GSJP Volume 16 final 86 Graduate Student Journal of Psychology 2015, Vol. 16 Copyright 2015 by the Department of Counseling and Clinical Psychology Teachers College, Columbia University 86 Factors Impacting Ethnic Minority Student College Adjustment Marta I. Krajniak, M.A. School of Psychology, Fairleigh Dickinson University College freshmen are faced with a myriad of new challenges and many struggle with the transition into college. A substantial number of individuals who enroll at a university fail to persist through graduation as a result of GLIÀFXOWLHV�WKH\�HQFRXQWHU�GXULQJ�WKHLU�ÀUVW�\HDU���3RRU�UHWHQWLRQ�UDWHV�DUH�HVSHFLDOO\�VWULNLQJ�DPRQJ�PLQRULW\�XQ- dergraduates. Understanding the obstacles to adjustment among incoming students of diverse backgrounds is FUXFLDO�DV�WKH�ÀUVW�VWHS�LQ�SUHYHQWLQJ�VWXGHQW�GURSRXW���7KLV�UHYLHZ�H[DPLQHV�OLWHUDWXUH�RQ�WKH�LPSDFW�RI �GLYHUVLW\� issues on college adjustment with the hope of informing clinicians providing services to a diverse student popu- ODWLRQ���)DFWRUV�LPSDFWLQJ�PLQRULW\�IUHVKPHQ�DUH�GLVFXVVHG�DQG�GLIIHUHQFHV�EHWZHHQ�VSHFLÀF�JURXSV�DUH�H[DPLQHG�� Introduction Graduation from college is an important mile- stone as it improves the prospects of a career and ÀQDQFLDO� VHFXULW\�� �0DQ\� LQGLYLGXDOV�ZKR�HQUROO�DW�D� university, however, do not graduate. Research in- dicates that students who drop out often do so for personal reasons such as social and emotional fac- tors related to poor adjustment to college (Brad- burn, 2003; Kalsner & Pistole, 2003; Kerr, Johnson, Gans, & Krunmne, 2004). As many as 30-40% of incoming freshmen leave college prior to obtaining a degree, with the majority of these students mak- LQJ� WKH� GHFLVLRQ� WR� GURS� RXW� ZLWKLQ� WKHLU� ÀUVW� \HDU� (Bradburn & Carroll, 2002; Consolvo, 2002). An examination of the obstacles that thwart adjust- ment to college among incoming students is a cru- FLDO� ÀUVW� VWHS� WR� LPSURYLQJ� FROOHJH� UHWHQWLRQ� UDWHV� College enrollment has increased by over 35% from 2000 to 2010, representing a rise of both ma- jority and minority student matriculation (U.S. De- partment of Education, 2012). The growing num- ber of non-white undergraduates is posited to be a response to the changing ethnic and cultural land- VFDSH� RI � WKH� 8�6��� DV� ZHOO� DV� WR� DIÀUPDWLYH� DFWLRQ� policies (Santos, Ortiz, Morales, & Rosales, 2007). Increased enrollment, however, is not paralleled by graduation rates among minority students. While on average 60% of white students that register at a university graduate with a Bachelor’s degree, only 49% of Hispanic students (Lynch & Engle, 2010a) and 40% of black students (Lynch & Engle, 2010b) earn their degrees. Similarly, while undergraduate enrollment has been increasing among Native Amer- icans, persistence and graduation rates for these stu- dents are the lowest of all minority groups (e.g., as low as 15%; Guillory & Wolverton, 2008; Hunt & Harrington, 2010; Department of Education, 2008). Despite the breadth of research investigating overall student college adjustment, focus has only re- cently turned to exploring the unique factors impact- ing ethnic and/or racial minority freshmen; examina- tion of these obstacles has gained momentum since WKH�SDVVLQJ�RI �DIÀUPDWLYH�DFWLRQ�SROLFLHV�WKDW�SURYLGH� special opportunities for minorities in predominant- ly white universities. The following review examines the additional burdens to college adjustment faced by students from diverse racial, ethnic, and cultural backgrounds underlying the disproportionate re- tention rates in this population. Although explicit treatment recommendations are beyond the scope of this article, the article highlights adjustment-re- lated problems in the hopes that alleviating these GLIÀFXOWLHV� ZLWK� DSSURSULDWH� VXSSRUWV� ZLOO� LPSURYH� retention rates of minority groups. In addition, giv- en the diversity of populations subsumed under the broad racial categories typically used in research (e.g., black, Asian) this review notes the particular minority groups that were investigated, when such data were available, to illustrate distinct obstacles confronted by VWXGHQWV�IURP�VSHFLÀF�UDFLDO�RU�HWKQLF�EDFNJURXQGV� Keywords: college adjustment; minority students; minority sta- WXV�VWUHVV��VRFLRHFRQRPLF�VWDWXV��ÀUVW�JHQHUDWLRQ�FROOHJH�VWXGHQW� 87 College Adjustment Adjustment to college is generally used to en- compass a variety of factors historically assessed in terms of student academic accomplishment and re- tention rates, and, more recently, by the use of in- tegrative self-report measures. For example, Clark and Trow (1966) posited that the student’s identi- ÀFDWLRQ�ZLWK� WKHLU� FROOHJH� �L�H���PDWFK� LQ�YDOXHV� DQG� beliefs) is pivotal to a successful academic career. Tinto (1993), on the other hand, argued that aca- demic and social integration, the level to which the student interacts with peers, faculty, and staff and adheres to the academic requirements, is central to an individual’s persistence through graduation. Pres- ently, there has been a movement towards an inte- grated assessment of college adjustment that takes into account academic, social, personal/emotional, and institutional attachment (Baker & Siryk, 1989). Several integrative self-report questionnaires have been developed to evaluate students’ adjustment to college, which yield an overall adjustment score as ZHOO�DV�VFRUHV�IRU�WKH�VSHFLÀF�IDFWRUV���$PRQJ�WKHVH� measures is the College Adjustment Scales (CAS; Anton & Reed, 1991). The CAS was designed to pro- vide a screen for college counselors to distinguish stu- dents seeking help related to college adjustment from those with other problems. The College Adjustment Rating Scale (CARS; Zitzow, 1984) is a questionnaire that assesses four domains of perceived stress in the academic, social, personal, and