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The Terms ... and ... and the Conversion of Theophilus in the Life of Theodora (BHG 1731)
Vinson, Martha
Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Spring 1995; 36, 1; ProQuest
pg. 89

The Terms E'YKOA1ttOV and 'tEvav'ttOv 
and the Conversion of Theophilus 

In the Life of Theodora (BHG 1731) 

Martha Vinson 

I
N VIVID AND DRAMATIC DETAIL The Life with Encomium of 
the Blessed and Holy Empress Theodora (BHG 1731) re­
counts the deathbed conversion of the iconoclast emperor 

Theophilus. 1 The conversion scene is suspect, and the sources 
reflect the dubious authenticity of this event. 2 In Genesius, for 
example, it is clear that Theophilus remained an iconoclast to 
the end, for Theodora is portrayed as actively resisting the 
restoration of Orthodoxy out of loyalty to her late husband's 

I The editio princeps was published by W. REGEL, Analecta Byzantino­
Russica (St Petersburg 1891-98: hereafter 'Regel') iii-xix (introduction) and 
1-19 (text); the conversion scene at 10. More recently, a new edition with 
introduction and commentary has been published by A. Markopoulos, • BID; 
'tfi~ aU't01cpa'tl;:ipa~ e£oocOpa~." Symmeikta 5 (1983) 249-85; the conversion 
scene at 264. In addition, a version of the Life, which Regel (x) called -Ia 
seconde redaction" was published by F. Combefis in Historia haeresis mono­
theu{arum sanctaeque in eam sextae synodi actorum vindiciae (Paris 1648) 
715-50; the conversion scene at 723. I thank A. M. Talbot of Dumbarton 
Oaks for providing me with a copy of this text. 

2 E.g. J. B. Bury, A History of the Eastern Roman Empire (London 1912) 
149 with n.5, rejects the story of Theophilus' conversion out of hand. C. 
Havice has kindly pointed out to me that the visual evidence is as contradic­
tory as the literary sources. For example, in a miniature from the Chronicle of 
Manasses (Vatican, Biblioteca Apostolica, cod. slav. II fo!' 155v), Theodora is 
represented as standing at the head of Theophilus' deathbed with her hand 
on his shoulder, while at his feet stands a group of five courtiers, one of whom 
holds out to the emperor a small square icon. No icons are present, however, 
in the representation of the death of Theophilus found in the Madrid Scylitzes 
(Biblioteca Nacionale, vitro 26-2, foL 61 v), where Theodora leans down from 
the side of the bed to embrace her husband as he lies dying surrounded by 
courtiers, one of whom kisses his feet. See B. Filov, Les miniatures de la 
Chronique de Manasses a la Bibliotheque du Vatican (cod. vat. slav. II) 
(= Codices e Vaticanis selecti 17 [Sophia 1927]) no. 56; S. Cirac Estopaiian, 
Skyllitzes Matritensis I: Reproducciones y Miniaturas (Barcelona 1965) no. 
157. 

89 



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90 ErKOATIION AND TENANTION 

memory.3 Moreover, even when it is alleged that Theophilus • 
died orthodox, his conversion is represented as grudging or 
incomplete. For example, in the Narratio de Theophili impera­
toris absolutione, Theodora makes Theophilus venerate an icon 
as he lies dying, but he does so "unwilling and not wanting to" 
(Regel 21). Again, in the Acts of David, Symeon, and George 
Theophilus in the end becomes "repentant, although not 
entirely."4 More convincing is the conversion reported by 
Theodora in Theophanes Continuatus.5 Here, Theophilus 
"asked for and kissed with ardent soul these [images]," which 
the empress put in his hands. One notes, however, that Theo­
dora volunteers this piece of information only after Methodius 
refuses to grant Theophilus absolution, the condition she had 
set for the restoration of Orthodoxy. 

