BIRLEY, A. R., Caecilius Capella: Persecutor of Christians, Defender of Byzantium , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 32:1 (1991:Spring) p.81 Caecilius Capella: Persecutor of Christians, Defender of Byzantium A. R. Birley Caecilius Capella in illo exitu Byzantino: "Christiani, gaudetel" exclamavit. Thus Tertullian, in late 212 or early 213, on the fate of a previous persecutor, as a warning to the incumbent proconsul of Africa. 1 1 Ad Scapulam 3.4 (5). The date is supplied by the earlier reference at 3.3 to the almost complete eclipse of the sun (clearly recent) visible in conventu Uticensi and assignable to 14 August 212: see e.g. B. E. Thomasson, Die Statthalter der romischen Provinzen Nordafrikas (Lund 1960) II 112; T. D. BARNEs, Tertullian (Oxford 1971: hereafter 'Barnes') 38. Scapula is generally identified with P. Julius Scapula Tertullus Priscus, cos. ord. 195 (thus PIR 2 J 557, Thomasson, Barnes). P. M. M. LEUNISSEN, Konsuln und Konsulare in der Zeit von Commodus bis Severus Alexander (Amsterdam 1989: hereafter 'Leunissen') 217, following similar suggestions by H. Halfmann, "Zwei syrische Verwandte des severisches Kaiserhauses," Chiron 12 (1982) 235 n.69, and T. D. Barnes, "Proconsuls of Asia under Caracalla," Phoenix 40 (1986) 202 n.8, notes that he could have been, rather, the cousin of the cos. ord. 195: C. Julius (Scapula) Lepidus Tertullus (cos. suff between 195 and 197). The latter, legate of III Augusta (Numidia) in 194 (and probably ca 193-197: Leunissen 274), is not recorded with the name 'Scapula' borne by other members of his family, but is generally assumed to have had it. New information on Lepidus Tertullus is now to hand: as tribunus laticlavius of II Adiutrix he dedicated an altar to Sol Invictus, found with other tribunes' altars in the Mithra:um of their quarters in the legionary fortress at Aquincum. Texts are published by L. Kocsis, "Inschriften aus dem Mithras-Heiligtum des Hauses des tribunus laticlavius im Legionslager von Aquincum aus dem 2-3 Jahrhundert," ActaArchlIung 41 (1989) 81-92; 87f no. 4 is that of C. Iu!. C. f. Am. Lepidus T ertullus; he and the other Mithraic tribunes are also discussed in the same volume by J. Fin., "Prosopographische Bemerkungen zu den Inschriften aus dem Mithras-Heiligtum im Legionslager von Aquincum" (93-98, esp. 94f on Lepidus Tertullus). Neither scholar comments on the new information that he was in the tribe Arnensis, which points to an origo at Carthage: cf J. W. Kubitschek, Imperium Romanum tributim descriptum (Vienna 1889) 68, 74-75, 137, etc., although Italy cannot be excluded. Puzzlingly, however, Lepidus Tertullus' presumed uncle, consul suffect in the 160s, was in the Sergia: AE 1971,534 (JAM II 94, Banasa). The stemma in PIR2 IV.3 p.272 may need adjusting. Identification of Tertullian's Scapula with Lepidus Tertullus 81 BIRLEY, A. R., Caecilius Capella: Persecutor of Christians, Defender of Byzantium , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 32:1 (1991:Spring) p.81 82 CAECILIUS CAPELLA Caecilius Capella comes third in a list after Vigellius Saturninus, qui primus hie gladium in nos egit-proconsul in July 180, as the Acta Scillitanorum usefully attest,2 and "Claudius Lucius Herminianus," or emended, L. Claudius Hieronymianus, governor of Cappadocia.3 Vigellius went blind, Hieronymianus caught the plague and like Antiochus Epiphanes was eaten by worms.4 Capella, it is assumed, came to grief at Byzantium when the city fell to the Severan besiegers, evidently late in 195, after holding out for more than two years. s He is thought to have been Pescennius Niger's commandant of the Byzantium gar­ rison; and, because the text of the following passage of T ertullian has been emended to remove further mention of him, it is assumed (e.g. Barnes 156) that he had persecuted Christians in Byzantium during the siege. Standard works do not accord him senatorial rank.6 rather than with one of his presumed cousins would make the