Theocritus' Silent Dioscuri Griffiths, F T Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Winter 1976; 17, 4; ProQuest pg. 353
Theocritus' Silent Dioscuri
F. T. Griffiths
THE MOST DRASTIC modern intervention in the received text of the
Idylls is Wilamowitz's diagnosis of the scribal omission of a page
or so after v.I70 of the Hymn to the Dioscuri and his reattribu
tion of the following lines (to v.180) to Castor.1 Lynceus has just fol
lowed the Dioscuri's abduction of his and Idas' fiancees with charges
of bribery, rape and the wanton abuse of blood bonds. Now Castor
has only these missing verses to save face, as editors2 are now univer
sally inclined to let him do in keeping with Wilamowitz's pronounce
ment that in such a hymn" die Menschlichkeit auf seiten der Dioskuren
sein muss." But must it? To this point in the poem the twins
have taken their duties as CWTfjpEC lightly, to say the least, and here
Theocritus' sympathies unmistakably lie with Lynceus. The lacuna
itself imports grave incoherences into an otherwise untroubled text,
while the apologiae suggested for Castor would indict him more effec
tively than has his cousin. It would seem, then, that editors are dis
membering a perfectly sound text to impose on the poet exactly the
kind of piety toward gods and heroes that here and elsewhere he
delights in scoffing.
The textual grounds for the emendation are exceedingly slight: no
one has claimed inconcinnity between vv. 170 and 171, which mark the
transition between two alrernatives to all-out combat, both offered
on the strength of family ties: "Either yield to us as your cousins, or at
least limit the combat to a duel, that we may bereave our families as
little as possible." These sentiments could flow naturally from the
lips of one speaker, and El 8' UJLLv Kpa8t'rJ 1TOf..EJLOV 1To(hL ... (v.17I)
strongly recalls Lynceus' salutation: OaLJLOvwL, Tt JLaX1]c iJLE{pETE;
(v.145).3 It is only the manuscripts' uncertainty about the indicated
opponent in v.175 (KacTwp D, AVyKEvc V Tr M, using Cow's sigla) that
has aroused suspicions. But AVYKeVC, which would imply that the lines
1 Textgeschichte der griechischen Bukoliker (Berlin 1906) 191-93.
Z The last dissenters were R. Cholmeley, The Idylls of Theocritus Z (London 1919), without
explanation, and O. Konnecke, Bucolici Graeci (Brunswig 1914), who replied to Wilamowitz
earlier in "Zu Theokrir," Philologus 72 (1913) 379-84.
3 Ibid. 380f.
353
354 THEOCRITUS' SILENT DIOSCURI
are Castor's, could easily enough have been drawn into the text from
a gloss on the speaker of the lines (over EYw ?), and V Tr M will again
misplace KacTwp in v.I85, suppressing aKpae for a repetition of
Kap'TEpoe from v.I84; a clear error.
Wilamowitz further objects to 0}LaLlLoe ElLoe (v.I73) from Lynceus
in reference to Polydeuces on the grounds that it must mean 'brother',
not 'kinsman'. But as an adjective 0lLaLlLoe is often not so restricted'
and would precisely fit Lynceus' rhetorical need here for an encom
passing and ambiguous term to make the ties of family seem as close
as possible. Gow5 argues instead that Lynceus would not describe
Polydeuces as 'my' (ElLoe codd.) or 'his' (ioe Vossius;6 i.e. Idas') 'kins
man' when his relationship to both of the Apharidae is the same. This
is a fine point at best, and there is no reason to doubt the manuscripts'
ElLbe from Lynceus, self-conscious as he is (athoe EyW v.I53; VWL 8'. Eyw
Kacrwp T€ v.I75), who would quite naturally discriminate himself
from his brother in excluding him from the combat. Can we not
tolerate a touch of solipsism at a grand moment of fraternal self
sacrifice? Certainly the rhetoric of the line, "Idas and my cousin, the
mighty Polydeuces," is appropriate more to the courteous and in
gratiating Lynceus than to Castor, who would weaken his appeal by
slighting Idas so and from whom 0lLaLlLoe would be otiose.
