Monte ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 62 (2022) 77–109 Article copyright held by the author(s) and made available under the Creative Commons Attribution License CC-BY https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ Medical Recipes for All Occasions: A receptarium from Tebtunis? (P.CtYBR inv. 1443) Anna Monte his article presents the full edition of P.CtYBR inv. 1443, a receptarium dated to the late 1st–early 2nd century CE and housed today in the Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, the second column of which was partly published in 2007 by Ann Ellis Hanson.1 The papyrus ( fig. 1) was purchased by M. Rostovtzeff in Paris in 1931 from M. Nahman, who probably acquired it in Abutig.2 Hanson dis- cusses the attractive hypothesis that the papyrus may have originated from Tebtunis,3 a locality renowned for its medical tradition and which has yielded numerous medical texts.4 1 A. E. Hanson, “Recipes for Female Complaints and Other Ailments: P.CtYBR inv. 1443, col. i,” Pap.Congr. XXIV (Helsinki 2007) 427–433 (in the title of the article read “col. ii” instead of “col. i”). The new edition of the papyrus presented here is based on a digital image kindly provided by the Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library; online image https:// findit.library.yale.edu/catalog/digcoll:2758294 (last accessed 8 Dec. 2021). 2 See Hanson, Pap.Congr. 427–428. 3 Hanson, Pap.Congr. 427–430. 4 See A. E. Hanson, “Greek Medical Papyri from the Fayum Village of Tebtunis: Patient Involvement in a Local Health-Care System?” in P. van der Eijk (ed.), Hippocrates in Context (Leiden 2005) 387–402; P. van Minnen, “Boorish or Bookish? Literature in Egyptian Villages in the Fayum in the Graeco-Roman Period,” JJP 28 (1998) 155–180; I. Andorlini, “Old and New Greek Papyri from Tebtynis in the Bancroft Library of Berkeley: Work in Progress,” in S. Lippert et al. (eds.), Graeco-Roman Fayum. Texts and Ar- chaeology (Wiesbaden 2008) 1–13; K. Ryholt, “The Illustrated Herbal from T 78 MEDICAL RECIPES FOR ALL OCCASIONS ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 62 (2022) 77–109 Figure 1: P.CtYBR inv. 1443 recto Images published courtesy of the Yale Papyrus Collection, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library ___ Tebtunis: New Fragments and Archaeological Context,” ZPE 187 (2013) 233–238; A. Jacob, “Demotic Pharmacology: An Overview of the Demotic Medical Manuscripts in the Papyrus Carlsberg Collection,” in N. Reggiani et al. (eds.), Parlare la medicina: fra lingue e culture, nello spazio e nel tempo (Milan 2018) 52–79; K. Ryholt, “Libraries from Late Period and Graeco-Roman Egypt, c.800 BCE–250 CE,” in K. Ryholt et al. (eds.), Libraries before Alexandria: Ancient Near Eastern Traditions (Oxford 2019) 393–400. ANNA MONTE 79 ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 62 (2022) 77–109 The papyrus preserves parts of three columns of a roll written along the fibers; the verso is blank. Two kolleseis run respectively 1 cm from the left edge and 6 cm from the right edge. Of the first column, only scarce remains of line endings are preserved; the second column is partly preserved with ex- tensive damage especially in the middle; the third column is the better preserved and has 29 lines. The papyrus is marred by several holes and the ink is abraded in many places (see for example the middle of ii.3–4 or the left half of iii.23–29). The labels attached to the frame distinguish four fragments. The two major pieces, labeled fr. 1 and 4, connect through a very small strip of papyrus. From the digital image it was not possible to ascertain whether the two pieces are actually contin- uous or just touching at that point. Colleagues at the Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library kindly checked the original and communicated to me that the two pieces are continuous, joined through that very tiny portion of papyrus. Fr. 2 contains the lower half of col. ii, as confirmed by the continuity of the script, but its exact placement in relation to fr. 1 remains un- certain (see commentary on ii.20). The position of fr. 3, which had remained uncertain in the editio princeps,5 can now be deter- mined on the basis of the content: it bears the endings of ii.24– 28. Furthermore, a close examination of fr. 3 reveals that it is itself actually divided into two fragments (fr. 3a and, below it, fr. 3b) and that their current position ( fig. 2) should be changed ( fig. 3). Fr. 3b, which is now positioned below fr. 3a, bears the endings of ii.26–28: this is particularly evident in line 27, where the word γένηται is split between the two fragments. The align- ment of the fibers across the two fragments corroborates the new arrangement. 5 Note that Hanson (430) labels the fragments A (= fr. 1), B (= fr. 2), and C (= fr. 4). Fr. 3 is referred to as “one smaller one as yet unplaced.” 80 MEDICAL RECIPES FOR ALL OCCASIONS ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 62 (2022) 77–109 Figure 2: current state Figure 3: Photoshop reconstruction of the correct arrangement P.CtYBR inv. 1443 shows at least four or maybe five hands at work, whereas Hanson (431) identified only two. The re- mains of col. i show an upright, practiced handwriting (Hand 1). Two recipes in ii.1–12 are written in a rather clumsy and ir- regular script (Hand 2). Another hand wrote at least one recipe in ii.13–23 in a clear, neat script, written with finer strokes and with wider interlinear spaces (Hand 3). Seven recipes between ii.24 and iii.27 are written in a sloping, regular handwriting, which can be ascribed to a professional scribe (Hand 4). Finally, the last two lines of col. iii are written in an unpracticed script resembling Hand 2: however, as this handwriting is even clumsier and slightly larger than that of Hand 2, it cannot be excluded that this is a further, distinct Hand 5. The script of Hand 2 (ii.1–12 and maybe iii.28–29) bears a strong resemblance to the writing of SB XXVIII 17134 (late 1st–early 2nd cent. CE), a receptarium deriving from the Tebtunis temple library.6 The similarity of the hands of the two papyri 6 See I. Andorlini, “Un ricettario da Tebtynis: parti inedite di PSI 1180,” in I. Andorlini (ed.), Testi medici su papiro (Florence 2004) 81–84, and Ryholt, ZPE 187 (2013) 235 n.18. ANNA MONTE 81 ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 62 (2022) 77–109 had already been observed by Ann Hanson (428). The two handwritings have many graphic features in common, such as the alpha with angular ‘belly’, especially at the beginning of a line (cf. ii.10 ἄλλο and ii.12 ἀρσενικοῦ with SB XXVIII 17134.B.iii.1 ἄφαιρε; otherwise executed in this papyrus with a rounded ‘belly’), the similar execution of letters such as beta (with a flat bottom, cf. ii.11 λεοτριβήσας with SB XXVIII 17134.B.iii.12 βαπτιτα), theta (pointed on top, cf. ii.10 ἀρκευθίδων with SB XXVIII 17134.A.iii.3 κανθαρίδ(ων)), mu (cf. ii.5 µετά with SB XXVIII 17134.B.iii.4 µέλαν), xi (cf. ii.7 µῖξον̣ with SB XXVIII 17134.B.ii.1 ὄξι), phi (cf. ii.4 φε̣λι with SB XXVIII 17134.B.iii.5 ὀφθαλµ(ούς)), and the similar abbrevia- tions with suspension of mu and kappa (ii.2 ἐκκε[ ̣ ]καρτισµ(ένης) and 11 γυναικ(είου) with SB XXVIII 17134.B.iii.7 στίµ(εος) and B.ii.6 (ὀστρακ(ίτιδος)), so that it can even be hypothesized that they may have been written by the same person. If this is the case, it would have important implications, since it would strongly link P.CtYBR inv. 1443 to a text belonging to the Tebtunis temple library and provide thus a possible context for its production and use (see below). The dating of P.CtYBR inv. 1443 to the end of the 1st–early 2nd century, proposed by Hanson (431) and based especially on the comparison with SB XXVIII 17134, is corroborated by the following parallels for Hand 4: P.Fay. 91 (99 CE),7 P.Tebt.Wall 12 (101 CE),8 and P.Mich. III 196 (122 CE).9 Additionally, a terminus post quem for the date is provided by the quotation of two recipes ascribed to Archigenes of Apamea, whose activity is dated between the late 1st and early 2nd centuries CE.10 7 http://ipap.csad.ox.ac.uk/4DLink4/4DACTION/ IPAPwebquery?vPub... (accessed 8 Dec. 2021). 8 https://dpg.lib.berkeley.edu/webdb/apis/apis2?apisid=141&ite... (ac- cessed 8 Dec. 2021). 