Alabanda ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 64 (2024) 397–416 ISSN 2159-3159 Article copyright held by the author(s) and made available under the Creative Commons Attribution License CC-BY https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ New Lists of Foreign Judges from Alabanda in Caria Hüseyin Uzunoğlu and Zerrin Aydın Tavukçu HIS PAPER presents a group of name lists of foreign judges discovered in the excavations carried out by a team of archaeologists from Atatürk University in Erzurum led by Prof. Dr. Ali Tavukçu in the Carian city of Alabanda in the 2021 and 2022 campaigns. The ancient settle- ment lies approximately 7 km west of the Çine District of Aydın Province; it was regarded as one of the most important cities of inner Caria according to Strabo.1 The first seasons of the ex- cavation have concentrated on the bouleuterion, which has yielded numerous interesting name lists, some of which form the subject of this paper. Four marble blocks with inscriptions were found in front of the scaenae frons of the bouleuterion, constituting a single monument. After a brief assessment, it was understood that these 1 Strab. 14.2.22. On the history of Alabanda in general see E. Babelon, “Alabanda et Antioche. Villes de Carie,” RN SER. III 8 (1890) 417–434; J. Nollé, “Stephanos von Byzantion über Alabanda. Zum Gründungsmythos der nordkarischen Stadt,” Chiron 44 (2014) 233–252. All the epigraphic and literary testimony has now been brought together by W. Blümel, I.Nordkarien pp.129–210. On the archaeological remains and the most recent discoveries from the Alabanda excavations see Z. Aydın Tavukçu, “Alabanda: Tarihi Coğrafya, Topografya, Araştırma ve Kazılar,” Atatürk Üniv. Güzel Sanatlar Enstitüsü Dergisi 35 (2015) 223–256; “İlk Kazılar Işığında Alabanda Bouleu- terionu,” Sosyal Beşeri ve İdari Bilimler Alanında Yenilikçi Yaklaşımlar 3 (2018) 9– 27; “Alabanda 2021,” 42. Kazı Sonuçları Toplantısı, 1. Cilt (2022) 119–128; “Alabanda Antik Kentinin Peyzaj Projesi Kapsamında Turizm Potansiye- linin Değerlendirilmesi,” Current Perspectives in Social Sciences 26 (2022) 325–335; “Alabanda 2022,” 43. Kazı Sonuçları Toplantısı (2022) in press. T 398 NEW LISTS OF FOREIGN JUDGES ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 64 (2024) 397–416 name lists documented foreign judges visiting the city of Ala- banda. The institution of foreign judges is a well-known phenomenon attested in the epigraphy of the Hellenistic period, serving to reduce potential civic complaints and disturbances arising from judicial impasses.2 There is a gap between the late Hellenistic period and the end of first century A.D. in terms of attested foreign judges, yet it is indisputable that the practice persisted throughout the High Empire, even though there was a certain decline in its use;3 and the inscriptions from the Imperial period no longer fall in the category of honorary decrees for judges in gratitude for their integrity in carrying out their duties, but appear in the much more condensed, frequently abbreviated form of lists of the members of each foreign delegation.4 It is doubtful that these show a general continuation of the institution into the High Empire;5 it appears to be confined to Mylasa, Stratonikeia, Thessaly(?), Sparta, the so-called Lycian metapempta dikasteria, and now Alabanda.6 We present here the first edition of the new texts together with commentary. 2 L. Girdvainyte, in K. Czajkowski et al. (eds.), Law in the Roman Provinces (Oxford 2020) 217. The tradition in the Hellenistic period of inviting foreign judges has been the subject of many studies: e.g. P. Gauthier, Symbola. Les étrangers et la justice dans les cités grecques (Nancy 1972); L. Robert, in E. von Caemmerer et al. (eds.), ΧΕΝΙΟΝ. Festschrift für Pan. J. Zepos I (Athens 1973) 765–782 = OMS V 137–154]; C. Crowther, “Foreign Judges and Regional Variations,” in H. Elton et al. (eds.), Regionalism in Hellenistic and Roman Asia Minor (Bordeaux (2007) 53–59; A. Cassayre, La justice dans les cités grecques: de la formation des royaumes hellénistiques au legs d’Attale (Rennes 2010). 3 For possible reasons for this decline see J. Fournier, Entre tutelle romaine et autonomie civique. L’administration judiciaire dans les provinces hellénophones de l’Empire romain (Athens 2010) 539. 4 Fournier, L’administration judiciaire 227. 5 G. Kantor, in E. M. Harris et al. (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Law (2015: https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199599257.013.25, ac- cessed 18 Dec. 2023). 