The duel itself proceeds, by Homeric conventions, as if Lynceus had
been the challenger: like Paris (ll. 3.328ff), he is the first to brandish
his weapon, while Castor follows just as did Menelaus (c.:Je 8' aihwe
MEvD..aoe ll. 3.339; c.:Je 8' aVTwe ... KaeTwp vv.I85f).7 Lynceus, like
Paris and Hector (ll. 7.244ff). makes the first thrust and comes off the
worse against the man whom he has challenged. Similarly, the poet
comments on the proposal for the duel as if it had come from
Lynceus: El7TE, Tel 8' OUK ap' EJLEAAE (JEoe ILETaJLwvLa (J~eE'v (v.18I) has
piquancy only in reference to his frustration at the failure of the earlier
negotiations (vv.I67ff). This time, the narrator notes with grim irony,
4 Hdt. 1.151 and 8.144; Cratin. 433; Pl.Com.192; Aesch. Eum. 212. Though the substantive
regularly refers only to siblings. Sophocles' further definition of it in the phrase c';;c op.alp.oll
Kat KaCt)'V1/'"1c (El. 12) indicates that this restriction is not necessary or binding. See also
E. Bignone. Teocrito (Bari 1934) 321 n.1.
5 Theocritus 2 II (Cambridge 1952; repro 1965) 402.
8 Joc may also be used in the second person (here. after vp.'iJl), as often in this period: [d.
17.50; Ap.Rhod. Arg. 2.634 and 3.140; Callim. H. 3.103 and fr.472 pf. Though this emenda
tion facilitates the attribution of the lines to Castor. the appropriateness of 'p.oc makes it
unnecessary.
7 Noted by Konnecke. op.cit. (supra n.2) 380.
F. T. GRIFFITHS 355
his suggestions will be heeded-to his cost. Later, when the poet views
Idas' death from the standpoint of his mother, who will never see her.
son wed (vv.205f), he recalls with similar irony the desire of the
initiator of the duel that for the sake of parents such a double slaughter
be averted. The lines gain their full pathos only in reference to the
proposal as coming from Lynceus, whose self-sacrificing gesture has
fatally endangered the brother he sought to protect. The rest of the
episode, then, clearly develops from the unbroken monologue which
the manuscripts offer.
For the omission itself we lack any explanation more compelling
than spastic scribal eye. The copyist, though given to skipping whole
pages, would have to be attentive enough to pick up from a point that
flawlessly advanced the argument at hand. But in such a densely
constructed passage surgery so clean would surely require a bit of
effort, which we would be hard-pressed to explain, and could be
expected to leave at least some slight mark on the passage thus
eviscerated. In fact, the text becomes troublesome only when we try
to imagine it with Castor's phantom lines. The verbal preliminaries
already go on nearly twice as long as the duel itself; the missing page
or any adequate defense by Castor would entail a disproportion of at
least three to one, leaving the second episode of the hymn's diptych
twice as long as the first and mostly devoted to pointless quibbling.
How are we to turn verses, which are touching and coherent as a
monologue, into a debate, when both speakers would appeal equally
to family ties, assume the same pose of injured innocence, and sound as
conciliatory as possible? One wonders how they would ever come to
blows or why the poet would bore his audience with a debate of
unusual length and no real verbal clash. Theocritus did not, surely,
here or elsewhere create two disputants with the same personality.s
We must insist on the strong contrasts in characterization which en
liven all such confrontations in the Idylls, and in this passage we find
them only in the opposition between the 7ToAJ,wOoc and pacific
Lynceus and his belligerent but silent cousins.
