Neleids in Naxos and Archilochos Huxley, George Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Spring 1964; 5, 1; ProQuest pg. 21

Studies in Early Greek Poets 
George Huxley 

I 

Neleids in Naxos and Archilochos 

W HEN MIGRANTS SAILED FROM ATTICA to found settlements in 
Asiatic Ionia, those who went to Miletos were led by 
Neileos.1 He was one of the Neleidai, and his grandfather 

Melanthos had escaped from Pylos to Athens when the Herakleidai 
expelled the family.2 Melanthos became king of Athens, and his son 
Kodros succeeded him. Kodros, who died in battle against the Pelo­
ponnesians by the river Ilisos,3 was the father of Neileos, the founder 
of Ionian Miletos.4 

According to tradition Neileos was driven by a storm to land in 
Naxos, where he was held by contrary winds. Being at a loss, he was 
commanded by soothsayers to purify his followers. This he did by 
sacrificing a lad. Neileos then sailed for Miletos, but part of his force 
stayed behind in Naxos.5 We are also told that Neileos left two of his 
sons in the Cyclades with orders to conquer the islands. Of the two, 
Hegetor took many islands, but Hippokles was able to capture 
Mykonos only.6 These traditions imply, then, that princes of the 
Neleid line settled in the Cyclades during the Ionian migration. 

The presence of Neleidai in Naxos is also attested in the tale of 

1 Herodotos 9.97. See also J. P. Barron,jHS 82 (1962) 6. For the spelling of the nameN'1']Anls-
or NED..EWS see Pfeiffer on Callimachus fro 80, 17. 

3 Pausanias 2.18.9. 
3 Pausanias 1.19.5. 
, Cf. Hellanikos 4 P 125. 
'Aelian VH 8.5. 
S Zenobius. Provo 5.17. Leutsch/Schneidewin. Corpus Paroemiographorum Graecorum 

(Hildesheim. repro 1958) 122. Hippokles is the 'I'TT7TtKA6s of the codd. in Schol.Dionys.Per. 
525 (GGM 2.451). The genos Hegetoridai at Kolophon (L. Robert, Rev.de Phil.3 10 [1936] 162-
164) and the chiliastys Hegetoreioi at Ephesus (J. Keil,jahreshefte 16 [1913] 245) perhaps take 
their names from the victorious brother of Hippokles, Hegetor the Neleid. 

21 



22 STUDIES IN EARLY GREEK POETS 

Akontios of Keos and Kydippe ofNaxos related by Callimachus in the 
Aetia.7 The story was taken by Callimachus from the historian 
Xenomedes,8 who wrote shortly before the Peloponnesian war.9 
Xenomedes was a Keian, and the details given by Callimachus evi­
dently come from local tradition. It was said that Akontios saw K ydippe 
at a festival in Delos. Determined to win her, he put in her way a 
quince on which was written fLd ~v "APTEfLtv 'AKoVTttp yafLovfLat.10 

K ydippe took the fruit and read aloud, "By Artemis, I shall be the 
bride of Akontios." Later K ydippe fell ill, because the goddess was 
angry since the girl had not fulfilled her unwitting vow to marry 
Akontios; and the fever did not relent until Apolloll appeared to 

Kydippe's father to explain the cause of the disease, and the marriage 
was arranged. This story is the aition for the presence of a genos 
Akontiadai in the Keian city of Ioulis.12 

The god calls the father of Kydippe KOSpEtS7J~,13 that is, a descendant 
of the Neleid king of Athens Kodros. Kydippe then was a Neleid; but 
she was not a descendant of Neileos son of Kodros, for Callimachus 
calls her IIpofl:YJ~[tsI4. This is an allusion to the story ofDamasichthon 
and Promethos, two more sons of Kodros, who were said to have 
brought Ionians to Kolophon, where the princes fell out.IS After killing 
Damasichthon, Prom ethos was forced to flee to Naxos, where he died. 
His body was then taken back to Kolophon and received by the sons 
of Damasichthon. It was from this Promethos, who took refuge in 
Naxos, that Kydippe was descended. Callimachus does not tell us 
when he thought Kydippe lived, but if his mention of a Lygdamisl6 

refers to the Kimmerian leader of that name, then the poet dated 
Kydippe later than 650 B.C. but before the time of Xenomedes. 

