


































GSJP Volume 16 final


118

Graduate Student Journal of  Psychology
2015, Vol. 16

Copyright 2015 by the Department of  Counseling and Clinical Psychology
Teachers College, Columbia University

118

Brief  Report: Reconsideration of  Acculturative Experiences 
Among Chinese Immigrants

Kin Cheung (George) Lee
University of  the West

Although adolescent immigrants often acculturate into the mainstream culture at a faster rate and to a great-
HU� H[WHQW� WKDQ� DGXOW� LPPLJUDQWV�� VWXGLHV� RI � ÀUVW� JHQHUDWLRQ� LPPLJUDQWV� KDYH� RYHUORRNHG� WKH� H[SHULHQFHV� RI �
the “1.5-generation,” those who immigrate before or during their teen years. The purpose of  this study was to 
examine the relationship between generation level and acculturation among Chinese immigrants. The sam-
ple consisted of  112 Chinese American adults who were recruited from the local Chinese community in Los 
Angeles County. Participants completed a demographic questionnaire and the Asian American Multidimen-
sional Acculturation Scale. The result from a one-way analysis of  variance indicated that 1.5-generation Chi-
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WKDQ�ÀUVW�JHQHUDWLRQ�&KLQHVH�$PHULFDQV��7KH� OLQHDU�PXOWLSOH� UHJUHVVLRQ� UHVXOWV� LQGLFDWHG� WKDW� WKH� WZR� LQGHSHQ-
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can culture. This study demonstrated that 1.5-generation Chinese immigrants reported critical differences in 
WKHLU� DFFXOWXUDWLYH� H[SHULHQFHV� FRPSDUHG� ZLWK� ÀUVW�JHQHUDWLRQ� &KLQHVH� LPPLJUDQWV�� 7DNHQ� WRJHWKHU�� WKHVH� UH-
sults highlight the importance of  considering 1.5-generation Chinese immigrants or their age at their time of  
immigration in the measures of  acculturation in future studies. Limitations of  this research are also discussed.

An increasing number of  studies in the past decade 
KDYH� VKRZQ� WKDW� ´ÀUVW�JHQHUDWLRQ� $PHULFDQµ� LV� DQ�
RYHUVLPSOLÀHG� FDWHJRU\� IRU� FDSWXULQJ� WKH� DFFXOWXU-
ative experiences of  all immigrants (Gonzales & 
Chavez, 2012; Hao & Woo, 2012; Kim & Sakamo-
to, 2010). Young immigrants often acculturate to the 
mainstream culture at a faster rate and a higher level 
of  immersion than adult immigrants because of  their 
exposure to school settings and the media in  Ameri-
can society (Wu & Chao, 2005). However, many stud-
ies have overlooked the experiences of  the 1.5-gener-
ation (Huer, Saenz, & Doan, 2001; Hurh, 1990; Kim, 
Brenner, Liang, & Asay, 2003; Zhou & Bankston, 
������E\�JURXSLQJ�WKH�����JHQHUDWLRQ�ZLWK�ÀUVW�JHQ-
eration immigrants (Chan, Hamamura, & Jan-
schewitz, 2013; Kennedy, Parhar, Samra, & Gorzalka, 
2005). This overgeneralization of  generational status 
can potentially minimize or distort the experiences of  
the 1.5-generation group, and hence disaggregated 
GDWD�E\�VSHFLÀF�JHQHUDWLRQ�JURXSV�DUH�FULWLFDO�WR�VKHG�
light on their unique experiences of  acculturation. 

Acculturation
Acculturation� LV�FRPPRQO\�GHÀQHG�DV� WKH�SURFHVV�E\�
which new immigrants attain the cultural characteris-
tics of  the dominant cultural group (Hwang & Wood, 
2008). Acculturation was initially assumed to be a 

straight-line and linear process whereby individuals 
surrendered their cultures of  origin as they acculturat-
ed to new cultures (Gordon, 1964). This assumption is 
referred to as a unidimensional model in which higher 
acculturation represents an increased adherence and 
adjustment to the mainstream culture while endorse-
ment of  native culture is either a rejection or less ac-
ceptance of  the new culture (Shen, & Takeuchi, 2001). 
 Later researchers found this assumption of  lin-
earity problematic and suggested that acculturation 
models should allow for the existence of  individuals 
who are immersed in their culture of  origin as well 
as in mainstream culture. Discussing Asian American 
populations in particular, for example, Berry (1980) 
conceptualized acculturation in four forms: (a) as-
similation, which involves abandoning one’s culture 
of  origin in order to adhere to the majority culture; 
(b) integration, which involves a bicultural process of  
maintaining one’s native culture and adapting to the 
mainstream culture; (c) rejection, which may result 
from segregation and which involves isolation from 
the mainstream culture; and (d) deculturation, which in-
volves a loss of  identity ties to either cultural group. 
This bidimensional model hypothesizes an indepen-
dent relationship between acculturation and encultur-
ation. Indeed, recent studies have consistently sug-
gested that acculturation is not a linear process and 
that there are multidimensional components to the 
acculturation process (Wang & Mallinckrodt, 2006). 
Multidimensional models reveal the process of  ac-Keywords: 1.5-generation, acculturation, age of  im-