interval between consulship and proconsulship more like the 'norm' of fifteen years, for which see Thomasson I 14ff. However this may be, the possibility that the man addressed by Tertullian was a fellow Carthaginian gives added flavour to some of the remarks in Ad Scap., esp. 5.2: et tui ordinis 'Viros et matronas et principales quasque personas et amicorum tuorum 'Vel propinquos et amicos. If the proconsul were a Mithraist into the bargain, yet more might be said (but in another place). The latest commentary on Ad Scap. is supplied by P. A. Grammaglia, Tertulliano, A Scapula. Introduzione, traduzione e note (Rome 1980), superseded, however, as far as 3.4f is concerned, by the monograph of E. Heck (n.18 infra). 2 Text conventiently accessible in H. Musurillo, The Acts of the Christian Martyrs (Oxford 1972) 86. J A. R. Birley, The Fasti of Roman Britain (Oxford 1981) 263ff, identifying him with CI. Hieronymianus, legate of VI Victrix, who built a temple to Serapis at York (RIB 658); Leunissen 234, assigning his governorship of Cappadocia to the period after ca 202 and before 212 (Dig. 23.7.12.40) 4 Ad Scap. 3.4: Vigellius Saturninus, qui primus hic gladium in nos egit, lumina amisit; 3.5: Claudius Lucius Hieronymianus in Cappa do cia, cum ... Christianos crude liter tractasset solusque in praetorio suo 'Vastatus peste con'Vi'Vis 'Vermibus ebullisset, "Nemo sciat, " aiebat, "ne gaudeant Christiani ... "; postea, cognito errore suo ... paene Christianus decessit. 5 Dio 74.10.1-14.6, a very full account of the siege, of which the duration is given in 74.12.1. See further below and n.55 for the chronology. 6 Thus in PI R 2 C 27, where his name is not in capitals. In PI RIC 20, however, he is labelled "praeses (provinciae nescio cui us), qui Christianos vexaverat." E. Birley, "The Governors of Numidia A.D. 193-268," JRS 40 (1950) 60--68 at 64 no. 15 (=The Roman Army. Papers 1929-1986 [Amsterdam 1988] 119), suggested, to be sure, that the legate of Numidia in 238, Capelli- BIRLEY, A. R., Caecilius Capella: Persecutor of Christians, Defender of Byzantium , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 32:1 (1991:Spring) p.81 A. R. BIRLEY 83 Over twenty years ago Bean and Mitford published an inscription from Rough Cilicia that names Capella, but its proper significance seems to have been overlooked. The stone was read as follows;l £8o~£ 1(WJ.LTI 'OAO­ cra8&v KAa13Tlvft<; I1o- 1tA.toV Tinov 'PTl'YEl.- vov, o'tpu'topa KalKlAt­ ou Ka1tEAAa 'tou 1(upiou o'tpa'tTlYou, uvao'tTloat OTftA1lV E1tt 'tftc; uyopac; r:o­ Xapto'tiac; Xaptv. The editors write: "the status of Caecilius Capella is not so easily defined: as (0 KUPto<;) o'tpa't1lyo<;-and not uv'tl(J'tpa'tTlYo<; or llY£lHov-he can hardly have been legatus Augusti of the joint province of Cilicia, Lycaonia and Isauria.» They go on to iden­ tify him with the persecutor at Byzantium, commenting further that as "a partisan of Pescennius Niger, he may well have held a military command in the period between the death of Com­ modus and the crossing of Severus into Asia; and as such could properly be styled dux (o'tpa'tT)yoc;)-with the addition of KUPtOC; to his title to indicate that he served an emperor.» 8 This interpretation was duly repeated in AE 1972, 658 and not ques­ tioned by J. and L. Robert, Bull. epigr. 1972, 515, except that they commented on KUPtoC;: "n'est ce point un simple titre de politesse comme il est ordinaire?" Capella's title o'tpa'tTlYoc; was, by mishap, omitted from the "Tables analytiques. VII. Pouvoirs anus, might have been "the son or grandson of Caecilius Capella, apparently a senator." G. Barbieri, L'Albo senatorio da Settimio Severo a Carino (Rome 1952) 617 (Agg. to no. 983), noted this proposal with scepticism; on Capellianus cf also n.43 infra. 7 G. E. BEAN and T. B. MITFORD,Journeys in Rough Cilicia 1964-1968 (=DenkschrWien 102 [Vienna 1970]: hereafter 'Bean and Mitford') 137f no. 135 (Afsar Kalesi=Olasada). 