The presence of Neleidai in Naxos helps to elucidate two mutilated 

7 Fr. 67-75 Pf. 
s Fr. 75, 54. 
I FGrHist 442 T 1. 

10 Dieg. Z 1, 3-4 to Callimachus fro 67. Cf Aristainetos 1.10 (Hercher, Epistolographi 
p. 141.) 

11 Callirnachus fro 75, 2Iff. 

12 Fr. 75, 51-52. 
13 Fr. 75, 32. 
14 Fr. 67, 7. 
16 Pausanias 7.3.3. The Kolophonian genos Prometheioi perhaps had their name from 

Promethos, who was buried in a tomb near Kolophon at a place called Polyteichides (Paus. 
loc.cit.). See L. Robert, Rev.de.PhiI.8 10 (1936) 162-164. 

16 Fr. 75, 24. 



GEORGE HUXLEY 23 

fragments of Archilochos in the Monumentum ArchilochiP The frag­
ments must be given in their full context: 

40 [.: . Jcf>ov (?) De TO[V xpvaov] I [7T]aV'Ta Toue; (9p[atKae; MJ­
yovaLv IIapLOL ea[vToLc;J 1 a7TOKa'TLanxva[L 7TaAw' DtJa­

aacP€'i SJ '1'[ aVTa] I [Ka~J ath6S' J [7T 0 L?] T~ S' "EYWV l 
[ .. JaT[ . . JcPvA[. : • ] I [. Jo[ .1.2. JuaL[. 1.2. Jtat 

45 [.:.] Ilypa[.1.2.JEKEu[.1.o'fLJEvW[.], 
'VoAA[ ... !,v-] 1 Er7TE aUT[ v- :-J mxre; IIELaLaTpaTov 

avopaS'[_Jwl~OVf'TaS' avAdv : Kat Avp7]V avfjp' aywv 
'01' '101' (; .~~'" " ELC; Clauov KVUL Clp<E >LS LV : owp EXWVaK?]paTOV 

, " I~" ~ (;"" , XPVUOV' OLKELW<O OE KEpOEL SVV E7TOL7]uav KaKIX, 
50 " '01 - II' , " " , ,- • , O'TL TOVe; ClpCfKae; IX7TOKTEtVaVTEC; aVTOL OL fLEV IXVTWV V7TO 

IIaptlwv a7TwAovTO, oi tAnu'Ta;c; Ea7Tae; V7TO TWII epCfI[KJWV. 

fLETa TaVTa 7TaALV ytvETaL apxwlI 'AfL I cP [() 'TLfLOS', Kat €11 
TOVTOLS' DLauacPEL 7TaALlI, wS' 1 €[v J tK7]Uall K apT E p W S' '1' 0 V s 

55 Nattovs Mywv II [OJVTW' 

- ~"AO ' , TWV 0 7]vaL7] fLIXxn 

LAaos 7TapIXuTaOELua, I 7Ta'is €PLKTV7TOV LI L6s, 

KapO{7]1I WPLVEII aiJ'Tfjs tTfjS' 7ToAv I [KpavTov AEW' 

tK€7T~ tTWlI [ .. . Pt.l KE{lI7]S' ~fLEp7]e; €7Tavl [ALJa 
"\\" , \ 'I:.' , al\l\ov nT7]UEV' ToaovS' yap EsExwp7]uev yVIXs 