In the Life of Theodora, on the other hand, Theophilus is 
deliriously thrashing about on his deathbed when he sees a 
religious image worn by Theoctistus, his canicleius and logo­
thete of the drome. The emperor seizes the image and places it 
to his lips, whereupon his delirium immediately subsides. 
Unlike the other accounts, where the instrument of 
Theophilus' conversion is simply an unspecified dKova or the 
even vaguer tauta~ (sc. dKova~) of Theophanes Continuatus, 
here the image is found on an object variously described as (to) 
£"(1CoA1tLOV, to t01> £'YKOA1tlOU n:vclvnov, and to n:vavtlov. It is 
precisely this detail, or rather, the specific terminology used to 
express it, that distinguishes the account in the Life of Theodora 
from the others and gives an air of authenticity to what is in all 
probability a fictitious event. Unfortunately, the exact meanings 
of £'YKOA1tLOV and tEvavtlov in this context are uncertain; also 
unclear is the exact relationship between these terms and the 
objects they represent. As these terms contribute significantly 
to the credibility of the conversion scene in the Life of Theo­
dora, a precise definition of £'YKOA1ttOV and tEVaVtlOV can 
increase understanding of not only Byzantine philology but also 
religious practice in the iconoclastic period. 

J Genesius, Regum libri quattuor, edd., A. Lesmiiller-Werner and H. Thurn 
(Berlin 1978) 57=Bonn ed. 80. 

4 I. van den Gheyn, • Acta Graeca SS. Davidis, Symeonis, et Georgii,· 
AnalBoll18 (1899) 244. 

5 Ed. I. Bekker (Bonn 1838) 153; see also 651 for a similar account in Ps.­
Symeon Magister. 



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MARTHA VINSON 

The passage in question is as follows: 

8EOK'tl(J'toe; 8£, 0 Kal. KaviKAEwe;, 8pa~rov 7tEPtE~UA.A.E'tO, 8u1 
'tOY <po~ov 'tou ~aO"lA£c.oe;, 0 dXEV £YKEKPU~~£vov £YKOA7ttOV' 
a7tOPia 8E 'tip ~(X(nAEi ... ~A£7tEt 'to 'tOl> £YKOA1ti0U 'tEVUV'tlOV 
£V 'tip 'tpaXlJACfl a\)'tOl> 't1,V aYiav Kal. a1taPUAAaK'tOV d­
Kova'tou 'Y\jIio'tou £~<p£pov'toe;6 ... 'tip ~aOtAEi £1tA"olaoE, ~1, 
8uv,,9£le; a1tOKPU\jIat 'to o£~ae; .,. Kal. 'trov ~Ev vo~t('J(iv'tc.ov O'tl 
'tae; 'tpixae; uu'tOl> 'tlAat KEAEU£l, £V£~UAOV uu'tae; £V 'tule; 
XEP0I.V uu'tou ... Ku9,,\jIu'to 0 8UK'tUAOe; 'tou ~aotA.Ec.oe; 'to 
'tEVUV'tlOV 7tpOe; 'to Eau'tou xElAoe; 'tou'to £<p£AKc.oV· Kal. 81, 'tE-
9Ev'tOe; 'tOl> 't£vuv'tlou tv 'toie; XdA£OlV uu'tOl> Kal. £V 'tip o'to­
~U'tl 't1,V 'tou l:CO'tllPoe; i1~rov KUI. 9EOl> dKova, 't1,V aYiav KUI. 

oE~uo~luv <pepov'toe; ... 1tpoollA9ov Kal. "vro9"oav 'til XelA" 
au'tOu £~ EKa'tepc.ov 8t£O'tro'ta.7 

91 

Of the two terms under discussion, £YKOA7ttov is by far the 
better attested. s The substantive 'to EyKOA7tLOV derives from 
£'YKOA7tLO~, -ov, which literally means "in or on the chest. "9 

6 Reading £J.lcpepov'to'i (Combefis) for £J.lcpa{vov'tu (Regel and Markopoulos). 
7 -Then Theoctistus, who served as canicleius, hurriedly put on an encol­

pion that he had been keeping hidden out of fear of the emperor. The 
emperor was in great distress .,. he saw the tenantion of the encolpion 
bearing the holy and unchanging image of the Most High on his [Theoctis­
tus'] neck. ... He [Theoctistus] approached the emperor, unable to cover up the 
sacred object. Some people thought the emperor was asking to tear out his 
[Theoctistus'] hair, so they put strands of it in his hands ... the emperor 
touched the tenantion with his finger and drew it to his lips .... Now when the 
tenantion, which bore the holy and venerable image of our Savior and God, 
had been put to his lips and mouth ... those lips of his which had gaped wide 
apart came together and were closed." The Greek text is that of Markopoulos 
264.16-32, with the exception noted (supra n.6). The translation is my own. 

