Hamdard Islamicus Vol. XLVIII, No.3 9 THE EVOLUTION OF URDU SĪRAH LITERATURE IN DECCAN BEFORE 1857: AN OVERVIEW DR. JAVEED AHMAD MALIK Islamic University of Science & Technology, Awantipora, Kashmir, India. Email: javaidislamicstudies@gmail.com Received on: 26-12-2024 Accepted on: 15-07-2025 https://doi.org/10.57144/hi.v48i3.1250 Abstract This study aims to explore deeply the historical development of Urdu Sīrah literature in Deccan during the pre-colonial period up to the first half of the 19th century. It commences by figuring out the origins of the Urdu language, highlighting the vigorous role played by Ṣūfiyā’ in fostering its development as a medium for cultural and spiritual connection among the masses. Additionally, the study attempts to examine the early literary endeavours, particularly the genre of Maulūd Nāmahs. Such literature, written in both Naẓm (poetry) and Nathr (prose) forms, primarily commemorated and delineated different aspects of the Prophetic Sīrah, particularly his birth and Mu‘jizāt, reflecting a profound devotional commitment of the authors. However, while employing descriptive cum analytical methods, an attempt shall be carried out to critically analyze such initial writings. Notably, some significant early Sīrah works authored during the 18th century and the first half of the 19th century in the region shall be reviewed, highlighting their literary style, structure, impact and academic contribution. Therefore, this study aims to explore how the Deccan region contributed to the Prophetic Sīrah and how its unique religious and cultural context shaped Sīrah writing while offering a thorough understanding of the evolution of Urdu Sīrah literature in the region prior to 1857. Keywords: Urdu, Ṣūfiyā’, Sīrah, Deccan, Ḥaḍrat Muḥammad, Maulūd Nāmah, Naẓm, Nathr. mailto:javaidislamicstudies@gmail.com https://doi.org/10.57144/hi.v48i3.1250 10 The Evolution of Urdu Sīrah … Introduction The Sīrah of Ḥaḍrat Muḥammad (The Final Prophet of Allah, Peace be upon him, his Progeny and Companions) occupies a distinctively imperative place in the broader framework of religious history. The subject, therefore, holds a core position within the field of Islamic Studies, and its historicity is generally accredited and well- established within academic scholarship. From the earliest periods, Muslim scholars succeeded in compiling the Sīrah using systematic thematic methods, styles, and approaches designed to extensively depict the versatile aspects of the Prophet’s life and his all-embracing character. Their primary objective was to preserve this legacy as a quintessential example for the reformation of humans in all spheres of life. These early compilations laid the foundation for subsequent generations. Although primarily recorded in Arabic, the tradition of Sīrah writing evolved through different phases and languages, including Urdu. As Urdu came into existence as a distinctive language in the Indian Sub-continent, the regional (especially Deccan) scholars recognised the importance of making religious texts, including the Prophetic Sīrah, accessible to a wider readership, thereby playing an essential role in the development of Urdu Sīrah literature. The expressive richness of Urdu enabled authors to transmit profound religious and spiritual themes, bridging classical literature with the cultural ethos of the region. This process included translations of classical Arabic works, which provided a foundational framework for further academic advancements. Nevertheless, Urdu Sīrah writing was not merely a replication of Arabic texts. Scholars introduced their works with the literary nuances and linguistic potential of Urdu, rendering the Sīrah more relatable and appealing to the common masses. This literary assimilation added to the exclusive nature of Urdu Sīrah writing. As it progressed, it evolved in terms of different styles and genres. Consequently, it offered the regional readership a deeper understanding of the Prophet’s life, as well as insights into Islamic teachings and Muslim civilisation. Urdu Language and the Role of Ṣūfiyā’ During the Delhi Sultanate (1206-1526 AD), the interaction between the locals and foreign soldiers - speaking Turkish, Arabic, and Persian - gave rise to a new language, Urdu, meaning literally ‘The Language of the Camp’.1 As a result, Urdu developed as a synthesis of Arabic, Persian, Turkish, and regional tongues, 2 and consequently Hamdard Islamicus Vol. XLVIII, No.3 11 assumed the title, Hindwī. It changed names as it evolved throughout several periods. After Hindwī, it was also referred to as Zabān-i-Hind, Hindī, Reikhtah, and Hindustānī, until finally recognised as ‘Urdu’ in the end.3 Since Urdu is a combination of multiple languages, it has been a medium for socio-religious and cultural transformation. However, since it evolved mainly for the religious requirements of the regional Muslims; therefore, its content has mainly been religious. Although the official language in the Indian subcontinent has been Persian with Arabic as the academic language, later on, Urdu not only replaced Persian but became a permanent academic language in the Indo-Pak Subcontinent. Moreover, its influence has not been limited only to the Indian sub-continent but also to some other parts of the Muslim world as well, and now it is acknowledged as an academic language and recognised among the major living languages of the world.4 Over time, in response to the religious needs of the people, Urdu appeared as a medium employed by the Ṣūfiyā to express their message and convey religious teaching.5 It started gaining vigour and significance during the reign of Emperor Akbar (d. 1605 AD).6 In this regard, Prof. Mas‘ūd Ḥusayn Khān7 expressed: “Primarily, the Ṣūfiā’ employed Urdu as a medium to convey their teachings; and wrote a few treatises in both Naẓam and Nathr on religious and spiritual topics”.8 Prof. ‘Abd al-Qādir Sarūrī9 discusses the role of the Ṣūfiyā’ and highlights the challenges faced by early Urdu speakers. He explains that they had to establish relationships with a new civilisation and culture, fostering mutual understanding while also articulating religious beliefs for the newly converted Muslims. Consequently, early Urdu writings were predominantly religious in nature, with the earliest contributors often being scholars and Ṣūfiyā. The Persian-speaking immigrants who settled in India had to coexist with the local population, gradually losing their fluency in Persian. This created an urgent need to transmit religious knowledge in the emerging Indian language, Urdu. Unsurprisingly, religious themes became the primary focus of early Urdu writers.10 Although Persian remained the official language of the Delhi Sultanate, it merged with local languages like Sanskrit, giving rise to a new linguistic form. During this period, the Ṣūfiyā’ employed mystical terminologies to convey religious truths in Urdu. Dr Rāfi‘ah Sulṭānāh, from Osmania University, Hyderabad, mentioned: “During this period, all the Muslim scholars who came to India introduced Islam through the lens of Taṣawwuf, 12 The Evolution of Urdu Sīrah … fostering a strong bond with the newly converted people through love and affection. These Ṣūfiyā’ hailed from diverse regions, including Arabia, Iran, and Afghanistan. Despite their varied native languages, they chose to communicate with the local population in Urdu—an emerging language at the time, often referred to as ‘Hindi’ in the context of India. This approach ensured that their message could reach every household.”11 The Ṣūfiyā’ mainly exercised Arabic as their religious language and Persian for daily communication. Similarly, Prof. Sayyid Muḥī al-Dīn Qādrī 12 remarked that the Ṣūfiyā’ needed to make religious understanding accessible for the spiritual purification and education of their disciples and newly converted Muslims. 