153 Graduate Student Journal of Psychology 2023, Vol. 20 Copyright 2023 by the Department of Counseling and Clinical Psychology Teachers College, Columbia University Understanding Migration and Resettlement Experiences of Uzbek Immigrants in the United States Anastasiya Tsoy1, Khanh T. Dinh1, & Sharifa Djurabaeva2 1 University of Massachusetts Lowell, Department of Psychology, 2 Dennis-Yarmouth High School, Massachusetts This qualitative study utilized a thematic six-step analysis process of interview data to identify prominent themes in the life experiences of 20 Uzbek immigrants regarding their migration to and resettlement in the United States; it also examined gender differences in their experiences. The results indicated that at the time of migration, most Uzbek participants were well-educated, middle class, and in their mid-20s. The primary reasons for their migration were limited socioeconomic and employment opportunities, and the declining educational quality in Uzbekistan. Uzbek participants reported some difficulties in their resettlement, including language barriers, cultural challenges, and financial stress. Most participants felt welcomed by the host community, believed in the “American dream,” con- sidered themselves successful, and envisioned their future in the US rather than in Uzbekistan. Across all interview questions, women tended to focus on their children’s well-being and the opportunity to gain personal freedom in terms of education and employment, whereas career aspirations and achievement of financial stability were the focus for men. The results from this study provide much-needed information about the life experiences of Uzbek immi- grants in the US and have implications for future research with this understudied population from Central Asia. Keywords: Uzbek immigrants, migration, resettlement, cultural adjustment, gender differences The immigrant population in the United States (US) is the largest in the world; more than 40 million people living in the US were born in another country (Budiman, 2020). With future waves of immigration, the demographics of the US population will con- tinue to change, resulting in increased diversity and awareness of new immigrant groups. Over the past two decades, the number of Uzbek immigrants in the US increased from 22,800 in 2000 to 65,126 in 2019 (US Census Bureau, 2020), making them the largest group of immigrants from Central Asia. For most Uz- beks who migrated to the US after 2000 (US Depart- ment of Homeland Security, 2021), the pathway for legal immigration has been the Diversity Immigrant Visa Program (DV Program) or Green Card Lottery. Among Central Asian countries, Uzbekistan is the country with the highest number of DV Program lot- tery winners (4,494), followed by Tajikistan (1,209), Kazakhstan (1,020), Kyrgyzstan (753), and Turkmen- istan (306) (US Department of State, 2018). Over the last decade, researchers have explored migration and cultural adjustment of immigrants from post-Soviet countries but with a limited number of participants from Uzbekistan (Birman & Taylor-Ritzler, 2007; Bir- man & Trickett, 2001; Roytburd & Friedlander, 2008). Therefore, the primary goals of this qualitative study were to address this gap in the research literature and to identify the prominent themes related to the migration and resettlement of Uzbek immigrants in the US. In addition, we placed particular emphasis on exploring potential gender differences across these experiences. Migration of Uzbek Immigrants to the US The first wave of migration from Uzbekistan to the US began in 1991, after perestroika (refers to the restructuring of the Soviet political and economic sys- tem during the 1980s; for more information, see e.g., https://www.history.com/topics/cold-war/perestroi- ka-and-glasnost) and the breakup of the Soviet Union. The Uzbek community in the US has grown quick- ly (Jackson, 2010; Kordunksy et al., 2012; Moskin, 2006), and currently, Uzbek immigrants reside in more than nineteen states (US Census Bureau, 2020). However, it is difficult to precisely quantify the num- ber of Uzbek immigrants living in the US because pri- or to 2000, Uzbek immigrants were recorded as origi- nating from the former Soviet Union. Official routes of migration employed by Uzbeks include the DV Program, student and tourist visas, and asylum (US Department of Homeland Security, 2021). However, the fastest way to come to the US remains the DV Pro- gram. In 2020, the number of Uzbeks who applied for the DV Program was 1,674,787 (2,572,653 with de- rivatives or 8% of the Uzbek population), making Uz- bekistan the nation with the second-highest applica- tion rate after Ghana (US Department of State, 2022). Uzbek migration is influenced by both push and pull factors, where push factors (e.g., political repres- sion, lack of education, poverty) impact citizens’ moti- vation to leave Uzbekistan, and pull factors (e.g., better opportunities, employment, safety, political stability, psychological and physical well-being) attract people to relocate (Castles, 2013; Lee, 1966). The primary 154 reasons Uzbeks migrate to other countries are the lack of job opportunities, followed by low life satisfaction, job insecurity, and