6 For a brief list of foreign judges attested in the Imperial period see HÜSEYİN UZUNOĞLU AND ZERRİN AYDIN TAVUKÇU 399 ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 64 (2024) 397–416 BLOCK 1.a (front side) Limestone block. Slightly broken on the upper right side. Some minor cracks visible on the stone. The surface of the stone is partly weathered. Broken at top and bottom. Measurements: h. 53 cm, w. 64, th. 25.5. The block contains two separate texts (or three?).7 Figure 1: Block 1.a, inscriptions 1 and 2 Fournier, L’administration judiciaire 607–609. Apart from these, there are also two other cases where xenokritai are attested, in Pinara (TAM II.2 508) and in Perge (I.Perge II 323) listing donations by the honorand (5000 drachmae to each of the four divisions of xenokritai at Pinara, one denarius to each xenokrites at Perge). However, D. Nörr doubts that these were in fact the foreign judges as we know them and argues that they may have been active as recuperatores in a gubernatorial court, who should not be confused with the foreign judges to whom Greek cities resorted: D. Nörr, in W. Eck (ed.), Lokale Autonomie und römische Ordnungsmacht in den kaiserzeitlichen Provinzen (Munich 1999) 257–301. 7 Some letter traces are visible in the lower space between the two texts suggesting that the stone was used for re-inscribing in later antiquity. Only ΦΙΑΡ and ΦΙΟ (letter height 1.5–3 cm) are legible, but it does not seem possible to make any sense of them. All photographs here are from the archive of the Alabanda excavations. 400 NEW LISTS OF FOREIGN JUDGES ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 64 (2024) 397–416 Inscription 1 Line height 1.5–2.5 cm (0.5 in line 1). [- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -] [- - - - - - - - - - - -] γραµµατεύς 2 [- - - - - - - - - -] Α̣Λ̣[ ca. 6 ] δικαστής, [- - - - - - -]Λ̣Ι̣Ε̣Ο̣[ ca. 3-4 ]Σ Ἀ̣π̣ο̣λλωνίου 4 [- - - - - Θεµίσκο̣ς Μεννέου [- - - - - - -]γραµµατεύς 6 [- - - - -]Σ . Λ̣Λ̣Υ̣. Ι̣ΩΝ̣[- - -] [- - - - Σ Ἀπολλωνίου δικαστής, 8 Κ̣α̣λλίθεµις Ἀρτεµιδώρου vac. γραµµατεύς ❦ 10 vac. οἱ ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀσίας vac. Ποιµανηνοὶ Τείµων Εὐκρά- 12 του δι(καστής), γρ(αµµατεὺς) Μηνόδωρος Ἁρτεµιδώρου. Μειληπολῖται δι(καστὴς) Μ(ᾶρκος) Μάρκι- 14 ος Σεουῆρος, γρ(αµµατεὺς) Λούκιος Ἰουλιανοῦ. ❦ Ἀπολλωνιᾶ{σ}- 16 [ται] πρὸ̣ς τῷ Ῥυνδάκῳ δικ(αστὴς) Λ̣Ι̣ . . ΑΠΟ̣Λ̣Λ̣ [- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -] 7–9: Even though the composition in the name lists presented here is largely the same as in the Mylasan texts where the name of the judge in abbreviated form (Δ, ΔΙ, ΔΙΚ, ΔΚ) followed by that of his secretary (ΓΡ) always appears after the initial mention of the delegation’s homeland, we note some differences in our case: the name is sometimes preceded by the titles judge and secre- tary, as is evident in these lines, whereas it is given in a mixed order in line 12 and the titles come first in 13–14. It is also worth mentioning that the titles are not always abbreviated, as is also the case in the Mylasan lists. 10 οἱ ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀσίας: This expression unambiguously and most interestingly indicates that the following judges and secretaries are from the province of Asia, implying that the prior ones are HÜSEYİN UZUNOĞLU AND ZERRİN AYDIN TAVUKÇU 401 ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 64 (2024) 397–416 from a different province. In the only relevant parallel for this kind of judge list, in the neighbouring city of Mylasa, we have only ethnic references, namely Λύκιοι8 (also found in our lists, see Block 1.c) and in a single case the judges of Erythrai who identify themselves as Ἀσιανοὶ Ἴωνες, meaning the Koinon of the Ionians according to the editors of I.Mylasa and I.Erythrai.9 On the other hand, Martin Hallmansecker has recently proposed that Ἀσιανοὶ Ἴωνες in this context is an ethno-cultural reference, primarily because there are no instances of a koinon dispatching a delegation of judges.10 16 δικ(αστὴς) Λ̣Ι̣ . . ΑΠΟ̣Λ̣Λ̣: The dot before delta and after kappa indicates that ΔΙΚ is an abbreviation, while it was either written in full or abbreviated ΔΙ in the previous lines. It is doubtful that the remaining Λ̣Ι̣ . . ΑΠΟ̣Λ̣Λ̣ belongs to this line in view of the entirely different lettering style. Moreover, the size of the letters seems a bit large in comparison with the rest of the line and also not levelled with the previous lines. If it were indeed associated with this line, it could then provide the name of the judge mentioned there, such as Ἀπολλ[ώνιος?]