GSJP Volume 16 final 118 Graduate Student Journal of Psychology 2015, Vol. 16 Copyright 2015 by the Department of Counseling and Clinical Psychology Teachers College, Columbia University 118 Brief Report: Reconsideration of Acculturative Experiences Among Chinese Immigrants Kin Cheung (George) Lee University of the West Although adolescent immigrants often acculturate into the mainstream culture at a faster rate and to a great- HU� H[WHQW� WKDQ� DGXOW� LPPLJUDQWV�� VWXGLHV� RI � ÀUVW� JHQHUDWLRQ� LPPLJUDQWV� KDYH� RYHUORRNHG� WKH� H[SHULHQFHV� RI � the “1.5-generation,” those who immigrate before or during their teen years. The purpose of this study was to examine the relationship between generation level and acculturation among Chinese immigrants. The sam- ple consisted of 112 Chinese American adults who were recruited from the local Chinese community in Los Angeles County. Participants completed a demographic questionnaire and the Asian American Multidimen- sional Acculturation Scale. The result from a one-way analysis of variance indicated that 1.5-generation Chi- QHVH� $PHULFDQV� UHSRUWHG� D� VLJQLÀFDQWO\� KLJKHU� OHYHO� RI � DFFXOWXUDWLRQ� WRZDUGV� WKH� (XURSHDQ�$PHULFDQ� FXOWXUH� WKDQ�ÀUVW�JHQHUDWLRQ�&KLQHVH�$PHULFDQV��7KH� OLQHDU�PXOWLSOH� UHJUHVVLRQ� UHVXOWV� LQGLFDWHG� WKDW� WKH� WZR� LQGHSHQ- GHQW�YDULDEOHV³DJH�RI � WKH� LPPLJUDQWV�DQG� WKHLU�DFFXOWXUDWLRQ� WRZDUGV�(XURSHDQ�$PHULFDQ�FXOWXUH³FROOHFWLYH- O\� DQG� VLJQLÀFDQWO\� H[SODLQHG�PRUH� WKDQ� ���� RI � WKH� YDULDQFH� RI � DFFXOWXUDWLRQ� WRZDUGV� WKH� (XURSHDQ�$PHUL- can culture. This study demonstrated that 1.5-generation Chinese immigrants reported critical differences in WKHLU� DFFXOWXUDWLYH� H[SHULHQFHV� FRPSDUHG� ZLWK� ÀUVW�JHQHUDWLRQ� &KLQHVH� LPPLJUDQWV�� 7DNHQ� WRJHWKHU�� WKHVH� UH- sults highlight the importance of considering 1.5-generation Chinese immigrants or their age at their time of immigration in the measures of acculturation in future studies. Limitations of this research are also discussed. An increasing number of studies in the past decade KDYH� VKRZQ� WKDW� ´ÀUVW�JHQHUDWLRQ� $PHULFDQµ� LV� DQ� RYHUVLPSOLÀHG� FDWHJRU\� IRU� FDSWXULQJ� WKH� DFFXOWXU- ative experiences of all immigrants (Gonzales & Chavez, 2012; Hao & Woo, 2012; Kim & Sakamo- to, 2010). Young immigrants often acculturate to the mainstream culture at a faster rate and a higher level of immersion than adult immigrants because of their exposure to school settings and the media in Ameri- can society (Wu & Chao, 2005). However, many stud- ies have overlooked the experiences of the 1.5-gener- ation (Huer, Saenz, & Doan, 2001; Hurh, 1990; Kim, Brenner, Liang, & Asay, 2003; Zhou & Bankston, ������E\�JURXSLQJ�WKH�����JHQHUDWLRQ�ZLWK�ÀUVW�JHQ- eration immigrants (Chan, Hamamura, & Jan- schewitz, 2013; Kennedy, Parhar, Samra, & Gorzalka, 2005). This overgeneralization of generational status can potentially minimize or distort the experiences of the 1.5-generation group, and hence disaggregated GDWD�E\�VSHFLÀF�JHQHUDWLRQ�JURXSV�DUH�FULWLFDO�WR�VKHG� light on their unique experiences of acculturation. Acculturation Acculturation� LV�FRPPRQO\�GHÀQHG�DV� WKH�SURFHVV�E\� which new immigrants attain the cultural characteris- tics of the dominant cultural group (Hwang & Wood, 2008). Acculturation was initially assumed to be a straight-line and linear process whereby individuals surrendered their cultures of origin as they acculturat- ed to new cultures (Gordon, 1964). This assumption is referred to as a unidimensional model in which higher acculturation represents an increased adherence and adjustment to the mainstream culture while endorse- ment of native culture is either a rejection or less ac- ceptance of the new culture (Shen, & Takeuchi, 2001). Later researchers found this assumption of lin- earity problematic and suggested that acculturation models should allow for the existence of individuals who are immersed in their culture of origin as well as in mainstream culture. Discussing Asian American