family realms. The College Adjustment Test (CAT; Pennebaker, Colder, & Sharp, 1990) is a survey that assesses the degree to which students have experienced a variety of thoughts and feelings about being in college. Finally, the Stu- dent Adaptation to College Questionnaire (SACQ; Baker & Siryk, 1998) is a self-report measure that ad- dresses four aspects of college adjustment including academic, social, personal-emotional, and goal com- mitment-institutional attachment. The SACQ was de- veloped to help identify students at risk for dropping out and is the most widely used measure of college adjustment in research (Credé & Niehorster, 2012). A substantial body of research has explored fac- tors predicting student college adjustment. Studies FRQVLVWHQWO\�LGHQWLÀHG�XQGHUJUDGXDWHV·�DFDGHPLF�SHU- formance (Credé & Kuncel, 2008; Wintre & Bowers, 2007), institutional attachment (i.e., campus environ- mental aspects, involvement in campus organizations; Hurtado & Carter, 1997; Wintre & Bowers, 2007), so- cial adjustment (e.g., social support from peers, family and professors; Friedlander, Reid, Shupak, & Cribbie, 2007; Johnson, Gans, Kerr & LaValle, 2010; Martin, Swartz-Kulstad, & Madson, 1999), as well as personal and emotional factors (e.g., stress, depression; Bey- ers & Goossens, 2002; Brooks & DuBois, 1995) as directly and indirectly impacting students’ level of successful adaptation to college. For instance, Alvan, Belgrave, and Zea (1996) demonstrated that among 77 undergraduates, satisfaction with social support ZDV�D�VLJQLÀFDQW�SUHGLFWRU�RI �RYHUDOO�FROOHJH�DGMXVW- ment above and beyond stress experienced by these individuals. In addition, high school friendships DSSHDUHG� WR�EH�RI � YLWDO� LPSRUWDQFH�GXULQJ� WKH�ÀUVW� few weeks of college, whereas new college acquain- tances were more predictive of college adjustment later in the year (Swenson, Nordstrom, & Hiester, 2008). Similarly, freshman GPA in 944 undergrad- uates predicted persistence to graduation (Wintre & %RZHUV���������ZKLOH�ODFN�RI �LQYROYHPHQW�LQ�WKH�ÀUVW� semester was inversely related to academic integra- tion, institutional commitment, and persistence to graduation (Berger & Milem, 1999). Overall, these ÀQGLQJV�VXJJHVW�WKDW�VWXGHQWV�ZKR�VWUXJJOH�DFDGHP- ically, experience the campus environment as ad- YHUVH�� GR� QRW� IRUP� VXIÀFLHQW� IRUPDO� DQG� LQIRUPDO� social connections, or who experience mental health problems during the transition into college might be at higher risk to leaving college before graduation. Minority Student College Adjustment A smaller body of mostly recent research has be- gun to demonstrate differences in college adjustment variables among students of diverse backgrounds. For example, Anglin and Wade (2007) found that DGMXVWPHQW� WR� FROOHJH� ZDV� VLJQLÀFDQWO\� ORZHU� IRU� 141 black students compared to their white coun- terparts. Similarly, while overall college adjustment for 76 Native Americans was comparable to oth- er undergraduates, institutional attachment among WKHVH� VWXGHQWV�ZDV� VLJQLÀFDQWO\� ORZHU� WKDQ� WKDW� IRU� a large Caucasian sample (Watson, 2009). African KRAJNIAK 88 American, Hispanic American, and Native Amer- ican students were also found to have lower social adjustment and instuitional attachment when com- pared to Caucasian students (Hutz, Martin, & Beit- el, 2007), while Chicano students had poorer social adjustment as compared to other Latino/a students (Hurtado, Carter, & Spuler, 1996). Despite the clear disparities in college adjustment, especially in the area of social and intuitional attachment realms, be- tween various ethnic minorities and Caucasian stu- dents, there is still a dearth of ad hoc investigation of the cross-cultural differences with research exam- ining some ethnic and cultural groups, such as Arab Americans or Indian Americans, lacking completely. Minority Students College Adjustment Factors � &RQVLGHULQJ� WKH� DERYH� ÀQGLQJV�� LW� LV� HYLGHQW� that poor college adjustment might be underlying the relatively low retention rates among minority students compared to their increased presence on university campuses. The emerging body of litera- WXUH� LGHQWLÀHG� VHYHUDO� YDULDEOHV� WKDW�SRVH� DGGLWLRQDO� challenges to non-white students’ assimilation into the undergraduate milieu including minority status stress, family/cultural factors, socioeconomic sta- WXV��6(6���DQG�ÀUVW�JHQHUDWLRQ�FROOHJH�VWXGHQW�VWDWXV� (Fischer, 2007; Greer & Brown, 2011; Walpole, 2003). Minority Status Stress Recently, researchers began inquiring whether the distinct characteristics of minority students might confer additional burden to transition into college. The increased matriculation rates of various ethnic and racial student groups imply that many non-white individuals are enrolling in historically white uni- versities. As such, undergraduates of diverse back- grounds might face minority status stress– additional and unique sources of stress associated with their status as a minority and the experience of discrimi- nation and racism, that interferes with college adjust- ment (Greer, 2008; Smedley, Myers, & Harrell, 1993). � 1XPHURXV�ÀQGLQJV�VXSSRUW�WKLV�DUJXPHQW���)RU� instance, among 1,096 minority freshmen of Afri- can-American, Chicano, Latino, American Indian, and Filipino origin and 300 Caucasian matched stu- GHQWV�� PLQRULW\� XQGHUJUDGXDWHV� H[SHULHQFHG� VLJQLÀ- cantly higher rates of covert and overt racism and discrimination than their white counterparts, which FRQWULEXWHG�VLJQLÀFDQWO\�WR�SV\FKRORJLFDO�GLVWUHVV�DQG� to inferior college performance (i.e., GPA), over and above the effects of gender, SES, race, high-school GPA, and SAT (Smedley et al., 1993). Similarly, among Native American students enrolled in a com- munity college, the stress and anxiety associated with the college racial dynamics (i.e., level