. In this case, Λ̣Ι̣ might well be the abbreviated beginning of his gentilicium. But this seems most doubtful. Given that there are separate texts carved on the block, it can also be interpreted as the first line of another list carved at a later date in the right corner of the stone, which is now completely broken off. 8 I.Mylasa I 361, 362, 366, 369, 370, 372; F. Rumscheid, “Inschriften aus Milas im Museum Bodrum,” EpigrAnat 37 (2004) 43–61, at 59–60, no. 18 [SEG LIV 1103]. 9 W. Blümel, I.Mylasa I 365; H. Engelmann, I.Erythrai I 125. 10 M. Hallmansecker, Roman Ionia. Constructions of Cultural Identity in Western Asia Minor (Cambridge 2022) 58 n.66. 402 NEW LISTS OF FOREIGN JUDGES ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 64 (2024) 397–416 Inscription 2 Figure 2 : Block 1.a detail, 2.a-b 2.a Letter height 1.5–2.2 cm. [- - - - - - - - - -] Α̣Σ̣ΠΕ̣[- - - - - -] 2 δικαστ[ής- - - -] Μ̣ᾶ̣ρ̣κ̣ος Ἰού̣λ̣[ιος] 4 Καπίτων ❦ Μηνόδωρος 6 Ἑστιαίου ❦ γραµµατεύς. 2.b Letter height 1.3–2.0 cm. οἱ ἀπὸ τῆς Βι- 2 θυνίας δικασ- ταὶ καὶ γραµµα- 4 τεῖς εὐχαριστοῦ- σιν Κλάδῳ 6 Ἀθηναίου δηµοσίῳ̣. 2.b: “The judges and secretaries from Bithynia are grateful to Klados, son of Athenaios, the public servant.” There is no conclusive evidence to help us date inscriptions 1 and 2 with any precision, and it is not even clear whether the two were carved at the same time. The lines in 2.b are squeezed in comparison to the those in 2.a, despite seeming to have suffi- cient space (this may also be attributed to an error by the stone- mason in calculating the available space). This possibly indicates that 2.b was a later addition. The similarity of the letter shapes (the omegas and sigmas in particular) suggests either that the two texts were carved simultaneously or that the first precedes the second by a small interval. It can be said that the lettering in 1 does not differ significantly from that of 2. The only anomaly is that some omegas are circular rather than lunate, which is in- consistent with the general palaeography of the texts. However, HÜSEYİN UZUNOĞLU AND ZERRİN AYDIN TAVUKÇU 403 ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 64 (2024) 397–416 this phenomenon is commonly observed in inscriptions and does not pose a significant issue. Thus, it can be stated that all the inscriptions on this stone likely date to the same period, which we presume to be the second century A.D. The only relevant parallels for texts of this kind that can help us in dating are at Mylasa at the temple of Zeus Osogo (see below for further details), a series of dedications made by foreign judges originating from the provinces of Asia and (even more often) Lycia-Pamphylia. Two inscriptions from this series are dated to A.D. 93/4 and 112/3 by the mention of the proconsuls of Asia, L. Iunius Caesennius Paetus and Cornelius Tacitus.11 The rest are dated approximately to the end of the first century and the beginning of the second century on palaeographical grounds by Wolfgang Blümel.12 We do not have photographs to control this, but at least a drawing by Richard Meister; this shows some similarities but at the same time some dissimilarities in letter forms.13 Even though Mylasa and Alabanda are geographically so close to each other, we can hardly say that the Mylasan and Alabandan texts are contemporary based solely on their letter forms. However, it cannot be completely ruled out. In fact, an inscription from Sparta attests to the presence of a foreign judge in Alabanda in the first half of the second cen- tury:14 the Spartan Eudokimos, among other offices, both served as dikastagogos (escorting foreign judges from their homeland to the host city) and was sent to Alabanda as a xenokrites.15 In his 11 I.Mylasa I 364 and 365. 12 I. Mylasa I p.141. For a more narrow dating see G. Kantor, “Towards the Dating of the Inscriptions of Foreign Judges at Mylasa” EpigrAnat 49 (2016) 131. 13 R. Meister, “Die Tacitusinschrift von Mylasa,” ÖJh 27 (1932) 234–244, at 237–238, fig. 117. 