and 
serve the needs of the Uzbek and Central Asian com-

munities in the US (e.g., Turkestanian American As-
sociation, Uzbek American Association of Chicago).
 The resettlement of immigrants and their adjust-
ment to new social and cultural norms can be stressful, 
a process that can last from several months to sever-
al years or more (Dinh, 2009; Schwartz et al., 2006). 
Immigrants experience acculturative stress from var-
ious factors, including language barriers, social and 
cultural challenges, trauma-based problems, hostile 
attitudes from host communities (e.g., anti-immi-
grant comments), and discrimination (APA, 2012, 
2013; Dinh & Le, 2019; Roytburd & Friedlander, 
2008; Vinokurov et al., 2020; Yakushko, Backhaus et 
al., 2008). Many immigrants from post-Soviet coun-
tries, including Uzbekistan, value ethnically dense 
communities within the US (Vinokurov et al., 2020), 
where they can receive social support and main-
tain many facets of their pre-migration lifestyle 
(Birman & Trickett, 2001; Birman et al., 2005). 
Gender Differences in Uzbekistan 
 Central Asian cultures are generally considered 
collectivistic and have traditional gender roles. Like 
other Central Asian countries, Uzbekistan is patriar-
chal: Men serve as “breadwinners” while women fulfill 
the primary duties as homemakers and family care-
givers (Kamp, 2018). In Uzbekistan, early marriages, 
where one or both spouses enter marriage at the age 
of 18 or under, vary from 46% to 61%, depending 
on the region of the country (The State Committee 
of the Republic of Uzbekistan on Statistics, 2019). 
Typically, women tend to enter marriage earlier than 
men. Even though the literacy rate among school-age 
girls (7-15 years old) in Uzbekistan is 99.9%, young 
married women are limited in their access to higher 
education; they also face other risks associated with 
early marriage, including depression and domestic vi-
olence (Bacchus et al., 2018; Buzi et al., 2015; Chan-
dra-Mouli et al., 2015). Additionally, girls and women 
in Uzbekistan have restricted freedom of choice, in-
cluding reproductive rights (Kamp, 2018), especially 
after marriage. These gender disparities in education 
enable Uzbek men to further leverage the benefits 
of a patriarchal society and leave fewer opportuni-
ties for women in both education and employment.
The Current Study
 Although there has been interest in understand-
ing the experiences of Asian immigrants in the US, 
little research has explored the lives of immigrants 

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155

MIGRATION AND RESETTLEMENT OF UZBEK IMMIGRANTS

from Central Asia, especially those from Uzbeki-
stan. This study, the first of its kind, was designed to 
address this gap. Using a thematic six-step analysis 
process (Braun & Clarke, 2006; Braun et al., 2019), 
this study identified common themes in the Uzbek 
migration and resettlement narratives, including the 
reasons for emigration from their homeland and the 
experiences of establishing a new life in the US.  In 
addition, we explored potential gender differenc-
es in these migration and resettlement experiences.
Research Team
 In qualitative research, it is important to pres-
ent the research team’s background information 
that is relevant to the current research work. The re-
search team for this study was comprised of three 
researchers at the master’s or doctoral level in their 
training and academic career. The first and third au-
thors were born in Uzbekistan. They are fluent or 
proficient in English, Russian, and Uzbek languag-
es and familiar with Uzbek culture and immigration 
issues. The second author was born in Vietnam and 
has conducted extensive research with Asian and Lat-
inx immigrant and refugee populations in the U.S.

Method
Participants
 Twenty Uzbek immigrants residing in the US 
(10 female participants and 10 male participants, ac-
cording to participants’ self-identification and pro-
nouns preference), ranging in age from 20–48 years 
old (M = 32; SD = 6.88), participated in the study. 
Nineteen participants were born in Uzbekistan, and 
one was born in Russia but arrived in Uzbekistan 
by the age of one and was raised there. Most partic-
ipants identified as Uzbek (n = 14) or mixed ethnic-
ity (n = 3; Uzbek-Russian, Uzbek-Korean-Russian, 
Uzbek-Greek). 90% of participants achieved a bache-
lor’s degree or higher and 10% were in the process of 
completing a bachelor’s degree. Regarding socioeco-
nomic status, 70% identified as middle class, 20% as 
lower class, and 10% as upper-middle class. In terms of 
living accommodations, 65% rented a house or apart-
ment and 35% owned a house. Please see Table 1 for 
a summary of participants’ demographic information.
Migration and Resettlement-Related Demo-
graphic Information 
 The participants’ year of immigration ranged 
from 1993 to 2017, with an average of 8.55 years of res-