9 http://quod.lib.umich.edu/a/apis/x-1322... (accessed 8 Dec. 2021). 10 On Archigenes see O. Lewis, “Archigenes of Apamea’s Treatment of 82 MEDICAL RECIPES FOR ALL OCCASIONS ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 62 (2022) 77–109 The receptarium displays the common layout of pharma- cological collections, with paragraphoi dividing the recipes.11 Additionally, Hand 4 marks the beginning of each recipe by setting the first line in ekthesis (iii.11, 20, 25). In iii.4–5 at line end, Hand 4 uses, in addition to the paragraphos, a division line.12 The receptarium collects recipes for disparate ailments, which have been recorded apparently without a uniform organizing criterion: col. ii and iii describe two vaginal pessaries (ii.1–9 and 10–12), a quite fragmentary remedy “for severe abdominal pain and every kind of pain” (ii.13–23), a poultice for another female ailment (ii.24–31), two plasters perhaps for bruises (iii.1– 4, 5–10), a plaster for the stomach (iii.11–16), three remedies against dandruff (iii.17–19, 20–24, 25–27), two of which can be identified with two recipes ascribed to Archigenes, and an anti- ___ Mental Diseases,” in C. Thumiger et al. (eds.), Mental Illness in Ancient Medicine. From Celsus to Paul of Aegina (Leiden 2018) 143–175 (with further bibliography). 11 Examples of receptaria include SB VIII 9860 (3rd cent. BCE), P.Ryl. III 531 (3rd–2nd cent. BCE), PSI Congr.XXI 3 verso (1st cent. BCE), P.Oxy. VIII 1088 (1st cent. CE), P.Oxy. LXXX 5240 (1st cent. CE), SB XXVIII 17134 (late 1st–early 2nd cent. CE), P.Oxy. LXXIV 4975 (2nd cent. CE), P.Strasb. inv. G 90 + P.Ryl. I 29 (2nd cent. CE), P.Oxy. LXXX 5243 (2nd–3rd cent. CE), and Gr.Med.Pap. II 5 (2nd–3rd cent. CE). 12 On this sign see A. Ricciardetto, “La ponctuation dans les papyrus grecs de médecine,” Eruditio Antiqua 11 (2019) 131–132. On the layout of pharmacological collections see I. Andorlini, “Il ‘gergo’ grafico ed espressivo della ricettazione medica antica,” in A. Marcone (ed.), Medicina e società nel mondo antico (Florence 2006) 142–167. On Greek medical recipes and recep- taria see M.-H. Marganne, “Étiquettes de medicaments, listes de drogues, prescriptions et réceptaires dans l’Égypte gréco-romaine et byzantine,” in F. Collard et al. (eds.), Pharmacopoles et apothicaires. Les “pharmaciens” de l’Antiquité au Grand Siècle (Paris 2006) 59–73; N. Reggiani, “Prescrizioni mediche e sup- porti materiali nell’Antichità,” in Parlare la medicina 128–144, and “Trans- mission of Recipes and receptaria in Greek Medical Writings on Papyrus,” in R. Berardi et al. (eds.), On the Track of the Books. Scribes, Libraries and Textual Transmission (Berlin 2019) 167–188. ANNA MONTE 83 ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 62 (2022) 77–109 hemorrhaging powder (iii.28–29). Apart from the two remedies identifiable with Archigenes’ recipes, the other prescriptions are not attested elsewhere. The recipes use common ingredients, such as fruits and herbs, wine and vinegar, as well as minerals and metals fre- quently employed in the ancient pharmacopoeia (natron, vitriol, chalk, black pigment) and a few more precious and rare sub- stances such as the opopanax-resin and the finer “Greek” variety of natron. Some of the products were quite readily available in Egypt, such as πήγανον “rue” (probably mentioned in ii.24–25) and ῥάφανος / ῥαφάνινον ἔλαιον “radish / radish oil,” which occur in four recipes (ii.25, iii.2, 5, 11). Radish oil in particular was extensively used in Roman Egypt.13 A few of the ingredi- ents also have a connection with a medico-magical sphere: one of the vaginal pessaries prescribes the use of breast milk of a woman nursing a male child (ii.11–12), a symbolic ingredient originating in Egyptian medicine;14 another gynecological recipe employs ἀρτεµισία (ii.29), a plant frequently attested in recipes for female ailments as well as in magical texts and rituals. As already noted by Hanson (431), P.CtYBR inv. 1443 employs a precise medical technical vocabulary to designate medical devices (κροκύς “strip of wool” for internal applica- tions, ii.8, 12; κλυστήρ “clyster,” iii.27) or different kinds of medicament (ἀτµίς “moist vapor” or “poultice,” ii.31; µάλαγµα, a kind of plaster, iii.7; κηρωτή “cerate,” iii.10; ξερόν “dry medi- cament,” iii.28) as well as technical verbs such as πρόσθες (“apply in an orifice,” for the pessaries) and ἐπίθες (“apply,” for external, topical preparations). For most remedies, preparation and/or use are described in detail (see for example iii.7–10 13 See P. Mayerson, “Radish Oil: A Phenomenon in Roman Egypt,” BASP 38 (2001) 109–117. 14 See commentary on ii.11–12. 84 MEDICAL RECIPES FOR ALL OCCASIONS ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 62 (2022) 77–109 with commentary). The recipes probably derive from different sources, some of them closer to medico-magical traditions (such as the pessary made of juniper berries and breast milk, ii.10–12), others originating from properly medical sources. This is the case of the two recipes against dandruff, which can be identified with two remedies quoted by Galen (De comp.med.sec.loc. XII 462.2–5 Kühn) and ascribed to the physician Archigenes. It is interest- ing to note that P.CtYBR inv. 1443 attests a wording different from Galen’s quotation and, especially in the second recipe, preserves more details (see commentary on iii.20–24). Since the receptarium is more or less contemporary with Archigenes’ ac- tivity, it could reflect a version of his recipes closer to the original than Galen’s (if not the original version itself).15 It looks as though several persons, belonging perhaps to the same milieu or community and acquainted with medical technical language, recorded, on the papyrus roll to which P.CtYBR inv. 1443 once belonged, different recipes, which were perhaps available to them at that moment, writing them down from scratch or copying them from other sources. The collection may have served as a handy manual of pharmaco- logical remedies for several circumstances. Thus the hypothesis discussed by Hanson (427–430) is attractive, that the receptarium may originate from the medical milieu of Tebtunis and its temple library. The relevance of Tebtunis as a center of medical activity has become evident through the discovery of several papyri be- longing probably to the library of the main temple of the city, dedicated to the local crocodile god Soknebtunis. The Tebtunis 15 On the extreme variability of pharmacological collections, due to voluntary or involuntary modifications, see L. M. V. Totelin, “Galen’s Use of Multiple Manuscript Copies in his Pharmacological Treatises,” in L. Taub et al. (eds.), Authorial Voices in Greco-Roman Technical Writing (Trier 2009) 81–92. ANNA MONTE 85 ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 62 (2022) 77–109 temple library was brought to light gradually between 1899 and the 1930s during licit and illicit excavations. A significant number of manuscripts were excavated in March 1931 by the Italian mission directed by Carlo Anti. The papyri were found in two adjoining cellars in a building located inside the temple enclosure wall, probably deposited there under now unknown circumstances. Other fragments were found in the rubbish dump just outside the temple enclosure wall, where they had been dumped at some moment. The library includes cultic, scientific (mostly divinatory and medical), and narrative texts mostly in Demotic and Hieratic with a few literary and docu- mentary Greek papyri.16 Among the medical papyri, there are numerous fragments of receptaria dating from the 1st–2nd cen- turies CE, which are housed today in several collections around the world. The majority of them are written in Demotic17 with a few items in Greek, most notably the collections of recipes SB XXVIII 17134 and P.Tebt. II 273 (re-edited by A. E. Hanson as Gr.Med.Pap. II 5).18 Medicine represented an important activity of the priests, who probably also offered medical 16 The archeological context and the content of the Tebtunis temple library are discussed by Ryholt, in Libraries before Alexandria 393–400. 17 The majority of the Demotic medical fragments are part of the Papyrus Carlsberg Collection housed at the University of Copenhagen, see Jacob, in Parlare la medicina 52–79, and F. Hoffmann, “Neue ägyptische medizinische Texte in Kopenhagen und Berlin. Einige Notizen,” in K.