migration, Asian American, Chinese American



119

culturation as a complex practice in which cultural 
identities can coexist with the mainstream culture. 
 Immigrants, unavoidably exposed to two or more 
cultures, must adapt to cultural differences in terms 
of  language, traditions, values, and other culturally 
related domains (Berry, 1997), and Asian immigrants 
may enculturate to their culture of  origin, to main-
stream U.S. culture, and to Asian American culture 
simultaneously (Chung, Kim, & Abreu, 2004). Given 
the diversity of  behavioral and attitudinal directions 
between different cultures regarding the process 
of  acculturation, proponents of  multidimensional 
models argue that acculturation should be viewed as 
a multifaceted and dynamic process that cannot be 
captured linearly. In a literature review of  quantita-
tive empirical research on acculturation and encultur-
ation published over the past 22 years, Yoon, Lan-
grehr, and Ong (2011) found that the unidimensional 
conceptualization has been the most commonly 
used model for understanding acculturation, regard-
less of  its limitations, but that an increasing num-
ber of  researchers have used dimensional or multi-
dimensional models since 2005, suggesting that the 
trend is shifting away from unidimensional models. 

The 1.5-generation Asian Americans
 The term 1.5-generation refers to individuals 
who immigrated to the destination country before ad-
ROHVFHQFH��7KLV�WHUP�KDV�EHHQ�XVHG�WR�VSHFLÀFDOO\�GH-
scribe Asian Americans who immigrated to the Unit-
ed States before age 13 (Kim et al., 2003; Lee, 2001; 
6KLQ�	�$OED���������&RPSDUHG�WR�WKH�ÀUVW�JHQHUDWLRQ�
who immigrated as adults and second-generation who 
were born in the United States, 1.5-generation Asian 
Americans were born outside of  the United States but 
LPPLJUDWH�EHIRUH����\HDUV�RI �DJH�DQG�VSHQG�D�VLJQLÀ-
cant period of  developmental years in the host society. 
 Because of  their exposure to U.S. culture at an ear-
lier age compared to adult immigrants, 1.5-generation 
individuals potentially encounter distinct adjustment 
and acculturative experiences in comparison to other 
generations (Hurh, 1990). In particular, 1.5-genera-
tion individuals may have a higher level of  immersion 
WR�WKH�PDLQVWUHDP�FXOWXUH�FRPSDUHG�WR�WKH�ÀUVW�JHQ-
eration and/or higher immersion to their cultures of  
origin compared to the second-generation. For exam-