The match needs an aggressor, and it is clearly not Lynceus, who
seems for all the world a bit startled by the violent turn that events
have taken: "Why these naked blades in your hands?" The answer is
8 On Theocritus' contrasting characterizations see U. Ott, Die Kunst des Gegensat~es in
Theokrits Hirtengedichten (Hildesheim and New York 1969), and J. Kuhn, "Die Thalysien
Theokrits," Hermes 86 (1968) 5acyavov o~v cfo€p0V'TOC {J1T€~avaf3ac 1To~H Kac'Twp
cKaLCtJ"
To this point, the poet has given us only summary description of the
fighting; now abruptly, in the first four words, the contest is over:
Lynceus is incapacitated. The preliminaries to this decisive exchange
take another two lines to unravel, taking us back first to L ynceus'
preceding move, then forward to Castor's intermediate dodge and
which foot he made it with. The anticlimax could not have been hard
to avoid, and the convoluted word order is most uncharacteristic of
Theocritus. The failure of the lines seems willful.
The whole passage, then, is out of kilter. Disquisitions like Lynceus'
are never heard on the plains of Ilium amidst brandished swords.
He does clearly echo Achilles and Agamemnon,16 but mostly he is
14 B. Fenik, Typical Battle Scenes in the Iliad (Wiesbaden 1968) 6.
15 II. 7.273ff. At II. 3.361ff Menelaus makes one futile thrust at Paris.
18 See Cow ad vv. 156 and 160.
F. T. GRIFFITHS 359
wasting his breath. That such a long speech should pass without a
reply is disconcerting, but hardly more so than the fact that Zeus
should volunteer his assistance at a point when two Dioscuri remain
against the unarmed Idas. Altogether a «slovenly performance" says
GowP and we can hardly argue with him. But Theocritus has warned
us from the first that his intentions as an epic poet may not be strictly
serious: twins are a natural subject of comedy, and, lest we overlook
the oddity of this assemblage of three sets of them, the poet loads the
first four lines of the episode with eleven dual forms, setting up a
charming little jingle on three ways to say 'two': ovw ... v;'w I OOL(Xc
• .• Kopac· Otccc:., ••• TWY€, which he seems inclined to continue:
yafL{Jpc:., fL€l\l\oy&.fLW. The poet is clearly amusing himself with the pit
falls of the Homericizing style, as hardly surprises us from a
consummate parodist who nowhere takes the traditional heroism
seriously. The weapons fumbled here recall the sword with which
Heracles madly assaults the shrubbery in the Hylas and the one for
which Amphitryon gropes at midnight in the Heracliscus. 18 As a
colleague of Callimachus and, it seems, equally a critic of the tijl\oc
'OfL1JptKOC (Id. 7.45-48),19 Theocritus could hardly succumb to it un
thinkingly here or, as we shall see, in the hymn's epilogue. To cele
brate the Dioscuri, he need hardly involve himself so extensively in
battle poetry and clearly is doing so to mock the pretensions of the
latter-day Homeridae, even as he often does those of love poets (e.g.
Idd. 3, 11 and 12). Theocritus does on occasion oblige his patrons with
patches of heroic verse (e.g. Idd. 16.73-81 and 17 passim), but in these
passages he handles himself so adroitly with shields and epithets that
we cannot, pace Gow, attribute the clumsy heroics of Id. 22 to simple
poetic incapacity. These verses fail so well only because they were
written by a poet who knows so well how to make them succeed.
Given all of his lines, Lynceus emerges as a typical and very success
ful Theocritean character. The calculated naivete of the bucolic poems
characterizes the poet's view of kings and heroes as well: Praxinoa in
Ptolemy'S palace (ld. 15), Alcmena confronting godhead incarnate
(Id. 24), Simaetha ruined by a brief interlude with the jeunesse doree
(ld. 2), and Lynceus facing the brutality of the old heroism are all
11 Op.at. (supra n.ll) 16.
18 On Theocritus' treatment of heroism see D. Mastronarde, "Theocritus' Idyll 13: Love
and the Hero," TAPA 99 (1968) 273-91, and A. Horstmann, Ironie und Humor bei Theokrit
(Meisenheim am Clan 1976) 57-79.