13 This objective could not have been achieved without adopting the local languages for both spoken and written communication. Therefore, a significant collection of religious vocabulary was first developed in Urdu.14 However, they also employed Urdu to effectively connect with the common masses.15 Hence, it is evident that Urdu emerged largely to address the religious needs of Muslims in India. Early Impressions of Urdu Sīrah Literature Initially, Taṣawwuf and other ethical teachings began to spread among the people. At the same time, the Sīrah events started to be introduced to the common masses. These factors mark the initial impressions of Urdu Sīrah writing.16 The main regional author of the 14th century CE was Khājah Geisū Darāz (d. 1422).17 He produced more than one hundred works in Arabic, Persian and Urdu, including a treatise on Sīrah entitled Risālah Sīrat al-Nabī (Øal Allah-u-‘alaihe wa sallam).18 It is noteworthy that impressions of Sīrah writing in early Urdu literature are mainly found in Naẓm (in verse). This is largely because Naẓm was more popular than Nathr during that time, as people found it more appealing and preferred to listen to it. Thus, Naẓm flourished abundantly in Deccan in particular and across the Indian subcontinent in general, often highlighting various aspects of the Prophetic Sīrah. In this era, particularly in the Deccan region, many Mathnawīs19 were composed, describing events from the Sīrah and highlighting various aspects of the Prophetic life. The Mathnawī emerged as a particularly effective and purposeful genre, as its sequential structure made it ideal for narrating Sīrah events. As a result, early Sīrah literature in Urdu, especially in the Deccan, is predominantly preserved in the same genre, even though other genres also contribute to highlighting different aspects of the Sīrah.20 Many of the early Mathnawīs in Urdu from the Deccan were either Hamdard Islamicus Vol. XLVIII, No.3 13 translations from Persian or heavily influenced by them.21 However, Deccan poets later composed original Mathnawīs in Urdu. According to Prof. ‘Abd al-Qādir Surūrī: “The earliest poems in Urdu that have come down to us are short Mathnawīs, composed 15th century CE and the early 17th century CE. While the use of Mathnawī in later Urdu literature became more specifically associated with storytelling, its application in early Urdu was much broader. During that period, the Mathnawī genre was used to convey riddles, advice, adages, and mystical ideas.” 22 In the late 16th century, Emperor Akbar founded a new creed, based on his misguided beliefs and flawed ideas.23 Shaykh Aḥmad Sirhindī (d. 1624), a great reformer of the era, strongly emerged in opposition to Akbar’s cult, i.e. Dīn-i-Ilāhī.24 He authored a treatise titled Ithbāt al-Nabuwwah, emphasising the essence and significance of the institution of Nabuwwah and the Sunnah. 25 The first comprehensive work on the Sīrah, however, was written by Shaykh ‘Abd al-Ḥaqq Dehlawī (d. 1642) under the title Madārij al- Nabuwwah. Originally written in Persian, it was later translated into Urdu.26 The treatise gained immense recognition among scholars and had a profound impact on the public, inspiring subsequent generations of the whole region, particularly Deccan scholars, to produce extensive Sīrah literature in Urdu. Deccan’s Role in the Rise of Urdu Literature: A Few Socio- Political Factors Sīrah literature found its place in the evolutionary journey of Urdu Nathr (in prose) relatively late. While Urdu Sīrah writing in Naẓm began during the Delhi Sultanate period, its development in Nathr formally started in the 18th century CE, even though the Urdu language itself had already emerged in North India.27 In contrast, the Deccan region adopted Urdu after Delhi but embraced it with extraordinary enthusiasm. From the 14th to the 18th century CE, the Deccan scholars produced hundreds of works in both Naẓm and Nathr, spanning various artistic and intellectual forms, including poetry, oratory, and scholarly writings.28 The primary reason behind this delay is that Persian was the official language in northern India. Although Urdu had become a commonly spoken language, it lacked royal patronage. As a result, most written works continued to be produced in Persian or Arabic, the religious language of the region’s Muslim population. In contrast, 14 The Evolution of Urdu Sīrah … ‘Alāʾ al-Dīn Ḥasan Bahman Shāh (d. 1358 CE), upon establishing his empire in the Deccan (1347-1527),29 favoured the use of Urdu over Persian as the language of the Bahmanī court. During the reign of Muḥammad Tughlaq (d. 1351), Bahman Shāh declared independence and established himself as the ruler of the Deccan—a region previously annexed by Sulṭān ‘Alau al-Dīn Khiljī (d. 1316). He expanded his province by conquering adjacent lands, thereby laying the foundation of a vast kingdom. A visionary ruler, Bahman Shāh, not only consolidated his domain but, being a great patron of knowledge, extended support to scholars, poets, writers, and intellectuals. Among those he patronized were Maulānā Luṭfullāh, Mullā Isḥāq Sirhindī, Mullā Ḥakīm ‘Alīm al-Din Tabrīzī, Ḥakīm Naṣīr al-Dīn Shīrāzī, Ṣadr al-Sharīf Samarqandī, and Raḍī al-Dīn Jagajūt. He also received scholars who had been ignored or neglected by the Delhi Sultans. One notable instance is Maulānā ‘Aṣāmī, who, disappointed by Muḥammad Tughlaq, migrated to the Deccan and was warmly received by Bahman Shah—an act viewed as a great honour. Under his patronage, Maulānā ‘Aṣāmī authored a detailed historical work in Naẓm titled Futūḥ al-Salaṭīn, which chronicles events from the reign of Maḥmūd Ghaznawī (d. 1030) up to Bahman Shāh’s era. Bahman Shāh also established educational institutions (Madāris), providing state allowances to both teachers and students, thereby nurturing a vibrant intellectual and cultural environment in the Deccan.30 Thus, in Deccan, royal patronage played a significant role in elevating this colloquial tongue to the status of a formal language, and the support of the Bahmanī rulers proved instrumental in fostering the growth and development of Urdu.31 Consequently, poets, writers, and scholars associated with the courts of Bijapur and Ahmednagar began composing their works in Urdu. 32 However, the real credit for promoting Urdu in the Deccan goes to the theologians, scholars, and Ṣūfiyā, who not only addressed their followers in this emerging language but also employed it in their writings for religious instruction. As a result, the surviving Nathr samples from this period are almost entirely focused on religious themes.33 Maulūd Nāmahs: The Early Genre of Urdu Sīrah Writing Following the development of religious subjects such as