15 Graduate Student Journal of Psychology 2022, Vol. 19 Copyright 2022 by the Department of Counseling and Clinical Psychology Teachers College, Columbia University Serving Whom? An Exploration of Cultural Taxation Themes in Latinx Graduate Students Madasen Briggs, M.S., Jonathan Cajas, B.A., Audon Archibald, Ph.D., and Yolanda Flores Niemann, Ph.D., Department of Psychology, University of North Texas �ȣǹȠȣȖƺǹ�ȠƺΠƺȠǩȅǿ�ȖǓǟǓȖș�Ƞȅ�ȠǦǓ�ǓΠȠȖƺ�ȖǓșȒȅǿșǩLjǩǹǩȠǩǓș�শǓঀǠঀॹ�ǩǿljȖǓƺșǓǏ�șǓȖΚǩljǓ�ǓΠȒǓljȠƺȠǩȅǿșॹ�șǓȖΚǩǿǠ�ƺș�ȣǿȅГljǩƺǹ�ǏǩΚǓȖșǩȠΡ� consultants) placed on members of marginalized racial groups within academia. However, the extant literature on cultural taxation does not clearly indicate the extent to which that research applies to graduate students who often ǟȣǹЙǹǹ�șǩǾǩǹƺȖ�ȠƺșǷș�ƺș�ǾǓǾLjǓȖș�ȅǟ�ƺljƺǏǓǾǩƺ�ƺǿǏ�ǟƺljȣǹȠΡঀ�'ȣȖȠǦǓȖǾȅȖǓॹ�ȠǦǓ�ƺljƺǏǓǾǩlj�ljȅǿȠǓΠȠ�ȅǟ�ƺ�/ǩșȒƺǿǩlj�^ǓȖΚǩǿǠ� Institution (HSI) is particularly relevant to this line of work as this designation, while projecting an image that an institution is inclusive, is not directly representative of the institution’s commitment to equitable practices. The goal of the present research is to identify how Latinx graduate students are potentially taxed and whether their experi- ences of cultural taxation are analogous to the taxation that faculty experience. Transcripts from 20 interviews with Latinx students at an HSI were analyzed via qualitative thematic analysis to identify potential themes of this sample’s experiences with cultural taxation. Findings suggest that Latinx graduate students’ cultural taxation converge in some ways with faculty patterns, but with key exceptions. Major themes from students’ responses include a sense of ǩǿljȖǓƺșǓǏ�ǏǩșȠƺǿljǓ�ƺǿǏ�ǹƺljǷ�ȅǟ�șȣȒȒȅȖȠ�ǟȖȅǾ�ȅǿǓঢ়ș�ǦȅǾǓ�ǏǓȒƺȖȠǾǓǿȠॹ�ƺș�ΛǓǹǹ�ƺș�ǏǩГljȣǹȠǩǓș�ǩǿȠǓǠȖƺȠǩǿǠ�ǏǩΚǓȖșǩȠΡ�ƺǿǏ� ǩǿljǹȣșǩȅǿ�ΛȅȖǷ�ljǹǓƺǿǹΡ�ǩǿȠȅ�ȅǿǓঢ়ș�ǠȖƺǏȣƺȠǓ�ljƺȖǓǓȖঀ�eǦǓșǓ�ЙǿǏǩǿǠș�șȣȒȒǹǓǾǓǿȠ�ǓΠǩșȠǩǿǠ�ljȣǹȠȣȖƺǹ�ȠƺΠƺȠǩȅǿ�ǹǩȠǓȖƺȠȣȖǓ�LjΡ� ǦǩǠǦǹǩǠǦȠǩǿǠ�ȠǦǓ�ǓΠȒǓȖǩǓǿljǓș�ȅǟ�ƺǿ�ȣǿǏǓȖȖǓljȅǠǿǩΦǓǏ�ȒȅȒȣǹƺȠǩȅǿ�ΛǩȠǦǩǿ�ƺljƺǏǓǾǩƺ�ƺǿǏ�ȒȖǓșǓǿȠǩǿǠ�ǩǿǩȠǩƺǹ�ЙǿǏǩǿǠș�ǟȅȖ� taxations imposed on this group. Keywords: cultural taxation, graduate students, Latinx students, identity taxation, thematic analysis Cultural taxation refers to the elevated workload expected of academics from marginalized commu- nities (Padilla, 1994). This elevated, but rarely com- pensated, workload often includes participation in diversity and equity work due to a faculty member’s presumed knowledge of diversity, regardless of its rele- vance to their research expertise (Padilla, 1994; Joseph ૭�/ǩȖșǦЙǓǹǏॹ� �আ��ǹǓΚǓǹƺǿǏࢲࢲࢱࢳ ǓȠ� ƺǹঀॹ� �ষঀࢹࢲࢱࢳ �ǾȅǿǠ� ȠǦǓ�ǾȅșȠ�ǩǏǓǿȠǩЙƺLjǹǓ�ǟȅȖǾș�ȅǟ�ȠƺΠƺȠǩȅǿ�ǩǿljǹȣǏǓॸ�LjǓǩǿǠ� expected to serve as an expert on all matters of diversity even when they are not relevant to one’s expertise, be- ing called on to educate the majority group on diversi- ty issues outside of one’s job description, serving on an ƺГȖǾƺȠǩΚǓ�ƺljȠǩȅǿ�ljȅǾǾǩȠȠǓǓ� ȠǦƺȠ�ȅǿǹΡ� ȖǓșȣǹȠș� ǩǿ� ȖǓlj- ommendations that have already been unmet, serving as a spokesperson from an ethnic community to the ȣǿǩΚǓȖșǩȠΡॹ� șƺljȖǩЙljǩǿǠ� ȠǩǾǓ� Ƞȅ� șǓȖΚǓ�ƺș� ƺ�ǾȣǹȠǩljȣǹȠȣȖƺǹ� problem solver, and being asked to serve as a transla- tor or interpreter (Padilla, 1994; Gutiérrez y Muhs et al., 2012; Boyd et al., 2017; Njie-Carr et al., 2020). In practice, cultural taxation could also be inclusive of discriminatory practices such as the tokenization of a department’s marginalized members (Amie, 2020). Tokens are numerically or culturally underrepresent- ed groups within an organization who are viewed as a symbolic representation of that group as a whole (Nie- mann, 2016). An example of this phenomenon would be a faculty member of color being pointed to by ad- ministration as a symbol of a department’s commit- ment to diversity. While the perspectives and contri- butions of marginalized community members are vital to an organization’s success (Page, 2007), involvement in such work that draws attention to their marginal- ized status can heighten the burden already in place by a standard academic teaching and research load. Fac- ȣǹȠΡ�ǾǓǾLjǓȖș�ǓΠȒǓljȠǓǏ�Ƞȅ�ǟȣǹЙǹǹ� ȠǦǓșǓ�ǓΠȠȖƺ�ǏǓǾƺǿǏș� have experienced stress, longer hours, and depression শ=ȅșǓȒǦ�૭�/ǩȖșǦЙǓǹǏॹࢲࢲࢱࢳ�ষ�ƺș�ΛǓǹǹ�ƺș�ƺ�ǏǩГljȣǹȠ�ȖǓǹƺ- tionship with their professional identity (Amie, 2020). The expectation that racialized1�ǟƺljȣǹȠΡ�Λǩǹǹ�ǟȣǹЙǹǹ� these additional responsibilities becomes more insidi- ous when considering that White academics continue to occupy about 75% of all faculty positions (NCES, 2020; Pew Research, 2019). Even with a gradual in- crease in the diversity of faculty, student bodies contin- ue to be more diverse by comparison (Pew Research, 2019). Already underrepresened, racialized faculty are also less likely to secure tenure or promotion in their institution, even after controlling for human capital, cultural taxation, and discipline (Wijesingha & Ra- mos, 2017). 11 For the purposes of this project, “racialized” refers to those who are marginalized according to their racial group. This term was selected for consistency For the purposes of this project, “racialized” refers to those who are marginalized according to their racial group. This term was selected for consistency throughout the paper, but we recognize that “racialized” is an imperfect term that could falsely imply that Whiteness is not factored into the treatment of throughout the paper, but we recognize that “racialized” is an imperfect term that could falsely imply that Whiteness is not factored into the treatment of someone according to their racial group.someone according to their racial group. 16 Increased expectations of racialized faculty impose barriers by taking time away from more personally im- portant tasks, such as the research that is necessary to advance their careers (Domingo et al., 2022). Unfortu- nately, the combination of stagnant performance and increased responsibilities can lead to decreased work satisfaction, longer promotion times, and increased position resignation (Domingo et al., 2022). This translates to decreased representation among racialized faculty, which can negatively impact racialized student success and retention (Tram et al., 2020). Outcomes for students can include decreased program satisfaction ǏȣǓ�Ƞȅ�ȣǿǾǓȠ�ǓΠȒǓljȠƺȠǩȅǿșॹ�ǹƺljǷ�ȅǟ�Йǿƺǿljǩƺǹ�șȣȒȒȅȖȠॹ� and an inability to connect with faculty mentors who may not understand cultural needs (Tram et al., 2020). eǦǩș�ǏȅǾǩǿȅ�ǓАǓljȠ�șȒǓƺǷș�ΚȅǹȣǾǓș�Ƞȅ�ȠǦǓ�ǩǾȒȅȖȠƺǿljǓ� of racialized faculty’s presence in academia and stu- dents’ vulnerability, particularly graduate students, who rely on a close relationship with faculty members. While faculty have received much research at- tention, the extant literature is limited in directly ad- dressing the unique positioning and circumstances of graduate students as a potentially culturally taxed pop- ulation. Nearly thirty years ago, Padilla (1994) called ǟȅȖ�ǩǿΚǓșȠǩǠƺȠǩȅǿș�ȅǿ�ȠǦǓ�ǓАǓljȠș�ȅǟ�ljȣǹȠȣȖƺǹ�ȠƺΠƺȠǩȅǿ�ȅǿ� marginalized graduate students. Padilla notes that grad- uate students face unique challenges in the pursuit of ǓȠǦǿǩlj�șljǦȅǹƺȖșǦǩȒॹ�ЙǿǏǩǿǠ�ǾǓǿȠȅȖșǦǩȒ�ȠǦƺȠ�ΛȅȣǹǏ�ƺlj- company that work, and the inability to access all of an institution’s resources (Padilla, 1994). However, clari- ЙljƺȠǩȅǿ�ǩș�ǿǓǓǏǓǏ�ȅǿ�ȠǦǓ�ΛƺΡș�ǩǿ�ΛǦǩljǦ�ǠȖƺǏȣƺȠǓ�șȠȣ- dents