-D. Fischer (ed.), 30 Jahre Arbeitskreis Alte Medizin in Mainz. Beiträge der Tagung 2010. Choix de contributions présentées pour le trentième anniversaire du résau de recherche Alte Medizin (Namur 2013) 17–21. 18 SB XXVIII 17134 belongs to Carlo Anti’s find and can thus be assigned to the temple library (for bibliographical references see n.6 above). P.Tebt. II 273 probably belonged to the holdings of the library as well: it was unearthed outside the temple enclosure wall during Grenfell and Hunt’s mission in 1899/1900, in an area where other remains of the temple library were found, see Ryholt, ZPE 187 (2013) 237–238. 86 MEDICAL RECIPES FOR ALL OCCASIONS ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 62 (2022) 77–109 services to the public for a fee.19 Ann Hanson (427–428 with n.3) observes that the purchase to which P.CtYBR inv. 1443 belonged included a number of papyri which can be shown to derive from Tebtunis. The batch was acquired for the Beinecke Library in September 1931, seven months after Carlo Anti’s discovery. Anti’s find com- prised also SB XXVIII 17134, the Greek receptarium whose script is quite similar to (if not identical with) Hand 2 of P.CtYBR inv. 1443 (see above). The two collections of recipes have also medical aspects in common, such as the use of a precise medical vocabulary with terms rarely attested,20 the presence of elements derived from Egyptian medicine,21 and the shared interest in recording recipes for the care of skin and hair. This might be a further point of contact between P.CtYBR inv. 1443 and the medical texts of the Tebtunis temple library. Dermatological and cosmetic remedies are in fact particularly well represented among the Demotic medical papyri from Tebtunis: several sources attest that conditions affecting skin and hair were to be avoided by the priests, since they could constitute grounds for exclusion from priestly service.22 It would thus be fascinating to imagine that the receptarium preserved on P.CtYBR inv. 1443 might have been compiled by the same bilingual priests or scribes who produced the Demotic and Greek medical texts from Tebtunis.23 The lack of a definite 19 Cf. Ryholt, in Libraries before Alexandria 399. 20 For example κροκύς “strip of wool,” employed both in P.CtYBR inv. 1443.ii.8 and 12 and SB XXVIII 17134.L.5; σακία ii.6; ἀτµίς, ii.31; for rare medical terms used in SB XXVIII 17134 see Andorlini, in Testi medici su papiro 91. 21 Thus the use of breast milk of a woman nursing a male child in ii.11– 12 and the use of a clyster in iii.27. 22 See Jacob, in Parlare la medicina 65–70, with further bibliography. 23 Cf. Hanson 428, and Jacob, in Parlare la medicina 57. ANNA MONTE 87 ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 62 (2022) 77–109 archeological context for the papyrus, however, deprives us of an important element to corroborate this hypothesis. Never- theless, following Ann Hanson, P.CtYBR inv. 1443 can at least tentatively join the other Greek medical papyri from Tebtunis. P.CtYBR inv. 1443 late 1st–early 2nd cent. CE Fr. 1+4: 23 × 21.3 cm Tebtunis ? Fr. 2: 9.5 × 7.8 cm Fr. 3a: 3.1 × 1.4 cm Fr. 3b: 2.6 × 1.1 cm Text Col. i Frr. 1 + 2 1 ] ̣ ̣ 2 ] ̣ δο 3 ] ̣ 4 ] ̣ 5 ] 6 ]παλ̣ι̣ν 7 ] 8 ]µιας 9 ] ̣ ι ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ 10 ] 11 ]ς καὶ 12 ] 13 ] ̣ς (δραχµὰς) η 14 ] 15 ]ψ̣ ̣ ̣ α 16 ] ̣ α 17 ] ̣ ̣ ̣ 18 ] 19 ] _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ (gap: ca. 6–7 lines missing) _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ 88 MEDICAL RECIPES FOR ALL OCCASIONS ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 62 (2022) 77–109 ] ̣ ] ] ̣ ] ] ] ̣ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ Col. ii Fr. 1 1 (Hand 2) π̣ρ̣[ὸς κ]α̣κο ̣ ̣ ̣ ε̣υ̣ ̣µενας γυν[αῖκας] 2 σταφίδος ἐκκε[ ̣ ]καρτισµ(ένης) (δραχµὰς) δ, µ̣[ ±7 ] 3 κυµίν̣ου φρυκτοῦ (τριώβολον), πεπέρε[ως ±4 ] ̣ 4 πυ ̣[ ̣ ̣ ] ̣ ̣ ̣φε̣λι ̣ου (ἡµιοβόλιον) α ̣ α ̣ ̣[ ±4 ] ̣ 5 λεοτριβήσας µετὰ στέατος χ̣η̣νίου, 6 λαβὼν σακία βρέξον ὕδατος ἀπ̣[ο]πιάσας 7 καὶ ὀλίγῳ ἐκ τοῦ ὕδατος µῖξον̣ τοῖς 8 προγεγραµµένοις καὶ εἰς κρο̣[κ]ύ̣δ̣α 9 βαλὼν πρόσθες. ––– 10 ἄλλο· ἀρκευθίδων µικρῶν ̣υ ̣ α 11 λεοτριβήσας µετὰ γάλακτ[ο]ς̣ γυναικ(είου) 12 ἀρσενικοῦ εἰς κροκύδα πρόσθ̣ε̣ς. ––– 13 (Hand 3) πρὸς δῆγµα κοιλίας καὶ πάντ(α) πόνον 14 λ̣ε[ ̣ ̣ ] ̣ [ ±7 ]ειβων τὴν κ̣[οι]λίαν 15 επ[ ±10 ]κοσµων β ̣[ ±5 ] ̣ 16 µ̣ ̣[ ±10 ] ̣παν ̣ ̣ γ̣[ ±4 ]ι̣α̣ν̣ 17 κ ̣[ ±10 ] ̣ν̣ δῆγµα κο[ιλί]α[ς] τοῦ φ- 18 [ ±12 ] ̣ π̣ταµεβ ̣[ ̣ ̣ ]η α ̣ ̣ν̣ 19 [ ] ̣[ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ Frr. 2 + 3 20 [ ±4 ]αρσ ̣[ ±20 ] 21 [ ±4 ] ̣ ̣ σ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ [ ±15 ] 22 [ ±4 ] ̣ ̣τ̣ος ̣[ ±15 ] ANNA MONTE 89 ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 62 (2022) 77–109 23 [ ±4 ]λ̣λαξον ̣[ ±15 ] [–––] 24 (Hand 4) [ ±4 ] ̣ ̣γµον γυναικὸς π̣η̣ ̣[ ±3 ]υ̣ α ̣[ ±5 ] 25 ̣ χ̣λ̣ωροῦ δεσµίδιον µετὰ ῥα̣[φαν]ίνου ἐ̣[λαίου] 26 ̣ [ ̣ ̣ ̣ ] ὀπ̣οῦ πάνακος (δραχµὰς) η ̣ ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣] ̣ [ ̣] ὁ̣µοῦ 27 κα̣ὶ̣ ὑλίσας ἕψησον ἕως α[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ]ον γένηται 28 κα̣ὶ̣ κ̣ατάχρισον. ἐὰν δὲ θέλ̣[ῃς ±2 ]ν̣ ̣[ ̣]σ̣α̣ς 29 ̣ ̣ ̣ν γενέσθαι ἀρτεµισία̣[- ±9 ] ̣ 30 βά̣λ̣ε εἰς χάλκωµα ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ [ ±10 ] 31 τῇ ἀτµίδι καταπεπλασµέ[ ±10 ] 1 κ]α̣κοπραγουµένας ed. pr. 2 ἐκκε[ ̣ ]καρτισµ pap., l. ἐκγιγαρτισµένης : ἐκκεικαρτισ(µένης) ed. pr. µ̣[ετά] ed. pr. < (vel !) = (δραχµαί) 3  = (τριώβολον) : (δρ.) α̣ ed. pr. 4 πυ ̣[ ̣ ̣ ] ̣ ̣ ̣φε̣λι ̣ου  = (ἡµιοβόλιον) : ο̣ ̣ [ ]τι ὠ̣φελίµου (δρ.?) ed. pr. ] ̣ : ]ς ed. pr. 5 l. λειοτριβήσας l. χηνείου 6 l. σακκία ἀπ̣[ο]πιάσας : ἀ̣λ̣[υ]πιάδος ed. pr. 10 ̣υ ̣ α : µ̣ῆ̣λα ed. pr. 11 l. λειοτριβήσας γάλακτος ed. pr. γυναικ pap. 12 l. ἀρρενικοῦ 14 λ̣ε[ιότατα ἀνατ]ρ̣ε̣ίβων τὴν ̣[ ]λίαν ed. pr. 15 κα]κοσµων ed. pr. 16 µ[ ]ν πάνυ ὑγ[ρ ]ιας̣ ed. pr. 17 κ̣[ ] ed. pr. του α ed. pr. 18 ] ̣ ̣ ̣ ακεβ ̣ [ ] ̣ µασ ed. pr. 26 ! (corr. ex < ?) = (δραχµαί) Col. iii 1 [ ±7 ]δροµη αἵµατος πεπαλαιωµ̣[έν-] 2 π[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ῥί]ζ̣α̣ς̣ ῥ̣αφάνων ἀγρικῶν συνκ ̣[ ±3 ] 3 [ἐπι]µελῶς καὶ καρδάµου σπ̣έ̣ρ̣[µα] 4 [κ]αὶ νίτρον Ἑλληνικόν. ––– ––– 5 [βοή]θ̣ηµα ῥαφανίνου ἐλαίου καὶ κ̣[ ±5 ] 6 [ ̣ ̣ ] ̣ ̣ ̣ο̣υ καὶ νίτρον Ἑλληνικόν̣ [ ±5 ] 7 [δρι]µυ̣τ̣άτου τρίψας µαλάγµατο̣[ς ±5 ] 8 ἐ̣πί̣θες ἐπὶ ἡµέρας γ ̄� καὶ λύσα̣[ς ±4 ] 9 [ἐπ]ίθε̣ς̣ πρόσφατον ἐπὶ ἄλλας ἡµ[έρας γ ̄] 10 κ̣αὶ λούσας κατάπλασον κηρωτ[ῇ.] ––– 11 πρὸς στοµ̣α̣χ̣ικοὺς· ῥίζας ῥα̣[φάνων] 12 ἀ̣γ̣ρ̣ικῶ̣ν συ̣[γ]κόψας ἐπιµελ̣[ῶς ̣ ̣ ̣ ] 13 [ ±4–5 ] ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ [ ̣ ̣ ] ̣ ̣ [ ̣ ] µεθ’ ὕδα[τος ̣ ̣ ] 14 [ ±4–5 ] ̣ καὶ ἠθ̣ήσας ε̣ἰς καινὴν̣ [κύθραν] 90 MEDICAL RECIPES FOR ALL OCCASIONS ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 62 (2022) 77–109 15 [ ±4–5 ] ̣ ησεν µαλακῷ̣ πυρὶ µέχ[ρις ἂν] 16 [γλοι]ῶ̣δες γένηται, [ἐ]π̣ίθες. ––– 17 [πρὸς πί]τυ̣ρ̣α ἐν κεφαλῇ· τρυγὸς [οἴνου] 18 [ ±4–5 ]υ̣, κ̣ι̣σήλεως, νίτ̣[ρο]υ̣, ἑκάστο[υ ἴσον] 19 [ ±4–5 ] ̣ ̣ ̣ ο̣ς ἐξαλει[ ̣ ] ̣ πίτυρ̣α. ––– 20 ἄ̣[λλο·] τούτῳ χρῆσαι καὶ πίτυρα· ὄξ̣[ ±5 ] 21 ο[ἴ]ν̣ου µέλανος αὐ[σ]τηροῦ κο(τύλας) γ, ἀ̣[φροῦ] 22 νίτρου (δραχµὰς) δ, χαλκάνθου (δραχµὰς) η, ἑψ ̣[ ±5 ] 23 [ ̣ ] ̣ ̣ η̣ λ̣[ει]φθῇ καὶ τ ̣δ̣ε ζµῶ ἕω[ς τε-] 24 τράκι̣[ς] τοῦ µηνός. ––– 25 ἄ̣λ̣λο· θε[ί]ου̣ λείου (δραχµὰς) ιδ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ε̣ν̣ ανε ̣[ ±5 ] 26 τ̣ὴν κεφαλὴν εἰς δ̣ὲ τὴν κ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣[ ±5 ] 27 κλυστ̣ῆ̣ρ̣ι ἐκλούσα<ς>. ποιεῖ δὲ ἑψη[ ±5 ] ––– σ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ [ ] 28 (Hand 2? or Hand 5?) [ξ]ηρὸν̣ [ἴ]σχαιµον· γύψο̣υ̣ ̣ ̣ [ ±5 ] 29 µε[λ]α̣ντηρίας̣ (δραχµὰς) δ σ̣ ̣ ̣ [ ±5 ] 18 l. κισήρεως 23 l. σµῶ 22, 25, 29  = (δραχµαί) Translation (col. ii and iii only) Col. ii (Hand 2) For women (being unwell?): having ground fine with goose fat four drachmas of pitted raisin, … three obols of roasted cumin, … of pepper, a half obol of …, having taken some small bags soak (them) in water, then, having squeezed (them), mix a little of the water with the aforementioned (ingredients) and, having set them on a strip of wool, apply. Another one: having emulsified the juice(?) of small juniper berries