Ziel ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 64 (2024) 208–225 ISSN 2159-3159 Article copyright held by the author(s) and made available under the Creative Commons Attribution License CC-BY https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ Demetrius Poliorcetes’ Headdress in Macedonia Tomasz Zieliński NEGATIVE OPINION prevails in historiography about the six-year rule of Demetrius Poliorcetes in Macedonia (294–288).1 It suffices here to quote the opinion of Tarn, who went so far as to claim that Macedonia never had a worse king.2 This view stems largely from our written sources which imply that Demetrius tried to lord over the Macedonians just as he had treated his subjects in Asia and offended the Macedonian court by introducing into it Asiatic practices. In modern schol- arship Demetrius’ behaviour is considered the result of his up- bringing at his father’s court in Celaenae, the capital of Greater Phrygia, where he would have met with cosmopolitan environ- ment and heavy influence of Asian culture.3 At the same time, 1 E.g. G. Elkeles, Demetrios der Stadtbelagerer (diss. Breslau 1941) 86–87; F. W. Walbank, in A History of Macedonia III (Oxford 1988) 225, 229; R. M. Errington, A History of Macedonia (Berkeley 1990) 152–154; W. L. Adams, in J. Roisman et al. (eds.), A Companion to Ancient Macedonia (Malden 2010) 218; For a more balanced view see A. B. Bosworth, The Legacy of Alexander: Politics, Warfare, and Propaganda under the Successors (Oxford 2002) 252–259. 2 W. W. Tarn, in CAH VI (1928) 80. 3 P. Wheatley, “The Young Demetrius Poliorcetes,” AHB 13 (1999) 1–13, at 3–5. According to some researchers Demetrius’ Anatolian connection might explain eastern elements in Demetrias, especially in the Anaktoron (or alternatively the Tetrapyrgon): G. Weber, “Herrscher, Hof und Dichter. Aspekte der Legitimierung und Repräsentation hellenistischer Könige am Beispiel der ersten drei Antigoniden,“ Historia 44 (1995) 283–316, at 288– 289; P. Marzolff, in W. Hoepfner et al. (eds.), Basileia. Die Paläste der hel- A TOMASZ ZIELIŃSKI 209 ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 64 (2024) 208–225 because Demetrius grew up in Asia Minor, he had never ex- perienced Argead royal self-fashioning in Macedonia. More- over, during his childhood he was impressed by the tidings of Alexander’s achievements in the East, hence it is assumed that he might have modelled his ruling style on Alexander’s practices in Asia.4 Demetrius seized Macedonia as the result of Cassander's death (297), which threw the country into civil war between the dead king’s sons. Among the Macedonians Poliorcetes’ accession to the throne raised hopes for a stable future. In his speech to them Poliorcetes presented himself as the man would secure a peace (Plut. Demetr. 37.1–3). But the Macedonians quickly realized that Demetrius was neither a new Philip nor Alexander, and when they started to compare him to these predecessors the result was not favourable (41.3–4, 42.3). One of the key issues which did not inspire sympathy for Demetrius was his headdress: accord- ing to our sources he wore a kausia with a gilded mitra (mitra chrysopastos). As we shall see, the great majority of scholars inter- pretate this gesture as a clear indication of Demetrius’ passion for eastern tradition (and as such unacceptable to the Mace- donian idea of kingship), and imitation of Alexander. In re- sponse to this, the purpose of this article is to examine whether such a claim is supported by the source material. I The description of Demetrius’ headdress was originally pro- vided by Duris of Samos (350–280), Demetrius' contemporary lenistischen Könige (Mainz 1996) 148–163, at 158; G. S. Miller, in M. M. Miles (ed.), A Companion to Greek Architecture (Chichester 2016) 288–300, at 296. On this towered construction see F. M. Ferrara, “Demetriade in Tessaglia. La polis e il palazzo reale macedone,” ArchCl 65 (2014) 181–226, at 193–195, 215–218. 4 É. Will, in CAH 2 VII.I (1984) 109; Weber, Historia 44 (1995) 299–300, 303; S. Müller, “Demetrios Poliorketes, Aphrodite und Athen,” Gymnasium 117 (2010) 559–573, at 570–571; P. Wheatley and C. Dunn, Demetrius the Besieger (Oxford 2020) 380–381. 210 DEMETRIUS POLIORCETES’ HEADDRESS ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 64 (2024) 208–225 who composed a Macedonian History.5 The relevant fragment has been preserved for us by Athenaeus. A secondary description derives from Plutarch, who almost certainly was drawing on Duris.6 Duris FGrHist 76 F 14 = Ath. 535E–536A In the twenty-second book of his Histories, Duris says: Pausanias, the king of the Spartans, laid aside the traditional threadbare cloak and began to wear Persian attire. Dionysius, the tyrant of Sicily, took up the long robe and the gold crown as well as the buckled cloak(?) worn by tragic actors. When Alexander had gained control of Asia, he began to wear Persian attire. De- metrius, however, exceeded them all. He had his footwear specially made at great expense. As to its shape, it was constructed as almost a half-boot, with a felt covering of the most expensive purple. Upon it, the craftsmen had woven a large intricate pattern of gold in the back and in the front. His military cloaks had a lustrous sheen of brownish grey, and the universe with golden stars and the twelve signs of the zodiac were woven in. His head- dress was studded with gold, and it held fast his felt hat, made of genuine purple dye (µίτρα δὲ χρυσόπαστος ἦν, <ἣ> καυσίαν ἁλουρ- γῆ οὖσαν ἔσφιγγεν), and the fringed edges of its material went down to his back. (transl. after Landucci Gattinoni) Plut. Demetr. 