Taṣawwuf, ethics, Malfūẓāt, and SawāniÍ literature, the Prophetic Sīrah also witnessed considerable proliferation in Urdu literature. The tradition of Urdu Sīrah writing began in Naẓm, mainly in Na‘tiyah poetry (encomiums), commonly identified as Maulūd Nāmahs. These compositions were collectively recited, mostly in Mīlād gatherings, Hamdard Islamicus Vol. XLVIII, No.3 15 where they described the Wilādat (birth) of Ḥaḍrat Muḥammad (The Final Prophet of Allah, Peace be upon him, his Progeny and Companions), his Bi‘that (advent), Mu‘jizāt, and Shamā’il (physical and moral characteristics). In Deccan, the tradition of writing Maulūd Nāmahs emerged from deep religious devotion. These Mīlād and Mi‘rāj gatherings were held in homes to recite these works, where sweets were distributed, and Durūd (salutations) were offered, thus serving as an inspiration for poets, who participated in them to seek spiritual rewards. These assemblies often drew participation from scholars, the public and even rulers of the time. The Maulūd Nāmahs were primarily written in Naẓm to evoke emotion, enthusiasm, and warmth in the remembrance of Ḥaḍrat Muḥammad (The Final Prophet of Allah, Peace be upon him, his Progeny and Companions). Over time, nevertheless, Maulūd Nāmahs began to appear in Nathr as well. The tradition had a long-lasting impact, inspiring even prominent 19th- century scholars such as Nawāb Ṣiddīq Ḥasan Khān Bhopālī (d. 1890), Sir Sayyid Aḥmad Khān (d. 1898), Maulānā Alṭāf Ḥusayn Ḥālī (d. 1914), and others, who each authored their own Maulūd Nāmahs, thus continuing this rich literary tradition.34 The use of the suffix ‘Nāmah’ in Urdu book titles, both in Naẓm and Nathr, reflects the influence of Persian literature. Titles such as Pand Nāmah, Shāh Nāmah, and Siyāsat Nāmah were common in Persian literary tradition. Inspired by these, local poets and writers in Urdu adopted the same suffix, creating works like Faqr Nāmah, Lōrī Nāmah, Charkhah Nāmah, Qiyāmat Nāmah, Khāb Nāmah, WaÎīyyat Nāmah, ‘Ibrat Nāmah, and others.35 In the context of the Prophetic Sīrah, titles such as Mīlad Nāmah, Mi‘rāj Nāmah, Wafāt Nāmah, Shamā’il Nāmah, and Nūr Nāmah focused on specific aspects of the Prophet’s life and attributes. Most Maulūd Nāmahs were written in the Mathnawī style, though several were composed in Nathr as well. Interestingly, many Maulūd Nāmahs combined elements of both Naẓm and Nathr to enhance their appeal and effectiveness. Appropriately named Maulūd Nāmah, Mi‘rāj Nāmah, Wafāt Nāmah, Shamā’il Nāmah, and Nūr Nāmah, these works became foundational genres of early Sīrah literature in Urdu. ▪ Maulūd Nāmah focused on narrating the Wilādat of Ḥaḍrat Muḥammad (The Final Prophet of Allah, Peace be upon him, his Progeny and Companions). While this genre is primarily dedicated to this particular theme, many Maulūd Nāmahs (also known as Tawallud Nāmahs) also recounted key events from the Prophet’s Wilādat to his demise. 16 The Evolution of Urdu Sīrah … ▪ Mi‘rāj Nāmah recorded his miraculous journey (Mi‘rāj) to the heavens. However, many Mi‘rāj Nāmahs presented this event in a mythical (Afsānawī) form.36 ▪ Wafāt Nāmah recounted the events surrounding Ḥaḍrat Muḥammad’s (The Final Prophet of Allah, Peace be upon him, his Progeny and Companions) final days, including his illness, passing, and funeral rites. ▪ Shamā’il Nāmah focused on his physical traits and attributes. In addition to the Aḥādīth on Shamā’il Nabawī found in Ṣaḥīḥ al- Bukhārī and Ṣaḥīḥ Muslim, Imām Tirmidhī’s (d. 892 CE) Shamā’il al-Tirmidhī37 serve as the primary source for all Urdu Shamā’il Nāmahs. These works vividly described Ḥaḍrat Muḥammad’s (The Final Prophet of Allah, Peace be upon him, his Progeny and Companions) physical appearance, eulogising every aspect of his blessed body. They also highlighted his habits, virtues, and exemplary character, making these aspects essential components of the Shamā’il Nāmah. ▪ Nūr Nāmah explored the belief that Allāh Almighty created the Nūr (light) of Ḥaḍrat Muḥammad (The Final Prophet of Allah, Peace be upon him, his Progeny and Companions) from His own Nūr before the creation of all beings. This theme, often supported by a few Aḥādīth,38 became particularly popular in both Naẓm and Nathr. As a result, most Sīrah works written in Deccan Urdu begin with this subject. Dr Anwar Maḥmūd Khālid (d. 2021) 39 has prepared an extensive list of Maulūd Nāmahs, written prior to 1857 in early Urdu. Most of them are in Naẓm, some are in Nathr, and some are a combination of both Naẓm and Nathr.40 Shortcomings of Maulūd Nāmahs The primary sources for these Maulūd Nāmahs were the books of Dalā’il and Shamā’il. Additionally, narrations from well-known works of Ḥadīth, Sīrah, history, and Tafsīr were occasionally incorporated. These Maulūd Nāmahs fulfilled an essential need among the public by strengthening their spiritual connection with Ḥaḍrat Muḥammad (The Final Prophet of Allah, Peace be upon him, his Progeny and Companions). Through these works, less-educated people became acquainted with significant aspects of the Prophet’s life, including his birth, lineage, family, migration, demise, miracles, virtues, and morals. However, the authors of these works often did not cite their sources or provide the Sanad (chain of transmission) for the narrations, which could be seen as a limitation. They often begin by narrating an event like this: There is a tradition... Experts of Sīrah Hamdard Islamicus Vol. XLVIII, No.3 17 have written...Historians mention............ Exegetes write...... etc.) 41 Similarly, many Maulūd Nāmahs in Urdu not only repeated fabricated traditions but were often copied verbatim from one another, though with slight variations in language, expression, and style. Additionally, several Maulūd Nāmahs appear to be mere Urdu translations of Arabic texts.42 In their zeal to express utmost admiration, authors frequently overlooked the authenticity of the traditions, particularly those concerning Mu‘jizāt. According to Dr Anwar Maḥmūd Khālid, while these Maulūd Nāmahs are undoubtedly parts of the vast literary heritage of the Sīrah, they should be approached with a critical eye and accepted only after undergoing rigorous scrutiny. 43 Sayyid Sulaymān Nadwī (d. 1953), a distinguished Sīrah scholar of the Indian sub-continent, aptly addressed this issue: “These books, filled with various fabricated and unauthentic accounts of miracles, later became the basis for many Maulūd Nāmahs. Credulous devotion and a sense of wonder granted unjustified reverence to these false miracles, overshadowing the reliable ones. This conflation made it difficult to differentiate truth from untruth. Notably, collections like Ṣiḥāḥ Sittah - especially Al-Bukhārī and Al-Muslim - are completely free from such accounts. The objective of these authors was not to compile reliable traditions of miracles but to accumulate exaggerated and astonishing stories that could expand the chapters on the FaÌā’il and Manāqib of Ḥaḍrat Muḥammad (The Final Prophet of Allah, Peace be upon him, his Progeny and Companions). Later, vigilant Muḥaddithīn, such as Al-Zurqānī (d. 1710), critically scrutinised these narrations, refuting them and pointing out their flaws. Nevertheless, the widespread acceptance of these fabrications, which have become deeply embedded in Islamic literature, calls for further evaluation. This is particularly crucial because many of the events recited in Mīlād gatherings in our country are laden with these groundless traditions.” 