with milk of a woman (nursing) a male, (having set it) on a strip of wool, apply. (Hand 3) Against severe pain of the abdomen and every kind of pain: … massaging(?) the abdomen … severe pain of the abdomen … (Hand 4) (Against …) of the woman: a small bundle of fresh wild rue(?) with radish oil … eight drachmas of opopanax, … together and, having filtered, boil until it becomes (completely soft? or odorless?) ANNA MONTE 91 ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 62 (2022) 77–109 and smear. If you wish that … becomes …, … artemisia … put in a copper vessel … with the moist vapor (or the poultice) plastered over(?) … Col. iii (Against suffusion?) of blood of long-standing (or of old blood) … : chop up (or having chopped up) carefully roots of wild radish and seed of field-rue and Greek natron. Having blended the remedy made of radish oil and … and Greek natron and the strongest (vinegar?), apply (as a?) malagma for three days, then, having washed (it) out, apply (it) again, fresh, for another three days, then, having washed thoroughly, plaster over with a cerate. Against (pain) of the stomach: having chopped up carefully roots of wild radish … (having pounded?) with water … and having strained in a new (earthen pot) … (and having boiled? or boil?) on a weak flame until it becomes glutinous, apply. Against dandruff on the head: sediment of wine …, pumice stone, natron, of each (the same quantity) … remove(?) the dandruff. Another one: use this also (against) dandruff. Three kotylai (of vinegar or?) of bitter red wine, four drachmas of aphronitron, eight drachmas of blue vitriol, boil(?) (until?) … remains and cleanse with this(?) (or cleanse these?) up to four times a month. Another one: fourteen drachmas of ground sulfur … the head to the abdomen (?) … having cleansed thoroughly with a clyster. It works boiled (?) … (Hand 2? or Hand 5?) Powder to stanch blood: of chalk … of black tincture four drachmas … Commentary Col. ii 1–12: Two recipes for vaginal pessaries: both describe the composition of medicaments which have to be set on a strip of wool (κροκύς), then inserted (πρόσθες). 1: Hanson reads πρ[ὸς κ]α̣κοπραγουµένας γυν[αῖκας]. The readings πρ[ός and γυν[αῖκας] are plausible and point to a therapeutic indication for a medicament for women suffering from some kind of pain. The deciphering of the participle, however, is challenging: the sequence -πραγου- cannot be confirmed. The letter following κ]α̣κο- could be an upsilon (cf. κυµίν̣ου ii.3) or a rho (cf. βρέξον ii.6) and is followed by perhaps 92 MEDICAL RECIPES FOR ALL OCCASIONS ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 62 (2022) 77–109 two letters: the first resembles a sigma squeezed in between, and the second has a circular form with traces of ink in the middle of it, suggesting theta. The subsequent letters seem to be ευ: between these and -µενας there is a small stroke (an iota? a very narrow omicron? or the left side of a sigma?). Tentative readings include κ]ακου̣σ̣θ̣ε̣υ̣σ̣µενας or κ]ακου̣σ̣θ̣ε̣υ̣ọµενας, neither of which is attested, but which could probably be erroneous forms of κακόω. Searches in the TLG for the sequences κακορ- / κακουρ- or ακορ- / ακουρ- did not yield results suitable to the context. Given the frequency of irregular forms in this section of the text, one could assume that here too there is an er- roneous form for a verb beginning with κακο- with the general meaning of “doing poorly” (as translated by Hanson), “being unwell,” “suffering.” 2 σταφίδος ἐκκε[ ̣ ]καρτισµ(ένης): pitted raisin, cf. for its use in medical recipes I. Andorlini, “Ricette mediche nei papiri: note d’interpretazione e analisi di ingredienti (σµύρνα, καδµεία, ψιµύθιον),” AttFir 46, N.S. 32 (1981) 59, comm. to lines 2–3, and D. Leith, P.Oxy. LXXIV 4975, comm. to fr. 1.1. A description of σταφίς is given by Pliny HN 23.17. 3 κυµίν̣ου φρυκτοῦ: cumin is fairly well attested in medical recipes, but there are only three occurrences of “roasted cumin” in the medical writers, none of them in a recipe spe- cifically against female ailments (Ael. Prom. Dyn. 35.12, Paul. Aeg. 4.57.6, Hipp.Cantabr. 33.5). 4: The deciphering of this line is problematic. The sequence πυ- at the beginning is followed by a vertical trace. This sequence could be the beginning of a term, but it could also be the mid-part of a word that began at the end of the previous line. In the middle of the line Hanson reads ]τι ὠ̣φελίµου: ]τι is plausible; alternative readings are ] ̣π or ] ̣γι. The reading ὠ̣φελίµου “useful” is difficult but I do not have a better reading to offer: the letter transcribed as omega is a rounded one with additional strokes in the middle, which look like a scribal cor- rection (the scribe corrected a mistaken letter by overwriting it with another letter). It could be an omicron or an omega, or a ANNA MONTE 93 ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 62 (2022) 77–109 combination of two letters (such as -υρ-). The sequence -φελι- can be read (but also -φεν- is possible), but the letter after this does not resemble the typical form of mu in this text, as it is rather flat and looks like a gamma. Readings like -φελιγ- or - φενγ- (for -φεγγ-) do not lead to words suitable to the context, where we would expect the name of an ingredient in the genitive. A term ο̣φελιµ occurs in SB XXVIII 17134.A.ii.40, where it is tentatively interpreted as ὠφελίµου and referred to the preceding ingredient, the θεῖον ἄπυρον (maybe as an addition or an alternative to it): SB XXVIII 17134.A.ii.39–40 θείου ἀπύρου  β, ο̣φελιµ( ) � β “of native sulfur two drachmas, of the useful one two drachmas” (see Andorlini’s commentary in Testi medici su papiro 111–112, comm. to A.ii.39–42). 6 σακία (l. σακκία): the term σακκίον is rarely attested in the medical writers. It refers probably to small warming bags filled with warmed millet (κέγχρος) or a therapeutic salt (ἅλας) and applied to an aching body part (cf. Gal. In Hipp. De off.med. comm. XVIIIb 920.10–13 K. and Diosc. Mat.med. 5.109.3). P.CtYBR inv. 1443, however, describes a different use: the small bags should be soaked in water (ii.6 βρέξον ὕδατος), then squeezed (ii.6 ἀπ̣[ο]πιάσας); a small quantity of the water that has been strained through the σακία should then be mixed into the other ingredients of the recipe (ii.7–8). As suggested in Hanson’s commentary (433 on line 6), these σακία could be intended “for straining the liquid, as the verbs σακίζω and σακεύω in later medical writers suggest”: the small bags were filled with some therapeutic substance that was believed to re- lease its therapeutic properties into the water filtered through. βρέξον ὕδατος: “soak in water,” cf. for example SB XXVIII 17139 recto line 10 βρέ<χ>εις οἴνῳ, or, governing a genitive, PGM XXXVI.327–328 καὶ λαβὼν σπέρµα ὑοσκυέµου βρέξον αὐτὸ γάλακτος ἱππίου. ἀπ̣[ο]πιάσας: Hanson reads here ἀ̣λ̣[υ]πιάδος (the plant Globu- laria alypum, according to LSJ). However, the letter read as delta is open at the bottom and resembles rather the final sigma of the 94 MEDICAL RECIPES FOR ALL OCCASIONS ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 62 (2022) 77–109 term, and it is followed by an alpha, not omicron. For ἀποπίασας cf. Ps.-Gal. De rem.parab. XIV 515.9, 560.12, 568.5 K. 8 εἰς κρο̣[κ]ύ̣δ̣α: a κροκύς is, as explained by Hanson (431), “a strip of wool on which a medicament is set for application.” It is usually employed as a suppository, for example against hem- orrhoids, cf. Aët. 3.161, or as a vaginal pessary or tampon, cf. Orib. Syn. 9.50.2. The terms κροκυδ[ and πεσσάρια occur together in a fragment of the Tebtunis receptarium SB XXVIII 17134 (fr. L.5 and 8). On pessaries and tampons see D. Goltz, Studien zur altorientalischen und griechischen Heilkunde (Wiesbaden 1974) 226–230. 9: πρόσθες: “apply in an orifice,” cf. Hanson 431 and Goltz, Studien 227–228. ἀρκευθίδων µικρῶν: “small juniper berries,” cf. Hanson 433, comm. to line 10. These fruits were employed in ancient medicine for their purifying properties, cf. Gal. De alim.fac. VI 590.5 ff. K. ̣υ ̣ α: one would expect here a term related to the juniper berries such as σαρκός “fruit pulp” (cf. Gal. De antid. XIV 155.13 K.), καρπός “fruit” (cf. Diosc. Mat.med. 5.36.2) or χυλός “juice” (cf. Gal. De comp.med.sec.loc. XIII 169.15–16 K.). Hanson transcribes µ̣ῆ̣λα, for which cf. Ps.