18 For a survey of interpretations of these lines see Ott, op.at. (supra n.8) 161 n.444.
360 THEOCRITUS' SILENT DIOSCURI
limited and well-meaning people out of their depth in confronting
the great world. The religious emotion of the Adonis festival registers
only superficially on Praxinoa, distracted as she is by the annoying
crowd and the workmanship on the tapestry. Where Pindar in Nemean
1 presented the heroic Amphitryon as a worthy witness of Heracles'
infant arete, Theocritus focuses instead on Alcmena, who quite over
looks her surprising son in her anxiety about Iphicles and the ominous
portent of the snakes. Simaetha trusts sorcery to return her to polite
society. And the hapless Lynceus persists in the belief that he can talk
his way out of this confrontation, get the girls and leave everyone
happy. They all seem to have wandered into a world rather grander
than they can handle, and on this score they have our sympathy
absolutely. The great palace by itself is no longer a fit subject for a
poetry of wit and AnTT6T7Jc. nor is the heroic battle. Now it is the faces
in the crowd that come alive. In an earlier age, Lynceus would be one
of those anonymous souls who enhance some greater man's aristeia,
falling to the dust after five or six pathetic lines about his father or
wife. Likewise no one had before asked what a housewife might think
of Olympian struggles in the nursery or how suburban maidens,
reared on tales of Medea and Ariadne, might glamorize their own
indiscretions. Theocritus' preferred perspective on the great world of
heroic myth, as of the Alexandrian elite, is that of the outsiders whose
revealing incomprehension has become a precious commodity in a
sophisticated age. If Lynceus' loquaciousness and stolid innocence are
disruptive of the hymn's wayward turn to Homericizing, so much is
clearly intended, for he diverts sympathy from Castor as a very
traditional sort of hero, while the poet's inversion of epic conventions
demonstrates the heroic style as now insupportable.
In respecting the Dioscuri's original silence we do admittedly make
the episode as a whole harder to reconcile with the rest of the poem
as a hymn in their honor. But the divine twins have been disappoint
ing pious expectations from the first. The proem presents the Dioscuri
as guardians of sailors on the model of the thirty-third Homeric Hymn.
In Theocritus, the storm is rougher and the crew expects to die. But
these sailors, unlike Homer's, do not pray to the twins, who for their
part never show up. The storm blows over, and the poet goes on with
undiminished enthusiasm to the next episode. Whatever their
credentials as a "zivilisatorische Macht,"20 the twins debark from the
10 Wilamowitz. op.cit. (supra n.1) 186.
F. T. GRIFFITHS 361
Argo with no intention beyond tourism, find the ogre Amycus more
quaint than menacing, and with unconcealed amusement take on the
match purely for sport-in fact, would not mind a pancratium.
Polydeuces finds the boxing itself mere child's play, no more than an
afternoon's diversion. He has ostensibly pounded manners into Amy
cus, but the latter would, in fact, have been content to sit sunning
himself had his inquisitive visitors not badgered him into a fight. And
the spring which the Argonauts have won interests the poet at the end
even less than it does Polydeuces earlier (v.62).21 Now in Apollonius'
contemporary account22 this episode is very serious heroic business
and, indeed, the only time his Argonauts triumph in the traditional
way. Elsewhere their valor proves self-defeating (as in Cyzicus) and
their triumphs most unheroic (e.g. in Lemnos and Colchis). But rid
ding the Propontis of Amycus and the Bebryces, as King Lycus
explains at length (Arg. 2.774-810), is the sort of thing heroes most
usefully do. It symbolizes the triumph of ·dxv7J over {3ta, Greek over
barbarian and even the order of Zeus over chaos,23 as would hardly
interest the urbane Polydeuces of ld. 22, who is above all curious,
witty, acquisitive and sportive. Theocritus' Amycus we will despise
not for being the scourge of the Propontis (has he the wit?) but for
fouling his opponent (v.119). As in Idd. 18 and 24, this heroic world
seems to revolve less around war than sport. Theocritus does not
intend to undercut the twins here, as is sometimes suspected,24 but to
make of them Hellenistic gentlemen with a clear appeal to a courtly
11 Sanchez-Wildberger, Theokrit-Interpretationen (Diss. ZUrich 1955) 15f, speaks of a
"parodistischen Schimmer" in the passage, while A. Kohnken, Apollonios Rhodios und
Theokrit (Cottingen 1965) 90-93, sees its "komodienhafte ZUge" as an inheritance from
Sophocles' satyric and Epicharmus' comic dramatizations of the story. Horstmann, op.cit.