41.4: And there was in truth much of the theatrical about Demetrius, who not only had an extravagant array of cloakings and head- gear—double-mitred kausia (διαδούµενον περιττῶς καυσίαις διµί- τροις) and purple robes shot with gold, but also equipped his feet with gold-embroidered shoes of the richest purple felt. And there was one cloak which was long in the weaving for him, a magnifi- 5 Duris was also the author of other works, see R. Kebrick, In the Shadow of Macedon: Duris of Samos (Wiesbaden 1977); F. Landucci Gattinoni, Duride di Samo (Rome 1997); F. Pownall, “Duris of Samos (76)” in BNJ. 6 T. Rose, A Historical Commentary on Plutarch’s Life of Demetrius (diss. U. Iowa 2015) 302; R. Dubreuil, Theatrical and Political Action in Plutarch’s Parallel Lives (diss. Edinburgh 2016) 78–81. Some scholars see in Duris’ work the main source for Plutarch’s Life of Demetrius, e.g. Kebrick, In the Shadow 50–55; A. Chaniotis, in P. Iossif et al. (eds.), More than Men, Less than Gods: Studies on Royal Cult and Imperial Worship (Leuven 2011) 157–195, at 168. TOMASZ ZIELIŃSKI 211 ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 64 (2024) 208–225 cent work, on which was represented the world and the heavenly bodies; this was left behind half-finished when the reversal of his fortunes came, and no succeeding king of Macedonia ventured to use it, although not a few of them were given to pomp and luxury. (transl. B. Perrin) Based on these passages scholars have assumed that Demetrius during his reign in Macedonia followed Alexander by adopting a mixture of Macedonian and foreign elements: in ancient authors the kausia was a hat attributed to the Macedonians,7 while the mitra was characteristically eastern headgear. They differ, however, about what exactly we should understand by this latter term. Some confine themselves to the claim that a mitra was a typically Persian garment or describe it as foreign dress, but without deeper explanation.8 Other scholars, however, seem to follow Hugo Brandenburg, according to whom, although a mitra was basically an oriental headdress, resembling a turban, it was also a sign of kingship for the Eastern royalty, primarily Cypriote kings.9 In this context the mitra must have been a type of headband similar to the chaplet of athletic victors or Dio- nysiac komastai shown on Greek vases of the seventh-to-fifth centuries. Given that the practice of wearing a kausia with one royal diadem is associated with Alexander,10 Brandenburg acknowledged that Demetrius’ aim was to surpass Alexander by replacing his diadem with a more magnificent, embellished with 7 C. Saatsoglou-Paliadeli, “Aspects of Ancient Macedonian Costume,” JHS 113 (1993) 122–147; E. Janssen, Die Kausia. Symbolik und Funktion der makedonischen Kleidung (diss. Göttingen 2007). 8 Weber, Historia 44 (1995) 300, “ ‘orientalischer’ Ornat”; Pownall, in BNJ 76 F 14, “head-dress (µίτρα) was a typically Persian garment”; Rose, A Historical Commentary 302–303, “the mitra was characteristically Persian”; Wheatley and Dunn, Demetrius 385, ”Demetrius was following the model of Alexander the Great’s attempting to combine Macedonian and Persian elements within his official dress.” 9 Hdt. 7.90; cf. LXX Ez 26:16, Bar 5:2. 10 Ephippus FGrHist 126 F 5 = Ath. 537E; Aristobulus FGrHist 139 F 55 = Arr. Anab. 7.22.2. 212 DEMETRIUS POLIORCETES’ HEADDRESS ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 64 (2024) 208–225 gold, mitra.11 According to Frances Pownall, we cannot rule out that Demetrius wore the Dionysiac fillet. According to a tradition preserved by Diodorus, the wine-god wore a headband which had the power to nullify or lessen the effects of alcohol-induced headaches; hence he bore the epithet µιτρηφόρος (4.4.4). Given that some authors state that Demetrius modelled himself on Dio- nysus (Diod. 20.92.4, Plut. Demetr. 