Catalogues in Thucydides and Ephorus Smart, J D Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Spring 1977; 18, 1; Periodicals Archive Online pg. 33 Catalogues in Thucydides and Ephorus J. D. Smart I ATHUCYDIDES 2.9 are found two catalogues of the allies of the Spartans and of the Athenians respectively at the beginning of the Archidamian War. Both are full of difficulties. The Spartan catalogue starts with an awkwardly expressed geographical distinction between neA07rOVV~CtoL Il-Ev OL €V'TOC lc0ll-ou 7T < TTOl\I\at Jlavc TTap€( XOJl'TO WCTTEp Kat 'TOtC 'Y]JlatOtc ot EpKVpatoL, at 0;,' -\\ A r \ "I:' o al\l\at TTacaL TT€,:>OVC C'Tpa'TtW'Tac €r,;ETTEf.LTTOJl. III It is generally assumed that Diodorus 12.42.4-5 represents a fairly close summary of Ephorus' catalogues and that Ephorus in his turn was dependent upon Thucydides 2.9. There ~re obvious similarities between the two sets of catalogues: both Spartan catalogues show a J. D. SMART 37 geographical division, however awkwardly expressed at Thucydides 2.9.2, between Peloponnesian and extra-Peloponnesian allies; both Athenian catalogues show a concern, at once more explicit and more confused at Thucydides 2.9.4, with ethnic divisions; and in both sets of catalogues a distinction is drawn, in more developed fashion throughout Thucydides 2.9, between different sorts of military con­ tribution. On the accepted view that Ephorus stood between Thucydides 2.9 and Diodorus 12.42.4-5, and that Diodorus added nothing himself to his summary of Ephorus, one might come to several conclusions about the form and content of Ephorus' cata­ logues. The first such conclusion would be that Ephorus in his Spartan catalogue made the geographical division clearer and then went on to adopt the same principle of order in his Athenian catalogue, abandoning the division in his source between autonomous and subject allies. One might conclude secondly that in both his cata­ logues Ephorus made additions where he thought fit, so clarifying the bare reference to the Locrians (Diod. 12.42.4, cf. Thuc. 2.9.2) and excluding the Chalcidians and the Potidaeans from Athenian allies in the Thraceward area (Diod. 12.42.5, cf Thuc. 2.9.4). And thirdly one might suppose that he perhaps included some material from his source that Diodorus has omitted in his summary, e.g. the Achaeans, with explanatory comment (Thuc. 2.9.2), the Anactorians (Thuc. 2.9.2), the Sicyonians, Pellenians and Eleans (Thuc. 2.9.3, perhaps summarised by Diodorus in his lacuna at 12.42.5 as 7TOA€tC TLV~C ov 7ToAAat, see above), the Plataeans, most of the Acarnanians and the Zacynthians (Thuc. 2.9.4). It is, however, not necessary to conclude from Diodorus 12.42.4-5, if one supplies the lacuna as suggested above rather than as suggested by Wesseling, that Ephorus had adopted his source's thorough distinction in both catalogues between sorts of military assistance provided. It is at least possible that only at the end of his account, as part of his final comment that the Spartan alliance was essentially Dorian and the Athenian alliance essentially Ionian, Ephorus added that similarly the Spartan alliance was com­ posed essentially of allies who contributed infantry and the Athenian alliance of allies who contributed ships. Certainly a comparison between Thucydides 2.9 and Diodorus 12.42.4-5 enables one to reconstruct the probable form and content of Ephorus' catalogues. But the accepted view of the relationship between the two passages, with Ephorus as the intermediary, is