


































GSJP Volume 16 final


86

Graduate Student Journal of  Psychology
2015, Vol. 16

Copyright 2015 by the Department of  Counseling and Clinical Psychology
Teachers College, Columbia University

86

Factors Impacting Ethnic Minority Student 
College Adjustment

Marta I. Krajniak, M.A.
School of  Psychology, Fairleigh Dickinson University 

College freshmen are faced with a myriad of  new challenges and many struggle with the transition into college.  
A substantial number of  individuals who enroll at a university fail to persist through graduation as a result of  
GLIÀFXOWLHV�WKH\�HQFRXQWHU�GXULQJ�WKHLU�ÀUVW�\HDU���3RRU�UHWHQWLRQ�UDWHV�DUH�HVSHFLDOO\�VWULNLQJ�DPRQJ�PLQRULW\�XQ-
dergraduates.  Understanding the obstacles to adjustment among incoming students of  diverse backgrounds is 
FUXFLDO�DV�WKH�ÀUVW�VWHS�LQ�SUHYHQWLQJ�VWXGHQW�GURSRXW���7KLV�UHYLHZ�H[DPLQHV�OLWHUDWXUH�RQ�WKH�LPSDFW�RI �GLYHUVLW\�
issues on college adjustment with the hope of  informing clinicians providing services to a diverse student popu-
ODWLRQ���)DFWRUV�LPSDFWLQJ�PLQRULW\�IUHVKPHQ�DUH�GLVFXVVHG�DQG�GLIIHUHQFHV�EHWZHHQ�VSHFLÀF�JURXSV�DUH�H[DPLQHG��

Introduction

 Graduation from college is an important mile-
stone as it improves the prospects of  a career and 
ÀQDQFLDO� VHFXULW\�� �0DQ\� LQGLYLGXDOV�ZKR�HQUROO�DW�D�
university, however, do not graduate.  Research in-
dicates that students who drop out often do so for 
personal reasons such as social and emotional fac-
tors related to poor adjustment to college (Brad-
burn, 2003; Kalsner & Pistole, 2003; Kerr, Johnson, 
Gans, & Krunmne, 2004).  As many as 30-40% of  
incoming freshmen leave college prior to obtaining 
a degree, with the majority of  these students mak-
LQJ� WKH� GHFLVLRQ� WR� GURS� RXW� ZLWKLQ� WKHLU� ÀUVW� \HDU�
(Bradburn & Carroll, 2002; Consolvo, 2002).  An 
examination of  the obstacles that thwart adjust-
ment to college among incoming students is a cru-
FLDO� ÀUVW� VWHS� WR� LPSURYLQJ� FROOHJH� UHWHQWLRQ� UDWHV�
 College enrollment has increased by over 35% 
from 2000 to 2010, representing a rise of  both ma-
jority and minority student matriculation (U.S. De-
partment of  Education, 2012).  The growing num-
ber of  non-white undergraduates is posited to be a 
response to the changing ethnic and cultural land-
VFDSH� RI � WKH� 8�6��� DV� ZHOO� DV� WR� DIÀUPDWLYH� DFWLRQ�
policies (Santos, Ortiz, Morales, & Rosales, 2007).  
Increased enrollment, however, is not paralleled by 
graduation rates among minority students.  While 
on average 60% of  white students that register at 
a university graduate with a Bachelor’s degree, only 

49% of  Hispanic students (Lynch & Engle, 2010a) 
and 40% of  black students (Lynch & Engle, 2010b) 
earn their degrees.  Similarly, while undergraduate 
enrollment has been increasing among Native Amer-
icans, persistence and graduation rates for these stu-
dents are the lowest of  all minority groups (e.g., as 
low as 15%; Guillory & Wolverton, 2008; Hunt & 
Harrington, 2010; Department of  Education, 2008). 
 Despite the breadth of  research investigating 
overall student college adjustment, focus has only re-
cently turned to exploring the unique factors impact-
ing ethnic and/or racial minority freshmen; examina-
tion of  these obstacles has gained momentum since 
WKH�SDVVLQJ�RI �DIÀUPDWLYH�DFWLRQ�SROLFLHV�WKDW�SURYLGH�
special opportunities for minorities in predominant-
ly white universities.  The following review examines 
the additional burdens to college adjustment faced 
by students from diverse racial, ethnic, and cultural 
backgrounds underlying the disproportionate re-
tention rates in this population.  Although explicit 
treatment recommendations are beyond the scope 
of  this article, the article highlights adjustment-re-
lated problems in the hopes that alleviating these 
GLIÀFXOWLHV� ZLWK� DSSURSULDWH� VXSSRUWV� ZLOO� LPSURYH�
retention rates of  minority groups.  In addition, giv-
en the diversity of  populations subsumed under the 
broad racial categories typically used in research (e.g., 
black, Asian) this review notes the particular minority 
groups that were investigated, when such data were 
available, to illustrate distinct obstacles confronted by 
VWXGHQWV�IURP�VSHFLÀF�UDFLDO�RU�HWKQLF�EDFNJURXQGV�

Keywords: college adjustment; minority students; minority sta-
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87