idence in the US. The mean age of participants at the 
time of migration was 23.25 years old, ranging from 8 
to 42 years old. 30% of participants migrated through 
the DV Program, 20% via student visa, 15% via tourist 
visa, 15% via work and travel program, 15% via unifica-
tion with family, and 5% did not specify visa type. All 
participants were US citizens or permanent residents at 
the time of their interview. Most participants migrat-
ed to the US alone, while other participants migrated 
with parents, siblings, or spouses and children. At the 
time of their migration, 10 participants had relatives in 
the US and 18 had friends from Uzbekistan who were 
living in the US. At the time of their interview, par-
ticipants were residing in 10 states and      the District 
of Columbia. The primary languages in participants’ 
homes in Uzbekistan were a mix of Uzbek and Russian 
(n = 13), Uzbek alone (n = 4), and Russian alone (n = 
3). After migration, many Uzbeks used a mix of English 
and Russian at home (n = 8), followed by English (n = 
4), Russian (n = 3), a mix of Uzbek, English, and Rus-
sian (n = 3), a mix of English, Russian, and Croatian (n 
= 1), and a mix of Uzbek and English (n = 1). None of 
our participants used Uzbek as their primary language 
at home after migration. An equal number of female 
and male participants learned English in Uzbekistan 
(n = 16). Please see Table 2 for additional migration 
and resettlement-related demographic information.
Procedure 
 Following approval by the Institutional Review 
Board to conduct this research study, we recruited 
participants through social media posts on Facebook, 
LinkedIn, and Instagram (please see Appendix A: Re-
cruitment Invitation for Social Media Posts- English 
version). The recruitment invitation, in Russian and 
English, was posted on Uzbek immigrant Facebook 
groups (e.g., Uzbeks in USA, American Uzbekistan 
Association, Uzbek Cultural Garden of Cleveland) 
and on the first author’s LinkedIn and Instagram 
pages and was reposted by the members of these so-
cial groups 65 times within the first 72 hours. Inter-
ested participants contacted the first author through 
social media messaging platforms who then con-
firmed their eligibility through follow-up emails. To 
be eligible, the study required participants to be at 
least 18 years old, have been born in Uzbekistan or 
the Uzbek Union of Soviet Socialist Republic (Uz-
bek USSR), and reside in the U.S. as U.S. citizens or 
permanent residents. Excluded from study participa-



156

tion were Uzbek individuals on student or work visas.
 A total of 63 individuals expressed an interest in 
participating in the study. Those eligible for the study 
were scheduled for an individual interview on a “first 
come, first serve” basis until the 20-interview goal was 
reached for the study, with 10 female and 10 male par-
ticipants. We decided on 20 interviews because accord-
ing to Guest et al. (2006) and Morgan et al. (2002), the 
first five-six interviews produce most of the informa-
tion for qualitative research and after the 20th inter-
view, there is little new information to be gained from 
additional interviews. Prior to the scheduled interview, 
each participant received an email reminder that pro-
vided interview instructions and an informed consent 
form (please see Appendix B). Study participants re-
ceived no financial compensation or other incentives.
 Each participant took part in a one-hour audio-
taped interview and had the option to be interviewed 
in English or Russian. The selection of language op-
tions was based on the first author’s experiences in the 
Uzbek primary and secondary educational systems, in 
which students have more exposure to the teaching 
of the Russian language than the Uzbek language. 
The language options were also based on the first au-
thor’s stronger fluency in the Russian language over 
the Uzbek language, making it easier to conduct the 
interviews and do the transcription and translation 
work. However, during the interview participants 
were not restricted from using the Uzbek language, 
so they were free to add specific words or phrases re-
lated to cultural context (e.g., gap – gathering). In-
terviews in English (n = 11) were transcribed by a 
transcribing service (TEMI). Interviews in Russian 
(n = 9) were translated and transcribed by the first au-
thor, who is fluent in English and Russian, and pro-
ficient in Uzbek languages. The first author checked 
these interviews for cultural nuances, such as noting 
the specific vocabulary used by participants (e.g., ke-
lin – bride, makhalla – community, neighborhood).
Measures 
 Participants responded to demographic ques-
tions about their age, gender, place of birth, ethnici-
ty, current residence, educational level, marital status, 
spoken languages, socioeconomic status, and year 
of migration. After the completion of demograph-
ic questions, the interviewer asked participants a set 
of open-ended questions related to migration and 
resettlement experiences. In relation to their migra-