of discrimina- tion or racial acceptance) were inversely related to students’ academic, social and personal-emotional college adjustment and institutional attachment (Wat- son, 2009). A 1-year longitudinal study also showed that 54 Latino/a freshmen experienced the campus UDFLDO�FOLPDWH�DV�LQFUHDVLQJO\�KRVWLOH�RYHU�WKH�ÀUVW�\HDU� (Lopez, 2005). Such perceived discrimination, in turn, resulted in the students’ developing an alienated sociocultural orientation (i.e., students become more DYRLGDQW�ZKHQ�SUHVHQWHG�ZLWK�GLVFXVVLRQ�RU�FRQÁLFW� regarding race), decreased assimilation (i.e., associat- ing predominantly with students from same ethnic or cultural background), and turning to their Latino/a peers as a source of support. It is, thus, evident that minority undergraduates feel discriminated against on college campuses, and it is likely that such expe- riences negatively impact their satisfaction with the XQLYHUVLW\��ZHDNHQ�DIÀOLDWLRQ�ZLWK�WKH�LQVWLWXWLRQ��DQG� discourage social interaction. Minority status stress, therefore, directly contributes to poor college adjust- ment among non-white students and might result in students leaving the institutions prior to graduation. Differences across minority groups. While VWXGLHV�FRQÀUPHG�WKDW�PLQRULW\�VWDWXV�VWUHVV�LPSDFWV� students of various ethnic, racial, and cultural back- grounds (Ancis, Sedlacek, & Mohr, 2000; Arbona & Jimenez, 2013; Awad, 2010), comparative research also revealed differences in the nature, type, and level of this experience between various minority groups. For example, among 111 Asian Americans, 76 Lati- no/a Americans, 50 African Americans, reported mi- nority status stress was higher in African American than Asian American and Latino/a American students (Cokley, McClain, Enciso, & Martinez, 2013). Simi- larly, among 3,924 students enrolled across 23 U.S. XQLYHUVLWLHV�� EODFN� VWXGHQWV� KDG� VLJQLÀFDQWO\� KLJKHU� perceptions of negative racial climate than Asian and MINORITY STUDENT COLLEGE ADJUSTMENT 89 Hispanic undergraduates, who had about an equal per- FHSWLRQ�RI �QHJDWLYH�UDFLDO�FOLPDWH��EXW�VWLOO�VLJQLÀFDQW- ly higher than whites (Fischer, 2007). Further, black students are more likely to leave an institution due to the perception of racism than other minority students �)LVFKHU����������7KHVH�ÀQGLQJV�LQGLFDWH�WKDW�DOWKRXJK� minority status stress affects various student groups, these experiences seem to be most prevalent among black undergraduates and profoundly impact their decision to leave the institution prior to graduation. Some researchers suggested that perhaps it is not just the magnitude, but also the type, of discrimina- tion perceived by distinct minority groups that dif- ferentially impacts their transition into college. In that vein, though some researchers demonstrated that Asian American students do not have adaptive problems related to minority stress (e.g., Cocchiara & Quick, 2004), others indicated that Asian Amer- icans report higher impostor feelings than black or Latino/a American students that are a stronger pre- dictor of psychological distress than minority status stress (Chang & Demyan, 2007; Cokley et al., 2013). Imposter feelings– the sense of intellectual phoni- ness, is believed to stem from the stereotype of Asian American students as the model minority who is in- telligent, hardworking, high achieving, and academi- cally striving. In contrast, Lopez (2005) found that Latino/a students experienced feeling that others perceived them as academically inferior and that they were admitted to the university only as a response to DIÀUPDWLYH�DFWLRQ�� �)XUWKHU��ZKHUHDV�$IULFDQ�$PHU- ican students perceived more hostility and less eq- uitable treatment by faculty and staff, Latino/a and Asian Americans experienced discrimination in a less hostile way (i.e., limited respect and inequality; An- FLV�HW�DO���������� �7KHUHIRUH�� WKH�VSHFLÀF�VWHUHRW\SHV� might be associated with the varied level of perceived minority status stress between different groups, their coping strategies, as well as retention rates. Although most research on minority status stress addresses individuals with distinct physical character- istics (e.g., skin color), one study explored religious dress as a related factor. Rangoonwala, Sy, and Epi- noza (2011) found that among 54 Muslim women, Muslim identity was inversely associated with col- lege adjustment. Surprisingly, though, strict adher- ence to Islamic dress was positively associated with college adjustment. Given that over 80% of these students reported perceiving anti-Islamic attitude post 9-11, authors posited that an association with that culture resulted in an experience of discrimina- tion and isolation that negatively impacted the stu- dent’s college adjustment. The outward expression of acceptance of Muslim religion via Islamic dress, on the other hand, allowed students to identify each other and form communities that buffer students against minority stress especially in a university with a large Muslim population. While skin color is one factor impacting minority status stress, groups ex- hibiting other visible signs of minority status or ad- KHULQJ�WR�FXOWXUH�VSHFLÀF�EHKDYLRUV��H�J���SUD\LQJ�EH- fore meals) may also experience discrimination that disrupt their social adjustment in college. Further, WKHVH� ÀQGLQJV� DOVR� GHPRQVWUDWH� WKDW� ZKLOH� PLQRUL- ty status stress impacts students of various back- JURXQGV�� VRPH� LQGLYLGXDOV�ÀQG� WKHLU�XQLTXH�FKDUDF- teristics as a way to aggregate and support each other. College campus factors. As noted above, the racial climate and the number of same-group mi- QRULW\�VWXGHQWV�SUHVHQW�DW�WKH�VSHFLÀF�XQLYHUVLW\�DG- ditionally impact the level of minority status stress. In a study of 160 Asian American, African American, and Latino/a American students