44 After highlighting the weaknesses of Maulūd Nāmahs and examining the reasons behind the inclusion of unauthentic traditions, Sayyid Sulaymān Nadwī critically challenged the validity of most of the Mu‘jizāt mentioned in these works. Furthermore, he refuted thirty widely circulated traditions that appear in nearly every Maulūd Nāmah.45 18 The Evolution of Urdu Sīrah … Deccan’s Sīrah Literature in Nathr Historians hold differing views regarding the origins of Urdu Nathr. Even after the Mughal conquest of the Deccan in 1687, Urdu writings continued to flourish in both Naẓm and Nathr. However, works in Nathr were fewer in number compared to Naẓm during this era.46 As the Mughal Empire declined in the Deccan, writings in Nathr on subjects like Fiqh and ‘Aqā’id began to emerge, including works on Sīrah. While the Deccan had produced significant Sīrah literature in Naẓm, it also contributed notable works in Nathr. Naṣīr al-Dīn Hāshimī identifies three key Nathr works on Sīrah from the Deccan: Rīyāḍ al-Siyar, Mumtāz al-Tafāsīr, and Fawā’id-i-Badariyyah. 47 However, Dr. Anwar Maḥmūd Khālid suggests that additional works, such as Tajalliyāt al-Anwār, could also be included in this list. 48 Pioneering authors like Khājah Muḥammad Bāqir Āgāh (d. 1805), Maulānā Muḥammad Ghauth (d. 1823), Mufti ‘Ināyatullāh Kākōrwī (d. 1863), and Qāḍī Badr al-Daulah (d. 1863) laid the foundations for Urdu Sīrah in Nathr. Although their works followed conventional methods, they were well-received by the literary class and held significant positions before 1857. However, as writing in Nathr became more common in Delhi and its surrounding regions, a flow of admirable works rapidly surpassed the earlier contributions from the Deccan.49 Some Prominent Works in Nathr before 1857 1. Karbal Kathā This book, while primarily focusing on the events of Karbalā, also records the incidents from the final days of the life of Ḥaḍrat Muḥammad (The Final Prophet of Allah, Peace be upon him, his Progeny and Companions) in its opening sections. The work in question is Karbal Kathā50 by Faḍl ‘Alī Faḍlī.51 The first draft was completed during the reign of the Mughal emperor Muḥammad Shāh in 1733 and was revised fourteen years later, in 1747. Karbal Kathā is essentially an Urdu translation and summary of Rauḍah al-Shuhadā, authored by Mullā Ḥusayn bin ‘Alī al-Wā‘iẓ al-Kāshifī (d. 1505 CE).52 However, Karbal Kathā extends beyond literal translation, incorporating additions and, in some instances, deliberate differences from the original text. Notably, Faḍlī has explicitly indicated these differences in the footnotes, demonstrating his approach to engaging critically with the source material. The textual differences between Rauḍah al-Shuhadā and Karbal Kathā are so apparent that the latter Hamdard Islamicus Vol. XLVIII, No.3 19 can be regarded as a distinct, original work of Faḍlī as viewed by Mālik Rām.53 Karbal Kathā is one of the earliest works of Urdu Nathr in India. No other translated or original book from that era in northern India has emerged, further enhancing its historical significance. This book also represents the earliest known example of the Dehlawī style of language, as the author had spent most of his time in Delhi. Prof. Khājah Aḥmad Farūqī, former Head of the Urdu Department at Delhi University, who discovered, edited, and published the manuscript of Karbal Kathā, concurs with this view. Based on the available evidence, he asserts that this book can be regarded as the oldest known work of Urdu prose.54 2. RiyāÌ al-Siyar According to numerous scholars, one of the significant early works of Urdu Nathr from that era is RiyāÌ al-Siyar by Muḥammad Bāqir Āgāh (1745-1805).55 Written in the late 18th century CE, the book chronicles key events from the birth of Ḥaḍrat Muḥammad (The Final Prophet of Allah, Peace be upon him, his Progeny and Companions) to his passing. This work is also known by two alternate titles: Ḥaqīqat-i-Nūr-Muḥammadī and Maulūd Sharīf. Notably, three manuscripts of the book are preserved in the Āsifiyah Library in Hyderabad.56 At the beginning of RiyāÌ al-Siyar, there is a discussion of Nūr-i-Muḥammadī, followed by a detailed account of the Prophet’s Wilādat. The book generally presents the Sīrah events in chronological order. The sources of RiyāÌ al-Siyar are well-known Arabic works on Sīrah, and its style and approach closely align with them. Some scholars note that the influence of Arabic is particularly dominant in the writing style, with certain sections appearing as direct translations from Arabic into Urdu. 57 While narrating the birth of Ḥaḍrat Muḥammad (The Final Prophet of Allah, Peace be upon him, his Progeny and Companions), the author records: رہتش وک ہک اتہک ب زگری ےھچ ےنیہم لمح رشفی رضحت یک یس رھپ داھکی وادلہ رشہفی رضحت یک ےن وخاب ںیم ف ب ج ام دمحم ب ہک وہ دیپا وہں،وت ن ب ارۃ وہپیچن ہک احہلم وہیئ اسھت احلم وت اے دنیِ ریخ ااعلنیمل ےک، ج ش ب ےہ اے آہنم !ب و ۔ ھی ک اور رممی ر آ ہیس ، ب ہک ون ےنیہم لمح رشفی ےک عطقنم وہےئ ب یک ےہ اوبمیعن ےن انب ابعس ےس ج ت روای وتدل وحروں وک ےل رك احرض وہےئ ِ ب ش ارخی رعیب ش ت ن ن ا نباروںی ن ا رسیتی رجف ےک ت ت االول ےک روز دوہبنش اک اھت۔وق 20 The Evolution of Urdu Sīrah … االول اس رہم رہپس رعیب ن ا دوسںی اور دقوم تنمیم وبنت ےن اطمعل کلفآوھٹںی اعسدت یس ونر وہشد داھکین ا رج لمح ےس نبار الرك ونر وہظر اینپ یس زنیم و زامن وک رشف ایک ےہ۔ زلوم بب 58 When six months of pregnancy had passed, the Prophet’s mother, Āminah, saw an angel in a dream who said, “O Āminah! I bring you glad tidings: the child in your womb is the best of human beings. When he is born, name him Muhammad.” Abu Nu‘aym narrated from Ibn ‘Abbās that when the nine months of pregnancy were over, Āsiyah and Maryam came with the maidens on the night of the Prophet’s birth on Monday, the twelfth of Rabī‘ al-Awwal. At dawn on the third, eighth, or tenth of Rabī‘ al-Awwal, the seal of prophethood, Prophet Muhammad, graced the heavens and the earth with his blessed birth. Similarly, when discussing Ḥaḍrat Muḥammad’s (The Final Prophet of Allah, Peace be upon him, his Progeny and Companions) stay in terms of the number of years, the Ghazwāt, a few notable instances, and Sarāyā (sing. Sariyyah) - the wars in which he did not personally participate, the author recorded it as: رس ںیم رس ےہ۔ اس دس بب نباالافتق دس بب رضحت ہیلع االسلم یک دمہنی ونمرہ ںیم ت زغوات اسھت دمِت ااقم د نب ارمق ےس ہک "زغا ےئک ںیم ےن رمہاہ رضحت ہیلع االسلم ےک رتسہ ےہ زی ت وقل وہشمر ےک نباسیئ ںیہ اور روای رر اور ومیسٰ نب ہبقع ےن ہک وہشمر ہی ےہ ہک آپ نباسیئ زغوات ںیم رشتفی ےل ےئگ ش ش مع نبار اور انب ااحسق اور اوب رامن ا آپ ےن رگم اس ف ونب اور رسان ا اچپس وہےئ۔ اقمہلب ںیہن ، زغوہ ہ ری ت ف ادح، زغوہ ینب دبر، زغوہ ت ںیم۔زغوہ ۔ ق، زغوہ ربیخ، اور زغوہ اطئ صطل م 59 Ḥaḍrat Muḥammad (Rasūlullāh Khātam al-Nabiyyīn Ṣallallāhu ‘Alaihi wa Sallam)’s time in Madīnah is widely recognised to have spanned ten years. During this period, twenty-two Ghazwāt are reported to have taken place. Zayd bin Arqam narrated that he accompanied the Prophet on seventeen of these campaigns. According to early sources such as Ibn Isḥāq, Abū Ma‘shar, and Mūsā bin ‘Uqbah, the total number of Ghazwāt in which he took part was twenty- two. In addition, there were fifty Sarāyā. However, among the Ghazwāt, the Prophet is known to have actively participated in seven major battles: Badr, UÍud, Banū Qurayzah, Banū MuÎṭaliq, Khaybar, and Ṭā’if. Hamdard Islamicus Vol. XLVIII, No.3 21 The excerpts from RiyāÌ al-Siyar reveal that its language lacks fluency and coherence compared to modern Urdu and displays notable differences from contemporary usage. The primary aim of Muḥammad Bāqir Āgāh’s RiyāÌ al-Siyar- and his other works – had been to familiarise less-educated individuals, particularly women 60 , with religious knowledge. 61 It is reported that Āgāh authored over 300 works, of which 16 are in Urdu. Among these, RiyāÌ al-Siyar and Hasht Bahisht 62 are exclusively dedicated to the Sīrah. Although the author refers to the language of these two books as Deccan rather than Urdu, it is fundamentally Urdu with slight linguistic variations. For this reason, it is often referred to as Deccan or early Urdu.63 Bāqir Āgāh authored works on the Sīrah in both Naẓam and Nathr, carefully drawing upon primary sources. From an academic perspective, his writings possess notable distinguishing features among the religious literature of the 18th and 19th centuries. As a result, scholars have consistently recognised and eulogised his contributions. Prof. Muḥī al- Dīn Qādrī,64 commented on Bāqir Āgāh’s contributions, stating: “Bāqir Āgāh stands as one of the foremost patrons of Urdu literature. Proficient in both Naẓam and Nathr, his works span various genres, including poetry, odes, Mathnawī, and more. Indeed, the intellectual tradition, literary style, and eloquence of the Deccan era reached their pinnacle with him. Following his time, South India did not witness the emergence of another writer or poet of his calibre.” 65 Before RiyāÌ al-Siyar, Muḥammad Bāqir Āgāh authored a book titled TuÍfah al-Nisā,66 in which he highlighted the character and virtues of the wives and daughters of the Prophet (Øal Allah-u-‘alaihe wa sallam) as well as other prominent early Muslim women. Consequently, several events from the Sīrah are also included in the work. Dr Anwar Maḥmūd Khālid has noted that this treatise can be regarded as the earliest effort of its kind in early Urdu literature on this subject.67 3. Mumtāz al-Tafāsīr Sayyid Amīr al-Dīn Ḥusayn’s Mumtāz al-Tafāsīr, written in 1835, is a significant work in the Deccan prose of its time. Although the title suggests a focus on Tafsīr (Quranic Exegesis), the book also provides a substantial account of the Sīrah of Ḥaḍrat Muḥammad (The Final Prophet of Allah, Peace be upon him, his Progeny and Companions).68 Written from a Da‘wah perspective,69 the author, as a preacher, has structured the book into several chapters, including: 22 The Evolution of Urdu Sīrah … 1. Bayān-i-Durūd Sharīf (The mention of Salutations on Ḥaḍrat Muḥammad (The Final Prophet of Allah, Peace be upon him, his Progeny and Companions). 2. Nūr-i-MuÍammadī. 3. Maulūd Sharīf (Birth of the Prophet). 4. Raḍā‘at (Breastfeeding). 5. Manāqib (Virtues). 6. Shamā’il (Traits). 7. ‘Alāmāt-i-Ḥubb-i-Rasūl (Signs of Love of Ḥaḍrat Muḥammad (The Final Prophet of Allah, Peace be upon him, his Progeny and Companions). 8. Akhbār-i-Rasūl (Prophetic Narrations). 9. Nuzūl-i-WaÍÊ (The descent of the first revelation). 10. Mir‘āj. 11. Tafsīr Āyat-i-Awwal (Interpretation of the first Revelation). 12. Hijrah. 13. Sharā’it-i-Muḥabbat (Conditions of the Prophetic love). 14. Wafāt al-Nabī (The Demise of Ḥaḍrat Muḥammad (The Final Prophet of Allah, Peace be upon him, his Progeny and Companions). 70 The author’s writing style, marked by both comprehensiveness and conciseness, is evident in the following paragraph, which narrates ‘Utbah bin Rabī‘ah’s message to the Makkan aristocracy, their response, and the migration of the ØaÍābah to Ethiopia: ااسی الکم ںیہن انس اھت، تحلصم ہی ہبتع آپ ہیلع االسلم یک سلجم ےس اواھٹ اور اینپ وقم ںیم ایگ اور اہک " واہلل! ںیم ےن دا ب افکر تہب ای ب ر ایک"۔ ج ش ركو"۔ وقم ےن اہک: "ھجت رپ دمحم ےک رحس ےن اب ت دا راسین ںیم ابمہغل م ےہ ہک ان یک ای رامےئ۔ ایگرہ رمد اور اچر دےنی ےگل، آپ ےن ضعب احصہب ےک قح ںیم تحلصم اجن رك کلمِ شبح وک مکحِ رجہت ف ںیئگ۔وعرںیت کلمِ شبح وک 71 ‘Utbah left the gathering of Ḥaḍrat Muḥammad (Rasūlullāh Khātam al-Nabiyyīn Ṣallallāhu ‘Alaihi wa Sallam) and returned to his people, the Quraysh. He said to them, “By Allah, I have never heard such words (as those in the Qur’ān). We shouldn't cause any more trouble for him and his companions.” However, the people responded that Muḥammad had cast a spell on him. As the Quraysh continued to create significant trouble for the companions, the Prophet, keeping the situation in mind, ordered the migration to Abyssinia for some of his followers. Consequently, eleven men and four women migrated to Abyssinia. Hamdard Islamicus Vol. XLVIII, No.3 23 4. Fawā’id-i-Badariyyah Maulawī Muḥammad Sibghatullāh (d. 1864), 72 commonly known as Qāḍī Badr al-Daulah, authored a book on the Sīrah in 1839 titled Fawā’id-i-Badariyyah.73 This work surpassed all others in its distinction and popularity, marking the final Sīrah book written in Deccan Nathr.74 It was published multiple times in Madras, Bombay, Bangalore and Hyderabad.75 Badr al-Dawlah, born in 1797 in Madrās, studied under renowned scholars, including Baḥr al-‘Ulūm Maulānā ‘Abd al-‘Alī Firangī Maḥlī (d. 1811), 76 one of the most eminent scholars of his time. In addition to his expertise in Tafsīr, Ḥadīth, Sīrah, and Fiqh, the author was well-versed in philosophy, history, mathematics, and medicine. Nawāb Ghulām Muḥammad Ghouth Khān appointed him as the Qāḍī al-Quḍḍāh (Chief Justice) of Karnataka,77 bestowing upon him the titles Qāḍī al-Mulk and Imām al- ‘Ulamā.78 Qāḍī Badr al-Dawlah authored several works in Arabic, Persian, and Urdu. He wrote thirteen books in Urdu alone on various subjects, including Sīrah. Among his works, Fawā’id-i-Badariyyah earned him recognition as a prominent author in the Indian Subcontinent. Scholars regard this book as a summary and essence of the renowned Arabic Sīrah works.79 Given the constraints of the classical methodology, it represents the maximum that could be derived from the available Arabic Sīrah literature.80 While Nawāb A‘ẓam Jāh, the ruler, desired its compilation, the author himself felt the need for a Sīrah book in Urdu due to the common people’s unfamiliarity with Arabic and Persian. Below, we present the author’s statement, which not only supports this claim but also provides insight into the author’s style: وخاشہ اس رغقیِ رتمح ےک راسےل وک طسب ركوں نکیل داھکی ہک نبازارِ ملع اک تہب اکدس وہایگ ِ رھپ دل اچاہ ہک سحب افریس فینصت ےئک وت ھچک افدئہ اس ےہ اور ملع ےک اجےنن واےل اس داین ےس زگر ےئگ۔اب وکیئ اتکب زنباِن رعیب ن ا ب ںیہن،نج وک ان زنباونں یک رعمتف احلص ےہ، ان ےک ےئل تہب ےس بتک وموجد ںیہ اور یسک وک ت رپ رتمی اہک وعام ومونمں وک اس ےس افدئہ احلص ت ب زنباِن دنہی ںیم ہی اتکب انھکل رشوع ایک ،ن ت وخادنمشہ یھب ںیہن ن ان ا ، ی ہیلع وملس ےک اوحال ےس وافق وہرك ان یک ریپوی وخیب ےک اسھت ركںی اور اس یک وہوےاور اےنپ ربمغیپ یلص اہلل تقیقح وناب وفغمر )وناب امظع اجہ( ےھت۔ ِ ب افیل اک سب ت ن 81 Then I felt a deep desire to write in greater detail about the Prophetic Sīrah. However, I observed that the pursuit of knowledge has declined, and those who truly valued it have passed away. At present, writing a book in Arabic or Persian 24 The Evolution of Urdu Sīrah … does not seem very useful, as those proficient in these languages already have access to numerous works, and, in any case, there appears to be little interest. Therefore, I chose to write this book in Hindi (Urdu), so that ordinary Muslims could benefit from it. By becoming acquainted with the life of their Prophet, they might follow him more sincerely and effectively. The primary reason behind the composition of this book was the earnest wish of the late Nawāb Ā‘ẓam Jāh. It is important to note that in its early stages, the Urdu language in North India did not have a specific name and was referred to by various titles. However, in South India (the Deccan), it was commonly known as ‘Hindi’ or ‘Deccani’. Early Deccani poets and authors commonly used these titles to describe the language.82 The author has carefully considered all the major classical Sīrah works, including Ibn Sayyid al-Nās’s (d. 1334 CE) ‘Uyūn al-Athar, Ibn al- Qayyim’s (d. 1350 CE) Zād al-Ma‘ād, Ibn Ḥajar’s (d. 1449 CE) FatÍ al-Bārī, Jalāl al-Dīn SuyūÏī’s (d. 1505 CE) Al-Khaṣā’iṣ al-Kubrā, Shihāb al-Dīn Qasṭalānī’s (d. 1517 CE) Mawāhib al-Ladunniyyah, and ‘Abd al-Haqq Dehlawī’s (d. 1642 CE) Madārij al-Nabuwwah and others.83 Fawā’id-i-Badariyyah is a comprehensive work divided into four main chapters. The first chapter presents a historical account of Ḥaḍrat Muḥammad’s (The Final Prophet of Allah, Peace be upon him, his Progeny and Companions) life, from his birth to his demise. The second chapter focuses on his physical appearance, traits, and attributes. The third chapter highlights the proofs and miracles of his Nabuwwah, while the fourth discusses the etiquettes and rights obligatory upon the Ummah.84 This book held a prominent position in Urdu Sīrah literature, surpassing Khājah Bāqir Āgāh’s RiyāÌ al-Siyar in language, style, and content. 85 Moreover, it gained greater admiration in South India than any other Urdu work on the Sīrah. It holds the distinction of being the first authentic Sīrah book written in Urdu before 1857.86 Muḥammad Murtaẓā emphasises this distinction in the book's foreword: “Just as Bāqir Āgāh’s language appears antiquated after the passage of three-quarters of a century, similarly, the language of Fawā’id-i-Badariyyah no longer aligns with the standards of contemporary Urdu eloquence after a comparable period. However, regardless of how sophisticated our language may become in the future, the author’s effort should not be underestimated. Even today, apart from Sir Sayyid Aḥmad Khān’s KhuÏbāt-i-AÍmadiyyah, there is no Urdu work considered more authentic than Fawā’id-i-Badariyyah.” 87 Hamdard Islamicus Vol. XLVIII, No.3 25 From the aforementioned works of Deccan authors, it can be concluded that despite some weaknesses in narration, Deccan literature represents the first significant endeavour in Urdu Sīrah writing. This foundational effort later paved the way for scholars to compile the Prophetic Sīrah more systematically. Naṣīr al-Dīn Hāshimī, an eminent litterateur from Hyderabad, after analysing passages from these works and assessing the literary significance of early Deccan Sīrah literature, offers the following conclusion: “From the preceding pages, it becomes evident what Deccan poets and prose writers contributed to the Sīrah and how they laid the groundwork for writing Sīrah in Urdu. While it is true that many of these works contain both authentic and unreliable traditions and events, it is important to note that the method of Dirāyah (critical examination of traditions) was not prevalent at the time. Furthermore, the cultural milieu of the period was inclined toward fictional storytelling, prompting authors and poets to present their narratives in the form of tales.” 88 To sum up, these scholars and authors have been significant benefactors of the Urdu language and literature. Their efforts offer us insight into the evolutionary stages of Urdu, the subjects it has absorbed, the expressive forms it has developed, and the extent to which it paved the way for those who, in later times, would document the Sīrah of Ḥaḍrat Muḥammad (The Final Prophet of Allah, Peace be upon him, his Progeny and Companions).89 Research Methodology This study aims to explore the emergence of the Urdu language in the Indian subcontinent and the role of Ṣūfiyā’ (Sing. Ṣūfī) in its promotion within the region. It primarily focuses on the evolution and growth of Urdu Sīrah literature in Deccan, analysing various genres and contributions of Sīrah writers, alongside key examples of Sīrah literature produced prior to 1857. The study will employ a combination of descriptive and analytical methods to evaluate the available source material, striving to offer a comprehensive understanding of the research theme. The study largely relies on primary and authentic secondary sources. Furthermore, rare sources available through reliable online platforms have been directly referenced. Only a few unpublished manuscripts have been cited, based on a reliable secondary source. Thus, both primary and secondary sources on the subject will be thoroughly examined to ensure a well-rounded exploration. The approach aims to provide 26 The Evolution of Urdu Sīrah … academic readers with a deep and nuanced understanding of the study’s subject matter. Research Findings Muslim Scholars have produced extensive Sīrah literature since the 2nd century AH/ 7th century AD, and it continues till now in almost all major languages, including Arabic, Persian, Urdu, English and others. During the Delhi Sultanate (1206-1526), Urdu came into existence primarily for religious requirements, with Ṣūfiyā playing a vital role in its promotion by transmitting moral and spiritual teachings. The evolution of Urdu Sīrah writing reflects a rich history shaped by literary efforts, cultural amalgamation, and a profound devotion to proliferating the Sīrah in the Indian subcontinent. Although Urdu originated in northern India, but did not achieve official status under the Delhi Sultanate, where Persian was the official language. However, it flourished in the Deccan under Sulṭān ‘Alā’ al- Dīn Ḥasan Bahmān Shāh (d. 1358 CE), who, upon establishing his empire, provided it with royal patronage, thereby promoting it over Persian and fostering its growth. As the region’s literary landscape evolved, poets, writers, Ṣūfiyā’, and scholars proficiently adapted Sīrah to resonate with local readership demands, initially expressing its themes through Naẓm forms. Over time, Urdu developed in the region with all essential literary components, encompassing both Naẓm and Nathr. While Sīrah renditions in Naẓm dominated for a long period, works in Nathr marked a substantial impact and contributed to the subject in later times. Khājah Geisū Darāz (d. 1422) was among the earliest Deccan authors to compose a treatise on Sīrah, entitled Risālah Sīrat al-Nabī. Impressions of Sīrah writing in early Urdu literature are predominantly found in Naẓm, with a particular focus on the Mathnawī genre. The most prominent genre of early Urdu Sīrah literature was the Maulūd Nāmah. While these works familiarised the common people with different events of the Prophetic Sīrah, the authors often failed to base their works on primary