with marginalized racial and ethnic identities are ƺАǓljȠǓǏ�LjΡ�ƺǿǏ�ljȅȒǓ�ΛǩȠǦ�ljȣǹȠȣȖƺǹ�ȠƺΠƺȠǩȅǿॹ�șȒǓljǩЙljƺǹǹΡ� in how they relate to the faculty model proposed by Pa- dilla. Some culturally informed models identify com- mon graduate student experiences, such as imposter phenomenon amongst Black graduate students at a predominately White institution (Stone et al., 2018). However, these models have typically failed to incor- porate the perspective of Latinx2 graduate students, a group sorely in need of targeted work given their sta- tus as the largest ethnic minority group in the United States. Testimonies from graduate students and early career academics reveal the immediacy with which we must address the interplay of graduate student status, identity, and cultural taxation (Templeton et al., 2021). Lerma and colleagues (2020) elaborated upon forms of cultural taxation in student populations in the form of “racialized equity labor.” This labor refers to the actions taken by marginalized students within an organization to address racial inequity that is then appropriated by those with more organizational pow- er. The stress and demands from this cycle can force al- ready marginalized individuals to relinquish additional ȖǓșȅȣȖljǓșॹ�șȣljǦ�ƺș�ȠǩǾǓॹ�ΛǦǩljǦ�ǾƺΡ�ȖǓМǓljȠ�ȒȅȅȖǓȖ�ȒǓȖ- formance in professional and academic settings (Ler- ma et al., 2020). However, Lerma’s innovative work 1) did not distinguish between the work of undergrad- uate and graduate students and 2) sought out partic- ǩȒƺǿȠș� șȒǓljǩЙljƺǹǹΡ� ǟȅȖ� ȠǦǓǩȖ� ǩǿΚȅǹΚǓǾǓǿȠ� ǩǿ�ȣǿǩΚǓȖșǩȠΡ� ljǦƺǿǠǓ� ȠǦƺȠ� LjǓǿǓЙȠș�ǾƺȖǠǩǿƺǹǩΦǓǏ� șȠȣǏǓǿȠșঀ� 2Ƞ� ǩș� ȣǿ- clear how racialized equity labor, and by extension, the labor appropriation cycle outlined by Lerma (2020), occurs amongst graduate students who may objec- tively have more power but also may have more com- plex tethers to their universities than undergraduates (Grady et al., 2014). Like marginalized faculty, gradu- ate students are often expected to put their own needs or goals aside for those of the department (Grady et al., 2014). Furthermore, members of Latinx communities already face unique challenges integrating into higher education, such as increased psychological and accul- turative stress (Wang et al., 2016), and the highest like- ǹǩǦȅȅǏ�ȅǟ�ǦȅǹǏǩǿǠ�ЙȖșȠেǠǓǿǓȖƺȠǩȅǿ�șȠȣǏǓǿȠ�șȠƺȠȣș�ljȅǾ- pared to their Black and White peers (PNPI, 2021). Beyond Student Status: The Importance of Gender and Culture Beyond student status, members of marginal- ized communities experience cultural taxation based ȅǿ� ȖƺljǓ� ƺǿǏ� ǠǓǿǏǓȖ� ǩǿȠǓȖșǓljȠǩȅǿș� শ/ǩȖșǦЙǓǹǏ� ૭� =ȅ- seph, 2012; Diaz & Bui, 2016). Making space for these identity intersections within research is critical to appropriately framing people’s experiences with nuance and avoiding the homogenization of an en- tire group’s experiences. At the intersection of race and gender, women of color are often looked to as supporting pillars of their communities through the perpetual association with women, inherent com- munality, and nurturing expectations (Gutiérrez y 22For the purposes of this project, Latinx is used during each research stage as a gender-neutral term to refer to those of Latin American For the purposes of this project, Latinx is used during each research stage as a gender-neutral term to refer to those of Latin American descent (e.g., Latino, Hispanic, Mexican American, Chicano, Puerto Rican, Cuban American, etc.). The authors want to recognize descent (e.g., Latino, Hispanic, Mexican American, Chicano, Puerto Rican, Cuban American, etc.). The authors want to recognize that, while the term has gained popularity within university student populations and higher education research, Latinx is an imperfect that, while the term has gained popularity within university student populations and higher education research, Latinx is an imperfect term thatterm that may contribute to the homogenization of individual cultures (Salinas & Lozano, 2017). may contribute to the homogenization of individual cultures (Salinas & Lozano, 2017). BRIGGS ET AL. 17 CULTURAL TAXATION THEMES IN LATINX GRADUATE STUDENTS Muhs et al., 2012; Velásquez et al., 2004). Culturally taxing experiences for women of color in the profes- sorate are further compounded by gendered ascrip- tions and ongoing professional disparities in academia. Women faculty are canonically more involved in de- partmental or university service work than their male colleagues (Niemann, et al., 2020; Njie-Carr, et al., 2020; O’Meara et al., 2017), which partially explains why women, on average, publish less and receive fewer research grants than men (Wijesingha & Ramos, 2017). Adding to their challenging experiences is the relative- ly small number of women of color in upper-level pro- fessor and administrative ranks (Sánchez et al., 2021). � �ȣǹȠȣȖƺǹǹΡ� șȒǓljǩЙlj�ljǩȖljȣǾșȠƺǿljǓș�ǾƺΡ�ƺǹșȅ� șǦƺȒǓ� experiences. Mexican Americans face marginalization within the United States that may lead to steep social consequences, such as feelings of alienation and ‘oth- ering’ perpetrated through negative stereotypes (Hes- ter et al., 2020; Olguin-Aguirre et al., 2022). Further, discrimination can be perpetrated through public pol- icy that imposes limits on equitable access to quality education and health-related resources (Brenes, 2019; Shi et al., 2018). Arbona and colleagues (2010) theo- rize that Latinx individuals are especially vulnerable LjǓljƺȣșǓ� ȠǦǓǩȖ� ǩǏǓǿȠǩȠΡ� ǩș� ȣǿǩȕȣǓǹΡ� ƺАǓljȠǓǏ� LjΡ� ȠǦǓ� șǩ- multaneous experience of generational cultural prac- tices and of American society outside of the home. Al- though some Latinx academics may feel comfortable navigating a bicultural perspective, others, particularly those who have recently immigrated to the United States, could face increased adversity that may lead to acculturative stress (Berry, 1992; Meca et al., 2017). The research outlined in this paper explores Lat- inx graduate students’ experiences of cultural taxation at a Hispanic Serving Institution (HSI). While an HSI designation requires that a minimum of 25% of stu- dents enrolled be Hispanic (White House, n.d.), that does not guarantee representation at the graduate level. For example, Latinx graduate enrollment at this southwestern public university (SWPU) equals about half that of undergraduate enrollment, with even few- er faculty in place to support those graduate students (SWPU Factbook, 2020). Although an HSI designa- tion presents opportunities to apply for federal fund- ing to serve Latinx students, assessments indicate that universities often funnel these extra funds into color- blind programs that do not prioritize Latinx students (Vargas & Villa-Palomino, 2018). Investigations of fac- ulty’s cultural taxation within an HSI also indicate that this institutional designation does not protect against racism, marginalization, and taxation for faculty of color (Martinez et al., 2017). Beyond numerical enroll- ment, it is not clear what the term Hispanic Serving In- stitution means to the experiences of Latinx students. The goal of the present study is to 1) understand how Latinx graduate students at an HSI identify with cultural taxation and related labor on campus and 2) identify how these experiences compare to faculty