14 SEG XI 491: Εὐδόκιµος Δαµοκράτους τοῦ Σπένδον/τος, διαβέτης, σειτώνης τὸ βʹ ἀπ’ Αἰγύπτου, / κατανγελεὺς τῶν Εὐρυκλείων, χοραγός, / δικασταγωγὸς ἀπὸ Σάµου, ξενοκρίτης / εἰς Ἀλάβαντα κτλ. 15 It is generally held that kinship ties are one of the driving forces behind 404 NEW LISTS OF FOREIGN JUDGES ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 64 (2024) 397–416 comprehensive study of the xenokritai, D. Nörr suggested that the Spartan judge Eudokimos may have been a member of the body of provincial recuperatores as in the other xenokritai cases.16 J. Fournier, however, claims that the office of ξενοκρίτης he held at Alabanda was more likely his participation in a foreign court of the traditional Greek type, than in a gubernatorial com- mission.17 The fact that the new material presented in this paper is more or less contemporary with the Spartan inscription demonstrates that Fournier’s view is more probable because it is now attested that in Alabanda the use of foreign judges took place in the second century. In our opinion, it is also supported by the fact that Alabanda is listed by Pliny the Elder as one of the free cities,18 which means that a Roman governor could not intervene in judicial matters by appointing a commission of judges called recuperatores. 2a, 1–7: Whether these lines are a continuation of inscription 1 on the left side of the stone, or are related to the following lines (see the discussion above) is unclear. If the latter is correct, it would be very likely that the judge Capito and the secretary Menodoros hailed from one of the Bithynian cities. However, the names of this judge and secretary are also inscribed on Block 4 under the delegation list of Aspendos in Pamphylia. As it is not unusual for the same judges to serve on more than one the exchange of foreign judges, see Fournier, L’administration judiciaire 539; so inviting a Spartan is not surprising in this respect, given that in the third century Alabanda proclaimed itself a colony of Sparta as its coins testify: BMC Caria p.xxx; cf. O. Curty, “La parenté légendaire à l'époque hellénistique,” Kernos 12 (1999) 167–194, at 173. Such a connection is already attested be- tween the Euboian city Karystos and Alabanda in the first century B.C.: IG XII.9 4 = O. Curty, Les parentés légendaires entre les cités grecques (Geneva 1995) 65, no. 31, and between Alabanda and Termessos in 93/4: I.Mylasa 364, ἐπὶ ἀνθυπάτου Καισεννίου Παίτου, / Τερµησσέων τῶν Μειζόνων / αὐτονόµων καὶ συνγενῶν Μυλασέων, / δικ(αστὴς) Τειµοκράτη κτλ. 16 Nörr, in Lokale Autonomie 280–283 [SEG XLIX 2506]. 17 Fournier, L’administration judiciaire 538. 18 HN 5.109, praeterea sunt Thydonos, Pyrrha, Eurome, Heraclea, Amyzon, Alabanda libera, quae conventum eum cognominavit. HÜSEYİN UZUNOĞLU AND ZERRİN AYDIN TAVUKÇU 405 ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 64 (2024) 397–416 occasion,19 we may also posit that they are identical. In such a case, it can be well conceived that the judges from Lycia and Pamphylia followed the judges from Asia inscribed on the left- hand side of the block. 2.b 1–3, οἱ ἀπὸ τῆς Βιθυνίας δικασταί: This phrase is most interesting, raising the question whether Bithynia here is a geo- graphical term or denotes the provincia Bithynia et Pontus. Because in inscription 1 the judges and secretaries certainly refer to the province of Asia as their provenance, the same might be ex- pected here and these judges and secretaries might wish to em- phasize their provincial affiliation too. The problem would be that the official appellation of the province is incomplete, as it does not include Pontus. However, the name of the province was recorded in differing ways. The study of Gabriela Wesch-Klein collecting the epigraphic data proves that from its foundation in 64 B.C. until the reign of Nero, it was officially called Bithynia (our inscription is definitely later than Nero, so this cannot be a solution to our problem). From Nero’s reign until A.D. 195 the name was Pontus et Bithynia, and was subsequently referred to as Bithynia et Pontus according to historical sources.20 In her com- pilation of the documents, she found only two exceptions later than Nero’s reign where Pontus is omitted. One of these is fragmentary and it seems possible to restore the missing part as Bithyn[iae et Ponti].21 But the other is complete,22 and Wesch- Klein thinks that it could stem from negligence. We have also a literary source for this matter, Cassius Dio, who repeatedly refers 19 I.Mylasa I 365 and 368. 20 G. Wesch-Klein, “Bithynia, Pontus et Bithynia, Bithynia et Pontus: Ein Provinzname im Wandel der Zeit,” ZPE 136 (2001) 251–256. Cf. F. Baz, “Considerations for the Administration of the Province Pontus et Bithynia during the Imperial Period,” Cedrus 1 (2013) 262. 21 Wesch-Klein, ZPE 136 (2001) 256, List 2, no. 4 (AE 1980, 61), curat[- - provin]c(iae) Bithyn[iae - -]. 22 Wesch-Klein, ZPE 136 (2001) 256, List 2, no. 2 (I.Tralleis 54), ἡγεµόνος Βειθυνίας. 