College Adjustment 

 Adjustment to college is generally used to en-
compass a variety of  factors historically assessed in 
terms of  student academic accomplishment and re-
tention rates, and, more recently, by the use of  in-
tegrative self-report measures.  For example, Clark 
and Trow (1966) posited that the student’s identi-
ÀFDWLRQ�ZLWK� WKHLU� FROOHJH� �L�H���PDWFK� LQ�YDOXHV� DQG�
beliefs) is pivotal to a successful academic career.  
Tinto (1993), on the other hand, argued that aca-
demic and social integration, the level to which the 
student interacts with peers, faculty, and staff  and 
adheres to the academic requirements, is central to 
an individual’s persistence through graduation.  Pres-
ently, there has been a movement towards an inte-
grated assessment of  college adjustment that takes 
into account academic, social, personal/emotional, 
and institutional attachment (Baker & Siryk, 1989). 
 Several integrative self-report questionnaires 
have been developed to evaluate students’ adjustment 
to college, which yield an overall adjustment score as 
ZHOO�DV�VFRUHV�IRU�WKH�VSHFLÀF�IDFWRUV���$PRQJ�WKHVH�
measures is the College Adjustment Scales  (CAS; 
Anton & Reed, 1991).  The CAS was designed to pro-
vide a screen for college counselors to distinguish stu-
dents seeking help related to college adjustment from 
those with other problems.  The College Adjustment 
Rating Scale (CARS; Zitzow, 1984) is a questionnaire 
that assesses four domains of  perceived stress in the 
academic, social, personal, and family realms.  The 
College Adjustment Test (CAT; Pennebaker, Colder, 
& Sharp, 1990) is a survey that assesses the degree to 
which students have experienced a variety of  thoughts 
and feelings about being in college.  Finally, the Stu-
dent Adaptation to College Questionnaire (SACQ; 
Baker & Siryk, 1998) is a self-report measure that ad-
dresses four aspects of  college adjustment including 
academic, social, personal-emotional, and goal com-
mitment-institutional attachment.  The SACQ was de-
veloped to help identify students at risk for dropping 
out and is the most widely used measure of  college 
adjustment in research (Credé & Niehorster, 2012).  
 A substantial body of  research has explored fac-
tors predicting student college adjustment. Studies 
FRQVLVWHQWO\�LGHQWLÀHG�XQGHUJUDGXDWHV·�DFDGHPLF�SHU-

formance (Credé & Kuncel, 2008; Wintre & Bowers, 
2007), institutional attachment (i.e., campus environ-
mental aspects, involvement in campus organizations; 
Hurtado & Carter, 1997; Wintre & Bowers, 2007), so-
cial adjustment (e.g., social support from peers, family 
and professors; Friedlander, Reid, Shupak, & Cribbie, 
2007; Johnson, Gans, Kerr & LaValle, 2010; Martin, 
Swartz-Kulstad, & Madson, 1999), as well as personal 
and emotional factors (e.g., stress, depression; Bey-
ers & Goossens, 2002; Brooks & DuBois, 1995) as 
directly and indirectly impacting students’ level of  
successful adaptation to college.  For instance, Alvan, 
Belgrave, and Zea (1996) demonstrated that among 
77 undergraduates, satisfaction with social support 
ZDV�D�VLJQLÀFDQW�SUHGLFWRU�RI �RYHUDOO�FROOHJH�DGMXVW-
ment above and beyond stress experienced by these 
individuals.  In addition, high school friendships 
DSSHDUHG� WR�EH�RI � YLWDO� LPSRUWDQFH�GXULQJ� WKH�ÀUVW�
few weeks of  college, whereas new college acquain-
tances were more predictive of  college adjustment 
later in the year (Swenson, Nordstrom, & Hiester, 
2008).  Similarly, freshman GPA in 944 undergrad-
uates predicted persistence to graduation (Wintre & 
%RZHUV���������ZKLOH�ODFN�RI �LQYROYHPHQW�LQ�WKH�ÀUVW�
semester was inversely related to academic integra-
tion, institutional commitment, and persistence to 
graduation (Berger & Milem, 1999).  Overall, these 
ÀQGLQJV�VXJJHVW�WKDW�VWXGHQWV�ZKR�VWUXJJOH�DFDGHP-
ically, experience the campus environment as ad-
YHUVH�� GR� QRW� IRUP� VXIÀFLHQW� IRUPDO� DQG� LQIRUPDO�
social connections, or who experience mental health 
problems during the transition into college might be 
at higher risk to leaving college before graduation.

Minority Student College Adjustment 
 A smaller body of  mostly recent research has be-
gun to demonstrate differences in college adjustment 
variables among students of  diverse backgrounds.  
For example, Anglin and Wade (2007) found that 
DGMXVWPHQW� WR� FROOHJH� ZDV� VLJQLÀFDQWO\� ORZHU� IRU�
141 black students compared to their white coun-
terparts.  Similarly, while overall college adjustment 
for 76 Native Americans was comparable to oth-
er undergraduates, institutional attachment among 
WKHVH� VWXGHQWV�ZDV� VLJQLÀFDQWO\� ORZHU� WKDQ� WKDW� IRU�
a large Caucasian sample (Watson, 2009).  African 

KRAJNIAK



88

American, Hispanic American, and Native Amer-
ican students were also found to have lower social 
adjustment and instuitional attachment when com-
pared to Caucasian students (Hutz, Martin, & Beit-
el, 2007), while Chicano students had poorer social 
adjustment as compared to other Latino/a students 
(Hurtado, Carter, & Spuler, 1996).  Despite the clear 
disparities in college adjustment, especially in the 
area of  social and intuitional attachment realms, be-
tween various ethnic minorities and Caucasian stu-
dents, there is still a dearth of  ad hoc investigation 
of  the cross-cultural differences with research exam-
ining some ethnic and cultural groups, such as Arab 
Americans or Indian Americans, lacking completely.  

Minority Students College Adjustment Factors
� &RQVLGHULQJ� WKH� DERYH� ÀQGLQJV�� LW� LV� HYLGHQW�
that poor college adjustment might be underlying 
the relatively low retention rates among minority 
students compared to their increased presence on 
university campuses.  The emerging body of  litera-
WXUH� LGHQWLÀHG� VHYHUDO� YDULDEOHV� WKDW�SRVH� DGGLWLRQDO�
challenges to non-white students’ assimilation into 
the undergraduate milieu including minority status 
stress, family/cultural factors, socioeconomic sta-
WXV��6(6���DQG�ÀUVW�JHQHUDWLRQ�FROOHJH�VWXGHQW�VWDWXV�
(Fischer, 2007; Greer & Brown, 2011; Walpole, 2003).   