sources. Consequently, fabricated (MauÌū‘) narrations, particularly concerning Mu‘jizāt, found their way into Maulūd Nāmahs. Notably, in the first half of the 19th CE, Deccan scholars made substantial contributions to Sīrah literature in Nathr. Figures such as Khājah Muḥammad Bāqir Āgāh (d. 1805), Maulānā Muḥammad Ghauth (d. 1823), Amīr al-Dīn Ḥusayn (NA), Qāḍī Badr al-Daulah (d. 1863), and others authored significant works that enriched the tradition of Urdu Sīrah writing. The study demonstrated that despite some narrative and methodological limits, Deccan Sīrah literature not only laid a foundational role in the evolution of Urdu but also marked the earliest effort in Sīrah writing Hamdard Islamicus Vol. XLVIII, No.3 27 in Urdu. Consequently, it paved the way for later scholars and encouraged them to develop the Prophetic Sīrah more systematically. Conclusion This study underscores the engaging journey of Urdu as a medium for religious teachings with special reference to Sīrah writing. Although early Urdu literature originated in North India, the Deccan region cultivated it to such an extent that, between the 14th and 19th centuries, a prolific Sīrah literature was produced in both Naẓm and Nathr, earning widespread appreciation, though it often included weak and fabricated narrations. The pre-1857 Sīrah literature fostered a deeper spiritual connection with the Prophet’s persona among the masses, preserving traditional narratives and offering valuable insights into the religious and cultural landscape of the region. When critically examined, the literature can also acquaint contemporary scholars with the earlier methodologies. Therefore, their relevance in the contemporary Sīrah writing cannot be overlooked altogether. With the advent of colonial rule, Orientalists started questioning the historical reliability of the sources. In this context, traditional Sīrah writings, lacking academic rigour, struggled to confront the modern intellectual challenges, thereby creating a gap between devotional literature and evolving academic standards. However, Urdu Sīrah writing witnessed incredible growth post-1857 in the entire Indian Sub-Continent. This period marked a significant shift from traditional Maulūd Nāmahs to the modern scientific methods, characterised by critical analysis of sources – an approach pioneered by Sir Sayyid Aḥmad Khān (d. 1898) and ‘Allāmah Shiblī Nu‘mānī (d. 1914). While responding to the Orientalists, the trend of producing authentic Sīrah works gained impetus across academic circles. Different authors contributed their distinctive perspectives, catering to diverse readerships. This diversity highlights the richness of Urdu in encompassing the multifaceted dimensions of the Sīrah. The futuristic study of the subject would be enhanced by a comparative analysis of early Deccan Sīrah literature and modern approaches90 to trace shifts in narrative approach, source examination, and religious context. Scholars could also explore how early genres might be integrated with contemporary methods to reach out to diverse audiences. Regional studies in literary centres such as Hyderabad, Patna, Rampur, Aligarh, Delhi and others may unveil local impressions upon Sīrah narratives across the ages. Moreover, digitisation and critical editing of manuscripts would enable more 28 The Evolution of Urdu Sīrah … systematic scrutiny. Similarly, employing multidisciplinary methods like sociological, political, psychological, and others would also better shed light on the relevance of Sīrah in the contemporary era. Notes and References 1 Visit: Urdu language | History, Origin, Script, Words, & Facts | Britannica (Accessed on 09/11/2024). 2 ‘Allāmah Shiblī Nu‘mānī, Maqālāt-i-Shiblī, (Azamgarh: Dār al- Muṣannifīn, 2020), 2 /67. 3 Shamsur Rahman Faruqi, “A Long History of Urdu Literary Culture, Part I: Naming and Placing a Literary Culture”, in Literary Cultures in History, Edited by Sheldon Pollock (London: University of California Press, Ltd., 2003), 806. 4 For thorough discussion on the subject, see: Dr. Saima Iram, et al. “Development of Urdu Language and Literature in Sub-Continent and its Impact on the Society”, Palarch’s Journal of Archeology of Egypt/ Egyptology, 20, No. 01, (2023), 713-727. 5 Dr. Āftāb Aḥmad Ṣiddīqī, Shiblī – Aik Dabistān (Azamgarh: Dār al- Muṣannifīn Shiblī Academy, 2015), 46. 6 Dr. Anwar Sadīd, Urdu Adab Kī Mukhtaṣar Tārīkh (New-Delhi: Aalami Media Pvt Ltd, 2014), 42. 7 Prof. Mas‘ūd Ḥusayn Khān (Prof. Emeritus) accomplished his Doctorate from AMU and D.Litt. from Paris. He served as Prof. Department of Linguistics AMU, & Head Department of Urdu, Osmania University, Hyderabad. 8 Mas‘ūd Ḥusayn Khan, Muqaddimah Tārīkh-i-Zubān-i-Urdu (Aligarh: Educational Book House, 1999), 110. 9 Professor of Urdu Literature, Osmania University, Hyderabad. 10 Prof. ‘Abd al-Qādir Surūrī, Urdu Mathnawī Kā Irtiqā’ (Aligarh: Educational Book House, N/A), 22. 11 Dr. Rāfi‘ah Sulṭānah, Urdu Nathar ka Āghāz wa Irtiqah (Hyderabad: Majlis Tahqīqāt -i-Urdu, N/A), 23. 12 Former Professor of Urdu, Osmania University, Hyderabad. 13 Nasīr al-Dīn Hāshimī, Deccan Mei Urdu. (New-Delhi: National Council for Promotion of Urdu Language, 2002), 36. 14 Dr. Sayyid Mohī al-Dīn Qādrī, Urdu Kei Asālīb-i-Bayān (Hyderabad: Aḥmadiyyah Press Char Mīnār, 1932), 26. 15 Hāshimī, Deccan Mei Urdu, 41. 16 Muḥammad Mohsin, “Urdu Adab Mei Sīrat Nighārī Kā Irtiqā”. PhD Thesis, (Maharshi Dayanand Sarswati University, Ajmer, 2017), 60. 17 Sayyid Muḥammad Ḥusayni, commonly known as Khājah Bandah Nawāz Geisū Darāz was a famous Ṣūfī of Chistī order who advocated spirituality, tolerance, peace and harmony among various religious communities of his era. He belonged to the Sādāt family (Descendents of the Prophet’s family) of Khurāsān who were famously known as Geisu Darāz. Khājah Bandah Nawāz was the disciple of the well-known Ṣūfī of Delhi, Naṣīr al-Dīn Chirāgh https://www.britannica.com/topic/Urdu-language Hamdard Islamicus Vol. XLVIII, No.3 29 Dehlawī (d. 1356). During Tīmūr’s attack on Delhi around 1398, Khājah moved to Daulatābād and finally settled in Gulbargah Deccan (Presently Karnataka) at the invitation of Sultān Tāj al-Dīn Firōz Shāh. For more details, see: ‘Aṭā Ḥusayn, Sīrat Bandah Nawāz (Hyderabad: Nizām Press Chatah Bāzār, N/A). Similarly, to get acquaint with his sayings and adages, see: Shabbīr Ḥasan Chisti Nizāmī, Ḥaḍrat Khājah Bandah Nawāz Geisū Darāz (Lahore: ‘Azīm & Sons Publishers, 2002). 18 Shaykh Muḥammad Ikram, Āab-i-Kausar (Delhi: Tāj Company, 1987), 370-371. See also: Dr. Anwar Maḥmūd Khālid, Urdu Nathar Mei Sīrat-i- Rasūl (Lahore: Iqbal Academy Pak, 1989), 201. 19 Mathnawī is a kind of poem, based on independent rhyming lines, written in rhyming couplets. It has no limit in length of syllables. This genre of poems has been written in Persian, Arabic, Turkish and Urdu as well. Rūmī (d. 1273)’s Mathnawī possesses a special distinction in Taṣawwuf. 20 Khālid, Urdu Nathar, 231. 21 Nasīr al-Dīn Hāshimī, Deccani (Qadīm Urdu) Kei Taḥqīqī Maḍāmīn (Delhi: Āzād Kitāb Ghar, 1963), 23. The author, a renowned author and litterateur of Hyderabad, in the same book has written a separate chapter on Sīrah literature in earlier Deccan Urdu entitled as, ‘Qadīm Urdu Mei Sīrah al- Nabī Kā Dhakhīrah’ from page 22 to 50. 