in a predominant- ly white (90%) university, Wei and colleagues found WKDW�XQLYHUVLW\�HQYLURQPHQW�ZDV�D�VLJQLÀFDQW�PHGLD- tor for the association between minority status stress and college persistence attitudes (i.e., students beliefs regarding the importance of and plans to complete college), beyond general stress, and that this pattern was similar for all ethnic groups (Wei, Ku, & Liao, 2011). Among 202 African American undergradu- ates, those attending a large predominantly white col- lege in the Midwest endorsed higher minority status stress than those attending a historically black uni- versity in the Eastern U.S. (Greer & Brown, 2011). Further, institutional type was the strongest predictor of academic performance in this study. Converse- ly, African American freshmen at a predominantly black university reported better social, academic, and overall college adjustment than either African Amer- ican or white freshmen at a predominantly white uni- versity, and better institutional attachment than Af- KRAJNIAK 90 rican American freshmen at a predominantly white university (Adan & Felner, 1995). Similarly, Rodri- guez, Morris, Myers, and Cardoza (2000) examined whether minority-status stresses increases the risk of psychological maladjustment of Latino/a students at a university where Latinos constitute the largest ethnic group. Their results indicated that among 338 Latino/a (228 Mexican American, 110 Central American) undergraduates in a predominantly Lati- QR�VFKRRO��PLQRULW\�VWDWXV�VWUHVV�GLG�QRW�VLJQLÀFDQWO\� impact the students psychological adjustment beyond demographic (i.e., gender, socioeconomic status, and ethnicity), sociocultural (i.e., level of acculturation), college role (i.e., generic college stress), and personal �L�H���ODFN�RI �DFDGHPLF�VHOI�FRQÀGHQFH��FKDUDFWHULVWLFV��� 7RJHWKHU��WKHVH�ÀQGLQJV�IXUWKHU�VXSSRUW�WKH�VXSSRVL- tion that the racial climate of an institution has a di- rect impact on student college adjustment and reten- tion rates, as those attending universities with a large same-group population endorse fewer problems per- haps due to lesser discrimination and/or more avail- able support from other minority peers or faculty. Racial identity. Since discrimination and racism associated with status stress is more likely to impact minority students in predominantly white universi- ties, on-campus association with students of diverse backgrounds could be an effective coping strategy to buffer against minority status stress. Although increasing racial identity– the self-concept that in- corporates individual’s knowledge and acceptance of one’s group’s history, values, and practices, has been VKRZQ�WR�EH�HIÀFDFLRXV�LQ�EXIIHULQJ�DJDLQVW�PLQRUL- ty status stress, research on racial socialization has also shown that internalizing racial identity (i.e., em- bracing only one’s own racial identity) has a negative impact on black students’ college adjustment where- as multicultural racial identity (i.e., embracing one’s own racial identity and feelings of connectedness with other minority groups) positively affects these undergraduates’ adjustment (Anglin & Wade, 2007). Similarly, among Native American students the ability to positively embrace one’s own group identity and aspects of the dominant culture’s identity had a pos- itive correlation with academic and social adjustment as well as institutional attachment (Watson, 2009). Therefore, experience of minority status stress that results in alienation from the majority group and ex- clusive reliance on in-group support interferes with the development on multiracial identity consequent- ly negatively impacting student college adjustment. Moreover, Lopez (2005) found that in addition to racial discrimination from other students, Latino freshmen also experienced intragroup discrimination �H�J��� ´:K\� DUH� \RX� DFWLQJ�ZKLWH"µ��� �$FKLHYLQJ� WKH� EDODQFH� EHWZHHQ� LQFRUSRUDWLQJ� WKH� HWKQLF�VSHFLÀF� and majority group characteristics to gain both native and dominant group acceptance further complicates the social adjustment among minority freshmen. Collectively, the available body of literature im- plicates minority status stress as negatively impacting college transition among undergraduates from diverse backgrounds, which might at least partially account for the high drop out rates among these students. The preponderance of extant work, however, focuses on black undergraduates and there is a dearth of re- search investigating minority status stress among Arab American, Indian American, and Native American students. It would be important to investigate wheth- er, and if yes what type of, minority status stress im- pairs college adjustment for freshmen in these groups. Socioeconomic Status In addition to minority status stress, non-white students might experience the added burden asso- ciated with lower SES, which is often measured in terms of quality and level of education, parent oc- FXSDWLRQ�� DQG� LQFRPH�� � 5HVHDUFK� ÀQGLQJV� VXJJHVW� that ethnic and/or racial minority students are more likely to come from households with low SES than white students (Terenzini, Cabrera, & Bernal, 2001). For example, Fischer (2007) found that 55-65% of Asian and white students come from families that make an income of over $75,000 as compared to only about 42% of Hispanic and 37% of black un- dergraduates. In terms of college adjustment and SHUVLVWHQFH�� ORZ� 6(6� KDV� EHHQ� LGHQWLÀHG� DV� D� ULVN� factor for inferior preparation for college (Fischer, 2007; Terenzini et al., 2001), poorer college academic achievement among freshmen (Smedley et al., 1993), as well as lower graduation rates (Mendez, Mendo- za, & Malcolm, 2011; Terenzini et al., 2001). It is important to note, however, that classroom partici- MINORITY STUDENT COLLEGE ADJUSTMENT 91 pation and involvement of