ple, Huer, Saenz, and Doan (2001) studied a group 
of  Vietnamese American immigrants and found that 
����JHQHUDWLRQ� SDUWLFLSDQWV� KDG� VLJQLÀFDQWO\� KLJKHU�
OHYHO�RI �DFFXOWXUDWLRQ�WKDQ�WKH�ÀUVW�JHQHUDWLRQV��.LP��
Brenner, Liang, and Asay (2003) conducted a focus 
group with 10 1.5-generation Asian American partici-
pants and found that the participants reported feeling 
LGHQWLÀHG�ZLWK�ERWK�WKH�8�6��DQG�$VLDQ�FXOWXUHV��WKDW�
some participants reported experiences of  racism, 
DQG�WKDW�WKH�(QJOLVK�ODQJXDJH�EDUULHU�ZDV�D�VLJQLÀFDQW�
FKDOOHQJH�IRU�WKHP�ZKHQ�WKH\�ÀUVW�LPPLJUDWHG��3DUN�
(1999), for example, in his qualitative interview study 
of  1.5-generation Korean Americans, found that the 
study’s participants from this generation experienced 
frustration and anger owing to feeling rejected by 
their family members and discriminated against by 
mainstream society. Simultaneously, the same partici-
pants reported that, since they are familiar with both 
Korean and mainstream cultures, they can connect 
with people from either culture. In comparison to 1.5 
JHQHUDWLRQ� .RUHDQ� $PHULFDQV�� ÀUVW�JHQHUDWLRQ� .R-
UHDQ�$PHULFDQV�RSHUDWH�PRUH�SURÀFLHQWO\�LQ�.RUHDQ�
culture, and second-generation Korean Americans 
function better in U.S. culture. Consistent with these 
ÀQGLQJV��+XUK��������IRXQG�WKDW�����JHQHUDWLRQ�LQGL-
viduals possess a high level of  socialization both to 
mainstream U.S. culture and their culture of  origin.
 While some 1.5-generation Chinese Americans 
are able to adjust to the mainstream society and 
maintain connection with their home culture, oth-
ers may experience different emotional disturbances 
from the friction between the two cultures and his-
torical traumas. Lee (2001) conducted a qualitative 
study comparing 1.5-generation and second-gener-
DWLRQ�RI �+PRQJ�$PHULFDQV��7KH�ÀQGLQJV� LQGLFDWHG�
that 1.5-generation Hmong Americans experience 
more feelings of  isolation and discrimination, lan-
guage barriers, acculturative stress from the new 
mainstream culture, and the stress from their par-
ents’ efforts to restrain them from being “American.” 
Furthermore, 1.5-generation Hmong Americans may 
suffer from intergenerational traumas from the Lao-
tian Civil War (Secret War in Laos), which result in 
secondary traumatic stress disorder symptoms and 
exclusion from the mainstream society (Lee & Clarke, 
2013). 1.5-generation Asian Americans can also expe-

LEE



120

RECONSIDERATION OF ACCULTURATIVE EXPERIENCES

rience a sense of  a loss of  their families and friends, 
DQG�WKH\�ÀQG�WKHPVHOYHV�FDXJKW�LQ�D�WHQVLRQ�EHWZHHQ�
preserving their bond to their country of  origin and 
maneuvering under the pressure to adjust to the new 
country. Moreover, 1.5-generation Asian Americans 
WHQG� WR� VXIIHU� IURP� VWUHVV�UHODWHG� GLIÀFXOWLHV�� WURX-
ble communicating with their parents, and the add-
ed social pressure of  managing racial discrimination 
�6XQPLQ� HW� DO��� ������� 7KHLU� VSHFLÀF� DFFXOWXUDWLYH�
stressors can result in depressive symptoms, poor 
mental health, and substance use (Mossakowski, 2003).
 Despite the numerous studies that have exam-
ined the 1.5-generation in various Asian subgroups, 
there is virtually no literature investigating the unique 
experiences of  1.5-generation Chinese Americans. 
Chinese culture and the mainstream American culture 
possess notable cultural differences (Fang & Wark, 
1998). Within traditional Chinese culture, people as-
cribe high value to collective identity, family obliga-
tion, harmony, and group interdependence (Fang & 
Wark, 1998). These values stand in contrast to west-
ern individualistic cultural values of  autonomy, com-
petition, primacy of  personal goals over group goals, 
and emotional independence (Fang & Wark, 1998; 
7ULDQGLV���������)DPLO\�FRQÁLFW�RIWHQ�DULVHV�EHFDXVH�
members of  different generations expect conformity 
to their norms despite discrepancies in the cultural 
values among generations (Wu & Chao, 2005). Due 
to these differences, acculturation theorists propose 
that Chinese immigrants tend to experience accultur-
ative stress and identity struggles because of  these 
clashing cultural values (Juang & Cookston, 2009).
 For adult immigrants to the U.S., there is the 
option to stay in local Chinese communities and re-
tain their connections with their culture of  origin. 
Suarez-Orozco and Qin (2006) point out that many 
Chinese immigrant parents are often more removed 
from American culture than their children, particu-
larly if  they work in Chinese cultural settings. Fur-
ther, adult immigrants have more resources to travel 
to their country of  origin, maintain connections with 
family and friends abroad, and immerse themselves in 
WKH�FXOWXUH�RI �WKHLU�ÀUVW�FRXQWU\�WKURXJK�PDVV�PHGLD��
 In contrast, it is inevitable for adolescent immi-
grants to have regular contact with teachers and peers 
at school and to become immersed in the mainstream 