406 NEW LISTS OF FOREIGN JUDGES ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 64 (2024) 397–416 to the province simply as Bithynia,23 and Wesch-Klein argues that here we possibly are dealing with a use of language in a classicizing style.24 We have identified another example for her exception list. The series of honorary inscriptions from Ancyra documenting the cursus honorum of a prominent senator C. Iulius Severus in the mid-second century states that he was appointed to Bithynia as a corrector and curator by the deified Hadrian.25 His appointment to this office certainly means that he was sent to the province of Bithynia and Pontus, obviously not to the Bithynian region. All of these documents demonstrate that our case is not unique and we can conclude that the Βιθυνία in our inscription is the province itself and the judges simply underline that they come from the Bithynian part of the double province. 2.b 4–5 εὐχαριστοῦσιν: The judges and secretaries collectively express their gratitude to a certain Klados, son of Athenaios, who was apparently a demosios (see below). This gesture seems unusual and we lack further evidence to make a sound com- parison. The only example available is in the judge lists in Mylasa. These inscriptions, carved on at least three different columns and discovered at the sanctuary of Zeus Osogo, were written at various times in a rather disorderly manner. Both the findspots of these inscriptions and the dedications to the god on them have led scholars justifiably to think that these are dedica- tions to Zeus Osogo, presumably as thanks for the successful completion of their work.26 However, the situation in our case is markedly different, as gratitude is here bestowed upon a specific public servant, not upon a deity. It may seem unconventional, but the presence of demosioi in the judicial operations of cities is extensively documented. In fourth century B.C. Athens, the 23 Cass. Dio 69.14.4, 78.39.5, 79.3.1. 24 Wesch-Klein, ZPE 136 (2001) 254: “Dafür könnte man eventuell einen antikisierenden Sprachgebrauch geltend machen.” 25 I.Ancyra 74–76. 26 W. H. Waddington, LBW II (1870) p.107; Meister, ÖJh 27 (1932) 242– 243; Blümel, I.Mylasa I p.141. Cf. also Kantor, EpigrAnat 49 (2016) 131. HÜSEYİN UZUNOĞLU AND ZERRİN AYDIN TAVUKÇU 407 ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 64 (2024) 397–416 demosioi played a ubiquitous role in the administration of justice. According to Aristotle, they fulfilled a range of functions in the judicial processes, from organizing the selection of jurors by lot to overseeing their entrance into the courtroom and frequently escorting members of the public to their seats.27 As Photius states in summary, a public slave is the slave of the city working for the courts and public works projects.28 The connection between the demosios and judges is also sup- ported by epigraphic evidence. For example, in a lex sacra from the small city of Pednelissos in Pisidia,29 dated to the early Hel- lenistic period,30 a juridical procedure is described, making evi- dent that the judges were accompanied by the public servants to taste the sacrificial meat together. So it is almost certain that Klados is not a personal servant of the Bithynian judges, in contrast to the Mylasa case, as it would be unfitting for them to express gratitude to someone already working for them. It is more probable that he was a demosios of Alabanda, who oversaw the entire organization of the trials and thus aided the judges in 27 Ath.Pol. 65.4. For a detailed analysis of the literary sources concerning the relation of demosioi with the judges see P. Ismard, Democracy’s Slaves. A Political History of Ancient Greece (Cambridge [Mass.] 2017) 37. 28 Phot. Lex. s.v. δηµόσιος· ὁ τῆς πόλεως δοῦλος, ὃς ὑπηρετεῖ τοῖς δικαστηρίοις καὶ τοῖς κοινοῖς ἔργοις. 29 SEG II 710 = LSAM 79 = CGRN 213 (http://cgrn.ulg.ac.be/file/213/, consulted 14 December 2023). On this inscription (with further bibliography) see also A. Coşkun, “Was Pednelissos a ‘Galatian Polis’? A Note on SEG II 710 and the Debate on the Location of Paul’s Galatians,” Philia 6 (2020) 62– 73. See also A. Weiß, Sklave der Stadt. Untersuchungen zur öffentlichen Sklaverei in den Städten des Römischen Reiches (Stuttgart 2004) 36: “Möglicherweise sind auch die demosioi in Pednelissos als persönliche Diener der Richter der Stadt zu interpretieren, die gleichsam als integraler Bestandteil des Amtes gesehen wurden und die deshalb bei der feierlichen Eidesleistung zusammen mit ihren Herren von dem Opferfleisch kosten sollten.” 