unemployment (Seitz, 2019). Re- searchers also noted that outdated education in Uz- bekistan negatively impacts the quality of training, making Uzbeks less suited for the current job market, leading to unemployment and low life satisfaction (Li- brary of Congress, 2007; Ruziev & Burkhanov, 2018). Uzbekistan’s slow transition to a market economy also has been challenging for Uzbek citizens to adapt suc- cessfully under the new political and economic system (Batsaikhan & Dabrowski, 2017). These various push factors may reflect the pre-migration stress experi- enced by Uzbeks prior to their migration to the U.S. For many immigrants, regardless of their status or reasons for migration, the relocation process is chal- lenging and stressful (Dinh, 2009; Heleniak, 2004; Vi- nokurov et al., 2020; Yakushko, Watson et al., 2008). Immigrants experience depression, isolation, and homesickness both during and after migration. Im- migrants may also experience pre-migration stress and face additional challenges after their relocation (Amer- ican Psychological Association [APA], 2012, 2013). Resettlement of Uzbek Immigrants in the US Uzbek immigrants reside primarily on the West and East Coasts (US Census Bureau, 2020) and live in Russian-speaking ethnic enclaves (Vinokurov et al., 2020). For example, many Uzbeks living in New York City have recreated makhallas (neighborhoods or lo- cal communities), built thriving environments for the Uzbek community (e.g., supermarkets, restaurants, offices with bilingual staff), and replaced well-known post-Soviet Jewish neighborhoods, such as Brighton Beach, Sheepshead Bay, Bensonhurst in Brooklyn (Kor- dunksy et al., 2012), Forest Hills, Rego Park, and Kew Gardens in Queens (Jackson, 2010; Moskin, 2006). Approximately 59% of Uzbek immigrants are pro- ficient in English, and 53% have bachelor’s degrees or more advanced degrees (US Census Bureau, 2020). However, most Uzbek immigrants prefer to speak Rus- sian at home and maintain their customs, traditions, and post-Soviet values (Birman et al., 2005; Birman et al., 2014). Although most recent Uzbek immigrants are blue-collar workers, established immigrants have pursued careers in the arts, business, academia, and medicine. Additionally, Uzbek immigrants have estab- lished nonprofit organizations to raise awareness and serve the needs of the Uzbek and Central Asian com- munities in the US (e.g., Turkestanian American As- sociation, Uzbek American Association of Chicago). The resettlement of immigrants and their adjust- ment to new social and cultural norms can be stressful, a process that can last from several months to sever- al years or more (Dinh, 2009; Schwartz et al., 2006). Immigrants experience acculturative stress from var- ious factors, including language barriers, social and cultural challenges, trauma-based problems, hostile attitudes from host communities (e.g., anti-immi- grant comments), and discrimination (APA, 2012, 2013; Dinh & Le, 2019; Roytburd & Friedlander, 2008; Vinokurov et al., 2020; Yakushko, Backhaus et al., 2008). Many immigrants from post-Soviet coun- tries, including Uzbekistan, value ethnically dense communities within the US (Vinokurov et al., 2020), where they can receive social support and main- tain many facets of their pre-migration lifestyle (Birman & Trickett, 2001; Birman et al., 2005). Gender Differences in Uzbekistan Central Asian cultures are generally considered collectivistic and have traditional gender roles. Like other Central Asian countries, Uzbekistan is patriar- chal: Men serve as “breadwinners” while women fulfill the primary duties as homemakers and family care- givers (Kamp, 2018). In Uzbekistan, early marriages, where one or both spouses enter marriage at the age of 18 or under, vary from 46% to 61%, depending on the region of the country (The State Committee of the Republic of Uzbekistan on Statistics, 2019). Typically, women tend to enter marriage earlier than men. Even though the literacy rate among school-age girls (7-15 years old) in Uzbekistan is 99.9%, young married women are limited in their access to higher education; they also face other risks associated with early marriage, including depression and domestic vi- olence (Bacchus et al., 2018; Buzi et al., 2015; Chan- dra-Mouli et al., 2015). Additionally, girls and women in Uzbekistan have restricted freedom of choice, in- cluding reproductive rights (Kamp, 2018), especially after marriage. These gender disparities in education enable Uzbek men to further leverage the benefits of a patriarchal society and leave fewer opportuni- ties for women in both education and employment. The Current Study Although there has been interest in understand- ing the experiences of Asian immigrants in the US, little research has explored the lives of immigrants TSOY ET AL. 155 MIGRATION AND RESETTLEMENT OF UZBEK IMMIGRANTS from Central Asia, especially those from Uzbeki- stan. This study, the first of its kind, was designed to address this gap. Using a thematic six-step analysis process (Braun & Clarke, 2006; Braun et al., 2019), this study identified common themes in the Uzbek migration and resettlement narratives, including the reasons for emigration from their homeland and the experiences of