culture in terms of  language, food, values, and oth-
er domains, while mass media and friends further 
prompt them to adapt to a new social environment 
by adopting the values of  the mainstream culture 
(Lim, Yeh, Liang, Lau, & McCabe, 2009). In this way, 
adolescent immigrants tend to assimilate or accultur-
ate in a more rapid and consistent manner and adhere 
to the values of  the new culture more closely than 
adult immigrants, who have more opportunities to 
retain their traditional cultural values and practices 
(Uba, 1994), especially when they live in areas popu-
lated with Chinese residents, such as Los Angeles and 
New York. Although young Chinese immigrants are 
more likely to adopt norms of  mainstream American 
culture than those of  their culture of  origin, they are 
simultaneously and continually exposed to and learn 
Chinese cultural values through interactions with their 
family members (Wu & Chao, 2005). These adoles-
cent immigrants are likely to understand and appreci-
ate both mainstream and Chinese cultural norms and 
continuously immerse themselves in both cultures.
 Although discrepancies of  experiences between 
generations indicate the possibility of  intergroup 
YDULDELOLW\�RI �DFFXOWXUDWLRQ�ZLWKLQ� WKLV�´ÀUVW�JHQHUD-
tion” group, no study to date has focused on Chi-
nese Americans using a community sample. Due to 
this very reason, the main objective of  our study is 
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differences in the level of  acculturation between 
����JHQHUDWLRQ�DQG�ÀUVW�JHQHUDWLRQ�LPPLJUDQWV��6SH-
FLÀFDOO\��RXU�VWXG\�IRFXVHV�RQ�DFFXOWXUDWLRQ�WRZDUGV�
the mainstream European American culture and en-
FXOWXUDWLRQ��ZKLFK� LV�GHÀQHG�DV� WKH� OHYHO�RI � LPPHU-
sion to the Chinese culture of  origin. Moreover, most 
studies of  acculturation among Chinese Americans 
have relied on online surveys. Therefore, this proj-
ect involves the collection of  data from a community 
sample in order to gather information from Chinese 
Americans who use the internet infrequently or do 
not have Internet access. Our general hypothesis 
ZDV� WKDW� ÀUVW�JHQHUDWLRQ� LPPLJUDQWV� ZRXOG� UHSRUW�
a higher level of  enculturation towards the Chinese 
culture of  their origin and 1.5-generation immigrants 
would report a higher level of  acculturation towards 
the mainstream European American culture. Method



121

Method

Participants
 The participants were 112 Chinese American 
immigrants (M age = 37.9, age range: 18–66; 42.9% 
males and 57.1% females) who agreed to take part in 
the study. Participants immigrated after 13 years of  
DJH�ZHUH�FODVVLÀHG�DV�ÀUVW�JHQHUDWLRQ�DQG�SDUWLFLSDQWV�
who immigrated before 13 years of  age were clas-
VLÀHG� DV� ����JHQHUDWLRQ��2I � WKH�SDUWLFLSDQWV�� ������
ZHUH�ÀUVW�JHQHUDWLRQ�LPPLJUDQWV�ZLWK�DQ�DYHUDJH�DJH�
of  25.82 years (SD = 10.09, range: 13–40) and 39.3% 
were 1.5-generation immigrants with an average age 
of  9.02 years (SD = 3.34, range: 1–12). All partici-
SDQWV�VHOI�LGHQWLÀHG�DV�&KLQHVH�$PHULFDQV�ZKR�ZHUH�
born outside of  the United States. Approximate-
ly 61.6% of  participants were born in the People’s 
Republic of  China, 24.1% were from Hong Kong, 
and 14.3% were from Taiwan. All measurements 
ZHUH�WUDQVODWHG�LQ�WUDGLWLRQDO�&KLQHVH�DQG�VLPSOLÀHG�
Chinese using back translation. For living situations 
prior to immigration, there were 22 participants who 
reportedly resided in a country other than their coun-
try of  origin before immigrating to the United States. 
A bivariate correlation was run between their years 
of  residing in that country and each of  the AAMAS 
VFRUHV��DQG�QRQH�RI �WKH�FRUUHODWLRQV�ZHUH�VLJQLÀFDQW�

Measurement
 Acculturation: In this study, I measured accul-
turation using the Asian American Multidimension-
al Acculturation Scale (AAMAS). Chung, Kim, and 
Abreu (2004) have conducted exploratory and con-
ÀUPDWRU\�IDFWRU�DQDO\VHV�WR�YDOLGDWH�WKH�$$0$6�DQG�
found that acculturation can be measured in the do-
mains of  cultural identity (i.e., values and attitudes), 
language (e.g., preference for a particular language), 
cultural knowledge (i.e., knowledge of  history and 
customs), and food preference (i.e., preference for 
food). In addition to taking into consideration these 
four domains, the AAMAS has three unique char-
acteristics. First, it measures the orthogonality of  
FXOWXUDO�GLPHQVLRQV��ZKLFK�LV�GHÀQHG�DV�WKH�LQGLYLG-
ual’s independent immersion in different cultures 
and which indicates the level of  cultural adherence 
to both the culture of  origin and the mainstream 