Minority Status Stress
 Recently, researchers began inquiring whether 
the distinct characteristics of  minority students might 
confer additional burden to transition into college.  
The increased matriculation rates of  various ethnic 
and racial student groups imply that many non-white 
individuals are enrolling in historically white uni-
versities.  As such, undergraduates of  diverse back-
grounds might face minority status stress– additional 
and unique sources of  stress associated with their 
status as a minority and the experience of  discrimi-
nation and racism, that interferes with college adjust-
ment (Greer, 2008; Smedley, Myers, & Harrell, 1993).
� 1XPHURXV�ÀQGLQJV�VXSSRUW�WKLV�DUJXPHQW���)RU�
instance, among 1,096 minority freshmen of  Afri-
can-American, Chicano, Latino, American Indian, 
and Filipino origin and 300 Caucasian matched stu-
GHQWV�� PLQRULW\� XQGHUJUDGXDWHV� H[SHULHQFHG� VLJQLÀ-

cantly higher rates of  covert and overt racism and 
discrimination than their white counterparts, which 
FRQWULEXWHG�VLJQLÀFDQWO\�WR�SV\FKRORJLFDO�GLVWUHVV�DQG�
to inferior college performance (i.e., GPA), over and 
above the effects of  gender, SES, race, high-school 
GPA, and SAT (Smedley et al., 1993).  Similarly, 
among Native American students enrolled in a com-
munity college, the stress and anxiety associated with 
the college racial dynamics (i.e., level of  discrimina-
tion or racial acceptance) were inversely related to 
students’ academic, social and personal-emotional 
college adjustment and institutional attachment (Wat-
son, 2009).  A 1-year longitudinal study also showed 
that 54 Latino/a freshmen experienced the campus 
UDFLDO�FOLPDWH�DV�LQFUHDVLQJO\�KRVWLOH�RYHU�WKH�ÀUVW�\HDU�
(Lopez, 2005).  Such perceived discrimination, in 
turn, resulted in the students’ developing an alienated 
sociocultural orientation (i.e., students become more 
DYRLGDQW�ZKHQ�SUHVHQWHG�ZLWK�GLVFXVVLRQ�RU�FRQÁLFW�
regarding race), decreased assimilation (i.e., associat-
ing predominantly with students from same ethnic or 
cultural background), and turning to their Latino/a 
peers as a source of  support.  It is, thus, evident that 
minority undergraduates feel discriminated against 
on college campuses, and it is likely that such expe-
riences negatively impact their satisfaction with the 
XQLYHUVLW\��ZHDNHQ�DIÀOLDWLRQ�ZLWK�WKH�LQVWLWXWLRQ��DQG�
discourage social interaction.  Minority status stress, 
therefore, directly contributes to poor college adjust-
ment among non-white students and might result in 
students leaving the institutions prior to graduation.
 Differences across minority groups.  While 
VWXGLHV�FRQÀUPHG�WKDW�PLQRULW\�VWDWXV�VWUHVV�LPSDFWV�
students of  various ethnic, racial, and cultural back-
grounds (Ancis, Sedlacek, & Mohr, 2000; Arbona & 
Jimenez, 2013; Awad, 2010), comparative research 
also revealed differences in the nature, type, and level 
of  this experience between various minority groups.  
For example, among 111 Asian Americans, 76 Lati-
no/a Americans, 50 African Americans, reported mi-
nority status stress was higher in African American 
than Asian American and Latino/a American students 
(Cokley, McClain, Enciso, & Martinez, 2013).  Simi-
larly, among 3,924 students enrolled across 23 U.S. 
XQLYHUVLWLHV�� EODFN� VWXGHQWV� KDG� VLJQLÀFDQWO\� KLJKHU�
perceptions of  negative racial climate than Asian and 

MINORITY STUDENT COLLEGE ADJUSTMENT



89

Hispanic undergraduates, who had about an equal per-
FHSWLRQ�RI �QHJDWLYH�UDFLDO�FOLPDWH��EXW�VWLOO�VLJQLÀFDQW-
ly higher than whites (Fischer, 2007).  Further, black 
students are more likely to leave an institution due to 
the perception of  racism than other minority students 
�)LVFKHU����������7KHVH�ÀQGLQJV�LQGLFDWH�WKDW�DOWKRXJK�
minority status stress affects various student groups, 
these experiences seem to be most prevalent among 
black undergraduates and profoundly impact their 
decision to leave the institution prior to graduation.
 Some researchers suggested that perhaps it is not 
just the magnitude, but also the type, of  discrimina-
tion perceived by distinct minority groups that dif-
ferentially impacts their transition into college.  In 
that vein, though some researchers demonstrated 
that Asian American students do not have adaptive 
problems related to minority stress (e.g., Cocchiara 
& Quick, 2004), others indicated that Asian Amer-
icans report higher impostor feelings than black or 
Latino/a American students that are a stronger pre-
dictor of  psychological distress than minority status 
stress (Chang & Demyan, 2007; Cokley et al., 2013).  
Imposter feelings– the sense of  intellectual phoni-
ness, is believed to stem from the stereotype of  Asian 
American students as the model minority who is in-
telligent, hardworking, high achieving, and academi-
cally striving.  In contrast, Lopez (2005) found that 
Latino/a students experienced feeling that others 
perceived them as academically inferior and that they 
were admitted to the university only as a response to 
DIÀUPDWLYH�DFWLRQ�� �)XUWKHU��ZKHUHDV�$IULFDQ�$PHU-
ican students perceived more hostility and less eq-
uitable treatment by faculty and staff, Latino/a and 
Asian Americans experienced discrimination in a less 
hostile way (i.e., limited respect and inequality; An-
FLV�HW�DO���������� �7KHUHIRUH�� WKH�VSHFLÀF�VWHUHRW\SHV�
might be associated with the varied level of  perceived 
minority status stress between different groups, 
their coping strategies, as well as retention rates.  
 Although most research on minority status stress 
addresses individuals with distinct physical character-
istics (e.g., skin color), one study explored religious 
dress as a related factor.  Rangoonwala, Sy, and Epi-
noza (2011) found that among 54 Muslim women, 
Muslim identity was inversely associated with col-
lege adjustment.  Surprisingly, though, strict adher-