8 Bean and Mitford were presumably thinking of equestrian duces such as ILS 2770, 2773; AE 1956,10. For dux, however, in the case of an equestrian, one would expect crtpatl1Mtl1~, as in P.Oxy. XLII 3077.4. BIRLEY, A. R., Caecilius Capella: Persecutor of Christians, Defender of Byzantium , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 32:1 (1991:Spring) p.81 84 CAECILIUS CAPELLA publics. 3. Fonctions superieures" in AE, which perhaps helps to explain his absence from sundry recent works of reference on senators and governors.9 The fact is that O''tpa'tllYoc;; can simply mean 'governor', as an equivalent for ;'Y£J.u.ov or 1tPEO'PEu'tilc;; av'ttO''tpa'tllYoc;;. Precisely from the province Cilicia come two examples of Severan date: M. Antonius Balbus, legate ea 198-200, is called AaJl1tpo'ta'tou O''tpa'tllYou (fGR III 838, Charadrus); Flavius Julianus, in office ea 215/6-217/8, is just 'tOu O''tp. (AE 1954,8, Anazarbus). As for KUPtoC;; applied to a governor rather than-as more usual-to emperors, a clear case of the year 181 comes from Arabia, where the legate Flavius Julius Fronto is called 'tOU Kupiou ;'YEJlOVO<; (IGR III 1325 [IGLS XIII.1 9104], Bostra). But for that matter there is an example in Cilicia, IGR III 822 (Claudiopolis): [ ... 'tou] KUPlOU ;'YEJlOVOC;;. As it happens, Bean and Mitford (235f) restore this to refer to Antonius Balbus, but do not comment on his label KUptoC;;.10 Capella's strator, it may be added, is a further indicator of his status. ll Caecilius Capella thus emerges as a senator, governor of Cilicia at latest in 193. Perhaps, it could be guessed, he was there at the time of Niger's proclamation as emperor, to be des­ patched posthaste, recruiting cavalry as he went,12 to seize the European side of the Bosporus and if possible more (el nn.48f infra), before Severus' forces arrived. As it turned out, he would be penned up inside Byzantium by the exereitus M oesiaeus, the army corps commanded by the legate of the I 9 He does not appear in the following: G. Alfoldy, Konsulat und Senatoren unler den Antoninen (Bonn 1977); B. E. THOMASSON, Laterculi Praesidum I-III (Gothenburg 1984-1990: hereafter 'Thomasson'); B. REMY, Les fastes senatoriaux des provinces romaines d'Anatolie au Haut-Empire (31 avant j.­ C.-284 apres j.-c.). Pont-Bithynie, Galatie, Cappa do ce, Lycie-Pamphylie et Glide (Paris 1988: hereafter 'Remy'); Leunissen. 10 Bean and Mitford 23sf plausibly enough identify" Antonius .. .lius" of fGR III 848 (Olba), dated" 1981209," with Balbus, as well as with the fgnotus of fGR III 822; not mentioned by Remy; Thomasson I 292 no. 22 notes that the two Antonii may both be Balbus. Under no. 23 he suggests that -EtO~ is the end of a governor's name in fGR III 822. II A. von Domaszewski, Die Rangordnung des romischen Heeres 2 , ed. B. Dobson (Bonn 1967) 73: "Ein Kennzeichen des Generalsranges sind die stratores des Statthalters." It is true that lower-ranking officers also had stratores, but those of the governor are far commoner. 12 Bean and Mitford 138 note the role of stratores as remount officers and the importance for horse supply over many centuries of the region where Capella's strator was honoured. BIRLEY, A. R., Caecilius Capella: Persecutor of Christians, Defender of Byzantium , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 32:1 (1991:Spring) p.81 A. R. BIRLEY 85 I talica, L. Marius Maximus.13 Capella's persecution of Christians might then have taken place in Cilicia: why not? At all events, a new legate of Cilicia emerges. I Wider vistas open if sense can be extracted from the next few lines in the Ad Scapulam 3.5 (6). As it stands, the text requires some emendation; and even then one or two expressions can receive widely discrepant interpretation. The two modern editions by E. Dekkers (CC L 2 [1954] 1129f) and V. Bulhart (CSE L 76 [1957] 12f) print the fullest possible version of the troublesome second sentence in Scap. 3.5 (6); but Dekkers is more conservative, offering no additions to improve the sense, also