30 The inscription is dated to the first century A.D. in the editio princeps, based on the letter forms, but as Çoşkun, Philia 6 (2020) 65, emphasizes, referring to leading epigraphists on Asia Minor (yet not providing names), the lettering in the drawing seems more like early Hellenistic. 408 NEW LISTS OF FOREIGN JUDGES ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 64 (2024) 397–416 their work, earning for him their appreciation. As P. Ismard con- cludes, “The demosioi’s jobs were not performed collectively. The great majority of the inscriptions portray their work as a solitary activity. Even when several public slaves worked to- gether on a common task, there is nothing to suggest they were organized into a collective whose members were jointly re- sponsible for the result.”31 It is uncertain whether Klados was exclusively in charge of organizing the legal procedures that occurred in Alabanda or if he received assistance from others. However, since he alone is named, it is more probable that he conducted the entire operation himself. 2.b 5–6 Κλάδῳ Ἀθηναίου δηµοσίῳ: The personal name Klados has not been attested in Alabanda or in its surroundings to date.32 It is rare for a demosios to have a patronymic.33 In his attempt to resolve this issue, H. W. Pleket suggests that the demosioi were in fact occasionally free men who performed tasks typically reserved for slaves, thus opposing the conventional idea that the demosioi were slaves.34 To support his view, he cites a passage from the edict of P. Fabius Persicus, governor of Asia during the Claudian period, forbidding free persons from per- forming the services of δηµόσιοι δοῦλοι, to prevent excessive expenditure.35 In our opinion, A. Weiß correctly notes that the edict implies that the phenomenon was known in pre-Claudian 31 Ismard, Democracy’s Slaves 53. 32 According to LGPN VB 246, it occurs only once in Caria, but in Miletos, which is placed in Caria rather than Ionia by the LGPN editors. 33 This is attested in only a few cities of Asia Minor: SEG XXIX 1404 = Weiß, Sklave der Stadt 228 no. 266 (Hierapolis); MAMA I 418 = Weiß no. 276 (Orkistos); SEG XXXIII 965 = Weiß no. 277 = J. L. Ferrary, Les mémoriaux de délégations du sanctuaire oraculaire de Claros I (Paris 2014) 450–451 no. 175 (Parion); TAM V.2 1075, 1084, 1142 = Weiß nos. 287–289 (Thyateira); I.Kibyra 289 (not included in Weiß). 34 H. W. Pleket, “A Free δηµόσιος,” ZPE 42 (1981)167–170; followed by J. and L. Robert, Bull.épigr. 1981, 558, and Ferrary, Les mémoriaux de délégations 451 n.46. 35 I. Ephesos I 18.13–22. HÜSEYİN UZUNOĞLU AND ZERRİN AYDIN TAVUKÇU 409 ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 64 (2024) 397–416 times but then prohibited.36 Otherwise, the provincials would have been ignoring an edict that presumably set standards for the entire province of Asia. Instead, he draws attention to the possibility that the demosioi with patronymics are rather excep- tional cases and known in the inscriptions from Thyateira.37 He asserts that they were possibly slaves serving in the city archives, yet with a privilege of bearing a patronymic as distinct from other demosioi. Our Klados is certainly not a servant in the city archives, but his involvement in judicial matters suggests that he may be a public slave rather than a civil servant of free birth. BLOCK 1.b (left side) There are four inscriptions on this side of the block, which were obviously carved at different times, as shown by the varied lettering shapes. The texts are incomplete on the left, upper, and lower parts of the stone. A dowel hole at the bottom indicates a secondary use of the block at a later time. Figure 3: Block 1.b, inscriptions 1–4 36 Weiß, Sklave der Stadt 82–83. 37 TAM V.2 1075, 1084, 1142 = Weiß, Sklave der Stadt, no. 287–289. 410 NEW LISTS OF FOREIGN JUDGES ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 64 (2024) 397–416 Inscription 1 Line height 1.3–2.0 cm. [ - - - - - - - - - - - ] [- - -]Τ̣Ε̣Μ̣Ι̣ΑΚΙ̣ 2 [Ε]ὐπόλεµο̣ς̣ ΑΣ̣ΤΗΣ̣ [- - -] 4 [- - -]Σ̣/Ε̣Ι̣ ca. 4-5 Ι̣Ρ̣Μ̣ [- - -] [- - -]Τ̣Ι̣Ο̣ ca.5-6 Φ̣Ι̣ [- - -] 6 [- - -]Τ̣Ο̣[- - -] [- - -] Θεόφ̣ι̣[λ]ο̣ς̣ Λ̣Α̣Π̣Ι̣ 8 [- - -] Σικυωνίου δι(καστὴς) Τίτος Αὐφιδίου 10 γρ(αµµατεὺς) Δίδυµος Φοιβίδ[ου] vac. Σικυωνίου̣ 3 [δικ]αστὴς? 4 γρ(αµµατεὺς)? 