populations in particular, for example, Berry (1980) conceptualized acculturation in four forms: (a) as- similation, which involves abandoning one’s culture of origin in order to adhere to the majority culture; (b) integration, which involves a bicultural process of maintaining one’s native culture and adapting to the mainstream culture; (c) rejection, which may result from segregation and which involves isolation from the mainstream culture; and (d) deculturation, which in- volves a loss of identity ties to either cultural group. This bidimensional model hypothesizes an indepen- dent relationship between acculturation and encultur- ation. Indeed, recent studies have consistently sug- gested that acculturation is not a linear process and that there are multidimensional components to the acculturation process (Wang & Mallinckrodt, 2006). Multidimensional models reveal the process of ac-Keywords: 1.5-generation, acculturation, age of im- migration, Asian American, Chinese American 119 culturation as a complex practice in which cultural identities can coexist with the mainstream culture. Immigrants, unavoidably exposed to two or more cultures, must adapt to cultural differences in terms of language, traditions, values, and other culturally related domains (Berry, 1997), and Asian immigrants may enculturate to their culture of origin, to main- stream U.S. culture, and to Asian American culture simultaneously (Chung, Kim, & Abreu, 2004). Given the diversity of behavioral and attitudinal directions between different cultures regarding the process of acculturation, proponents of multidimensional models argue that acculturation should be viewed as a multifaceted and dynamic process that cannot be captured linearly. In a literature review of quantita- tive empirical research on acculturation and encultur- ation published over the past 22 years, Yoon, Lan- grehr, and Ong (2011) found that the unidimensional conceptualization has been the most commonly used model for understanding acculturation, regard- less of its limitations, but that an increasing num- ber of researchers have used dimensional or multi- dimensional models since 2005, suggesting that the trend is shifting away from unidimensional models. The 1.5-generation Asian Americans The term 1.5-generation refers to individuals who immigrated to the destination country before ad- ROHVFHQFH��7KLV�WHUP�KDV�EHHQ�XVHG�WR�VSHFLÀFDOO\�GH- scribe Asian Americans who immigrated to the Unit- ed States before age 13 (Kim et al., 2003; Lee, 2001; 6KLQ� �$OED���������&RPSDUHG�WR�WKH�ÀUVW�JHQHUDWLRQ� who immigrated as adults and second-generation who were born in the United States, 1.5-generation Asian Americans were born outside of the United States but LPPLJUDWH�EHIRUH����\HDUV�RI �DJH�DQG�VSHQG�D�VLJQLÀ- cant period of developmental years in the host society. Because of their exposure to U.S. culture at an ear- lier age compared to adult immigrants, 1.5-generation individuals potentially encounter distinct adjustment and acculturative experiences in comparison to other generations (Hurh, 1990). In particular, 1.5-genera- tion individuals may have a higher level of immersion WR�WKH�PDLQVWUHDP�FXOWXUH�FRPSDUHG�WR�WKH�ÀUVW�JHQ- eration and/or higher immersion to their cultures of origin compared to the second-generation. For exam- ple, Huer, Saenz, and Doan (2001) studied a group of Vietnamese American immigrants and found that ����JHQHUDWLRQ� SDUWLFLSDQWV� KDG� VLJQLÀFDQWO\� KLJKHU� OHYHO�RI �DFFXOWXUDWLRQ�WKDQ�WKH�ÀUVW�JHQHUDWLRQV��.LP�� Brenner, Liang, and Asay (2003) conducted a focus group with 10 1.5-generation Asian American partici- pants and found that the participants reported feeling LGHQWLÀHG�ZLWK�ERWK�WKH�8�6��DQG�$VLDQ�FXOWXUHV��WKDW� some participants reported experiences of racism, DQG�WKDW�WKH�(QJOLVK�ODQJXDJH�EDUULHU�ZDV�D�VLJQLÀFDQW� FKDOOHQJH�IRU�WKHP�ZKHQ�WKH\�ÀUVW�LPPLJUDWHG��3DUN� (1999), for example, in his qualitative interview study of 1.5-generation Korean Americans, found that