


































GSJP Volume 16 final


38

Graduate Student Journal of  Psychology
2015, Vol. 16

Copyright 2015 by the Department of  Counseling and Clinical Psychology
Teachers College, Columbia University

38

A Framework for Understanding MSM 
and Down-Low Sexuality 

Among Cultural Minority Men

Anna L. Halliday
Teachers College, Columbia University

The practice of  “down low” sexuality in African American and Latino American cultures is a pattern in which a 
PDQ�LGHQWLÀHV�DV�VWUDLJKW�\HW�HQJDJHV�LQ�VH[XDO�DFWV�ZLWK�RWKHU�PHQ��7KLV�SDSHU�H[DPLQHV�WKH�IRUFHV�WKDW�FDXVH�PHQ�
who have sex with men (MSM) to reject a queer identity in favor of  a closeted one. A framework for understanding 
GRZQ�ORZ�VH[XDOLW\�DPRQJ�HWKQLF�PLQRULW\�PHQ�LV�SURSRVHG�EDVHG�RQ�WKH�SUHPLVH�WKDW�HWKQLF�060�DUH�LQÁXHQFHG�
by a trifecta of  cultural pressures unique to their minority status and not experienced similarly by white MSM. 
This premise rests on research suggesting that ethnic minority men are expected to achieve different standards 
of  masculinity, experience compounded stigmas associated with minority status, and are more frequently involved 
in an interdependent family model when compared to white MSM. This complicates effective identity manage-
PHQW�DPRQJ�HWKQLF�PLQRULW\�060��7KLV�IUDPHZRUN�LV�XVHIXO�WR�SHRSOH�ZRUNLQJ�LQ�WKH�PHQWDO�KHDOWK�ÀHOG�EHFDXVH�
deepening our understanding of  the cultural processes behind down-low sexuality as a sexual identity can help 
counselors work with this population from an informed standpoint of  increased competence. Discourse about why 
some ethnic minority MSM may opt for a down low identity rather than being openly queer is important when the 
JRDO�LV�WR�SUDFWLFH�FXOWXUDOO\�FRPSHWHQW��LGHQWLW\�DIÀUPDWLYH�FRXQVHOLQJ��1RWH��7KH�WHUP�´FXOWXUHµ�ZLOO�IUHTXHQWO\�
be used in place of  race because culture is an observable product of  the undeniably existent racialization process.

Introduction to Down-Low Sexuality
 “Down low” is a sexual identity comprised of  
men who identify as straight yet secretly or discreet-
ly engage in homosexual behaviors with other men. 
7KLV�H[SUHVVLRQ�ÀUVW�DURVH�ZLWKLQ�$IULFDQ�$PHULFDQ�
vernacular to mean any behavior done with discretion 
and was subsequently adopted by some ethnic com-
munities as an identity label referring to men with 
closeted sexual practices (Sandfort & Dodge, 2008). 
7KHVH�PHQ�DUH�DOVR�RIWHQ� WHUPHG�VWUDLJKW�LGHQWLÀHG�
PHQ�ZKR� KDYH� VH[�ZLWK�PHQ�� RU� VWUDLJKW�LGHQWLÀHG�
MSM, especially among researchers of  the subject. 
MSM is used in place of  other terminology such as ho-
mosexual or bisexual, which do not aptly apply since 
the fundamental characteristic of  men on the down 
low is that they testify to having heterosexual orienta-
tions. Thus, MSM is a behavioral marker used to dis-
WLQJXLVK�EHWZHHQ�VHOI�LGHQWLÀFDWLRQ�DQG�DFWXDO�DFWLRQV�
 This phenomenon came to broader public 
awareness in 2008 when author J. L. King appeared 
on Oprah to promote his book, On the Down Low: A 
Journey into the Lives of  ‘Straight’ Black Men who Sleep 
with Men, which tells his story of  being a black man 

married to a woman while maintaining covert sex-
XDO� DIIDLUV� ZLWK�PHQ� IRU� WZHQW\�ÀYH� \HDUV� XQWLO� WKH�
H[WUDPDULWDO� UHODWLRQVKLSV�ÀQDOO\� HQGHG�KLV�PDUULDJH�
(Sandfort & Dodge, 2008). The down low has been 
written about, both before and after King’s appear-
ance, for nearly two decades by other writers includ-
ing best-selling novelist E. Lynn Harris, hip hop star 
Terrance Dean, and Keith Boykin, author of  the 
2005 book “Beyond the Down Low: Sex, Lies and 
Denial in Black America”. Boykin cautions that the 
GRZQ� ORZ� LV� QRW� VSHFLÀF� WR� FXOWXUDO�PLQRULWLHV� DQG�
that these closeted minorities are now being unjustly 
blamed for the spread of  HIV/AIDS as a result of  
down low discourse (Phillips, 2005). This paper does 
QRW�DVVHUW�WKDW�WKH�GRZQ�ORZ�LV�VSHFLÀF�WR�HWKQLF�PL-
norities. Rather, this paper proposes that down low 
identities are more common among cultural minori-
ties than among white men, and seeks an explana-
tion for this by delving into the unique cultural chal-
lenges some minority populations face in being open 
about engaging in sexual activities with other men. 
 Existing research suggests that down-low sexu-
ality is more prevalent among ethnic minority MSM 
than among white MSM. One survey-based study 
conducted by Pathela, Hajat, Schillinger, Blank, Sell, 
and Mostashari (2006) collected detailed sexual his-
tories from a population-based sample of  4,193 men 