omitting et before nunc in the last clause. Bulhart's text is as follows: sed qui sibi videntur impune tulisse, venient in diem divini iudicii. tibi quoque optamus admonitionem solam juisse, quod, cum Adrumeticum M auilum idem Caecilius ad bestias damnasset, statim haec vexatio subsecuta est, et nunc ex eadem causa interpellatio sanguinis. Bulhart notes in his apparatus inter al. that q uoq ue is to be understood with the sense of autem. For solam he notes Kroymann's conjecture solidam, adding malim solam . He also gives interpretations of the difficult vexatio and interpellatio sanguinis. Dekkers and Bulhart both report that idem Caecilius-in fact ide cecilius-had been deleted as a gloss, and damnasset emended to damnasses by earlier editors. ide cecilius is indeed found only in N.14 Migne (P L 1 [1878] 702) printed cum Adrumeticum Mauilum ad bestias damnasses; and his text caused the omission of Caecilius Capella from the register of proconsuls of Africa.1 5 13 Full data on Maximus in PIR 2 M 308; his role as the commander of the Severan besiegers in I LS 2936; further, section III below. 14 N =Codex Florentinus Magliabechianus I, VI, 9 (s. XV), which editors seem to regard as important. 15 Barnes 268 dismisses curtly the assumption by W. H. C. Frend, Martyr­ dom and Persecution in the Early Church (Oxford 1965) 320, 333, that Capella had been proconsul of Africa when persecuting. BIRLEY, A. R., Caecilius Capella: Persecutor of Christians, Defender of Byzantium , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 32:1 (1991:Spring) p.81 86 CAECILIUS CAPELLA Translations of the passage read as follows: Yes, and the persecutors who seem to themselves to have acted with impunity shall not escape the day of judgement. For you we sincerely wish it may prove to have been a warning only, that, immediately after you had condemned Mavilus of Adrumetum to the wild beasts, you were overtaken by these troubles, and that even now for the same reason you are called to a blood-reckoning.16 Diejenigen aber, welche sich schmeicheln, daB es ihnen ungestraft hingegangen sei, werden am Tage des gottlichen Gerichtes erscheinen miiBen. Auch im BetreH deiner wiinschen wir, daB es eine bloBe Vermahnung fur dich gewesen sei, daB diese deine Plage, das Blutbrechen, auf dem FuBe folgte, als du den Mauilus von Adrumetum zu den wilden Tieren verur­ teiltest, wie auch jetzt aus gleicher UrsacheY The question has now received thorough investigation, a whole chapter in the monograph by Eberhard Heck, who defends a text not substantially different from that of Migne: 18 cum Adrumeticum Mauilum ad bestias damnass< es>, et statim ret] haec vexatio subsecuta est et nunc ex eadem causa interpel­ latio sanguinis. He interprets haec vexatio as "ein seinerzeit einge­ tretenes, jetzt andauerndes Leiden eine chronische Erkrankung," leading to the interpellatio sanguinis, "eine plotzliche Blutung." Despite the author's great learning, it seems less than compelling to take the Latin in this sense. 19 Further­ more, removing idem Caecilius and emending damnasset to damnasses means that no details are supplied of what the third of the punished persecutors had actually done, whereas Vigellius' 16 Ante-Nicene Fathers III (repr. Grand Rapids 1980) 106. 17 Bibliothek der Kirchen7Jater XXIV (KemptenlMunich 1915) 268f. 18 MH 8EOMAXEIN oder: Die Bestrafung des Gottes7Jerachters. Untersuch­ ungen zu Bekampfung and Aneigung romischer Religio bei Tertullian, Cyprian und Lactanz (Frankfurt a. M. 1987) 103-47. 