Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The Pantomime Tiberius Iulius Apolaustus Slater, William J Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Autumn 1995; 36, 3; ProQuest pg. 263 The Pantomime Tiberius Iulius Apolaustus William J. Slater 11 HIS ARTIST is known 1 only from three inscriptions, which Louis Robert collected and emended in two articles. 2 The inscriptions, which will be treated separately below, are all remarkably similar in format and record his victories and honors in many cities of Asia Minor and Greece in the last years of the second century. The name Apolaustus is common for pantomimes in Italy during the first and second centuries, and six are listed in Leppin's prosopography of the Italian per­ formers, some of whom came from the East.3 But our Apolaus­ tus never claims to have performed in the prestigious games of Italy, and none of the Italian artists of that name are recorded to have performed outside Italy. Otherwise only a lone reference to an Apolaustus in the fourth or fifth century is recorded in I The following will be cited by abbreviations or author's name alone: IAG=L. Moretti, lscrizioni agonistiche greche (Rome 1953); DEININGER=]. Deininger, Die Provinziallandtage der romischen Kaiserzeit (=Vestigia 6 [Munich 1965]); FAYER=C. Fayer, II Culto della Dea Roma (Pescara 1976); FRIESEN=S. ]. Friesen, Twice Neokoros: Ephesus Asia and the Cult of the Flavian Imperial Family (=EPRO 116 [Leiden 1993]); HABICHT=C. Habicht, lnschriften des Asklepieions: Altertumer von Pergamon VIII.3 (Berlin 1969); MAGIE=D. Magie, Roman Rule in Asia Minor (Princeton 1950); M ELLOR=R. MELLOR, SEA PQMH: The Worship of the Goddess Roma in the Greek World (Gottingen 1975); OMS=L. Robert, Opera Minora Selecta I-VII (Am­ sterdam 1969-); ROBERT, "Pantomimen"=L. Robert, "Pantomimen im grie­ chischen Orient," Hermes 65 (1930) 106-22=OMS 1654-70; STEPHANES=I. E. Stephanes, MONYI:IAKOI TEXNIT AI (Heraklion 1988). 2 L. Robert, "Inscriptions de J'antiquite et du Bas-Empire a Corinthe: compte rendu de Corinth VIII 3," REG 79 (1966) 733-79, esp. 756ff=OMS VI 551-88, esp. 574ff with further reference to his often cited "Pantomimen." 3 H. Leppin, Histrionen (Bonn 1992) 204-11, though it is not easy to sepa­ rate them clearly. 263 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 264 TIBERIUS IUUUS APOLAUSTUS Alexandria.4 It is certain that the most famous of the Italian Apolausti (Leppin no.5) performed at the same time as our Apolaustus. In this essay I seek to clarify the competitions that Apolaustus actually won and to examine the introduction of pantomime competitions in the East; this will involve looking into the vexed issue of Pergamene festivals and their nomen­ clature. Finally, I explore how the three lists are composed. The Delphic Inscription This was published as FdD I1L1 551 by E. Bourguet in 1929: "piedestal de marbre blanc, casse en haut a droite '" haut. 0.88; largo 0.42. L'inscription est gravee dans un creux, tout autour un cadre moulure, la derniere ligne est ecrite sur la moulure." Only the ends of the first thirteen lines are missing therefore on the pedestal and the end of the inscription is preserved, but Bourget concluded: "au-dessus du piedestal conserve devait se trouver une plaque qui portait la statue et sur la tranche de laquelle on lisait ll1tOAlC;; trov ~EAv vtKitcr[av'ta 'tOY] 5 1tPw'troc; ax9Ev'ta EV TIEPYUIl'll iEp[OV ayrova] oiKOUIlEVtKOV icrEAacr'ttKOV 'OAull[ma 'AcrKATJ -] 1te'ia KOIlOOEta rE~acr'ta. KOtVa. ['Acriac;] 'to lOWV ii9ATJIla olloio>C; VtK[TtcraV'ta] Kat 'tOY Ka'ta. 1tUV'tO>V Kat au'to[v iEpOV] 10 icrEAacrnKov' 130UAEUTItV May[vTt'tO>v] 'tro1tpOC; 'tip MatuvoP'll 'A9TJvai[o>v] TIEPyallTtvo>v TpaAAtavrov AaOt[KE-] o>v MtATJcrio>v NtKOIlTJOEO>v NEtKaE[O>v] KatcrapEo>v5 NEtK01tOAEt'trov 'tro1tpOC; 4 O. Weinreich, Epigrammstudien 1. Epigram und Pantomimus nebst einem Kapitel uber einige nicht-epigraphische Denkmaler zur Ceschichte des Panto­ mimus (=SBHeid 1944 [1948] VIII.1) 92ff. 5 On Caesarea Germanica cf. SEC XL 1141. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. WILLIAM J. SLATER 15 'tip 'AK'ticp Mu't~A11vaiau-] a'tEiVTle; O[ ([9£&e;] vel [v €ae;] ?) .]aYK[ Robert9 assumed that the fragments were on different sides of the same statue base and that A is the "Vorderseite"; I cannot discover the evidence for this. Presumably, the fact that the end of fro B looks like the end of the inscription guarantees the order A, B. Although some lines with the name of the victor must be missing from the beginning of fro A, I should hazard a guess that very little is missing between the fragments, as we could easily fill the gap as follows: I Robert's correction is approved by Mellor 180. For this technical phrase as placere, cf. the agonistic inscription fGR I 442.11 (=E. Miranda, fscrizioni Greche d'ftalia: Napoli I [Rome 1990] 47.10) for a piper. But the line as restored by Robert is too short by about four letters, and in any case we need to add a connective particle such as: aptauv'tu Oe [lC]u[l oTJIl'!ll ·PUlIlUtUlV. 9 ·Pantomimen" 117, perhaps a mistake of the German translator. He does not claim to have seen the stone. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 268 All Bl+A12 B2 TIBERIUS IUUUS APOLAUSTUS auo'tdvllC; o[ Ul. 'tE 't""V 'tilc;] 'tp]aY(l)K[ilc; E]VPue~[OU Kl-] VTtOEroc; uno ]KplOLV 'tEl[~ll-] 9Ev'ta] Kal. K'tA. At first view, the list of the "undermentioned contests" looks surprisingly short and matches badly the honors awarded on the other fragment, and together they fall into the pattern of no known agonistic inscription. But this can be easily explained by the fact that the victor is a pantomine, and unlike others attested by epigraphy, performed with distinction both in Italy and in Asia. As a result he lists first the Italian and Greek sacred festival competitions he has won, 10 just as Apolaustos did, these being especially important for a pantomime at this time, as we shall see; then after public performance in Rome, come the favors of the imperial family, as is found commonly with the Latin pantomime inscriptions (rightly Robert, "Pantomimen"l- 18) but not elsewhere in their Greek counterparts. l1 After the break we then find honors awarded by a few Greek cities " his tragic rhythmic movement," i.e., citing from the official honorific decrees of the cities; he would have per­ formed with distinction in these cities but precisely not in com­ petitions and "sacred" festivals like other athletes or perfor­ mers. The order of the inscription-competition prizes, per­ formance at Rome, imperial favors, citizenships and statues­ therefore makes sense in view of the unique career of the artist, who after a very successful career in Italy has continued his suc­ cess in Asia as far as this victory in Magnesia. The arrangement of honors, with the exception of the councillors hips and with allowance for the Italian stay, is not dissimilar to that of Apolaustus. 10 For "undermentioned contests" early in a victory inscription, cf. I.Sardis 79 (lAG 84) for M. A. Demostratus Damas the pancratiast and boxer of the early third century; there it emphasizes the "sacred contests." 11 But commonly enough in other disciplines, e.g., a pancratiast of Mag­ nesia, after listing his victories, claims to have been honored by Hadrian with Roman citizenship (lAG no. 71). A citharode of Rhodes won the periodos but also was honored by Claudius with Roman citizenship (Clara Rhodos II 49) and as chief priest of the Sebastoi at Rome and Naples. W. Blumel and H. Malay, "Inscriptions from the Aydin Museum," EpigAnat 21 (1993) 133 no. 5, publish a victor inscription from the time of Severus, which records special honors, then imperial favors, followed by victories in "undermentioned con­ tests," roughly the opposite order to our inscription. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. WILLIAM J. SLATER 269 In line B5 Kern's supplement, "I08[~to. Uu]8 (a. , was accepted by Robert, who did not hestitate to emend the following non­ sense into apeoo.v'to. o[",~cp] 'p(J)~o.