2.3), Pownall’s view seems reasonable.12 If so, Demetrius could attempt to adopt the new royal image, inaugurated by Alexander, by associating himself with the wine-god. Recently, Judith Mossman has expressed a very different view. Referring only to Plutarch’s testimony she suggests that the two headbands indicating royal status should be identified with the double diadem. In her opinion, it was an extraordinary practice, given the fact that Alexander wore the kausia with one royal diadem. It is therefore probable that Demetrius’ intention was to lay claim to both Europe and Asia and surpass Alexander in splendor.13 11 H. Brandenburg, Studien zur Mitra: Beiträge zur Waffen- und Trachtgeschichte der Antike (Münster 1966) 154–159, 178–179. Cf. R. Tölle-Kastenbein, “Zur Mitra in klassischer Zeit,“ RA (1977) 23–36, at 28; O. Andrei et al., Vite parallele Plutarco: Demetrio e Antonio (Milan 1989) 230 n.287; Janssen, Die Kausia 49; Rose, A Historical Commentary 302–303; R. Hirschmann and J. Renger, “Mitra,” BNP. 12 F. Pownall, “Duris of Samos and the Diadochi,” in V. Alonso Troncoso et al. (eds.), After Alexander: The Time of the Diadochi (Oxford 2013) 43–56, at 49. Also M. Papadopoulou, in C. Brøns et al. (eds.), Textiles and Cult in the Medi- terranean Area (Oxford 2017) 65–73; at 68, however, she seems to ignore the existence of a diadem in that period. 13 J. Mossman, “Dressed for Success?: Clothing in Plutarch’s Demetrius,” in R. Ash et al. (eds.), Fame and Infamy: Essays on Characterization in Greek and Roman Biography and Historiography (Oxford 2015) 149–160, at 152–157; cf. A. W. Collins, “The Royal Costume and Insignia of Alexander the Great,” AJP 133 (2012) 371–402, at 376; O. Palagia, “The Frescoes from the Villa of P. Fan- nius Synistor,” in H. Hauben et al. (eds.), The Age of the Successors and the Creation of the Hellenistic Kingdoms (Leuven 2014) 207–231, at 212. TOMASZ ZIELIŃSKI 213 ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 64 (2024) 208–225 Such views are dominated by the conviction that Demetrius looked to Alexander. Regardless of scholars’ identifications of Demetrius’ mitra, his actions are viewed as an attempt to imitate or surpass Alexander. Such a tendency is deeply rooted in modern scholarship, in which Demetrius has been considered to have been a fervent emulator of Alexander in every respect.14 II Before we address the main problem, we should look closer at the attributes in question. The mitra is generally assumed to be a traditional eastern headdress consisting of a strip of woolen cloth worn as a turban.15 As such the mitra was borrowed by the Greeks who considered it to originate from Lydia, a land they associated with foreign luxury and extravagance.16 However, it seems plausible that in the first half of the fifth century the term was transferred to the ordinary tied fillet. In the Greek context the word would not apply every time to a piece of cloth of the same shape. Therefore, the mitra could be worn in different ways and it changed over time. It can denote a type of headband or hairband, or a strip of cloth of varying widths and lengths, placed 14 Elkeles, Demetrios 86–87; C. Wehrli, Antigone et Démétrios (Geneva 1968) 222; J. J. Pollit, Art in the Hellenistic age (Cambridge 1986) 31; F. Pownall, “Folly and Violence in Athens under the Successors,” in T. Howe et al. (eds.), Folly and Violence in the Court of Alexander the Great and his Successors (Milan 2016) 47– 58, at 55; Wheatley and Dunn, Demetrius 13, 56 n.35, 438, and in J. Walsh et al. (eds.), “Coinage as Propaganda: Alexander and His Successors,” Alexander the Great and Propaganda (London 2021) 180–182; A. Meeus, in K. Trampe- dach et al. (eds.), The Legitimation of Conquest: Monarchical Representation and the Art of Government in the Empire of Alexander the Great (Stuttgart 2020) 291–317, at 298–299. 15 Brandenburg, Studien 111–127; M. Lee, Body, Dress, and Identity in Ancient Greece (Cambridge 2015) 159–160. S. Shahbazi, Encyclopaedia Iranica V.7 723– 737 (http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/clothing-ii), is alone in his view that the mitra was a shorter or taller fluted hat most commonly associated with ‘Persian’ dignitaries, in contrast to the plain cylindrical hat worn by the Per- sian kings. The mitra could also be tied around the body, see Hirschmann and Renger, “Mitra,” BNP. 16 Brandenburg, Studien 53, 57. 214 DEMETRIUS POLIORCETES’ HEADDRESS ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 64 (2024) 208–225 below the hairline, most often tied toward the back with long ends falling on or towards the shoulders.17 Considering the variety of form which the term mitra intended, it is not surprising that Greek authors used it describe headbands worn by women, victors, priests, or Dionysus himself.18 In two cases, Callimachus’ Hymn to Delos (166) and Theocritus’ Idylls (17.19), it may denote an emblem of Hellenistic royalty, probably identical with a dia- dem.19 In contrast to the term mitra, which authors applied to a broad range of headgear, far clearer for us is how the Dionysiac mitra and the diadem looked. Both were a flat band tied in a reef knot behind, with the ends left free-hanging. Thus, it is often difficult to decide which of the two we are dealing with. The main differ- ence seems to be in their arrangement. The prevailing opinion is that Dionysus wore his headband below the