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Graduate Student Journal of Psychology (GSJP), Volume 18, Special Issue 2022 

Being One in a World of Twos: Experiences and 
Consequences of Single Parenting 

Maitri Jain, B.A.  
Teachers College, Columbia University 

Venus Mahmoodi, Ph.D. 

Teachers College, Columbia University 

Even though the number of single-parent households has been increasing in recent decades, they 
still face many challenges, including finances, health, and social stigma. This is a global literature 
review that aims to understand the experiences and difficulties faced by single-parent families and 
how cultural and social factors shape these challenges. This review shows that single parents have 
more negative experiences than coupled parents in most cultures worldwide. Certain difficulties 
like economic challenges are found globally, while others such as relational difficulties are found 
more in collectivistic cultures (Mudau et al., 2018). There are also differences in the types of 
challenges experienced by single mothers versus single fathers, with mothers facing more economic 
challenges and fathers facing more caregiving difficulties (D'Mello et al., 2016). In more feministic 
cultures, like Swedish, there is a smaller discrepancy between genders as the state creates equal 
support and opportunities for both single mothers and fathers (Barber, 2003). Furthermore, single 
parenthood can significantly impact children’s health during and after birth, academic 
performance, and psychosocial development (Amato & Patterson, 2017; Sinha & Ram, 2018; 
Wang, 2015). This review asserts that most problems faced by single parents are not due to 
inherent limitations, but rather discrimination and stigma rooted in their respective communities. 
The paper also discusses the need for further cross-cultural studies on single parents’ experiences 
and their impact on children while also considering important factors in developing interventions 
for single-parent families to help manage psychological distress and provide economic support.  

Keywords: single mothers, single fathers, children, social stigma, culture 

What does the word family mean? The answer to this question has changed over the 
course of human civilization. Traditionally, a family consisted of a heterosexual couple 
with their biological children. More recently, a family is defined in terms of love and 
bonding among individuals who live together, who may or may not be married, who may 
or may not be related by blood (Powell, 2014). This new understanding has generated 
greater acceptance for non-traditional family types such as gay and lesbian couples and 
single-parent families (Powell, 2014). 

Although the definition of the word family has been expanded within the literature, most 
people still consider a two-parent heterosexual family as the societal ideal. Single parents 
are at a greater disadvantage not only because  they have to face social stigma (Stavrova 
& Fetchenhauer, 2015) like other non-traditional family types, but they also bear the 
burden of fulfilling the dual role of both a mother and a father, having no partner with 
whom to share responsibilities (Bhat & Patil, 2019). Despite these significant social and 
household challenges, the number of single-parent families is increasing globally 
(Woessmann, 2015). Worldwide, between 2000 and 2012, the percentage of fifteen-year-
olds living with a single parent increased from 12% to 14% (Woessmann, 2015). In the 
United States, 27% of children lived in single-parent families in 2018 compared to 
only 

© 2022, Graduate Student Journal of Psychology, Teachers College, Columbia University. ALL 
RIGHTS RESERVED. Graduate Journal of Psychology 18, pp-pp. 



Jain & Mahmoodi 

Graduate Student Journal of Psychology 

12% in 1970 (Smock & Shwartz, 2020). In 2011, 5% to 10% of households globally were 
considered single-parent households (The Organization for Economic Co-operation & 
Development [OECD], 2016), with wide variations around the world. For example, in 
New Zealand, 11% of all households were single-parent, while the percentage in Japan 
was less than 3% (OECD, 2016).  Although worldwide rates are low, some parts of the 
world have higher rates of single-parent households. For example, in South Africa, 14% 
of children lived in single-parent households in 2014. Many reasons have been proposed 
for this high number, such as high divorce rates, premarital fertility, increasing 
educational level of women, mobility due to employment, gendered migration, poverty, 
high death rate of mothers, and decrease in number of marriageable men (Ntoimo & 
Mutanda, 2020).   

The most recent review on single parenthood was conducted by Anderson in 2003. It 
studied the influence of various external factors, such as poverty, on the experiences of 
diverse single-parent families, such as those from a minority background. Given that this 
literature was reviewed nearly twenty years ago, the present review aims to provide a 
more recent analysis of the experiences of single-parent households. The objective of this 
paper is to understand the demographic and socio-emotional challenges faced by single-
parent households. The effect of social factors, specifically gender and culture, on single-
parent families’ experiences are also explored. This review will help clarify the 
experiences of single-parent households and the factors that impact their overall 
functioning. In turn, this will inform the development of appropriate interventions to 
support such families (Figure 1).  