-Gal. De succed. XIX 733.15 K. The traces of the first letter could conform to a mu, although they look rather like the extremities of a chi. The second letter is not an eta but an upsilon. The diagonal trace of the third letter could belong to a lambda. This would lead to readings like µ̣υλ̣α (which yields no sense) or χ̣υλ̣α, which could be an erroneous form for χυλόν “juice.” In that case, the following verb λεο- τριβήσας, which usually means “to triturate,” could be intended as “emulsify”: cf. for the use of λειοτριβέω with liquids (esp. juice) Ps.-Gal. De rem.parab. XIV 459.13–14 K. ἄλλο. ῥαφάνου χυλὸν λειοτριβήσας δι’ ὀξυµέλιτος δὸς ἐπὶ ἡµέρας γ and Ael. Prom. Dyn. 92.4 χυλὸν στρύχνου µέλανος λειοτριβήσας καὶ διηθήσας δι’ ὀθονίου. 11–12 µετὰ γάλακτ[ο]ς̣ γυναικ(είου) | ἀρσενικοῦ: translated by ANNA MONTE 95 ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 62 (2022) 77–109 Hanson (433) as “milk of a woman (nursing) a male.” The medical use of breast milk, often with the specification that it should come from “a woman who has borne a male child” (κουροτρόφος), is a practice derived from Egyptian medicine and is especially recommended in treating female ailments, see J. Laskaris, “Nursing Mothers in Greek and Roman Medicine,” AJA 112 (2008) 459–464. In Hippocratic recipes, breast milk is one of the ingredients of vaginal pessaries (Laskaris 460). 13 πρὸς δῆγµα κοιλίας: πρὸς δηγµὸν κοιλίας would have been more appropriate, since in the ancient medical literature δῆγµα means “bite or sting of an animal,” while δηγµός is usually used to indicate a severe (stinging) pain in the body. The term κοιλία is employed for the gastro-intestinal tract as well as for the thorax, cf. I. Andorlini and R. W. Daniel, P.ÄkNo. 1, comm. to iii.13–14. πάντ(α): Hanson (433, comm. to line 13) notes that traces of a raised tau are visible with a microscope. 14 ]ειβων τὴν κ̣[οι]λίαν: perhaps ἀνατρ]είβων (as proposed by Hanson), “massaging the abdomen” (for this use of ἀνατρίβω cf. Gal. De san.tuenda VI 48.4 K. [= CMG V.4.2 23.9–10] ἀνα- τρίβειν δὲ χρὴ τὸ σῶµα τῶν βρεφῶν ἐλαίῳ). 18 ] ̣ π̣ταµεβ ̣[ ̣ ̣ ]η: the first trace could belong to an epsilon. A tentative reading could be, for example, the adjective λ]επτά, which would be followed by the sequence µεβ-. However, no Greek term beginning with µεβ- is attested: the sequence could be divided into µε β-, which would imply either that the ‘author’ of this medical writing is saying something about him- self, which is uncommon in receptaria, or that the scribe wrote µε for µή, which would be followed by a subjunctive, e.g. βο̣[ύλ]ῃ. α ̣ ̣ν̣: it looks like αλ̣α̣ν̣-, for which I do not have a satisfying explanation. 20 ]αρσ ̣: this sequence is preserved on the first line of fr. 2. Since at the moment it is not possible to reconstruct the exact wording of these lines or to fully understand their content, it is also not possible to locate with certainty the sequences of letters 96 MEDICAL RECIPES FOR ALL OCCASIONS ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 62 (2022) 77–109 preserved at the top of fr. 2 in relation to what is missing of the final lines of fr. 1. This sequence can be aligned with ii.17 (in this case, a supplement for the first word of the line could be κά̣[θ]αρσι̣[) or with one of the subsequent lines, or it could be independent of them. 23 ]λ̣λαξον: probably the verb ἀλλάσσω or one of its com- pounds (ἀπαλλάσσω, µεταλλάσσω, and the like). The imperative ἀπάλλαξον is frequently used in the magical papyri, especially in protective charms, in the meaning “to deliver someone from something” (e.g. from fever, Suppl.Mag. I 9.8 12.5). 24 [±4] ̣ ̣γµον γυναικός: it would be tempting to restore πρὸς δηγµὸν γυναικός “against severe pain of a woman.” The first of the two traces preceding -γµον, however, is a curved one ex- tending above the line, which does not fit delta or eta: it could be the upper extremity of psi or phi. In this case, a candidate could be ψυγµός, a term indicating generally a cold fit, or a chill, or a stiffness of a body part.24 The trace could equally be something else: it could belong to some supralinear writing or, less likely since it is curved, to the paragraphos expected between lines 23 and 24. 24–25 π̣η̣ ̣[ ±3 ]υ̣ … δεσµίδιον: perhaps πηγ[ανο]υ ἀγ[ρικοῦ] χ̣λ̣ωροῦ δεσµίδιον “a small bundle of fresh wild rue” (note however that the small vertical trace preceding χ̣λ̣ωροῦ would remain unexplained, unless it belongs to the ending of ἀγρικοῦ or to a καί interposed between the two adjectives). ἀγρικὸν πήγανον is attested in a letter concerning agricultural matters, P.Oxy. XIV 1675.4. On the adjective ἀγρικός see the com- mentary on iii.2. On πήγανον ἄγριον see Gal. De simpl.med.temp. ac fac. XII 100.16–101.8 K. and Diosc. Mat.med. 3.45. πήγανον is quite well attested in the medical papyri: P.Coll.Youtie I 4.7, SB VIII 9860.ii.14, P.Scholl 13.b.B.24, P.Oxy. LXXIV 4975 fr. 24 See A. Maravela’s entry in the database Medicalia Online: http://www. papirologia.unipr.it/CPGM/medicalia/vocab/index.php?tema=169&/y (accessed 8 Dec. 2021). ANNA MONTE 97 ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 62 (2022) 77–109 1.5, Gr.Med.Pap. II 5.vii.13, MPER N.S. XIII 4.5, P.Oxy. LXXX 5243.iii.15. 26 ὀπ̣οῦ πάνακος: this ingredient is usually written as one word, ὀποπάναξ, rarely as two, as for example Gal. De comp. med.sec.loc. XIII 72.18 K. or Orib. Coll.med. 8.47.7. Opopanax is a gum resin used in ancient medicine for its stimulating and tonic properties: see A. E. Hanson, Gr.Med.Pap. II 5, comm. to iv.16, and I. Andorlini, PSI Congr. XVII 19, comm. to line 3. ̣ ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ] ̣ [ ̣ ] ὁ̣µοῦ: the adverb ὁ̣µοῦ is usually accompanied, in medical recipes, by the participle or the imperative of verbs such as λεαίνω, µείγνυµι, τρίβω, or κόπτω (cf. Gal. De comp.med. sec.loc. XII 628.17, 640.2–3, 836.7, 880.16 K.). We can assume a similar construction here too, with a participle preceding ὁ̣µοῦ. The two traces before the larger lacuna are a rounded one, perhaps omicron, followed by a stroke extending below the line, which could belong to the tail of a xi (cf. iii.19 ἐξαλει[). A tentative restoration could be ὄ̣ξ̣[ει µίξ]α̣[ς] ὁ̣µοῦ “having mixed together with vinegar” (for ὄξει or σὺν ὄξει µίξας see e.g. Gal. De comp.med.sec.loc. XII 555.5 K. and Ps.-Gal. De rem.parab. XIV 575.6 K.). 27 ἕψησον ἕως α[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ]ον γένηται: candidates for the restora- tion could be the adjectives ἀµόλυντος “completely soft”25 or ἄνοσµος “odorless”: cf. Gal. De comp.med. per gen. XIII 440.15–16 K. ἕψε ἕως ἀµόλυντον γένηται “boil until it becomes completely soft” and 743.1 K. ἕψε ἕως ἂν ἄνοσµος γένηται “boil until it becomes odorless.” The two adjectives are also suggested as two possible alternatives to restore a similar expression in Gr.Med.Pap. I 11.a.3–4, a papyrus containing medical pre- scriptions for plasters. 28–30 ἐὰν δὲ θέλ̣[ῃς … χάλκωµα: the sense of this instruction could be, that, if one wishes the poultice to become of a certain 25 I adopt here the translation chosen by I. Johnson, Galen. On the Con- stitution of the Art of Medicine, The Art of medicine, A Method of Medicine to Glaucon (Cambridge [Mass.] 2016) 540 line 12 with 541 n.42. 98 MEDICAL RECIPES FOR ALL OCCASIONS ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 62 (2022) 77–109 kind or form, one should add artemisia plant to a copper vessel (further instructions are lost in the second half of line 30). The ending ]σ̣α̣ς of the word at the end of line 28 suggests a participle, which I cannot identify. The word at the beginning of line 29 with the ending -ν could be an adjective (perhaps λείαν, “smooth”?): however, it remains uncertain where the noun to which this adjective refers would be. 29 ἀρτεµισία̣[-: the plant called ἀρτεµισία is credited by Dioscorides, Pliny, and Galen with beneficial properties for female ailments, especially against uterine inflammation (Diosc. Mat.med. 3.113, Plin. HN 35.73–74, Gal. De simpl.med.temp. ac fac. XI 839.17–840.5 K.). The term was used interchangeably to indicate several plants, belonging probably to the group of the wormwood plants. An ἀρτεµισία plant is frequently men- tioned in magical texts as a component of inks or used (for example burned) to perform rituals. On the difficulty of distinguishing the plants called ἀρτεµισία in the ancient sources and on the use of this plant in magical texts cf. L. R. LiDon- nici, “Single-Stemmed Wormwood, Pinecones and Myrrh: Expense and Availability of Recipe Ingredients in the Greek Magical Papyri,” Kernos 14 (2001) 83–89. 