hairline, while the Hellenistic kings wore it further back in the hair.20 What is notable, however, is that representations of headbands on Hel- lenistic coins and works of art identified as the Dionysiac mitra show that the most common type was the mitra without free- hanging ends, in contrast to the diadem which in the vast majority of cases clearly had a visible fringe. In this context recall that according to Duris the fringed edges of Demetrius’ head- dress went down to his back (ἐπὶ τὸ νῶτον φέρουσα τὰ τελευταῖα καταβλήµατα τῶν ὑφασµάτων). As we have seen, according to Brandenburg the mitra worn by the Cypriot kings was similar to the headbands of athletic victors 17 D. Kurz and J. Boardman, Greek Vases in the J. Paul Getty Museum III (Malibu 1986) 50–56. 18 LSJ s.v. µίτρα II: “headband, snood (…) victor’s chaplet at the games (…) headband as badge of rank at the Ptolemaic court (…) oriental head-dress, perh. a kind of turban (…) as a mark of effeminacy (…) diadem (…) head-dress of the priest of Heracles at Cos (...); of the Jewish high-priest.” 19 W. H. Mineur, Callimachus. Hymn to Delos (Leiden 1984) 164–165; R. Hunter, Theocritus. Encomium of Ptolemy Philadelphus (Berkeley 2003) 115. 20 K. Dahmen, The Legend of Alexander the Great on Greek and Roman Coins (New York 2007) 42; Wheatley and Dunn, Demetrius 174 n.63. TOMASZ ZIELIŃSKI 215 ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 64 (2024) 208–225 or Dionysiac komastai and became an insignia of ruling power in the Hellenistic period, equaling a diadem. What he seems to ignore, however, is the evidence of Cypriot sculpture, which has recently received much attention. The monuments, e.g. a lime- stone head in the Louvre, the Amathus sarcophagus, or even smaller terracotta figurines, do not confirm that the Cypriote kings or an elite group emulating royal means of visual represen- tation wore such headbands. Recent studies consistently identify their headgear as a kind of turban, a thick piece of cloth that surrounds the head, and call it the mitra.21 Brandenburg also admitted that, in contrast to a diadem, the mitra was not an attribute of power of the Great King or his satraps, and it is impossible to observe this headgear (as he understood it) in Achaemenid iconography. Except for Demetrius, our sources are also silent on other Hellenistic kings wearing such insignia, nor combined with a kausia. And it raises a question: for what reason would Demetrius, desiring to surpass Alexander, adopt an attribute worn by the Cypriot kings, technically the Great King’s subjects (Diod. 16.42.4, cf. 15.9.2)? Brandenburg holds that the term mitra is rarely used by Hel- lenistic authors and appears mostly in poetry, and that the pur- pose of using this word was to create a specific impression in the reader and emphasize the extravagance of the person described. Hence it was a more appropriate word than the clear and famil- iar diadema.22 This last observation seems important, especially when we look again at Duris’ account. Indeed, he is preoccupied with the increasingly extravagant dress and Eastern affectations of prominent Greeks, and there is no doubt that according to him Pausanias and Alexander began to wear Persian attire. The 21 A. Satraki, “The Iconography of Basileis in Archaic and Classical Cyprus: Manifestations of Royal Power in the Visual Record,” BASOR 370 (2013) 123–144, at 132, 136; A. Hermary and J. R. Martens, The Cesnola Collection of Cypriot Art: Stone Sculpture (New York 2014) 359; A. Cannavò, in B. Jacobs et al. (eds.), “Cyprus,” A Companion to the Achaemenid Persian Empire I (Hoboken 2021) 245–258, at 252. 22 Brandenburg, Studien 176. 216 DEMETRIUS POLIORCETES’ HEADDRESS ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 64 (2024) 208–225 case of Dionysius, however, it is not so obvious. Although he wore the ξυστίς, a robe of rich and soft material reaching to the feet, a garment with connotations of luxury, effeminacy, and showiness, features generally associated with the eastern tradi- tion,23 it was not a garment worn by the Persians themselves. Moreover, Duris considered Poliorcetes distinct from the rest of the kings, claiming that he exceeded them all (Δηµήτριος δὲ πάντας ὑπερέβαλεν), and does not ascribe to him Persian attire. It has been demonstrated that Duris’ attitude to the Macedonians was moral, condemning them for their excesses,24 so his claims should be read with caution. It is likely then that Duris’ intention was to create an image of the deteriorating morality of the rulers, which culminated in the person of Demetrius.25 He chose to draw a comparison between him and selected kings who began to wear Persian garments or attire associated with eastern tra- ditions. Therefore it should not surprise us that Duris used the word mitra. If, according to him, Demetrius’ robes were more lavish than those worn by the Persians, he tried to demonstrate that it must have been a luxury that had never been seen before. What is also overlooked by Brandenburg and those who follow him is the fact that the shape of the diadem and its decorations varied. In his insightful analysis of the representations on Hellenistic coinage and in works of art, Dieter Salzmann has demonstrated that apart from the most common type—a flat band—we can see the diadem with stripes, as many as three or four.26 They are depicted on the coins of the Bactrian and Parthian kings but can be seen also on a bronze coin of Syracuse 23 Collins, AJP 133 (2012) 391; F. Pownall, “Dionysius I and the Creation of a New-style Macedonian Monarchy,“ AHB 31 (2017) 21–38, at 25. 