B See e.g. H. Gerstinger, -Enkolpion," RAe 5 (1962) 322-32, and K. Wessel, 
-Enkolpion," RBK 2 (1971) 152-64, which emphasize the literary and 
material evidence respectively. One should note that in both instances 
£Y1CoblOV is used as a generic term for a wide variety of religious objects, 
pagan as well as Christian, which are known by many different names. See 
also S. Campbell and A. Cutler, -Enkolpion," ODB 1 (1991) 700. 

9 The adjective is cited by LSt 473 and G. W. H. Lampe, Patristic Greek 
Lexicon (Oxford 1961) 402; both adjective and substantive appear in E. A. 
Sophocles, Greek Lexicon of the Roman and Byzantine Periods (New York 
n.d.) I 416; the substantive alone is cited by Du Cange, Glossarium ad 
smptores mediae et infimae graecitatis (Lyon 1688) 345f. Both here and s.v. 
nvavnov (1544), Du Cange cites the Life of Theodora under the title Oratio 
in festum 'tij~ 6p(Jo~o~{a~ seu restitutionis imaginum from the edition of 
Combefis. To the Greek references one should add Petron. Sat., where the 

~Y"'~"Ul.l1l1:; form of the adjective serves as the proper name of the narrator 
""''' .. .., .... ~, for a discussion of the significance of the proper name in the 



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92 ErKOAnION AND TENANTION 

Both forms are post-classical. The adjective is first attested in 
the Allegoriae or Quaestiones Homericae (39) of Heraclitus (1 st 

c. C.E.).10 The substantive does not seem to be attested before 
the first quarter of the ninth century, when it appears in the 
letter of the Patriarch Nicephorus I to Pope Leo III in 811. 11 

Sophocles defines the substantive as an "amulet, phylactery." 
Du Cange is more specific, identifying it as a "theca sanctorum 
reliquias, aut vivificae crucis particulas continens." One should 
note, however, that an E"y1COA.1tlOV is not necessarily the same 
thing as a reliquary, for Anna Comnena clearly distinguishes 
between an E"y1COA.1tLOV and a 8"'1C1l. 12 Encolpia may be cruciform 

Roman tradition as well as the epigraphical evidence see S. Priuli, Ascyltus. 
Note di onomastica petroniana (=Collection Latomus 140 [Brussels 1975]) 
47-50, 64ff. 

10 F. Buffiere, ed., Heraclite, Allegories d'Homere (Paris 1962) 46. Heraclitus 
is cited by LSJ and Gerstinger (supra n.8: 322) after the older edition of F. 
Oelmann, Heracliti Quaestiones Homericae (Leipzig 1910) 57. Then a gap of 
several centuries appears in the record, as the earliest citations produced by a 
search of the TLG (1992 edition) come from the fourth century Cappadocian 
fathers, Gregory of Nazianzus (Ep. 88.1 [=P. Gallay, Saint Gregoire de 
Nazianze, Lettres I (Paris 1964) 109],202.6 [=P. Gallay, Gregoire de Nazianze, 
Lettres tbiologiques (=SC 308 [Paris 1974]) 88]; Carmen de se ipso 88 [= 
Migne, PG XXXVII 1440]), and Gregory of Nyssa (Life of Moses 2.303 [=J. 
Danielou, Gregoire de Nysse, La '1/ie de Moise 3 (=SC 1 ter [Paris 1968] 312)]). 
All but the first are cited by Lampe. 

11 EpistuLa ad Leonem pontificem maximum, PG C 200; Gerstinger (supra 
n.8: 325f) suggests a possible connection with the second phase of Icono­
clasm. On this point see the important discussion of Nicephorus' letter by A. 
KARTSONIS, Anastasis. The Making of an Image (Princeton 1986: hereafter 
'Kartsonis') 118f and further below. The reference to the Life of St John the 
Almoner, cited by A. Frolow (La relique de La '1/raie croix. Recherches sur le 
de'1/eloppement d'un cult [Paris 1961] 188f no. 52) and dated to 614-619, is 
problematic. There are two versions of the Life, each independently derived 
from a seventh-century '1/ita by Moschus and Sophronius: H. Delehaye, MUne 
vie inedite de saint Jean \' Aumonier," AnalBoll 45 (1927) 5-74; E. Lappa­
Zizicas, MUn epitome de la Vie de s. Jean I' Aumonier par Jean et Sophronios," 
AnalBoll 88 (1970) 265-78, esp. 266-73 for the relationship between these two 
texts and their common source. The term £"y1COA.1ttOV appears only in the 
version edited by Delehaye (11, p.24), leading to the suspicion that it was not 
found in the earlier original. 