19 Migne, PL 2, 1321 had already suggested for interpellatio sanguinis more or less exactly what Heck proposes: "Haemorrhagia fortasse, ex qua Scapula tum laborabat." Bulhart, CS E L LXXVI 13, takes 7Jexatio as "dimicatio cum bestiis" and interpellatio sanguinis as "accusatio vellicentia accusandi eius, qui (spretis sc. Severi mandatis) sanguinem Christianum effuderit" (citing for both "Kr.," i.e. the note by E. Kroymann). This interpretation does not seem particularly convincing. BIRLEY, A. R., Caecilius Capella: Persecutor of Christians, Defender of Byzantium , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 32:1 (1991:Spring) p.81 A. R. BIRLEY 87 the punished persecutors had actually done, whereas Vigellius' and Hieronymianus' actions are both specified. vexatio, which is extremely common, and often used by Tertullian,20 can have a variety of meanings, including 'persecution', but it can also be translated (more vaguely) as 'trouble'. interpellatio is less common, and used besides here only in Ten. Adv. Marcionem 4.36, where it has a legal sense, something like appellatio. The sense of interruptio is also well attested. 21 On this basis a literal translation of Ad Scapulam 3.5 (6) may be offered, using the text of Bulhart and incorporating Kroymann's solidam for solam: 22 But even those who seem to themselves to have acted with impunity will come to the day of divine judgement. To you, moreover, do we wish that it has been a solid warning, that, when the same Caecilius had condemned Mavilus of Hadrumetum to the beasts, this trouble did not follow immediately, and now, for the same reason, there is an interruption in the bloodshed. Caecilius Capella, as proconsul of Africa at latest in 191-192, perhaps as early as 184-185 (see below), is thus referred to in the first sentence as the one who thought he had acted with impunity, not meeting his fate until at least three and a half­ perhaps as much as eleven years-after condemning Mavilus. As for Vigellius, it must remain unknown how soon after the execution of the Scillitani he lost his sight. But Hieronymianus was punished almost at once, while still in his praetorium in Cappadocia, so the sentence cannot apply to him. "This trouble" must then refer to ille exitus Byzantinus and "interruption in the bloodshed" can be taken to mean "a delay before your [Sc. Scapula's] blood is shed. "23 In the last analysis, it must be con- 20 G. Claesson, Index Tertullianeus (Paris 1975) 1725, lists sixteen instances of vexatio in T ertullian with a variety of meanings. 21 T LL VII 2239f, duly cited by Heck (supra n.18) 121f, who selects, instead, the (not widely attested) medical sense (de accessu morbi). As he notes, the passage in Ad Scap. 3.6 is labelled "interpr. dub." in T LL. 22 sobriam would be a palaeographically acceptable alternative emendation (B and L in Latin cursive are often exceedingly alike). 23 It is clear from several remarks in the Ad Scap. that Scapula had been torturing Christians in an attempt to make them recant: 2.2 (etsi compu/eritis nos ad sacrificandum), 4.2 (videtis ergo, quomodo ipsi vos contra mandata BIRLEY, A. R., Caecilius Capella: Persecutor of Christians, Defender of Byzantium , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 32:1 (1991:Spring) p.81 88 CAECILIUS CAPELLA fessed, Tertullian may have originally written something slightly different. But, given what the manuscripts read, the above interpretation can be claimed to make historical sense. Caecilius Capella was thus, it may be claimed, proconsul of Africa under Commodus.24 The question then arises: can he be detected epigraphically? An inscription from Thuburbo Maius in honour of Commodus registered the name of a proconsul, subsequently erased at the same time as Commodus' names, previously deleted, were recut. Of the proconsul's names only the first two letters can still be read: K C. C[ Jll . Enough space exists in the remainder of the erasure to restore K C. C[ae­ cilio Capella]ll. As restored by L. Poinssot and accepted by I LAir. 265, Commodus' titulature included "Brit (annici)," which would date the inscription to the period 184-192.25 It goes without saying that Caecilius Capella would have suffered damnatio memoriae after his capture at Byzantium. It is true that several other men with a gentilicium beginning with C are listed as victims of Severus in HA Sev. 13. 