24 On Duris’ agenda see Pownall, in After Alexander 43–56. 25 Landucci Gattinoni, Duride 130. 26 D. Salzmann, “Anmerkungen zur Typologie des hellenistischen Königs- diadems,” in A. Lichtenberger et al. (eds.), Das Diadem der hellenistischen Herrscher (Münster 2012) 337–383, at 341–344. V. S. Curtis, in J. Wiesehöfer (ed.), Das Partherreich und Seine Zeugnisse (Stuttgart 1998) 61–74, at 63 calls this a “ridged diadem.” TOMASZ ZIELIŃSKI 217 ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 64 (2024) 208–225 showing Heracles with striped tainia, dating to the rule of Agathocles (317–289). According to Salzmann there are two possible explanations for these stripes: either they are an attempt to reflect a natural knot at the back, an example of which we see in the Charioteer of Delphi, a bronze votive statue connected with the Pythian Games of 474, or we are dealing with a head- band embroidered with gold and emphasizing its symbolic char- acter, as in the case of Demetrius’ mitra chrysopastos described by Duris. We could support this second hypothesis with the remark of Agnieszka Fulińska who points out that on some of the coins and gems stripes are depicted on the entire visible part of the diadem. Hence, it would be reasonable to assume that it was a calculated attempt to show the royal headband’s adornment.27 For Demetrius to adopt the mitra would also be surprising because he is consistently portrayed on coins wearing a diadem, including those issued in Macedonia,28 which Brandenburg seems to ignore. Moreover, there is no doubt that a diadem became the symbol of kingship in the Hellenistic period.29 It was 27 A. Fulińska, Atrybuty królewskie władców hellenistycznych – studium wizerunku publicznego (diss. Kraków 2016) 181–182. On Persian insignia see M. J. Olbrycht, Aleksander Wielki i świat irański (Rzeszów 2004) 284–285. 28 See E. Newell, The Coinage of Demetrius Poliorcetes (London 1927). 29 H. W. Ritter, Diadem und Königsherrschaft. Untersuchungen zu Zeremonien und Rechtsgrundlagen des Herrschaftsantritts (Munich 1965) 57; A. Lichtenberg, “Gibt es eine vorhellenistische makedonische tradition für das Diadem?” in Das Diadem 163–179. Different hypotheses on the origins of the Hellenistic dia- dem: adopted from the Achaemenids, Olbrycht, Aleksander Wielki 284–285, 290–291 (following Ritter), and “The Diadem in the Achaemenid and Hellenistic Periods,” Anabasis. Studia Classica et Orientalia 5 (2014) 177–187; A. Collins, AJP 133 (2012); the headband of Dionysus, R. R. R. Smith, Hellenistic Royal Portraits (Oxford 1988) 34–38; E. A. Fredricksmeyer, “The Origin of Alexander’s Royal Insignia,” TAPA 127 (1997) 97–109; K. M. Meyer, in Das Diadem 209–231; the headbands of agonistic contestants, A. Alföldi, Caesar in 44 v.Chr. I Studien zu Caesars Monarchie und ihren Wurzeln (Bonn 1985) 105–131; S. Lehmann, “Sieger-Binden im agonistischen und monarchischen Kon- text,” in Das Diadem 181–208; C. Mileta, “Ein Agon um Macht und Ehre,” 218 DEMETRIUS POLIORCETES’ HEADDRESS ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 64 (2024) 208–225 quite a natural decision, then, to be depicted with such an attri- bute. Besides, as Salzmann has noted, on some tetradrachms minted in Demetrias, dating to 290–289, on the ends of De- metrius’ diadem is a symbol shaped like the letter Δ or Λ. He suggests that it may point to another adornment, Demetrius’ name.30 If this is correct, then we could safely assume that Demetrius laid much weight on this attribute and its symbolic character. Highly problematic in this context is a passage of Herodian (1.3.3). He states that after Alexander, Antigonus “imitated Dionysus in every way, even wearing a crown of ivy instead of a Macedonian hat and diadem and carrying a thyrsus instead of a sceptre” (Ἀντίγονος δὲ Διόνυσον πάντα µιµούµενος καὶ κισσὸν µὲν περιτιθεὶς τῇ κεφαλῇ ἀντὶ καυσίας καὶ διαδήµατος Μακεδονικοῦ, θύρσον δὲ ἀντὶ σκήπτρου φέρων). Because Herodian refers to An- tigonus, this passage is overlooked in discussions of Demetrius’ headdress. We know, however, of no Antigonus who imitated Dionysus. For Angelos Chaniotis it is clear therefore that Hero- dian meant Demetrius, who was associated with Dionysus;31 he further suspects that Herodian is describing the moment of Demetrius’ arrival in Athens during the Dionysia in 291/0 when the king joined the revelers.32 Herodian’s “Macedonian diad- em” was not the silver gilt “diadem” found in Tomb II in Aigai:33 for him Μακεδονικοῦ was a byword for the Hellenistic diadem.34 Should that be the case, we could assume that Herodian’s testimony refers to the reign of Demetrius in Macedonia and in Das Diadem 315–334; F. Pownall, AHB 31 (2017) 26–28. According to R. Strootman, Courts and Elites in the Hellenistic Empires (Edinburgh 2014) 218–220, the Hellenistic diadem may have referred to several backgrounds simul- taneously. 