tax- ƺȠǩȅǿঀ�̂ ȒǓljǩЙljƺǹǹΡॹ�ΛǓ�ƺǩǾ�Ƞȅ�ǩǏǓǿȠǩǟΡ�ȠǦǓ�ΛƺΡș�ǩǿ�ΛǦǩljǦ� existing understandings of cultural taxation align with Latinx graduate students’ experiences of cultural taxa- tion unique to this population. Furthermore, we seek to understand how the intersections of race and gender play into Latinx women graduate students’ experienc- es with cultural taxation. Findings from this work will help identify where this sample of Latinx graduate stu- dents falls in relation to existing cultural taxation liter- ature. It is our hope that such knowledge will highlight ȒƺȠǦΛƺΡș�ȅǟ�ƺljȠǩȅǿ�ǟȅȖ�ȒȖȅǠȖƺǾș�ƺǿǏ�ǾǓǿȠȅȖș�ǩǿ�șȒǓljǩЙlj� support of marginalized graduate students. Addition- ally, the current work seeks to bolster the understand- ing of graduate students’ experiences as a population already subjected to exploitative practices surround- ing their learning and labor (Cohen & Baruch, 2021). Methods Participants A total of 20 Latinx graduate students participat- ǓǏॹ�ǩǿljǹȣǏǩǿǠࢳࢲ��ΛǦȅ�ǩǏǓǿȠǩЙǓǏ�ƺș�ΛȅǾǓǿॹ�ƺǿǏ�ǓǩǠǦȠ� ΛǦȅ�ǩǏǓǿȠǩЙǓǏ�ƺș�ǾǓǿঀ�^ȠȣǏǓǿȠș�ȖǓȒȖǓșǓǿȠǓǏ�ȅΚǓȖࢱࢲ�� ǏǩАǓȖǓǿȠ�ǏǓȒƺȖȠǾǓǿȠș�ȅǿ�ljƺǾȒȣș�șǓǓǷǩǿǠ�ƺ�ΚƺȖǩǓȠΡ�ȅǟ� degrees, including both master’s and Ph.Ds. Students came from a blend of business, STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering, Math), and social science programs with career tracks inclusive of both industry and academia. Participants’ ages ranged from 22 to 48. Participants came from a range of Latinx back- ǠȖȅȣǿǏșॸࢶࢳ�ઔ�ȅǟ�ȠǦǓ�ȒƺȖȠǩljǩȒƺǿȠș�ǩǏǓǿȠǩЙǓǏ�ƺș�ǦƺΚǩǿǠ� mixed heritage (e.g., Mexican and Salvadorian, mixed ǩǿǏǩǠǓǿȅȣș�ƺǿǏ�EǓΠǩljƺǿ��ǾǓȖǩljƺǿষॹࢱࢳ�ઔ�ǩǏǓǿȠǩЙǓǏ� ƺș�/ǩșȒƺǿǩljॹࢱࢳ�ઔ�ǩǏǓǿȠǩЙǓǏ�ƺș�@ƺȠǩǿΠॹ�ƺǿǏ�ȠǦǓ�ȖǓǾƺǩǿ- ǩǿǠ�ȒƺȖȠǩljǩȒƺǿȠș�ǩǏǓǿȠǩЙǓǏ�ƺș�EǓΠǩljƺǿ��ǾǓȖǩljƺǿ�ȅȖ� Argentinian. Data collection took place during the Spring 2021 semester when many students had still not yet returned to face-to-face classes due to the COVID-19 18 pandemic. While questions related to participant experiences did not specify a particular timeframe, student responses are a mix of both their pre-pan- demic and pandemic experiences on campus. Research Design A series of one-on-one, open-ended interviews were conducted and analyzed qualitatively. Open-end- ed questions were based on Padilla’s (1994) cultural tax- ƺȠǩȅǿ�ǟȖƺǾǓΛȅȖǷॹ�ΛǦǩljǦ�șȒǓljǩЙǓș�ƺǿ�ǩǿljȖǓƺșǓǏ�LjȣȖǏǓǿ� of service and mentorship to students, colleagues, and the university faced by racialized faculty (Jacobs et al., 2002). Consideration was also given to other aspects of this phenomenon, such as its intersectional nature শ=ȅșǓȒǦș�૭�/ǩȖșǦЙǓǹǏॹࢳࢲࢱࢳ�ষॹ�Ƞȅ�ǓǿșȣȖǓ�ȠǦƺȠ�ǩǿȠǓȖΚǩǓΛș� were capturing the full breadth of graduate students’ experiences with cultural taxation (Lerma et al., 2020; Blake, 2018). All questions were iterated over a series ȅǟ�ǾǓǓȠǩǿǠș�ƺǾȅǿǠșȠ�ȠǦǓ�ȖǓșǓƺȖljǦ�ȠǓƺǾ�ȣǿȠǩǹ�ȠǦǓ�Йǿƺǹ� set of 25 questions was reached (see Appendix B for list of interview questions). An example item from this list is “In what ways, if any, was your service reward- ed, validated, or noticed?” To not lead participants to șȒǓljǩЙlj� ƺǿșΛǓȖșॹ� ȕȣǓșȠǩȅǿș� ƺșǷǓǏ� ȒƺȖȠǩljǩȒƺǿȠș� ƺLjȅȣȠ� ‘their identities’ as opposed to specifying a particular Ȗƺljǩƺǹ�ȅȖ� ǓȠǦǿǩlj�ǠȖȅȣȒঀ�XƺȖȠǩljǩȒƺǿȠș�ΛǦȅ� ǩǏǓǿȠǩЙǓǏ�ƺș� women were given an additional set of four questions to discuss their experiences within the intersection of race and gender in graduate school. An example item from this set is “Do you feel as if expectations in your department are identical for men and women?” It is important to note that the research team who conducted interviews, subsequent analy- ses, and authored this manuscript identify as fol- lows: White nonbinary person, cisgender Lati- no/Hispanic man, cisgender biracial Mexican man, and cisgender Mexican American woman. Procedure The present project received institutional review board approval at a large southwestern public univer- sity (SWPU) during the Spring of 2021. Study invi- tations were sent to all graduate students informing them of an opportunity for Latinx graduate students to self-select into a study to discuss their experiences with race on campus. A request for Latinx students was used in the mass mailer, but participants were asked to self-report their racial/ethnic identity if their identity was not fully encapsulated by the term Latinx. Students were also given the opportunity to șȒǓljǩЙljƺǹǹΡ� ȖǓȕȣǓșȠ� ƺ� @ƺȠǩǿΠ� ǩǿȠǓȖΚǩǓΛǓȖ� ǏȣǓ� Ƞȅ� ȠǦǓ� sensitive nature of the questions. Following recruit- ment, all participants took part in individual inter- views with a member of the research team. All 20 interviews were conducted via Zoom, recorded, and transcribed live using Panopto. After the interview stage concluded, the authors reviewed the transcrip- tions produced by Panopto for any potential errors. Data analyses followed Braun and Clarke’s (2006) six phases for Thematic Analysis, a qualitative data ƺǿƺǹΡșǩș� ȠǓljǦǿǩȕȣǓ� ȠǦƺȠ� ǩǏǓǿȠǩЙǓș�ȅΚǓȖƺȖljǦǩǿǠ� ȠǦǓǾǓș� and patterns of meaning in a particular dataset. The phases for thematic analysis are: 1) familiarizing your- self with your data, 2) generating initial codes, 3) șǓƺȖljǦǩǿǠ� ǟȅȖ� ȠǦǓǾǓșॹ� �ষࢵ ȖǓΚǩǓΛǩǿǠ� ȠǦǓǾǓșॹ� �ষࢶ ǏǓЙǿ- ing and naming themes, and 6) producing the report. Overall, due to the novelty of the work, we took a pri- marily inductive approach, meaning our codes and themes are derived from the semantic content of the data rather than coding the data according to pre-exist- ing theoretical concepts (Braun & Clarke, 2012). While the research team was deeply familiar with pre-existing frameworks of cultural taxation, “our analytic lens does not completely override their [participants’] stories” (Braun & Clarke, 2012, p. 60). This analytic ȠǓljǦǿǩȕȣǓ�Λƺș�ȒȖǓǟǓȖȖǓǏ�LjǓljƺȣșǓ�ȅǟ�ǩȠș�ȠǦǓȅȖǓȠǩljƺǹ�МǓΠ- ibility compared to other techniques such as discourse analysis which requires theoretical framing for the role and meaning of language (Braun & Clarke, 2012). � vǩȠǦ� ȠǦǓ� Йǿƺǹ� ȠȖƺǿșljȖǩȒȠǩȅǿșॹ� ǓƺljǦ� ƺȣȠǦȅȖ� ǩǿǏǓ- pendently read and generated individual lists of codes for the data using Nvivo (version 12). For this tech- ǿǩȕȣǓॹ�ljȅǏǓș�ǩǏǓǿȠǩǟΡ�ƺ�șȒǓljǩЙlj�ǟǓƺȠȣȖǓ�ȅǟ�ȠǦǓ�ǏƺȠƺșǓȠॹ� and these codes are grouped into overarching themes. Coding involved the individual labeling of data seg- ments that were potentially relevant to the research question. These independent code lists were reduced collaboratively based on codes that all four research ȠǓƺǾ� ǾǓǾLjǓȖș� ljȅǹǹǓljȠǩΚǓǹΡ� ƺǠȖǓǓǏ� ΛǓȖǓ� șȣГljǩǓǿȠǹΡ� ȒȖǓșǓǿȠ�ƺǿǏ�ǾǓƺǿǩǿǠǟȣǹ�ǩǿ�ȠǦǓ�ǏƺȠƺॹ�ȖǓșȣǹȠǩǿǠ�ǩǿ�ƺ�Йǿƺǹ� list of over 40 codes. After code generation conclud- ed, the research team sorted these codes into themes through collaborative discussion (see Table 1 for over- view). Themes for this project were organized groups of codes that represented patterns and shared mean- ings across the dataset. Coder reliability was not as BRIGGS ET AL. 19 CULTURAL TAXATION THEMES IN LATINX GRADUATE STUDENTS sessed quantitatively; these numeric itatively; these numeric measures of intercoder reliability are more common in qualitative work guided by post-positiv- istic values. We aligned with a paradigm that empha- sizes an organic approach to the data and each coder’s ǿƺȠȣȖƺǹॹ� ȖǓМǓΠǩΚǓ� ȖǓșȒȅǿșǓ� শ�Ȗƺȣǿ� ૭� �ǹƺȖǷǓॹ� ষঀࢲࢳࢱࢳ Results � 'ǩΚǓ�ȠǦǓǾǓș�ΛǓȖǓ� ǩǏǓǿȠǩЙǓǏ�ȣșǩǿǠ�ȠǦǓ�ƺLjȅΚǓ�ljȅǏ- ing process. These