Herodotus 4.153 and "SEG" IX 3 Oliver, James H Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Spring 1966; 7, 1; ProQuest pg. 25 Herodotus 4.153 and SEG IX 3 James H. Oliver THE TEXT SEG IX 3 at Cyrene is an inscription of the early fourth century B.C. recording a decree to grant Cyrenaean citizenship to Theraean immigrants on the basis of an ancient agreement concerning those who might emigrate later. What purports to be and, despite some modernizing, may well be the seventh century B.C. Pact of the First Settlers is engraved below the decree from the early fourth century. Soon after its discovery the entire inscription was made known by S. Ferri,l but the standard text of today comes from the improved reading by G. Oliverio.2 The Pact of the First Settlers records arrangements which Herodotus 4.153 reports in somewhat ambiguous and slightly different terms. Therein lies a fascinating textual problem. I Line 29 in the Pact of the First Settlers will here be reconstructed on the assumption that L. H.Jeffery3 was right in her reasons for challeng­ ing Adolf Wilhelm's4 restoration still retained by A. J. Graham,5 though she was mistaken in her own reconstruction, which, so far as I can tell, has been accepted by no one. Miss Jeffery begins with Legrand's emended text of Herodotus 4.153: B7Jpalots D~ EaD€ aD€AcP€OV T€ a1T' aD€AcP€ (a aDdcP€O'U W 'lh I )' '\ \ I \' \ A , <, < \, I 1 e m 1T€fL1T€tV 7TatU.p l\aXoVTa Kat a1To TWV XwpWV a7TaVTWV €1TTa €OVTWV aVDpas, € ivat DE acP€wv Ka~ ~Y€fLova Ka~ {3aa£A€a BaTTov. Then she argues that a number which accompanied aVDpas must have fallen out. She is not the first to have so felt. Long before the discovery of SEG IX 3, Stein in his Herodotus commentary declared that the numeral had 1 S. Ferri, "Alcune iscrizioni di Cirene," Ahh.Ak. Wiss.Berlin, 1925, Phil.-hist. Kl., Nr. 5, especially pp. 19-24. 2 G. Oliverio, "Iscrizioni di Cirene," RivFil, N.S. 6 (1928) 222-232. 8 L. H. Jeffery, "The Pact of the First Settlers at Cyrene," Historia 10 (1961) 139-147. 4 A. Wilhelm, "Griechische Inschriften rechtlichen Inhalts," IIpczY/Lcz"TI(irxt rry. 'AKCZ37]/L{cz. 'A8'rJvwv 17 (1951) 1-112, especially pp. 5-7, "Zu einern Beschluss der Theraier." 6 A. J. Graham, Colony and Mother City in Ancient Greece (New York 1964) Appendix. The chief feature of this text is the presentation of letters as if now certainly read, letters which Oliverio reported as uncertain twenty-eight years ago. 25 26 HERODOTUS 4.153 AND SEG IX 3 fallen out after avSpas, while Mahaffy and Cobet emended to read avSpas (SL7JKoafuvs) on the assumption that the text had once read AN~PA~' and that the sign I' was lost by haplography. Two dots in Macan's text indicate a lacuna. How and Wells comment as follows: "There were four points in the Theraean decree: (a) The number of colonists must have been fixed. This is omitted by H( erodotus), unless it has fallen out of the text" ... The number could hardly have been more than two-hundred, since Herodotus goes on to say that the whole party was dispatched in two penteconters. Few beside the hundred who rowed could be accommo­ dated in two penteconters, so that two hundred may seem high, but since a number is indeed needed, Miss Jeffery found Mahaffy's emendation "easy and attractive." Mahaffy's emendation, however, assumes a background of alpha­ betic numerals,6 of which the manuscript tradition of Herodotus shows no trace. In 1.6.4, for example, where twenty-two generations are interpreted as 505 years, the error TTlVTE for TTEVT~KoVTa would never have arisen with alphabetic numerals, and since the numerals are always written out in the manuscripts of Herodotus, that kind of error is best excluded. It remains true, however, that a number must have been mentioned when the decision was taken to send out a colony. Whether or not Herodotus forgot to mention this essential element in the story, a number must have been specified and should have stood in SEC IX 3, of which the pertinent section, lines 24-30, reads with Oliverio's restorations as follows: eXTToTTlJLTTEv ~$ T~!' [At,8]vav B&:TTOJL JL€V eXpxaylTa[v] [T]E Kat {JaaLMja· ETa{povs S€ T9V? f?npa{ovs TTMv- ETTt Tat Laa[L K] , ~ • , \ ' ",. • , '" \ .. -- \[ !l at Tal. OJLOtaL TTI\EV KaTa T9!' OtKOV, VLOV OE Eva, KaTatI. EJ 29 YEa(Ja{ T[E eXTTO TWy xwpwv ciTTaVTwv] TOUS ~{JWVTas, Kat TWV [aA] [A]wv e7Jpa{wv EAEV~ip'9$, [0 Ka A~L], TTMv. Ferrabino 7 pointed out that Oliverio's restoration of line 29 on a supposed basis of Herodotus 4.153 gave the wrong sense, and he proposed removing the comma after vtov S€ Eva and restoring T[ W OLKW EKaaTw TTavTas] instead. The first three words are right, said Wilhelm, e The best discussion of this system is by M. N. Tad, "The Alphabetic Numeral System in Attica," BSA 45 (1950) 126-139. 