ence to Islamic dress was positively associated with 
college adjustment.  Given that over 80% of  these 
students reported perceiving anti-Islamic attitude 
post 9-11, authors posited that an association with 
that culture resulted in an experience of  discrimina-
tion and isolation that negatively impacted the stu-
dent’s college adjustment.  The outward expression 
of  acceptance of  Muslim religion via Islamic dress, 
on the other hand, allowed students to identify each 
other and form communities that buffer students 
against minority stress especially in a university with 
a large Muslim population.  While skin color is one 
factor impacting minority status stress, groups ex-
hibiting other visible signs of  minority status or ad-
KHULQJ�WR�FXOWXUH�VSHFLÀF�EHKDYLRUV��H�J���SUD\LQJ�EH-
fore meals) may also experience discrimination that 
disrupt their social adjustment in college.  Further, 
WKHVH� ÀQGLQJV� DOVR� GHPRQVWUDWH� WKDW� ZKLOH� PLQRUL-
ty status stress impacts students of  various back-
JURXQGV�� VRPH� LQGLYLGXDOV�ÀQG� WKHLU�XQLTXH�FKDUDF-
teristics as a way to aggregate and support each other. 
 College campus factors.  As noted above, the 
racial climate and the number of  same-group mi-
QRULW\�VWXGHQWV�SUHVHQW�DW�WKH�VSHFLÀF�XQLYHUVLW\�DG-
ditionally impact the level of  minority status stress.  
In a study of  160 Asian American, African American, 
and Latino/a American students in a predominant-
ly white (90%) university, Wei and colleagues found 
WKDW�XQLYHUVLW\�HQYLURQPHQW�ZDV�D�VLJQLÀFDQW�PHGLD-
tor for the association between minority status stress 
and college persistence attitudes (i.e., students beliefs 
regarding the importance of  and plans to complete 
college), beyond general stress, and that this pattern 
was similar for all ethnic groups (Wei, Ku, & Liao, 
2011).  Among 202 African American undergradu-
ates, those attending a large predominantly white col-
lege in the Midwest endorsed higher minority status 
stress than those attending a historically black uni-
versity in the Eastern U.S. (Greer & Brown, 2011).  
Further, institutional type was the strongest predictor 
of  academic performance in this study.  Converse-
ly, African American freshmen at a predominantly 
black university reported better social, academic, and 
overall college adjustment than either African Amer-
ican or white freshmen at a predominantly white uni-
versity, and better institutional attachment than Af-

KRAJNIAK



90

rican American freshmen at a predominantly white 
university (Adan & Felner, 1995).  Similarly, Rodri-
guez, Morris, Myers, and Cardoza (2000) examined 
whether minority-status stresses increases the risk of  
psychological maladjustment of  Latino/a students 
at a university where Latinos constitute the largest 
ethnic group.  Their results indicated that among 
338 Latino/a (228 Mexican American, 110 Central 
American) undergraduates in a predominantly Lati-
QR�VFKRRO��PLQRULW\�VWDWXV�VWUHVV�GLG�QRW�VLJQLÀFDQWO\�
impact the students psychological adjustment beyond 
demographic (i.e., gender, socioeconomic status, and 
ethnicity), sociocultural (i.e., level of  acculturation), 
college role (i.e., generic college stress), and personal 
�L�H���ODFN�RI �DFDGHPLF�VHOI�FRQÀGHQFH��FKDUDFWHULVWLFV���
7RJHWKHU��WKHVH�ÀQGLQJV�IXUWKHU�VXSSRUW�WKH�VXSSRVL-
tion that the racial climate of  an institution has a di-
rect impact on student college adjustment and reten-
tion rates, as those attending universities with a large 
same-group population endorse fewer problems per-
haps due to lesser discrimination and/or more avail-
able support from other minority peers or faculty.
 Racial identity.  Since discrimination and racism 
associated with status stress is more likely to impact 
minority students in predominantly white universi-
ties, on-campus association with students of  diverse 
backgrounds could be an effective coping strategy 
to buffer against minority status stress.  Although 
increasing racial identity– the self-concept that in-
corporates individual’s knowledge and acceptance of  
one’s group’s history, values, and practices, has been 
VKRZQ�WR�EH�HIÀFDFLRXV�LQ�EXIIHULQJ�DJDLQVW�PLQRUL-
ty status stress, research on racial socialization has 
also shown that internalizing racial identity (i.e., em-
bracing only one’s own racial identity) has a negative 
impact on black students’ college adjustment where-
as multicultural racial identity (i.e., embracing one’s 
own racial identity and feelings of  connectedness 
with other minority groups) positively affects these 
undergraduates’ adjustment (Anglin & Wade, 2007).  
Similarly, among Native American students the ability 
to positively embrace one’s own group identity and 
aspects of  the dominant culture’s identity had a pos-
itive correlation with academic and social adjustment 
as well as institutional attachment (Watson, 2009).  
Therefore, experience of  minority status stress that 

results in alienation from the majority group and ex-
clusive reliance on in-group support interferes with 
the development on multiracial identity consequent-
ly negatively impacting student college adjustment.  
Moreover, Lopez (2005) found that in addition to 
racial discrimination from other students, Latino 
freshmen also experienced intragroup discrimination 
�H�J��� ´:K\� DUH� \RX� DFWLQJ�ZKLWH"µ��� �$FKLHYLQJ� WKH�
EDODQFH� EHWZHHQ� LQFRUSRUDWLQJ� WKH� HWKQLF�VSHFLÀF�
and majority group characteristics to gain both native 
and dominant group acceptance further complicates 
the social adjustment among minority freshmen.
 Collectively, the available body of  literature im-
plicates minority status stress as negatively impacting 
college transition among undergraduates from diverse 
backgrounds, which might at least partially account 
for the high drop out rates among these students.  
The preponderance of  extant work, however, focuses 
on black undergraduates and there is a dearth of  re-
search investigating minority status stress among Arab 
American, Indian American, and Native American 
students.  It would be important to investigate wheth-
er, and if  yes what type of, minority status stress im-
pairs college adjustment for freshmen in these groups.

Socioeconomic Status
 In addition to minority status stress, non-white 
students might experience the added burden asso-
ciated with lower SES, which is often measured in 
terms of  quality and level of  education, parent oc-
FXSDWLRQ�� DQG� LQFRPH�� � 5HVHDUFK� ÀQGLQJV� VXJJHVW�
that ethnic and/or racial minority students are more 
likely to come from households with low SES than 
white students (Terenzini, Cabrera, & Bernal, 2001).  
For example, Fischer (2007) found that 55-65% of  
Asian and white students come from families that 
make an income of  over $75,000 as compared to 
only about 42% of  Hispanic and 37% of  black un-
dergraduates.  In terms of  college adjustment and 
SHUVLVWHQFH�� ORZ� 6(6� KDV� EHHQ� LGHQWLÀHG� DV� D� ULVN�
factor for inferior preparation for college (Fischer, 
2007; Terenzini et al., 2001), poorer college academic 
achievement among freshmen (Smedley et al., 1993), 
as well as lower graduation rates (Mendez, Mendo-
za, & Malcolm, 2011; Terenzini et al., 2001).  It is 
important to note, however, that classroom partici-