Anna L. Halliday, Mental Health Counseling, Teachers College, 
Columbia University Contact:alh2183@tc.columbia.edu



39

aged 18 and older. They categorized the men by sex-
ual identity and actual sexual behavior according to 
VHOI�UHSRUWV�� &DWHJRULHV� LQFOXGHG� VWUDLJKW�LGHQWLÀHG�
men who have sex only with women, straight-identi-
ÀHG�PHQ�ZKR�KDYH�VH[�RQO\�ZLWK�PHQ��VWUDLJKW�LGHQ-
WLÀHG�PHQ�ZKR�KDYH�VH[�ZLWK�PHQ�DQG�ZRPHQ��EL-
VH[XDOO\�LGHQWLÀHG�PHQ�ZKR�KDYH�VH[�RQO\�ZLWK�PHQ��
JD\�LGHQWLÀHG�PHQ�ZKR�KDYH�VH[�RQO\�ZLWK�PHQ��HWF��
7KH�UHVHDUFKHUV�IRXQG�WKDW�����RI �VWUDLJKW�LGHQWLÀHG�
MSM belonged to ethnic minorities groups where-
DV�RQO\�����RI �JD\�LGHQWLÀHG�060�ZHUH�HWKQLF�PL-
QRULWLHV��7KH�VWXG\�DOVR�IRXQG�WKDW�VWUDLJKW�LGHQWLÀHG�
060�ZHUH�VLJQLÀFDQWO\�PRUH�OLNHO\�WKDQ�JD\�LGHQWLÀHG�
men to have been born in a foreign country populat-
ed primarily by black and Latino people. Among the 
IRUHLJQ�ERUQ��VWUDLJKW�LGHQWLÀHG�PHQ������ZHUH�IURP�
Latin America and 30% were from the Caribbean.
 Other studies reiterate the high prevalence rates 
of  down-low sexuality among minority men in that 
some ethnic groups are more likely to engage in MSM 
behavior but less likely to openly adopt non-hetero-
sexual identities. A meta-analysis by Millett, Male-
branche, Mason, and Spikes (2005) found that black 
MSM are more likely to be bisexually active or identi-
ÀHG�WKDQ�DQ\�RWKHU�HWKQLF�JURXS��)XUWKHUPRUH��ZKHQ�
compared to white MSM, black MSM were demon-
strated to be less likely to disclose their non-het-
erosexual identity to others (Millett, et al., 2005). A 
comparative evaluation of  208 black MSM and 142 
white MSM found that 75% of  black men compared 
to 36% of  white men concealed their homosexual 
behaviors from their female partners (Stokes et al., 
1996). An additional study found that white men were 
VLJQLÀFDQWO\�PRUH� OLNHO\� WKDQ�EODFN�PHQ� WR�GLVFORVH�
their bisexual or gay identity to family (62% versus 
46%), heterosexual friends (59% versus 35%), health-
care providers (48% versus 29%), church members 
(32% versus 12%) and other people (Kennamer et al., 
�������7KHVH�ÀQGLQJV�VXJJHVW�WKDW�GRZQ�ORZ�VH[XDOLW\�
is more common among some groups of  ethnic men, 
particularly black MSM, than among white MSM.
Based on this demographic research, it thus follows 
that ethnic minority MSM are more likely to remain 
on the down low when compared to white MSM. 
Explaining the forces behind this trend is relevant 
to increasing cultural competency for clinicians. This 

SDSHU�SURSRVHV�WKH�LQÁXHQFH�RI �WKUHH�LQWHUZRYHQ�VR-
cial pressures particular to cultural minority groups in 
the U.S. which act in collaboration to make it more 
GLIÀFXOW�IRU�WKHVH�PHQ�WR�LGHQWLI\�RSHQO\�DV�VH[XDOO\�
queer, or non-heterosexual. These processes include 
differing constructions of  masculinity among white 
and ethnic men, compounded stigmas associated 
with belonging to a minority group and owning a 
queer identity, and an interdependent family model 
emphasizing familial interdependence, or the tenden-
F\�LGHQWLÀHG�E\�VRFLDO�VFLHQWLVWV�IRU�VRPH�FXOWXUHV�WR�
place great value on family ties to inform individual 
decisions. These facets complicate identity manage-
ment among ethnic minority MSM in that disclos-
ing a non-heterosexual identity causes may be per-
ceived as an abandonment of  certain cultural values. 