tion, we were interested to learn about their reasons 
for migration to the US (e.g., Why did you leave your 
home country?). In relation to their resettlement, we 
explored their adjustment to the US (e.g., Did you feel 
welcomed? Did you have any challenges? What were 
your expectations about life in the US?) For the full 
set of interview questions, please refer to Appendix C.
Data Analysis
 A thematic analysis approach was used for cod-
ing and analysis to identify the most common themes 
across participant interviews (Braun & Clarke, 2006; 
Braun et al., 2019; Clarke & Braun, 2015). The prima-
ry goal was to explore the lives of Uzbek immigrants in 
the context of migration and resettlement. Therefore, 
a data-driven approach was used to generate the themes 
inductively (Braun & Clarke, 2006). To ensure analyst 
triangulation (Patton, 2015), two coders (first and 
third authors) individually coded interviews and then 
reviewed the findings. The coders reached inductive 
thematic saturation on the eleventh interview when no 
new codes or themes emerged from the data (Saunders 
et al., 2018). To reduce errors in translation or loss of 
cultural nuances, the coders paid close attention to in-
terviews in which the participant spoke in both Russian 
and Uzbek. To accurately capture meaning across dif-
ferent languages, both coders were fluent or proficient 
in all three languages (English, Russian, and Uzbek) 
and were familiar with Uzbek culture and practices. 
 The data analysis employed Braun and Clark’s 
(2006, 2016) six-step process of thematic analysis to 
measure reliability, especially when codes were derived 
inductively. First, the coders read all interviews mul-
tiple times to familiarize themselves with the data. In 
this initial stage, they did not develop any codes nor 
analyzed any themes. However, the first author wrote 
casual memos on potential insights and observations 
(Boyatzis, 1998; Denzin & Lincoln, 2000). The second 
phase included the completion of the initial coding of 
the transcripts by the first author, who recorded these 
codes in a codebook. The coders used in vivo coding 
and assigned labels to sections of data (e.g., sentences 
or paragraphs) by using a specific word or short phrase. 
After the first author coded all interviews, the second 
coder coded 20% of the interviews (four interviews) 
as recommended to meet the saturation and accura-
cy criteria (Boyatzis, 1998; Guest et al., 2006). In the 
third phase, the coders categorized the most common 
codes, based on both coders’ responses, and identified 

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MIGRATION AND RESETTLEMENT OF UZBEK IMMIGRANTS

potential themes. Any discrepancies in coding were 
discussed and resolved through consensus. During 
the fourth phase, the coders reviewed the themes 
and the relationships between them. The coding and 
analysis yielded four main themes in two categories 
that highlighted participants’ experiences. Once the 
themes and the overall structure of the analysis have 
been identified, the fifth phase focused on defining 
these themes and extracting quotations from the in-
terviews to illustrate the data. In the final sixth phase, 
in the Results section of this paper, we contextualized 
our analysis, presenting the major themes, and in the 
Discussion section, we highlighted the main contribu-
tions and limitations of our study (Clarke et al., 2015).

Results
 The interview data yielded four key themes (Table 
3): (a) migration for better opportunities under the 
migration category; and three themes under the reset-
tlement category, (b) support and challenges in new 
home, (c) expectations and adaptation, and (d) “Amer-
ican Dream” and future plans. We also presented our 
findings on gender differences within each category.
Migration for Better Opportunities
 Most participants (n =19) migrated to the US 
voluntarily, excluding one participant who responded 
that their migration was involuntary due to their age 
(the participant was a minor at the time of relocation). 
95% of participants stated that the main reason for 
their migration was an overall lack of opportunities 
in Uzbekistan in concert with financial stability in the 
US. For example, a 31-year-old male participant re-
ported, “I saw more opportunities here [US]. I decided 
to leave because I had no future prospects in there [Uz-
bekistan]; [laughing] our generation, come on, they all 
left, the majority left.” Overall, push factors for many 
participants were critical in their decision to migrate, 
including unemployment and financial instability (n 
= 4) and limited opportunities for their children, such 
as poor educational quality (n = 8). Among pull fac-
tors, participants mentioned employment opportuni-
ties (n = 5), ability to travel (n = 1), unification with 
family (n =1), and furthering their education (n = 1).
 Regarding gender differences, twice as many wom-
en (80%) as men (40%) highlighted push factors as their 
primary reason for migration. Of the four male partici-
pants who responded that push factors were their pri-
mary reasons for migration, three were minors at the 