60 N ?]AE I [w S' ToD] 7Ta vT6 S" aAAa 0 ewv '0 Av fL7T {wv v6 W t 

N7] [ 

Sosthenes, the author of the monument, following Demeas,18 the 
writer of a Parian local history, quotes as evidence for a war against the 
N axians won by the Parians two fragments of trochaic tetrameters by 
Archilochos. This is shown by the remark, HAnd he (Archilochos) 
again makes clear that they (the Parians) soundly defeated the Naxians, 
with the words .... " (lines 53-55). The use of the word KapTEpwS' here 
is Archilochean19 and no doubt comes from the poet himself. Again, 
it is clear in lines 49 to 51 that aVTot are the Naxians, in spite of the 
mutilation of the text. The meaning is that some of the Naxians were 
killed by Parians, others by Thracians, and that the Naxians had 

17 Archilochos fro 51 Diehl,3 ALG fasc. 3, pp. 19-21, lines 44-59. 
18 FGrHist no. 502. 
19 See fro 23 Diehl,3 



24 STUDIES IN EARLY GREEK POETS 

themselves killed Thracians.20 Since Thracians are mentioned, the 
battles are likely to have been fought in Thasos, at the time of the 
Parian colonisation of that island, or on the Thracian mainland nearby; 
though it is worth noting that there was a tradition of Thracian settle­
ment in Naxos itself.21 The Naxians' defeat forced them to give 
ground: "So many acres of the whole land did Neleos abandon,"22 
said Archilochos (lines 58-59). The first fragment concludes with the 
statement, "For their own gain, they made their troubles others' too." 
From the explanation that follows it is clear (isn't it?) that the subject 
is the Naxians, whose leader, it seems, received pure gold from the 
Thracians (line 48). His name is 'the son of Peisistratos' (line 46). Now 
it may well be that the Naxian leader is the same man in both frag­
ments, his name being Neleos son of Peisistratos. A man with such a 
name and patronymic could hardly be other than a Neleid, for the 
name Peisistratos is common amongst the Neleidai. It was borne for 
instance by the Neleid Peisistratos,23 tyrant of Athens, who at one 
time was master of Naxos as well.24 To sum up: we may suggest that 
the leader of the Naxians defeated by the Parians in the time of Archi­
lochos was a Neleid, Neleos son of Peisistratos.25 

There may have been Neleidai in the Cyclades long after the time 
of Archilochos, for a Hellenistic inscription26 of the Naxians settled at 
Arkesine in Amorgos mentions a Melanthos, the adopted son of 
another Melanthos, who boasted before the assembled citizenry of his 
distinguished ancestry. But we cannot prove that this Melanthos was a 
Neleid. 

It is well known that Neleidai were still powerful in Miletos in the 
fifth century B.C.27 and in Athens in the sixth; the purpose of this 

to See S. Luria, Philologus 105 (1961) 186-187 and F. Lasserre/A. Bonnard, Archil0'lue. 
Fragments (Paris 1958) 33. Cf J. Pouilloux, Recherches sur l'Histoire et les Cultes de Thasos 1 
(Paris 1954) 31. 

II Diodoros 5.50. 
It N7JM [w~, Diehl's supplement, is an acceptable nominative, though we would expect 

N(f).(w~. Cf n.1 supra. Lasserre/Bonnard give V71A~ [~] fl,C 1TaVT6~ (op.cit. p. 33). For a biblio­
graphy of Hiller v. Gaertringen's writings about this inscription see Diehl, op.cit. p. 17. 

18 Herodotos 5.65. 
It Herodotos 1.64.2. 
15 Even if 'the son ofPeisistratos' and Neleos are not the same man, their names still link 

the two Naxian leaders with the Neleidai. 
28 IG XII, 7 (1908) no. 50. For the Naxian settlement in Amorgos see Steph. Byz. S.v. 

wAIWP'YO~. 