((J)v: the readings at this point on the right are clearly far from certain. Nevertheless, this in­ scription was presumably his reason for suggesting the supple­ ment Pythioniken in the Delphic inscription, and he evidently did not consider the possibility of Magnesian Isthmia. 12 But here too there are difficulties and uncertainties. If the victories are in order of importance-Eusebeia, Sebasta, Epheseia, Leukophry­ neia, Isthmia, Pythia-the position of the prestigious Isthmian and Pythian 13 sacred contests is anomalous, being not only at the end of all the victories but even after the contest of the Epheseia and the relatively insignificant imperial Leukophry­ neia, which he has probably just won. Secondly, the Magnesia victory, as the most recent, should come at the end of the list, not in the middle, and perhaps ought to have an epithet. We could read rather A£u1(oCPPuvTlo. "loo[1[u]8io., which is a stand­ ing epithet of the Leukophryneia in the Hellenistic inscrip­ tions, even if it leaves the line at the limit of brevity. 14 Other possibilities exist, as the grammatical construction of lines 4-7 must remain uncertain, but in any event it provides no clear evi­ dence that the Delphic Pythia were open to pantomime com­ petitions. It would be useful to know when pantomimes appear at the very old competitions of the Epheseia at Ephesus, if this is indeed the competition meant here, and the Leukophryneia at Magnesia. Although the Leukophryneia are seldom attested in Imperial times, a promising clue would appear to be that the 12 Pythia are recorded for the third century from Magnesia in an inscription from Megara: IG VII 49 (lAG 88); cf Kern's testimonia no. XIV. 13 There existed other Pythian and Isthmian contests, e.g., the later Mariana at Ephesus. But at this time only the two best known can be meant. One alternative among many is to link the words to some unknown Magnesian revival. 14 See Kern's index to I.Magnesia S.'lJ. Cisopythion." There were Augusteia Isopythia and Augusteia Pythia in Theateira in the third century (TAM V.2 1018 with Herrmann's note), and at the end of the second century we find a flute-player boasting of isopythian victories in Sardis and Hierapolis: Blumel and Malay (supra n.ll) 132 noA lines 13f. There are many other imperial examples of similar grandiose emphasis, e.g., Ko~~60ttU icrOlCU7t£'tOOAlU £V 7tU'tpiOl for a Bithynian (?) in Delphi (lAG no. 87). All inscriptions outside Magnesia give the spelling as Leukophryneia. See also the Addendum to n.80 infra. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 270 TIBERJUS JULIUS APOLAUSTUS Epheseia victory looks to be 'first', and Moretti 15 reasonably concluded that this could only be when the Epheseia became 'sacred'; he therefore suggested supplementing 'ECPE .,. We can refer both the Olympia and Augusteia to Pergamum. The date is ca 195. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 276 TIBERIUS IULIUS APOLAUSTUS calla, appears the contest "Olympeia";37 the coins show the legend Olympeia with tris neokoron, when the city was briefly thrice temple warden.38 It would seem that this is our contest or a development of it, but the reason for the abbreviation of the name is not obvious. (8) It may be that our competition was so superior to the others in Pergamum by 200 that it could be simply called the festival of Pergamum; that at least is the conclusion one would draw from the victories of an unnamed choral- and pythian­ piper, who had won at the Augusteia and Traianeia as a choral piper but also simply as IIip'Y(XJloV 1tUe(xUA(X~ and IIip'Y(XJloV XOp(XUA(X~.39 No other competition save the Asklepieia comes into consideration. Likewise the competition can be described simply as 'to l£POV, as Moretti guessed, after its refoundation by Hadrian,40 though the Traianeia and the Romaialkoina were sacred games.41 Amidst the many puzzles thrown up by this changing nomen­ clature, we have seen that the Asklepieia of the second century were at least once called sebasta and that an even earlier festival of Asclepius included