establishing a new life in the US. In addition, we explored potential gender differenc- es in these migration and resettlement experiences. Research Team In qualitative research, it is important to pres- ent the research team’s background information that is relevant to the current research work. The re- search team for this study was comprised of three researchers at the master’s or doctoral level in their training and academic career. The first and third au- thors were born in Uzbekistan. They are fluent or proficient in English, Russian, and Uzbek languag- es and familiar with Uzbek culture and immigration issues. The second author was born in Vietnam and has conducted extensive research with Asian and Lat- inx immigrant and refugee populations in the U.S. Method Participants Twenty Uzbek immigrants residing in the US (10 female participants and 10 male participants, ac- cording to participants’ self-identification and pro- nouns preference), ranging in age from 20–48 years old (M = 32; SD = 6.88), participated in the study. Nineteen participants were born in Uzbekistan, and one was born in Russia but arrived in Uzbekistan by the age of one and was raised there. Most partic- ipants identified as Uzbek (n = 14) or mixed ethnic- ity (n = 3; Uzbek-Russian, Uzbek-Korean-Russian, Uzbek-Greek). 90% of participants achieved a bache- lor’s degree or higher and 10% were in the process of completing a bachelor’s degree. Regarding socioeco- nomic status, 70% identified as middle class, 20% as lower class, and 10% as upper-middle class. In terms of living accommodations, 65% rented a house or apart- ment and 35% owned a house. Please see Table 1 for a summary of participants’ demographic information. Migration and Resettlement-Related Demo- graphic Information The participants’ year of immigration ranged from 1993 to 2017, with an average of 8.55 years of res- idence in the US. The mean age of participants at the time of migration was 23.25 years old, ranging from 8 to 42 years old. 30% of participants migrated through the DV Program, 20% via student visa, 15% via tourist visa, 15% via work and travel program, 15% via unifica- tion with family, and 5% did not specify visa type. All participants were US citizens or permanent residents at the time of their interview. Most participants migrat- ed to the US alone, while other participants migrated with parents, siblings, or spouses and children. At the time of their migration, 10 participants had relatives in the US and 18 had friends from Uzbekistan who were living in the US. At the time of their interview, par- ticipants were residing in 10 states and the District of Columbia. The primary languages in participants’ homes in Uzbekistan were a mix of Uzbek and Russian (n = 13), Uzbek alone (n = 4), and Russian alone (n = 3). After migration, many Uzbeks used a mix of English and Russian at home (n = 8), followed by English (n = 4), Russian (n = 3), a mix of Uzbek, English, and Rus- sian (n = 3), a mix of English, Russian, and Croatian (n = 1), and a mix of Uzbek and English (n = 1). None of our participants used Uzbek as their primary language at home after migration. An equal number of female and male participants learned English in Uzbekistan (n = 16). Please see Table 2 for additional migration and resettlement-related demographic information. Procedure Following approval by the Institutional Review Board to conduct this research study, we recruited participants through social media posts on Facebook, LinkedIn, and Instagram (please see Appendix A: Re- cruitment Invitation for Social Media Posts- English version). The recruitment invitation, in Russian and English, was posted on Uzbek immigrant Facebook groups (e.g., Uzbeks in USA, American Uzbekistan Association, Uzbek Cultural Garden of Cleveland) and on the first author’s LinkedIn and Instagram pages and was reposted by the members of these so- cial groups 65 times within the first 72 hours. Inter- ested participants contacted the first author through social media messaging platforms who then con- firmed their eligibility through follow-up emails. To be eligible, the study required participants to be at least 18 years old, have been born in Uzbekistan or the Uzbek Union of Soviet Socialist Republic (Uz- bek USSR), and reside in the U.S. as U.S. citizens or permanent residents. Excluded from study participa- 156 tion were Uzbek individuals on student or work visas. A total of 63 individuals expressed an interest in participating in the study. Those eligible for the study were scheduled for an individual interview on a “first come, first serve” basis until the 20-interview goal was reached for the study, with 10 female and 10 male par- ticipants. We decided on 20 interviews because accord- ing to Guest et al. (2006) and Morgan et al. (2002), the first five-six interviews produce most of the informa- tion for qualitative research and after the 20th inter- view, there is little new information to be gained from additional interviews. Prior to the scheduled interview, each participant received an email reminder that pro- vided interview instructions and an informed consent form (please see Appendix B). Study participants re- ceived no financial compensation or other