17 J. P. Barron,JHS 82 (1962) 1-6. 



GEORGE HUXLEY 25 

paper is to suggest that a branch of that famous family was also of 
political importance in Naxos from the time of the Ionian migration 
until the age of Archilochos and perhaps later still.28 

THE QUEEN'S UNIVERSITY, BELFAST 

April, 1964 

18 V. R. D'A. Desborough, The Last Mycenaeans and their Successors (Oxford 1964) 152, 

remarks that their was little or no interruption of habitation in Naxos at the end of the Late 
Helladic ill C period. He observes a link between Naxos and East Attica, and considers that 
the first movement of the Ionian migration passed through the Cyclades at the time of the 
transition to Protogeometric. It is possible, I think, that the relative importance of Naxos in 
this period has something to do with the arrival ofNeleidai in Naxos from Athens and with 
the tradition of Hegetor's conquest of the other Cyclades: but this is conjecture. Herodotos 
notes that the Naxians were lonians from Athens (8.46.3) but has nothing to say about 
Neleids in Naxos. 



Alcman's "Kolymbosai" [Greek] Huxley, George Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Spring 1964; 5, 1; ProQuest pg. 26

II 
Aleman's KOAUJl~rocrat 

THE SUDA S.V. 'AAKfL&V (i 117 Adler, Aleman fro 158 Page) state: 
€ypar/;€ {3t{3Ala €g fLEA"l Ka~ KoAvfL{3waas. 

The title KoAvfL{3waat, which means 'Women Swimming' 
or 'Women Diving,' has for long been a puzzle, but there is no reason 
to think it corrupt. That Aleman did write a poem or poems called 
KoAvfL{3waat is also suggested by a remark of Photius (Pto!. Heph. Nov. 
Hist. ap. Photo Bibl. 151a7seqq. Bekker): T€A€VT7]aaV'TOS LJ'T}fL"lTp{OV TOU 
n ./, I \ Q Q\ I rp 1\ \ '" \ - ,I.. \ - , - • '0 \ '" \ "'K7J'f'WV TO fJLfJl\LOV .L €I\I\WOS 7TpOS 771 K€'f'a/\T/ aVTOV €VP€ "l. Tas O€ 

KoAvfL{3waas f AAKfL&VOv~t (' AAKfLavo~ coni. Casaubon, ' AAKLfLEVOV~ 
Meineke) 7TPOS rfj K€cpaAfi tTvpov{xovt (Tvvv{xov coni. Valesius, Naeke) 
TOU XaAKLOEwS dJP€Oijvat CP'T}atV KTA. Since Photius' remark at least 
shows that there existed a poem or poems called KoAvfL{3waat, we 
have to explain the title in the Sud a S.V. 'AAKfL&V and should not 
attempt to emend it away.l Meineke's 'AAKtfLEVOVS, though approved 
by G. Kaibel eRE 1 [1894J 1541, 31ff), is most implausible: the 
Athenian comic poet Alcimenes (Suda i 117, 16-17 Adler) is 
nowhere stated to have written a work on women diving. 

The words of the Suda S. v. 'AAKfL&V may mean that the KoAvfL{3waat 

were included in one of the six books of Aleman's fLEA"l, or the Ko­

AVfL{3waat may have been thought to have been a separate, seventh, 
book; or possibly there were five books of fLEA'T} and a sixth called 
KoAvfL{3wacu.2 In fro 20 (Page) a fifth book is cited, and in fro 19 (Page) a 
fifteenth, but here Schweighaeuser's change from L€ to /. should be 
accepted, as is done by Page. There is no sign in the editions of the 
Suda that the number six in the article on Aleman is corrupt; so we 
can accept that there were six books,3 but whether the KoAvfL{3waat 

were part of them or not remains uncertain. 

1 Cf J. A. Davison, "Notes on Aleman," Proc. IX Int. Congo Papyrol. 1958 (Oslo 1961) 35-38. 
• Cf Lobel ad P. Oxy. 2388 fro 1.10. 
8 C. M. Bowra, Greek Lyric Poetry2 (Oxford 1961) 126 supposes, perhaps correctly, that the 

collected works of Aleman comprised six books. W. Schmidt and O. Stahlin, Gesch. d. Gr. 
Lit. l.i (Munich 1929) 467, write of 'Die 5 Bucher J.L£)..'1) •• :. 