30 D. Salzmann, in Das Diadem 356. 31 Already suggested by Fredricksmeyer, TAPA 127 (1997) 98. 32 A. Chaniotis, in More than Men, Less than Gods 170. 33 M. Andronikos, Vergina. The Royal Tombs and the Ancient City (Athens 1993) 171–175. 34 Lichtenberger, in Das Diadem 165. TOMASZ ZIELIŃSKI 219 ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 64 (2024) 208–225 confirms that the king wore a diadem around his kausia. Never- theless, the question arises to what extant this passage would reflect specifically Demetrius, rather than simply a general assumption about the attributes worn by the Hellenistic kings. The same question about the reliability of our sources applies for Plutarch. How should we understand his statement that Demetrius wore a double-mitred kausia? Did he mean double Dionysiac mitra or double diadem? So far as I know, only two representations depicting a Hellenistic king wearing double headbands have survived, and both come from the Ptolemaic Egypt. One is a marble head in the Louvre identified as Ptolemy III (246–221). He is depicted wearing two bands, one low down on forehead like a mitra, the other above like a diadem. It is difficult to see the reasons for such gesture. Perhaps Ptolemy’s aim was to emphasize the symbolic connection between those two attributes.35 If the head in the Louvre is to be a guide in interpreting Demetrius’ mitra chrysopastos, it should be assumed that his goal was to express his royal status, connection with Dionysus, and ambition to regain the East. The other representation is a ring with an engraved portrait of Ptolemy VI (180–145) wearing the double crown of Upper and Lower Egypt. The ends of the first diadem flow out from under the double crown, the second diadem is tied around the crown. Such a depiction might have been related to Ptolemy’s actions in 145, when, having driven Alexander I Balas out of Syria, he was crowned with two diadems as monarch of Asia and Egypt.36 If that is so, it is difficult to resist the impression that Demetrius, wearing double-mitred kausia, intended to express an aspiration to rule over Europe and Asia, as Mossman has already suggested. It seems to me, however, that we might interpret Plutarch differently, by comparing his account with that of Duris. There 35 A. Fulińska, Atrybuty 197–198. 36 E. R. Bevan, The House of Ptolemy (London 1927) 304; P. J. Kosmin, The Land of the Elephant Kings (Cambridge [Mass.] 2014) 125. 220 DEMETRIUS POLIORCETES’ HEADDRESS ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 64 (2024) 208–225 is no doubt that both share similarities, and it is not my intention to question the view that Plutarch used Duris as a source. However, as Mossman has explored in detail, there is every reason to think that Plutarch used his own terms to describe Demetrius’ clothing and suggest hidden depths to his character by implication.37 Moreover, apart from the difference regarding Demetrius’ mitra (mitra chrysopastos, Duris) vs. double-mitred kausia (Plutarch), there is one more issue here that has escaped notice. According to Duris, Demetrius owned multiple cloaks decorated with the whole celestial sphere including stars and the zodiac (αἱ δὲ χλαµύδες αὐτοῦ ἦσαν ὄρφνινον ἔχουσαι τὸ φέγγος τῆς χρόας, τὸ δὲ πᾶν [ὁ πόλος] ἐνύφαντο χρυσοῦς ἀστέρας ἔχον καὶ τὰ δώδεκα ζῴδια). Plutarch, on the other hand, states that the king had only one such cloak, which was “half-finished” (ἦν δέ τις ὑφαινοµένη χλανὶς αὐτῷ πολὺν χρόνον, ἔργον ὑπερήφανον, εἴκασµα τοῦ κόσµου καὶ τῶν κατ᾽ οὐρανὸν φαινοµένων (…) ὃ κατελείφθη µὲν ἡµιτελὲς ἐν τῇ µεταβολῇ τῶν πραγµάτων): if so, we would naturally infer that it was never worn. Surprisingly, when Plutarch de- scribes events at the end of the reign of Demetrius in Macedonia (Demetr. 44.6), he claims that the king, afraid of his own soldiers, put on a dark cloak in place of his stage-robes of royalty, and stole away unnoticed (µεταµφιέννυται χλαµύδα φαιὰν ἀντὶ τῆς τραγικῆς ἐκείνης, καὶ διαλαθὼν ὑπεχώρησεν). As Christopher Pelling has rightly pointed out, the “tragic” one does seem to refer to the cloak richly described earlier.38 This would imply that Plutarch was perfectly aware that Demetrius’ cloak had been finished. This raises the question why he earlier said something that seems to be contrary. The answer appears to lie in Plutarch and his agenda in Life of Demetrius. He wanted to portray Demetrius as an example of men whose great nature was corrupted later in 37 Mossman, in Fame and Infamy 149–169. 