incentives. Each participant took part in a one-hour audio- taped interview and had the option to be interviewed in English or Russian. The selection of language op- tions was based on the first author’s experiences in the Uzbek primary and secondary educational systems, in which students have more exposure to the teaching of the Russian language than the Uzbek language. The language options were also based on the first au- thor’s stronger fluency in the Russian language over the Uzbek language, making it easier to conduct the interviews and do the transcription and translation work. However, during the interview participants were not restricted from using the Uzbek language, so they were free to add specific words or phrases re- lated to cultural context (e.g., gap – gathering). In- terviews in English (n = 11) were transcribed by a transcribing service (TEMI). Interviews in Russian (n = 9) were translated and transcribed by the first au- thor, who is fluent in English and Russian, and pro- ficient in Uzbek languages. The first author checked these interviews for cultural nuances, such as noting the specific vocabulary used by participants (e.g., ke- lin – bride, makhalla – community, neighborhood). Measures Participants responded to demographic ques- tions about their age, gender, place of birth, ethnici- ty, current residence, educational level, marital status, spoken languages, socioeconomic status, and year of migration. After the completion of demograph- ic questions, the interviewer asked participants a set of open-ended questions related to migration and resettlement experiences. In relation to their migra- tion, we were interested to learn about their reasons for migration to the US (e.g., Why did you leave your home country?). In relation to their resettlement, we explored their adjustment to the US (e.g., Did you feel welcomed? Did you have any challenges? What were your expectations about life in the US?) For the full set of interview questions, please refer to Appendix C. Data Analysis A thematic analysis approach was used for cod- ing and analysis to identify the most common themes across participant interviews (Braun & Clarke, 2006; Braun et al., 2019; Clarke & Braun, 2015). The prima- ry goal was to explore the lives of Uzbek immigrants in the context of migration and resettlement. Therefore, a data-driven approach was used to generate the themes inductively (Braun & Clarke, 2006). To ensure analyst triangulation (Patton, 2015), two coders (first and third authors) individually coded interviews and then reviewed the findings. The coders reached inductive thematic saturation on the eleventh interview when no new codes or themes emerged from the data (Saunders et al., 2018). To reduce errors in translation or loss of cultural nuances, the coders paid close attention to in- terviews in which the participant spoke in both Russian and Uzbek. To accurately capture meaning across dif- ferent languages, both coders were fluent or proficient in all three languages (English, Russian, and Uzbek) and were familiar with Uzbek culture and practices. The data analysis employed Braun and Clark’s (2006, 2016) six-step process of thematic analysis to measure reliability, especially when codes were derived inductively. First, the coders read all interviews mul- tiple times to familiarize themselves with the data. In this initial stage, they did not develop any codes nor analyzed any themes. However, the first author wrote casual memos on potential insights and observations (Boyatzis, 1998; Denzin & Lincoln, 2000). The second phase included the completion of the initial coding of the transcripts by the first author, who recorded these codes in a codebook. The coders used in vivo coding and assigned labels to sections of data (e.g., sentences or paragraphs) by using a specific word or short phrase. After the first author coded all interviews, the second coder coded 20% of the interviews (four interviews) as recommended to meet the saturation and accura- cy criteria (Boyatzis, 1998; Guest et al., 2006). In the third phase, the coders categorized the most common codes, based on both coders’ responses, and identified TSOY ET AL. 157 MIGRATION AND RESETTLEMENT OF UZBEK IMMIGRANTS potential themes. Any discrepancies in coding were discussed and resolved through consensus. During the fourth phase, the coders reviewed the themes and the relationships between them. The coding and analysis yielded four main themes in two categories that highlighted participants’ experiences. Once the themes and the overall structure of the analysis have been identified, the fifth phase focused on defining these themes and extracting quotations from the in- terviews to illustrate the data. In the final sixth phase, in the Results section of this paper, we contextualized our analysis, presenting the major themes, and in the Discussion section, we highlighted the main contribu- tions and limitations of our study (Clarke et al., 2015). Results The interview data yielded four key themes (Table 3): (a) migration for better opportunities under the migration category; and three themes under the reset- tlement category, (b) support and challenges in new home, (c) expectations and adaptation, and (d) “Amer- ican Dream” and future plans. We also presented our findings on gender differences within each category. Migration for Better Opportunities Most participants (n =19) migrated to the US voluntarily, excluding one participant who responded that their migration was involuntary due to their age (the participant was a minor at the time of relocation). 