26 



GEORGE HUXLEY 27 

Now Antigonus of Carystus (Mir. xxiii (27), p. 8 Keller) introduces a 
fragment of Aleman (fr. 26 Page) with the following words: 'The 
males amongst the halcyons are called ceryli. When they grow weak 
through old age and can no longer fly, the females take them on their 
wings and carry them. And what Aleman says is associated with this 
tale: for he says that through the weakness of old age he is unable to 
be carried round with the choir or with the dancing of the maidens.' 
The lines of Aleman are next quoted: 

" ." \ \' t 'J.. ou fJ- En, 7TCt.PUEVLKCt.t fJ-El\tyCt.pUES tCt.P0'l'WVOL, 

YULCt. cPEp7JV OVVCt.TCt.t· {3aAE O~ (3aAE K7JpVAos EL7JV, 
rI ", \, "e rI))\ I , 
OS T E7Tt KUfJ-Ct.TOS Ct.V OS Ct.fJ- Ct.I\KVOVEUUt 7TOT7JTCt.t 

'" \ l' " t\' J.. t \ " V7JO€€S 7JTOp €XWV, Ct.1\t7TOp'l'VPOS tapOS OpVts. 

'No more, maidens of honey tones and holy voices, can my limbs carry 
me. 0, would that I were a kingfisher, who flies with the haleyons 
over the flower of the wave, with a fearless heart, a sea-purple, holy 
bird.' In the last line V7JD€ES is a suggestion of Boissonade. photius had 
&D€ES, but the text of Antigonus gives V7JA€ES, which is perhaps correct, 
for V7JA~S can mean 'resolute' as well as 'cruel.' Now Antigonus' story 
of the aged ceryli being carried on the backs of the females is very 
pretty, and it has appealed to the imaginations of many readers of this 
fragment of Aleman; but nothing in the lines quoted proves that the 
poet thought of the eerylus doing anything but flying. As Page says: 
"afJ-' aAKvov€aUL 7ToTaTat, non cPOP€LTCt.t hie cerylus." Moreover there is 
nothing in the verses to show that the maidens had been dancing, 
though they may have been singing. Again, Aristophanes (Birds 250-
251) imitates the lines of Aleman, but says nothing about the males 
being carried on the backs of the females: 

1" ., \, 1'<:' e \' 
WV T €7Tt 7TOVTLOV OLOfJ-Ct. Ct.1\Ct.UU7JS 

cPfJACt. fJ-ET' &AKVOV€UUL 7TOTaTCt.L • ••• 

Let us consider the verses by themselves. Aleman is old (or tired), 
he says. His limbs can no longer support him. If only he were a king­
fisher who flies over (or into) the wave's crest. He would then be a foil 
to his companions, the maidens who are the haleyons. We can now 
picture the scene. The maidens have been diving and swimming like 
haleyons in the sea. They then suggest to Aleman that he too should 
plunge in. The poet replies that he is too old for swimming, or possibly 
that he is too tired to swim any more. His limbs will not keep him 



28 STUDIES IN EARLY GREEK POETS 

afloat. We infer, then, that the maidens are Ko'AvfLf3wUCXL, on a visit to 

Gytheion perhaps, and the fragment quoted, and over-interpreted, 
by Antigonus comes from a poem or book with the title, 'The Diving 
Maidens: whom the poet compared with those birds beloved of the 
sea nymphs, the halcyons which dive to catch fish off the Laconian 
coast and were said to calm the waves on which they rested.' It was, 
perhaps, on one such visit to the coast that Aleman learnt of the sea­
god Porcus,5 who seems to have been the Old Man of the Sea at 
Gytheion, a divinity thought by Pausanias to have been none other 
than Nereus (3.21.9.).6 

THE QUEEN'S UNIVERSITY, BELFAST 

February, 1964 

, 0' Arcy W. Thompson, A Glossary of Greek Birds (Oxford 1936) 48. 
li o. L. Page, Aleman, The Partheneion (Oxford 1951) 38-4Z. 
• I thank Mr T. C. W. Stinton and Professor W. M. Calder m for helpful discussions. 