Methods 
Eligibility Criteria 
This review encompasses studies on single-parent households. A single-parent household 
is  defined as a family in which a mother or father cares for one or more children without 
the physical assistance of the other parent in the home, irrespective of the reasons for such 
a situation (Ganesha & Venkatesan, 2012). This includes single parents due to divorce, a 
partner's death, artificial insemination, adoption, surrogacy, or pregnancy in a short-term 
relationship. Only studies conducted between 2000 and 2020 were incorporated to prevent 
the inclusion of outdated and irrelevant literature. The exclusion criteria included studies 
that were more than 20 years old and those discussing experiences of non-binary parents. 
While the single parenthood experiences of diverse gender identities are important to 
highlight, the present review focuses on experiences of households with either a cis-
female (single-mothers) or a cis-male (single-fathers) parent. Although we acknowledge 
that non-binary parents also experience distress due to single parenthood, their gender 
identity creates additional stigma, which is outside the scope of this paper. 

Search Terms 
We conducted a search on PubMed and Google Scholar, using the following search terms: 
“single parents”, “single mother”, “single father”, “children with single parent”, 
“challenges of single parent”, “challenges of single mother”, “challenges of single father”, 
“experience of single parents”, “experience of single mothers”, “experience of single 
fathers”, “qualitative single parent”, “cultural stigma against single parent”, and “culture 
and single parents”. Of the 150 studies found, 70 abstracts were screened at the title and 
abstract level. In this initial reading, 16 studies were removed because they did not fit the 
inclusion criteria. The remaining 54 studies were included in the full article screening, and 
all were included in this  review. 

Results 



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Included Study Characteristics 
Of  the 54 studies included, 11 were conducted in the United States, 12  were conducted 
in Africa, (South Africa, Zimbabwe, Cameroon, Nigeria, Democratic Republic of Congo, 
Ethiopia,Ghana). Nine of the studies were conducted in Europe (Great Britain, Sweden, 
Italy, Finland, New Zealand, Croatia), five in India, three in China, four in Japan, and one 
each in Iran, Korea, and Taiwan. Three of the studies included samples from across 
different continents. Four of the studies focused on multiple countries within the same 
continent—one was conducted in Europe and the other three in Africa. Four of the studies 
found were narrative reviews.  
 
Many of the studies (17 out of 54) focused on children's well-being in single-parent 
households. Eighteen of the studies explored the experiences of both single mothers and 
fathers. Eleven studies focused solely on single mothers, while only six looked exclusively 
at single fathers' experiences. Further details about the studies can be found in Table 1.  
 
Sociodemographic Factors Associated with Single-Parent Households 

Focus on Parents. Although single-parent households share many characteristics 
demographically, they differ on the gender of the parent and the cultural milieu. Barber 
(2003) compared 85 countries around the world and  found that single parenthood rates 
declined as fathers became more involved in their children's upbringing, but the rates 
increased as urbanization levels, male unemployment, and female literacy increased. The 
authors hypothesized that more economically powerful women are less likely to marry 
because they do not need a husband for economic support (Barber, 2003). Furthermore, 
the age of single motherhood was higher in countries with a greater gross national 
product (GNP) (Barber, 2003), which is “an estimate of total value of all the final products 
and services turned out in a given period by the means of production owned by a 
country's residents” (Barnier, 2021, para. 1).  
 
In the US, Lansford (2016) showed that single mothers experienced more economic 
adversity than single fathers, likely due to the higher probability of dropping out of 
school, holding low-paying jobs, and losing income. In the UK, single parents were shown 
to have lower income, education, health prospects, and career opportunities than coupled 
parents (Calder, 2018). The same study showed that due to their gender disadvantage, 
single mothers faced less optimal work-life balance, less flexibility at work, and fewer 
opportunities to care for their children than single fathers (Calder, 2018). In Britain, two-
fifths of mothers spent some time as single parents in their lifetime but tended to have a 
relatively short duration of single parenthood of 4.6 years or less (Ermisch & Francesconi, 
2000). By building blended families, these mothers' standard of living improved 
substantially (Ermisch & Francesconi, 2000). Interestingly, these family constellations did 
not improve the mother-child relationship, especially if these relationships were 
deteriorated by previous family conflict (Ermisch & Francesconi, 2000). However, even 
these stepfamilies were not very stable and dissolved after some time (Ermisch & 
Francesconi, 2000).  
 
Mugove (2017) stated that single mothers in Zimbabwe were less educated and, when 
married, depended on their partners for income and intellectual stimulation of their 
children; however, upon separation, they faced significant economic disadvantages. Lu et 
al. (2020) similarly showed that single mothers in the US had less income than single 
fathers; and therefore, they faced higher levels of economic crisis and increased 
dependence on governmental financial and social support. Meier et al. (2017) found that 
unemployed single mothers in the USA were less happy and more stressed than 
employed single mothers, showing that employment is important for both financial and 



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psychological well-being. Amoateng et al. (2004) showed that in South-Africa, single-
parent households were more likely to be poor (67%) as compared to nuclear-families of 
which only 34% fell into this category.  
 