time of their relocation but only one mentioned in-
voluntary migration. Women (n = 8) reported limited 
economic opportunities to sustain a family and limit-
ed educational opportunities for their children, where-
as men highlighted limited job opportunities as their 
primary reasons for migration. Among pull factors, 
one woman reported unification with a spouse and an-
other woman mentioned furthering education as their 
primary reason for migration, whereas men’s respons-
es focused on employment opportunities in the US.
 Familiarity with the host country dictated the 
migration pattern for participants. Before perma-
nent relocation to the US, three female participants 
had studied in the US as exchange students. No 
male participants studied in the US prior to migra-
tion. Ten participants visited the US to familiarize 
themselves with the host country before relocation; 
these participants held a nonpermanent visa at the 
time of their visit (e.g., student, work-travel, tour-
ist visa), of whom, six (all women) stayed in the US 
one month or longer. All six women and two men 
returned to Uzbekistan before migrating to the US 
permanently. The other two male participants pur-
sued permanent visas while visiting the US (i.e., they 
changed a student visa to a green card application).
Resettlement
Support and Challenges in New Home 
 Relating to resettlement experiences, 75% of par-
ticipants (n = 15) reported feeling welcomed and re-
ceiving support from the host community (e.g., neigh-
bors, teachers). Additionally, 10% of participants (n = 
2) reported receiving support from a Russian-speaking 
immigrant community where they were living. Despite 
participants highlighting the host community as wel-
coming and open-minded toward learning about their 
experiences and home country, a 33-year-old male par-
ticipant recalled being bullied in school because he did 
not speak English, “The first probably 2 years were diffi-
cult at school, the adjustment period because we’re, we 
didn’t speak the language…we did not fit in very well.” 
Another male participant also faced discrimination but 
from a Russian-speaking person. One female partici-
pant who felt unwelcome for several years responded 
that she had no access to communication with either 
a Russian-speaking community or an American com-
munity due to her isolated residential area and inabili-
ty to drive. Regarding gender differences, more wom-
en (90%) than men (60%) reported feeling welcomed 



158

and supported by the mainstream host community.
 50% of participants (n = 10) reported experienc-
ing difficulties in their resettlement process. Five par-
ticipants noted the language barrier and cultural differ-
ences as the most difficult aspects of their adjustment, 
followed by financial struggles (n = 3), paperwork (n = 
1), and separation anxiety (n = 1). For some women (n 
= 2) and men (n = 3), language and cultural differences 
played a role in their adjustment, “When I came over, I 
did speak no English at all. It was difficult transition be-
cause, you know, different culture, different traditions, 
different way of life, different pace” (26-year-old male 
participant). Two female participants and one male 
participant faced financial difficulties. However, the 
former associated these difficulties with the pressure of 
having to financially support their family in Uzbekistan: 
 I somehow had to convince them [parents] that if 
I go to the US, I will be working and I  will be sending 
money. Moreover, um, that was the only thing I think my 
mother liked about going to the US that I would be sup-
porting them financially. That was the only reason how 
she allowed me to go. (28-year-old female participant).
Expectations and Adaptation 
 70% (n = 14) of participants had expectations be-
fore they migrated to the US; 65% (n = 13) thought that 
adaptation and achieving goals would be faster and eas-
ier. For example, a 32-year-old male participant stated, 
“I thought... everything is easy, and money grows on 
the trees…I did not expect it to be that challenging….” 
A few other participants also highlighted the notion of 
money growing on trees. Many participants, even those 
who did not have expectations, noted that social media 
and movies influenced their perception of life in the 
US and cultivated the idea of easy goal achievements

I have never heard about the state where we 
came [to]. All that [I] heard was New York, 
Los Angeles, Miami, three cities that ev-
eryone knows, unfortunately… When you 
watch movies, you watch it from the lens of 
Hollywood, and of course, movies are mov-
ies, but you have this notion like, ‘Oh, OK, 
so America is like this.’ Unfortunately, when 
I came, reality hit me, everything what I ex-
pected fell down because it was tough, espe-
cially when I came to Ohio, and I saw 2 me-
ters of snow. (24-year-old female participant).