lower SES students is similar to that of students with higher SES (Walpo- le, 2003), which suggests the need to focus on oth- er reasons related to these students’ drop out rates. Several factors associated with low SES can im- pact students’ adjustment and persistence to gradua- tion. Financing college can be an additional stressor for undergraduates as many minority students de- pend on support from their families in paying school tuitions. Parents, family members, or money from personal savings covers about 63-64% of white and Asian undergraduates’ college expenses, compared to only 43% of Hispanic and 33% of black students’ ed- ucational cost (Fischer, 2007). In a study of 2,991 col- lege students Latino/a (Mexican, Mexican American, Chicano, Puerto Rican, Cuban, or other Spanish/His- panic Latino) undergraduates were more often con- FHUQHG�DERXW�ÀQDQFLQJ�WKHLU�HGXFDWLRQV�DQG�WR�GURS� RXW�RI �VFKRRO�IRU�ÀQDQFLDO�UHDVRQV�WKDQ�QRQ�/DWLQR� students (Longerbeam, Sedlacek, &Alatorre, 2004). Similarly, a qualitative study by Guillory and Wolver- WRQ��������UHYHDOHG�WKDW�LQDGHTXDWH�ÀQDQFLDO�VXSSRUW� was one of the major barriers to college graduation among Native American students. Mendez et al. (2011), on the other hand, demonstrated that avail- DELOLW\�RI �ÀQDQFLDO� DLG�SDFNDJHV�SRVLWLYHO\� LPSDFWHG� college retention rates among Native American stu- dents, while Aguayo and colleagues found increased VHOI�HIÀFDF\�LQ�0H[LFDQ�$PHULFDQ�VWXGHQWV�ZKR�KDG� EHWWHU� SHUFHSWLRQV� RI � ÀQDQFLDO� UHVRXUFHV� �$JXD\R�� Herman, Ojeda, & Flores, 2011). It is likely that ODFN� RI � ÀQDQFLDO� UHVRXUFHV� LV� DQRWKHU� IDFWRU� XQGHU- lying the lower retention rates of minority students. � :KLOH� ODFN� RI � ÀQDQFHV� PLJKW� GLUHFWO\� UHVXOW� LQ� dropping out, low SES can also indirectly negatively impact minority students’ college adjustment. Lon- gerbeam et al. (2004), for example, found that Lati- QR�DV� ZHUH� VLJQLÀFDQWO\� PRUH� OLNHO\� WR� ZRUN� DQG� to work longer hours while attending college than non-Latino/a students, and attributed needing to have a job to personal and family obligations (i.e., to earn money to support themselves, pay for tui- tion, and to send money home). Further, students from low SES were less likely to live in dormitories (Terenzini et al., 2001), with as many as 65% of Na- tive American students residing off campus (Hunt & Harrington, 2010). Therefore, it is likely that minori- ty students have less time to study and to participate in on-campus activities due to the extra time devoted to working or commuting, both of which negative- ly impact college adjustment. Lastly, low SES stu- dents, especially those of minority status, frequently experience discrimination based on social class espe- FLDOO\� DPRQJ�ZKLWH� DIÁXHQW� XQLYHUVLWLHV� �2VWURYH� � Long, 2007), which further impacts their comfort ZLWK�MRLQLQJ�VRFLDO�DFWLYLWLHV���5HVHDUFK�ÀQGLQJV�JHQ- erally support this postulation. For example, among 12,400 students from over 200 colleges low SES African American undergraduates had less contact with faculty, spent less time studying, were less in- volved in extracurricular activities, had lower grades and worked more hours than their high SES peers or all African American students (Walpole, 2008). Research generally supports the notion that mi- nority undergraduates are more likely to be of low 6(6� DQG� KDYH� PRUH� GLIÀFXOW\� ÀQDQFLQJ� WKHLU� HGX- cation than other college students. Consequently, while some drop out of school others either work or reside at home with their families to make col- OHJH� DIIRUGDEOH�� � 7KRVH� VWXGHQWV� WKDW� ÀQG� PHDQV� WR�ÀQDQFH� WKHLU� HGXFDWLRQV�PLJKW�GR� VR�E\� VDFULÀF- ing both academic and social college opportunities. Family and Cultural Factors While transition into college provides an oppor- tunity for many students to become more indepen- dent of their families, for some enrollment at the university does not afford such freedom. In addi- WLRQ�WR�UHVLGLQJ�DW�KRPH�IRU�ÀQDQFLDO�UHDVRQV��FXOWXUDO� norms, especially values regarding family interdepen- dence and independence, might further complicate the transition into college for some minority groups. For instance, whereas in the white American culture individuality and independence might be stressed, the Hispanic culture emphases familismo in which youth are expected to prioritize family needs and spend considerable time with their families and provide HPRWLRQDO��ÀQDQFLDO��DQG�SHUVRQDO�VXSSRUW�WR�IDPLO\� members. Similarly, many Asian cultures emphasize collectivism, and, although a wide variability exists within the black community, family needs are typi- cally prioritized over other responsibilities. Under- KRAJNIAK 92 graduates from backgrounds stressing family inter- dependence might be required to run errands, work, care for siblings, or attend to other family obligations rather than studying or engaging in academic or ex- WUDFXUULFXODU� DFWLYLWLHV�� �7KXV�� FXOWXUH�VSHFLÀF� IDPLO\� dynamics can put an additional strain on the transi- tion into college for some minority groups, especial- ly for students for whom cultural norms and family expectations clash with the demands of college life. In line with this supposition, Chang, Heckhausen, Greenberger, and Chen (2010) investigated students’ perceptions of family agency among 515 freshman students of East Asian American, West Asian Amer- LFDQ�� )LOLSLQR�3DFLÀF� ,VODQGHU� $PHULFDQ� DQG� (XUR- pean American descent. While shared agency was GHÀQHG�DV�SDUHQWDO�VXSSRUW��FROODERUDWLRQ��RU�DFFRP- modation in regards to educational goals, non-shared agency was described as parent un-involvement or di- UHFWLRQ�FRQWURO�RI �WKH�JRDOV���7KHLU�ÀQGLQJV�LQGLFDW- ed that all Asian American students reported higher OHYHOV�RI �SHUFHLYHG�QRQ�VKDUHG�DJHQF\��VSHFLÀFDOO\�RI � parental directing, and