7 A. Ferrabino, "La stele dei patti," RivFil, N.S. 6 (1928) 250-254. JAMES H. OLIVER 27 who completed the lacuna l7Aev Se] 'TOV~ -lJ{3WV'TCts, conjecturally. Ferrabino and he thus made the lacuna two letters shorter than Oliverio. Miss Jeffery retained their probably erroneous estimate of the length of this lacuna and restored the lacunae of lines 29 and 30 as fi 11 ~ [ ~ \' ~ \ \. \] ( - [ ~ \ I • \ J) \ o OWS: Tip v oE Cl(I'TWV 1TI\EV EI cXv8pa~. In the letters EONTQNEKATON the words are of equal length and look so much alike that the eye of a copyist could easily skip the second word. In fact, if you admit the necessity of a numeral before cXv8pas and so admit the reality of a lacuna in our text, it is just as easy to assume the loss of a whole line or clause as of a single word. In that case SEG IX 3 suggests that the text of Herodotus 4.153 should read: e7JpatoL~ 8~ ,,~ '~\..I..' ., 'Ii:' \..1.. A' '\ \' \ • \ A , EauE aOEI\'f'EOV a:" aOEI\'f'EOV 17EJL17ELV 17al\4J l\aXoV7'a KCt.t a170 7'WV XwpWV f' f \" fI ""'" r I r," ~ ., a17aV7'WV E177'Ct. EOV7'WV (Eva 7'OV OtKOV EKaU7'OV, EKa7'OV > avopCt.~, ELVCt.& ~, ..I.. ,t, 'f3 \' B' DE U'f'EWV Kat 7JYEJLOVCt. KCt.t aUtl\ECt. Ct.7'7'OV. One advantage of this text is that we no longer need to emend the phrase &17' &8EAtPEOfi in order to obtain an acceptable meaning. They separated "brother from brother." There may be a lacuna as in 1.167. II To return to the Herodotus commentary of How and Wells, the latter say: «There were four points in the Theraean decree: ... (b) (The colonists) were to be selected by lot, but only sons (a8EAc/>E6V &17' &8EAtPEOfi) were exempted .... " Macan, too, had expressed some such opinion. The exemption of only sons is not reflected in SEG IX 3, the Pact of the First Settlers. On the contrary, one son from every household is to leave home. Every household was to be represented, presumably for both a military and a religious reason. The text of Herodotus may have been misinterpreted. Some supplement is necessary, and with our longer supplement Herodotus says, «It pleased the Theraeans to separate brother from brother and to send < of each household one) chosen by lot, from all seven districts < a hundred) men, with Battus being oecist and king among them." Of course that would presuppose for Thera a fixed number of family estates, one for the king's house (for the royal temenos would not pass to his descendants as such) and ninety-nine distributed among the (three Dorian) tribes. It is possible that in some families the command fell upon an only son, but the usual fractionalization 10 of estates was relieved and the few house­ holds which might suffer could be continued by adoption of a kinsman or son-in-law. 10 E. Will, "Aux origines du regime foncier grec," REA 59 (1957) 5-50. JAMES H. OLIVER 29 It is entirely possible that Herodotus had in mind a very different version, but it is not necessary to assume this. No contradiction con­ cerning quality and number of colonists appears. The Pact of the First Settlers commanded the departure of a number chosen on the basis of households, young men ('1[3WVTcxs) defined individually as «one son" of the household concerned. Herodotus speaks of the choice of a small number of colonists by an allotment system which separated brother from brother. The more economical hypothesis seems to be that they describe the same process from two points of view. In speaking of brothers, however, Herodotus makes or repeats an inference based on the specification of one son from each house: the sons would all be brothers in some sense. In the seventh century the sons of an oikos were not necessarily inheritors 11 and might have been cousins as well as brothers. Furthermore these kinsmen were called either KCXU{YV7JTOt or, as in Attica, aYXLUT(:LS'.12 The line between brothers and KCXUtYV7JTOt was often so obscure that in some dialects the word Kcxulyv'Y}TOS' had come to mean 'brother'. But Herodotus certainly knew the difference between these two words (e.g. l.17l.6), and his informant must have confused him, if he really was confused. In conclusion, the text of Herodotus may be said to focus atten­ tion on the usual case, a house with more than one 'son', and the inscription may be said to disprove the unnecessary inference by modern interpreters of Herodotus that houses with only one 'son' were exempt from the general levy which the City imposed upon itself in obedience to the oracle. THE JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY November, 1965 11 David Asheri, "Laws ofInheritance. Distribution of Land and Political Constitutions in Ancient Greece," Historia 12 (1963) 1-2I. 12 G. Glotz, La solidarite de la famille dans Ie droit criminei en Grece (Paris 1904) 85-93. See also C. Hignett, A History of the Athenian Constitution (Oxford 1952) 58. For KcxatYVTJ'roL as aYXLG7"€tS' see Iliad 15.545-551 and Odyssey 16.113-124.