26 One of these, Cingius Se­ verus, had been proconsul of Africa, as we happen to know precisely from Tert. Ad Scapulam 4.3 (he was not a persecutor). Hence the restoration K C. C[ingio Severo]ll has been proposed for ILAlr. 265 (PIR2 C 735). But it will not convince. He was curator aedium sacrarum in 183. Hence-at least in the light of faciatis, ut eonfenos negare eogatis)-in these passages, it is true, using the second person plural, seemingly widening his audience from Scapula to prae­ side s in general. But 5.3 (paree ergo tibi, etc.), clearly addressed to Scapula alone, ought to imply that he has not yet actually sent a Christian to his death, hence he has a chance of escaping the fate of Saturninus, Hiero­ nymianus, and Capella. 24 No earlier than 181, given that Saturninus, in office 180-181, was the first persecutor hie, i.e., in Africa (Ad Seap. 3.4 and supra n.2), and before 193, when he can be assumed to have been in the East. 25 PJR2 A 1482; BMC IV 797 nos. 550f. 26 In fact, no fewer than eleven of the forty-two senators named as executed by Severus in HA Sev. 13 have gentilicia beginning with C. Some must be eliminated as fictitious or, e.g. Clodius Rufinus (13.5), legate of III Augusta in 192, could not have been proconsul of Africa. On the list ef G. Alf6ldy, "Eine Proskriptionsliste in der Historia Augusta," Historia-Augusta-Colloquium 1968/69 (Bonn 1970) Iff (with "Nachtrage" in Die Krise des romisehen Reiehes [Wiesbaden 1989] 164ff); Leunissen 400ff; A. R. Birley, Gnomon 62 (1990) 615, and "Further Notes on HA Severus," Historia-Augusta­ Colloquium, Geneva 1991 (forthcoming). BIRLEY, A. R., Caecilius Capella: Persecutor of Christians, Defender of Byzantium , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 32:1 (1991:Spring) p.81 A. R. BIRLEY 89 known practice-he cannot have been consul earlier than ca 180 nor proconsul before the death of Commodus.v If Caecilius Capella was proconsul of Africa for a term that fell between 184 and 192 (at least four other proconsuls have to be accommodated, but several years are vacant),28 that would make him a very senior general in the civil war. But this is not a dif­ ficulty. On either side in the war between Severus and Niger was an ex-consular proconsul: P. Cornelius Anullinus for Severus, proconsul of Africa in 193 (perhaps from April-June only);29 and Ascllius Aemilianus for Niger, proconsul of Asia 27 See e.g. F. Grosso, La latta politica al tempo di Commodo (Turin 1964) 595ff; Leunissen 215, proposing 196-197 for Cingius' year in Africa. 28 Leunissen 213ff lists the following proconsuls under Commodus: P. Vigellius Saturninus, 180-181 (supra nn.2, 24); M. Antonius Zeno, 183-184 or 184-185; C.C--- ,whom he places somewhere between 1811182 and 187/188 (apparently overlooking the restoration of Brit. in Commodus' titulature: above and n.25); the future emperors Pertinax and Didius Julianus, assigned to 188-189 and 189-190 respectively; Pollienus Auspex the elder, somewhere between 185 and 190; C. Vettius Sabinianus, 190-191 (?); L. Vespronius Can­ didus, 191-192 (?); P. Cornelius Anullinus, 192-193 (?). Pollienus Auspex is notoriously difficult to deal with: cf Birley (supra n.3) 151 ff, discussing inter at. A. Stein's radical solution that the elder Auspex (i.e., this one), was also legate of Moesia Inferior, sc. in the 190s, hence proconsul of Africa much later. Further, Vespronius Candidus is in the list only on the strength of Tertullian's reference to him (Ad Scap. 4.3) as a non-persecuting praeses in Africa. This could perfectly well refer to his term as legate of III Augusta (Numidia: attested by AE 1955,136; 1967,575; CIL VIII 2752) under Marcus. Tertullian refers in 4.9 to the praeses legionis. Finally, Anullinus may not have arrived until 193 (see n.29). Hence the number of known proconsuls between 181 and 193 may be as few as four (Zeno, Pertinax, Didius, Sabinianus), five plus C.C---. The years 183-184 or 184-185 (Zeno) and 188-191 are occupied, hence, accepting that Commodus was Brit. in I LAfr. 265, Capella could be accommodated between 184 and 188 or between 191 and 193. 