Although there are significant income gaps between single mothers and fathers, there has 
been a reduction in the income gap between 1990 and 2010 in the USA, shifting from 30% 
to 21% within 20 years (Kramer et al., 2016). However, concerning financial status, both 
genders were found to fare worse than coupled parents (Kramer et al., 2016).  In contrast 
to the US, in Taiwan, incomes of single-father families have decreased, whereas those of 
single mothers increased between 1998 and 2006 (Cheng & Wu, 2016). This is likely 
because of increasing gender-empowerment in Taiwan, where women have more equality 
and rights as compared to many other industrialized nations (Yi & Chang, 2020). 
 

Focus on Children. According to the Structural Family Theory, a healthy family 
structure consists of both parents and their children (Mikeal, 2018), and any deviation 
from this family constellation might cause unhealthy developmental patterns. Based on 
this premise, children growing up in a single-parent household will experience significant 
negative developmental, social, and psychological consequences. Studies have shown that 
children born to single mothers experienced more negative neonatal outcomes, including 
low birth weight, preterm birth, small for gestational age, and admission to the neonatal 
intensive care unit (Raatikainen et al., 2005). Mothers to these children were more likely 
to be unmarried and less likely to engage in prenatal care than other women (Raatikainen 
et al., 2005).  Furthermore, these mothers were also more likely to be primiparous, use 
alcohol, smoke, and have pregnancy-related diabetes (Raatikainen et al., 2005).  
 
There are mixed findings of how single-parenting impacts children’s physical health and 
development. While some studies showed that these differences found were only due to 
the covarying differences in socioeconomic status (Blakely et al., 2003, in New Zealand; 
Moncrief et al., 2014, in the USA; Noonan & Turchi, 2019, in the USA; Tian & Wang, 2019, 
in China), others reported that single parenting had a negative impact on factors such as 
child mortality, homicide, and childhood stunting (Amato & Patterson, 2017; Ntoimo & 
Odimegwu, 2014). However, it is important to note that adequate controls for other socio-
demographic factors were not included in the latter set of studies. It is possible that these 
confounders caused significant results. More extensive and controlled studies should be 
conducted to understand the impact of single parenting on children's physical health.  
 
There is more congruity among findings regarding the academic performance of children 
living in single-parent homes. For instance, various studies conducted in Africa (Akinremi 
et al., 2020; Azuka-Obieke, 2013; Chukwuka, 2018) found a reduction in academic 
performance, motivation, and creativity among those growing up in single-parent 
households. In Asian countries, including Japan (Raymo, 2015) and India (Rani, 2006), 
these children were more likely to drop out, have poorer grades, and get a job outside of 
school. Watt (2019) said that this reduction in performance is due to the lower 
socioeconomic status of single-parent families and the parent's lack of participation in 
school activities. These results are more promising as they highlight where to intervene to 
improve access to opportunities for achievement.    
 
Socioemotional Challenges Faced by Single-Parent Households 

Focus on Parents. 
Psychological Strain. In addition to economic difficulties, single mothers face 

psychological distress. They are also perceived as less successful parents by others in the 
society. DeJean (2012) found that adult, white, married and unmarried, female 



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participants in the USA rated vignettes of single mothers as more insecure, unfortunate, 
irresponsible, immoral, disreputable, and less satisfied with life when compared to the 
ratings of single fathers.  
 
Similar results were found in other areas around the world. In Japan, single mothers were 
more stressed, both at home and work, and spent less time with their children (Raymo et 
al., 2014; Shirahase & Raymo, 2014). In Ethiopia, single mothers experienced many 
financial problems and psychological challenges such as loneliness, helplessness, and 
hopelessness (Rahel, 2014). Single mothers also struggled to provide financial and 
educational support to their children, limiting their educational achievement due to 
minimal support from the community and government (Rahel, 2014). Mothers in South 
Africa also reported working harder to build good relationships with their teenage 
children and inculcating social skills in them (Mudau et al., 2018). Khosravan et al. (2010) 
analyzed Iranian widowed mothers' experiences who chose to keep custody of their 
children after their spouses' death. Results showed that these women faced many 
conflicting and distressing emotions, experiencing despair and a desire to improve their 
children's lives. Many cited their only reason for living was for the sake of their child. 
They had a sentimental, emotional parenting style, sacrificing their own needs and wants 
while developing a child-oriented attitude to keep their children's lives as good as 
possible. This kind of intensive mothering (Molander, 2019), where the mother gives all her 
time, energy, and money to her children, is found worldwide among women of various 
cultures (Molander, 2019). Similarly, in the US, many single Black mothers felt they were 
not doing enough for their children, even after giving up things  for their protection, such 
as intimate relationships, financial resources, and their freedom (Elliott et al., 2015).    
 