 In relation to gender, more men (n = 8) than 
women (n = 6) reported having expectations about 

life in the US; one woman expected more freedom 
of expression and five women stated that life would 
be easier in professional and personal matters, but 
eight men expected that the process of adaptation 
itself would be easier. Only two participants, both 
men, mentioned hard work as a factor in achieving 
their goals, “without effort, you won’t even pull a 
fish out of a pond.” Five participants shared that they 
did not have any expectations due to their age. Four 
women noted maturity and preparedness to migrate. 
For example, a 41-year-old female participant stated, 
“I’m actually a person with my experience and age 
[old enough], and whatever lessons I learned in my 
life, I don’t have any expectations.” One male partic-
ipant shared that he had no expectations because he 
was underage at the time of his migration. Another 
male participant did not respond to this question.
“American Dream” and Future Plans
 Nearly all participants (90%) believed in the 
“American Dream,” and more than half (55%) con-
sidered themselves successful. Also, more than half 
of the participants (n = 13) described the “American 
Dream” as an opportunity to achieve goals, as exem-
plified in a statement by a 33-year-old male partici-
pant, “[The] ‘American Dream’ means whatever you 
dream of that you want to do in life, you can do it by 
working very hard, by committing time, by commit-
ting effort that you can accomplish those.” Regard-
ing gender differences, fewer women (80%) than men 
(100%) believed in the “American Dream.” 90% of 
men (n = 9) but only 10% of women (n = 1) described 
their “American Dream” as the achievement of pro-
fessional goals and financial stability. 40% of women 
(n = 4) associated the “American Dream” with free-
dom of choice and expression. For 30% of the women 
(n = 3) and 10% of the men, the “American Dream” 
was linked to family goals, such as raising children 
and balancing their professional and personal life.
 All participants defined what success meant 
to them; while 90% of the men defined success 
as achieving goals and gaining financial stabili-
ty, only 10% defined it as having a family. For 70% 
of the women, success was an ability to work and 
study the subject of their choice, whereas 30% of 
the women defined success as creating and build-
ing family relationships. When asked about success, 
of the 55% of participants who defined themselves 
as successful, six were women and five were men.

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MIGRATION AND RESETTLEMENT OF UZBEK IMMIGRANTS

 Regarding future plans, reverse migration was 
not an option for 13 participants (65%). Although 
six participants (two women and four men) consid-
ered returning to Uzbekistan permanently, they all 
discussed the importance of first achieving their life 
goals in the US. Because of close family bonds back 
home, only one participant was confident in their de-
cision to return to Uzbekistan permanently. Regard-
ing gender, seven women and six men expressed their 
desire to stay and build their future in the US. Most 
female participants (n = 7) stated they would like to 
stay as an “independent woman,” or “wanted to es-
cape living in Uzbek mentality.” Some male partici-
pants (n = 4) also expressed similar sentiments about 
not wanting to return to Uzbekistan, as shown in the 
following statement, “I feel like my outlook and values 
have become different, perhaps even my mentality has 
changed. It is most likely that I will struggle adapt-
ing to that life and my profession allows to live more 
comfortably here” (35-year-old male participant). 

Discussion
 Our study sought to explore the life experiences 
of Uzbek immigrants in relation to their migration 
and resettlement in the US. Particularly, we aimed to 
explore the reasons for their migration, understand 
various aspects of their resettlement, and examine 
potential gender differences in their experiences.
Migration and Resettlement Experiences
 Similar to the experiences of other immigrants 
(e.g., Marcus, 2009; Paat, 2013), there were various 
push and pull factors underlying the reasons for Uzbek 
immigrants to start a new life in the US.  Many partic-
ipants shared that limited socioeconomic and employ-
ment opportunities and a declining level of education-
al quality in their homeland influenced their decision 
to migrate to the US. Concurrently, pull factors, such 
as their expectations for a better life in the US (i.e., im-
proved socioeconomic, employment, and educational 
opportunities), unification with family members, and 
perceived opportunities to experience more personal 
freedom and liberties (e.g., freedom to make decisions 
for themselves, freedom to pursue their life interests, 
freedom to travel) further reinforced their conviction 
to leave their home country. These migration narratives 
of Uzbek immigrants contribute to the rich history of 
voluntary and involuntary migrations of various cultur-
al groups to the US (e.g., Barkan, 2013; Takaki, 1998).