the study’s participants from this generation experienced frustration and anger owing to feeling rejected by their family members and discriminated against by mainstream society. Simultaneously, the same partici- pants reported that, since they are familiar with both Korean and mainstream cultures, they can connect with people from either culture. In comparison to 1.5 JHQHUDWLRQ� .RUHDQ� $PHULFDQV�� ÀUVW�JHQHUDWLRQ� .R- UHDQ�$PHULFDQV�RSHUDWH�PRUH�SURÀFLHQWO\�LQ�.RUHDQ� culture, and second-generation Korean Americans function better in U.S. culture. Consistent with these ÀQGLQJV��+XUK��������IRXQG�WKDW�����JHQHUDWLRQ�LQGL- viduals possess a high level of socialization both to mainstream U.S. culture and their culture of origin. While some 1.5-generation Chinese Americans are able to adjust to the mainstream society and maintain connection with their home culture, oth- ers may experience different emotional disturbances from the friction between the two cultures and his- torical traumas. Lee (2001) conducted a qualitative study comparing 1.5-generation and second-gener- DWLRQ�RI �+PRQJ�$PHULFDQV��7KH�ÀQGLQJV� LQGLFDWHG� that 1.5-generation Hmong Americans experience more feelings of isolation and discrimination, lan- guage barriers, acculturative stress from the new mainstream culture, and the stress from their par- ents’ efforts to restrain them from being “American.” Furthermore, 1.5-generation Hmong Americans may suffer from intergenerational traumas from the Lao- tian Civil War (Secret War in Laos), which result in secondary traumatic stress disorder symptoms and exclusion from the mainstream society (Lee & Clarke, 2013). 1.5-generation Asian Americans can also expe- LEE 120 RECONSIDERATION OF ACCULTURATIVE EXPERIENCES rience a sense of a loss of their families and friends, DQG�WKH\�ÀQG�WKHPVHOYHV�FDXJKW�LQ�D�WHQVLRQ�EHWZHHQ� preserving their bond to their country of origin and maneuvering under the pressure to adjust to the new country. Moreover, 1.5-generation Asian Americans WHQG� WR� VXIIHU� IURP� VWUHVV�UHODWHG� GLIÀFXOWLHV�� WURX- ble communicating with their parents, and the add- ed social pressure of managing racial discrimination �6XQPLQ� HW� DO��� ������� 7KHLU� VSHFLÀF� DFFXOWXUDWLYH� stressors can result in depressive symptoms, poor mental health, and substance use (Mossakowski, 2003). Despite the numerous studies that have exam- ined the 1.5-generation in various Asian subgroups, there is virtually no literature investigating the unique experiences of 1.5-generation Chinese Americans. Chinese culture and the mainstream American culture possess notable cultural differences (Fang & Wark, 1998). Within traditional Chinese culture, people as- cribe high value to collective identity, family obliga- tion, harmony, and group interdependence (Fang & Wark, 1998). These values stand in contrast to west- ern individualistic cultural values of autonomy, com- petition, primacy of personal goals over group goals, and emotional independence (Fang & Wark, 1998; 7ULDQGLV���������)DPLO\�FRQÁLFW�RIWHQ�DULVHV�EHFDXVH� members of different generations expect conformity to their norms despite discrepancies in the cultural values among generations (Wu & Chao, 2005). Due to these differences, acculturation theorists propose that Chinese immigrants tend to experience accultur- ative stress and identity struggles because of these clashing cultural values (Juang & Cookston, 2009). For adult immigrants to the U.S., there is the option to stay in local Chinese communities and re- tain their connections with their culture of origin. Suarez-Orozco and Qin (2006) point out that many Chinese immigrant parents are often more removed from American culture than their children, particu- larly if they work in Chinese cultural settings. Fur- ther, adult immigrants have more resources to travel to their country of origin, maintain connections with family and friends abroad, and immerse themselves in WKH�FXOWXUH�RI �WKHLU�ÀUVW�FRXQWU\�WKURXJK�PDVV�PHGLD�� In