Social Stigma. Stigma against single parents is found throughout the world. In 
China, being a single mother is considered a disgrace, and non-marital childbearing is 
illegal (Zhao & Lim, 2020). Single unmarried mothers who have a child are not allowed to 
receive social welfare (Zhao & Lim, 2020). These women are often forced to adopt various 
strategies such as using sex, community support groups, online influence, and fake 
marriages, to fight against the prevalent patriarchal ideals in which they have no social 
status and lack even the most basic rights (Zhao & Lim, 2020). In India, single mothers 
reported a lower social status (D'Cruz and Bharat, 2001). Because they lacked male 
companions, they found it difficult to engage in many daily tasks such as making 
purchases and running their homes smoothly (D'Cruz and Bharat, 2001). They also faced 
social disapproval from their in-laws and relatives, experienced unwanted sexual 
advances, and tended to experience many physical and mental health problems (D'Cruz 
and Bharat, 2001). Moreover, widows were expected to dress soberly and were 
condemned if thought to act too "happy" (D'Cruz and Bharat, 2001). Similar results were 
also gathered in Africa, where there is much stigma against single mothers, especially 
teenage single mothers (Mulongo, 2006). Typically, mothers were deemed irresponsible 
and deviant; whereas, fathers were not held responsible for a relationship's dissolution 
and any associated consequences (Mulongo, 2006). 
 

Positives of Living in Collectivistic Cultures. Even though stigma against single 
parents is present in all cultures, some benefits come with living in a collectivistic society. 
Single mothers in Korea faced stigma for having a family that deviated from the normative 
two-parent nuclear family (Park, 2014). However, since Korea has a collectivistic culture, 
single mothers' strong family ties helped moderate the negative consequences of single 
parenting on children (Park, 2014). This was also found in India, where single mothers 
could leave their children with other family and community members, which provided 
free, quality childcare (Rani, 2006).  



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Feministic Cultures. The picture for single parents looks slightly different in 

feministic cultures that believe in a more equal society. In Sweden, being a single mother 
is correlated to      the parent’s lack of commitment to developing a permanent relationship 
(Barber, 2003). This phenomenon reduces the time fathers typically spend with their 
children (Barber, 2003). Moreover, Sweden is a welfare state, and because single mothers 
and children receive high levels of economic support from the government, there is more 
childbearing before marriage (Barber, 2003). This has also made it easier for single women 
to manage their families without facing conflicts with their workplace or without 
economic cooperation from former partners (Barber, 2003). Despite such good policies, 
single parents still reported worse health outcomes than coupled parents in Sweden, 
especially single mothers, who were less likely to go to physicians (Westin & Westerling, 
2006). The reasons for this are currently unknown and should be studied further.  
 

Single Fathers. Although single mothers face more difficulties in the areas 
discussed above as compared to single fathers, men are still vulnerable to difficulties and 
challenges related to single parenthood. One such challenge is that single fathers face 
many stereotypes, including being poor caregivers or not wanting children. D'Mello et al. 
(2016) showed that Indian single mothers, although stigmatized more than single fathers, 
tended to have a more extensive support system to help with childcare. However, unlike 
the prevailing social myth, research shows that men have a strong desire to have children 
(Hadley & Hanley, 2011). Coles (2003) found that Black men voluntarily took full custody 
of their child following non-marital birth, divorce, adoption, or widowhood because they 
wanted to become a positive influence in their children's lives.  
 
Unfortunately, single fathers are also at risk of succumbing to these stereotypes. Carone 
et al. (2017) found that even though fathers wished to bring up their child, they worried 
about the quality of caregiving they could provide, both in terms of social and material 
resources. Single fathers in New York City, an urban setting, mentioned that living near 
family helped them work, run errands, and answer parenting questions, whereas single 
fathers living in suburban areas were able to provide more security and recreational 
resources for their children (Carone et al., 2017). Yet, no matter where they lived, they still 
experienced challenges that negatively influenced their parenting experiences, including 
difficulty finding adequate childcare, the absence of the mother, limited finances, finding 
adequate housing, acquiring adequate medical insurance, and communication (Melhado, 
2017). Single fathers from Hong Kong and Taiwan who immigrated to Canada also faced 
many challenges, worsened by the lack of social support in the new country (Waters, 
2010). These men went from being businessmen to homemakers. This phenomenon 
impacted their identity and self-worth. Their authority at home was contested, and they 
felt as if their identity as a man was being challenged. However, they still cared for their 
children's well-being, and their relationship with their long-distance wives remained the 
same after separation (Waters, 2010). Studies found that there was more support for single 
fathers in feministic cultures, such as Sweden, to take on caregiving roles by providing 
them with resources to spend time with their children without the social stigma 
(Molander, 2019). Unlike the prevailing global ideology of intensive mothering, Sweden 
has a state policy that seeks a more gender-equal situation promoting a more sensitive, 
caring, present, and home-oriented masculinity ideal (Molander, 2019). This allows 
fathers to engage in caregiving behavior that is traditionally considered "feminine," such 
as cooking and cleaning, and still avoid tensions related to these activities being so-called 
low status (Molander, 2019). 
 