30 εἰς χάλκωµα: the term χάλκωµα indicates generally an instrument or a vessel made of bronze or copper, cf. I. Bonati, Il lessico dei vasi e dei contenitori greci nei papiri (Berlin 2016) 205 with n.33. After χάλκωµα there could be an adjective, for example ἔγκοιλος “concave, hollow” (cf. Diosc. Mat.med. 1.68.7), or the mention of an ingredient which should be mixed with the contents of the χάλκωµα and which could be introduced by µετά, for example µετὰ ἐλαίου (cf. Ps.-Gal. De rem.parab. XIV 468.15 K.) or µετὰ µέλιτος (Diosc. Simpl. 1.40.4). 31 τῇ ἀτµίδι: in medical texts ἀτµίς is the moist vapor emanating from the boiling of substances, used for therapeutic purposes, cf. Gal. De comp.med.sec.loc. XII 621.10 K., Diosc. Mat. med. 2.45. It can also be used in the sense of “poultice,” cf. Gal. De comp.med. per gen. XIII 879.1 K. The term is otherwise ANNA MONTE 99 ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 62 (2022) 77–109 attested on papyrus only in BKT III p.19–21 (P.Berol. 9095 recto), line 13. Col. iii 1–2 ]δροµη … | π[: probably the indication of the therapeutic use of a new recipe. The interpretation of line 1 and of the pi at the beginning of 2 is problematic. At the beginning of 1 we would expect a construction with πρός “against” and an ail- ment in the accusative, as in other recipes in this papyrus (e.g. iii.11 πρὸς στοµ̣α̣χ̣ικούς). ]δροµη, however, is a nominative or a dative (perhaps introduced by ἐπί? But this construction is unusual for the introduction of recipes), unless we assume that the scribe forgot the final nu of the accusative (cf. the forgotten sigma in iii.27 ἐκλούσα<ς>). ]δροµη αἵµατος could be supplemented as ἐπι]δροµὴ αἵµατος “flow of blood” (usually to an atrophied body part, e.g. Gal. In Hipp. De off.med.comm. XVIIIb 899.4 K.), as συν]δροµὴ αἵµατος “blood condition” (e.g. [Arist.] Pr. 889b.30 ἀλλ’ αἵµατος συν- δροµὴ τὸ ἐρύθηµά ἐστι), or as ὑπο]δροµὴ αἵµατος “suffusion of blood.” The latter is, in my opinion, the most fitting of these three options. In a passage ascribed to Archigenes and quoted by Oribasius (Coll.med. 46.23), the ὑποδροµὴ αἵµατος is described as an internal bleeding, which is particularly visible on the skull and on the fingernails, in which the old blood turns a yellowish color. Another passage of Oribasius (Syn. 7.14.4) includes the ὑποδροµὴ αἵµατος on the fingernails caused by a blow (ἡ κατὰ τοὺς ὄνυχας ὑποδροµὴ τοῦ αἵµατος ἐκ πληγῆς γινοµένη) in the “group” of the ἐκχυµώµατα “ecchymosis, bruises.” The following participle πεπαλαιωµ̣[έν- is found in medical texts especially in connection with ἕλκος, in the meaning “long- standing wounds.” Interesting is, for example, a Hippocratic passage which stresses the importance of making blood flow away from long-standing wounds (Hipp. De ulc. 2.3–4 καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν πεπαλαιωµένων ἑλκέων ξυµφέρει αἷµα ποιέειν ἀπορρέειν πυκνά, see also the commentary by Galen in Meth.med. X 274.3ff. K.). The term ἕλκος, however, cannot be supplied in 100 MEDICAL RECIPES FOR ALL OCCASIONS ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 62 (2022) 77–109 P.CtYBR inv. 1443: the space at the end of line 1 suffices only for the restoration of the ending of πεπαλαιωµ̣[έν-, and the first word of the following line begins with pi. An alternative could be πληγή “blow, stroke”: the entire expression could thus be reconstructed as ὑπο]δροµὴ αἵµατος πεπαλαιωµ̣[ένης] | π[ληγῆς “suffusion of blood from an old stroke” and could be inter- preted as the description of a long-standing bruise. The prob- lem here, however, is that the space available after the pi in line 2 is too small for the restoration of πληγῆς. Alternatively, πε- παλαιωµ̣[έν- could be applied to the blood as ὑπο]δροµὴ αἵµατος πεπαλαιωµ̣[ένου], “suffusion of old blood,” which would also describe a bruise. In the latter case, however, the pi would remain unexplained. The interpretation of this pi is in fact quite dubious. It stands alone, as if in ekthesis, which would thus imply that the first two lines of the new recipe are written in ekthesis, whereas usually only the first line of a new recipe is in ekthesis. It would be easier to explain the pi if fr. 1+4 were not a continuous piece, as discussed in the introduction, but two in- dependent fragments. In that case, a natural explanation for a free-standing pi in a receptarium would be a πρός introducing the therapeutic purpose of a new recipe, written in ekthesis. Fr. 4 could, for instance, be moved downwards in order to align its first line with the pi, thus obtaining π[ρὸς ὑ]ποδροµὴ<ν> αἵµατος πεπαλαιωµ̣[ένου]. This arrangement would solve many prob- lems discussed above, but it does not seem to be the case here. 2 ῥί]ζ̣α̣ς̣ ῥ̣αφάνων ἀγρικῶν: for description and medical prop- erties of wild radish see Plin. HN 19.80–82 and Diosc. Mat.med. 2.112. The extremely rare adjective ἀγρικός is attested in the papyri only in P.Oxy. XIV 1675.4 τὸ ἀγρικὸν πήγανον “field-rue,” where it is regarded by the editor as a variant for ἀγροικός. LSJ explain it as a variant of ἄγριος. 2–3 συνκ ̣[ ±3 | ἐπι]µελῶς: supplements that fit here are the imperatives σύνκ[οπτε or σύνκ[οψον or the participle συνκ[όψας | ἐπι]µελῶς (l. σύγκ-): an analogous expression is found at the beginning of the recipe for the stomach in iii.11–12 (ῥίζας ANNA MONTE 101 ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 62 (2022) 77–109 ῥα̣[φάνων] | ἀ̣γ̣ρ̣ικῶ̣ν συ̣[γ]κόψας ἐπιµελ̣[ῶς). Although supplying a form of συγκόπτω is quite plausible, there remains one small obstacle to resolve: after the kappa, on the bottom of the writing line, there is a small diagonal stroke. Does this still belong to the kappa as a ligature sign with the following letter? Or could it be an abbreviation stroke for σύνκ(οπτε) / συνκ(όψας), although this abbreviation is not found elsewhere in this text? Or does it belong to the following letter, which, therefore, would not be an omicron? 4 νίτρον Ἑλληνικόν: natron is widely used in medical recipes. The specification Ἑλληνικόν, “Greek natron,” is otherwise attested in the papyri only in PUG II 62.11 and P.Oxy. LXXIV 4976.6–7. The “Greek” variety of natron was considered of higher quality and hence more effective as a therapeutic rem- edy, cf. D. Leith, P.Oxy. LXXIV 4976, comm. to lines 6–7. 5–10: At first glance, it appears as if the recipe bears the title [βοή]θ̣ηµα ῥαφανίνου ἐλαίου “remedy made of radish oil.” A closer look at the syntax, however, reveals that the [βοή]θ̣ηµα, made of radish oil and of one or two other ingredients lost between iii.5–6, is not the title but one of the ingredients of the recipe: it should be blended with the Greek natron and with another ingredient that has been lost at the end of iii.6 (perhaps vinegar, see below). The recipe lacks an indication of thera- peutic use, but it could be the same as the previous remedy. 6 ] ̣ ̣ ̣ο̣υ: the upsilon is preceded by a small trace, which could belong to an omicron with a flat top, cf. e.g. the second omicron of στοµ̣α̣χ̣ικούς in iii.11 and συ̣[γ]κόψας in iii.12. Preceding the ending -ο̣υ are traces of three letters: the rounded top of a letter, followed perhaps by an alpha and a sigma. Perhaps π]ρ̣ά̣σ̣ο̣υ “leek”? 