95% of participants stated that the main reason for their migration was an overall lack of opportunities in Uzbekistan in concert with financial stability in the US. For example, a 31-year-old male participant re- ported, “I saw more opportunities here [US]. I decided to leave because I had no future prospects in there [Uz- bekistan]; [laughing] our generation, come on, they all left, the majority left.” Overall, push factors for many participants were critical in their decision to migrate, including unemployment and financial instability (n = 4) and limited opportunities for their children, such as poor educational quality (n = 8). Among pull fac- tors, participants mentioned employment opportuni- ties (n = 5), ability to travel (n = 1), unification with family (n =1), and furthering their education (n = 1). Regarding gender differences, twice as many wom- en (80%) as men (40%) highlighted push factors as their primary reason for migration. Of the four male partici- pants who responded that push factors were their pri- mary reasons for migration, three were minors at the time of their relocation but only one mentioned in- voluntary migration. Women (n = 8) reported limited economic opportunities to sustain a family and limit- ed educational opportunities for their children, where- as men highlighted limited job opportunities as their primary reasons for migration. Among pull factors, one woman reported unification with a spouse and an- other woman mentioned furthering education as their primary reason for migration, whereas men’s respons- es focused on employment opportunities in the US. Familiarity with the host country dictated the migration pattern for participants. Before perma- nent relocation to the US, three female participants had studied in the US as exchange students. No male participants studied in the US prior to migra- tion. Ten participants visited the US to familiarize themselves with the host country before relocation; these participants held a nonpermanent visa at the time of their visit (e.g., student, work-travel, tour- ist visa), of whom, six (all women) stayed in the US one month or longer. All six women and two men returned to Uzbekistan before migrating to the US permanently. The other two male participants pur- sued permanent visas while visiting the US (i.e., they changed a student visa to a green card application). Resettlement Support and Challenges in New Home Relating to resettlement experiences, 75% of par- ticipants (n = 15) reported feeling welcomed and re- ceiving support from the host community (e.g., neigh- bors, teachers). Additionally, 10% of participants (n = 2) reported receiving support from a Russian-speaking immigrant community where they were living. Despite participants highlighting the host community as wel- coming and open-minded toward learning about their experiences and home country, a 33-year-old male par- ticipant recalled being bullied in school because he did not speak English, “The first probably 2 years were diffi- cult at school, the adjustment period because we’re, we didn’t speak the language…we did not fit in very well.” Another male participant also faced discrimination but from a Russian-speaking person. One female partici- pant who felt unwelcome for several years responded that she had no access to communication with either a Russian-speaking community or an American com- munity due to her isolated residential area and inabili- ty to drive. Regarding gender differences, more wom- en (90%) than men (60%) reported feeling welcomed 158 and supported by the mainstream host community. 50% of participants (n = 10) reported experienc- ing difficulties in their resettlement process. Five par- ticipants noted the language barrier and cultural differ- ences as the most difficult aspects of their adjustment, followed by financial struggles (n = 3), paperwork (n = 1), and separation anxiety (n = 1). For some women (n = 2) and men (n = 3), language and cultural differences played a role in their adjustment, “When I came over, I did speak no English at all. It was difficult transition be- cause, you know, different culture, different traditions, different way of life, different pace” (26-year-old male participant). Two female participants and one male participant faced financial difficulties. However, the former associated these difficulties with the pressure of having to financially support their family in Uzbekistan: I somehow had to convince them [parents] that if I go to the US, I will be working and I will be sending money. Moreover, um, that was the only thing I think my mother liked about going to the US that I would be sup- porting them financially. That was the only reason how she allowed me to go. (28-year-old female participant). Expectations and Adaptation 70% (n = 14) of participants had expectations be- fore they migrated to the US; 65% (n = 