(supra n.18) 72-79, is more inclined to see beneath the humor the poet's "ganz personlichen
Ideal des Friedens."
2Z The question of who is imitating whom in these parallel passages (ld. 22.27-134 and
Arg. 2.1-97) remains controversial. Cow, "The Thirteenth Idyll of Theocritus," CQ 32
(1938) 10-17, and op.cit. (supra n.lI) lIf and 17 (recapitulated in op.cit. [supra n.5] II 231f and
382f), has argued most strongly for Apollonius' priority here and in the more closely
similar Hylas narratives (ld. 13 and Arg. 1.1172-272), as Kohnken, op.cit. (supra n.21), has
for the reverse. A majority of scholars side with Cow, but most recently H. Herter, s.v.
"Apollonios," RE Supp. 13 (1973) 20-22, has declared himself unconvinced by the argu
ments of both camps. For a survey of the literature on the question see K6hnken (pp.26-31)
and Herter, to which add M. Campbell, "Three Notes on Alexandrine Poetry," Hermes 102
(1974) 38-41.
13 In vv.38-42 Amycus is likened to a monstrous son of Typhoeus or one born of Earth in
her wrath against Zeus, while Polydeuces is like the evening star.
It Konnecke, op.cit. (supra n.2) 383.
362 THEOCRITUS' SILENT DIOSCURI
audience. The other Ptolemaic favorites25 receive much the same
treatment: Helen (Id. 18) emerges as the well-bred Spartan princess,
devotee of Artemis and Athena; and Heracles (Id. 24), his monumen
tal benefactions and sufferings all but forgotten, is the model school
boy, athlete and complaisant husband of Hebe.
The Dioscuri's silence in the second episode admittedly makes them
an even sharper contrast to the well-mannered sportsmen of the first.
The erstwhile saviors of mankind, promoting the cause of g€vta in
foreign parts, now abuse the hospitality of their own family. The
grisly slaughter of Lynceus is as unexpected and perhaps as un
deserved as the reprieve of Amycus. These antitheses, as often in the
Idylls,26 are the heart of the poem and clearly labeled: where the
twins could introduce themselves to Amycus as f-L~T' &8IKOVC f-L~T' 19
&8IKWV (v.56), by the end they are just strong (v.213):
" I , , , "'/'"
aVTO' T€ KpaT€OVn Ka, €K KpaT€OVTOC 6f'VCav.
The style of the poem shows similar reversals between the gracefully
variegated narrative of the Poly deuces episode and the oppressive
Iliadic style of what follows. The first adventure takes place against a
lavishly described background; in the second there is none. Lynceus'
prolix monologue itself balances the lively stichomythia of the first
episode. Moulton27 has related this contrasting of styles and charac
terizations to the Alexandrian controversies over the writing of epic,
Homeric and not. Over against a graceful and witty treatment of
Polydeuces' match with Amycus, Theocritus applies a Homericizing
style in the second episode to a tale that had been very elegantly told
by Pindar, and thereby demonstrates the better and the worse way of
dealing with heroic subjects. The twins' degeneration from agreeable
to repugnant characters reinforces the message. And can the reference
be to anyone but Apollonius? For the style of the Castor episode could
derive from the Argonautica no less directly than the matter of the
first episode. Apollonius had inflated the comic tale of Epicharmus'
Aymcus and Sophocles' satyr play of the same name into a formal
Homeric duel: challenge, arming scene, combat, perfidy from the
losing side, full-scale battle; Theocritus in the Castor episode simply
15 The connections of Id. 18 with the court are discussed by Sanchez-Wild berger, op.cit.
(supra n.21) 37-40; for Heracles see Gow, op.cit. (supra n.5) 415-19.