lower levels of shared agency, than European American students. Furthermore, the study demonstrated that poorer college adjustment among the Asian American cohort emerged as a di- rect result of the students’ perceptions of agency with SDUHQWV���6XFK�ÀQGLQJV�VXJJHVW�WKDW�GLVFRUG�EHWZHHQ� the students’ and the families’ college goals might re- VXOW�LQ�WKH�XQGHUJUDGXDWHV·�GLIÀFXOWLHV�LQ�DGMXVWPHQW� and eventual decision to withdraw from a university. Further, while all students shared the common goals of attending college as a means for gaining money in the future, obtaining a good job or a ca- reer, and for personal growth and learning, Asian, Latino/a, and African American minority students reported also being motivated to attend college to help their families and to prove one’s self-worth (Phinney, Dennis, & Osorio, 2006). Relatedly, Tseng (2004) found that among U.S. born children, Asian 3DFLÀF�$PHULFDQV�SODFHG�PRUH� LPSRUWDQFH�RQ�IDP- ily interdependence than did European Americans with no differences between Latino, African/Af- ro-Caribbean American and European American students, whereas students with non-American par- ents valued interdependence more than those with parents born in the U.S. with no differences among the minority groups. The study also demonstrated that those with higher family interdependence spent more time on family obligations, and although atti- tudes about family obligations contributed to greater academic motivation among youth from immigrant, compared to U.S.-born, families the greater behav- ioral demands experienced by that group had nega- tive impact on academic achievement and academic adjustment. Thus, although initially family factors might contribute to minority students’ reasons to attend college, the added responsibilities or pres- sure might eventually interfere in college adjustment. Although scarce, studies also indicate that Native American students struggle to navigate between the demands of college and cultural or tribal expectations (Juntunen et al., 2001; Hunt & Harrington, 2010). For instance, Hunt and Harrington (2010) described a mismatch between tribal values of independence and the need to form social and institutional attachments while transitioning into college that might result in students’ loneliness and isolation. Native American undergraduates reported feeling isolated from their tribal culture and simultaneously alienated from faculty and students on the college campus, which negatively impacts their adjustment and retention rates (Thompson, Johnson-Jennings, & Nitzarim, 2013). Clearly, cultural factors might not only di- UHFWO\� FRQÁLFW� ZLWK� WKH� VWXGHQWV·� JRDOV� DQG� FROOHJH� responsibilities, but might also guide their decisions regarding seeking assistance or resources on campus. A quantitative study of 132 diverse students by Terenzini et al. (1994) nicely demonstrated the com- plex nature of transition into college for minority students. The content of the study’s focus groups indicated that for many white students going to col- lege is seen as the continuation of a family tradition, whereas minority students experienced going to col- lege as a “break” from tradition. Additionally, mi- QRULW\�VWXGHQWV·�DFFRXQWV�KLJKOLJKWHG�WKH�FRQÁLFWLQJ� experience of, on the one hand, feeling that their family was supportive of their college career, and on WKH� RWKHU�� H[SHULHQFLQJ� GLIÀFXOW\� PDLQWDLQLQJ� IDPL- ly responsibilities while meeting academic demands. � 7RJHWKHU�WKHVH�ÀQGLQJV�LQGLFDWH�WKDW�FXOWXUH�VSH- FLÀF� IDPLO\� IDFWRUV�� VXFK� DV� SDUHQWDO� H[SHFWDWLRQV�� goals, and involvement might negatively impact stu- MINORITY STUDENT COLLEGE ADJUSTMENT 93 dents’ ability to perform academically and to assim- ilate into the college milieu. Further, students who tend to place more value on their family obligations PLJKW�H[SHULHQFH�PRUH�VHYHUH�FRQÁLFW�EHWZHHQ�WKHLU� college responsibilities and family expectations. Fu- ture research needs to investigate the additional im- pact of immigrant status on the relationship between family values and minority students’ college adjust- ment, as the distinction between immigrant and na- tive-born minority groups is rarely made in studies. First Generation College Students � )LQDOO\�� PLQRULW\� VWXGHQWV� DUH� RIWHQ� WKH� ÀUVW� ones in their family to attend college (Terenzini et al., 2001). Among almost 4,000 students only 9% RI �ZKLWH� DQG�����RI �$VLDQ� VWXGHQWV�ZHUH� WKH�ÀUVW� in their family to go to college, compare to 30% of Hispanic and black students (Fischer, 2007). Na- WLYH�$PHULFDQV� DUH� HYHQ�PRUH� OLNHO\� WR� EH� WKH� ÀUVW� in their family to go to college (Hunt & Harrington, ������� � 0LQRULW\� IUHVKPHQ� ZKR� DUH� ÀUVW� JHQHUD- tion college students are at a further disadvantage compared to those who can draw from their par- ents’ or siblings’ college experiences and support. Parents who have no college experience are often ill equipped or lack the vital information to assist their children in the transition into higher education. For instance, among 100 minority (84 Latino, all Mexican or Central American; 16 Asian, all Chinese or Chi- QHVH�9LHWQDPHVH�� ÀUVW�JHQHUDWLRQ� VWXGHQWV� ZKRVH� parents did not complete college, students perceived their peers as better able than their family members to provide the support they needed in order to suc- ceed in college (Dennis, Phinney, & Chuateco, 2005). Similarly, friends, not family support moderated the effects of stress on psychological adjustment in Mex- ican and Central American Latino/a college students (Rodriguez, Mira, Myers, Morris, & Cardoza, 2003). 