contrast, it is inevitable for adolescent immi- grants to have regular contact with teachers and peers at school and to become immersed in the mainstream culture in terms of language, food, values, and oth- er domains, while mass media and friends further prompt them to adapt to a new social environment by adopting the values of the mainstream culture (Lim, Yeh, Liang, Lau, & McCabe, 2009). In this way, adolescent immigrants tend to assimilate or accultur- ate in a more rapid and consistent manner and adhere to the values of the new culture more closely than adult immigrants, who have more opportunities to retain their traditional cultural values and practices (Uba, 1994), especially when they live in areas popu- lated with Chinese residents, such as Los Angeles and New York. Although young Chinese immigrants are more likely to adopt norms of mainstream American culture than those of their culture of origin, they are simultaneously and continually exposed to and learn Chinese cultural values through interactions with their family members (Wu & Chao, 2005). These adoles- cent immigrants are likely to understand and appreci- ate both mainstream and Chinese cultural norms and continuously immerse themselves in both cultures. Although discrepancies of experiences between generations indicate the possibility of intergroup YDULDELOLW\�RI �DFFXOWXUDWLRQ�ZLWKLQ� WKLV�´ÀUVW�JHQHUD- tion” group, no study to date has focused on Chi- nese Americans using a community sample. Due to this very reason, the main objective of our study is WR� DQVZHU� D� UHVHDUFK� TXHVWLRQ�� DUH� WKHUH� VLJQLÀFDQW� differences in the level of acculturation between ����JHQHUDWLRQ�DQG�ÀUVW�JHQHUDWLRQ�LPPLJUDQWV��6SH- FLÀFDOO\��RXU�VWXG\�IRFXVHV�RQ�DFFXOWXUDWLRQ�WRZDUGV� the mainstream European American culture and en- FXOWXUDWLRQ��ZKLFK� LV�GHÀQHG�DV� WKH� OHYHO�RI � LPPHU- sion to the Chinese culture of origin. Moreover, most studies of acculturation among Chinese Americans have relied on online surveys. Therefore, this proj- ect involves the collection of data from a community sample in order to gather information from Chinese Americans who use the internet infrequently or do not have Internet access. Our general hypothesis ZDV� WKDW� ÀUVW�JHQHUDWLRQ� LPPLJUDQWV� ZRXOG� UHSRUW� a higher level of enculturation towards the Chinese culture of their origin and 1.5-generation immigrants would report a higher level of acculturation towards the mainstream European American culture. Method 121 Method Participants The participants were 112 Chinese American immigrants (M age = 37.9, age range: 18–66; 42.9% males and 57.1% females) who agreed to take part in the study. Participants immigrated after 13 years of DJH�ZHUH�FODVVLÀHG�DV�ÀUVW�JHQHUDWLRQ�DQG�SDUWLFLSDQWV� who immigrated before 13 years of age were clas- VLÀHG� DV� ����JHQHUDWLRQ��2I � WKH�SDUWLFLSDQWV�� ������ ZHUH�ÀUVW�JHQHUDWLRQ�LPPLJUDQWV�ZLWK�DQ�DYHUDJH�DJH� of 25.82 years (SD = 10.09, range: 13–40) and 39.3% were 1.5-generation immigrants with an average age of 9.02 years (SD = 3.34, range: 1–12). All partici- SDQWV�VHOI�LGHQWLÀHG�DV�&KLQHVH�$PHULFDQV�ZKR�ZHUH� born outside of the United States. Approximate- ly 61.6% of participants were born in the People’s Republic of China, 24.1% were from Hong Kong, and 14.3% were from Taiwan. All measurements ZHUH�WUDQVODWHG�LQ�WUDGLWLRQDO�&KLQHVH�DQG�VLPSOLÀHG� Chinese using back translation. For living situations prior to immigration, there were 22 participants who reportedly resided in a country other than their coun- try of origin before immigrating to the United States. A bivariate correlation was run between their years of residing in that country and each of the AAMAS VFRUHV��DQG�QRQH�RI �WKH�FRUUHODWLRQV�ZHUH�VLJQLÀFDQW� Measurement Acculturation: In this study, I measured accul- turation using the Asian American Multidimension- al Acculturation Scale (AAMAS). Chung, Kim, and Abreu (2004) have conducted exploratory and con- ÀUPDWRU\�IDFWRU�DQDO\VHV�WR�YDOLGDWH�WKH�$$0$6�DQG� found