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Cross-Cultural Comparisons. There were very few studies that compared the 
experiences of single parents across different cultures and countries. Heinonen (2019) 
conducted a study on a cross-national sample from the USA, UK, Canada, Australia, New 
Zealand, South Africa, and Ecuador to study the experiences of divorced mothers. The 
findings revealed that despite facing increased demands of childrearing and financial 
challenges, a divorced life also gave mothers more flexibility and opportunities to build a 
better life. The stress of excessive demands was offset by the joy they received from 
playing with their children. It was better than being in an inharmonious marriage where 
they are constantly stressed because of conflicts with their spouse (Heinonen, 2019). 
However, Heinonen (2019) did not compare the experiences of divorced mothers in 
different countries. Thus, while the study presents a positive angle of the lives of divorced 
mothers, it does not give us any information on how culture and socialization impact these 
experiences. Stavrova & Fetchenhauer (2015) compared experiences of single parents 
across different countries in Europe. They found that the number of challenges faced by 
single parents varied based on the country being studied. In countries with a more 
collectivistic culture and a stronger two-parent norm, single parents experienced less life 
satisfaction and happiness. The social stigma and expectations in such countries 
influenced self-stigma in single parents, often leading them to feel like they are not good 
enough parents to their children (Stavrova & Fetchenhauer, 2015). The experience of non-
married parents has also been shown to depend on the gender norms of countries. Where 
these norms are more traditional, mothers are expected to put in time at home, while 
fathers are expected to invest in their careers (Stavrova et al., 2012). If these expectations 
are not met, stigma, social-disapproval, and discrimination follow (Stavrova et al., 2012). 
 

Focus on Children. Much research has looked at the psychosocial outcomes of 
children of single parents across different countries and cultures. Wang (2015) found that 
fourth to eighth-graders in China who lived with only one parent had less psychological 
capital such as resilience, self-esteem, and social competence available to them compared 
to children living in dual-parent households. They were also less developed 
psychologically in terms of their social and emotional competence. Students who had 
better relationships with their teachers and peers had greater self-esteem, social and 
emotional competence, and resilience in both types of families. Those children who were 
on good terms with their neighbors were more prosocial than children who did not 
interact with their neighbors, especially in single-parent families. The findings highlight 
how the school environment can help improve issues that arise as a result of growing up 
in a single-parent household.  
 
Lower psychological and emotional development of children growing up in single-parent 
households has been found in multiple countries. In African countries, Azuka-Obieke 
(2013) and Mikeal (2018) showed that children growing up in single-parent families 
scored lower on assessments of psychological well-being, such as happiness and self-
esteem, than children from dual-parent households. These children faced psychological 
disorders such as depression (Ntumi et al., 2016), suicide, and substance abuse at higher 
rates (Weitoft et al., 2003). In India, children from single-parent households, especially 
those headed by a single father, had a higher intensity of externalizing and internalizing 
problem behaviors (Ganesha & Ventakesan, 2012). Specifically, girls from single-father 
households had the greatest problem behaviors, followed by boys from single-father 
households. In contrast, girls in single-mother households were most well-behaved. Sinha 
and Ram (2018) also found that children growing up in single-parent households in India 
tended to hide more from their parents, had higher rates of dropping out of high school, 
and had higher rates of alcohol and substance abuse. Nonoyama-Tarumi (2017) said that 
female-headed households in Japan face problems because of a lack of economic 



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resources, while father-headed households face challenges due to limited parenting 
resources. Erdelja et al. (2013) suggest that higher rates of delinquency among children 
from single-parent households in Croatia are likely due to attention-seeking and yearning 
for affection. 
 
These studies highlight the various challenges both adults and children in single-parent 
households experience, ranging from social stigma to psychological distress. It also brings 
attention to how these challenges are experienced differently in cultures with differing 
norms. One finding of concern is the intergenerational transmission of distress that occurs 
in single-parent families. The negative impact on children’s education and psychosocial 
well-being may have a long-lasting effect and even have consequences for the generation 
to come, creating a vicious cycle.  
 
Discussion 
Culture and Gender in Single Parenting  
This relevant review highlights many important points about single parents' experiences 
throughout the world. We find that single parents from all cultures experience many 
challenges, including economic difficulties and psychosocial distress. However, when 
considering different countries around the world, single parents experience and engage 
with these challenges based on their value systems. For instance, there are both 
advantages and disadvantages to living in a collectivistic culture for single parents. On 
the one hand, collectivistic cultures can be more prejudiced towards single parents and 
create more social and relational challenges. On the other hand, as found by Rani (2006), 
these cultures also provide opportunities for help with caregiving and parenting, which 
can reduce the burden on a single parent.  
 