7KHUHIRUH��ÀUVW�JHQHUDWLRQ�FROOHJH�VWXGHQWV�PLJKW�QRW� be able to count on their parents’ ability to assist them in college-related matters. Additionally, these individ- uals have the additional burden of stress associated with forming interpersonal connections at college as means of support regarding the transition into the university, and might be at an increased risk of drop- ping out if such social connections are not attained. Importantly, many minority students might have foreign-born parents who, although have obtained higher degrees, had different experiences than those of their U.S. born children. For instance, Fischer (2007) found that over 60% of Asian students have at least one foreign born parent, as compared to 50% of Hispanic students, 20% of black students, and 9% of white students. Therefore, many minority students with foreign-born parents might share experiences VLPLODU�WR�WKRVH�RI �ÀUVW�JHQHUDWLRQ�FROOHJH�VWXGHQWV��� � &ROOHFWLYHO\�� WKHVH� UHVXOWV� VXJJHVW� WKDW�ÀUVW�JHQ- HUDWLRQ� FROOHJH� VWXGHQWV� DQG� ÀUVW� JHQHUDWLRQ�$PHU- ican undergraduates are at a disadvantage regarding college preparation. Those who are experiencing academic and adjustment problems and require guid- ance must rely on other students for support, rather WKDQ� WKHLU� SDUHQWV�� � )DPLOLDO� FRQÁLFW�� VWUHVV�� RU� UH- sentment might also emerge when freshmen seek- ing help from their parents regarding college-relat- ed issues are faced with misguidance or lack of aid. Differences Across Minority Groups A comprehensive longitudinal study by Fischer ������� LQYHVWLJDWHG� QRW� RQO\� WKH� VSHFLÀF� GLVDGYDQ- tages minority groups face when compared to their white counterparts, but, more importantly, how these factors differentially impact students’ college adjustment across various ethnic groups. Fisch- er utilized data of 3,924 students from the Na- tional Longitudinal Survey of Freshmen who en- tered 28 US universities in 1999. An equal number of randomly selected white, black, Hispanic, and Asian freshmen from each institution were select- HG�ZKR�ZHUH� DVVHVVHG� DW� WKH� EHJLQQLQJ�RI � WKH�ÀUVW� year of college, the spring semester of freshman year, and each following spring through graduation. Fischer’s results underline several noteworthy GLIIHUHQFHV� DPRQJ� WKHVH� UDFLDO� JURXSV�� � 6SHFLÀFDOO\�� DQDO\VHV�UHYHDOHG�WKDW�EHLQJ�D�ÀUVW�JHQHUDWLRQ�FROOHJH� VWXGHQW�VLJQLÀFDQWO\�LPSDFWHG�JUDGHV��H�J���ZDV�UHODW- ed to lower grades) for white and Hispanic students but not for black and Asian students, and that for the former having at least one foreign-born parent was UHODWHG�WR�KLJKHU�JUDGHV���7KH�ODWWHU�ÀQGLQJ�LV�FRQVLV- tent with work by Tseng (2004) demonstrating that parents’ immigration status is related to increased KRAJNIAK 94 motivation to achieve academically. These results may indicate that for some minority students such IDPLOLDO�PRWLYDWLRQ�PLJKW�EXIIHU�DJDLQVW�WKH�GLIÀFXO- WLHV�DVVRFLDWHG�ZLWK�EHLQJ�D�ÀUVW�JHQHUDWLRQ�VWXGHQW�� Overall, for all students, dropping out of college was more strongly related to experiences at college rather than pre-college variables (e.g., number of AP FRXUVHV�LQ�KLJK�VFKRRO���EXW�WKH�VSHFLÀF�IDFWRUV�YDU- ied by group. For instance, having friends reduced the risk of leaving college for all students (white and minority). Being involved in extracurricular activities decreased chances of dropping out by 83% for all minority students, but not white students, and was stronger for Asians and blacks. For white and black students having more social ties outside of the college environment during the freshman year had a negative impact on college grades and increased the chances of drop out, whereas these ties were not related to Hispanic and Asian students’ grades. As reviewed above, Hispanic students seek same group peer sup- port as a result of perceived discrimination as well as guidance in college-related matters and might be an effective coping mechanism for this group. Similar dynamics might be responsible for lack of negative impact on grades for Asian students with strong so- cial supports outside of the university. For black and white students, however, seeking external support might result in decreased involvement in on-campus social interactions and thus adversely impact college adjustment and institutional attachment, which is consistent with work by Swenson et al. (2008). The preponderance of evidence suggests that intervening at the college level, instead of prior to enrollment, LV� QHFHVVDU\� DV� IRVWHULQJ� FROOHJH� DGMXVWPHQW� VLJQLÀ- cantly improves minority students’ retention rates. Further, having informal on-campus ties with one’s own ethnic group was negatively associated with Hispanic student’s grades but in-group ties were positively related to Asian students’ academic per- formance. This difference, as noted earlier, could be related to within group discrimination among some Latino students (Lopez, 2005), whereas for Asian un- dergraduates association with same culture students might mitigate the experience of feeling like an im- poster. Lastly, being involved in more extracurricular activities was positively related to all minority groups’ grades, as compared to whites, supporting the notion that institutional attachment and involvement plays an especially important role in minority students’ college adjustment. In terms of college satisfaction, involve- ment in on-campus activities was the strongest pre- dictor for black and Hispanic students, but only mar- ginally relevant to Asian students’ college satisfaction. Thus, differences emerge among minority stu- dents when addressing off- and on-campus social re- lationships. Overall formal on campus involvement with professors, study groups, organizations, athlet- ics, and other activities for minority students might EH�PRVW� HIÀFDFLRXV� LQ� LPSURYLQJ� DFDGHPLF� SHUIRU- mance, satisfaction with college, and retention rates. The necessity and extent of own-group interactions, however, might depend on the particular minority student. Increasing socialization