1& See Ott, op.cit. (supra n.8).
n "Theocritus and the Dioscuri," GRBS 14 (1973) 41-47.
F. T. GRIFFITHS 363
imposes an equally cumbersome epic format on the very fluid
narrative of Nemean 10.
The Dioscuri's silence and the pattern of irony that it confirms in
the poem should warn us off a second and equally unnecessary bit of
surgery on the poem. this time interpretative. The hymnal epilogue.
an extensive and surprisingly personal statement much like the
ccppaylc of the Callimachean and Homeric hymns to Apollo. seems
finally to turn from the Dioscuri altogether (vv.2I5ff): "Bards are
dear to the Dioscuri and the heroes of Troy. Homer brought glory to
you, Princes, as do I": vfL'iv KVSOC, aVaK'T€C, ifL~Ca'To X'ioc ao,S6c (v.2I8)
-1lfL'iv aQ Ka~ iyc1 (v.22I). Since the Dioscuri in the Iliad are already in the
grave (3.236ff). they do not belong in this company, and therefore the
majority of commentators since Hiller have taken eXvaK'TEC to refer to
Homer's subjects rather than to Theocritus'28 or have read the epi
logue as a statement on epic poetry in general more than on the poem
which it concludes.29 But nowhere in the Homeric or Callimachean
hymns does the singer abandon his subjects in this way, especially not
for other and mortal subjects. In any case, the twins must at least be
included in the VfLLV of v.2I8, which surely addresses the same group
as the anaphoric viL'iv of v.221. The latter must refer to the subjects of
the hymn, that is, the twins, who are also the only (hoL in this com
pany of heroes. There is, therefore, no way to isolate these lines from
the rest of the hymn so as to avoid Gow's judgement of "extra
ordinary carelessness" here. But since that has been the hallmark of
the preceding battle description, need we be surprised if it continues
here?
As a poetic testament, this envoi is almost the opposite of what
might be expected from Theocritus. To celebrate heroes for brute
force (v.213) hardly sounds like him, and the following lines in in
voking Homer proclaim the very aemulatio that Theocritus and
Callimachus elsewhere regard as pure folly. This is not the Homer of
the Cypria or the hymns,30 but of the Iliad itself and its grandest, most
inimitable heroes. Yet the singer does no more here than openly
invite a comparison with the bard that the Castor episode has already
18 So most recently Dover, op.cit. (supra n.9) 250f. Gow, op.cit. (supra n.ll) 16, is a notable
exception.
28 Schlatter, Theokrit und Kallimachos (Diss. Zurich 1941) 73; Sanchez-Wild berger, op.cit.
(supra n.21) 17; Moulton, op.cit. (supra n.25') 43.
8°Id. 16.49f suggests that Theocritus did not attribute the Cypria to Homer in any case.
See Gow ad loco
364 THEOCRITUS' SILENT DIOSCURI
made unavoidable and highly unfavorable. Having just parodied such
aspirations so successfully, can Theocritus himself now step forth
solemnly and seriously into the shadow of Homer? Like Callimachus
in his Hymns,31 Theocritus does not normally invoke the Muses as he
does here. Indeed, elsewhere his attitude to them seems notably play
ful and evasive.32 Finally, Theocritus' offers to explain his poetry to us,
as this epilogue purports to do, mostly lead us on a merry chase, as
the number and diversity of decipherments of the poetics of the
Charites33 and the Thalysia amply attest. When Theocritus comes
around to similarly personal reflections in the hymnal envoi of the
Bacchantes (Id. 26), we simply cannot believe him.34 But of course we
need not in rd. 22 either.