 The resettlement process of Uzbek immigrants 
encompassed positive and negative  experiences, point-
ing to the complex dynamics of adjusting to a new 
cultural context like the US.  For example, most par-
ticipants felt welcomed by the host community, but 
some experienced discrimination and bullying. Most 
participants also reported proficiency in English, but 
some described considerable language and cultural 
difficulties. These factors, either positive or negative 
aspects, can have major influences on subsequent ad-
justment and adaptation to U.S. society. In this study, 
most participants migrated to the U.S. alone, mean-
ing they left much of their family and social network 
in Uzbekistan, so the extent of support they received 
from the host or existing Russian-speaking commu-
nities may be crucial in their resettlement and conse-
quently in navigating any related challenges, including 
language, cultural, economic, employment, educa-
tional, or other difficulties. Findings from previous re-
search have shown the importance of social support 
from the host and existing immigrant communities in 
the resettlement process and the well-being of various 
immigrant groups (e.g., Jasinskaja-Lahti et al., 2006; 
Msengi et al., 2015). Furthermore, the degree of dis-
crepancies in the expectations they had about life in 
the US pre-migration and their actual life in the US 
post-migration also may have influenced the quality 
of their resettlement experiences (Negy et al., 2009). 
 Despite the various challenges in the migration 
and resettlement processes, nearly all participants ex-
pressed a belief in the “American Dream” and stated 
that freedom of choice, financial stability, and the 
ability to provide for their families represent the pri-
mary pillars of their “American Dream.” Although 
various scholars have written about the myth of the 
“American Dream” (e.g., Tittenbrun, 2015), for Uz-
bek immigrants, their positive belief and hopefulness 
in this dream might have buffered some of the stresses 
and challenges they faced in the resettlement process. 
Previous research has shown the connection between 
positive attitudes toward migration and positive ad-
justment to a host country (Gong et al., 2011; Vi-
nokurov et al., 2020). Indeed, half of the participants 
in this study reported little or no difficulties in their 
resettlement process and more than half considered 
themselves successful. However, it is also important 
to note that most participants in this study reported 
high levels of education, English proficiency, and so



160160

cioeconomic status, as well as having opportunities 
to visit the US prior to their permanent relocation, 
which all can facilitate more positive resettlement 
outcomes for immigrants (e.g., Zlobina et al., 2006).
 Like many immigrant groups before them, most 
participants envisioned their future in the US rath-
er than returning to their homeland, citing various 
economic, social, and cultural reasons. Because most 
participants often linked achieving their life goals and 
being successful to financial stability and personal free-
dom, this connection may be a primary reason as to 
why they did not imagine their future life in Uzbekistan 
where they perceived limited economic and education-
al opportunities and individual rights. This is not to say 
there are not limited opportunities or individual rights 
in the US, but rather this reflects the participants’ per-
ceptions of life in their home country versus life in the 
US. Additionally, many participants mentioned their 
“change in mentality” and newly adopted values in the 
US. These changes may be related to the number of 
years they have spent in the US, as supported by the 
findings of Kwak and Berry (2001), showing that time 
spent in a host country is positively associated with 
changes in identity development, assimilation, and 
the development of new cultural and personal values.
Gender Differences
 There were patterns of gender differences across 
interview questions regarding migration and resettle-
ment experiences. For most women, push factors were 
the primary reasons for their migration (limited eco-
nomic and educational opportunities for themselves 
and their children in Uzbekistan), whereas pull factors 
were the primary reasons for men (employment and 
economic opportunities in the US). More women than 
men felt welcomed by their host community, whereas 
more men than women expressed a belief in the “Amer-
ican Dream.” These differences may have a differential 
impact on subsequent adjustment for women and 
men in US society (Dion & Dion, 2002). Additionally, 
women tended to define success as the freedom to pur-
sue educational and employment opportunities and to 
attend to their family’s well-being, whereas men’s defi-
nition of success focused on individual goal achieve-
ments and financial stability. These differences in mi-
gration and resettlement experiences appear to reflect 
gender socialization and gender roles of women and 
men in Uzbekistan (e.g., Kamp, 2018), which can play 
out in the process of their adaptation to US society.  