12 Alexiad 3.10.7, ed. B. Leib, I (Paris 1937) 135. Similarly, the inventory of 
the monastery of St John the Evangelist on Patmos (C. Astruc, ML'inventaire 
dresse en septembre 1200 du tresor et de la bibliotheque de Patmos. Edition 
diplomatique," Tra'1/Mem 8 [1981] 15-30) lists encolpia under the separate 
headings of MImages" (20.5, 21.15, 17) and -Relics" (21.20). For a partial 
translation of this text, based on the editio princeps by C. Diehl (MLe tresor et 



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MARTHA VINSON 93 

or circular in design and sometimes bear figural representation, 
either Christ, as in the Life of Theodora, the Theotokos, or 
both.13 Encolpia are often made of gold and other precious 
materials such as crystal and pearls. 14 They are small enough to 
be carried in a pocket or worn around the neck. 15 In addition to 

la bibliotheque de Patmos au commencement du 13 e siecle," BZ 1 [1892] 488-
525), see C. Mango, The Art of the Byzantine Empire 312-1453. Sources and 
Documents (Englewood Cliffs [N.J.] 1972) 238f. For encolpia that do contain 
relics see PG C 200 (True Cross); Maximus Pia nudes, Epigrammatum antho­
logia Palatina cum Planudeis et appendice no'Va, ed. E. Cougny, III (Paris 
1890) 359 no. 422 (St Stephen the Protomartyr); Manuel Philes 130 (= ed. E. 
Miller, Manuelis Philae Carmina II [Paris 1857] 164f: various relics, including 
the True Cross). The notion that E'YK6A.1tlOV is synonymous with reliquary 
should be attributed to Anastasius Bibliothecarius, who added the following 
gloss to his Latin translation of the Acts of the Council of 869-870 (Mansi 
XVI 79=Migne, P L CXXIX 79): moris enim Graecorum est crucem cum 
pretioso ligno 'Vel cum reliquiis sanctorum ante pectus portare suspensam ad 
collum, et hoc est quod 'Vocant encolpium. See also the discussion by Frolow 
(supra n.ll) 226, and the example illustrated in PLATE 1 (below); cf. R. Rudolf, 
A Golden Legacy: Ancient Jewelry from the Burton Y. Berry Collection at 
the Indiana University Art Museum (Bloomington 1995) 283 no. 82.A. 

Il Cruciform: Genesius 63; Anna Cornnena Alex. 2.5.7 (=1 78 Leib); circular: 
Patmos inventory: 20.5 Astruc; Theotokos: Nicetas Choniates, Historia, ed. J. 
A. van Dieten (Berlin 1975) 451 (=Bonn ed. 494); Nicephoras Gregoras, By­
Zan tina historia, edd. L. Schopen and I. Bekker, I (Bonn 1829) 462. The 
Patmos inventory lists encolpia with representations of the Crucifixion (20.5), 
Theotokos and Child (20.5,21.15), and the Dormition (21.17). The encolpion 
discussed by M. C. Ross (" A Byzantine Gold Medallion at Dumbarton 
Oaks," DOP 11 [1957] 247-61) contains images of the Theotokos and Child, 
Nativity, and Visit of the Magi on one side and the Baptism on the other. The 
encolpion described by Niccphorus 1 (PG C 200) has unsrecified decoration; 
cf. also PG C 4330. See also the silver chain with pectora cross illustrated in 
PLATE 2 (below), with Rudolf (supra n.12) 309ff no. 96. 