13) thought that adaptation and achieving goals would be faster and eas- ier. For example, a 32-year-old male participant stated, “I thought... everything is easy, and money grows on the trees…I did not expect it to be that challenging….” A few other participants also highlighted the notion of money growing on trees. Many participants, even those who did not have expectations, noted that social media and movies influenced their perception of life in the US and cultivated the idea of easy goal achievements I have never heard about the state where we came [to]. All that [I] heard was New York, Los Angeles, Miami, three cities that ev- eryone knows, unfortunately… When you watch movies, you watch it from the lens of Hollywood, and of course, movies are mov- ies, but you have this notion like, ‘Oh, OK, so America is like this.’ Unfortunately, when I came, reality hit me, everything what I ex- pected fell down because it was tough, espe- cially when I came to Ohio, and I saw 2 me- ters of snow. (24-year-old female participant). In relation to gender, more men (n = 8) than women (n = 6) reported having expectations about life in the US; one woman expected more freedom of expression and five women stated that life would be easier in professional and personal matters, but eight men expected that the process of adaptation itself would be easier. Only two participants, both men, mentioned hard work as a factor in achieving their goals, “without effort, you won’t even pull a fish out of a pond.” Five participants shared that they did not have any expectations due to their age. Four women noted maturity and preparedness to migrate. For example, a 41-year-old female participant stated, “I’m actually a person with my experience and age [old enough], and whatever lessons I learned in my life, I don’t have any expectations.” One male partic- ipant shared that he had no expectations because he was underage at the time of his migration. Another male participant did not respond to this question. “American Dream” and Future Plans Nearly all participants (90%) believed in the “American Dream,” and more than half (55%) con- sidered themselves successful. Also, more than half of the participants (n = 13) described the “American Dream” as an opportunity to achieve goals, as exem- plified in a statement by a 33-year-old male partici- pant, “[The] ‘American Dream’ means whatever you dream of that you want to do in life, you can do it by working very hard, by committing time, by commit- ting effort that you can accomplish those.” Regard- ing gender differences, fewer women (80%) than men (100%) believed in the “American Dream.” 90% of men (n = 9) but only 10% of women (n = 1) described their “American Dream” as the achievement of pro- fessional goals and financial stability. 40% of women (n = 4) associated the “American Dream” with free- dom of choice and expression. For 30% of the women (n = 3) and 10% of the men, the “American Dream” was linked to family goals, such as raising children and balancing their professional and personal life. All participants defined what success meant to them; while 90% of the men defined success as achieving goals and gaining financial stabili- ty, only 10% defined it as having a family. For 70% of the women, success was an ability to work and study the subject of their choice, whereas 30% of the women defined success as creating and build- ing family relationships. When asked about success, of the 55% of participants who defined themselves as successful, six were women and five were men. TSOY ET AL. 159 MIGRATION AND RESETTLEMENT OF UZBEK IMMIGRANTS Regarding future plans, reverse migration was not an option for 13 participants (65%). Although six participants (two women and four men) consid- ered returning to Uzbekistan permanently, they all discussed the importance of first achieving their life goals in the US. Because of close family bonds back home, only one participant was confident in their de- cision to return to Uzbekistan permanently. Regard- ing gender, seven women and six men expressed their desire to stay and build their future in the US. Most female participants (n = 7) stated they would like to stay as an “independent woman,” or “wanted to es- cape living in Uzbek mentality.” Some male partici- pants (n = 4) also expressed similar sentiments about not wanting to return to Uzbekistan, as shown in the following statement, “I feel like my outlook and values have become different, perhaps even my mentality has changed. It is most likely that I will struggle adapt- ing to that life and my profession allows to live more comfortably here” (35-year-old male participant). Discussion Our study sought to explore the life experiences of Uzbek immigrants in relation to their migration and resettlement in the US. Particularly, we aimed to explore the reasons for their migration, understand various aspects of their resettlement, and examine potential gender differences in their experiences. Migration and Resettlement Experiences Similar to the experiences of other immigrants (e.g., Marcus, 2009; Paat, 2013), there were various push and pull factors underlying the reasons for Uzbek immigrants to start a new life in the US. Many partic- ipants shared that