themes are Distance/Isolation from Support; Power, Labor, and ‘Something’s Gotta Give;’ Culturally Taxing Levies Against Latinx Student Iden- tities; Unique Pressures on Women; and Reluctance to Assign Accountability and Responsibility. In gen- eral, participants reported that they were not entirely supported by their departments and largely abstained from diversity labor. Women participants reported undertaking more social and emotional labor than their male counterparts. Finally, participants provided evidence that they experienced cultural taxation (e.g., feeling that they are made into a representative for all Latinx peoples), but were hesitant to assign account- ability to the parties contributing to these taxations. An in-depth description of each theme and some supporting data points are provided below. We pro- vide a brief overview of how each theme relates or di- verges from existing literature; these points are further explored in the discussion. Throughout the follow- ing section, we refer to participants according to the identities they provided on their demographics ques- ȠǩȅǿǿƺǩȖǓ�ΛǦǩǹǓ�șȠǩǹǹ�ǾƺǩǿȠƺǩǿǩǿǠ�ȠǦǓǩȖ�ljȅǿЙǏǓǿȠǩƺǹǩȠΡঀ Theme One: Distance/Isolation from Support Latinx interviewees acknowledged acute dif- ferences between the graduate and undergraduate ǓΠȒǓȖǩǓǿljǓș� ȅǿ� ljƺǾȒȣșঀ� EƺǿΡ� ȅǟ� ȠǦǓșǓ� ǏǩАǓȖǓǿljǓș� manifested as a physical and psychological distance from campus life and culture, as well as distance from potential campus support networks within and outside their department. This was compounded in no small amount by the realities of the COVID-19 pandemic in the United States, with many students lamenting that working from home and the stress- ors of the pandemic exacerbated the pre-existing lack of support for Latinx graduate students. One Hispanic graduate student speaks up about how de- partmental support for students of color, in general, ǏȅǓș�ǿȅȠ�ǿǓljǓșșƺȖǩǹΡ�Йǹǹ�ǩǿ�ȠǦǓ�ǿǓǓǏș�ȠǦƺȠ�@ƺȠǩǿΠ�ǠȖƺǏ- uates display based on their cultural backgrounds: ৚ॺLjǓǩǿǠ�/ǩșȒƺǿǩljॹ�ǾΡ�ΚǩǓΛș�ƺȖǓ�ƺ�ǹǩȠȠǹǓ�LjǩȠ�ǏǩАǓȖǓǿȠঀ�2� don’t think [departmental support] is Hispanic serv- ǩǿǠॹ�2�Ǐȅǿঢ়Ƞ�ȠǦǩǿǷ�ǩȠ�ǟȣǹЙǹǹș�ȠǦƺȠঀ�2�ȠǦǩǿǷ�ǟȅȖ�ǾǩǿȅȖǩȠǩǓș� as a whole, [SWPU] does a great job with lots of in- clusion, lots of opportunities for graduate students to work with faculty members… But for Hispanics, they love to preach how they’re going to help and that they’re going to support you… but in the ways they ac- tually do it’s very, very limited… [For example] when my father was dying of liver disease… and my mother, she had breast cancer at the same time, it’s like, hey, I can’t live on campus because I need to live close to my parents due to that whole cultural aspect of His- panic children taking care of their parents. So, I said “Hey, I’m not going to be able to relocate,” and they șƺǩǏॹ� ৚KǷ� ΛǓǹǹ� ǩǟ� Ρȅȣ� ljƺǿঢ়Ƞ� ǟȣǹЙǹǹ� ȠǦǩșॹ� Ρȅȣঢ়ȖǓ� ȅȣȠঀ৛ Faculty and administrators’ seeming inability to understand the responsibilities many students felt to their identity and community was not unique to this student. Other students spoke more to how physical distance from campus life inhibited the formation of more support networks. For many of the Latinx grad- uate student interviewees, the realities of being discon- nected from the physical campus began long before the pandemic (Erichsen & Bolliger, 2011). One non- ȠȖƺǏǩȠǩȅǿƺǹ�ǾƺǹǓ�ǠȖƺǏȣƺȠǓ�șȠȣǏǓǿȠ�ΛǦȅ�ǩǏǓǿȠǩЙǓș�ƺș�ǩǿ- digenous Mexican responded “I mean, I’m so discon- nected because I’m online. I really have no idea how SWPU serves students of color. I don’t know honest- ly… There’s very little interaction, at least for me...” These feelings of isolation were further character- ized by students often being in a position where their existing support networks were challenged by unique graduate student circumstances. This lack of face-to- face support, physical distance from campus, and the lack of fellow Latinx academics in one’s home depart- ment played a key role in why an interviewee believes many of their Latinx peers drop out. In addition, even for students who mentioned that they had a support network in place, it was often not the case that the sup- port network was housed within the university. These students often sought support outside of campus, such as in the form of an international Latinx graduate sup- port group, having been driven to this by the universi- ty’s failure to provide them the support they needed. These experiences with isolation speak to a key el- ement of cultural taxation - the feeling of a lack of 20 belonging in one’s department due to the to keniz- ing nature of the lack of support for your racial and ǓȠǦǿǩlj� LjƺljǷǠȖȅȣǿǏ� শ=ȅșǓȒǦ� ૭� /ǩȖșljǦЙǓǹǏॹ� �ষঀࢲࢲࢱࢳ The common mentor/mentee model did not alle- viate the isolation felt by many graduate students, especially when they sought guidance. For in- stance, a woman graduate student of mixed Lat- inx ancestry speaks about how she does not have someone in her department she can approach: “Unfortunately, no, I don’t…even with my research mentor, I have asked for a lower workload in the past because I feel very overwhelmed and basically got told no. I learned very early on that I can’t trust to reach out to faculty for support … I have to be very direct to be able to get the support that I need and when I’m not, it’s not as helpful. So, it’s hard. When I don’t know the questions to ask, then I end up not getting the help I need… And the growth that I’ve had, the progress I make, I always have to approach them for it. It’s always about self-advocacy, rather than them bringing it to you in a potential teachable moment.” Some students were not willing to ascribe this lack of mentorship as a problem (i.e., students saying they hated to bother faculty or that they believed faculty were inherently too busy to be available for graduate students). However, students still indicated that they felt their mentors often failed to discuss informa- tion crucial to their degree advancement or failed to take notice of their major milestones. For instance, another half-Hispanic, half-White woman graduate student contributes a sentiment shared by most of the graduate student participants under the mentor/ mentee model: “Looking at my department, my advi- sor talks to me once a semester… a lot of students in my department especially feel that we have not been supported through the [graduate student] process.” This lack of mentorship is often present for junior full-time faculty members, but the ad- ǏǩȠǩȅǿƺǹ� ȒȅΛǓȖ� ǏǩАǓȖǓǿȠǩƺǹ� ǟǓǹȠ� LjΡ� ǠȖƺǏȣƺȠǓ� șȠȣ- ǏǓǿȠșॹ� șȒǓljǩЙljƺǹǹΡ� ǩǿ� ȖǓǹƺȠǩȅǿ� Ƞȅ� ȠǦǓ� ljȅǾȒǹǓȠǩȅǿ� of their degrees, suggests a potential gap between student and faculty models of cultural taxation. Theme Two: Power, Labor, and ‘Something’s Got to Give’ � XǓȖǦƺȒș� ȠǦǓ�ǾȅșȠ� șȠȖǩǷǩǿǠ�ǏǩАǓȖǓǿljǓ� ǩǿ�ǦȅΛ�ljȣǹ- tural taxation manifests in graduate students, com- pared to other members of academia, is in labor ex- pectations. While faculty often undergo heightened expectations of racialized equity labor that their non-White peers do not experience (Padilla, 1994), respondents did not spontaneously express the same ǓΠȒǓljȠƺȠǩȅǿঀ�vǦǓǿ�ƺșǷǓǏ�șȒǓljǩЙljƺǹǹΡ�ƺLjȅȣȠ�ǦȅΛ�ȠǦǓΡ� participated in diversity labor and advocacy, surpris- ingly, most interviewees indicated that they