7 Λαπί[θου]? Inscription 2 Line height 1–2 cm. δι(καστὴς) Αἴλιος Μάξιµος 2 γρ(αµµατεὺς) Σώτηρος Χρυσέρωτος. Inscription 3 Line height 1.5–1.8 cm. [- - -]Ι̣ΔΙΟΙ τῆς ΠΑΜ[- - -] 2 [- - -] δικαστής̣ [- - -] [- - -]Τ̣ΡΟΣΠ[- - -] 4 [- - -]Τ̣Ι̣Π̣[- - -] [- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -] 1: Considering the general characteristics of the lists, it is clear that ΙΔΙΟΙ is the end of an ethnicon. One possible option for restoration is Κνίδιοι. Ηowever, the rest of the line presents a problem as there seems to be no other way to restore it than τῆς Παµ[φυλίας]. Iota at the beginning of the line is in fact a dubious reading due to the break, and it is possibly Ν, for a very indistinct trace of a vertical stroke that might belong to the other leg of Ν is visible at the left edge. If this is the case, we are left with two HÜSEYİN UZUNOĞLU AND ZERRİN AYDIN TAVUKÇU 411 ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 64 (2024) 397–416 options, [Ἀσπέ]ν̣διοι and [Ἰσί]ν̣διοι. We have not met the expres- sion Ἀσπένδιος τῆς Παµφυλίας anywhere, yet it is not uncommon to see a geographical specification following an ethnicon.38 Although there is a inscription attesting to Ἰσινδεὺς τῆς Παµ- φυλίας,39 this option is the less probable because the ethnicon of Isinda in Pisidia is Ἰσινδεύς,40 not Ἰσίνδιος.41 Inscription 4 Line height 4–5 cm. [- - -]ΣΣΕΥ 2 [- - -]ΡΟΥ The left side of the block is broken off, making it impossible to determine how many letters are missing. The text might be re- stored as - - ]ς Σευ/[ή]ρου. Date: All the inscriptions on this block are undoubtedly from the Roman Imperial period. Inscription 4 seems to have been engraved somewhat later than the others, presumably added in the third century, while the first three lists can be dated to some- time in the second century. Because of its regular script and different lettering style, it is quite possible that inscription 3 dates from an earlier period than the others. BLOCK 1.c (right side) The text is incomplete on the right and bottom (but see below). A dowel hole is visible, as in Block 1.b. 38 L. Robert, Hellenica XI–XII (Paris 1960) 157 n.2, and Villes d'Asie Mineure2 (Paris 1962) 415 n.1. 39 Achaïe II 176; see also the commentary of J. and L. Robert, Bull.épigr. 1968, 274. As there is no doubt that Isinda (modern Korkuteli) is in Pisidia, τῆς Παµφυλίας must refer to the provincial affiliation of the city, and it should not be confused with Isinda in Lycia. 40 D. French, “Isinda and Lagbe,” in Studies in the History and Topography of Lycia and Pisidia (Oxford 1994) 53–92, at 69–70. 41 Ἰσίνδιος is the ethnicon of a city named Isindos in Ionia: Steph. Byz. s.v. Ἴσινδος. 412 NEW LISTS OF FOREIGN JUDGES ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 64 (2024) 397–416 Letter height 2.5–3.0 cm. Λύκιοι vac. Π[- - -] 2 δικ(αστής) ΑΠΟΛ[- - -] ΝΙΟΣΙΔΑΓ̣[- - -] 4 Ρ Πολυκρι̣[- - -] ΤΟΥΜΙΔΟΥ[- - -] 6 [ 3–4 ]Ν̣ΤΙΤ[- - -] Figure 3: Block 1.c BLOCK 2 There is yet another block discovered very near to Block 1. H. 45 cm, w. 41 cm, th. 66.5 cm; line height 2.5–3.0 cm. Date: Early second century A.D. [- - -]Α̣ΤΑΡΕΙΣ 2 [- - -]ΛΩ [- - -]ΡΟΥ 4 [- - -]ΟΣΓ [- - -]Ι̣ΗΣ 6 [- - -]Ο̣Υ Figure 4: Block 2 HÜSEYİN UZUNOĞLU AND ZERRİN AYDIN TAVUKÇU 413 ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 64 (2024) 397–416 The content fits together, line by line, with the inscription on Block 1.c, leaving no doubt that these two pieces belong to each other, which is supported by the lettering style. The recon- structed text is as follows: Λύκιοι vac. Πα̣ταρεῖς 2 δικ(αστὴς) vac. Ἀπόλ̣λώ- νιος Ἰδάγρου 4 [γ]ρ(αµµατεὺς) Πολύκρι̣[τ]ος γ΄ τοῦ Μίδου Ι̣ΗΣ 6 [ 3–4 ]Ν̣ Τίτου 1: For Λύκιοι see above. Παταρεῖς: A Pataran delegation is also attested in the Mylasan lists, but the names of the judges and the accompanying staff are missing there (I.Mylasa I 367). 3 Ἰδάγρου: The name Idagras, obviously epichoric, is docu- mented already once in Patara, see LGPN V.B 208. BLOCK 3 This is the third block discovered in the same location. The size and style of the letters are akin to those of Block 1.b. Thus it is highly likely that this block is an additional segment of the judge list, even though no reconstruction seems possible. H. 49 cm, w. 33 cm, th. 67 cm; line height 2–5 cm. Date: Third century A.D.(?) Figure 5: Block 3 ΟΝΗ͜ΣΑ[- -] 2 ΦΑ[- -] ΣΗ[- -] 1 1 could be Ὀνήσα[νδρος or Ὀνησα[γόρας. 