Masculinity
 The premise of  this section as it relates to 
down-low sexuality is that separate ethnic groups 
face unequal social pressures affecting the expres-
sion of  their sexual identity according to ethnically 
or culturally differential standards of  masculinity. 
:LWK� UHVWULFWHG�DFFHVV� WR�ÀQDQFLDO� DQG� VRFLDO� VWDWXV��
males from some minority cultures become partic-
ularly invested in macho masculinity as a source of  
identity. When compared to white MSM masculine 
standards, the masculinity of  many ethnic minori-
ty groups appears macho or hyper-masculinized, as 
these men present in overtly masculine ways in or-
der to compensate for a lack of  power or social sta-
tus afforded more easily to white men (Acker, 2006, 
hooks, 1992). For this reason, ethnic minority MSM 
may be reluctant to forfeit their culturally valued ma-
cho masculinity and thus are more likely to remain 
on the down low to preserve this valued trait. Ac-
cordingly, an underrepresentation of  ethnic minori-
ty MSM within the mainstream gay culture, which 
LV� GLVSURSRUWLRQDWHO\� UHSUHVHQWHG� E\� DIÁXHQW� ZKLWH�
males, discourages ethnic minority MSM from open-
ly identifying as non-heterosexual since they may not 
identify with aspects of  queer, white cultural values.  
 Masculinity consists of  a set of  physical and be-
havioral traits related to being born biologically male 
(Acker, 2006). These traits comprise a gender perfor-
mance expectation that usually stands in contradiction 

HALLIDAY



40

to the gender performance associated with females, 
femininity. Masculinity can be conceived of  as a guide-
line for how men should behave, including how to 
have sex and with whom. Society teaches boys from a 
young age that correct gender expression in the form 
of  enacting masculinity is inherent to personal growth 
and eventual success (Acker, 2006). This is especially 
relevant in the United States, where masculine gender 
performance is largely based on achieving econom-
ic success (Acker, 2004; Acker 2006). Achievement 
of  masculinity can occur in a variety of  forms but 
overall this gender performance serves to legitimize 
men as separate from women in many arenas of  life 
including work and home (Acker, 2004; Acker 2006). 
 Similarly, differing expectations of  masculinity 
also effect identities across ethnic groups, particular-
ly the expression of  sexual orientation. Hegemonic 
masculinity, or what is commonly known as tradi-
tional masculinity, refers to the ideal form of  mas-
culinity promoted by mainstream culture which men 
are encouraged to achieve (Acker, 2004). American 
FXOWXUH�HVVHQWLDOO\�SURPRWHV�EHLQJ�DQ�DIÁXHQW��ZKLWH�
man as the ideal form of  masculine achievement 
(Acker, 2004; Acker, 2006; hooks, 1992). Since he-
JHPRQLF�PDVFXOLQH� LGHDOV�DUH�KLVWRULFDOO\�GHÀQHG�E\�
groups of  people in the highest positions of  power 
LQ�$PHULFD�� WKH�DIÁXHQW�ZKLWH�PDOH��ZKLWH�HWKQLFLW\�
and social class are intrinsic elements of  hegemon-
ic masculinity (Acker, 2006; hooks, 1992). This is 
problematic for ethnic minority men in that satiat-
ing traditionally sought after standards of  masculinity 
is prevented by a lack of  white privilege necessary 
to achieve hegemonic masculinity. Acker (2006) and 
hooks (1992) detail the extent to which hegemon-
ic masculinity is ingrained in American culture and 
how this is problematic for minorities. Acker writes, 
´KHJHPRQLF�PDVFXOLQLW\� FDQ� EH� GHÀQHG� DV� WKH� WDN-
en-for-granted, generally accepted form” of  mas-
culinity, and that it “legitimates the power of  those 
who embody it” (2004, p. 82). Hegemonic ideals thus 
maintain and promote a system of  power and oppres-
sion based on standards of  ethnicity and social class. 
 Excluded from hegemonic ideals, some ethnic 
groups responded by carving out their own standards 
of  masculinity separate from traditional expectations. 
This resulted in promoting forms of  hypermasculin-