On a Fragment of Panyasis Huxley, George Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Spring 1964; 5, 1; ProQuest pg. 29

III 

On a Fragment of Panyasis 

P ANYASIS, an uncle or cousin of Herodotus,! was naturally inter­
ested in the mythological prehistory of the country near his 
native city Halicarnassus. Indeed, since the poet's name was 

Carian, he may well have been partly of Carian descent himself and 
so have had a particular liking for non-Hellenic, Anatolian, traditions. 
Hence it is not surprising that one of the epic fragments ascribed to 
him is concerned with the Tremilai, or Termilai, of Lycia, who called 
themselves in their inscriptions trmmili 2 and were neighbors of the 
Carians. 

The fragment, which is quoted by Stephen of Byzantium in his 
article Tp€P.tAT}, lists the sons of Tremiles and Praxidike. 

Tp€P.tAT}· ~ AVKta €KaA€tTO OVTWS [oi KaTO£KOUVT€S Tp€P.£A€ts] a.7TO 

Tp€P.tAov, WS JIavVaa£s (fr. 18 Kinkel) 
to, e "',,, I T. '\ \ " e I €V a 0 €vat€ p.€yas P€P.£I\T}S Ka£ €yT}p.€ vyaTpa 

vvp.CPT}V 'QyvytT}v, ~v JIpag£OtKT}v KaMova£, 
~/R ," I ~ t \ '" ' 
~£t'P4} €7T apyvp€4} 7ToTap.4} 7Tapa O£VT}€VT£· 

T1}S 0' oAOOL 7TatO€S TAWOS saveOS JItvap6s T€ 
5 \ K I ~ I , \ 'r " , " Kat payos OS KpaT€WV 7Taaas l\T}t<:,€T apovpas. 

<0' KaTotKOUVT€S Tp€P.tA€tS >. 'AMgavopos (Alexander Polyhistor 
FGrHist 273 F 137) OE ttT€A€VT~aas tTctS OE TOllS Tp€p.£Mas AVKtOVS 
B€AA€poc/>6vTT}S p.€Twv6p.aa€v." rEKaTatOS Tp€P.tAas aVTOUS KaA€t 

€V 3" r€V€aAoytwv (1 F 10). 

The corrupt quotation from Alexander Polyhistor perhaps comes 
from the second book of his Lykiaka,3 in which Kragos son of Tremiles 
and Praxidike was mentioned. The words are best emended as follows: 
"T€A€VT~aaVToS' OE TOU Tp€p.tAT}TOS TOUS Tp€p.£Mas AVKtOVS B€AA€poc/>OVTT}S 

P.€TWvop.aa€v." As the fragment of Panyasis stands, a conjunction link­
ing Tloos to Xanthos is missing in line 4 and the last sentence lacks a 

1 Suda s.v. lIavVaat!:. See also F. Jacoby, RE Suppl. 2 (1913) 216-219. 
I P. H. J. Houwink ten Cate, The Luwian Population Groups of Lycia and Cilicia Aspera 

during the Hellenistic Period (Leiden 1961) 11. 
'273 F 58. 

29 



30 STUDIES IN EARLY GREEK POETS 

main verb. We could perhaps suppose that after 8avOos there is a lacuna 
extending as far as IJwapos T~ in the next or a later line. Then line 4 
could be completed TfjS 0' 6AOOt 7TaLo~s TAwos 8avOos <T' ey'vovTO> 
vel sim. 