The interpretative problem with the epilogue, as often in Hellenis
tic poetry, stems from confusing the poetic EYciJ with the personal
voice of a poet capable of candor. The persona of Callimachus' Hymns
81 The Muses figure only in the Hymn to Delos and there only as colleagues of Apollo. On
Callimachus' use of the sisterhood in the Aetia, see E. Eichgrun, Kallimachos und Apo/lonios
Rhodics (Diss. Berlin 1961) 102-04. By transposing the Hesiodic visitation of the Muses into
a dream, Callimachus announces the ironic distance he will maintain toward these tradi
tional symbols throughout.
81 His rustics invoke them regularly enough (Idd. 1.64 al., 5.80, 10.24), but he himself does
so in his own voice only to oblige royal patrons (Id. 17.1) and even then can do so with
considerable humor. For example, in Id. 16 for Hiero II, he begins by dismissing the Muses,
unexpectedly strikes a worshipful attitude to them midway through (vv. 29 and 58f), but
ends by reducing them to symbols of his own poems (v.l07), now quite overshadowed by
the Charites, who themselves began as humorous symbols of his poems canvassing for
patronage but have in the interval been translated to a higher realm, where they enjoy the
adoration once directed to the Muses. All of this shifting about seems to reflect more wit
than reverence on the part of the poet. Similarly, the young and striving poet Simichidas
cannot mention the Muses and Nymphs often enough in addressing Lycidas (Id. 7.37, 92
and 95) and in interpreting the experiences afterwards, doubtless with some amplification
(vv. 12,129, 148 and 154). But where the city-dweller senses their presence everywhere in
the country, Lycidas, who might like Hesiod be expected to enjoy a. neighborly relationship
with the sisters, seems in fact like Theocritus himself to get along quite well without them
(v.51) and to relegate their influence to the fantastic poet-figures of his own songs (v.82).
His disapproving reference to the MOLdiv 0PVLX€C (vA7) may pointedly refer to the ten
dency of the latter-day Homeridae to affect devices like the invocation of the Muses in the
traditional way. See below p.366.
83 For the spectrum of opinions on Id. 16 compare N. Austin, "Idyll 16: Theocritus and
Simonides," TAPA 98 (1967) 1-21, with Horstmann, op.cit. (supra n.18) 119-37.
at On the possibility of playful irony or courtly flattery behind Theocritus' startling
renunciation of all sympathy for the slaughtered Pentheus see respectively G. Giangrande.
"Hellenistic Poetry and Homer," AC 39 (1970) 65-74. and K. J. McKay, "Theocritus'
Bacchantes Re-examined," Antichthon 1 (1967) 16-28.
F. T. GRIFFITHS 365
is not automatically to be equated with the poet himself,as and even
when Callimachus does seem to speak for himself, his statements
may be more formulaic and less self-revelatory than is commonly
assumed, as Bundy36 recently argued for the Hymn to Apollo. Elsewhere
when Theocritus has parody to offer, he puts it in the mouth of a
suitably uncouth speaker (e.g. Idd. 3, 11 and 12). In Id. 22 the persona
becomes increasingly obvious as the hymn devolves into counterfeit
heroics, so that by the end we can be sure that he does not speak for
Theocritus at all.
The hymn-singer has from the first, as I have noted, stitched
together passages doubtfully appropriate for a hymnic celebration, if
often quite engaging in themselves. The boxing match, for instance,
is a masterpiece of Hellenistic realism, sustained without similes,
where Apollonius uses four, entirely by the manipulation of observa
tional detail. It is stylishly modern reportage to be appreciated fully, as
Wilamowitz37 notes, only by other observers of the sport. In no con
text could the Muses as informants be less necessary or credible, but
the rhapsode intrudes with a very Homeric invocation (vv.115ff):
flwe yap 8~ L1ulc viae a8'T}tPayov av8pa Kaf}EL"\Ev;
, , f}' \ \ l' f} ,\ t" • I '.1.. '
EL7TE, Ea, cv yap OLC a' EyW 0 ET€PWV V7T0o/'T}T1JC
.l..f} 'i:" , 'f} I, \ \., .I.. '\ ,~
0/ €y~ op.aL OCC € €I\€LC CV KaL 07T7TWC TOL o/LI\OV aVTf/.