that acculturation can be measured in the do- mains of cultural identity (i.e., values and attitudes), language (e.g., preference for a particular language), cultural knowledge (i.e., knowledge of history and customs), and food preference (i.e., preference for food). In addition to taking into consideration these four domains, the AAMAS has three unique char- acteristics. First, it measures the orthogonality of FXOWXUDO�GLPHQVLRQV��ZKLFK�LV�GHÀQHG�DV�WKH�LQGLYLG- ual’s independent immersion in different cultures and which indicates the level of cultural adherence to both the culture of origin and the mainstream culture. Second, the AAMAS includes a pan-ethnic dimension to measure cultural adherence to Asian ethnic groups other than the group of origin. Third, it is applicable across multiple ethnicities because it uses the phrase “culture of origin” instead of listing particular countries or using a generic term, which makes it appropriate for many Asian ethnic groups. The AAMAS scale consists of 15 items, one of which is worded in a reverse direction, that measure IRXU� GRPDLQV� RI � DFFXOWXUDWLRQ³FXOWXUDO� LGHQWLW\�� ODQJXDJH��FXOWXUDO�NQRZOHGJH��DQG�IRRG�SUHIHUHQFH³ using a six-point Likert-type scale, ranging from not very much to very much (Chung et al., 2004). In terms of the construct domains of acculturation measured by the 15 items, 10 items measure cultural behavior, three items measure cultural identity, and two items measure cultural knowledge. The AAMAS consists of three scales: (a) AAMAS culture of origin (AAMAS- CO), (b) AAMAS Asian American (AAMAS-AA), and (c) AAMAS European American (AAMAS-EA). The current Chinese version of this instrument has a Cronbach’s alpha of 0.90, indicating that it is reliable. The AAMAS consists of three scales: (a) AAMAS culture of origin (AAMAS-CO), (b) AAMAS Asian American (AAMAS-AA), and (c) AAMAS European $PHULFDQ� �$$0$6�($��� &URQEDFK·V� DOSKD� FRHIÀ- cients, or the reliability of each subscale are found to be 0.90 for the AAMAS-CO scale, 0.90 for the AAMAS-AA scale, and 0.92 for the AAMAS-EA scale. Procedure The author recruited participants in person in community settings including local restaurants and community centers in the cities of Alhambra and San Gabriel in Los Angeles County. These cities were chosen because they contained large popula- WLRQV�RI �ÀUVW�JHQHUDWLRQ�&KLQHVH�$PHULFDQ�UHVLGHQWV�� which helped to maximize sample size. After the author introduced the study, participants received a printout of the survey and a pen upon agreement to participate. The completed surveys were put in an envelope that was then sealed. Participants were given a chance to draw a lottery for a $100 Target gift card as an incentive at the end of the study. LEE 122 Results � 7KH� JHQHUDO� K\SRWKHVLV� ZDV� WKDW� ÀUVW�JHQHUD- tion immigrants would report a higher level of en- culturation towards Chinese culture of their origin compared with 1.5 generation immigrants and that 1.5-generation immigrants would report a higher lev- el of acculturation towards the mainstream Europe- DQ�$PHULFDQ�FXOWXUH�FRPSDUHG�ZLWK�ÀUVW�JHQHUDWLRQ� immigrants (See table 1). Results showed that there ZHUH�VWDWLVWLFDOO\�VLJQLÀFDQW�GLIIHUHQFHV�EHWZHHQ�JHQ- eration levels and level of acculturation as measured by the mean of the AAMAS-EA as determined by one-way analysis of variance, F(1, 17.17) = 18.22, p < .001. In particular, 1.5-generation Chinese Americans (M = 4.33, SD� �������UHSRUWHG�D�VLJQLÀFDQWO\�KLJKHU� level of acculturation towards the European Ameri- FDQ�FXOWXUH�WKDQ�ÀUVW�JHQHUDWLRQ�&KLQHVH�$PHULFDQV� (M = 3.53, SD = 1.05). With a one-way ANOVA to examine the differences in enculturation towards the Chinese culture of origin among generation levels as measured by the mean of the AAMAS-CO, there was DOVR�D�VWDWLVWLFDOO\�VLJQLÀFDQW�GLIIHUHQFH��7KH�ÀUVW�JHQ- eration Chinese Americans (M = 5.02, SD = .75) re- SRUWHG� D� VLJQLÀFDQWO\� KLJKHU� OHYHO� RI � HQFXOWXUDWLRQ� towards their Chinese culture of