culture. Second, the AAMAS includes a pan-ethnic 
dimension to measure cultural adherence to Asian 
ethnic groups other than the group of  origin. Third, 
it is applicable across multiple ethnicities because it 
uses the phrase “culture of  origin” instead of  listing 
particular countries or using a generic term, which 
makes it appropriate for many Asian ethnic groups.  
 The AAMAS scale consists of  15 items, one of  
which is worded in a reverse direction, that measure 
IRXU� GRPDLQV� RI � DFFXOWXUDWLRQ³FXOWXUDO� LGHQWLW\��
ODQJXDJH��FXOWXUDO�NQRZOHGJH��DQG�IRRG�SUHIHUHQFH³
using a six-point Likert-type scale, ranging from not 
very much to very much (Chung et al., 2004). In terms 
of  the construct domains of  acculturation measured 
by the 15 items, 10 items measure cultural behavior, 
three items measure cultural identity, and two items 
measure cultural knowledge. The AAMAS consists of  
three scales: (a) AAMAS culture of  origin (AAMAS-
CO), (b) AAMAS Asian American (AAMAS-AA), 
and (c) AAMAS European American (AAMAS-EA). 
The current Chinese version of  this instrument has a 
Cronbach’s alpha of  0.90, indicating that it is reliable. 
The AAMAS consists of  three scales: (a) AAMAS 
culture of  origin (AAMAS-CO), (b) AAMAS Asian 
American (AAMAS-AA), and (c) AAMAS European 
$PHULFDQ� �$$0$6�($��� &URQEDFK·V� DOSKD� FRHIÀ-
cients, or the reliability of  each subscale are found 
to be 0.90 for the AAMAS-CO scale, 0.90 for the 
AAMAS-AA scale, and 0.92 for the AAMAS-EA scale. 

Procedure
 The author recruited participants in person in 
community settings including local restaurants and 
community centers in the cities of  Alhambra and 
San Gabriel in Los Angeles County. These cities 
were chosen because they contained large popula-
WLRQV�RI �ÀUVW�JHQHUDWLRQ�&KLQHVH�$PHULFDQ�UHVLGHQWV��
which helped to maximize sample size. After the 
author introduced the study, participants received a 
printout of  the survey and a pen upon agreement 
to participate. The completed surveys were put in 
an envelope that was then sealed. Participants were 
given a chance to draw a lottery for a $100 Target 
gift card as an incentive at the end of  the study.

LEE



122

Results
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tion immigrants would report a higher level of  en-
culturation towards Chinese culture of  their origin 
compared with 1.5 generation immigrants and that 
1.5-generation immigrants would report a higher lev-
el of  acculturation towards the mainstream Europe-
DQ�$PHULFDQ�FXOWXUH�FRPSDUHG�ZLWK�ÀUVW�JHQHUDWLRQ�
immigrants (See table 1). Results showed that there 
ZHUH�VWDWLVWLFDOO\�VLJQLÀFDQW�GLIIHUHQFHV�EHWZHHQ�JHQ-
eration levels and level of  acculturation as measured 
by the mean of  the AAMAS-EA as determined by 
one-way analysis of  variance, F(1, 17.17) = 18.22, p < 
.001. In particular, 1.5-generation Chinese Americans 
(M = 4.33, SD� �������UHSRUWHG�D�VLJQLÀFDQWO\�KLJKHU�
level of  acculturation towards the European Ameri-
FDQ�FXOWXUH�WKDQ�ÀUVW�JHQHUDWLRQ�&KLQHVH�$PHULFDQV�
(M = 3.53, SD = 1.05). With a one-way ANOVA to 
examine the differences in enculturation towards the 
Chinese culture of  origin among generation levels as 
measured by the mean of  the AAMAS-CO, there was 
DOVR�D�VWDWLVWLFDOO\�VLJQLÀFDQW�GLIIHUHQFH��7KH�ÀUVW�JHQ-
eration Chinese Americans (M = 5.02, SD = .75) re-
SRUWHG� D� VLJQLÀFDQWO\� KLJKHU� OHYHO� RI � HQFXOWXUDWLRQ�
towards their Chinese culture of  origin than 1.5-gen-
eration Chinese Americans (M = 4.43, SD = .89) at 
p < 0.01. Therefore, the main hypothesis was supported.
 Several post hoc analyses also revealed signif-
icant results. Pearson correlations of  the measured 
variables were obtained, and the results showed neg-
ative correlation between the age of  immigration 
and level of  acculturation as measured by the aver-
age composite score on the AAMAS (r = -.459, p < 
.01). Moreover, the age of  immigration negatively 