ity, or macho masculinity, among groups of  ethnic 
minority men (Katz, 1999). Though traditionally eth-
QLF�PLQRULWLHV�FRXOG�QRW� UHDS�VRPH�EHQHÀWV�DIIRUG-
ed by hegemony to white males, such as a stake in 
capitalism, other demonstrations of  masculinity in-
cluding sexual prowess and physical domination were 
accessible means for achieving masculinity. These 
overt expressions of  masculinity may serve to com-
pensate for the systematic lack of  power associated 
with cultural or class-based disadvantages (hooks, 
1992). A common pattern is for ethnic minorities 
to place great emphasis on sexuality as a source of  
masculinity to compensate for features acting against 
them (i.e. skin color and social class) in the attain-
ment of  masculine ideals or the power associated 
with masculinity (hooks, 1992, Nesvig, 2001). In 
WKLV�ZD\�� VH[XDO� LGHQWLÀFDWLRQ� EHFRPHV� D� VRXUFH� RI �
achieving masculinity among ethnic minority men 
and may cause identifying as queer to further threat-
en the precarious standing of  their masculinity.
 For example, hooks (1992) discusses in detail 
how achieving black masculinity often tends to rely 
upon phallocentrism, or the notion that masculinity 
can be achieved by what a man does with his penis 
as opposed to how well he provides for his family. 
This type of  masculinity is a direct response to he-
gemonic oppression, which has a history of  making 
LW�GLIÀFXOW�IRU�PLQRULWLHV�WR�VXFFHHG�LQ�WKH�ZRUNIRUFH�
(Acker, 2004). hooks describes how phallocentrism is 
“rooted in physical domination and sexual possession 
of  women” (hooks, 1992, p. 94). Indeed, the black 
phallocentric masculinities hooks enlists, such as 
the wandering “playboy,” the man with many wom-
en, and the woman-hating type embodied by Eddie 
Murphy’s character in Harlem Nights seem to be over-
ly dramatic takes on hegemonic masculinity which 
rely on sexual power relations between the sexes. 
Hooks notes that these efforts to assert masculinity 
are well-received because they are viewed as attempts 
WR�FRPSHQVDWH�IRU�D�VRUW�RI �LQKHUHQW�GHÀFLHQF\�WKDW�
becomes internalized by minorities (hooks, 1992). 
 If  within aspects of  black culture a man’s use 
of  his penis, especially through the domination of  
women, becomes critical to achieving masculinity 
(hooks, 1992) it thus follows that gay mainstream 
culture contains connotations of  submission which 

MSM AND DOWN-LOW SEXUALITY



41

are unsuitable to the hyper-masculine ideal valued by 
ethnic men. Under these prescriptions of  gender ex-
pression, submitting to another man sexually or using 
one’s penis in the wrong way to have sex with another 
man rather than a woman could potentially threaten 
masculinity and affect social standing. Identifying as 
queer could cause a man of  color to forfeit some of  
his masculine qualities, a compromise many of  these 
men may feel they cannot afford to make. Hooks 
(1992) voices the relationship of  black masculinity’s 
phallocentric dependence to coming out as queer 
when she writes, “challenging black male phallocen-
trism would also make a space for critical discussion 
of  homosexuality in black communities” (p. 112). 
This drives home the point that phallocentricism is 
a barrier standing in the way of  developing openly 
non-heterosexual identities for groups of  black men.
 Nesvig (2001) argues that the very same co-
nundrum also affects Latino men. This researcher 
asserts that some Latino cultures similarly construe 
sexual masculinity based on penetration. He ex-
plains that “these models assume that Latin Amer-
ican homosexuality is based on a rigid male-female, 
active-passive, dominant-submissive dichotomy…
The insertive, active partner is rendered ‘male,’ and 
the receptive, penetrated partner is considered to be 
subservient and plays the role of  ‘female’” (p. 692). 
Nesvig (2001) presumes that, as with the emphasis 
on phallocentrism among African American culture, 
this paradigm was a reaction to feelings of  powerless-
ness. When Spain colonized Latin America, people 
were stripped of  many of  their personal freedoms 
(Nesvig, 2001). According to Nesvig (2001), sexual 
domination, or penetration, was a way to conquer 
another person and regain some symbolic semblance 
of  power. Conquering a man might be seen as more 
GLIÀFXOW� WKDQ� DVVHUWLQJ� SRZHU� RYHU� D� ZRPDQ�� DQG�
thus more admirable. But because of  strict anti-sod-
omy laws based in religion coupled with a weighty 
emphasis on machismo principles, sex with other 
men came with profuse social risks (Nesvig, 2001). 
 Thus, the penetration model in which one man 
ZDV�GHPRUDOL]HG�ZKLOH�WKH�RWKHU�UHDIÀUPHG�KLV�PDV-
culinity arose to satiate a perceived lack of  manly 
power among colonized groups in Latin America. 
While Nesvig (2001) cautions that this is a highly 