not 38 CATALOGUES IN THUCYDIDES AND EPHORUS the only possible view. One might instead suppose Thucydides 2.9 to be the work of an interpolator who took his material from Ephorus. In this case both Thucydides 2.9 and Diodorus 12.42.4-5 will be dependent upon Ephorus, with the interpolator departing further from the structure and categories of the original than Diodorus, who was content with a close summary. This view has in fact much to recommend it. Thucydides 2.9 is deficient, as we have seen, in both structure and content. Gomme called it (II p.12): "a meagre and beggarly description .... [it] in fact looks like a short note (made at the timer which was never properly worked into the main narra­ tive." One might add that, as it stands, it constitutes a positive disturb­ ance to the main narrative. Thucydides seems already to have said all that he wants to say about the state of military preparation and alliance on either side in 2.7. Here the themes of 7TapaCK€V1) and gVf1-ILct.Xla are carefully interwoven: 7.1, 7Tap€CK€VcI.~OVTO 8€ Ked, AaK€8aLfLOVLOL Kat 0;' gVfLfLaxoL •.• 7ToA€LC T€ gVf1-fLaxl8ac 7TOWVf1-€VOL " .,. ,\ -. - ~, 7 3 'A8 ~ ~ \ 1 • 1 ocaL TJcav EKTOC TTJC €aVTWV ovvafL€wc; ., TJvawL OE TTJV T€ v7Tapxov- cav gVf1-f1-axtav £g1}Ta~ov Kat £C Ta 7TEpt II €A07TOVVTJCOV f1-aAAOV xwpla £7Tp€C{3EVOVTO, KlpKvpav Kat KEcpaAATJvtav Kat 'AKapvavac Kat Zcl.Kvv80v, OPWVT€C El ccpta cplALa Tafh' EiTJ (3E{3atwc, 7TlpLg rTJv llEAo7TOVVTJCOV KaTa- 7ToAEf1-1}COVTEC. In the following 2.8 Thucydides deals with the attitude of mind (yvcfJfLTJ) on either side and is then ready to proceed. One expects 7TapaCK€vfj f1-€V OVV Kat yvcfJf1-TJ TOtaVTTJ Wpf1-TJVTO ..• EKcl.T€pOL (2.9.1) to be immediately followed by 0;' 8€ AaKE8aLfLovwL fLETa Ta £V ll\ ~'8 \ '\ \ \ \ II \' \ \ OIl: l\aTaLaLC EV vc 7T€ptTJYYEI\I\OV KaTa TT}V €I\07TOVVT}cov KaL TT}V E~W gVf1-fLaxt8a K.T.A. (2.10.1). But instead one has the intrusive reprise 1\ ~ \ 1 ~" l:' , \ '\ 8' 7TOI\€LC OE . •• TaCOE EXOVT€C ~ vf1-f1-axovc EC TOV 7TOI\EfLOV Ka LCTaVTO ..• l: ,\"., \ \, \ , \ .,. (2 9 1--6) <:;vfLfLaXta fLEV aVTT} EKaTEpwv Kat 7TapaCKEVT} EC TOV 7TOI\EfLOV TJV .. , as though first the themes of 7TapacKEv1} and gVf1-f1-axta had not been already dealt with in 2.7 and secondly the fLEV ovv in 7TapacKEvfj fLEV ovv (2.9.1) did not indicate an intention to proceed.s It is true that the treatment of7TapacKEv1} and gVfLf1-axta at 2.9 shows a different approach 7 But 2.9.2, II£>J.7]vfjc 8~ 'AXluwv pASvo, gvv£17oMp.ovv 'TO 17PW'TOV, (17£''Ta 8e VC'T£POV Kat a17aV'T£C, would suggest (unless this alone be regarded as an interpolation) that some time had elapsed since 431 before its composition. Classen II p.14 commented: "ohne Zweifel nachdem 417 AaK£8mf'OV'O' 'TeX tv 'Axallf OVK t7T£'T7]8£lwc 17PO'T£POV (xoV'Ta KaOlc'TaV'To (5.82.1)." Gomme II p.1O would seem to want a dare no later than 429 in view of Thuc. 2.83-92, cf Stahl 1.2 p.20. 8 On the resumptive use of p.~v ow see J. D. Denniston, The Greek Particles! (Oxford 1954) 470-73. J. D. SMART 39 from that of 2.7. The introduction into both the Spartan and the Athenian catalogues of secondary lists ordered by the sort of military assistance provided shows that 1TapacKw~ in 2.9 has the sense of {AOL WC1TEp KCX~ 1Tp6TEPOV; ~f 3.70.6, €1Tvv{}avovTo [se. the oligarchs] TOV II€t{}[av, EWC ETt /3ovMjc €CT{, fJ-EAA€tV TO 7TAfj{}OC aVCX7T€{CEtV TOVC CXVTOVC 'A{}YjVCX[OLC q,{AOVC TE KCX~ €X{}pOVC VOf-t{~€LV). As he himself 9 Cf in general C. E. M. de Ste Croix, The Origins of the Peloponnesian War (Ithaca 1972), esp. pp.66-79. 