414 NEW LISTS OF FOREIGN JUDGES ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 64 (2024) 397–416 BLOCK 4 These two pieces were also unearthed at the same spot and it is clear that they belong to each other and fit together on the left upper side. Both fragments are broken on all sides. Date: Early second century A.D. Fr. a: H. 34 cm, w. 46 cm, th. 69 cm; letter height 1.7–2.0 cm. Fr. b: H. 11 cm, w. 28 cm; letter height 1.7–2.0 cm. Figure 6: Block 4.a+b a. [- - - - - -]ΟΡΟΥΙ[- - -] 2 [- - - - - -]ΣΤΑΙ̣ ❦ [- - -] [- - - - -]ΑΣΑ[- - -] 4 [- - -]Ρ̣. ΑΤ[- - -] b. [- - -]Λ̣Ι̣ΟΣ̣Φ[- - -] 2 [- - -] Λ(ούκιος) Γαύιος Ἰταλὸς δ[ικ(αστὴς)] [- - -]ΟΥ ❦ Μαγυδεῖς Λίβιος [- - -] 4 [- - -] δικ(αστὴς) γρ(αµµατεὺς) Ζωΐλος Ἀθηνίωνος ❦ Ἀσπέ[νδιοι- - -] [- - -]ΟΣ Καπίτων δικ(αστὴς) γρ(αµµατεὺς) Μηνόδω̣[ρ]ος E[- - -] 6 [- - -]Λ̣ΕΙΣ Μειδίας ΜΕΛΕ[- - -] [- - -]ΟΣ ❦ Σιδῆται̣ ΚΟΝ[- - -] a.2: Either this could be restored as [δικα]σταί or it could be the last part of the ethnicon of a city, indicating the origin of the HÜSEYİN UZUNOĞLU AND ZERRİN AYDIN TAVUKÇU 415 ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 64 (2024) 397–416 delegation. Since the following judges and secretaries all come from Pamphylian cities (Maygdos, Aspendos, Attaleia(?), Side), one might expect a Pamphylian (or perhaps Lycian) city here too. But, so far as we have been able to determine, there is no ethnicon in either Pamphylia or Lycia ending in -στης, which increases the likelihood of [δικα]σταί. b.2 Γαύιος: The members of the Gavia gens42 do not seem to be widely attested in Asia Minor. However, their presence is known from several inscriptions in Attaleia, and it appears that the Gavii are one of the prominent families of the city.43 Since this list pertains to the Pamphylian delegation, it is possible to argue that the judge Lucius Gavius Italos was from Attaleia. However, the remaining ΛΕΙΣ at the beginning of b.6 presents a significant obstacle to this interpretation since it can only be re- stored as [Ἀττα]λεῖς as far as Pamphylia is concerned. There is a possibility to change lambda to delta but this would not solve the problem either, as there is to our knowledge no ethnicon in Pamphylia ending in -δης. b.3 Μαγυδεῖς: This constitutes the first complete attestation of the ethnicon of Pamphylia’s harbour city Magydos in the epi- graphic record, though it is fully documented as ΜΑΓΥΔΕΩΝ on the coins44 and in the one literary instance ACO SER. II, II.4 (2013) 85, τῆς Μαγυδέων πόλεως τῆς Παµφύλων (A.D. 692). 42 For this gentilicium see H. Solin and O. Salomies, Repertorium nominum gentilium et cognominum Latinorum (Hildesheim 1994) 86. 43 N. Gökalp, Attaleia Kent Tarihi ve Yazıt Korpusu (diss. Akdeniz Univ. 2008) 90–94, nos. 4.1.2.10, 11, 13; 123, no. 4.3.1; 158, no. 4.4.59. For the family see also L. Dobson, Die Primipilares. Entwicklung und Bedeutung, Laufbahnen und Persönlichkeiten eines römischen Offiziersranges (Bonn 1978) 232–233, no. 113. 44 E. Ünal, “Bronze Coinage of Magydos,” in O. Tekin (ed.), Proceedings of Second International Congress on the History of Money and Numismatics in the Mediter- ranean World (Istanbul 2018) 282– 297. Epigraphically, the toponym has only been documented in the customs law of Asia: M. Cottier et al., The Customs Law of Asia (Oxford 2008) 36 line 26. Mustafa Adak has compiled all the epi- graphic and literary evidence, along with a comprehensive commentary on the archaeology and history of the city: “Epigraphische Mitteilungen aus An- talya II: Die pamphylische Hafenstadt Magydos,” EpigrAnat 31 (1999) 53–68. 416 NEW LISTS OF FOREIGN JUDGES ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 64 (2024) 397–416 b.5 ΟΣ Καπίτων … Μηνόδω[ρος]: For the possible identification of this delegation with the one in Block 1a inscription 2, see 405– 406 above. If they were indeed the same individuals, the ΟΣ at the beginning of the line would belong to his gentilicium. There- fore, the possible restoration would be [Μᾶρκος Ἰούλι]ος Καπίτων and Ἑ[στιαίου]. b.6: ΛΕΙΣ: see the commentary above. It is possible to propose at the end Μελε[άγρου δικ(αστὴς), (nomen) γρ(αµµατεὺς.]45 January, 2024 Akdeniz University Atatürk University Department of Ancient Department of Archaeology Languages and Cultures Erzurum, Türkiye Antalya, Türkiye ztavukcu@atauni.edu.tr huseyinuzunoglu@akdeniz.edu.tr 45 We are grateful to the director of the excavation, Prof. Dr. Ali Tavukçu, for his permission to publish these inscriptions. A version of this paper was presented by H. Uzunoğlu in the Fourth North American Congress of Greek and Latin Epigraphy in Chicago on January 8, 2024. I (H. Uzunoglu) thank the Scientific and Technological Research Council of Türkiye (TÜBİTAK) for generously covering the expenses for my presentation in Chicago in the framework of 2224-A Grant Programme for Participation in Scientific Meetings Abroad. The authors would like to thank all the participants who contributed to this paper with their constructive remarks and comments. All remaining errors are, needless to say, ours.