the imperial family. But Robert did not address the central problem of what we are to do with the final words sebasta koina Asias in the inscription. He seems if anything to have considered this a separate festival, in that he refers shortly thereafter to another of the "three great festivals 37 Moretti, lAG 168, 198 with further references, esp. H. von Fritze, M unun 'lion Pergamon (=AbhBerl [1910]) Anhang, Abh. I 81ff, who took the Augus­ teia wrongly as an Augustan festival and the Olympeia as a separate Caracal­ Ian festival, for the earliest numismatic attestation is from his reign. He ex­ plained the later emphasis on the name on Pergamene coins under Elaga­ balus, Valerian, and Gallienus by the rivalry with Ephesus, which got a fourth neokorate under Elagabalus and created its own Olympia. 38 So Habicht 18 with further references. Caracalla sought a cure in the Asklepeion in 2141215. 39 FdD III.ivA76. But a simple claim to be thrice (sacred) victor at Perga­ mum (SEG XLI 1407.15) cannot be interpreted in the same way. 40 lAG 197, citing I. Olympia 237 for P. Aelius Artemas ca 140. The granting of sacred games, probably the Hadriana Olympia, and associated tax freedom for Smyrna by Hadrian is noted in IGR IV 1437. 37 (I.Smyrna 697.38 with useful commentary by G. Petzl). 41 IGR IV 336.6 shows that the Traianeia Diphileia were founded expressly as a second sacred competition by Trajan; see the bibliography listed by Petzl (supra nAO), and for the competition esp. Robert, Monnaies antiques en Troade (Paris 1966) 46-50; the first can only be the koina. Hadrian will then have created the third in the Asklepieia. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. WILLIAM J. SLATER 277 of Pergamum, the Augusteia42 or Sebasta," and elsewhere he omits these final three words from the title; yet later (in 1969) he took sebasta with what precedes. 43 Indeed there was an important festival at Pergamum, as at other places, called originally (at least before ca 16) the Romaia Sebasta, celebrated in its initial phase by the koinon of Asia. 44 Just when it ceased to be the Romaia Sebasta and became known as the koina Asias at Pergamum is not a simple question; it is not impossible that the two designations may have co­ existed in the first century.4~ However that may be, Worrle is the latest of many (e.g. Robert, Bull. epigr. 1977.430) to equate these Romaia Sebasta not only with the Pergamene koina Asias but also with the later Augusteia;" and Robert had earlier suggested that the Balbilleia when celebrated at Pergamum were 42 The crown was of pine along with its cones: Bull. epigr. 1958.554.2; Robert, "Deux Concours grecs a Rome," CRAI (1970) 22::0MS V 663; the name has nothing to do with honoring Augustus. 43 Supr4 n.26: 68, but see supra n.28. Robert often promised an exhaustive study of festivals, and it seems that he became more and more aware of the inconsistent and confusing nature of our evidence. 44 lGR IV 1064 (I.Cos 104; lAG 60), which records the Romaia Sebasta, held by the koinon of Asia in Pergamum in the time of Augustus. They were founded in 29 B.C. according to Dio 51.20.9, but may be an extension of older Moukiei4; for the origins of the koinon of Asia, now illustrated by recent inscriptions, see Campanile's introduction (supra n.17). The last datable men­ tion of this festival is to the 12th, i.e., in 16 A.D. (fGR IV 454, but see on this controversy n.49 infr4), where the honorand, C. Iulius Sacerdos is said to be "gymnasiarch of the 12th Romaia Sebasta of the five gymnasia in Pergamum," and priest of Tiberius. 45 50 emphatically Fayer 124, who points out that the first mention of the koinon Asi4s at Pergamum-but notably not said to be penteteric-is before 60, and the worship of the "goddess Rome and Augustus" can be traced until the time of Trajan; see on this also Friesen 80: "by the end of the first century CIl it [sc. the title of high priest of Asia) had replaced the earlier title 'highpriest of Rome and Augustus' for the cult at Pergamum." M. L. Caldelli, L'Agon Capitolinus (Rome 1993) 156, writes that the koina Asi4s were substituted in the first century for the megafa Sebast4 Rom4ia "con i medesimi intenti," citing as the earliest example the inscription for Ti. Claudius Patrobius in 60 (lAG 65). Yet the precise term "Romaia 5ebasta" as a festival title is not on our present evidence found after 16, and it is as well to note with Mellor (51 n.90) that at Smyrna the two competitons were independent of each other. 