Limitations of the Present Study
 We recognize several limitations in our study. Al-
though we carefully tried to recruit Uzbek immigrants 
from diverse educational and socioeconomic back-
grounds, most participants reported having a bach-
elor’s degree or higher, English proficiency prior to 
migration, and middle-class status at the time of the in-
terview. Therefore, the study results may reflect sample 
selection bias; immigrants of differing socioeconomic 
and educational backgrounds from those in our study 
may have other perspectives on migration and reset-
tlement. Future work should consider the experiences 
of Uzbek immigrants from diverse educational, social, 
and economic backgrounds, as these factors would 
provide a more comprehensive and nuanced under-
standing of the life experiences of Uzbek immigrants 
in the US. A second limitation was the languages in 
which the interviews were conducted, either English or 
Russian, although many participants used a few Uzbek 
words or phrases in their interviews. We recognize these 
language options might have restricted participation 
by immigrants from rural Uzbekistan, where the ma-
jority speak the Uzbek language. Future studies should 
consider including Uzbek immigrants from rural areas 
and interviewing them in Uzbek, as it may reveal more 
diverse perspectives on migration and resettlement 
experiences. In addition, we recruited participants 
through social media platforms predominantly used 
in the United States (e.g., Facebook, LinkedIn, Insta-
gram) and therefore reached individuals who have high 
English language proficiency and have adjusted well in 
the US. The results may be different for those with 
less English proficiency and less exposure to the host 
community where the primary language is English. 
Similar to conducting participant interviews in Uz-
bek, recruitment on Uzbek-speaking platforms (e.g., 
Telegram) may also bring additional perspectives and 
insights into the life experiences of Uzbek immigrants. 
Implications for Future Research
 Despite the limitations, the results from this study 
have implications for future research with Uzbek im-
migrants and other groups from Central Asia. Our 
study identified specific push and pull factors for Uz-
bek migration to the US, but we suggest that future 
research examines more in-depth the contextual as-
pects surrounding these factors. For example, a focus 
on the family context and dynamics would provide 
richer data for understanding the reasons underlying 

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MIGRATION AND RESETTLEMENT OF UZBEK IMMIGRANTS

their decision to start a new life in a new country far 
from their homeland. Additionally, an examination 
of the current sociopolitical context of Uzbekistan, 
a post-Soviet country, would provide a more macro 
understanding of the reasons for Uzbek migration to 
the US. Similarly, we also identified some prominent 
themes in their resettlement experiences that can in-
form future research to replicate and expand on the 
current findings. For example, our understanding of 
resettlement experiences would benefit from future 
inquiries on the elements that constitute a welcoming 
host or receiving society as they can determine subse-
quent life outcomes for Uzbek immigrants. Further-
more, because Uzbek immigrants comprise the largest 
group from Central Asia to receive the DV Program 
status in the US, this provides opportunities to con-
duct longitudinal research, utilizing both qualitative 
and quantitative methodologies to delve into the pro-
cesses of pre-migration, migration, and post-migration 
over time. Finally, we suggest any future research with 
immigrants from Uzbekistan or Central Asia to at-
tend to gender issues as they may play a role in aspects 
of migration and resettlement. Altogether, these fu-
ture research directions would yield a more complete 
picture of the life experiences of Uzbek immigrants. 
Conclusion
 This qualitative study is the first of its kind to ex-
plore the life narratives of Uzbek immigrants in the 
US, focusing on their migration and resettlement ex-
periences. Through a six-step thematic analysis, the 
participants’ narratives highlighted four major themes, 
as well as the push and pull factors that compelled 
them to leave their home country and establish a new 
life in a new cultural context. Although there were 
some challenges in their experiences, many perceived 
their new life as part of the “American Dream,” full 
of possibilities to achieve the educational, econom-
ic, and career goals they had for themselves and their 
family. Their new country is where they envisioned 
their future and thus, they have become a part of the 
rich and complex tapestry of immigration to the US.

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Table 1

Participant Demographic Information

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Table 2

Migration and Resettlement-Related Demographic Information

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Table 3

Participants Themes



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