Eustathios,4 however, calls Xanthos a son, not of Tremiles, but of 
Lapaion, and Stephen of Byzantium5 states that he was a Cretan or an 
Egyptian. o. Schneider therefore read tavOos in the fragment of Pan­
yasis, and this gets rid of the problem of the missing conjunction and 
the possible lacuna. Moreover the historian Polycharmos,6 according 
to an inscription from Sidyma, gave the genealogy found in Panyasis 
but did not name Xanthos beside Tloos, Pinaros,7 Kragos and their 
parents. Schneider's tavOos therefore seems to be correct.8 

The verb €va,~ 'was wont to dwell' does not show whether Panyasis 
thought of Tremiles as an immigrant to Lycia or not. Herodotos,9 
however, stated that the Termilai came from Crete, and that may 
well have been the view of his kinsman, too. In line 3 the river Sibros 
is the Xanthos, which Strabo called Sirbis.10 One of the prepositions in 
the line has to be struck out. The best cure is to accept Meineke's sug­
gestion and read El{3p<tJ E1T' apyvp'<tJ 1TOTa/L0 {3aOvowr}~VT£. When 
Panyasis wrote of Kragos "who in his might plundered all the fields," 
he had the mountain or the town of the same name in mind; evidently 
he thought of the district as a home of robbers or pirates. Kragos is 
sometimes taken, perhaps correctly, to be the earlier name of the 
city of Sidyma. 

Praxidike's alternative, non-Greek name is fitting, for a poetical 
name of the early inhabitants of Lycia was Ogygioi, and it is possible 
that she herself was the daughter of the Lycian hero Ogygos, who is 
called a son ofTermera.ll In line 1 OVyaTpa shows that Praxidike's father 
or mother had been named just before, and Meineke's suggestion that 
we should read yvvaLKa here for O";yaTpa is needless. Line 1 may even 
mean that Tremiles married his own daughter, whose sons are the 

4 ad Dion. Per. 129. 
5 S.v. B&'v(Jos;. 
6 FGrHist 770 F 5. 
7 The inscription has nlvaAos (from Lycian pinele). 
8 O. Schneider, Zeits.fAltertumsw. 1849, 555 quoted by Hofer in Roscher, Lex. 3.2 Kol. 2924 

s.v. Praxidike. 
t 1.173.2-3. 
10 C.665. 
11 Steph.Byz. S.v. 'Qyvyla. See also o. Treuber. Geschichte deT Lykier (Stuttgart 1887) 31. 



GEORGE HUXLEY 31 

eponymous heroes of Tlos, Pinara, and Kragos, all of them places in 
the Termilian country. It is remarkable that Panyasis wrote Tfji> in­
stead of 'TOU in line 4: the feminine perhaps alludes to the matriarchal 
character of Lycian society. 

No other name can definitely be ascribed to the Termilian gene­
alogy ofPanyasis, but the inscription12 from Sidyma already mentioned 
adds two names to the list in the epic fragment, for Sidymos is called 
in it a son of Tloos by Cheleidon daughter of Kragos. The barbarian 
heroine's name is apt, for Greeks often compared the twittering of 
foreign tongues with the swallow-song.13 

The presence of a Chel(e)idon in the Termilian genealogy recalls a 
puzzling passage in the Homeric scholia. A commentator on the 
Odyssey (Schol. PT E" 283) states: 

, 'P" ~ TT" ""8 ,. 'P" , 'e " E"K ~OI\VfLWV· 'TTJi> fiLI\LKLai> E"LUL. 0 E"V KCU OL ~OI\VfLOL WVOfLau TJuav aTTO 

EoAvfLOV 'TOU L1U)i> Ka~ KaAXTJDovtai> (1), Wi> 'Av'TtfLaxoi> [fro 69 Wyss] 
A/.yn (ita P: DTJAoL T). 