did not commonly participate in racialized equity labor. Their reasons included: fear of retaliation that threatened their positions in the department, lack of knowledge of where to begin advocacy work, and just wanting to ‘keep their heads down’ during the turbulence of ǠȖƺǏȣƺȠǓ�șljǦȅȅǹঀ�eǦǩș�ƺǹșȅ�LjƺȖǓș�ƺǿ� ǩǿȠǓȖǓșȠǩǿǠ�ǏǩАǓȖ- ence with how other students’ experiences of cultural taxation often manifest. As outlined by Lerma (2020), șȠȣǏǓǿȠș�ΛǦȅșǓ�ȒǓȖșȅǿƺǹ� ƺǿǏ�ȒȖȅǟǓșșǩȅǿƺǹ� ǹǩΚǓș� șȣАǓȖ� for their involvement in racialized equity labor are of- ten forced to let their academic performance drop due Ƞȅ�ȠǦǓ�ǓАȅȖȠ�ǩȠ�ȠƺǷǓș�Ƞȅ�șȣȒȒȅȖȠ�ljƺǾȒȣș�ljǦƺǿǠǓঀ� In contrast, respondents did not believe that a drop in academic or professional performance in exchange for engaging in racialized equity labor was a valid op- tion. One female student with a mixed indigenous and Mexican American identity states regarding proposed bans of Critical Race Theory in U.S. schools, a politi- cally charged discussion of which students were aware: “What makes me want to pause is being aware of legis- lature with what they want to do about race theory, so that does make me consider that there will be retaliation linked to [diversity] work… if this happens, it is going to come down to my professional or educational experi- ences being impacted… and I just can’t let that happen.” When they did engage in racialized equity la- bor, more often than not interviewed graduate stu- dents preferred to conduct it ‘behind the scenes’ or ǓΚǓǿ� ȅАেljƺǾȒȣș� ǓǿȠǩȖǓǹΡঀ� eǦǩș� ljƺǾǓ� ǟȖȅǾॹ� ǩǿ� ȒƺȖȠॹ� the disconnection they felt from the campus com- munity (see theme 1) as well as not wanting to jeop- ardize their standing in their programs. The same woman graduate student who commented on the lack of adequate mentorship in Theme 1 elaborates, “It’s hard to get involved… I think I’ve just kind of been working behind the scenes, here for support for people who have negative experiences on campus… I’ve been ap- proached to be recruited for some leadership positions [in organizations that support students of color], but with my professional life and mental health, I just didn’t want to do it… I just want to graduate and move on.” BRIGGS ET AL. 21 CULTURAL TAXATION THEMES IN LATINX GRADUATE STUDENTS. Respondents often had concerns about engag ing in racialized equity labor at the forefront of their expe- riences. That said, unlike undergraduates of color who are perhaps more likely to ‘give up’ their aca- demic work to support diversity labor on campus, or racialized faculty who are compelled to participate in diversity labor as an aspect of their employment, our study respondents have trouble being as active ǩǿ� ljƺǾȒȣș� ǓȕȣǩȠΡ� ǓАȅȖȠș� ƺș� ȠǦǓΡ� ΛȅȣǹǏ� ǹǩǷǓ� Ƞȅ� LjǓঀ It is here that we see a unique manifestation of how cultural taxation may have been realized for this șȒǓljǩЙlj�șƺǾȒǹǓ�ȅǟ�@ƺȠǩǿΠ�ǠȖƺǏȣƺȠǓ�șȠȣǏǓǿȠșঀ��ș�ǾȣljǦ� as they would like to participate in more diversity la- bor, many fear ‘rocking the boat’ and jeopardizing their position on campus. Simultaneously, gradu- ƺȠǓ� șȠȣǏǓǿȠș� ǾƺΡ� ǿȅȠ� LjǓ� ƺАȅȖǏǓǏ� ƺș� ǾƺǿΡ� ljǦƺǿljǓș� to engage in racialized equity labor as faculty (even if their participation is tokenizing and directly con- ducive to culturally taxing experiences). This lack of engagement can turn into a threat to one’s cultural ǩǏǓǿȠǩȠΡ� ƺǿǏ� ƺАǓljȠ� ȠǦǓǩȖ� ȅΚǓȖƺǹǹ� ǠȖƺǏȣƺȠǓ� șljǦȅȅǹ� ȠȖƺ- jectory as one Indigenous Mexican student puts it: “No, personally, I don’t engage in work on behalf of ljƺǾȒȣș�ǏǩΚǓȖșǩȠΡ�ǓАȅȖȠșॺ�2�ǹǓƺȖǿǓǏ�ȠǦƺȠ�ǷǓǓȒǩǿǠ�ȒǓȅ- ple at ease gets you far, you’ve got to know how to keep people from calling the cops and, you know, not give them a reason to feel threatened, but when you start re- ƺǹǩΦǩǿǠ�ȠǦƺȠ�ǏȅǩǿǠ�șȅ�ǏǓЙǿǩȠǓǹΡ�ljǦƺǿǠǓș�Ρȅȣॺ�2ঢ়ΚǓ�ǹȅșȠ� șȅ�ǾȣljǦঀ�2ঢ়ΚǓ�ǦƺǏ�Ƞȅ�șƺljȖǩЙljǓ�ǾΡ�ȅΛǿ�ǩǏǓǿȠǩȠΡ�Ƞȅॹ�Ρȅȣ� know, stay alive… worrying about everything that’s happened distracts me so much from grad school. You’d hope that this is something that only comes up every so often, but no, it comes up every day.” Theme Three: Culturally Taxing Levies Against Latinx Student Identity � �� ȖǓljȣȖȖǩǿǠ� ǓǹǓǾǓǿȠ� ȅǟ� ȖǓșȒȅǿșǓș� Λƺș� ǏǩГljȣǹȠΡ� navigating their professional workload due to levies, or unique impositions, against Latinx identities. Stu- dents spoke about how their Latinx identity, rather than their general identity as students of color, was ƺ� șȒǓljǩЙlj� șȠȖǓșșȅȖ�ΛǦǓǿ�ǾƺǿƺǠǩǿǠ� ȠǦǓǩȖ� ǠȖƺǏȣƺȠǓ� ljƺ- reers. Navigating their program responsibilities was ƺǹșȅ� ǏǩГljȣǹȠ� ǏȣǓ� Ƞȅ� ȠǦǓ� ǾǩΠǓǏেȖƺljǓ� LjƺljǷǠȖȅȣǿǏ� ȅǟ� many participants, who had their diversity-centric research interests undermined due to ‘not being His- panic enough’ for other scholars to take their work on Latinx populations seriously. One student relayed an anecdote whereby a professor requested he change his research topic to something more ‘suitable’ to him due to ‘passing’ as a person of color. This highlights how many non-Latinx academics may be incorrectly assum- ing what Latinx students ‘should’ present as and how that should inform their academic interests. Addition- ally, many interviewees highlighted how ‘Latinx’ was not a term with a lot of explanatory power of their cul- ȠȣȖƺǹ�LjƺljǷǠȖȅȣǿǏș�ǩǿ�ȠǦǓ�ЙȖșȠ�ȒǹƺljǓঀ�eǦȣșॹ�ǩȠ�Λƺș�ȅǟȠǓǿ� ǏǩГljȣǹȠ�Ƞȅ�ǿƺΚǩǠƺȠǓ�ǟǓǓǹǩǿǠș�șȣȖȖȅȣǿǏǩǿǠ�ȠǦǓǩȖ�ǩǏǓǿȠǩȠΡ� (a key feature of the faculty model of cultural taxation) ΛǦǓǿ� ȠȖǓƺȠǓǏ�ƺș� ȠǦȅȣǠǦ� ȠǦǓΡ�ƺȖǓ� ড়ǠǓǿǓȖǩljঀঢ়�^ȒǓljǩЙljƺǹ- ly, interviewees expressed not wanting to be forced to be a representative of all Latinx people. For instance, a graduate student from South America comments, ৚eǦǓΡ�ljȅǿǟȣșǓ�ȅȣȖ�ǏǩАǓȖǓǿȠ�ljȣǹȠȣȖǓș�ƺǿǏ�ȠǦǓȖǓঢ়ș� ȠǦǩș� really racist notion that everything south of the U.S. is Mexico… Often times they would ask me about EǓΠǩljƺǿ� șȠȣАঀ� 2� ƺǹΛƺΡș� ǦƺΚǓ� Ƞȅ� ljǹƺȖǩǟΡ� ȠǦƺȠ� 2ঢ়Ǿ� ǿȅȠ� Mexican. It’s like constantly trying to tell them you’re not Mexican and having to prove that we [people ǟȖȅǾ�ǾΡ�ljȅȣǿȠȖΡয�ǦƺΚǓ�ǏǩАǓȖǓǿȠ�ljȣǹȠȣȖǓș�ƺǿǏ�ȠǦǩǿǠșॹ� and all I do is get asked ‘do you eat spicy food?’” Interviewees also expressed concerns about the ǹƺljǷ� ȅǟ� șȣȒȒȅȖȠ� ǟȅȖ� ЙȖșȠেǠǓǿǓȖƺȠǩȅǿ� ƺǿǏ� ǩǾǾǩǠȖƺǿȠ� students, especially in the face of severe underrepre- șǓǿȠƺȠǩȅǿ� ȅǟ� ȠǦǓșǓ� ȒǓȖșȅǿș� ƺǾȅǿǠșȠ� ǟƺljȣǹȠΡ� ƺǿǏ� șȠƺА� in their graduate programs. These feelings of under- representation and lack of support were especially apparent in those that come from communities that were majority-Latinx. For these students, campus life brought the additional stress of being separated from a community driven by commonalities to which they were accustomed, with accompanying feelings of iso- lation vis a vis a culturally taxing experience. Students ƺǹșȅ� ȅǟȠǓǿ� ǏǩǏ� ǿȅȠ� ǦƺΚǓ� ƺljljǓșș� Ƞȅ� șȒǓljǩЙljƺǹǹΡ� @ƺȠǩǿΠ� ǟƺljȣǹȠΡ� ƺǿǏ� șȠƺА� ΛǦȅ� ȣǿǏǓȖșȠȅȅǏ� ȠǦǓǩȖ� ǓΠȒǓȖǩǓǿljǓঀ� As a result, students found themselves facing addi- tional levels of solitude (see theme 1) not necessarily felt by those who were more used to majority-White settings. For instance, a Hispanic woman states, “I mean, I would not call myself a representative where I live in [city with Latinx majority popula- tion] because it’s a minority majority…But as far as in [City of University] or as far as campus goes... ǾΡ� ǿƺǾǓ� ǏȅǓșǿঢ়Ƞ� ЙȠ� ǩǿॹ� 2� Ǐȅǿঢ়Ƞ� ǷǿȅΛ� ΛǦǓȖǓ� Ƞȅ� Ǡȅॹ� ƺǿǏ� șȣǏǏǓǿǹΡ� 2ঢ়Ǿ� ǹȅȅǷǓǏ� ȣȒȅǿ� ǏǩАǓȖǓǿȠǹΡঀ৛ This sentiment was echoed by other stud 22 dents who agreed that going from an environment where they are not looked upon as a representative of a race or culture into an environment where it is very easy to be perceived as one was jarring and disruptive to ȠǦǓǩȖ�ΛȅȖǷঀ�/ǓȖǓ�ΛǓ�șǓǓ�ƺ�ȖǓǹǓΚƺǿȠॹ�ǾȅȖǓ�@ƺȠǩǿΠেșȒǓljǩЙlj� sentiment that may modulate how culturally taxing ex- periences are understood by Latinx graduate students. Many do not necessarily come from backgrounds where they built an understanding of their identity as coming from a ‘minority group,’ often traveling to ac- ademia from environments that were majority Latinx. 