limited socioeconomic and employ- ment opportunities and a declining level of education- al quality in their homeland influenced their decision to migrate to the US. Concurrently, pull factors, such as their expectations for a better life in the US (i.e., im- proved socioeconomic, employment, and educational opportunities), unification with family members, and perceived opportunities to experience more personal freedom and liberties (e.g., freedom to make decisions for themselves, freedom to pursue their life interests, freedom to travel) further reinforced their conviction to leave their home country. These migration narratives of Uzbek immigrants contribute to the rich history of voluntary and involuntary migrations of various cultur- al groups to the US (e.g., Barkan, 2013; Takaki, 1998). The resettlement process of Uzbek immigrants encompassed positive and negative experiences, point- ing to the complex dynamics of adjusting to a new cultural context like the US. For example, most par- ticipants felt welcomed by the host community, but some experienced discrimination and bullying. Most participants also reported proficiency in English, but some described considerable language and cultural difficulties. These factors, either positive or negative aspects, can have major influences on subsequent ad- justment and adaptation to U.S. society. In this study, most participants migrated to the U.S. alone, mean- ing they left much of their family and social network in Uzbekistan, so the extent of support they received from the host or existing Russian-speaking commu- nities may be crucial in their resettlement and conse- quently in navigating any related challenges, including language, cultural, economic, employment, educa- tional, or other difficulties. Findings from previous re- search have shown the importance of social support from the host and existing immigrant communities in the resettlement process and the well-being of various immigrant groups (e.g., Jasinskaja-Lahti et al., 2006; Msengi et al., 2015). Furthermore, the degree of dis- crepancies in the expectations they had about life in the US pre-migration and their actual life in the US post-migration also may have influenced the quality of their resettlement experiences (Negy et al., 2009). Despite the various challenges in the migration and resettlement processes, nearly all participants ex- pressed a belief in the “American Dream” and stated that freedom of choice, financial stability, and the ability to provide for their families represent the pri- mary pillars of their “American Dream.” Although various scholars have written about the myth of the “American Dream” (e.g., Tittenbrun, 2015), for Uz- bek immigrants, their positive belief and hopefulness in this dream might have buffered some of the stresses and challenges they faced in the resettlement process. Previous research has shown the connection between positive attitudes toward migration and positive ad- justment to a host country (Gong et al., 2011; Vi- nokurov et al., 2020). Indeed, half of the participants in this study reported little or no difficulties in their resettlement process and more than half considered themselves successful. However, it is also important to note that most participants in this study reported high levels of education, English proficiency, and so 160160 cioeconomic status, as well as having opportunities to visit the US prior to their permanent relocation, which all can facilitate more positive resettlement outcomes for immigrants (e.g., Zlobina et al., 2006). Like many immigrant groups before them, most participants envisioned their future in the US rath- er than returning to their homeland, citing various economic, social, and cultural reasons. Because most participants often linked achieving their life goals and being successful to financial stability and personal free- dom, this connection may be a primary reason as to why they did not imagine their future life in Uzbekistan where they perceived limited economic and education- al opportunities and individual rights. This is not to say there are not limited opportunities or individual rights in the US, but rather this reflects the participants’ per- ceptions of life in their home country versus life in the US. Additionally, many participants mentioned their “change in mentality” and newly adopted values in the US. These changes may be related to the number of years they have spent in the US, as supported by the findings of Kwak and Berry (2001), showing that time spent in a host country is positively associated with changes in identity development, assimilation, and the development of new cultural and personal values. Gender Differences There were patterns of gender differences across interview questions regarding migration and resettle- ment experiences. For most women, push factors were the primary reasons for their migration (limited eco- nomic and educational opportunities for themselves and their children in Uzbekistan), whereas pull factors were the primary reasons for men (employment and economic opportunities in the US). More women than men felt welcomed by their host community, whereas more men than women expressed a belief in the “Amer- ican Dream.” These