MINORITY STUDENT COLLEGE ADJUSTMENT



91

pation and involvement of  lower SES students is 
similar to that of  students with higher SES (Walpo-
le, 2003), which suggests the need to focus on oth-
er reasons related to these students’ drop out rates.  
 Several factors associated with low SES can im-
pact students’ adjustment and persistence to gradua-
tion.  Financing college can be an additional stressor 
for undergraduates as many minority students de-
pend on support from their families in paying school 
tuitions.  Parents, family members, or money from 
personal savings covers about 63-64% of  white and 
Asian undergraduates’ college expenses, compared to 
only 43% of  Hispanic and 33% of  black students’ ed-
ucational cost (Fischer, 2007).  In a study of  2,991 col-
lege students Latino/a (Mexican, Mexican American, 
Chicano, Puerto Rican, Cuban, or other Spanish/His-
panic Latino) undergraduates were more often con-
FHUQHG�DERXW�ÀQDQFLQJ�WKHLU�HGXFDWLRQV�DQG�WR�GURS�
RXW�RI �VFKRRO�IRU�ÀQDQFLDO�UHDVRQV�WKDQ�QRQ�/DWLQR�
students (Longerbeam, Sedlacek, &Alatorre, 2004).  
Similarly, a qualitative study by Guillory and Wolver-
WRQ��������UHYHDOHG�WKDW�LQDGHTXDWH�ÀQDQFLDO�VXSSRUW�
was one of  the major barriers to college graduation 
among Native American students.  Mendez et al. 
(2011), on the other hand, demonstrated that avail-
DELOLW\�RI �ÀQDQFLDO� DLG�SDFNDJHV�SRVLWLYHO\� LPSDFWHG�
college retention rates among Native American stu-
dents, while Aguayo and colleagues found increased 
VHOI�HIÀFDF\�LQ�0H[LFDQ�$PHULFDQ�VWXGHQWV�ZKR�KDG�
EHWWHU� SHUFHSWLRQV� RI � ÀQDQFLDO� UHVRXUFHV� �$JXD\R��
Herman, Ojeda, & Flores, 2011).  It is likely that 
ODFN� RI � ÀQDQFLDO� UHVRXUFHV� LV� DQRWKHU� IDFWRU� XQGHU-
lying the lower retention rates of  minority students.
� :KLOH� ODFN� RI � ÀQDQFHV� PLJKW� GLUHFWO\� UHVXOW� LQ�
dropping out, low SES can also indirectly negatively 
impact minority students’ college adjustment.  Lon-
gerbeam et al. (2004), for example, found that Lati-
QR�DV� ZHUH� VLJQLÀFDQWO\� PRUH� OLNHO\� WR� ZRUN� DQG�
to work longer hours while attending college than 
non-Latino/a students, and attributed needing to 
have a job to personal and family obligations (i.e., 
to earn money to support themselves, pay for tui-
tion, and to send money home).  Further, students 
from low SES were less likely to live in dormitories 
(Terenzini et al., 2001), with as many as 65% of  Na-
tive American students residing off  campus (Hunt & 

Harrington, 2010).  Therefore, it is likely that minori-
ty students have less time to study and to participate 
in on-campus activities due to the extra time devoted 
to working or commuting, both of  which negative-
ly impact college adjustment.  Lastly, low SES stu-
dents, especially those of  minority status, frequently 
experience discrimination based on social class espe-
FLDOO\� DPRQJ�ZKLWH� DIÁXHQW� XQLYHUVLWLHV� �2VWURYH�	�
Long, 2007), which further impacts their comfort 
ZLWK�MRLQLQJ�VRFLDO�DFWLYLWLHV���5HVHDUFK�ÀQGLQJV�JHQ-
erally support this postulation.  For example, among 
12,400 students from over 200 colleges low SES 
African American undergraduates had less contact 
with faculty, spent less time studying, were less in-
volved in extracurricular activities, had lower grades 
and worked more hours than their high SES peers 
or all African American students (Walpole, 2008).  
 Research generally supports the notion that mi-
nority undergraduates are more likely to be of  low 
6(6� DQG� KDYH� PRUH� GLIÀFXOW\� ÀQDQFLQJ� WKHLU� HGX-
cation than other college students.  Consequently, 
while some drop out of  school others either work 
or reside at home with their families to make col-
OHJH� DIIRUGDEOH�� � 7KRVH� VWXGHQWV� WKDW� ÀQG� PHDQV�
WR�ÀQDQFH� WKHLU� HGXFDWLRQV�PLJKW�GR� VR�E\� VDFULÀF-
ing both academic and social college opportunities. 

Family and Cultural Factors
 While transition into college provides an oppor-
tunity for many students to become more indepen-
dent of  their families, for some enrollment at the 
university does not afford such freedom.  In addi-
WLRQ�WR�UHVLGLQJ�DW�KRPH�IRU�ÀQDQFLDO�UHDVRQV��FXOWXUDO�
norms, especially values regarding family interdepen-
dence and independence, might further complicate 
the transition into college for some minority groups.  
For instance, whereas in the white American culture 
individuality and independence might be stressed, the 
Hispanic culture emphases familismo in which youth 
are expected to prioritize family needs and spend 
considerable time with their families and provide 
HPRWLRQDO��ÀQDQFLDO��DQG�SHUVRQDO�VXSSRUW�WR�IDPLO\�
members.  Similarly, many Asian cultures emphasize 
collectivism, and, although a wide variability exists 
within the black community, family needs are typi-
cally prioritized over other responsibilities.  Under-