Cultural factors interacting with the gender of a parent significantly influence parenting 
experience. Single mothers were found to fare worse in terms of financial capabilities, 
whereas single fathers struggled more with caregiving and parenting skills (D'Mello et 
al., 2016). This can be explained by the Structural Functionalism Theory of Gender 
(Wienclaw, 2011), which says that society has divided different roles between genders to 
promote efficient functioning. From birth, boys and girls are socialized differently to take 
on these specific roles (Wienclaw, 2011), including heterosexual coupling. However, this 
gender divide can break down when families do not follow these traditional ideals. When 
a single parent is raising a child, this parent takes on the role of multiple genders, which 
can be problematic in a traditional society where the parent has not been socialized to take 
on these additional roles. For instance, if a mother takes on the role of a full-time worker 
while caring for her children, she might be judged or scorned for taking on the "earner" 
role and not focusing exclusively on caretaking. Overall, single mothers tend to be 
ostracized because they are not seen as competent to run their households independently 
and are expected only to provide caregiving (Zhao & Lim, 2020).  
 
Another cultural factor that impacts single parenting is a culture's level of adherence to 
feministic ideals. In countries like Sweden, where gender norms are not as stringent, males 
and females are equally able to engage in caregiving tasks without facing stigma and 
shame from society (Molander, 2019). However, this is not the case for many other 
cultures. For instance, in the US, Black men are often questioned for deciding to take sole 
custody of their child (D'Mello et al., 2016). This may be because the US is a predominantly 
Judeo-Christian country where most people follow less feministic and more traditional 
roles (D'Mello et al., 2016). In India, single fathers tend to have less extensive social 
support as compared to single mothers for childcare assistance (D'Mello et al., 2016).  
 



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Intergenerational Transmission of Harm 
This review showed that the negative social norms against single parents might create 
consequences that last for multiple generations (Raatikainen et al., 2005). These challenges 
not only affect single parents but also their children's physical, academic, and 
psychosocial wellbeing (Amato & Patterson, 2017; Sinha & Ram, 2018; Wang, 2015). Girls 
in single-father households tend to struggle the most since fathers have limited 
knowledge of raising their daughters (Sinha & Ram, 2018). Finally, there are 
intergenerational implications when single parents face economic and social difficulties, 
putting their children at increased risk of similar sociodemographic and psychological 
issues due to poor resources, time, and parental care provided to the child (Raatikainen et 
al., 2005). The study by Wang (2015) highlights how teachers, peers, and neighbors can be 
a source to offset these risks and create a healthier environment for children growing up 
in single-parent families.  
 
Implications for Interventions 
These findings highlight the need for interventions for single-parent families to improve 
their sociodemographic and psychosocial wellbeing. Due to the prevailing social biases 
and traditional gender roles, where fathers are earners and mothers are responsible for 
emotional support, single parents' support programs focus only on fulfilling these 
gendered roles. These programs focus on single fathers' job situations, while for single 
mothers, the focus is on the      lack of a social network (Kullberg, 2005). However, rather 
than focusing on traditional gender roles, there is a need for more holistic interventions 
that tackle the wide-ranging problems that single parents face, particularly related to 
childcare.  
 
The efficacy of one such intervention was highlighted by Taylor & Conger (2017). They 
showed that improving social support and internal strengths of single mothers, such as 
positive coping strategies, optimism, self-efficacy, and self-esteem, improved mothers' 
and children's well-being. Newkirk et al. (2020) found that positive workplace policies, 
such as schedule flexibility, also reduce depressive symptoms in single mothers. In the 
case of women who faced conflicts in managing both the demands of work and home, 
with work impinging on their home life, a more extended time off work postpartum can 
reduce depressive symptoms. Briggs et al. (2013) highlighted the utility of a group training 
program in reducing parent-child dyad conflicts in single-parent families. This type of 
behavioral training program aimed at increasing parenting skills, such as dealing with 
child non-compliance and assessing triggers for undesirable behavior. However, 
examples of such interventions are limited and are bound to Western cultures. Building 
more of such interventions to support single-parent families and testing their efficacy with 
families from different ethnic or cultural backgrounds will be beneficial in improving the 
lives and conditions of single-parent families.  
 
Limitations and Future Directions 
A limitation of this review is the inclusion of studies focusing solely on the experiences of 
cis-gendered single parents. Other genders were not included in this review as it was 
beyond the scope of this paper. Further studies are needed to understand the experiences 
of non-binary parents to see how they navigate the world of single parenthood and 
determine both the challenges and strengths in the parenting role as related to their 
identities.   
 
Further, there need to be more studies that compare experiences across different cultures. 
Currently, there are very few studies that compare single-parent experiences in different 



Graduate Student Journal of Psychology 

Jain & Mahmoodi 

cultures, and the ones that do are limited to specific regions. Such comparative 
studies will help clarify protective and challenging factors for single parents.  

Another area in which studies seemed to be lacking is the internal, subjective 
experiences of single fathers. While demographic and psychological correlates of single 
fathers have been assessed, very few studies have looked at the emotional experiences 
and perceptions of the challenges of bringing up a child on their own. To provide 
specialized support to single fathers, developing an understanding of these 
topics can contribute to the development of interventions for this particular 
population.  