2Ƞ� ǩș� șȒǓljǩЙljƺǹǹΡ�ΛǩȠǦǩǿ� ƺljƺǏǓǾǩƺ� ȠǦƺȠ� ȠǦǓșǓ� șȠȣǏǓǿȠș� are exposed to, even at HSIs, White-dominated space. Theme Four: Unique Pressures on Women Women-identifying interviewees were aware of the link between their identity as women, their Latinx identity, and the social perceptions of these intersecting identities. Pressures on these inter- viewees were further compounded by the aware- ness of professionalism or leadership expectations ȠǦƺȠ� șǓǓǾ� Ƞȅ� ljȅǿМǩljȠ� ΛǩȠǦ� ΛȅǾƺǿǦȅȅǏ� ƺǿǏ� ǟǓǾ- ininity. For instance, a woman respondent said, “But once you get into the ranks of leadership, that was always historically men. And so, you have to prove that while retaining your femininity and your wom- ƺǿǦȅȅǏॹ�Ρȅȣ�ljƺǿ�LjǓ�ƺǿ�ǓАǓljȠǩΚǓ�ǹǓƺǏǓȖঀ��ǿǏ�ȠǦƺȠ�ǾƺΡ� ǹȅȅǷ� ƺ� ǹǩȠȠǹǓ� LjǩȠ� ǏǩАǓȖǓǿȠ� ȠǦƺǿ� ǩȠ� ΛȅȣǹǏ� ȅǿ� ƺ� ǾƺǹǓঀ৛ However, the way women responded to these unique pressures varied. Some women felt the need to șȠǩМǓ�ljǓȖȠƺǩǿ�ǟȅȖǾș�ȅǟ�ǓΠȒȖǓșșǩȅǿ�Ƞȅ�ƺǏǦǓȖǓ�Ƞȅ�ƺ�ǾȅȖǓ� traditional archetype of professionalism. The mixed- race student who previously commented on isolation ƺǿǏ�ǷǓǓȒǩǿǠ�ƺ�ǹȅΛ�ȒȖȅЙǹǓ�ǩǿ�eǦǓǾǓșࢲ��ƺǿǏࢳ��ǓǹƺLjȅȖƺȠǓșॹ “Like facial expressions and like expressing emotion, like not wanting to come across too harsh, like con- tinuing to be like smiley and happy…as women we have to like teeter the line of being like happy and smiley, but also not being, you know, too assertive… I think adjusting, knowing when to elevate their fem- ininity to help in like graduate school or the work- place and knowing when to kind of dial it down to where it’s like, well, she’s just a woman… female students have been called too emotional by facul- ȠΡॺ�ЙǿǏǩǿǠ� ȠǦƺȠ�LjƺǹƺǿljǓ�Ǧƺș�LjǓǓǿ� ȠǦǓ�ǏǩГljȣǹȠ�ȒƺȖȠঀ৛ � 'ȣȖȠǦǓȖॹ� ƺ� @ƺȠǩǿƺ� șȠȣǏǓǿȠ� ȅАǓȖșॹ “I have made it a point to, like in my emails, to be more ǏǓЙǿǩȠǓ� ǩǿ� ȠǦǓ�ΛƺΡ�2� ȠƺǹǷ�ƺǿǏ� ǹǓșș�ǷǩǿǏঀ�@ǩǷǓঀ� 2�Ǐȅǿঢ়Ƞ� want to say submissive…but less submissive…I do feel the need to be more like of a dominant person or like, I don’t want to say manly, but like more just serious.” Conversely, other women, even though they were aware that their womanhood and femininity might be hypervisible, refused to modify their behavior or ex- pressions of femininity. “And like I said, I don’t and I wouldn’t want to suppress it because I’m Mexican, I just can’t help myself.” One interviewee also describes the ways in which her identity as a woman is pres- sured externally both from family and the university: “Women especially have this responsibility [caring for family]… And especially being from a from a Hispanic LjƺljǷǠȖȅȣǿǏॹ�ȠǦƺȠঢ়ș�ǏǓЙǿǩȠǓǹΡ�ȠǦǓ�ljƺșǓ�ǟȅȖ�ǾΡșǓǹǟॺ�ǿǏ� so it’s just really unfortunate because being a Hispanic female, trying to go through graduate school, it’s al- most like a double hit…Not only am I hearing it from my traditional family members, ‘are you not helping take care of your parents or sick elderly parents?’ But I’m also hearing from the graduate school saying, ‘oh, no…this is our role. You have to stick to them.’” While some participants felt that their depart- ments’ standards were equal for both male and fe- male graduate students, other interviewees noted ȠƺǿǠǩLjǹΡ� ǏǩАǓȖǓǿȠ� șȠƺǿǏƺȖǏșॹ� LjȅȠǦ� șȅljǩƺǹ� ƺǿǏ� ȒȖȅljǓ- dural. When discussing faculty responses to female students’ work, one Mexican woman interviewee said, “I think there has to be more behind the scenes work to present it and be taken the same way as if like a male student did.” Regarding other depart- mental standards, another Hispanic interviewee said, “I think men are given a little bit more academ- ic freedom to express themselves, to pursue more things, to take on more and to take on more diverse research, whereas women are kind of put into a box.” These patterns primarily align with previously ǏǩșljȣșșǓǏ� ЙǿǏǩǿǠș� ǟȅȖ� ΛȅǾǓǿ� ȅǟ� ljȅǹȅȖ� ǩǿ� ƺljƺǏǓǾǩƺॹ� ǓǩȠǦǓȖ� ƺș� șȠȣǏǓǿȠșॹ� șȠƺАॹ�ȅȖ� ǟƺljȣǹȠΡ�ǾǓǾLjǓȖș� শ(ȣȠǩǔȖ- ȖǓΦ� Ρ�EȣǦș� ǓȠ� ƺǹঀॹ� �আ�/ǩȖșǦЙǓǹǏ�૭ࢳࢲࢱࢳ =ȅșǓȒǦॹ� �আࢳࢲࢱࢳ Anantachai & Chelsey, 2018; Niemann et al., 2020). Responses indicate that Latinx women engage in labor intended to balance their personal identities with oth- ers’ expectations and face unique identity challenges as graduate students. This is evidenced in the frequency that interviewees discuss personal and cultural obliga- tions to engage in these forms of labor in the context of not being adequately represented in one’s department amongst students and faculty. One Latina interviewee BRIGGS ET AL. 23 stated, “I’m the only one of me. I never saw anybody that I can really think of, I saw one other Hispanic girl in all my classes this semester, but that was it.” That same interviewee also alluded to Joseph and /ǩȖșǦЙǓǹǏঢ়ș�শࢳࢲࢱࢳষ�Ǐǩșljȣșșǩȅǿ�ȅǟ�ȠǦǓ�ΛƺΡș�ȠǦƺȠ�ǿǓǠƺȠǩΚǓ� ȒǓȖljǓȒȠǩȅǿș�ȅǟ�ƺГȖǾƺȠǩΚǓ�ƺljȠǩȅǿ�ȒȖȅǠȖƺǾș�ljƺǿ�ljƺșȠ�ƺ� shadow on women when she says, “I did have once a guy tell me he thinks that women have more opportu- ǿǩȠǩǓșॺΛǦǩljǦ�ǷǩǿǏ�ȅǟ�LjȅȠǦǓȖǓǏ�ǾǓ�ȅȖ�ǏǓЙǿǩȠǓǹΡ�LjȅȠǦ- ered me because that’s not true.” Multiple women also discussed how they felt their research or intellectual contributions were devalued because they involved discussions of race or diversity. One woman interview- ǓǓ�ΛǦȅ�ǩǏǓǿȠǩЙǓș�ƺș�vǦǩȠǓ�@ƺȠǩǿȅ�ƺǿǏ�EǓΠǩljƺǿ�șȠƺȠǓșॹ� “That [area of expertise] gets downplayed…And then also being like a female and also being like Latina, like not knowing what the issues actually are. Even though ȠǦǓΡ� ǏǩșȒȖȅȒȅȖȠǩȅǿƺȠǓǹΡ� ƺАǓljȠ� @ƺȠǩǿȅș� ॺ�ǿǏ� șȅ� 2ঢ়Ǿ� not being taken seriously on all those accounts.” Theme Five: Reluctance to Assign Responsibili- ty and Accountability � �ǿȅȠǦǓȖ�ȠǦǓǾǓ�ǩǏǓǿȠǩЙǓǏ�LjΡ�ȠǦǓ�ȖǓșǓƺȖljǦ�ȠǓƺǾ�Λƺș� the apparent reluctance of Latinx graduate students to label their experiences and the actions of others as po- tential instances of racial prejudice or systemic prob- lems. When asked if they had experienced prejudice or discrimination on campus, some participants qual- ǩЙǓǏ�ȠǦǓǩȖ�ƺǿșΛǓȖș�ƺș�LjǓǩǿǠ�ড়ǿȅȠ�șǓȖǩȅȣșॹঢ়�LjǓǩǿǠ�ȣǿșȣȖǓ� if it was prejudice, or otherwise not qualifying events as instances of racial prejudice, despite then pro- ceeding to acknowledge that these events may have been racially motivated or inducive to harm for peo- ple of a Latinx background. For instance, a student ΛǦȅ� ǩǏǓǿȠǩЙǓǏ� ƺș� Ǧƺǹǟ�EǓΠǩljƺǿ� ƺǿǏ� Ǧƺǹǟ�vǦǩȠǓ� șƺǩǏॹ�� “No, I really haven’t [experienced discrimination], for my race or ethnic background… but you know, there are aspects of your identity that causes others to dis- criminate or be prejudiced towards you… I guess like, ΛǩȠǦ� ǾΡ� ȠǓƺljǦǓȖșॹ� ȠǦǓΡ� șƺΡ� ȠǦǩǿǠș� ȠǦƺȠ� ƺȖǓ� ȅАǓǿșǩΚǓ� in a classroom [to Latinx students] … I don’t know ǩǟ� ǩȠ� ljȅȣǿȠșॹ� LjȣȠ� ȠǦǓȖǓঢ়ș� ǏǓЙǿǩȠǓǹΡ� LjǓǓǿ� ǹǩǷǓ� ȠǦǩǿǠș� that have been said or done that are kind of crappy, LjȣȠ� ƺljȠȣƺǹǹΡ� ǿȅȠ� ȖǓƺǹǹΡ� ȅАǓǿșǩΚǓ� Ƞȅ� ǾǓ� șȒǓljǩЙljƺǹǹΡঀ৛ Students also seemed hesitant to identify behavior as prejudiced when it was more systemic or covert in nature. Interviewees often went to great lengths to pro- ΚǩǏǓ�ȠǦǓ�LjǓǿǓЙȠ�ȅǟ�ȠǦǓ�ǏȅȣLjȠॹ�ȅȖ�ȅȣȠȖǩǠǦȠ�ǏǓǿΡ�ȠǦǓ�Ȓȅș- sibility their experiences may have been based on sys- temic issues. For instance, one Mexican woman states, “I couldn’t really say [if I had experienced prejudice on campus] … but it’s not like they’re going to say, ‘we’re going to discriminate against you.’ But you see the in- equalities, you see what’s happening with the person next to you and yourself… I see it, but I can’t prove it.” One other Hispanic man describes that, “I’ve nev- er experienced any racism or discrimination within campus… I was just given a bad set of cards in my hand and well, tough luck right? No one ever said life was fair. So sometimes you’ve got to put in the extra work, you got to put in the extra mile, but it’s not always easy, right? I think I remember sometimes where I was ǹǩǷǓ�Ǿƺǿॹ�2�ΛǩșǦ�2�Λƺș�LjȅȖǿ�ƺ�ǏǩАǓȖǓǿȠ�ΛƺΡॹ�2�ΛǩșǦ�ǾΡ� family would have prepared for me to come to a college where I didn’t have to worry about work…” When asked to elaborate on their experiences, several students cited examples that included, but are not limited to: feeling pressured to be more prepared for classroom discussion than White male colleagues who ‘got away’ with not doing their homework or the reading, being forcibly labeled with terms they active- ly did not associate with (such as Chicanx or Latinx), having to defend their interest in diversity research, having to defend their expertise in work unrelated to diversity, and feeling like prejudice they experi- enced was more a fact of reality for them rather than something with a solution that they or the university could pursue. One Mexican woman student describes, “Regardless of what I do… People are going to see the color of my skin, and they’re going to be prejudiced… but I know I can’t advocate for me or my people… this doesn’t feel like a place where the perception of you, or the perception of your classmates is ever going to change.” This very same student in an earlier response, however, professed that they believed the universi- ty to be doing very well in supporting students of color, claiming, “The university is basically doing all the things they can to really increase the visibili- ty of the [student of color] population, and some- thing I pride myself in as a student of the university.” In applying this absolution to cultural taxation, a key distinction between the Latinx graduate, faculty, and undergraduate experiences may be unveiled here: graduate students may be more likely to undergo the mental and emotional labor associated with witness- ǩǿǠ�ǩǿǓȕȣǩȠǩǓș�ΛǩȠǦȅȣȠ�ЙǿǏǩǿǠ�ljȣǹȒƺLjǹǓ�ȒǹƺΡǓȖș�ǩǿ�ȅǿǓঢ়ș� CULTURAL TAXATION THEMES IN LATINX GRADUATE STUDENTS. 24 BRIGGS ET AL. environment. This is not to say tgraduate students deny that action is important (see theme 2). Rath- er, in light of a situation in which participating in diversity labor is something that is not made ac- cessible, it may be safer for students to draw their focus away from areas in need of improvement. Discussion The present study explores whether current un- derstandings of cultural taxation, often modeled from faculty’s experiences, are applicable to Latinx graduate students. Findings suggest that there are aspects of Pa- dilla’s model of cultural taxation that apply, but that universal application across faculty and graduate stu- ǏǓǿȠș�ǾƺΡ�ǿȅȠ�LjǓ�ƺȒȒȖȅȒȖǩƺȠǓঀ�eǦǓǾǓș�ǩǏǓǿȠǩЙǓǏ�ǩǿ�ȠǦǩș� șƺǾȒǹǓ�șȣǠǠǓșȠ�ȠǦƺȠ�ȠǦǓȖǓ�ƺȖǓ�ȒȅΛǓȖ�ǏǩАǓȖǓǿȠǩƺǹș�ƺȠ�ȒǹƺΡ� that distinguish cultural taxation in graduate students ǟȖȅǾ�ȠǦƺȠ�ȅǟ�ȅȠǦǓȖ�ƺljƺǏǓǾǩlj�ȒȅȒȣǹƺȠǩȅǿșঀ�^ȒǓljǩЙljƺǹǹΡॹ� like faculty, present Latinx graduate students outlined ǟǓǓǹǩǿǠș�ȅǟ�ǩșȅǹƺȠǩȅǿ�ȠǦƺȠ�ΛǓȖǓ�ȅǟȠǓǿ�ǩǿȠǓǿșǩЙǓǏ�LjΡ�ȠǦǓǩȖ� origination from majority-minority settings and the lack of Latinx colleagues. Students also cited fatigue due to perceived slights against their identities that stemmed from being asked to represent and/or work ȠȅΛƺȖǏș� ǏǩΚǓȖșǩȠΡ� ǓАȅȖȠș� ȠǦƺȠ� ǾƺΡ� ȅȖ� ǾƺΡ� ǿȅȠ� ǦƺΚǓ� been of interest to them professionally. However, di- verging slightly from faculty’s experiences, we see pow- ǓȖ�ǏǩАǓȖǓǿȠǩƺǹș�ȒǹƺΡ�ƺ�ǾȅȖǓ�ǏǩȖǓljȠ�ȖȅǹǓ�ǏȣǓ�Ƞȅ�șȠȣǏǓǿȠșঢ়� reliance on a direct supervisor with stark levels of con- trol over their graduate experience (and, to an extent, ǹǩΚǓǹǩǦȅȅǏষঀ�eǦǓșǓ�ȒȅΛǓȖ�ǏǩАǓȖǓǿȠǩƺǹș�ƺȖǓ�ǟȣȖȠǦǓȖ�ǓΠƺlj- erbated by strong ties to university administration, and all these tethers could inhibit the ease with which grad- uate students were able to participate in equity labor. � 2șȅǹƺȠǩȅǿ� ǩǿ� ȅǿǓঢ়ș� ǏǓȒƺȖȠǾǓǿȠ� ȖǓМǓljȠș� ȒƺȠȠǓȖǿș� in racialized faculty outlined by Padilla (1994). Both graduate students and faculty must overcome the isola- tion that accompanies statistical underrepresentation throughout the department. Tokenism may also be an underlying commonality between faculty and graduate student experiences. Among the consequences of to- kenism are isolation, representativeness, lack of regard for race-based research areas, attributional ambiguity (which refers to not knowing how to interpret feed- back), and loneliness (Niemann, 2016), all of which ΛǓȖǓ� ȖǓМǓljȠǓǏ� ǩǿ� șȠȣǏǓǿȠșঢ়� ȖǓșȒȅǿșǓș� ǩǿ� ȠǦǩș� șȠȣǏΡঀ � KȣȖ�șƺǾȒǹǓঢ়ș�ǏǩГljȣǹȠΡ�ǩǿ�ǩǿljȅȖȒȅȖƺȠǩǿǠ�ǏǩΚǓȖșǩȠΡ� into their work while navigating departmental dynam- ǩljș�ǩș�ȖǓМǓljȠǩΚǓ�ȅǟ�ȅȠǦǓȖ�ǠȖƺǏȣƺȠǓ�șȠȣǏǓǿȠșঢ়�ȠǓșȠǩǾȅǿǩǓșঀ� Carbajal (2021) described the ways in which multiple members of his predominately White department re- ferred to diversity and identity characteristics as nui- sance variables. Discussions surrounding diversity have a steep impact on departmental and program cul- ture, particularly for graduate students (Grady et al., 2014). Further, when faculty members are dismissive ȅǟ�ȖǓǹƺȠǓǏ�ΛȅȖǷ�ȅȖ�ǓАȅȖȠșॹ�ǩȠ�ljƺǿ�ǏǩșljȅȣȖƺǠǓ�ȠǦǓ�ǠȖƺǏȣ- ate student and add to the isolation they feel. Unfortu- nately, this can lead graduate students to feel that they do not have a trusted resource who can identify with their experiences to help their navigation through ac- ademia and professional skill development (Moore et al., 2020). A graduate student’s livelihood is also de- pendent on maintaining a positive relationship with the department and, by extension, the administration. Racialized graduate students not only hold this tenu- ous relationship but also must endure the additional costs of being a racialized person within a predomi- nately White space (Vargas & Villo-Palomino, 2018). Levies or taxations against our sample of Latinx students seem to stem from multiple sources. First, the homogenization of all identities that are supposed to be encompassed by the ‘Latinx’ label places students in a precarious situation where they are motivated to defend themselves and their individual identity while ƺǹșȅ�ǾƺǩǿȠƺǩǿǩǿǠ� șȅljǩƺǹ�ǦƺȖǾȅǿΡঀ�eǦǩș� ǩș� ȖǓМǓljȠǩΚǓ�ȅǟ� impositions on racialized faculty who are presumed to serve as a ‘cure-all’ for diversity needs, recycling the rac- ist notion that one person of color can serve as a single representative of a department’s diversity values (Lo- pez, 