14 PG C 200; cf. C 433c; Anna Comn. Alex. 3.10.7; Planudes (supra n.12); 
Manuel Philes 45 (=Millcr II 85f). C. W. So It, "Byzantine and Gothic 
Reliquaries," Byzantinoslavica 45 (1984) 215, mentions a "gold Byzantine 
encolpion with Greek inscriptions," contained within a French panel reli­
quary at Charroux; R. Maxim-Alaiba, "Un encolpion bizantin descoperit la 
Suletea, judetul Vaslui," Arheologia Moldovei 13 (1990) 161-64, describes a 
small bronze' reliquary cross, which displays a representation of the Virgin on 
the front and the Crucifixion on the back; Fig. 1 provides a particularly clear 
illustration of both the hinge for opening the encolpion and the bail for 
suspending it on a chain. 

15 Nicetas David Paphlagon, Vita S. Ignatii, PG CV 525B; Choniates (supra 
n.13). Cf. also Regel 28f, where the Empress Theodora addresses a company 
of bishops after il;£v£'Y1Couoa EK tou K6A.ltou autile; t~v ... dK6va taU lCUpiou 
Kal ... tile; autou ~l1tpoe; Kal EIt' 0'l'£(H ItUVtWV ItPOOKuvtlOaoa. Encolpia 
could, however, be rather large by modern standards: H. Hlavackova, "Ki-



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94 ErKOAIlION AND TENANTION 

their intrinsic worth, EYKOA1tUl also have a special value as ob­
jects of personal religious devotion and serve as tokens of es­
teem on the part of rulers and bishops.16 For example, EYKOA1tUl 
are included among articles of clothing sent by patriarchs of 
Constantinople to the pope or his emissaries. The emperor's 
own EYKOA1ttOV guarantees immunity to suspected enemies of 
the stateP An EYKOA1tlOV may even mark a betrothal. 18 

This survey of the various forms and functions ascribed to 
EYKOA1tlU clearly demonstrates that the term is well attested 
throughout Byzantine literature. It is, however, striking that so 
large a cluster of the literary evidence belongs to the ninth 
century. The significance of this literary evidence is further 
heightened by a group of reliquary crosses dating from the 
early decades of the ninth century and probably originating in 
Constantinople, which not only corroborate the testimony of 
the two earliest written sources but also establish a link between 
the use of EyKOA1tlU and opposition to Icononclasm.19 In fact, 
this combination of literary and material evidence indicates that, 
beginning with the first post-Iconoclastic period (787-815) and 
continuing through the second phase of Iconoclasm (815-842), 
image-bearing EYKOA1tta emerged as a vehicle for expressing 
iconophile practice and belief (Kartsonis 119f). 

That the personal religious artifacts denoted by EYKOA1tlOV 
have a special connection with Iconoclasm, or rather with oppo­
sition to Iconoclasm, is further confirmed by a cluster of refer­
ences from the second half of the ninth century, that is, the 
decades immediately following the restoration of Orthodoxy. 

evan Enkolpia in Prague Collections," Byzantinosla'Vica 54 (1993) 310-13, 
describes an eleventh-century bronze encolpion that is 11 cm. high and 7.8 
cm. wide; the height increases to 14.5 cm. if the fastening loop, which appears 
to have been added later, is included. V. Kovalenko and V. Pucko, 
-Bronzovye kresty-enkolpiony iz Knjazhej gory," Byzantinosla'Vica 54 (1993) 
300-09, is lavishly illustrated with encolpia in a variety of shapes, sizes, 
decorative images, and techniques. 

16 Rulers: Anna Comnena Alex. 3.10.7; George Pachymeres, De Michaele 
Palaeo logo 4.6, ed. I. Bekker, I (Bonn 1835) 265; bishops: PC C 200; Theog­
nostus Libellus, PC CV 860B. 

17 PC CV 525 B; Genesius 63; Theoph. Cont. 119; Anna Comnena Alex. 2.5.7. 
18 John Cantacuzenus, Historiae 3.17, ed. L. Schopen, III (Bonn 1832) 108. 
19 Nicephorus I, Ep. ad Leonem, PC C 200 (written in 811), Antirrheticus 

3.56, PC C 433c-o (written 818-820); Kartsonis 94-125. The passage from the 
Third Antirrhetic clearly discusses encolpia without use of the term. 