with students of other and diverse backgrounds might constitute an important part of improving college adjustment and consequently retention rates of all minority students. Clinical Implications and Future Research The scope of research on college adjustment has expanded vigorously over the past two decades, re- cently including the exploration of obstacles faced by minority undergraduates. The available body of liter- ature on the topic clearly implies that students of di- verse ethnic, racial, and cultural backgrounds are more likely to face discrimination, be of low SES, have to navigate cultural and familial expectations that might FRQÁLFW�ZLWK�WKHLU�DFDGHPLF�GHPDQGV��DQG�PRUH�RI- ten have parents who did not attend college than white undergraduates, resulting in additional stress with the already challenging transition into college. These additional complexities have been linked with poorer college adjustment among minority students and as potential causes for their higher drop out rates. Further, the above-described research demonstrates that various ethnic, racial, and cultural groups are differentially impacted by these variables and effec- tive coping with such obstacles might differ widely. One resource available to students that are strug- gling with college adjustment is counseling and, thus, clinicians working with minority students should be aware of the particular perceptions and unique expe- MINORITY STUDENT COLLEGE ADJUSTMENT 95 riences of individuals to meet the distinctive needs of each undergraduate. In that vein, clinical programs should integrate into their curricula a throughout ex- ploration of factors impacting college adjustment and train mental health workers in assessing and counsel- LQJ�IUHVKPHQ�IDFLQJ�VXFK�GLIÀFXOWLHV���5HODWHG�SURIHV- sional organizations should also disseminate emerging research and offer specialized continuing education courses to professionals serving minority college stu- dents. Therapists should be sensitive to and strive to identify the particular struggles of each student, as well as access to resources, and work on develop- ing coping strategies appropriate for each minority undergraduate. Appropriate intervention during the initial stages of transition into college may affect the trajectory of the student’s college career (academic performance, social engagement, and retention rates) DQG� WKXV� KDYH� VLJQLÀFDQW� OLIH�ORQJ� FRQVHTXHQFHV�� Research on the unique factors adversely impact- ing minority students’ college adjustment, however, LV� VWLOO� LQ� LW�QDVFHQFH�� � 6LJQLÀFDQW� OLPLWDWLRQV�RI � WKH� current body of research include the lack of distinc- tion between various sub-cultures subsumed within the broad racial labels of black, Asian, and Hispanic. Future research needs to recognize the uniqueness of the many ethnic and cultural groups that fall under such categories and conduct studies to inform how students from various cultures differ or are alike in their ability to transition into college. This can be achieved by allowing individuals to self-describe their particular ethnic, racial, or cultural group member- ship instead of forcing them to select one of the few broad categories. Additionally, the sample sizes of many of the more discrete minority groups are small and there is a dearth of studies on some cul- tures, such as the Native Americans and Arab Amer- icans. As the presence of these groups on college campuses increases, minority student participation LQ�UHVHDUFK�VKRXOG�DOVR�ÁRXULVK�HQDEOLQJ�UHVHDUFKHUV� to access individuals from a greater array of back- grounds. Lastly, although the literature includes several qualitative and longitudinal studies, the ma- jority of research exploring minority issues in col- lege adjustment and persistence to graduation entails correlational studies utilizing self-report measures, many of which have not been designed to assess the unique challenges faced by minority undergrad- uates. Future research should focus on developing measures of college adjustment that inquire regard- LQJ�WKH�H[SHULHQFH�RI �PLQRULW\�VWDWXV�VWUHVV��VSHFLÀF� IDPLO\�DQG�FXOWXUDO�IDFWRUV��6(6��DQG�GLIÀFXOWLHV�DVVR- FLDWHG�ZLWK�EHLQJ�DQ�LPPLJUDQW�RU�ÀUVW�LQ�WKH�IDPLO\� to enroll in a university in addition to the academic, social and personal adjustment and institutional at- tachment factors assessed by the extant measures. The above-mentioned studies also raised the is- sue of the potential difference between immigrant and U.S. born minority groups. Unfortunately, the available research rarely distinguishes between na- tive- and foreign-born undergraduates. Immigrant VWDWXV��KRZHYHU��FDQ�KDYH�D�VLJQLÀFDQW�LPSDFW�RQ�FRO- lege adjustment. For instance, Aguayo et al. (2011) IRXQG� WKDW� ÀUVW� JHQHUDWLRQ� 0H[LFDQ�$PHULFDQ� VWX- GHQWV� KDG� ORZHU� OHYHOV� RI � SHUFHLYHG� VHOI�HIÀFDF\� than second-generation college students. There- fore, future research should bear in mind and dis- tinguish the additional impact acculturation might have on minority students’ college adjustment. There is a plethora of other variables that further impact student college adjustment. This review ex- cluded gender, sexual orientation, substance use, and other relevant factors that interact with the above-men- tioned stressors. Future research should attempt to LQWHJUDWH�WKH�SUHVHQW�ÀQGLQJV�DQG�VXFK�DGGLWLRQDO�IDF- tors and examine how different variables interact in either posing further challenges or affording unique strengths in the process of transitioning into college. References Adan, A. M., & Felner, R. D. (1995). Ecological con- gruence and adaptation of minority youth during the transition to college. Journal of Community Psychology, 23, 256–269. Aguayo, D., Herman, K., Ojeda, L., & Flores, L. Y. (2011). 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