origin than 1.5-gen- eration Chinese Americans (M = 4.43, SD = .89) at p < 0.01. Therefore, the main hypothesis was supported. Several post hoc analyses also revealed signif- icant results. Pearson correlations of the measured variables were obtained, and the results showed neg- ative correlation between the age of immigration and level of acculturation as measured by the aver- age composite score on the AAMAS (r = -.459, p < .01). Moreover, the age of immigration negatively correlated with the subscale of acculturation toward Asian Americans (r = -.369, p < .01) and the sub- scale of acculturation toward European Americans (r = -.542, p ��������,Q�DGGLWLRQ�WR�WKH�ÀQGLQJV�IRU�WKH� subscales, the level of enculturation toward Chinese cultures was found to be positively correlated with acculturation toward the generic Asian American cul- ture (r = .381, p < .01). Additionally, level of accultur- ation toward the generic Asian American culture was found to be positively correlated with acculturation toward European American culture (r = .527, p < .01). To further understand the relationships between the subscales and age of immigration, a multiple re- gression analysis was carried out to predict the val- ues of acculturation towards European American culture by different independent variables. AAMAS- EA scores were regressed on acculturation scores towards Asian American culture and age of immigra- tion. These two predictors accounted for more than 40% of the variance in test scores, R2 = .41, which ZDV�VLJQLÀFDQW��)���������� ��������S�������3DUWLFXODU- ly, acculturation towards Asian American culture (ơ = .34, p<.001) and age of immigration (ơ=-.49, p<.001) GHPRQVWUDWHG� VLJQLÀFDQW� HIIHFWV� RQ� DFFXOWXUDWLRQ� towards European American culture, respectively. Discussion This study demonstrated that 1.5-generation Chinese immigrants reported critical differenc- es in their acculturative experiences compared to ÀUVW�JHQHUDWLRQ� &KLQHVH� LPPLJUDQWV�� ,Q� FRQWUDVW� WR� WKH� ÀUVW�JHQHUDWLRQ� ZKR� LPPLJUDWHG� DV� DGXOWV�� WKH� 1.5-generation immigrated at a young age, which The old Word File: ����������������� ����� ������������������������ � � ��������� ������� � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � Table 1�. �Analysis of Covariance by Generat�ion on AAMAS �C�omposite �S�cores (n = 112) � � � � � � � � Generation� � Mean� � SD� � n� � F� � p� �value� � � � � � � � 1�.0� � 3.53� � 1.05� � 68� � 17.7� � <.001� � 1.5� � 4.33� � 0.82� � 44� � � � � � � � � � �� RECONSIDERATION OF ACCULTURATIVE EXPERIENCES 123 gave them greater exposure to American culture by attending school in the United States, interacting with peers from different cultural groups, and speak- ing English as a their primary language in daily life. Therefore, after spending their pre-teen years in Chi- nese countries and then immigrating to the United States as adolescents, the 1.5-generation Chinese im- migrants may share characteristics with both immi- grants and the second-generation (Oh & Min, 2011). ����������������� ����� ������������� � � � � Table 2�.� �Summary of Intercorrelations for �A�ge of �I�mmigration�:� �M�ain �S�core and �S�cores on the � S�ubscales of AAMAS� � Variables� � 1� � 2� � 3� � 4� � 5� � 1.� �AAMAS� � —� � � � � � 2. AAMAS�-�CO� � .50�*� � —� � � � � 3. AAMAS�-�EA� � .62�*� � -�.20� � —� � � � 4. AAMA�S�-�AA� � .82�**� � .38�**� � -�.527�**� � —� � � 5. Age of � immigration� � -�.46�**� � .28� � -�.542�**� � -�.37�**� � —� � Note. �—� �= not applicable; AAMAS = Asian American Multidimensional Acculturation Scale; � AAMAS�-�CO = Asian American Multidimensional Acculturation Scale, Culture of Origin � subscal�e; AAMAS�-�EA = Asian American Multidimensional Acculturation Scale, European � American subscale; AAMAS�-�AA = Asian American Multidimensional Acculturation Scale, � Asian American subscale�.� � * �p �< .05. ** �p �< .01.