Conclusion 
The present review aimed to understand how cultural and gender factors impact 
the experiences of single parents, and how they influence children’s health. Across 
different cultures, single parents have negative experiences, which can be due 
to economic difficulties and social stigma. This was found to be more applicable to 
single mothers than fathers. It also impacted children’s development in areas of 
academics, health, and psychosocial well-being. Finally, this study calls for more 
global studies on single parenthood experiences while also considering 
essential factors in developing interventions for single-parent families to help 
manage psychological distress and provide economic support. 

Acknowledgements 
The authors declare no conflict of interest associated with the publication, and no 
significant financial support for this work that could have influenced its outcome. 

Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Maitri Jain, K-14 F, 
New Delhi, India, 110017. Telephone Number: +91-9811421490. Email: 
mj3002@tc.columbia.edu 

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Appendix 

Table 1 
Characteristics of Studies Included in the Review 
Author 
(year) 

Method Countries Population of interest Sample size 

Stavrova and 
Fetchenhaue
r (2015) 

Survey 27 
European 
countries 

Male and female single 
parents 

85,051 

Ntoimo and 
Mutanda 
(2020) 

Survey 31 African 
countries 

Never married single 
mothers 

36,122 

Heinonen 
(2019) 

Survey UK, USA, 
Canada, 
Australia, 
New 
Zealand, 
South 
Africa, 
Ecuador 

Single parents with 
multiple children 

520 

Lansford 
(2016) 

Narrative 
review 

- Single parents and
their children

- 

Calder (2018) Narrative 
review 

Europe Single parent families - 

Mudau et al. 
(2018) 

Qualitative 
interviews 

South 
Africa 

Single parents with 
teenage children 

Single mothers 
= 5 
Single fathers 
=5 

Rani (2006) Structured 
interviews 

India Single mothers living 
in slums 

214 

Lu et al. 
(2020) 

Survey USA Working, single parent 
head of households 

N=1135 
Single mothers 
= 86.5% 
Single fathers = 
13.5% 

Meier et al. 
(2017) 

Survey USA Single and partnered 
mothers with children 
under 18 in the 
household 

N=7,074 
Partnered = 
76.86% 
Single = 
23.14% 

Kramer et al. 
(2016) 

Survey USA Working single parent 
householders 

554,633 



Being One in a World of Twos

Graduate Student Journal of Psychology 

Single mother 
= 83.7 % 
Single father = 
16.3 % 

Cheng and 
Wu (2016) 

Survey Taiwan Single mothers and 
fathers 

Single fathers = 
641 
Single mothers 
= 730 

Khosravan et 
al. (2010) 

Subjective 
interviews 

Iran Single parent widows 24 

Molander 
(2019) 

Subjective 
interviews 
and photo 
diaries 

Sweden Single fathers with full 
or shared custody 

16 

Elliott et al. 
(2015) 

Subjective 
interviews 

USA Low income, black 
single mothers 

16 

Mugove 
(2017) 

Questionnair
es, 
observation 
checklist, 
document 
analysis 

Zimbabw
e 

Single mothers, single 
fathers, children 
growing up in single 
parent households 

School teachers 
= 30 
School heads = 
18 Parents =  
20 Children = 
20 

DeJean 
(2012) 

Survey USA Never married 
custodial single 
mothers and fathers 

N=1,350 
Single fathers = 
670 
Single mothers 
= 692 

Zhao and 
Lim (2020) 

Semi-
structured 
interviews 

China Unwed single mothers 30 

D’Cruz and 
Bharat (2001) 

Narrative 
review 

India Different family types - 

D’Mello et al. 
(2016) 

Narrative 
review 

India Single parent families - 

Coles (2003) Quantitative 
and 
qualitative 
surveys 

USA African American 
single custodial fathers 

10 

Carone et al. 
(2017) 

Survey Italy Single father families 
created by surrogacy 

33 

Raatikainen 
et al. (2005) 

Interviews, 
clinical 
records, 
surveys 

Finland Unmarried pregnant 
women 

Unmarried 
women = 8235 
Married 
women = 
17,138 

Blakely et al. 
(2003) 

Survey New 
Zealand 

Children in single 
parent families 

742,587 



Jain & Mahmoodi 

Graduate Student Journal of Psychology 

Moncrief et 
al. (2014) 

Clinical 
records 

USA Children of single 
parents hospitalized 
for asthma 
or bronchodilator-
responsive wheezing 

526 

Noonan and 
Turchi (2019) 

Survey USA Children living in 
single parent families 

Children in 
single-father 
families = 239 
families, 
Children in 
single mother 
families = 2,989 
Children in 
two-parent 
families = 
10,178 

Tian and 
Wang (2019) 

Survey China Children living in 
single parent 
households. 