1997; Niemann, 2016). However, our sample en- gaged in an extra layer of mental and emotional labor that sought to eclipse the university’s role in inequita- ble practices. In application, this theme likely occurs simultaneously with both the theme of isolation and ȠǦǓ� ȠǦǓǾǓ� ȅǟ� ȒȅΛǓȖ� ǏǩАǓȖǓǿȠǩƺǹșॸ� ǠȖƺǏȣƺȠǓ� șȠȣǏǓǿȠș� do not feel the necessary sense of community nor the motivational autonomy to go head-to-head with powerful players in the department or administration. Therefore, to help calm their senses of personal or cul- tural obligation, they 1) do not seek out participation in equity labor that could put their security at risk and 2) do not place blame on those who could insti- gate their educational and professional destruction. Concerning the taxation of Latinx graduate wom- en, nearly all women participants cited unique pres- 25 CULTURAL TAXATION THEMES IN LATINX GRADUATE STUDENTS. sures to their combined gender and cultural identities during their time as graduate students. Pressures asso- ciated with identity as it relates to womanhood and professionalism are a common challenge due to the antithetical associations between femininity and what is considered professional (Lewis, 2011). Women in working environments often feel pressured to endorse ǴȣșȠ�ǓǿȅȣǠǦ�ΛȅǾƺǿǹΡ�LjǓǦƺΚǩȅȖș� Ƞȅ�ƺΚȅǩǏ�ǏǩșljȅǿЙȖǾ- ing feminine stereotypes while simultaneously con- forming to rigid standards of professionalism (Rud- man & Phelan, 2008). While women hold more than half of all graduate degrees and outnumber men in as- sistant professorships, academia still perpetuates these disparate standards through the overrepresentation of men in both full professorships and administrative positions (Lee & Won, 2014). Identity pressures are further exacerbated for women of color as they bal- ance expectations based on both race and gender in addition to navigating often restrictive systems of pro- fessionalism (Rudman & Glick, 2001; Eagly & Carli, 2003; Brescoll & Uhlmann, 2008). These pressures may be exacerbated by Latinx cultural values about the primary role of women as wives and mothers. Future research should explore other marginalized racial and ethnic groups within the graduate student population to identify unique or overlapping needs and experiences as they relate to cultural taxation. vǦǩǹǓ� ΛǓ� ǏǩǏ� ǿȅȠ� ЙǿǏ� ǓΠȒǹǩljǩȠ� ǓΚǩǏǓǿljǓ� ȅǟ� @ǓȖǾƺঢ়ș� labor appropriation cycle in our sample, this frame- work should still be explored in samples of graduate students (i.e., those that are actively involved in leading ȣǿǩΚǓȖșǩȠΡ�ǏǩΚǓȖșǩȠΡ�ǓАȅȖȠșষঀ�EȅȖǓ�ΛȅȖǷ�ǩș�ƺǹșȅ�ǿǓǓǏǓǏ� to understand the unique position of women gradu- ate students of color, particularly regarding academic and labor expectations. While there can be similarities amongst racialized groups’ experiences, researchers should take care to disaggregate their methods and analyses regarding race, gender, and cultural experi- ences. A simple step in this direction could be allowing participants the opportunity to provide their racial, ethnic, and gender identities in a free-response format rather than relying on normalized checkbox ques- tionnaires that could limit participants’ expression. Limitations There are limitations to this project that must be addressed. There may be other experiences within this population that were not presented by our limit- ed sample. Additionally, this work relied entirely on subjective qualitative analyses. While qualitative work allows for the nuanced depiction of participants’ lived experiences, these topics could be supplemented with quantitative work (e.g., a cross-university survey that could illustrate these experiences proportional to en- rollment). Similarly, while quantitative measures of intercoder reliability are often considered inappro- priate for judging qualitative work (Braun & Clarke, 2013), our choice not to implement such a measure ǾƺΡ� ǩǿМȣǓǿljǓ� ȅȠǦǓȖșঢ়� ȒǓȖljǓȒȠǩȅǿș� ȅǟ� ȅȣȖ� ǩǿȠǓȖȒȖǓ- ȠƺȠǩȅǿșঀ� 'ǩǿƺǹǹΡॹ� ǏƺȠƺ� ȅǿǹΡ� ȖǓМǓljȠ� ȠǦǓ� ǓΠȒǓȖǩǓǿljǓș� ȅǟ� Latinx graduate students at one university in the southwestern United States. It is possible that man- ifestations of cultural taxation for Latinx graduate șȠȣǏǓǿȠș�ljȅȣǹǏ�МȣljȠȣƺȠǓ�ƺljljȅȖǏǩǿǠ� Ƞȅ� ȠǦǓ� ȖǓǠǩȅǿ�ƺǿǏ� racial and ethnic makeup of the surrounding areas. Conclusion Cultural taxation and related models must more inclusively account for the graduate student experi- ence, including the psychological and physical toll that may result from tokenization, lack of cultural knowledge, and seeming practical irrelevance of the word “serving” for HSI designations. Within these contexts, students are driven to not only advocate for themselves as they navigate their degree but to simulta- neously avoid rocking the boat in the hopes that they ljƺǿ� ǠȖƺǏȣƺȠǓ� ƺǿǏ�ǾƺǷǓ� ƺ� ǏǩАǓȖǓǿljǓ� ǩǿ� ȠǦǓǩȖ� ǟƺǾǩǹǩǓș� and communities with their careers. Furthermore, stu- dents may be driven to expend mental and emotional labor absolving their institutions of blame in the face of inequity due to their unique position as not-just- students and not-quite-faculty. We invite scholars to incorporate mental and emotional burdens, as well as related phenomena like tokenism, into their conceptu- alization of cultural taxation. The cognitive work as- sociated with processing a discriminatory or culturally exclusive environment (e.g., questioning one’s experi- ences and coping with isolation and discrimination) undoubtedly contributes to the invisible work con- ducted by marginalized members of the department. The dearth of culturally sensitive faculty mentors exacerbates the challenges of Latinx students. For in- stance, despite being in an area of the country where nearly 40% of citizens self-identify as Latinx, graduate șȠȣǏǓǿȠ�ǓǿȖȅǹǹǾǓǿȠ�ƺȠ�ȠǦǩș�ȒȖȅǴǓljȠঢ়ș�^vXh�ǹƺǠș�șǩǠǿǩЙ- cantly behind this number at 15%, which also falls be- 26 Factbook, 2020). Starker still is how these numbers compare to the presence of Latinx faculty. Inclusive of lecturers, tenure-track, and tenured professors, only -�ǟƺljȣǹȠΡ�ǩǏǓǿȠǩЙǓǏ�ƺș�@ƺȠǩǿΠॹ�ƺǿ�ȣǿǏǓȖࢱࢱࢱࢲ�ઔ�ȅǟ�ȅΚǓȖࢷ representation that directly impacts the mentor-men- tee model that many graduate programs employ. Without knowledgeable mentors who can help Latinx students navigate and interpret feedback and expe- riences, students may live in a state of attributional ambiguity. That is, they may not know whether their experiences are based on their accomplishments, suc- cesses, writing, skills, etc., or whether they are a func- tion of racism, sexism, homophobia, and other biases. Finally, universities and institutions should not only take care to ensure that graduate students have access to the resources and mentorship that they need, but also be aware that, even within the context of an HSI, students could be challenged by cultur- ally taxing experiences due to tokenism, isolation, heightened need for self-advocating labor, and sac- ȖǩЙljǩǿǠ� ȒƺȖȠǩljǩȒƺȠǩȅǿ� ǩǿ� ȣǿǩΚǓȖșǩȠΡ� ljǦƺǿǠǓঀ� 2ǿșȠǩȠȣ- tions must move beyond upholding diversity for accreditation and honor, or funding, as is the case with an HSI designation. It is time for university ad- ministrators to pay particular attention to the word “Serving” in the label Hispanic Serving Institution. References Amie, K. N. (2020). 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