� � �� LEELEE 124 Erik Erikson’s stages of psychosocial develop- ment may shed some light on explaining why the 1.5 generation is more similar to the second-generation WKDQ�ÀUVW�JHQHUDWLRQ�&KLQHVH�$PHULFDQV��$V�RQH�RI � the most widely used approaches to explain identi- ty development, Erik Erikson’s model views devel- RSPHQW� DV� D� OLIHORQJ�SURFHVV� DQG�GHVFULEHV� VSHFLÀF� experiences in each developmental stage. Although the original model was criticized for using mostly Caucasian males in the theory deduction (Josselson, 1989), a number of contemporary researchers and practitioners found that Erikson’s model could be ap- plied with diverse populations (e.g. Kropf & Greene, 2009; Yoon, 2011). According to Erikson’s (1966) en- culturation model, adolescents undergo enculturation E\�ÀUVW� HQWHULQJ� WKH� identity versus role confusion stage, in which they explore, experiment with, and develop their new values and identity through their relation- ships with peers and role models (Erikson, 1966). For minority adolescents, ethnic identity includes this subjective, choice-driven sense of belonging to a group or culture (Phinney, 1990). Particularly for 1.5-generation Asian Americans, the developmen- tal task of acculturation may encompass a struggle between maintaining one’s loyalty to the culture of RULJLQ� DQG� ÀQGLQJ� D� VHQVH� RI � EHORQJLQJ�ZLWKLQ� WKH� host culture (Le & Stockdale, 2008). In other words, the adolescent period is a particularly crucial time for developing one’s cultural identity by experiment- ing with and choosing from available cultural values. After growing up in their native countries, the 1.5 generation starts their identity vs. role confusion stage in America. American culture provides them with a multifaceted level of experiences in which they may experiment with different identities, such as those of Chinese Americans, Asian Americans, and/or Eu- ropean Americans. The 1.5-generation may (a) have to adopt American values and beliefs, learn to speak English, and become accustomed to the American life style in order to manage school and interpersonal relationships; (b) maintain ties with their culture of origin through the local Chinese subculture (e.g., Chi- QDWRZQ�� &KLQHVH� UHVWDXUDQWV��� WKHLU� ÀUVW�JHQHUDWLRQ� parents, and their family and friends in homeland; (c) be exposed to a new and unique Asian Ameri- can identity, which encompasses a generic identity of various Asian American subgroups. As a result, 1.5-generation individuals may enculturate and/ or acculturate to any one of these identities simul- taneously. Our project only illustrated that the 1.5 generation is more similar to the second generation WKDQ� WKH� ÀUVW� JHQHUDWLRQ� LQ� WHUPV� RI � DFFXOWXUDWLRQ�� but future research can examine the unique identity development of 1.5-generation Chinese Americans. � $�TXHVWLRQ�WKLV�VWXG\�UDLVHG�LV�ZKHWKHU�WKH�GHÀQL- WLRQ�RI �ÀUVW�JHQHUDWLRQ�&KLQHVH�$PHULFDQ�LV�DQ�RYHU- generalized category that may overlook the distinct acculturative experiences within this subgroup. Some UHVHDUFKHUV�PD\�DJJUHJDWH�WKH�����DQG�WKH�ÀUVW�JHQHU- ations together for methodological convenience (e.g., increasing their sample size in the analysis). Howev- er, this method does not warrant any theoretical or empirical reason (Oh & Min, 2011). This overgen- eralization can minimize the differences on the de- gree of linguistic attainment, cultural adaptation, and RWKHU�FKDUDFWHULVWLFV�EHWZHHQ�WKH�ÀUVW�JHQHUDWLRQ�DQG� the 1.5-generation. Furthermore, categorizing the 1.5-generation as a distinct analytic category may also test the hypotheses from the assimilation theo- ry (Rumbaut & Portes, 2001). For example, several multicultural studies on adolescent immigrants have suggested that students who have a high level of ac- culturation tend to have higher levels of academic motivation and schooling compared to their counter- parts (as cited in Oh & Min, 2011). As the 1.5 genera- tion is likely to have bilingual and bicultural advantag- HV�FRPSDUHG�WR�WKH�ÀUVW�DQG�VHFRQG�JHQHUDWLRQV��WKHVH� advantages may facilitate their academic achievements and