The Muses are not only anachronistic here but redundant, for
Theocritus has from the first invoked the Dioscuri and will continue
to do so (vv. 17, 23, 132, 135f and the epilogue), having made them
KLf}apLC'TaL and aOL8ot (v.24) to serve as his inspiration. By the protocol
of the Homeric Hymns, the singer may invoke either the god or the
Muses but not both. These lines involve the poet, therefore, in a
substantial inconsistency. The climax that they announce is not to be,
for what follows essentially duplicates what has preceded, leading at
last to timely concession and gracious reprieve. Theocritus' audience
would doubtless find this intrusion on the narrative disconcerting,
but, I suspect, also strangely familiar, for Apollonius has one of the
35 The singer of H. 6 is a woman, and the narrator-participants of the other dramatic
hymns (2 and 5) may be equally distant from the poet. Giangrande, "Theocritus' Twelfth
and Fourth Idylls: a Study in Hellenistic Irony," QUCC 12 (1971) 95-113, considers the fyW of
rd. 12 to be a malapropian rustic, and Horstmann, op.cit. (supra n.18) 116-18, suggests
similar irony in the speaking voices of Idd. 29 and 30.
38 "The 'Quarrel Between KaIlimachos and Apollonius', Part I: The Epilogue of Kalli
machos's Hymn to Apollo," CSCA 5 (1972) 39-94.
37 Op.cit. (supra n.l) 186.
366 THEOCRITUS' SILENT DIOSCURI
larger speaking parts in his own epic. In at least a score of passages he
speaks up to call on the Muses, Apollo, other poets, Eros, Zeus, and
finally the Argonauts themselves.3s Traditional professions of strict
subservience to the Muses, like vv.115-18, are to be found in the
Argonautica39 but not elsewhere in Theocritus or Callimachus. It has
long been suspected that Theocritus' v7Toc/n'rT"'1c (v.116) recalls the
Movcat 0' {J7TOCP~TOp£C £l£v aOLOTjc of the proem to the Argonautica
(v.22); both words are sufficiently rare to make the parallel seem
more than coincidental.4o Callimachus' close parallel to Theocritus'
. . " 8' , ,,, " "-' t , "(H 3 186) InVOCation, £t7T£. £T/. CV IL£V alLlLLv. £yw 0 £T£POtCLV a£tcw .• ,
also following a question midway through the narrative, seems also
to refer to Apollonius. Where Theocritus discomfits the Apollonian
Muses by bringing them in at a most inopportune moment, Calli
machus dispenses with them altogether, for £L7T€. 8£~ surprisingly
refers to Artemis, not the Muse. Both poets may refer thereby to a
feature of Apollonius' epic style that purists could find offensive, for,
while invocation and apostrophe of this sort are found in Homer, the
frequency and, as we shall see, inconsistency with which Apollonius
uses them is distinctly un-Homeric. The simplest explanation for
vv.115-18 is, then, that Theocritus has indicated the source of his
story in the Polydeuces episode by imitating a conspicuous feature of
Apollonian style.
That style, as we have seen, dominates the Castor episode so com
pletely that the rhapsode seems to forget that he is singing a hymn at
all. After v.137 he ceases to call the twins Llu>c vlc.fJ and they become
exclusively Tvvoaploat (vv. 202, 212 and 216), as befits their behavior.
Now, mortals are not fit subjects for hymn,41 nor are Iliadic battles,
and in the epilogue the singer faces the full consequences of his way-
38 See Wilamowitz, Hdlenistische Dichtung in der Zeit des Kallinutchos II (Berlin 1924) 218 n.2.
a. e.g. 3.1-5, 4.552-56 and esp. 4.1-5 and 1381f.
" Urroq,~TT/C is found earlier only at II. 16.235; inro