38 C. Pelling, “Tragic Colouring in Plutarch,” in J. Opsomer et al. (eds.), A Versatile Gentleman: Consistency in Plutarch's Writing: Studies Offered to Luc Van der Stockt (Leuven 2016) 113–133, at 126 n.46. TOMASZ ZIELIŃSKI 221 ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 64 (2024) 208–225 life.39 He often distinguishes Demetrius from other rulers, claim- ing that he was the most dissolute of the kings when he had leisure for drinking and luxurious living (σχολάζων τε περὶ πότους καὶ τρυφὰς καὶ διαίτας ἁβροβιώτατος βασιλέων, Demetr. 2.3) or that he had the worst reputation of all the kings of his time (µάλιστα δὴ περὶ τὴν ἡδονὴν ταύτην κακῶς ἀκοῦσαι τῶν τότε βασιλέων, 14.3). Seen from this perspective, it should not surprise us that accord- ing to Plutarch Demetrius wore, unusually, a double diadem (διαδούµενον περιττῶς καυσίαις διµίτροις): Plutarch knew that the standard practice of Hellenistic kings was one diadem. We might even be tempted to push the argument yet one step further. Perhaps what inspired Plutarch was how the kausia was some- times depicted. The fine bronze portrait head recovered from the sea near Kalymnos, identified as Philip V of Macedon, shows the king wearing a kausia with a padded headband. The cylindri- cal element below the headdress resembles a strophion, a convex and rolled band, considered to be a stylistic variant of the dia- dem, and probably meant to secure the kausia.40 If so, such a kausia with the diadem might have given an impression that Demetrius wore a double headband. As another potential in- spiration for Plutarch, we could point to a literary device. The term δίµιτρος appears only in the Life of Demetrius. This could be related to the change in the pronunciation of η to ι: we cannot rule out some word play by Plutarch on the name Demetrius, and understandable to his readers. III From the above reflections, that Demetrius in Macedonia wore a diadem tied around a kausia is as likely as that he wore a mitra, or even more so. The question remains what motive he might have had for wearing such headgear. In fact, except for the years 294–288, none of our sources describe the king as wearing such a headdress. Moreover, a kausia appears neither 39 Rose, A Historical Commentary 14–40. 40 C. A. Picón and S. Hemingway, Pergamon and the Hellenistic Kingdoms of the Ancient World (New York 2016) 213. 222 DEMETRIUS POLIORCETES’ HEADDRESS ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 64 (2024) 208–225 when Demetrius received a diadem from his father and was crowned (Demetr. 18.1), nor when his fleet put in at Corinth after his death with the cinerary urn—it was adorned only with the king’s diadem (53.4). It should be added that Demetrius’ coin portraits, including those minted in Macedonia, do not show a kausia, rather the diadem and bull’s horns. The practice of wearing a diadem with a kausia does appear in some later Hellenistic kings. Good examples are coin portraits of Bactrian rulers41 or a marble portrait head of Ptolemy XV42 (or his brother Ptolemy Philadelphos).43 The prevailing opinion is that in adopting a kausia they wanted to emphasize their links to the Macedonians and to Alexander and his legacy.44 But there is a serious problem with such an interpretation. The diadem as a royal attribute of Alexander is mentioned in sources 36 times, but only three times in combination with a kausia.45 Hence, as Marek Olbrycht has pointed out, Alexander’s practice of wear- ing both headgears combined was merely sporadic. It seems that he used the kausia only while on the march and traveling. It is also significant that after his death, when his regalia were put on display, a kausia—in contrast to the diadem—was not there.46 We can wonder, then, to what extant wearing a diadem wrapped around a kausia would be a clear reference to Alexander. The same question arises whether we should view the imitatio Alexandri ascribed by scholars to Demetrius as a consistent policy 41 Janssen, Die Kausia 51–54, 60–67. 42 P. E. Stanwick, Portraits of the Ptolemies: Greek Kings as Egyptian Pharaohs (Austin 2002) 35; Z. Kiss, “En marge des sceaux de Nea Paphos: l’icono- graphie de Césarion,” ÉtTrav 20 (2005) 82–86, at 83. 43 Fulińska, Atrybuty 226–227. 44 Plut. Ant. 54.5–6; Stanwick, Portraits 79; Janssen, Die Kausia 244–245; S. Glenn, Money and Power in Hellenistic Bactria (New York 2020) 38. 45 Ritter, Diadem und Königsherrschaft 55–58. 