KRAJNIAK



92

graduates from backgrounds stressing family inter-
dependence might be required to run errands, work, 
care for siblings, or attend to other family obligations 
rather than studying or engaging in academic or ex-
WUDFXUULFXODU� DFWLYLWLHV�� �7KXV�� FXOWXUH�VSHFLÀF� IDPLO\�
dynamics can put an additional strain on the transi-
tion into college for some minority groups, especial-
ly for students for whom cultural norms and family 
expectations clash with the demands of  college life.  
 In line with this supposition, Chang, Heckhausen, 
Greenberger, and Chen (2010) investigated students’ 
perceptions of  family agency among 515 freshman 
students of  East Asian American, West Asian Amer-
LFDQ�� )LOLSLQR�3DFLÀF� ,VODQGHU� $PHULFDQ� DQG� (XUR-
pean American descent.  While shared agency was 
GHÀQHG�DV�SDUHQWDO�VXSSRUW��FROODERUDWLRQ��RU�DFFRP-
modation in regards to educational goals, non-shared 
agency was described as parent un-involvement or di-
UHFWLRQ�FRQWURO�RI �WKH�JRDOV���7KHLU�ÀQGLQJV�LQGLFDW-
ed that all Asian American students reported higher 
OHYHOV�RI �SHUFHLYHG�QRQ�VKDUHG�DJHQF\��VSHFLÀFDOO\�RI �
parental directing, and lower levels of  shared agency, 
than European American students.  Furthermore, the 
study demonstrated that poorer college adjustment 
among the Asian American cohort emerged as a di-
rect result of  the students’ perceptions of  agency with 
SDUHQWV���6XFK�ÀQGLQJV�VXJJHVW�WKDW�GLVFRUG�EHWZHHQ�
the students’ and the families’ college goals might re-
VXOW�LQ�WKH�XQGHUJUDGXDWHV·�GLIÀFXOWLHV�LQ�DGMXVWPHQW�
and eventual decision to withdraw from a university.
 Further, while all students shared the common 
goals of  attending college as a means for gaining 
money in the future, obtaining a good job or a ca-
reer, and for personal growth and learning, Asian, 
Latino/a, and African American minority students 
reported also being motivated to attend college to 
help their families and to prove one’s self-worth 
(Phinney, Dennis, & Osorio, 2006).  Relatedly, Tseng 
(2004) found that among U.S. born children, Asian 
3DFLÀF�$PHULFDQV�SODFHG�PRUH� LPSRUWDQFH�RQ�IDP-
ily interdependence than did European Americans 
with no differences between Latino, African/Af-
ro-Caribbean American and European American 
students, whereas students with non-American par-
ents valued interdependence more than those with 
parents born in the U.S. with no differences among 

the minority groups.  The study also demonstrated 
that those with higher family interdependence spent 
more time on family obligations, and although atti-
tudes about family obligations contributed to greater 
academic motivation among youth from immigrant, 
compared to U.S.-born, families the greater behav-
ioral demands experienced by that group had nega-
tive impact on academic achievement and academic 
adjustment.  Thus, although initially family factors 
might contribute to minority students’ reasons to 
attend college, the added responsibilities or pres-
sure might eventually interfere in college adjustment.
 Although scarce, studies also indicate that Native 
American students struggle to navigate between the 
demands of  college and cultural or tribal expectations 
(Juntunen et al., 2001; Hunt & Harrington, 2010).  
For instance, Hunt and Harrington (2010) described a 
mismatch between tribal values of  independence and 
the need to form social and institutional attachments 
while transitioning into college that might result in 
students’ loneliness and isolation.  Native American 
undergraduates reported feeling isolated from their 
tribal culture and simultaneously alienated from 
faculty and students on the college campus, which 
negatively impacts their adjustment and retention 
rates (Thompson, Johnson-Jennings, & Nitzarim, 
2013).  Clearly, cultural factors might not only di-
UHFWO\� FRQÁLFW� ZLWK� WKH� VWXGHQWV·� JRDOV� DQG� FROOHJH�
responsibilities, but might also guide their decisions 
regarding seeking assistance or resources on campus.
 A quantitative study of  132 diverse students by 
Terenzini et al. (1994) nicely demonstrated the com-
plex nature of  transition into college for minority 
students.  The content of  the study’s focus groups 
indicated that for many white students going to col-
lege is seen as the continuation of  a family tradition, 
whereas minority students experienced going to col-
lege as a “break” from tradition.  Additionally, mi-
QRULW\�VWXGHQWV·�DFFRXQWV�KLJKOLJKWHG�WKH�FRQÁLFWLQJ�
experience of, on the one hand, feeling that their 
family was supportive of  their college career, and on 
WKH� RWKHU�� H[SHULHQFLQJ� GLIÀFXOW\� PDLQWDLQLQJ� IDPL-
ly responsibilities while meeting academic demands. 
� 7RJHWKHU�WKHVH�ÀQGLQJV�LQGLFDWH�WKDW�FXOWXUH�VSH-
FLÀF� IDPLO\� IDFWRUV�� VXFK� DV� SDUHQWDO� H[SHFWDWLRQV��
goals, and involvement might negatively impact stu-

MINORITY STUDENT COLLEGE ADJUSTMENT



93

dents’ ability to perform academically and to assim-
ilate into the college milieu.  Further, students who 
tend to place more value on their family obligations 
PLJKW�H[SHULHQFH�PRUH�VHYHUH�FRQÁLFW�EHWZHHQ�WKHLU�
college responsibilities and family expectations.  Fu-
ture research needs to investigate the additional im-
pact of  immigrant status on the relationship between 
family values and minority students’ college adjust-
ment, as the distinction between immigrant and na-
tive-born minority groups is rarely made in studies.

First Generation College Students
� )LQDOO\�� PLQRULW\� VWXGHQWV� DUH� RIWHQ� WKH� ÀUVW�
ones in their family to attend college (Terenzini et 
al., 2001).  Among almost 4,000 students only 9% 
RI �ZKLWH� DQG�����RI �$VLDQ� VWXGHQWV�ZHUH� WKH�ÀUVW�
in their family to go to college, compare to 30% of  
Hispanic and black students (Fischer, 2007).  Na-
WLYH�$PHULFDQV� DUH� HYHQ�PRUH� OLNHO\� WR� EH� WKH� ÀUVW�
in their family to go to college (Hunt & Harrington, 
������� � 0LQRULW\� IUHVKPHQ� ZKR� DUH� ÀUVW� JHQHUD-
tion college students are at a further disadvantage 
compared to those who can draw from their par-
ents’ or siblings’ college experiences and support.  
 Parents who have no college experience are often 
ill equipped or lack the vital information to assist their 
children in the transition into higher education.  For 
instance, among 100 minority (84 Latino, all Mexican 
or Central American; 16 Asian, all Chinese or Chi-
QHVH�9LHWQDPHVH�� ÀUVW�JHQHUDWLRQ� VWXGHQWV� ZKRVH�
parents did not complete college, students perceived 
their peers as better able than their family members 
to provide the support they needed in order to suc-
ceed in college (Dennis, Phinney, & Chuateco, 2005).  
Similarly, friends, not family support moderated the 
effects of  stress on psychological adjustment in Mex-
ican and Central American Latino/a college students 
(Rodriguez, Mira, Myers, Morris, & Cardoza, 2003).  
7KHUHIRUH��ÀUVW�JHQHUDWLRQ�FROOHJH�VWXGHQWV�PLJKW�QRW�
be able to count on their parents’ ability to assist them 
in college-related matters.  Additionally, these individ-
uals have the additional burden of  stress associated 
with forming interpersonal connections at college as 
means of  support regarding the transition into the 
university, and might be at an increased risk of  drop-
ping out if  such social connections are not attained.