N= 1114: 974 
Dual-parent 
children = 974 
Single mother 
children = 97 
Single father 
children = 43 

Amato and 
Patterson 
(2017) 

Longitudinal 
Survey Data 

USA Children in single 
parent households 
with health risks 

Children who 
faced accidents 
= 1910 
Children who 
faced homicide 
= 1802 
Children who 
faced suicide = 
1796 
Children with 
neoplasms = 
1828 

Ntoimo and 
Omidegwu 
(2014) 

Survey Sub-
Saharan 
Africa 
(Cameroo
n, Nigeria 
& 
Democrati
c Republic 
of Congo) 

Single women and 
their under-5 children 

Cameroon = 
11,748 
Nigeria = 
28,100 DRC = 
8,999 

Akinremi et 
al. (2020) 

Survey Nigeria Children of single 
parents 

50 students in 
5 different 



Being One in a World of Twos 

Graduate Student Journal of Psychology 

secondary 
schools 
 

Azuka-
Obieke 
(2013) 

Survey and 
testing 

Nigeria Adolescent children of 
single parents 
 

100 
 

Chukwuka 
(2018) 

Survey Nigeria Children in primary 
school of single parents 
 

N = 240 
Teachers = 80 
Students = 160 

Raymo 
(2015) 

Longitudinal 
Survey 

Japan Children in single 
mother families as 
compared to those 
living with both 
parents 
 

Unmarried 
mothers = 
1,937 Married 
mothers = 
3,838 

Watt (2019) Survey USA Single parents and 
their children 

Parents = 7 
Elementary 
teachers = 3 
 

Wang (2015) Survey China Children from both 
single and two parent 
families 
 

Single parent 
children = 431 
Two-parent 
children =  544 

Mikeal 
(2018) 

Semi-
structured 
interviews, 
focus 
groups, 
surveys 

Ethiopia Children growing up 
in single-mother, 
single-father, and 
intact households 

Single mother 
headed 
families= 33 
Single father 
headed 
families= 10  
Dual-parent 
families = 63 
Children 
raised by some 
other relative = 
9 
 

Ntumi et al. 
(2016) 

Survey Ghana Children living under 
single parents 
 

47 

Weitoft et al. 
(2003) 

Survey Sweden Children living with 
single parents 

65,085 
Children with 
single parents 
= 65,085  
Children with 
two parents = 
921,257 
  

Ganesha and 
Venkatesan 
(2012) 

 
Survey 

India Children growing up 
in single and dual 
parent households 

Single parent 
households = 
150 



Jain & Mahmoodi 
 

 Graduate Student Journal of Psychology 
 

Dual parent 
households 
=150 
 

Sinha and 
Ram (2018) 

Survey India Unmarried youth 
having both or only 
one parent alive 

N = 28,637 
Married men = 
8.052 
Married 
women 
=13,912 
Unmarried 
men = 11,522 
Unmarried 
women = 
17,362 
 

Erdelja et al. 
(2013) 

Survey Croatia Delinquent children Delinquent, 
incarcerated 
male 
adolescents = 
100 
Matched 
school children 
= 100 
 

Nonoyama-
Tarumi 
(2017) 

Survey Japan Children in single-
mother, single father, 
and two parent 
families 
 

14,383 students 
in 391 schools 

Melhado 
(2017) 

Semi-
structured 
interviews 
 

USA Single fathers 14 

Amoateng et 
al. (2004) 

Survey 
policy report  

South-
Africa 

Family structures - 

Stavrova et 
al. (2012) 

Survey 30 
countries 
around 
the world 

Co-habilitating families 
 

21,821 

Ermisch and 
Francesconi 
(2000) 
 

Survey Great 
Britain 

Single mothers 9,459 

Barber (2003) Survey 85 
countries 
around 
the world 
 

Single parents - 

Park (2014) Longitudinal 
survey 

Korea Single parents and 
their children 
 

3,357 families 



Being One in a World of Twos

Graduate Student Journal of Psychology 

Raymo et al. 
(2014) 

Survey Japan Single mothers Dual-parent 
families = 2000 
Single-parent 
families = 2000 

Shirahase 
and Raymo 
(2014) 

Survey Japan Single mothers 60,070,09 

Waters 
(2010) 

Interview China and 
Canada 

Immigrated and left 
behind single fathers 

4 

Westin and 
Westerling 
(2006) 

Survey Sweden Single parents Single parents 
= 150 
Couple parents 
= 891 

Mulongo 
(2006) 

Interviews, 
Focus group 
discussions 

Kenya Teenage single mothers 9 

Rahel (2014) Interviews Ethiopia Single mothers and 
their children 

Single mothers 
= 11 
Children of 
single mothers 
= 11 

Hadley and 
Hanley 
(2011) 

Interviews England Biologically childless 
men  

10 

Figure 1 
Objectives and Structure of the Study 

Gender 
Single-parent 
households 

(Demographics & socio-
emotional challenges) 

Interventions 

Culture 