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MARTHA VINSON 95 

The Life of Theodora belongs to this group. 20 Three additional 
references concern Ignatius, whom Theodora appointed to 
succeed the Patriarach Methodius and whose power struggle 
with Photius reflects the dynastic as well as theological tensions 
that surfaced in the post-iconoclastic period.21 For example, in 
Theognostus' Libel/us, composed in 861, Photius, like Niceph­
orus before him, sent an EYKOA..1tlOV to the representative of 
Pope Nicholas I to enlist his support.22 Ignatius is given the 
emperor's own EYKOA..1tLOV as a pledge by Theodora's brother 
Petronas; Ignatius subsequently appears before Theodora's 
other brother Bardas with the EYKOA..1tLOV suspended from his 
neck {tOU tPClXTtA..OU a.1tCllroPTtCJClC;}.23 An EYKOA..1tLOV also marks a 
turning point in the Life of St Antony the Younger {785-865}, 
composed between 877 and 899 by a partisan of the Ignatian 
faction. 24 While still deputy governor {h: 1tpoO'c1>1tou} of the 
Cibyrrhaeot theme, Antony entrusts his sister, a nun, with an 
eYKOA..1tLOV as a sign {O'TIJ.U:'iOV} of his intention to renounce the 
world. He later reclaims the "deposit of the encolpion" {titv 
1tClPClOTtKTIV tOU EYKOA..1tlOU} and enters religious life after sur­
mounting the obstacle of his impending marriage with the help 
of his spiritual father. 25 The political bias of the Life is unmis­
takable. For example, Ignatius' mother Procopia is singled out 
for her devotion to the monastic community {213.9-14}; 
Petronas is identified as Antony's spiritual son {216.13f}; and 
even Theophilus is portrayed as a just and humane monarch 
{209.1-27,211.19-28}. 

20 It is generally agreed that the Life of Theodora was composed in the 
second half of the ninth century, during the reign either of Basil I or Leo VI. 
See Regel xiii; Markopoulos (supra n.l) 255; and P. Karlin-Hayter, CLa mort 
de Theodora," lOBC 40 (1990) 208. 

21 To the Greek sources add the Acts of the Council of 869-870, which 
deposed Photius and reinstated Ignatius (supra n.12). 

22 PC CV 860B; Kartsonis (119) points out that the elaborate encolpion sent 
to Pope Leo III by Nicephorus I in 811 (PC C 200) served as Cmaterial proof" 
of the patriarch's Orthodoxy. 

23 Vita S. [gnatii, PC CV 525B; cf also Nicephorus I Antirrheticus 3.56, PC 
C 4~3c, where reliquary crosses are worn ·suspended from the neck and 
hanging down to the chest." 

24 F. Halkin, ·Saint Antoine Ie Jeune et Petronas Ie vainquer des Arabes en 
863," AnaiBo1l62 (1944) 207f. 

25 Ed. A. Papadapoulos-Kerameus, Pra'llosia'llnyi Palestinskii Sbornik 19.3 
(1907) 195.10-14, 200.31ff. I thank L. Sherry of Dumharton Oaks for this 
reference. 



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96 ErKOAnION AND TENANTION 

These references indicate that EYKOA7tta continued to serve as 
a tangible symbol of their owners' Orthodoxy even in the post­
iconoclastic period. In the context of the continuing political 
and theological tensions of the late ninth century, the decision 
to use the specific term EYKOA7ttoV rather than the generic etKOlv 
in the Life of Theodora is thus significant and reflects the 
au thor's desire to exploi t the special resonance the term 
EYKOA7ttoV enjoyed among the iconophile faithful. It further 
seems likely that EYKOA7tta were specifically associated with the 
Orthodoxy of the Patriarch Ignatius and his patron Theodora, 
who was canonized for her role in restoring the veneration of 
icons.26 

The precise meaning of to n:vavtlov, on the other hand, is 
more problematic. Du Cange (1544) defines n:vavtlov as a kind 
of fibula or pin and derives it from the Latin tenere, through 
either the French tenant or the Italian tenente. Du Cange cites 
the passage in question from the Life of Theodora as well as a 
variant reading for Nicetas Choniates, De Manuele Comneno 
Book 3.27 The actual text reads XAaJlUOa itaOllJlEVOC; aotEtO­
tEpav 7tEPl tOY OE~tOV d)JlOV 7tEPOVOUJlEVllV and the variant JlEta 
tEVavttOU iltot 7tOUKAac; ita<paAtaJlEvllv. One may also cite Eust. 
ad Il. 14.180 (=III 609.24-29 van der Valk): 'EVEtat O£ 7tEPOVllC; 
etOoc;, XPllatJlEUOUOllC; Kata to iOtOltlKWC; AEYOJlEVOV tEvavttov, 
7tapa to EVlEaOat, 0 fatlv EJl~aAAEaOat, tfl aVtlK£tJlEVTI o7tfl.28 