29 Anullinus is attested by ClL VIII 1170, cf p.931 (ILS 413: Ucres), hon­ ouring Severus, trib. [jJOt]est., cos. des. II, i.e., hardly earlier than June, certainly not later than December 193. There is no good reason to date the change of proconsuls to a month later than April (Claudius insisted on their departure from Rome in this month: Dio 60.11.6, 17.3; G. W. Clarke, "Prosopographical Notes on the Epistles of Cyprian, IT," Latomus 31 [1972] 1053£) and Anullinus commanded Severus' army at Issus, i.e., probably in April 194: A. R. Birley, Septimius Se7Jerus 2 (London 1988) 112f. So he was probably in Africa only for a few months e.g. April-early July 193. This is perhaps why the town of Ucres had to dedicate the statue anna Corneli Anullini pro cos. instead of having the ceremony performed by the proconsul. On Anullinus one should now consult G. Alfoldy, "Die Inschriften des P. Cornelius Anullinus und seine Tatigkeit im romischen Deutschland," Fundberichte aus Baden-Wiirttemburg 12 (1988) 303ff. BIRLEY, A. R., Caecilius Capella: Persecutor of Christians, Defender of Byzantium , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 32:1 (1991:Spring) p.81 90 CAECILIUS CAPELLA 192-193.30 As to why Capella was assigned to Byzantium, the answer could be that he happened to be close by when 'the balloon went up' in 193; in other words, his home was in Thrace or Bithynia. This presents no problem. 31 On the other hand, he could have gone rapidly to join Niger in spring 193 from Rome or Italy. 32 II A proconsul under Com modus must have been consul under Marcus 33 and, for Caecilius Capella, this puts his governorship of Cilicia in that reign as well, followed by a consulship between the years ca 169 and 177. The temptation arises to venture anoth­ er hypothesis. An acephalous inscription at Ankara (CI L III 254) honoured a governor: [---trib.mil.] leg. III Aug. quaestori aedili plebei praetori pro cos. Ponti et Bithyniae praefecto frum. dandi leg. leg. VI Ferratae leg. Augustorum pro pro provine. Galat. item provine. Ciliciae raro et sanctissimo [praesidi? ---]. A ugustorum, written out in full, points to the first joint reign 161-169. Successive Augusti cannot be ruled out, it is true, but against an earlier dating may be registered the tenure of two praetorian imperial provinces, hardly found before the second half of the second century.34 The inscription ought to have been set up-one of a category "indicative of recent or pending movements"3S-on the news of his translation from Galatia to 30 Aemilianus is attested as proconsul of Asia for 192-193: Dio 74.6.2; Hdn. 3.2.2. Pertinax appointed Aemilius Iuncus as his successor: Epig.Anat. 12 (1988) 47ff (Tab ala, Lydia)-incidentally evidence for an April change. 31 Ample evidence for eastern senators in this period is furnished by H. Halfmann, Die Senatoren aus dem ostlichen Tei! des Imperium Romanum bis zum Ende des 2. Jh. n. Chr. (Gottingen 1979). 32 One must register the rapid deployment to Thrace of L. Fabius Cilo: in Rome in January 193 as consul designate (HA Comm. 20.1), at Perinthus in the summer (PI R2 F 27). 33 Cf supra n.1 on the interval between consulship and consular pro­ consulship. 34 G. Alfoldy, Fasti Hispanienses (Wiesbaden 1969) 99f; Birley (supra n.3) 22. 35 E. Birley, "Inscriptions Indicative of Recent or Impending Movements," Chiron 9 (1979) 495ff (== The Roman Army [supra n.6] 13 Off), not discussing this case. BIRLEY, A. R., Caecilius Capella: Persecutor of Christians, Defender of Byzantium , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 32:1 (1991:Spring) p.81 A. R. BIRLEY 91 Cilicia. It might be, of course, that he was governing the two provinces simultaneously, for example at a moment of crisis (there are several to choose from).36 A further factor may be registered that militates against putting the Ignotus much later: Pontus-Bithynia ceased to be governed by proconsuls, for good, at latest early in the reign of Marcus.37 And against the notion that he could be put in Galatia and Cilicia in the joint reign of Marcus and Commodus are three other legates of Cilicia to be fitted into the years 174/175-180/181. So the Ignotus is best located in Cilicia ca 167/168-168/169, as in a recent study of Anatolian provincial governors. 