differences may have a differential impact on subsequent adjustment for women and men in US society (Dion & Dion, 2002). Additionally, women tended to define success as the freedom to pur- sue educational and employment opportunities and to attend to their family’s well-being, whereas men’s defi- nition of success focused on individual goal achieve- ments and financial stability. These differences in mi- gration and resettlement experiences appear to reflect gender socialization and gender roles of women and men in Uzbekistan (e.g., Kamp, 2018), which can play out in the process of their adaptation to US society. Limitations of the Present Study We recognize several limitations in our study. Al- though we carefully tried to recruit Uzbek immigrants from diverse educational and socioeconomic back- grounds, most participants reported having a bach- elor’s degree or higher, English proficiency prior to migration, and middle-class status at the time of the in- terview. Therefore, the study results may reflect sample selection bias; immigrants of differing socioeconomic and educational backgrounds from those in our study may have other perspectives on migration and reset- tlement. Future work should consider the experiences of Uzbek immigrants from diverse educational, social, and economic backgrounds, as these factors would provide a more comprehensive and nuanced under- standing of the life experiences of Uzbek immigrants in the US. A second limitation was the languages in which the interviews were conducted, either English or Russian, although many participants used a few Uzbek words or phrases in their interviews. We recognize these language options might have restricted participation by immigrants from rural Uzbekistan, where the ma- jority speak the Uzbek language. Future studies should consider including Uzbek immigrants from rural areas and interviewing them in Uzbek, as it may reveal more diverse perspectives on migration and resettlement experiences. In addition, we recruited participants through social media platforms predominantly used in the United States (e.g., Facebook, LinkedIn, Insta- gram) and therefore reached individuals who have high English language proficiency and have adjusted well in the US. The results may be different for those with less English proficiency and less exposure to the host community where the primary language is English. Similar to conducting participant interviews in Uz- bek, recruitment on Uzbek-speaking platforms (e.g., Telegram) may also bring additional perspectives and insights into the life experiences of Uzbek immigrants. Implications for Future Research Despite the limitations, the results from this study have implications for future research with Uzbek im- migrants and other groups from Central Asia. Our study identified specific push and pull factors for Uz- bek migration to the US, but we suggest that future research examines more in-depth the contextual as- pects surrounding these factors. For example, a focus on the family context and dynamics would provide richer data for understanding the reasons underlying TSOY ET AL. 161 MIGRATION AND RESETTLEMENT OF UZBEK IMMIGRANTS their decision to start a new life in a new country far from their homeland. Additionally, an examination of the current sociopolitical context of Uzbekistan, a post-Soviet country, would provide a more macro understanding of the reasons for Uzbek migration to the US. Similarly, we also identified some prominent themes in their resettlement experiences that can in- form future research to replicate and expand on the current findings. For example, our understanding of resettlement experiences would benefit from future inquiries on the elements that constitute a welcoming host or receiving society as they can determine subse- quent life outcomes for Uzbek immigrants. Further- more, because Uzbek immigrants comprise the largest group from Central Asia to receive the DV Program status in the US, this provides opportunities to con- duct longitudinal research, utilizing both qualitative and quantitative methodologies to delve into the pro- cesses of pre-migration, migration, and post-migration over time. Finally, we suggest any future research with immigrants from Uzbekistan or Central Asia to at- tend to gender issues as they may play a role in aspects of migration and resettlement. Altogether, these fu- ture research directions would yield a more complete picture of the life experiences of Uzbek immigrants. 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Interna- 164 TSOY ET AL. tional Journal of Intercultural Relations, 30(2), 195- 211. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijintrel.2005.07.005 165 Table 1 Participant Demographic Information MIGRATION AND RESETTLEMENT OF UZBEK IMMIGRANTS 166 Table 2 Migration and Resettlement-Related Demographic Information TSOY ET AL. 167 MIGRATION AND RESETTLEMENT OF UZBEK IMMIGRANTS Table 3 Participants Themes 168 TSOY ET AL. 169 MIGRATION AND RESETTLEMENT OF UZBEK IMMIGRANTS 170 TSOY ET AL. 171 MIGRATION AND RESETTLEMENT OF UZBEK IMMIGRANTS 172 TSOY ET AL. 173 MIGRATION AND RESETTLEMENT OF UZBEK IMMIGRANTS 174 TSOY ET AL. 175 MIGRATION AND RESETTLEMENT OF UZBEK IMMIGRANTS 176 TSOY ET AL.