Although to tEvaVtlOV clearly means a brooch or pin used to 
fasten clothes in the above cited passages from Eustathius and 
Nicetas Choniates, both the known characeristics of EYKOA7tta 
and the particular context of the Life of Theodora seem to re­
quire that Theoctistus' n:vavtlov be a kind of necklace or chain 
rather than a pin. For example, both the Life of St Ignatius and 
the Third Antirrhetic show that EYKOA7tta. are not attached to 
clothing but instead hang freely from around the neck down to 

26 C. Mango, -The Liquidation of Iconoclasm and the Patriarch Photios," 
and P. Karlin-Hayter, -Gregory of Syracuse, Ignatios and Photios," in A. 
Bryer and 1. Herrin, edd., Iconoclasm (Birmingham 1977) 139 and 142 
respectively, both question Ignatius' iconophile credentials and Mango, con­
trasting Photius' vigorous program of church decoration with Ignatius' in­
activity in this regard, suggests that Photius made Iconoclasm an issue in the 
conflict with his rival. If so, then the term EYlCOA.7tlOV takes on the added 
significance of showing that Ignatius was not 'soft' on the question of icons. 

27 Nicetas Choniates, Hisloria, ed. I. Bekker (Bonn 1835) 142; supra n.9. 
28 LS1 (1775) cites this passages in defining 't£VUV'tlOV as a -hook to fasten 

dress." 



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VINSON PLATE 1 

Necklace with cross and amulet cases, 5th to 6th centuries A.D. 
Length 54.35 cm. Indiana University Art Museum 70.56.11 

(Burton Y. Berry Collection) 



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PLATE 2 VINSON 

Silver chain with pectoral cross, 14th century A.D. 
Length 60.50 cm. Indiana University Art Museum 70.105.36 

(Burton Y. Berry Collection) 



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MARTHA VINSON 97 

the chest (see supra n.23). The verb used to describe Theoctis­
tus' movement in putting on his encoipion, 1tEpu:paAA£tO ("put 
around "), is more appropriate for a pendant than a pin; if 
Theoctistus' t£vavtlov were in fact a brooch, one might have 
expected £V£paAA£tO, as the passage from Eustathius explicitly 
suggests. Practical considerations also militate against understan­
ding the t£vavtlov in the Life of Theodora as a pin or brooch. It 
is, for example, difficult to understand why Theoctistlls would 
risk being pricked by habitually carrying a sharp-pointed object 
in his clothes. It is also hard to see how a brooch can be put on 
"in a hurry" (opaj.l.cOv). Finally, although Theophilus is close 
enough to Theoctistus to grab his hair, it would seem easier for 
him to 'draw' the £yKOA1tLOv/tEVaVtlov to his lips if it were 
hanging freely rather than attached to a garment. 

A way out of this difficulty comes from an unlikely source, 
the medical writer Meletius the Monk. His On the Constitution 
of Man, usually assigned to the ninth century, contains the 
following enumeration of the parts of the neck: 0 tpaXllAoc; 
tOlVUV A£y£ta.l Kat t£VCl)V Kat aUxTtv· tOU OE tpaXTtAou, to j.l.Ev 
Ej.l.1tPOcrS£v autou, KataKA£lO£C; A£yoVtav to OE 01ttcrS£v, t£VCl)v' 
£~ of> Kat t£vavtlov. 29 This form of tEVaVtlOV is clearly derived 
from tElVCl) ("stretch") through t£VCl)V ("sinew"), with which it is 
synonymous in meaning "back of the neck." A derivation from 
tElVCl) suits the sense required of tEvaVtlOV by the context of the 
Life of Theodora far better than one from tenere. Whether the 
operative force comes from "sinew: i.e., a cord or thong, or 
from the more specific "back of the neck: or even some 
combination of the two, the semantic range for t£vavtlov easily 
accommodates an extended meaning of "necklace." An 
£YK01tAlOV strung on a cord or chain is something that one could 
indeed "sling on in a hurry" (opaj.l.wv 1t£pl£paAA£to). A 
delirious emperor could easily see the "cord with the encol­
pion " (to tOU £YKOA1ttOU t£vavtlov) on Theoctistus' neck and, 
by synecdoche, draw the cord or necklace (to t£vavtlov ) to his 
lips. 