general description of  Latin American sexual practic-
es, contemporary remnants of  this model continually 
operate today. Fear of  being emasculated by receiving 
penetration may contribute to Latino MSM assuming 
a down-low sexuality. Additionally, under this pene-
trative paradigm, Latino sexuality cannot be adequate-
ly interpreted using the common categorizations of  
heterosexual or homosexual at all since sexuality rests 
on the sexual act rather than the sex of  the partner 
(Nesvig, 2001).  Sexual practices are an integral part 
of  how men achieve masculinity. Since ethnic mi-
nority men are not afforded the masculine privileges 
associated with being included in hegemonic ideals, 
achieving masculinity through sexuality becomes 
crucial for these groups. Deviation from masculine 
standards surrounding sexuality entails great risk, and 
cultural conceptions of  masculinity among ethnic 
groups contradict the adoption of  a queer identity.
 The situation is very different for the white MSM. 
The privilege associated with their race allows white 
MSM more freedom to deviate openly from hetero-
sexist values. Their symbolic power (race) and sub-
VWDQWLDWHG�SRZHU��ÀQDQFLDO�PHDQV��DOORZV�ZKLWH�060�
greater room for the expression of  unconventional 
sexual identities. Thus, mainstream queer culture 
seems to be designed around the needs and attributes 
of  the white gay man, and it is a culture with dispro-
portionately lower representation of  ethnic minority 
MSM. Popular culture provides ample illustration of  
this point. Though pop culture is at best a distort-
ed mirror of  reality, media representations of  queer 
masculinity can be a window into how gay people 
live their lives and can demonstrate how masculini-
ty informs queer lifestyles. Cam and Mitchell, a gay 
couple on ABC’s popular television show “Modern 
)DPLO\µ��DUH�D�TXLQWHVVHQWLDO�H[DPSOH�RI �WKH�DIÁXHQW��
white, gay male couple. Mitchell, who works as a law-
\HU�� HDUQV� VXIÀFLHQW�PRQH\� WR�DOORZ�&DP� WR� VWD\�DW�
home raising their adopted daughter, Lily. They live 
in a large suburban house adorned with ornate, ex-
pensive belongings. In many ways, their household 
closely resembles the idyllic heterosexual mold in that 
one man acts as the provider and his partner is the 
stay-at-home nurturer.  At the same time, other as-
pects of  this lifestyle are stereotypical conceptions of  
how mainstream gay men should behave. While they 

HALLIDAY



42

IXOÀOO�VRPH�IHDWXUHV�RI �KHJHPRQLF�PDVFXOLQLW\��VXFK�
as delineating the roles of  provider/nurturer, these 
characters are not the stoic, emotionally disinterested 
hegemonic prototype of  masculinity. Nor are they, 
DV�WZR�DIÁXHQW�ZKLWH�PDOHV��H[DPSOHV�RI �HWKQLF�K\-
permasculinity.  Cam and Mitchell talk openly about 
their feelings and are emotionally expressive, traits 
that are more frequently associated with femininity 
and discouraged by masculinity as being inappropri-
ate for men. It thus becomes evident that one sub-
stantial facet of  mainstream gay culture which devi-
ates from normative expectations of  masculinity is 
the idea that the gay man can be effeminate without 
completely jeopardizing his position of  power. In re-
lation to how masculinity informs queer identity, it 
can be deduced that this departure from hegemony is 
permissible because the people whom the characters 
RI �&DP�DQG�0LWFKHOO�DUH�EDVHG�RQ��DIÁXHQW�ZKLWH�JD\�
males, retain more freedom of  gender expression.
 Conversely, there are few explicit representations 
of  minority queers within pop culture. Perhaps the 
most comprehensive examples in the current media 
DUH� WKH� ÀFWLRQDO� FKDUDFWHUV� RI � /D)D\HWWH� DQG� -HVXV�
from “True Blood”. LaFayette, a black male, and Jesus, 
a Latino male, are a gay couple featured on Season 3 
of  HBO’s vampire series. Besides their queer sexu-
ality, LaFayette and Jesus are the antithesis of  Cam 
and Mitchell in terms of  masculine expression. These 
PHQ�DUH�QRW�DIÁXHQW��WKH\�DUH�ZRUNLQJ�FODVV��/D)D\-
ette works as a diner cook, drug dealer, and prosti-
tute and Jesus is an orderly at a mental hospital. Fur-
thermore, they do not exhibit effeminate behaviors 
such as emotional expression and physical restraint. 
Though LaFayette wears make-up and jewelry, these 
characters are macho or hypermasculine. They pres-
ent as the extreme representations of  masculine ide-
als that arise when ethnic minority men do not ful-
ÀOO�ZKLWH��KHJHPRQLF� LGHDOV��7KH\�KDYH�KDUG�ERGLHV�
DQG�TXLFN�ÀVWV� DQG� DUH�PRUH� OLNHO\� WR�ÀJKW� WKDQ� WR�
cry. While the story lines of  Cam and Mitchell are 
consumed with play dates and pre-school choices 
in the suburbs, LaFayette and Jesus are combating 
prejudice in their rural Louisiana town.  This may 
or may not be an accurate portrayal of  minority ho-
mosexuals and the daily challenges they face when 
deviating from masculine norms. It is not, however, 