46 M. Worrle, "Neue Inschriftenfund aus Aizanoi I," Chiron 22 (1992) 337- 76 at 368ff, with an important judgement (359) on the relationship between koina and the chief priests. He does not at this point offer a further justi­ fication for his view. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 278 TIBERIUS IUUUS APOLAUSTUS also the koina Asias, as on occasion they were at Smyrna. 47 We would then have four names for this particular festival at Pergamum. The Augusteia only appear at Pergamum, as in other cities, ca 170 and they are either new or the renaming of older festivals, especially the Sebasta. 48 But at Pergamum the Sebasta are not at­ tested after 16,49 where they are called the ·P]c.o,.uiia aE~a(ml 'ta n6£JlEVa uno 'tOU lCOlVOU 'tilc; 'Aalac; EV IlEPyuJlq>.50 Instead, as Magie (1295ff n.57) and Deininger (54f) had already pointed out, as a result doubtless of the spreading worshir of the imperial house, we find thereafter the designation 0 koinon or later koina Asias at Pergamum and elsewhere in Asia, though that title in turn is difficult to discover at Pergamum after ca 170. It would appear therefore to be a reasonable assumption that the original festival was called the Sebasta Romaia, which soon after the death of Augustus became simply koina Asias at Perga­ mum, with or without additional epithets such as Barbilleia, and then Augusteia towards the end of the Antonine era-though it is wise to remain cautious in proposing such a simple develop­ ment. There is indeed an unnoticed difficulty with this assump- 47 Robert, Bull. epigr. 1981.414, 1974.455 P. Frisch ("Nemescia und Bar­ billeia in Smyrna," ZPE 15 [1974] 162), referring to an inscription from the Troad from the later second century: Mil est clair aujourd'hui que les Barbilleia fu~ent celebres un temps aussi a Smyrne et a Pergame. L'inscription nouvelle d'Ephese enseignait que c'est au titre de koina Asias que Ie fete fut celebree a Smyrne, et done aussi sans doute a Pergame." See supra n.24. 48 So Robert, Bull. epigr. 1970.136 (instead of Bull. read R.Ph. at OMS V 165); CRAf (1970) 22 n.7=OMS V 663 n.7. 49 Habicht 165, following Magie 1297 n.57, argued persuasively for an an­ nual celebration of the Romaia Sebasta, which would put the twelfth cele­ bration (AM [1907] 321 n. 50 [fGR IV 454]) in 18 B.C. rather than 16 A.D. But this seems now, despite the difficulties, invalidated by the Lex Portorii Asiae. Friesen (116) raised the same difficulties without citing Habicht. Certainly, when the quadrennial Traianeia was founded, it was specifically on the same lines as the previous festival of Romaia Sebasta or Koina. But a further and unemphasized complexity is that fGR IV 498 refers to the l!eyuAu 'Pcol!uiu l:£~a(Jt(l at Pergamum, suggesting a major quadrennial festival as well as minor annual festivals. Fayer (114-24, esp. 114 n.20) opts for quadrennial periodicity without answering Habicht's objections. See n.51 infra. 50 This is the often published inscription for an unknown pentathlete from Cos; Moretti (lAG no. 60) dates it ca 5 A.D.; fGR IV 1064; most recently re­ published without commentary in fscrizioni di Cos (Rome 1993) EV218. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. WILLIAM J. SLATER 279 tion, which remains unresolved. Althoul?h the koina Asias were quadrennial,51 the Augusteia were bienma1.52 To return to our inscription, we have to admit that, even if we were then to concede that the Augusteia were sometimes the koina Asias at Pergamum-and I know of no direct evidence for this, though it is prima facie likely enough-the sebasta koina Asias in this inscription cannot be the Augusteia, for after ca 170, as we saw, the proper name for this festival is always the Augusteia, never Sebasta.53 On the other hand, the word "sebasta'" had even been used as an epithet earlier for Perga­ rnene Asklepieia, and not just for innumerable festivals for the imperial house, e.g. the tE~a(J'tix BaA.