6–7: The lost ingredient at the end of iii.6 is qualified at the beginning of the following line as [δρι]µυ̣τ̣άτου. Of this adjec- tive, the ending -άτου is clearly visible. The mu, although faded, can also be recognized. The ink of upsilon and tau is quite rubbed: the upsilon, instead of having the ‘forked’ form com- 102 MEDICAL RECIPES FOR ALL OCCASIONS ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 62 (2022) 77–109 mon in this text, has probably been traced like the upsilon of λύσα̣[ς in iii.8. The adjective δριµύς is applied very frequently to ὄξος “vinegar”: many recipes prescribe the grinding and mixing of the ingredients with strong (or the strongest) vinegar (δι’ ὄξους / µετ’ ὄξους δριµυτάτου): δι’ ὄξους could be supplied at the end of iii.6. For vinegar as an ingredient for plasters, malag- mata, and other remedies for external application cf. the recipes in Gal. De comp.med.sec.loc. XIII 248.8–249.3 K. 7–10: These lines provide a precise description of the method of application of the poultice. µαλάγµατο̣[ς ±5 ] | ἐ̣πί̣θες̣ could be supplied as µαλάγµατο̣[ς τρόπον] | ἐ̣πί̣θες̣ “apply as a malag- ma,” cf. Aët. 16.10.56 µαλάγµατος τρόπον ἐπιθήσοµεν and Orib. Coll.med. 15.3.1 µαλάγµατός τε τρόπον ἐπιτιθέµεναι. On the µά- λαγµα, a plaster with emollient properties, see I. Andorlini, “P.Grenf. I 52: Note farmacologiche,” BASP 18 (1981) 16–25. Andorlini notes that it was often prescribed to leave the malagma on for several days, then to wash it out and apply it again: this procedure is described in these lines of P.CtYBR inv. 1443. The plaster should be left on the affected body part for three days (iii.8 ἐ̣πί̣θες̣ ἐπὶ ἡµέρας γ), then washed out (iii.8 λύσα̣[ς), then applied again for a further three days (iii.9 [ἐπ]ίθε̣ς̣ πρόσφατον ἐπὶ ἄλλας ἡµ[έρας γ]) and finally, after the body part has been washed thoroughly (iii.10 κ̣αὶ λούσας), a cerate should be applied (iii.10 κατάπλασον κηρωτ[ῇ). The cerate was a plaster made of wax with cooling and emollient properties, used in particular on inflamed parts, cf. M. Hirt, P.Oxy. LXXX 5246, comm. to line 4. On ἐπὶ ἡµέρας cf. M. Zellmann-Rohrer, “New Greek Medical Recipes,” ArchPF 65 (2019) 49, comm. to line 3. 8–9 A likely supplement is λύσα̣[ς πάλιν] | ἐ̣πί̣θες, cf. Gal. De comp.med.sec.loc. XII 557.1–2 K. and Orib. Ecl. 77.4. 11 πρὸς στοµ̣α̣χ̣ικούς: several recipes for plasters for the stomach are collected by Galen in De comp.med.sec.loc. XIII 178.11 ff. K.; cf. also Andorlini, BASP 18 (1981) 19 with n.51, on the ἐπιθέµατα, a category of plasters probably for the digestive tract. A recipe of a plaster for the stomach is also ANNA MONTE 103 ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 62 (2022) 77–109 preserved in SB XXVIII 17138. 13: In this line only scanty traces of letters are visible: usually µεθ’ ὕδα[τος is governed by a verb such as τρίψας (e.g. Gal. De comp.med.sec.loc. XII 484.12 K.). This or an analogous verb could be supplied in line 13. 14 ] ̣καὶ ἠθ̣ήσας: vertical trace at the beginning of the line. ε̣ἰς καινὴν̣ [κύθραν]: the κύθρα was an earthenware pot em- ployed for the storage or the cooking of food, see Bonati, Il lessico 197–229. The alternative spelling χύτρα, more common in the literary sources, was the prevalent form in the papyri until the first century CE, when it was supplanted by κύθρα (Bonati 215–216). The instruction to boil a medical preparation in a brand-new earthenware pot is well attested in the medical texts: the pot should be brand-new or have been carefully cleaned in order to avoid contamination with other substances and preserve un- altered the properties of the mixture (Bonati, Il lessico 224). 15 [ ±4–5 ] ̣ησεν µαλακῷ̣ πυρί: we would expect here a par- ticiple or an imperative, for both of which an ending -ησεν is unsuitable. µαλακῷ πυρί is usually governed by ἕψω “boil” (e.g. Gal. De comp.med.sec.loc. XIII 182.4 K. ἕψε µαλακῷ πυρί, Orib. Syn. 3.21.2. ἑψήσας πυρὶ µαλακῷ). The papyrus surface just be- fore -ησεν is abraded (the upper layer with horizontal fibers is missing), but two traces can be seen, a vertical line above the line, where the surface is better preserved, and a faint, horizon- tal line to the right of the abrasion: these traces are compatible with psi. A reading ]ψησεν could be compatible with a form of the verb ἕψω or of one of its compounds. There are the follow- ing possibilities: (1) a participle, [καὶ ἑ]ψήσ<ας> ἐν µαλακῷ̣ πυρί: the recipe would be constructed with a series of participles, describing the steps for the preparation of the compound, and closed by an impera- tive with the indication to apply it (τρίψας(?) … καὶ ἠθ̣ήσας … καὶ ἑ]ψήσ<ας> … [ἐ]π̣ίθες “having pounded(?) … and having strained … and having boiled … apply” (ἐν µαλακῷ πυρί, 104 MEDICAL RECIPES FOR ALL OCCASIONS ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 62 (2022) 77–109 however, is very rarely attested). (2) an imperative, ἕ]ψησεν (l. ἕψησον, or a compound) µαλακῷ̣ πυρί, cf. ii.27 ὑλίσας ἕψησον ἕως: in this case, between the im- peratives ἕψησον and [ἐ]π̣ίθες there would be an asyndeton (“boil on a weak flame until it becomes glutinous. Apply.”) 15–16 µέχ[ρις ἂν | γλοι]ῶ̣δες γένηται: on the use of γλοιός / γλοιώδης to indicate the desired consistency of a mixture see L. C. Youtie, “A Medical Prescription for an Eye-Salve (P.Princ. III 155 R),” ZPE 23 (1976) 127–128, comm. to line 10. 17–19 first recipe against dandruff: cf. Archigenes ap. Gal. De comp.med.sec.loc. XII 462.4–5 K. ἢ τρυγὶ οἴνου Ῥοδίου ἢ κισσήρει καὶ νίτρῳ, ἴσοις µετὰ θέρµων σµῆχε and Aët. 6.66 ἢ νίτρῳ καὶ κισσήρει καὶ τρυγὶ οἴνου ἴσοις µετὰ θέρµου σµῆχε. 17–18 τρυγὸς [οἴνου | ±4–5 ]υ̣: the lacuna at the beginning of iii.18 can be supplied either with [Ῥοδίο]υ̣, the kind of wine required by Archigenes’ recipe, or with [θέρµο]υ̣ “lupine,” another ingredient of the recipe which would be otherwise missing (note however that both Galen’s and Aëtius’ versions preserve µετὰ θέρµων / µετὰ θέρµου). According to Dioscorides, wine sediments have caustic, detergent, and drying properties, and, if applied on hair overnight, they bleach it (Mat.med. 5.114). Sediments of Italic wine are required in a medical recipe preserved in P.Coll.Youtie I 4, whose therapeutic purpose remains unclear. 18 κ̣ι̣σήλεως (l. κ̣ι̣σήρεως): pumice stone, cf. P.Berl.Möller 13 verso ii.11, SB XXVIII 17134.ii.36 and iii.8, O.Bodl. II 2186, and SB XIV 12142. On its cleansing properties cf. Gal. De simpl.med.temp. ac fac. XII 221.17–222.14 K. ἑκάστο[υ ἴσον]: the expression ἑκάστου ἴσον is quite well at- tested (cf. Hipp. De mul.affect. 84.19, Diosc. Simpl. 1.60.1, Gal. De comp.med.sec.loc. XII 409.8 K.) and fits well in the available space. 19: perhaps ἐξάλει[φ]ε̣ πίτυρα “remove the dandruff”? The preceding ] ̣ ̣ ̣ο̣ς remains unclear to me (perhaps [µετὰ τ]ρ̣υ̣γ̣ό̣ς?). An alternative could be an ending -ως for an adverb ANNA MONTE 105 ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 62 (2022) 77–109 (for a similar form of omega composed of two small closed circles cf. iii.3 [ἐπι]µ̣ελῶς). This observation is absent in Galen’s quo- tation. 20–24 second recipe against dandruff: cf. Archigenes ap. Gal. De comp.med.sec.loc. XII 462.2–3 K. ἢ νίτρου ἀφρὸν καὶ χάλκαν- θον, ἴσα µετ’ οἴνου χρῶ τρὶς ἢ τετράκις τοῦ µηνός, Ps.-Gal. De rem.parab. XIV 323.5–6 K. ἄλλο. ἀφρόνιτρον καὶ χάλκανθον ἴσα λειώσας µετ’ οἴνου χρῶ, and Aët. 6.66 ἢ νίτρου ἀφροῦ καὶ χαλ- κάνθης ἴσα µετ’ οἴνου χρῶ, τρὶς ἢ τετράκις τοῦ µηνὸς τοῦτο ἐνεργεῖ. Compared to Archigenes’ prescription, the recipe of P.CtYBR inv. 1443 (a) probably gives vinegar as an alternative ingredient to the wine (see commentary on iii.20 ὄξ̣[), whereas Archigenes’ recipe does not, (b) further qualifies the wine as µέλανος ἀυ[σ]τηροῦ, (c) specifies the quantities required for each ingredient: in particular, for χάλκανθον and ἀφρὸς νίτρου four and eight drachmas respectively are required, whereas Ar- chigenes’ recipe prescribes using the same amount (ἴσα), and (d) specifies for how long the compound should be boiled (iii.22– 23). 20: probably τούτῳ χρῆσαι καὶ <πρὸς> πίτυρα “use this also against dandruff.” ὄξ̣[: a likely supplement is ὄξ̣[ους ἢ] | ο[ἴ]ν̣ου “of vinegar or wine.” Vinegar recurs in two other recipes of Archigenes against dandruff: Gal. De comp.med.sec.loc. XII 461.12 and 16 K. Vinegar and wine are used alternatively in several recipes, e.g. Gal. De comp.med. per gen. XIII 817.9–13 K., De antid. XIV 187.4 K., or Ps.-Gal. De rem.parab. XIV 407.10 K. 21–22 ἀ̣[φροῦ] | νίτρου: probably sodium carbonate, cf. I. Andorlini, PSI Congr.XXI 3, comm. to ii.3. 22 χαλκάνθου: Dioscorides credits the χάλκανθον, “blue vitriol, copper sulfate,” with astringent and cleansing properties (Mat.med. 5.98). See A. E. Hanson, Gr.Med.Pap. II 5, comm. to iii.22 with further references. ἑψ ̣[ ±5 ]: ἕψη̣[σον, ἑψή̣[σας, or ἕψε̣ [. 