the queer world most media chooses to focus on. 
 Accordingly, if  mainstream queer culture is built 
DURXQG�DQG� LV�PRUH� UHFHSWLYH�RI � WKH� DIÁXHQW�ZKLWH�
PDOH��LW�LV�PRUH�GLIÀFXOW�IRU�HWKQLF�PLQRULWLHV�WR�LGHQ-
tify within this structure because their cultural values 
are not fully represented. It has been noted that ethnic 
PLQRULW\�060�ÀQG�LW�GLIÀFXOW�WR�UHODWH�WR�PDLQVWUHDP�
gay culture because they view it as primarily white and 
feminine (Sandfort & Dodge, 2008). Besides ascrib-
ing to a sense of  secrecy, down-low sexuality is also 
characterized by a markedly masculine sexual prowess 
in accordance with some ethnic cultural values (Layli, 
2005; Sandfort & Dodge, 2008). Minority males may 
feel as though they have to exaggerate masculine at-
tributes in order to compensate for a lack of  privilege 
that comes with not being white. To men who are 
not afforded hegemonic privilege at birth as is the 
DIÁXHQW�ZKLWH�PDOH��RYHUW�GLVSOD\V�RI �SK\VLFDO�PDV-
culinity may be perceived as a route through which 
masculine status can be earned. Masculinity is rele-
vant to the framework for understanding down low 
identity since ethnic minority MSM may be less like-
ly to disclose their queer behaviors because they are 
faced with stricter expectations of  how men should 
exhibit masculinity based on their ethnicities. Thus, 
they are underrepresented in mainstream gay culture.
 The complex interplay of  race, power and com-
peting visions of  masculinity is challenging to MSM 
from ethnic minorities attempting to forge an iden-
tity within mainstream queer culture. Firstly, there 
are aspects of  black and Latino masculinity acting 
to discourage them from adopting queer identities. 
Secondly, queer culture is primarily represented 
E\� WKH� DIÁXHQW�ZKLWH�PDQ� DQG�RPLWV� FXOWXUDO� LGHDOV�
of  ethnic minority MSM. Adopting a queer identi-
ty may reduce an ethnic MSM’s perceived sense of  
masculinity, which is intrinsic to maintaining his 
social standing where privilege is already lacking. 
Therefore, ethnically differential expectations of  
PDVFXOLQLW\�ZLHOG�DQ�HQRUPRXV�LQÁXHQFH�RYHU�PDQ\�
ethnic MSM’s choice to remain on the down low.

Compounded Stigmas
 Since both minorities and gay men challenge 
the expectations of  hegemony, that white, hetero-
sexual males are the ideal, they are stereotyped as 

MSM AND DOWN-LOW SEXUALITY



43

EHLQJ� GHYLDQW� RU� GHÀFLW� �5LWWHU�	� 7HUQGUXS�� �������
This creates stigma affecting the daily lives of  peo-
ple. Stigma affects the stigmatized by “limiting them 
socially and disempowering them psychologically 
(Ritter & Terndrup, 2002, p. 16)” and allows for dis-
crimination. Being of  both of  a queer identity and 
of  a minority culture makes a person vulnerable to 
compounded stigma because their sexuality and 
race deviate from privileged groups. Avoiding com-
pounded stigma may be a motivation for remaining 
on the down low. In the current state of  racial and 
sexual relations, perhaps the down low can be con-
ceived of  as a way to preserve one’s mental health and 
physical safety in the face of  compounded stigma. 
 Research supports the supposition that choosing 
WR�UHPDLQ�RQ�WKH�GRZQ�ORZ�LV� LQÁXHQFHG�E\�HIIRUWV�
to avoid possible stigma associated with coming out, 
a possibility that is increased by being a queer ethnic 
minority as opposed to a queer white MSM. Miguel 
0XxR]�/DER\�� D� SURPLQHQW� UHVHDUFKHU� LQ� WKH� ÀHOG�
of  down-low sexuality, has argued that, “implicit in 
the notion of  the ‘down low’ is the idea of  avoid-
ing the cultural stigma attached to non-heterosexual 
identities and for this reason keeping non-heteronor-
mative sexual matters private” (2008, p. 774). Being 
private about sexual matters is therefore a function 
of  the down low identity, likely because being openly 
queer causes ethnic minorities to be further vulner-
able to discrimination resulting from stigmatization.
 Managing two or more outlying identities, in this 
case ethnic minority status and queer sexual orienta-
tion, can be a struggle for these populations. “Ethnic 
gay men and lesbians need to live within three rig-
LGO\�GHÀQHG�DQG�VWURQJO\�LQGHSHQGHQW�FRPPXQLWLHV��
the gay and lesbian community, the ethnic minority 
community, and the society at large. While each com-
munity provides fundamental needs, serious conse-
quences emerge if  such communities were to be vis-
ibly integrated and merged” (Morales, 1989). On one 
side of  the coin, MSM members of  minority cultures 
fear homophobia and threats of  physical violence 
within their ethnic communities (Fullilove & Fulli-
love; 1999; Nesvig, 2001; Ward, 2005). Additionally, 
ethnic men are also concerned with being confronted 
by racism within the gay community (Han, 2008). A 
VWXG\�RI � WKH�PHQWDO�KHDOWK�RI �RSHQO\� LGHQWLÀHG�JD\�

and bisexual Latino men in Miami, Los Angeles, and 
New York found that coming out was associated with 
a relatively high frequency of  symptoms of  psycho-
logical distress, low self-esteem, and social isolation 
resulting from experiences of  social discrimination 
(Diaz, Ayala, Bein, Henne, & Marin, 2001). Thus, 
remaining on the down low may serve to protect 
ethnic minority MSM from further discrimination.
� $�VSHFLÀF�LQVWDQFH�RI �KRZ�VWLJPD�LPSHGHV�LGHQ-
tity formation is the stigma of  HIV/AIDS. HIV/
AIDS infection has long been associated with both 
MSM and ethnic minorities. When the disease was 
ÀUVW�UHSRUWHG�RQ�LQ�WKH�HDUO\�����·V��LW�ZDV�IUHTXHQWO\�
SHJJHG� WKH� ´JD\� SODJXHµ�� ´7KH�$,'6� VWRU\� KDG�À-
nally made its way from the science section and the 
back pages of  the news, but it was still reported al-
most exclusively as a gay disease (Kinsella, 1989, p. 
75).  In recent years, HIV/AIDS prevention has be-
come a major concern for ethnic communities (Ful-
lilove & Fullilove, 1999; Millett et. al., 2005; Muñoz-
Laboy, 2008). Figures 1 and 2 summarize infection 
rates per year by ethnicity and mode of  transmission.  

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

Figure 2: Estimated New HIV Infections, 2010, by Transmission Category

Abbreviations
MSM Men who have sex with men
IDU  Injection drug user
 

Figure 1: New HIV Infections in the United States, 2010, by Ethnicity                 

HALLIDAY



44

  Rates of  infection for these groups are dispro-
portionately high when compared to other fractions 
of  the population. Figure 1 demonstrates that black 
American males as a group accounted for the high-
est rates of  new HIV infection in 2010 followed by 
Latino males (Center for Disease Control and Pre-
vention, 2012). Figure 2 shows that MSM, whether 
VWUDLJKW�� RU� JD\�LGHQWLÀHG�� FRQVWLWXWHG� RYHU� KDOI � RI �
all new HIV infection cases in the same year (Center 
IRU�'LVHDVH�&RQWURO�DQG�3UHYHQWLRQ���������7KHVH�ÀJ-
XUHV�VHUYH�WR�VXSSRUW�WKH�ÀQGLQJ�WKDW�HWKQLF�PLQRULW\�
males form black and Latino backgrounds as well as 
MSM have the highest rates of  new HIV infections.
 Furthermore, men on the down low are often 
blamed publicly for spreading the HIV/AIDS virus 
to women. Though this claim remains largely un-
founded (Sandfort & Dodge, 2008), it contributes to 
the stigma experienced by ethnic minority MSM who 
have disclosed that they sleep with men, especially 
considering that the rates of  new HIV infection are 
indeed highest among these groups. Openly gay and 
bisexual HIV-positive MSM face greater risk of  expe-
riencing symptoms of  psychological distress includ-
ing anxiety and depression (Diaz, et al., 2001). Thus, 
the high HIV/AIDS infection rates among both eth-
nic minorities and MSM create compounded stigmas 
about disclosing a non-heterosexual identity. Ethnic 
minority MSM may stand to face greater prejudice 
from societies who stigmatize HIV/AIDS by com-
ing out as gay, since both ethnic minority groups and 
MSM have the highest rates of  HIV/AIDS infection. 
 What is risked when ethnic minority MSM be-
FRPH�YXOQHUDEOH�WR�FRPSRXQGHG�VWLJPDV"��0HQ�ZKR�
choose to stay on the down low may be protecting 
their mental health since identity management is 
profoundly affected by compounded stigmas (Mon-
dimore, 1996). As a minority of  a minority, ethnic 
queers “bear the additional task of  integrating two 
major aspects of  their identity when both are conspic-
uously devalued” (Greene, 1994, p. 248). Thus, there 
is a tendency among queer minorities to feel forced to 
choose between a cultural versus a queer identity since 
the weight of  compounded stigmas is so burdensome 
(Sandfort & Dodge, 2008). It can be assumed that 
this compounded stigma affects identity manage-
ment by causing queer minorities to remain on the 

down low for fear of  facing further discrimination.