~lA.A.E'ia ca 100 at Ephe­ SUS.54 It begins to seem inevitable that the Asklepieia here, or whatever their full title is, were also the games of the koinon of Asia. The final proof that the koina are indeed the Asklepieia is given by the grammar and wording of the inscription, which manifestly records only one festival and two related victories in that festival, the pantomime competition and the kata panton general competition. 55 This double victory is of course ex­ tremely common; indeed a kataldia panton victory seems 51 See supra n.48; lAC 65 for Ti. Claudius Patrobius reveals that before 60 the koina Asias were quadrennial at Sardis and Laodicea; at Smyrna they are quadrennial ea 90 (ICR I 445.8f [Miranda (supra n.8) I 50.8f]) and so should be also at Pergamum, confirmed by ICR IV 454 and the parallel of the Traianeia and at Ephesus; the Lex Portorii Asiae (SEC XXXIX 1180.128ff), though fragmentary at this poim, seems to claim thirty days' tax exemption for the quinquennial (Romaia Sebasta) at Pergamum after 8 or 12 A.D. Besides Fayer's arguments (supra n.49), see P. Herrmann, -Milet unter Augustus," IstMitt 44 (1994) 203ff at 218 n.69. S2 Moretti, lAC 221, citing his no. 79 (ICR I 153.29; ICUR 240.59) for M. Aur. Demetrius the pancratiast, who fought professionally for only six years but won the Augusteia three times. 51 For the Augusteia see Robert supra n.48. The date 150 is given by Worrle (supra 46); I have not found an example before 170. 54 Founded ea 88 (I.Eph. 1122). There are Sebasteia Asklepeia and Kai­ sareia Asklepeia at Epidaurus in the second century: IC IV.12 101 with von Gaertringen's note, IV 475 with B. Puech, REA 85 (1983) 17-21, esp. 17 n.2. These imply a regular festival with additional competitions, which may have been originally independent in honor of the imperial cult. 55 Moretti, lAC 217ff, citing the earlier studies of Mie; E. J. Jory, -A pais komoidos and the dia panton," BI CS 14 (1967) 84ff, is criticized by Robert, BulL epigr. 1968.254, who demands that we separate the imperial examples from the Boeotian epinikia. But there seems now general agreement on the statements I make in the text. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 280 TIBERJUS JULIUS APOLAUSTUS always in Imperial times a sign that the competitor, always a musical or dramatic artist, has won another regular victory in the same festival. The "general" competition was certainly a separate competition, and not a prize awarded for the most outstanding competitor at the end of the competition, because we have at least one Hellenistic record of someone who won only the "general" event and none of the other events. 56 The boast here is that both of the victories entitled Apolaustus to an eiselasis. But the inscription also proves that the "general" vic­ tory allowed pantomime competitions. There are no other examples in Greek lands of a pantomime "general" victory, but there is a surprising number in ltalyY Presumably this is another sign of Roman influence and further proof that one could not be a "general" victor without being in an accepted competitive discipline. Our inscription proves then that the Asklepieia could on occasion be the koina Asias, and it should not really be surprising that the festival of the savior god should be assimilated to that of the emperors, especially because there was a definite tendency after Hadrian to syncretism in the sanctuary;58 but in view of the changing titulature, it would seem unwise to assume that all festivals held always to a regular schedule (so too Mellor 176). The first datable mention of the Augusteia is on an inscription from ca 174,59 and on present evidence we must consider