 Importantly, many minority students might have 
foreign-born parents who, although have obtained 
higher degrees, had different experiences than those 
of  their U.S. born children.  For instance, Fischer 
(2007) found that over 60% of  Asian students have at 
least one foreign born parent, as compared to 50% of  
Hispanic students, 20% of  black students, and 9% of  
white students.  Therefore, many minority students 
with foreign-born parents might share experiences 
VLPLODU�WR�WKRVH�RI �ÀUVW�JHQHUDWLRQ�FROOHJH�VWXGHQWV���
� &ROOHFWLYHO\�� WKHVH� UHVXOWV� VXJJHVW� WKDW�ÀUVW�JHQ-
HUDWLRQ� FROOHJH� VWXGHQWV� DQG� ÀUVW� JHQHUDWLRQ�$PHU-
ican undergraduates are at a disadvantage regarding 
college preparation.  Those who are experiencing 
academic and adjustment problems and require guid-
ance must rely on other students for support, rather 
WKDQ� WKHLU� SDUHQWV�� � )DPLOLDO� FRQÁLFW�� VWUHVV�� RU� UH-
sentment might also emerge when freshmen seek-
ing help from their parents regarding college-relat-
ed issues are faced with misguidance or lack of  aid. 

Differences Across Minority Groups
 A comprehensive longitudinal study by Fischer 
������� LQYHVWLJDWHG� QRW� RQO\� WKH� VSHFLÀF� GLVDGYDQ-
tages minority groups face when compared to their 
white counterparts, but, more importantly, how 
these factors differentially impact students’ college 
adjustment across various ethnic groups.  Fisch-
er utilized data of  3,924 students from the Na-
tional Longitudinal Survey of  Freshmen who en-
tered 28 US universities in 1999.  An equal number 
of  randomly selected white, black, Hispanic, and 
Asian freshmen from each institution were select-
HG�ZKR�ZHUH� DVVHVVHG� DW� WKH� EHJLQQLQJ�RI � WKH�ÀUVW�
year of  college, the spring semester of  freshman 
year, and each following spring through graduation.  
 Fischer’s results underline several noteworthy 
GLIIHUHQFHV� DPRQJ� WKHVH� UDFLDO� JURXSV�� � 6SHFLÀFDOO\��
DQDO\VHV�UHYHDOHG�WKDW�EHLQJ�D�ÀUVW�JHQHUDWLRQ�FROOHJH�
VWXGHQW�VLJQLÀFDQWO\�LPSDFWHG�JUDGHV��H�J���ZDV�UHODW-
ed to lower grades) for white and Hispanic students 
but not for black and Asian students, and that for the 
former having at least one foreign-born parent was 
UHODWHG�WR�KLJKHU�JUDGHV���7KH�ODWWHU�ÀQGLQJ�LV�FRQVLV-
tent with work by Tseng (2004) demonstrating that 
parents’ immigration status is related to increased 

KRAJNIAK



94

motivation to achieve academically.  These results 
may indicate that for some minority students such 
IDPLOLDO�PRWLYDWLRQ�PLJKW�EXIIHU�DJDLQVW�WKH�GLIÀFXO-
WLHV�DVVRFLDWHG�ZLWK�EHLQJ�D�ÀUVW�JHQHUDWLRQ�VWXGHQW��
 Overall, for all students, dropping out of  college 
was more strongly related to experiences at college 
rather than pre-college variables (e.g., number of  AP 
FRXUVHV�LQ�KLJK�VFKRRO���EXW�WKH�VSHFLÀF�IDFWRUV�YDU-
ied by group.  For instance, having friends reduced 
the risk of  leaving college for all students (white and 
minority).  Being involved in extracurricular activities 
decreased chances of  dropping out by 83% for all 
minority students, but not white students, and was 
stronger for Asians and blacks.  For white and black 
students having more social ties outside of  the college 
environment during the freshman year had a negative 
impact on college grades and increased the chances 
of  drop out, whereas these ties were not related to 
Hispanic and Asian students’ grades.  As reviewed 
above, Hispanic students seek same group peer sup-
port as a result of  perceived discrimination as well as 
guidance in college-related matters and might be an 
effective coping mechanism for this group.  Similar 
dynamics might be responsible for lack of  negative 
impact on grades for Asian students with strong so-
cial supports outside of  the university.  For black and 
white students, however, seeking external support 
might result in decreased involvement in on-campus 
social interactions and thus adversely impact college 
adjustment and institutional attachment, which is 
consistent with work by Swenson et al. (2008).  The 
preponderance of  evidence suggests that intervening 
at the college level, instead of  prior to enrollment, 
LV� QHFHVVDU\� DV� IRVWHULQJ� FROOHJH� DGMXVWPHQW� VLJQLÀ-
cantly improves minority students’ retention rates.
 Further, having informal on-campus ties with 
one’s own ethnic group was negatively associated 
with Hispanic student’s grades but in-group ties were 
positively related to Asian students’ academic per-
formance.  This difference, as noted earlier, could be 
related to within group discrimination among some 
Latino students (Lopez, 2005), whereas for Asian un-
dergraduates association with same culture students 
might mitigate the experience of  feeling like an im-
poster.  Lastly, being involved in more extracurricular 
activities was positively related to all minority groups’ 

grades, as compared to whites, supporting the notion 
that institutional attachment and involvement plays an 
especially important role in minority students’ college 
adjustment.  In terms of  college satisfaction, involve-
ment in on-campus activities was the strongest pre-
dictor for black and Hispanic students, but only mar-
ginally relevant to Asian students’ college satisfaction. 
 Thus, differences emerge among minority stu-
dents when addressing off- and on-campus social re-
lationships.  Overall formal on campus involvement 
with professors, study groups, organizations, athlet-
ics, and other activities for minority students might 
EH�PRVW� HIÀFDFLRXV� LQ� LPSURYLQJ� DFDGHPLF� SHUIRU-
mance, satisfaction with college, and retention rates.  
The necessity and extent of  own-group interactions, 
however, might depend on the particular minority 
student.  Increasing socialization with students of  
other and diverse backgrounds might constitute an 
important part of  improving college adjustment and 
consequently retention rates of  all minority students.