Familialism in the Interdependent Family 
Model
 The interdependent family model is a collectivist 
style of  social relating which is exhibited in higher 
frequency among ethnic cultures than among white 
culture (Greene, 1994; Muñoz-Laboy, 2008). Due to 
the interdependent family model adhered to most of-
ten by ethnic people and less so by whites, minori-
ty MSM are more likely to desire inclusion within 
their culture and therefore to downplay their sexu-
ality. This model is characterized by the tremendous 
emphasis placed on families being dependent upon 
one another for support, emotional connectedness, 
honor, loyalty, and solidarity, often referred to as “fa-
milialism” (Muñoz-Laboy, 2008). As Muñoz-Laboy 
explains, “In cultures where collectivism is a predom-
inant value, the sexual orientation of  individuals is 
no longer an individual issue, but rather a struggle 
between placing an individual’s orientation over ap-
parent collective social order” (2008, p. 776). Inter-
dependent family members are expected to forgo 
personal opinion in favor of  shared beliefs and at-
titudes and are in return rewarded with a sense of  
belonging. Since cultural minorities depend on family 
extensively for their psychological and often physical 
wellbeing, it logically follows that when faced with 
an identity dilemma they choose to remain faithful to 
their cultural identity. This means that minority MSM 
might assume a down-low sexuality in order to avoid 
possible familial rejection induced by homophobia.   
 Muñoz-Laboy’s research leads to the hypothesis 
that interdependent communities characterized by fa-
PLOLDOLVP�LQÁXHQFHV�KHDOWK�SUDFWLFHV�DPRQJVW�/DWLQR�
MSM because individuals with high degrees of  fa-
milialism are less likely to engage in risky behaviors 
(Muñoz-Laboy, 2008). With the stigmas attached to 
HIV/AIDS, homosexual behaviors are considered 
risky among Latino Americans. Muñoz-Laboy (2008) 
performed an analysis of  several case studies of  bi-
sexually active Latino men. He found two common 
characteristics: 1) the desire to procreate in order to 
protect familial honor, and 2) a compartmentalization 
of  sexual identity as separate and hidden from cultur-
DO�DIÀOLDWLRQ��,Q�RUGHU�WR�SURFUHDWH�XQGHU�WKHVH�WHUPV��

MSM AND DOWN-LOW SEXUALITY



45

sex with men would be discouraged, which could 
contribute to the compartmentalization of  a queer 
identity and, thus, down-low sexuality. This body of  
research demonstrates that values associated with 
interdependent familialism wield control over sexu-
al identity among ethnic minorities and complicate 
identity management strategies. Familialism as part 
of  an interdependent family model affects the choice 
to remain on the down low because family opinion, 
approval, and support are greatly valued among eth-
nic minorities, and disclosure could compromise 
this system by causing the MSM to be ostracized. 

Clinical Implications and Directions  
for Future Research

 The research included throughout this paper 
serves to provide insight into the down low identity. 
This is relevant when working with MSM populations 
because research on down-low sexuality is current-
ly limited. The three-pronged framework presented 
here can be used as a tentative guideline for future 
research on the topic by identifying areas in need or 
further investigation and support. Understanding why 
ethnic MSM may be more inclined than white MSM 
to choose a down low identity rather than adopt-
ing an openly queer one is important for clinicians 
working with these populations. Because research on 
queer populations suggests that disclosure of  one’s 
queer identity is correlated with better mental health 
(Hill, 2009), many clinicians assume a pro-coming out 
stance, and in therapy will overtly or subtly encourage 
non-heterosexuals to disclose their true orientations. 
 The potential problem with this assumption, as 
the bulk of  the research cited throughout this work 
demonstrates, is that ethnic minorities face unique 
LGHQWLW\� PDQDJHPHQW� FKDOOHQJHV� WKDW� PDNH� LW� GLIÀ-
cult to openly join the mainstream queer culture. 
Identity management among ethnic minority MSM 
is complicated by pressures to conform to cultural 
standards of  macho or hypermasculinity that may 
be compromised by having sex with men. Success-
ful identity management is also compromised by the 
need to avoid further discrimination by coming out 
as queer, such as being exposed to profound psycho-
logical distress and physical violence. The tendency 

of  ethnic minorities to greatly value familial support 
in the decision to come out should also be acknowl-
edged and respected when conducting therapy with 
these populations. Clinicians are advised to be aware 
RI � WKHVH� LVVXHV�ZKHQ�SUDFWLFLQJ� LGHQWLW\� DIÀUPDWLYH�
counseling since there is a great deal at stake when 
ethnic minority MSM begin disclosing their identities. 
The clinician and client may need to work togeth-
HU� WR�GHWHUPLQH�ZKHWKHU� WKH�EHQHÀWV�RI �DGRSWLQJ�D�
queer identity outweigh the risks in order to ensure 
EHQHÀFHQFH�DQG�PLQLPL]H�KDUP�GRQH�GXULQJ�WKHUDS\���

Conclusion 

 Research on down low identity points to the 
LQÁXHQFH�RI �PDVFXOLQLW\�� VWLJPD� DQG� W\SH�RI � IDPLO\�
model on the sexual identity of  ethnic minority MSM. 
These pressures are interconnected, and together cre-
ate a situation in which identifying as queer is more 
GLIÀFXOW� IRU� FXOWXUDO�PLQRULWLHV� WKDQ� IRU�ZKLWH�PHQ��
and in which down-low sexuality is common among 
minority MSM. Facets of  hegemony prevent the ab-
sorption of  minority men’s values into mainstream 
culture, thus impeding these men from candidly ac-
tualizing a queer identity of  their own. In order to 
UHPDLQ� FXOWXUDOO\� FRPSHWHQW� DQG� LGHQWLW\� DIÀUPD-
tive, the counseling profession must be aware of  
these factors when treating men belonging to racial 
and sexual minorities on the down low. This three-
pronged framework for understanding the choice to 
remain on the down low can be utilized for further 
research as well as for counseling these individuals. 

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