correlated with the subscale of  acculturation toward 
Asian Americans (r = -.369, p < .01) and the sub-
scale of  acculturation toward European Americans (r 
= -.542, p ��������,Q�DGGLWLRQ�WR�WKH�ÀQGLQJV�IRU�WKH�
subscales, the level of  enculturation toward Chinese 
cultures was found to be positively correlated with 
acculturation toward the generic Asian American cul-
ture (r = .381, p < .01). Additionally, level of  accultur-
ation toward the generic Asian American culture was 
found to be positively correlated with acculturation 
toward European American culture (r = .527, p < .01).
 To further understand the relationships between 
the subscales and age of  immigration, a multiple re-
gression analysis was carried out to predict the val-
ues of  acculturation towards European American 
culture by different independent variables. AAMAS-
EA scores were regressed on acculturation scores 
towards Asian American culture and age of  immigra-
tion. These two predictors accounted for more than 
40% of  the variance in test scores, R2 = .41, which 
ZDV�VLJQLÀFDQW��)���������� ��������S�������3DUWLFXODU-
ly, acculturation towards Asian American culture (ơ = 
.34, p<.001) and age of  immigration (ơ=-.49, p<.001) 
GHPRQVWUDWHG� VLJQLÀFDQW� HIIHFWV� RQ� DFFXOWXUDWLRQ�
towards European American culture, respectively. 

Discussion

 This study demonstrated that 1.5-generation 
Chinese immigrants reported critical differenc-
es in their acculturative experiences compared to 
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WKH� ÀUVW�JHQHUDWLRQ� ZKR� LPPLJUDWHG� DV� DGXOWV�� WKH�
1.5-generation immigrated at a young age, which 

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Table 1�. �Analysis of Covariance by Generat�ion on AAMAS �C�omposite �S�cores (n = 112) � �

 �  �  �  �  �  �
Generation� � Mean� � SD� � n� � F� � p� �value� �

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1�.0� � 3.53� � 1.05� � 68� � 17.7� � <.001� �

1.5� � 4.33� � 0.82� � 44� �  �  �

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RECONSIDERATION OF ACCULTURATIVE EXPERIENCES



123

gave them greater exposure to American culture by 
attending school in the United States, interacting 
with peers from different cultural groups, and speak-
ing English as a their primary language in daily life. 
Therefore, after spending their pre-teen years in Chi-

nese countries and then immigrating to the United 
States as adolescents, the 1.5-generation Chinese im-
migrants may share characteristics with both immi-
grants and the second-generation (Oh & Min, 2011). 
 

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Table 2�.� �Summary of Intercorrelations for �A�ge of �I�mmigration�:� �M�ain �S�core and �S�cores on the �

S�ubscales of AAMAS� �

Variables� � 1� � 2� � 3� � 4� � 5� �

1.� �AAMAS� � —� �  �  �  �  �

2. AAMAS�-�CO� � .50�*� � —� �  �  �  �

3. AAMAS�-�EA� � .62�*� � -�.20� � —� �  �  �

4. AAMA�S�-�AA� � .82�**� � .38�**� � -�.527�**� � —� �  �

5. Age of �
immigration� �

-�.46�**� � .28� � -�.542�**� � -�.37�**� � —� �

Note. �—� �= not applicable; AAMAS = Asian American Multidimensional Acculturation Scale; �

AAMAS�-�CO = Asian American Multidimensional Acculturation Scale, Culture of Origin �

subscal�e; AAMAS�-�EA = Asian American Multidimensional Acculturation Scale, European �

American subscale; AAMAS�-�AA = Asian American Multidimensional Acculturation Scale, �

Asian American subscale�.� �

* �p �< .05. ** �p �< .01.� �

��

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124

 Erik Erikson’s stages of  psychosocial develop-
ment may shed some light on explaining why the 1.5 
generation is more similar to the second-generation 
WKDQ�ÀUVW�JHQHUDWLRQ�&KLQHVH�$PHULFDQV��$V�RQH�RI �
the most widely used approaches to explain identi-
ty development, Erik Erikson’s model views devel-
RSPHQW� DV� D� OLIHORQJ�SURFHVV� DQG�GHVFULEHV� VSHFLÀF�
experiences in each developmental stage. Although 
the original model was criticized for using mostly 
Caucasian males in the theory deduction (Josselson, 
1989), a number of  contemporary researchers and 
practitioners found that Erikson’s model could be ap-
plied with diverse populations (e.g. Kropf  & Greene, 
2009; Yoon, 2011). According to Erikson’s (1966) en-
culturation model, adolescents undergo enculturation 
E\�ÀUVW� HQWHULQJ� WKH� identity versus role confusion stage, 
in which they explore, experiment with, and develop 
their new values and identity through their relation-
ships with peers and role models (Erikson, 1966). 
For minority adolescents, ethnic identity includes 
this subjective, choice-driven sense of  belonging to 
a group or culture (Phinney, 1990). Particularly for 
1.5-generation Asian Americans, the developmen-
tal task of  acculturation may encompass a struggle 
between maintaining one’s loyalty to the culture of  
RULJLQ� DQG� ÀQGLQJ� D� VHQVH� RI � EHORQJLQJ�ZLWKLQ� WKH�
host culture (Le & Stockdale, 2008). In other words, 
the adolescent period is a particularly crucial time 
for developing one’s cultural identity by experiment-
ing with and choosing from available cultural values.
 After growing up in their native countries, the 1.5 
generation starts their identity vs. role confusion stage 
in America. American culture provides them with a 
multifaceted level of  experiences in which they may 
experiment with different identities, such as those of  
Chinese Americans, Asian Americans, and/or Eu-
ropean Americans. The 1.5-generation may (a) have 
to adopt American values and beliefs, learn to speak 
English, and become accustomed to the American 
life style in order to manage school and interpersonal 
relationships; (b) maintain ties with their culture of  
origin through the local Chinese subculture (e.g., Chi-
QDWRZQ�� &KLQHVH� UHVWDXUDQWV��� WKHLU� ÀUVW�JHQHUDWLRQ�
parents, and their family and friends in homeland; 
(c) be exposed to a new and unique Asian Ameri-
can identity, which encompasses a generic identity 

of  various Asian American subgroups. As a result, 
1.5-generation individuals may enculturate and/
or acculturate to any one of  these identities simul-
taneously. Our project only illustrated that the 1.5 
generation is more similar to the second generation 
WKDQ� WKH� ÀUVW� JHQHUDWLRQ� LQ� WHUPV� RI � DFFXOWXUDWLRQ��
but future research can examine the unique identity 
development of  1.5-generation Chinese Americans.
� $�TXHVWLRQ�WKLV�VWXG\�UDLVHG�LV�ZKHWKHU�WKH�GHÀQL-
WLRQ�RI �ÀUVW�JHQHUDWLRQ�&KLQHVH�$PHULFDQ�LV�DQ�RYHU-
generalized category that may overlook the distinct 
acculturative experiences within this subgroup. Some 
UHVHDUFKHUV�PD\�DJJUHJDWH�WKH�����DQG�WKH�ÀUVW�JHQHU-
ations together for methodological convenience (e.g., 
increasing their sample size in the analysis). Howev-
er, this method does not warrant any theoretical or 
empirical reason (Oh & Min, 2011). This overgen-
eralization can minimize the differences on the de-
gree of  linguistic attainment, cultural adaptation, and 
RWKHU�FKDUDFWHULVWLFV�EHWZHHQ�WKH�ÀUVW�JHQHUDWLRQ�DQG�
the 1.5-generation. Furthermore, categorizing the 
1.5-generation as a distinct analytic category may 
also test the hypotheses from the assimilation theo-
ry (Rumbaut & Portes, 2001). For example, several 
multicultural studies on adolescent immigrants have 
suggested that students who have a high level of  ac-
culturation tend to have higher levels of  academic 
motivation and schooling compared to their counter-
parts (as cited in Oh & Min, 2011). As the 1.5 genera-
tion is likely to have bilingual and bicultural advantag-
HV�FRPSDUHG�WR�WKH�ÀUVW�DQG�VHFRQG�JHQHUDWLRQV��WKHVH�
advantages may facilitate their academic achievements 
and even career development (Oh & Min, 2011). At 
the same time, other studies have suggested that the 
1.5-generation experiences more acculturative stress 
WKDQ� WKH� ÀUVW� DQG� VHFRQG� JHQHUDWLRQV� EHFDXVH� WKH\�
DUH� LQ� WKH�PLGGOH�RI � WKH�FRQÁLFWLQJ�YDOXHV�EHWZHHQ�
two cultures and may feel rejected by both sides (Sun-
min et al., 2009). Therefore, further studies should 
consider identifying the 1.5 generation as a distinct 
group in order to provide disaggregated data in order 
to demystify experiences of  this particular subgroup.
� 2XU� ÀQGLQJV� DOVR� VXSSRUW� WKH� LQWHJUDWLYH� LGHD�
that acculturation to the mainstream society is mutu-
ally exclusive to the endorsement of  the native culture 
�:DQJ�	�0DOOLQFNURGW�� ������� 7KH� ÀQGLQJV� RI � WKLV�

RECONSIDERATION OF ACCULTURATIVE EXPERIENCESRECONSIDERATION OF ACCULTURATIVE EXPERIENCES



125

VWXG\�FRQÀUPHG�WKH�PXOWLGLPHQVLRQDO�QDWXUH�RI �DF-
culturation in Chinese Americans that 1.5-generation 
Chinese Americans can simultaneously acculturate to 
mainstream U.S. culture and enculturate to their Chi-
nese culture of  origin. However, this study has sev-
eral limitations. With regard to its external validity, a 
community sample recruited from several communi-
ty settings may not be representative of  all Chinese 
American adults of  different ages, educational back-
grounds, or geographic regions. There was also a sam-
pling bias in that data was collected in Los Angeles, 
California, which is highly populated with Chinese 
Americans. Chinese Americans living in cities with 
different ethnic makeup may have a very different ac-
culturative experience. For these reasons, applications 
RI �WKH�ÀQGLQJV�WR�RWKHU�&KLQHVH�$PHULFDQ�LQGLYLGX-
als warrant great caution. The small sample size (N = 
�����IXUWKHU�OLPLWV�WKH�JHQHUDOL]DELOLW\�RI �WKH�ÀQGLQJV�

Clinical Implications
$V�WKH�PDLQ�ÀQGLQJ�RI �WKLV�VWXG\�LQGLFDWHV�WKDW������
DQG�ÀUVW�JHQHUDWLRQ�&KLQHVH�$PHULFDQV�KDYH�GLIIHU-
ent acculturative experiences, clinicians should not 
overgeneralize the identities and characteristics of  
each generation. Level of  acculturation is an im-
portant factor in therapy because it can impact cli-
ents’ values, beliefs, protective factors, family rela-
tionships, and many other important aspects in life. 
When working with Chinese immigrants, therapists 
can assess and raise their awareness of  level of  ac-
culturation using the domains in AAMAS (cultur-
al identity, language, cultural knowledge, and food 
preference). For example, some processing ques-
tions could be: How much do you identify with 
&KLQHVH�$PHULFDQV"�+RZ�SURXG�GR� \RX� IHHO� DERXW�
EHLQJ� &KLQHVH� $PHULFDQ"�+RZ� RIWHQ� GR� \RX� KDQJ�
RXW�ZLWK�IULHQGV�ZKR�DUH�&KLQHVH�$PHULFDQV"�0RUH-
over, this study also suggests that age of  immigra-
tion may be an estimation for level of  acculturation. 
 From their experiences growing up in the Unit-
ed States, 1.5-generation Chinese Americans are ex-
posed to many different cultures such as U.S. main-
stream culture, Chinese American culture, Asian 
American cultures, and other subcultures. This im-
mersion to multiple cultures during a developmen-
WDO� SHULRG� PD\� UHVXOW� LQ� UROH� FRQIXVLRQ�� LGHQWLÀFD-

tion of  one primary identity, or development of  a 
multicultural identity. For example, a 1.5-generation 
Chinese American client may identify himself  as 
“Asian American” instead of  “Chinese” or “Chinese 
American.” Therapists need to empathize with cli-
ents’ possible identity struggles and the related role 
responsibilities in Chinese culture such as the familial 
expectations to take care of  family members. Thera-
pists can explore a client’s sense of  self  from expe-
riencing various cultures. Therapists may also need 
to provide psychoeducation on the process of  accul-
WXUDWLRQ�DQG�DFFXOWXUDWLRQ�FRQÁLFWV� LQ�RUGHU� WR�QRU-
malize clients’ feelings. Additionally, narrative therapy 
may be an effective tool in addressing acculturation 
and identity issues (Murphy-Shigematsu, 2000). In 
particular, therapists can use strength-based inter-
ventions to help clients understand the  uniqueness 
of  their cultural heritage, externalize the problem by 
naming and telling their story, and raise their aware-
ness of  their own identity development and con-
fusion, thereby re-authoring conversations to help 
Chinese immigrants resolve their identity struggles.

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