38 Why not identify him with Caecilius Capella? For one thing, as the inscription is acephalous, it might well mean that it was abruptly taken down and reused, a sensible way of dealing with a stone honouring a damnatus (not possible if an emperor was also mentioned, as with ILAlr. 265). Secondly, the career of the Igno­ tus suits a man who, it has just been postulated, was a native of Asia Minor (or Thrace): apart from the legionary tribunate and 36 E.g. the Parthian war of L. Verus or the period following the usurpation and death of A vidius Cassius. 37 The imperial legate Lollianus Avitus received a rescript from the di7.li fratres, i.e., between 161 and 169, and is surely the same as the Avitus, governor of Bithynia when Mumrnius Sisenna Rutilianus was proconsul of Asia (Lucian Alex. 57). Sisenna can be dated to the year 160-161: R. Syme, "The Proconsuls of Asia under Antoninus Pius," ZP E 51 (1983) esp. 280ff (= Roman Papers IV [Oxford 1988J 334ff). Further, fGR III 84 (Amastris) seems to show him still in office at least from 161-165. Hence, it seems, Avitus, generally identified with the cos. ord. 144, L. Hedius Rufus Lollianus Avitus (PI R2 H 40), was in office at least from 161-165. C. Marek, "Katalog der Inschriften im Museum von Amasra," Epig.Anat. 6 (1985) 144ff, argues that tWV t£1CVOlV autwv cannot re­ fer to Marcus and Verus, on the grounds that the latter had no children, citing A. R. Birley, Marcus Aurelius (London 1966) stemrnata D-E. There, it is true, no children are shown for L. Verus and Lucilla, but p.192 of the same work mentions Lucilla's pregnancy, and in the second edition (1987) 247 and passim there is reference to the three children, two of whom died young, of this marriage. In the present connection the matter is less crucial. At all events, the fgnotus was presumably one of the last proconsuls of Pontus-Bithynia; and his command of VI Ferrata was probably completed before serious fighting started in the Parthian War-he had no dona militaria. 38 Thomasson I 291 shows only two, L. Saevinius Proculus and Cassius Apronianus, but Remy 217 can add Plautius Haterianus. Remy prefers the period of the late 160s for the f gnotus. BIRLEY, A. R., Caecilius Capella: Persecutor of Christians, Defender of Byzantium , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 32:1 (1991:Spring) p.81 92 CAECILIUS CAPELLA posts at Rome, the career is eastern-Pontus-Bithynia, a Syrian legion, Galatia and Cilicia.39 However this may be-the I gnotus of Ankara will have to remain unknown for the time being at least4°-Caecilius Capella probably found consular employment in the years between ea 170 and 180. A few consular provinces-there were by now twelve-can be ruled out. Syria seems to have no gaps) and there is hardly room in Cappadocia. It seems implausible that the I gnotus would have returned as consular legate to Pontus­ Bithynia where he had served as proconsul; but no legates are attested between Lollianus Avitus, early in the 160s) and Didius J ulianus in the early 180s. Syria Palaestina has no known governor between the early 170s and 186. As for the eight European provinces in question, only Dalmatia looks too congested to accommodate another governor. 41 At all events, it is highly plausible that Caecilius Capella did govern at least one consular province in the 170s: there was a serious shortage of qualified persons following the plague and losses in action. 42 Little more can be said about Caecilius Capella. The genti­ licium was exceedingly common, and not a few Caecilii are found as senators in this period (el PIR2 C 16) 22, 47) 58, 76, 77, 82).