40 CATALOGUES IN THUCYDIDES AND EPHORUS narrates (2.25.1), however, the Corcyraeans had assisted the Athenians in force in their raids against the Peloponnese in 431. They had acted thus as gVfLlLaXOL beyond the requirements of an E7TLfLaxla. The scholiast on Thucydides 2.7.3 says that the E7TLfLaxla had then (i.e. early 431) in the course of the preparations for war been made a full alliance.10 This would seem to be confirmed by the action described at 2.25.1. Gomme, however, (II p.82, ~f pp.221, 360) believed that this action was exceptional and that the E7TLfLaxla continued unchanged, as Thucydides implies, until 427. It is certainly true that, except on this one occasion in 431, the Corcyraeans sent no assistance to the Athenians until after the stasis of 427 (in fact in 426, cf Thuc. 3.94.1, 95.2). It is particularly noteworthy that Phormio expected no assist­ ance from Corcyra in 429 (cf Gomme II p.221). It is still not at all improbable, however, that at some time after the battle of Sybota the E7TLfLaxla was in fact made into a full gVfLfLaxla and that the Corcyraean assistance in 431 followed accordingly. The Corcyraean prisoners held at Corinth since the battle of Sybota may well have been returned in the winter of 431/0 (Thuc. 3.70.1), so that their pro­ Corinthian activity secured Corcyraean neutrality (Thuc. 3.70.2) from 430 until matters came to a head in 427. It is just as likely that Thucyd­ ides at 3.70.1-3 covers a period extending from winter 431/0 to early 42711 as that the prisoners stayed five years in Corinth before being returned to Corcyra. In fact, then, the Corcyraeans probably were full members of the Athenian gVfLfLaxla in 431 and deserved their double mention at Thucydides 2.9.4. Thucydides, however, as we have seen, despite his obligation to the facts at 2.25.1, was con­ cerned to keep obscure any full gVfLfLaxla between the Athenians and the Corcyraeans until after 427 (1.44.1, 3.70.2,6). And so he is most unlikely in any catalogue of the Athenian gVfLfLaxoL in 431 to have made prominent mention of the Corcyraeans. Such subtlety was beyond Ephorus. Just as his knowledge of Thucydides 2.30.2 led him in the composition of his Athenian catalogue to exclude Cephal­ lenia from 2.7.3, so his knowledge of 2.25.1 led him to include the Corcyraeans. There is much, then, in the content and position of Thucydides 2.9 that disturbs. It is awkward, too, in its wording. To lI€A07T7TOV.f]CLOL 10 oi yap K£pKvpaio, E7n/Laxlav /Lavov £lxov' vi/v Si Kat fV/L/Laxlav 7Tm£i Cap. Bekker 230). 11 For a similar instance at 6.6.2 see my arguments in]HS 92 (1972) 136. J. D. SMART 41 fLEV o£ EVTOC lC()fL0f} (2.9.2, see above) one might add the. absence of fLEV at 2.9.3, aVTTJ AaKeOaLfLovlwv tVfLfLaxla. Here fLEV is omitted by all the MSS except C (Laurentianus) which gives aVTTJ fLEV AaKeDatfLov{wv tVfLfLax{a (see Alberti I p.163). Steup (II p.25) showed that Thucydidean usage requires the p.iv, and most recent editors12 have adopted aVT'Y} fLEV AaKeDatfLovtwv ~vfLfLaxta as their reading. But the argument from Thucydidean usage cannot be used to explain how fLEV came to be dropped from the majority of the MSS. It explains rather why fLEV was added in the Laurentianus. And its final implication is that Thucydides did not write 2.9. There is a similar difficulty with 2 9 4 · ~ " ,\ n \ , , K ' \ It\ )' . . . VTJCOL ocaL eVTOC eI\07TOVV1]COV KaL PTJTTJC 7TPOC 1]I\WV aVtCXOvTa micat a;'