22–23 [ ̣] ̣ ̣ η̣ λ̣[ει]φθῇ: cf. Archigenes ap. Gal. De comp.med. 106 MEDICAL RECIPES FOR ALL OCCASIONS ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 62 (2022) 77–109 sec.loc. XII 462.1 K. ἑψήσας µέχρι τὸ δέκατον λειφθῇ “having boiled until one tenth is left”; cf. also Gal. De comp.med.sec.loc. XII 444.17 K. ἑψήσας µέχρι τὸ τρίτον λειφθῇ, XII 659.10–11 K. ἑψήσας ἐν χαλκῷ ἀγγείῳ, ἕως λειφθῇ τὰ δύο µέρη, XIII 236.2–3 K. ἕψε µέχρι τὸ ἥµισυ λειφθῇ. This expression, which clarifies how long the compound should be cooked, is frequently found in medical prescriptions. At the beginning of iii.23 we would expect ἕως or µέχρι and an amount (for example ἥµισυ, τὸ τρίτον, or a numeral), but the interpretation of the traces is made difficult by the damage to the surface: the letter before λ̣[ει]φθῇ is probably an eta, preceded by a vertical and by, perhaps, an epsilon. Perhaps µ̣έ̣ρ̣η̣ “parts”? In this case a recon- struction could be ἕψε̣ [ἕως τὰ numeral] | µ̣έ̣ρ̣η̣ λ̣[ει]φθῇ. 23–24: Archigenes’ recipe closes with the indication χρῶ τρὶς ἢ τετράκις τοῦ µηνός “use three or four times a month.” The instruction given in P.CtYBR inv. 1443 is partly different: at the end of iii.23, where one would expect χρῶ τρὶς ἢ, there is instead the following sequence (diplomatic transcription): Τ ̣Δ̣ΕΖΜΩΕΩ[, which I interpret as το̣δε (or τα̣δε) ζµῶ ἕω[ς. ζµῶ is the imperative of σµάω “wipe, cleanse,” with the well-attested interchange of sigma with zeta;26 cf. σµῆµα “soap,” written in the papyri ζµῆµα (e.g. SB XXVIII 17134.I.3, P.Ryl. II 230.8, SB XVI 12375 verso i.2). Interestingly, a search in the TLG yields only four attestations of this verb in the imperative in Galen, all of them in recipes against dandruff ascribed to Archigenes (De comp.med.sec.loc. XII 461.15 and 16, 462.1 and 6 K.; cf. Aët. 6.66). το̣δε could be interpreted as τῷδε “cleanse with this” (referring to the remedy); the letter read as omicron, however, could also be the loop of an alpha, which would lead to the reading τά̣δε “cleanse these” (referring to the πίτυρα). To sum up, the instruction given in iii.23–24 could be interpreted as: καὶ το̣δε (l. τῷδε) or τά̣δε ζµῶ ἕω[ς τε-]|τράκι̣[ς] τοῦ µηνός “and 26 F. T. Gignac, A Grammar of the Greek Papyri of the Roman and Byzantine Periods I (Milan 1976) 121–122. ANNA MONTE 107 ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 62 (2022) 77–109 cleanse with this (or cleanse these) up to four times a month.” 25–27 third recipe against dandruff: a complete understand- ing of this recipe is hindered by the damage at the end of iii.25. It consists of at least 14 drachmas of ground sulfur, a substance with purifying properties: it remains unclear whether the sulfur should be administered by means of the clyster mentioned in iii.27 or should be used externally, as a topical application on the head. A plausible restoration for the end of iii.26 could be εἰς δ̣ὲ τὴν κο̣ι̣λ̣ί̣[αν: the recipe would thus prescribe washing thoroughly (iii.27 ἐκλούσα<ς>) with a clyster injected via the digestive tract. The object of “wash thoroughly” could be the head (iii.26 τ̣ὴν κεφαλήν), although this remains uncertain, since τ̣ὴν κεφαλήν could also be the object of a verb lost at the end of iii.25. The deciphering of the traces at the end of iii.25 remains chal- lenging: here one would expect either an ingredient or a verb (for example, prescribing application of the sulfur on the head). ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ε̣ν̣ could be a participle, such as καυθέν “burnt” (referred to an ingredient?). The following sequence ανε ̣[ might belong to a verb. Since according to Galen dandruff is caused by a noxious body juice (De comp.med.sec.loc. XII 459.6–20 K.), a purging of the body through a clyster could be a way to restore the balance of the juices. 25 θε[ί]ου̣ λείου: “ground sulfur;” θεῖον is usually accom- panied by the adjective ἄπυρος (“native sulfur,” cf. P.Coll.Youtie I 4.7). For θεῖον λεῖον cf. Gal. De comp.med.sec.loc. XII 664.7 and 680.5 K. and Aët. VIII 77. Sulfur was credited with dispersing, warming, and purifying properties, cf. Diosc. Mat.med. 5.107. 27 κλυστ̣ῆ̣ρ̣ι: the κλυστήρ was an injection of a therapeutic substance administered into an orifice with an instrument bear- ing the same name. It was commonly used via the rectum to purge and cleanse the bowels and, thus, to evacuate and purify 108 MEDICAL RECIPES FOR ALL OCCASIONS ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 62 (2022) 77–109 the body.27 It was also employed to introduce medical sub- stances into the internal organs, such as the womb (Gal. Meth.med. X 328.10–12 K.). The invention of the clyster was ascribed to the Egyptians (Ps.-Gal. Medicus.Introd. XIV 675.6– 16 K.), who, according to Herodotus (2.77.2–3), made frequent use of this treatment to preserve their health. The clyster is in fact the most commonly attested method of administration of drugs in the Demotic receptaria from Tebtunis, see Jacob, in Parlare la medicina 65. Two Ptolemaic papyri attest the existence of an ἰατροκλύστης, a physician specialized in the use of clysters (P.Hib. II 268 and UPZ I 148).28 ποίει δὲ ἑψη[ ±5 ]: an indication about the efficacy of the medicine. ἑψη[ ±5 ] could be a form of ἕψω (e.g. ποίει δὲ ἑψη[θέν “it works boiled”) or of ἕψηµα “boiled substance.” 28 [ξ]ηρὸν̣ [ἴ]σχαιµον: remedies called ἴσχαιµα “stanching blood” are well attested in the medical literature. According to Galen, the physician Asclepiades described several ἴσχαιµα remedies among his recipes for ξηρά “desiccating powders” (De comp.med.per gen. XIII 843.16–17 and 844.4–7 K.). On ξηρὰ ἴσχαιµα see also Orib. Coll.med. 35.14.4 and Paul. Aeg. 6.60.3. P.Oxy. VIII 1088.i.19–20 offers a papyrological attestation for a ἴσχαιµον consisting only of pounded rock-alum. On the ξηρά remedies cf. A. Maravela, Gr.Med.Pap. II 7, p.117–118, comm. to line 1. The recipe of iii.28–29 is not attested elsewhere. γύψο̣υ̣: the term is followed probably by the drachma symbol and a quantity. Above it, there is writing, quite abraded and difficult to read: the third and fourth letters might be αν. Galen 27 On evacuating remedies see I. Andorlini, “Riflessi e applicazioni della terapia ippocratica nella testimonianza dei papiri,” in I. Garofal et al. [eds.], Aspetti della terapia nel Corpus Hippocraticum [Florence 1999] 436–438. 28 On this specialized doctor see P. Lang, Medicine and Society in Ptolemaic Egypt (Leiden 2013) 205–206, and R. Mairs, “Aigyptia grammata: Linguistic and Medical Training in Graeco-Roman Egypt,” in Parlare la medicina 4–5. On UPZ I 148 see A. Ricciardetto, “Nouvelles données sur un papyrus rela- tive au bilinguisme gréco-égyptien,” PapLup 29 (2020) 95–125. ANNA MONTE 109 ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 62 (2022) 77–109 describes the medical properties of chalk and notes that it is quite suitable to prepare anti-hemorrhaging remedies (De simpl. med.temp. ac fac. XII 213.13–14 K. διὸ καὶ τοῖς πρὸς αἱµορραγίαν ἁρµόττουσι φαρµάκοις ξηροῖς µίγνυται χρησίµως). Oribasius too includes chalk among the substances used to prepare ἴσχαιµα (Coll.med. 10.22). For ἴσχαιµα remedies containing chalk see Gal. De comp.med.sec.loc. XII 695.10–14 K. and De comp.med. per gen. XIII 858.9–12 K. Chalk is also attested in a recipe against warts in P.Paramone 3.i.6 and in a recipe, probably for a plaster, in P.Stras. VIII 744.11. 29 µε[λ]α̣ντηρίας̣: the µελαντηρία “black tincture, pigment” appears in several topical remedies and was credited with astringent properties (Gal. De simpl.med.temp. ac fac. XII 226.4–6 K.; for a description see Diosc. Mat.med. 5.101). It occurs in a recipe for an ἴσχαιµον remedy for those bleeding from the bite of an animal in Philumenus De venen.anim.eor.remed. 8.1. In the papyri it occurs in a recipe against λέπρα “leprosy” (SB XXVIII 17134.A.ii.12) and in two lists of drugs (CPR VII 32.ii.9, P.Oxy. XXXI 2567.16).29 December, 2021 Università degli Studi di Udine Dipartimento di Studi umanistici e del patrimonio culturale anna.monte@uniud.it 29 I would like to express my sincere gratitude to Ellen Doon, Head of the Manuscript Unit at Yale University, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, and to her colleague Natalia Sciarini, for answering promptly all my questions and checking the original for me. I am also very grateful to the anonymous reader(s) of GRBS for their helpful comments and suggestions, which improved this contribution.