The term t£vavtlov thus represents two different words 
which, although identical morphologically, are distinct in 
etymology, meaning, and usage. The tEvavtlov, which comes 

29 Meletius the Monk, De natura ho~inis, in J. A. Cramer, Anecdota 
Graeca e codd. manuscriptis bibliothecarum Oxoniensium III (Oxford 1836) 
91. The same passage is repeated in R. Renehan, ed. and tr., Leo the Physician, 
Epitome on the Nature of Man (Berlin 1969) 44. For the date of Meletius see 
A. M. Talbot, "Meletiosthe Monk," ODB 2 (1991) 1333. 



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98 ErKOAllION AND TENANTION 

from tenere and means "pin or brooch," clearly represents a 
colloquial level of usage. Eustathius, for example, is quite 
explicit in characterizing 't£vavtlov as a common or vernacular 
expression for the classical 1t£povTl (lea.'to. 'to iOlro'tlKroC; 
A.£y0J.l.£vov). Similarly, the variant reading in Nicetas Choniates 
is an obvious gloss on the less familiar 1t£POVOUJ.l.EVTlV and 
explicitly places 't£vaVtlov on the same stylistic level as 1tOUKA.<l, 
another foreign loan word. By contrast, the 't£vav'tlov, which 
comes from 't£tvro and means "neck or necklace," represents a 
more formal level of usage. Its appearance in a medical treatise 
indicates that it is a technical term. The Life of Theodora 
belongs to a similar stylistic level in that it is a representative of 
the 'high' or classicizing style not only in terms of morphology 
and diction but genre as well, as it conforms to the conventions 
of a ~(lO'lA.lKOC; A.oyOC; or imperial oration. 30 Hence, for reasons 
of both style and sense the term 't£vav'tlov in the Life of 
Theodora must mean a kind of necklace. 

To summarize, the term £YKOA.1tLOV denotes a personal 
religious object that is small enough to be carried in a pocket 
but was normally worn suspended from the neck. When the 
form is specified, it is that of a cross or circle. Encolpia may 
contain relics, srecifically fragments of the True Cross,31 or 
may bear figura representation. During the second period of 
Iconoclasm and its aftermath, both the object and the term 
constituted a powerful symbol of Orthodox practice and belief. 
Further, in the second half of the ninth century, £YKOA.1tl(l seem 
to have been particularly associated with the Ignatian party in 
Constantinople. The term 't£v av'tlov, on the other hand, 
represents two different words that are morphologically the 
same. The first comes from the Latin tenere and is a popular 
expression for a pin or brooch used to fasten clothes. The 
second, from 'telvro and a technical term for "back of the neck," 
also has the extended meaning of necklace. The latter sense 

30 For the rhetorical form see D. A. Russell and N. G. Wilson, Menander 
Rhetor (Oxford 1981) 76-95. 

31 The emphasis on these particular relics in ninth-century sources (P G C 
200 and Mansi XVI 79=P L CXXIX 79) may well represent an iconophile 
reaction to the promotion of the cult of the Cross by iconoclastic emperors. 
On this see J. Moorhead, "Iconoclasm, the Cross and the Imperial Image," 
Byzantion 55 (1985) 165-79. See also A. Kartsonis, "Protection Against All 
Evil: Function, Use, and Operation of Byzantine Historiated Phylacteries," 
Byzantinische Forschungen 20 (1994) 73-102. 



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MARTHA VINSON 99 

applies in the Life of Theodora, where 'tEVIlVttOV denotes the 
cord or necklace on which the eYKOA1tLOV is suspended. 32 

BLOOMINGTON, INDIANA 

September, 1995 

32 My thanks to Adriana Calinescu of the Indiana University Art Museum 
for her assistance in obtaining the photographs.