KLALKtai> may be a mistake for AVKiai>, because Herodotos14 remarks 
that the Milyans of the land called Milyas were formerly called Soly­
moi, and the Milyas is closer to Lycia proper than to Cilicia. Kalche­
donia is an unexpected name for a heroine of southwestern Asia Minor, 
but might be at home near Kalchedon in the northwest. The name 
requires emendation. Now Stephen of Byzantium (s.v. IILULDta) stated 
that the Pisidians were formerly called Solymoi, a people whose name 
came from Solymos son of Zeus and Chaldene. Here Buttmann, having 
compared the Scholium on E 283, even proposed to read KaAXTJDovtai> 

for XaAS~VTJS. There is evident disagreement among the ancient lexi­
cographers about the name of Solymos' mother, but Zeus was recog­
nized as his father. Buttmann's emendation of Stephen of Byzantium 
s.v. IILuLDta must be rejected, for the name KaAXTJDov{ai> in the Homeric 
Scholium is itself corrupt. 

For KaAXTJ80vias we should read XEAt80vias in the Homeric scholium, 
Chelidonia being the eponymous heroine of the islands off the south­
eastern point of Lycia. Antimachus of Colophon, then, stated that 
Solymos was the son of Zeus and Chelidonia, and the genealogy alludes 
not only to the fact that Zeus Solymeus was worshipped at Termessos 

12 Tit.As.Min. (ed. KaHoka) II 1 No. 174 (Polycharmos 770 F 5). 
13 e.g. Aesch. Ag. 1050-105l. 
14 1.173.2. 



32 STUDIES IN EARLY GREEK POETS 

near the traditional home of the Solymoi,16 but also to the presence 
near the Chelidoniai of a mount Solyma, which, too, preserves the 
name of that ancient people. Antimachus may well have mentioned 
Chelidonia in his Lyde, for in that elegiac poem Bellerophon's war 
against the Solymoi was amongst the stories recounted.16 

Now Antimachus may have taken the parentage of Solymos from 
Panyasis. His borrowings from the Halicarnassian poet were recog­
nized in antiquity and gave rise to the absurd story that Antimachus 
had been the slave ofPanyasis.17 Both poets told the story of the birth 
of Adonis to Theias king of the Assyrians by Theias' own daughter 
Smyrna,lS and it is plain that Antimachus followed Panyasis here, not 
Hesiod, who had stated that Adonis was the son of Alphesiboia and 
Phoinix.t9 Milye, wife and sister of Solymos and later wife of Kragos, 
also fits into the genealogy well. 20 It can now be reconstructed; the 
italicized names are the only ones known to have been given by 
Panyasis. 

Ogygos 

I 
? 
I 

Tremiles T Praxidike 

I I 

Zeus T Chelidonia 

I I I 
Tloos Pinaros Kragos 

T 
(2) Milye (1) = Solymos 

I I Chelidon 

Sidymos 

It is not clear from what work ofPanyasis the Termilian genealogy 
comes. No poem specially concerned with the non-Hellenic peoples of 
Asia Minor is ascribed to him, and his Ionika21 is an unlikely source for 
the fragment, because the Suda state that the poem was written tv 
7T£VTafdTpC[J, i.e. in elegiacs, but the genealogy is in hexameters. The 

16 Treuber, op.cit. 23. Cf Strabo 630; ten Cate op.cit. 202. 
II Fr. 68 Wyss. 
17 Suda s.y. 'AVTlp.a.xos. 
18 Panyasis Fr. 25 Kinkel. Antimachus Fr. 102 Wyss. 
11 Fr. 32 Rzach. 
20 Steph. Byz. s.y. Mc.AVcu. 
II Suda s.y. IIa.vVa.aLS (FGrHist 440 T 1). 



GEORGE HUXLEY 33 

Herakleias is a possibility,22 for though Herakles does not have strong 
ties with Lycia, he is said to have broken the head of the savage 
Termeros,23 the eponymous hero of Termera; so Herakles' activities 
did extend to southwestern Asia Minor, even if not quite so far as the 
land of the Termilai.24. 

THE QUEE:\I'S C:\IIVERSITY, ~ELF'\ST 

January, 1964 

22 Stoessel, RE 18 (1949) 890f. 
23 Plutarch, Theseus 11.2 (perhaps from Panyasis). 
241 thank Professor \V. M. Calder III for radical criticism of a draft of this paper. 

3