Clinical Implications and Future Research

 The scope of  research on college adjustment has 
expanded vigorously over the past two decades, re-
cently including the exploration of  obstacles faced by 
minority undergraduates.  The available body of  liter-
ature on the topic clearly implies that students of  di-
verse ethnic, racial, and cultural backgrounds are more 
likely to face discrimination, be of  low SES, have to 
navigate cultural and familial expectations that might 
FRQÁLFW�ZLWK�WKHLU�DFDGHPLF�GHPDQGV��DQG�PRUH�RI-
ten have parents who did not attend college than 
white undergraduates, resulting in additional stress 
with the already challenging transition into college.  
These additional complexities have been linked with 
poorer college adjustment among minority students 
and as potential causes for their higher drop out rates.  
Further, the above-described research demonstrates 
that various ethnic, racial, and cultural groups are 
differentially impacted by these variables and effec-
tive coping with such obstacles might differ widely. 
 One resource available to students that are strug-
gling with college adjustment is counseling and, thus, 
clinicians working with minority students should be 
aware of  the particular perceptions and unique expe-

MINORITY STUDENT COLLEGE ADJUSTMENT



95

riences of  individuals to meet the distinctive needs of  
each undergraduate.  In that vein, clinical programs 
should integrate into their curricula a throughout ex-
ploration of  factors impacting college adjustment and 
train mental health workers in assessing and counsel-
LQJ�IUHVKPHQ�IDFLQJ�VXFK�GLIÀFXOWLHV���5HODWHG�SURIHV-
sional organizations should also disseminate emerging 
research and offer specialized continuing education 
courses to professionals serving minority college stu-
dents.  Therapists should be sensitive to and strive 
to identify the particular struggles of  each student, 
as well as access to resources, and work on develop-
ing coping strategies appropriate for each minority 
undergraduate.  Appropriate intervention during the 
initial stages of  transition into college may affect the 
trajectory of  the student’s college career (academic 
performance, social engagement, and retention rates) 
DQG� WKXV� KDYH� VLJQLÀFDQW� OLIH�ORQJ� FRQVHTXHQFHV��
 Research on the unique factors adversely impact-
ing minority students’ college adjustment, however, 
LV� VWLOO� LQ� LW�QDVFHQFH�� � 6LJQLÀFDQW� OLPLWDWLRQV�RI � WKH�
current body of  research include the lack of  distinc-
tion between various sub-cultures subsumed within 
the broad racial labels of  black, Asian, and Hispanic.  
Future research needs to recognize the uniqueness of  
the many ethnic and cultural groups that fall under 
such categories and conduct studies to inform how 
students from various cultures differ or are alike in 
their ability to transition into college.  This can be 
achieved by allowing individuals to self-describe their 
particular ethnic, racial, or cultural group member-
ship instead of  forcing them to select one of  the 
few broad categories.  Additionally, the sample sizes 
of  many of  the more discrete minority groups are 
small and there is a dearth of  studies on some cul-
tures, such as the Native Americans and Arab Amer-
icans.  As the presence of  these groups on college 
campuses increases, minority student participation 
LQ�UHVHDUFK�VKRXOG�DOVR�ÁRXULVK�HQDEOLQJ�UHVHDUFKHUV�
to access individuals from a greater array of  back-
grounds.  Lastly, although the literature includes 
several qualitative and longitudinal studies, the ma-
jority of  research exploring minority issues in col-
lege adjustment and persistence to graduation entails 
correlational studies utilizing self-report measures, 
many of  which have not been designed to assess 

the unique challenges faced by minority undergrad-
uates.  Future research should focus on developing 
measures of  college adjustment that inquire regard-
LQJ�WKH�H[SHULHQFH�RI �PLQRULW\�VWDWXV�VWUHVV��VSHFLÀF�
IDPLO\�DQG�FXOWXUDO�IDFWRUV��6(6��DQG�GLIÀFXOWLHV�DVVR-
FLDWHG�ZLWK�EHLQJ�DQ�LPPLJUDQW�RU�ÀUVW�LQ�WKH�IDPLO\�
to enroll in a university in addition to the academic, 
social and personal adjustment and institutional at-
tachment factors assessed by the extant measures.
 The above-mentioned studies also raised the is-
sue of  the potential difference between immigrant 
and U.S. born minority groups.  Unfortunately, the 
available research rarely distinguishes between na-
tive- and foreign-born undergraduates.  Immigrant 
VWDWXV��KRZHYHU��FDQ�KDYH�D�VLJQLÀFDQW�LPSDFW�RQ�FRO-
lege adjustment.  For instance, Aguayo et al. (2011) 
IRXQG� WKDW� ÀUVW� JHQHUDWLRQ� 0H[LFDQ�$PHULFDQ� VWX-
GHQWV� KDG� ORZHU� OHYHOV� RI � SHUFHLYHG� VHOI�HIÀFDF\�
than second-generation college students.  There-
fore, future research should bear in mind and dis-
tinguish the additional impact acculturation might 
have on minority students’ college adjustment.
 There is a plethora of  other variables that further 
impact student college adjustment.  This review ex-
cluded gender, sexual orientation, substance use, and 
other relevant factors that interact with the above-men-
tioned stressors.  Future research should attempt to 
LQWHJUDWH�WKH�SUHVHQW�ÀQGLQJV�DQG�VXFK�DGGLWLRQDO�IDF-
tors and examine how different variables interact in 
either posing further challenges or affording unique 
strengths in the process of  transitioning into college.

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