46 Curt. 10.6.4; Olbrycht, Aleksander 291, and “Royal Insignia of Alexander the Great: Arrian’s Evidence and Omissions,” in R. Rollinger et al. (eds.), The World of Alexander in Perspective. Contextualizing Arrian (Wiesbaden 2022) 345– 355, at 350. TOMASZ ZIELIŃSKI 223 ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 64 (2024) 208–225 across all of the king’s actions. Recent studies tend to focus on innovative aspects of his activity and provide examples where Demetrius’ actions clearly differ not only from the other Succes- sors but also from Alexander himself.47 This applies above all to Demetrius’ shaping a new image as Antigonid king based on his engineering skills and by emphasizing the pronounced physical and personal character of his rule.48 For these reasons some scholars have expressed doubt about Demetrius’ imitatio Alex- andri, arguing that his attitude towards Alexander’s memory was imbued with rivalry (aemulatio Alexandri )49 or suggesting that tracing Poliorcetes’ model might obscure his actual intentions.50 The question remains: if not a reference to Alexander, what was the reason for Demetrius’ decision to wear the kausia dia- dematophoros during his reign in Macedonia? The kausia was the symbol for leadership, strength, traditional Macedonian values, and commonly referred not only to the position of the king, but also to the prerogatives of the Macedonians themselves. At the 47 S. Müller, “In the Favour of Aphrodite: Sulla, Demetrios Poliorcetes, and the Symbolic Value of the Hetaira,” AHB 23 (2009) 38–49; A. Chaniotis, in More than Men, Less than Gods 186; L.-M. Günther, “Herrscherliche Inszenierungen in den Diadochenkriegen am Beispiel von Antigonos I. und Demetrios I,” in D. Boschung et al. (eds.), Das Charisma des Herrschers (Paderborn 2015) 235–252, at 242–251; B. Eckhardt, “Zur Herrschafts- repräsentation des Demetrios I. Poliorketes,” in H. Beck et al. (eds.), Von Magna Graecia nach Asia Minor: Festschrift für Linda-Marie Günther (Wiesbaden 2017) 197–210. 48 T. Zieliński, “Demetrius Poliorcetes’ Nickname and the Origins of the Hostile Tradition concerning his Besieging Skills,” AHB 37 (2023) 120–141, at 127–130. 49 V. Alonso Troncoso, “Antigonus Monophthalmus and Alexander’s Memory,” in C. Bearzot et al. (eds.), Alexander’s Legacy (Rome 2016) 97–119, at 113–114, and “Alexander, the King in Shining Armor,” Karanos 2 (2019) 19–27, at 25. 50 T. Zieliński, “Imitatio, aemulatio or comparatio? Demetrius Poliorcetes and his Attitude towards Alexander the Great’s Accomplishments and Legacy,” Klio. Czasopismo poświęcone dziejom Polski i powszechnym 65 (2023) 5–29; B. Eckhardt, in Von Magna Graecia nach Asia Minor 203. 224 DEMETRIUS POLIORCETES’ HEADDRESS ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 64 (2024) 208–225 same time, the recipients of this message identified as members of one group: the symbol intended to strengthen their solidarity, distinguish them from others, and signal their pursuit of com- mon interests.51 Considering that Demetrius wore the diadem compounded with the kausia only during his reign in Macedonia, we can interpret his decision as an attempt to inspire shared loyalty among his subjects. It is not a coincidence that in 290 he introduced a series of gold staters showing on the obverse his portrait with diadem and bull’s horns, on the reverse the well- known Macedonian cavalryman but wearing a kausia. It was a representation of attributes associated with Macedonian king- ship and one of the main motifs in the coinage of the Argead kings.52 Thus, in placing such a motif on coins, Demetrius must have been aware of its meaning. It has even been suggested that the horseman now was intended as another representation of Demetrius himself.53 In any case, this is the first and last time when the king employed exclusively Macedonian imagery on his coins, and Wheatley and Dunn are probably right that he wanted to emphasize his role as the Macedonian king.54 To sum up: arguments for identification of Demetrius’ head- dress in Macedonia with an Eastern headband or Dionysiac fillet seem unconvincing in light of the available evidence. It is more likely that the king wore an embroidered diadem combined with a kausia. Although wearing both of these attributes has been viewed as a reference to Alexander, Demetrius likely adopted the kausia with diadem specifically to appeal to the Macedonians and so used a traditional Macedonian symbol in order to gain 51 Janssen, Die Kausia 244. 52 On the horseman motif see C. Picard, in L. Kahil et al. (eds.), Iconographie classique et identités régionales (Paris 1986) 67–76; A. M. Prestianni Giallombardo and B. Tripodi, “Iconografia monetale e ideologia reale macedone: I tipi del cavaliere nella monetazione di Alessandro I e di Filippo II,” REA 98 (1996) 311–355. 53 O. Mørkholm, Early Hellenistic Coinage from the Accession of Alexander to the Peace of Apamea (Cambridge 1991) 80. 54 Wheatley and Dunn, Demetrius 374–375. TOMASZ ZIELIŃSKI 225 ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 64 (2024) 208–225 the favor of his subjects. Whether this decision turned out to be the right one is another story. Nevertheless, these conclusions can serve as an argument to challenge the view that Demetrius adopted an Eastern style of kingship and imitated Alexander. March, 2024 Department of Ancient History and Byzantium Jagiellonian University in Krakow tomasztymoteusz.zielinski@gmail.com