it to have been a separate competition from the Asklepieia, which acquired the names Kommodeia Sebasta during the reign of Commodus (180-192). At this time the Asklepieia must have been rearranged to allow a new pantomime and poetic competition, so that victors could claim to be the first to win in 56lG VII 3195 (Hellenistic Orchomenos). The vexed problem of the dia panton requires further study. Important is the hierourgiai connected with the dia pantos agon in the honors listed for Aelius Alcibiades in S E G IV 418, re­ printed in A. Pickard-Cambridge, Dramatic Festivals of Athens2 (Oxford 1988) 319 and discussed by Moretti, lAG 217. 57 lLS 5184 (M. Ulpius Apolaustus), 5190 (L. A. Apolaustus Memphius); CIL XIV 4254 (TGrF p.327 [Memphius]), 5189 (L. A. Apolaustus), 5194 (M. A. Agilius Septentrio). Of these the most puzzling is ClL XIV 4254, where the pantomime lists the titles with which he has won with twice "dia panton" included. 58 Mellor (46 n.115) gives evidence for joint Asklepios/Roma worship. On • einer aile Einzelgotter in sich aufnehmenden Allgottheit" see the fine re­ marks of Habicht 12. 59 1.Eph. 1130, set up ca 174 after the death of T. luI. Reginus between 170 and 174; cf. I.Eph. 1096. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. WILLIAM J. SLATER 281 it. Commodus is alleged to have sponsored mimes and panto­ mimes in Antioch (Mal alas, in Robert, "Pantomimen" 121), and the attachment of Kommodeia to new or old festivals is fre­ quent; in fact Apolaustus won another of them. 60 Mitche1l 61 gives examples, sometimes associated with the founding of a new temple and so games; he speculates that the Commodeion at Mazaca Caesarea may have been of this kind. It will be clear from this lengthy but necessary discussion that here we must read together "Olympeia Asklepieia Komodeia Sebasta koina Asias." 62 The addition of koina Asias is surprising but explicable. 63 These games were organized among a number of cities of Asia, especially by Smyrna, Ephesus, and Pergamum and given by the chief priest of the Imperial cult. But on some occasions they were given additional names such as Balbilleia and/or combined with already existing festivals, as Moretti recognized. 64 This is an example. It now becomes clear that as a result of this one victory, or two if we count the overall competition, Apolaustus won the title of "sacred victor" and "asionikes; as well as gaining the coveted distinction of a formal triumphal entrance. We knew that mimes shortly afterwards could claim to be "asionikes"65 and it is likely that the program 60 In Sparta and, as we shall see, in Thebes. Moretti's index in I A C lists Kommodeia at Antioch, Nicaea, Tarsus (an isolumpia oikumenika Kom­ modeia), and the name is also attached to earlier festivals like the Didymeia at Ephesus, which then become the Didymeia Kommodeia, or the Hadrianeia Komodeia at Ephesus. But they appear at Cyzicus, Caesarea Mazaca, and many other places too. 61 Supra n.36 [SEC XXVII 843]) and Anatolia (Oxford 1993) 1221. 62 Cf. "Pythia Sebasta" in the honors for Aelius Alcibiades (SEC IV 418) and many similar examples. . 63 For these games see the basic article of Moretti, "Ko\va ·AO"ia~." Ri'llFil 32 (1954) 276£f (reprinted with additions in Moretti [n.64 infra»; Deininger 54ff; H. Engemann and D. Knibbe, EpigAnat 8 (1986) 28-31; and Friesen's chapter, "Games and Festivals of the Cult," 114-41. On Moretti's specific sug­ gestion for the total organization of the games, many will share the skepticism of Habicht 165 n.6. The first city to hold koina Asias competitions was Smyrna, many years after the first provincial cult in Pergamum. 64 In his "Note alla parte secunda," in Tra Epigrafia e Storia (Rome 1990) 266; cf. Frisch (supra n.47) 162; Miranda (supra n.8: 82) remarks: "La cele­ brazione di questi concorsi [i.e., the Balbilleia of Ephesus] ... era collegata in maniera non del tutto chiara con quella dei koina d' Asia." 65 The earliest is Flavius Alexander Oxeidas biologos (I. Tralles 110), who had probably won there. The other competitions he claims to have won will not have been more than money prizes. For the title cf. Habicht, Asklepieion ad no. 119. In Rome mimes had won festival 'palms' much earlier (Ov. Tr. 2.506), thereby doubtless provoking partisan rixae like Petron. Sat. 45.7. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 282 TIBERIUS IUUUS APOLAUSTUS of the koina Asias could diverge from the regular festivals by including official disciplines more suited to Roman tastes, but excluded from the prize events of Greek sacred games. The koina included not only the gladiatorial events,66 which, though most important, obviously could not be an event in sacred games, but also-probably from an early period-mimes, and now pantomimes; yet we have apart from the Apolaustus and the Magnesia inscriptions no other evidence for pantomime as a Greek sacred competition. It becomes equally likely that for regular Greek festivals to include these competitions, the addition would be greatly facilitated if the festival could be equated on that occasion with the koina, or have the koina attached to it. The pantomimes were able thereby to enter into the formal sacred competitions, as it were, by the back door. The Ephesus Inscription I.Eph. 2070+1071 were found on the front and the narrow left side of a statue base in the theater and are presented as follows. A. [Tl~. 'IooAlov 'AnoMxoo'tov, 'tpa"(llci\<; tvpu9~ou lClVTtOEO><; l>1tOlCPl'titV] [~OUAEUn,V 'E Mauxvopq> TpaUlavrov MEl­ [A1l0irov] AaoOllCErov NElKO~1l0Erov NEl­ [KaErov) KaloapErov Mu'tlAllVairov Ma')'VTt'trov ['trov) npo<; 'til> l:l1tUAq> 'IEpoKaloapErov NEl­ [Ko]noAEl'trov 'trov npo<; 'til> 'AK'tiq> ell~airov [n)Aa'talErov Xalprovairov MEOOllvirov 'tEl~1l9Ev'ta Kal avopuxv'trov avao'tUOE- OlV tv 'E, £v 'A9Ttval<;, £v nEp'YU~q>, £v AEA, tv AaKEOai~ovl, £v nU'tpal<;, £v NElKOnOAEl, tv Ma')'Vlloi<:" £v MEl­ ATt'tq>, £v TPUAAeOlV, tv AaoolKd<:, W, £v l:up­ OEOl, tv 'IEpoKaloapd<:" tv NuoU, tv MEOOTt- vn, £v eTt~al<;, £v nMx'tala'i<;, o'tE O'tE 'AKnaKil> £v NElK01tO­ Ael 'tEl~"<; XUPlV Kal a.Urov 1toUrov no- '\' '\' , f" ~, , II.EroV nOIl.El'tllV, EV al<; £1tEull~1l0EV Em- " Robert, • Archaiologos," REG 49 (1936) 235ff, esp. 247 (=OMS I 683); Deininger 46 n.7, 47 n.11 (citing the important passages from Galen), 160. The Gytheion Kaisareia (n.74 infra) have mimes in the time of Tiberius. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. WILLIAM J. SLATER BEUCVUjlEVOC; 'tilv Eau'tou 'tiXVllV jlE't«X (ilCpE[l­ ~dac; Kal. 'tilv 'tou ~iou KOOjllOV avacr'tpoqnlv' ~v 'tEljlilv avia'tllaEV T. 4>1... KAEl'toa9ivllC; <> aauipXllC; Ka9roc; tv 'tU ~OUA.U Kal. 'tCi> Bll­ jlq> lmiaxE'to nap' Eau'tou B. [about six lines are missing] a:yrova Kal. al)'tov daEAaanKOV Kal. vlritaav'ta <>jloiroc; jlO- vov Kal. np&'tov 'troY an' a iro­ voc; 'tOY npmroc; ax9iv'ta ayro­ va iEPOV tv elI~alC; 'tilc; 'tpayl­ Kilc; KEwlIaEroc; [[KojljloBEla]] llwvuaEla 'HpUKA.Ela 283 It is obvious that we are missing at the beginning of B precisely the description of the Pergamum victory, as follows: [Tl~. 'IoUA.wV 'AnoAaoo'tov] ['tpaYlKilc; tvpu9jloU KWlIaEroc;] [lmoKpl~v 'AalovilC1lv lEpovilC1lV] [jlOVOV Kal. npro'tov 'trov an' airovoc;] [av9pcOOtcov vlritaav'ta 'tOY npmcoc;] [ax9iv'ta tv ilEPYUjlq> iEpOV] ayrova Kal. al)'tov daEA.aanKOV K'tA.. If six lines are missing, then there is no room for another vic­ tory, certainly not the important record of a Delphic victory, which would entitle Apolaustlls to claim to be a pythionikes and hieronikes. We observe that the two fragments of the in­ scription have been printed in reverse order. It began as before with the primary sacred competitions, of which Apolaustus was so proud. These were carved on the narrow side, which was the front. The broad side began with the list of the places of which he was a councillor, which are on the Delphic decree as: POUAEU'tlJV Mayvi)'tc.ov/ 't6)7tpo~ 'tep Mauivopcp 'A6Tlvalc.ov/ nEp­ 'Ya~i)vc.ov TpaAAtavrov, so that we are justified in querying the supplement offered: [POUAEU'tlJV 'ECPEO]ic.oV [AE]A