even career development (Oh & Min, 2011). At the same time, other studies have suggested that the 1.5-generation experiences more acculturative stress WKDQ� WKH� ÀUVW� DQG� VHFRQG� JHQHUDWLRQV� EHFDXVH� WKH\� DUH� LQ� WKH�PLGGOH�RI � WKH�FRQÁLFWLQJ�YDOXHV�EHWZHHQ� two cultures and may feel rejected by both sides (Sun- min et al., 2009). Therefore, further studies should consider identifying the 1.5 generation as a distinct group in order to provide disaggregated data in order to demystify experiences of this particular subgroup. � 2XU� ÀQGLQJV� DOVR� VXSSRUW� WKH� LQWHJUDWLYH� LGHD� that acculturation to the mainstream society is mutu- ally exclusive to the endorsement of the native culture �:DQJ� �0DOOLQFNURGW�� ������� 7KH� ÀQGLQJV� RI � WKLV� RECONSIDERATION OF ACCULTURATIVE EXPERIENCESRECONSIDERATION OF ACCULTURATIVE EXPERIENCES 125 VWXG\�FRQÀUPHG�WKH�PXOWLGLPHQVLRQDO�QDWXUH�RI �DF- culturation in Chinese Americans that 1.5-generation Chinese Americans can simultaneously acculturate to mainstream U.S. culture and enculturate to their Chi- nese culture of origin. However, this study has sev- eral limitations. With regard to its external validity, a community sample recruited from several communi- ty settings may not be representative of all Chinese American adults of different ages, educational back- grounds, or geographic regions. There was also a sam- pling bias in that data was collected in Los Angeles, California, which is highly populated with Chinese Americans. Chinese Americans living in cities with different ethnic makeup may have a very different ac- culturative experience. For these reasons, applications RI �WKH�ÀQGLQJV�WR�RWKHU�&KLQHVH�$PHULFDQ�LQGLYLGX- als warrant great caution. The small sample size (N = �����IXUWKHU�OLPLWV�WKH�JHQHUDOL]DELOLW\�RI �WKH�ÀQGLQJV� Clinical Implications $V�WKH�PDLQ�ÀQGLQJ�RI �WKLV�VWXG\�LQGLFDWHV�WKDW������ DQG�ÀUVW�JHQHUDWLRQ�&KLQHVH�$PHULFDQV�KDYH�GLIIHU- ent acculturative experiences, clinicians should not overgeneralize the identities and characteristics of each generation. Level of acculturation is an im- portant factor in therapy because it can impact cli- ents’ values, beliefs, protective factors, family rela- tionships, and many other important aspects in life. When working with Chinese immigrants, therapists can assess and raise their awareness of level of ac- culturation using the domains in AAMAS (cultur- al identity, language, cultural knowledge, and food preference). For example, some processing ques- tions could be: How much do you identify with &KLQHVH�$PHULFDQV"�+RZ�SURXG�GR� \RX� IHHO� DERXW� EHLQJ� &KLQHVH� $PHULFDQ"�+RZ� RIWHQ� GR� \RX� KDQJ� RXW�ZLWK�IULHQGV�ZKR�DUH�&KLQHVH�$PHULFDQV"�0RUH- over, this study also suggests that age of immigra- tion may be an estimation for level of acculturation. From their experiences growing up in the Unit- ed States, 1.5-generation Chinese Americans are ex- posed to many different cultures such as U.S. main- stream culture, Chinese American culture, Asian American cultures, and other subcultures. This im- mersion to multiple cultures during a developmen- WDO� SHULRG� PD\� UHVXOW� LQ� UROH� FRQIXVLRQ�� LGHQWLÀFD- tion of one primary identity, or development of a multicultural identity. For example, a 1.5-generation Chinese American client may identify himself as “Asian American” instead of “Chinese” or “Chinese American.” Therapists need to empathize with cli- ents’ possible identity struggles and the related role responsibilities in Chinese culture such as the familial expectations to take care of family members. Thera- pists can explore a client’s sense of self from expe- riencing various cultures. Therapists may also need to provide psychoeducation on the process of accul- WXUDWLRQ�DQG�DFFXOWXUDWLRQ�FRQÁLFWV� LQ�RUGHU� WR�QRU- malize clients’ feelings. Additionally, narrative therapy may be an effective tool in addressing acculturation and identity issues (Murphy-Shigematsu, 2000). 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