22 Surūrī, Urdu Mathnawī Kā Irtiqā’, 22-23. 23 Visit: www.britannica.com/topic/Din-i-Ilahi Accessed on 02-11-2024. 24 For more details about the very cult founded by Akbar, please go through the fourth volume of Maulānā Abu al-Ḥasan ‘Ali Nadwī’s, Tarīkh Da‘wat wa ‘Azīmat (Lakhnow: Majis Taḥqīqāt wa Nashriyāt, Lakhnow, 2008) 25 Shaykh Sirhindī’s Ithbāt al-Nabuwwah has been translated into Urdu by Ḥāfiz ‘Ubaydullāh Ṭāhirī, published by Idarah Muajaddiddiyah Karachi, N/A. Digitized and published electronically by Maktabah.org, Nov. 2011. 26 Prof. Khalīq Ahmad Nizāmī, Hayāt-i-Shaykh ‘Abd al-Haqq Muḥaddith Dehlawī (Lahore: Maktabah Rahmāniyah, N/A), 193. 27 Khālid, Urdu Nathar, 219. 28 Hamid Ḥasan Qadri, Dastān-i-Tarīkh-i-Urdu (Delhi: ABC offset Printers, 2007), 66-67. 29 The Bahmānī Sultanate was a Muslim kingdom in the Deccan region of India, lasting from 1347 to 1518. It was established in 1347 by ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn Bahmān Shāh, who, along with other military commanders, led a revolt against the Delhi Sultan, Muḥammad ibn Tughluq. From its founding until 1425, the capital was Aḥsanābād (modern-day Gulbarga), after which it was moved to Muḥammadābād (present-day Bidar). The sultanate reached the height of its influence during the vizierate of Maḥmūd Gāwān, from 1466 to 1481. For more details, Visit: Bahmanī sultanate | India, Map, & History | Britannica Visited on 27/06/2025. Also visit: Bahmani Kingdom, Map, Rulers List, Founder, UPSC Notes. 30 Hāshimī, Deccan Mei Urdu, 44-45. 31 The language used by the Bahmānī kings came to be known as ‘Dakani,’ a new dialect meaning ‘of the Deccan.’ It gained widespread popularity during their reign. Initially referred to as ‘Dakkani Urdu,’ this dialect eventually http://www.britannica.com/topic/Din-i-Ilahi https://www.britannica.com/place/Bahmani-sultanate https://www.britannica.com/place/Bahmani-sultanate https://vajiramandravi.com/upsc-exam/bahmani-kingdom/ https://vajiramandravi.com/upsc-exam/bahmani-kingdom/ 30 The Evolution of Urdu Sīrah … evolved into what is now recognized as the Urdu language. See: Bahmani Kingdom (1347-1527 AD) - Medieval History UPSC 32 Khālid, Urdu Nathar, 220. 33 Khālid, Urdu Nathar, 220. 34 Nawāb Ṣiddīq Ḥasan Khān Bhopālī (d. 1890), following the prevailing trend, authored a Maulūd Nāmah in Urdu titled Al-Shamāmah al- ‘Ambariyyah. Prof. Yāsīn Mazhar Ṣiddīqī (d. 2020) provided a detailed twenty-page review of this work in the second volume of his renowned book, Maṣādir-i-Sīrat-Nabawī. See: Prof. Yāsīn Mazhar Ṣiddīqī, Maṣādir-i-Sīrat- Nabawī, (New-Delhi: Qazi Publishers and Distributers, 2016), 2/502-524. Similarly, before Khuṭbāt-i-Aḥmadiyyah, Sir Sayyid Aḥmad Khān (d. 1898) authored a short Maulūd Nāmah in Urdu prose in 1842, titled Jilā’ al-Qulūb Bi Dhikr al-Maḥbūb. The primary sources for this work were Shāh Walīullāh’s Surūr al-Maḥzūn and Shaykh ‘Abd al-Ḥaqq Dehlawī's Madārij al-Nabuwwah. (Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan, Jilā al-Qulūb Bi Zikr al-Mahbūb, Sir Syed Room, Maulana Azad Library: AMU, htt://archive.org/details/JilaUlQaloobBezikarAlMahboobBySirSyedAhmadK hanAliGarh. ) Sir Sayyid composed this Risālah in line with the customary practices of the time, incorporating numerous traditions popularized through earlier Maulūd Nāmahs. See: Maulānā Muḥammad Ismā’īl Pānīpattī, Maqālāt-i-Sir Sayyid (Lahore: Majlis Tarriqī-i-Adab, 1962), 31. Likewise, Maulānā Alṭāf Ḥusayn Ḥālī (d. 1914), in addition to his other commendable works, also authored a Maulūd Nāmah in Urdu titled Maulūd Sharīf. Dr. Anwar Maḥmūd Khālid regards it as Ḥālī’s first literary work. See: Khālid, Urdu Nathar, 270. 35 Khālid, Urdu Nathar, 231. 36 Khālid, Urdu Nathar, 233. 37 Imam Tirmidhī’s Shamā’il al-Tirmidhī has been translated into Urdu by many scholars. However, the most famous translation and commentary has been rendered by Maulānā Zakariyyah Kāndhalwī (d. 1982), entitled as Khaṣā’il al-Nabawī. 38 However, scholars well-grounded in Ḥadīth literature deny the authenticity of such narrations. 39 Professor of Urdu, Government College, Faisalabad. 40 Prof. Sayyid Mohī al-Dīn Qādrī, Tadhkirah Urdu Makhṭūṭāt (Hyderabad: Kitab Ghar, 1996), 1/4-9. 41 Khālid, Urdu Nathar, 307-308. 42 Khālid, Urdu Nathar, 308. 43 Khālid, Urdu Nathar, 308. 44 Sayyid Sulaymān Nadwī, Sīrah al-Nabī (Azamgarh: Dār al-Muṣannifīn Shiblī Academy, 2019), 3/498-499. 45 Nadwī, Sīrah al-Nabī, 510-530. 46 Khālid, Urdu Nathar, 221. 47 Hāshimī, Deccani (Qadīm Urdu) Kei Taḥqīqī Maḍāmīn, 45. 48 Khālid, Urdu Nathar, 239. 49 Qādrī, Dastān, 82. https://lotusarise.com/bahmani-kingdom/ https://lotusarise.com/bahmani-kingdom/ Hamdard Islamicus Vol. XLVIII, No.3 31 50 Faḍl ‘Alī Faḍlī, Karbal Kathā, edited by, Prof. Khājah Ahmad Farūqī (HOD Urdu, Delhi University), Delhi: Department of Urdu Delhi University, 1961, Foreword, p. ہ. Prof. Farūqī had found the manuscript of this rare book in Tuebingen University Germany. 51 Although, the author belonged to Deccan, however, it is reported that he did not stay at his native place rather was educated in north India where he learnt writing. See: Qādrī, p. 86. 52 Karbal Kathā, foreword, p. و . See also: Qādrī, Dāstān-i-Tarīkh-i-Urdu, 84. 53 Faḍl ‘Alī Faḍlī, Karbal Kathā, (Patna: Idārah Taḥqīqāt-i-Urdu, 1965), p. 15 (Foreword by Mālik Rām). 54 Karbal Kathā, p. ط . 55 Khālid, Urdu Nathar, 242. 56 Hāshimī, Deccani (Qadīm Urdu) Kei Taḥqīqī Maḍāmīn, 46. 57 Khālid, Urdu Nathar, 242. 58 Muḥammad Bāqir Āgāh, Riyāḍ al-Siyar, Manuscript No. 35, Hyderabad: Kutub Khānah Āsifiyah, on the authority of Sultānah, Urdu Nathar ka Āghāz wa Irtiqah, 443 and Khālid, Urdu Nathar, 242-243. 59 Hāshimī, Deccani (Qadīm Urdu) Kei Taḥqīqī Maḍāmīn, 46. 60 Jasvi, M. (2021). Women’s Rights and Social Status Determined by Prophet Muhammad (ملسو هيلع هللا ىلص). Karachi Islamicus, 1(2). 61 Sultānah, op. cit., p. 445. 62 Likewise, Riyāḍ al-Siyar, the subject of ‘Hasht Bahisht’ is Sīrah as well, with the difference that the former is written in Nathar whereas the latter is written in Naẓm. See: Khālid, Urdu Nathar, 246. 63 Khālid, Urdu Nathar, 248. 64 The former Head of Idārah Adabiyyāt-i-Urdu, Hyderabad. 65 Khālid, Urdu Nathar, 248-249. 66 Qādrī, Tadhkirah Urdu Makhṭūṭāt, 1/137. 67 Khālid, Urdu Nathar, 249. 68 Hāshimī, Deccani (Qadīm Urdu) Kei Taḥqīqī Maḍāmīn, 49. 69 Khālid, Urdu Nathar, 255. 70 Hāshimī, Deccani (Qadīm Urdu) Kei Taḥqīqī Maḍāmīn, 49. 71 Sayyid Amīr al-Dīn Ḥusayn, Mumtāz al-Tafāsīr (Manuscript), 85 on the authority of Hāshimī, Deccani, p. 50. 72 He was the great grandfather of Dr. Muḥammad Hamīdullāh (d. 2002), who is regarded as the Mujaddid of ‘Ilm al-Sīrah of the 20th Century. See, Dr. Maḥmūd Ahmad Ghāzī, Muhāḍrāt-i-Sīrat (New-Delhi: Areeb Publications, 2011), p. 611. 73 Qāḍī Badr al-Dawlah, Fawā’id-i-Badariyyah (Hyderabad: Shams al- Maṭābi’ Machine Press Uthmān Ganj, 1341 AH). 74 Hāshimī, Deccani (Qadīm Urdu) Kei Taḥqīqī Maḍāmīn, 47. 75 Al-Dawlah, Fawā’id-i-Badariyyah, 1. 76For more details about him, see; M. Isharat Ali Molla, “Life and Works of Mulla Bahr al-‘Ulūm”, (Mphil Dissertation, Department of Arabic, AMU, 1993). Also see: ‘Alīm Ṣabā Nawīdī, Nawāb Wālā Jāh Aur Ḥaḍrat al-‘Allām ‘Abd al-‘Alī Baḥr al-‘Ulūm, Madrās: Tamil Nadu Urdu Publications, 1995, p. 47. 32 The Evolution of Urdu Sīrah … 77 Dr sayyid ‘Azīz al-Raḥmān, Jāmi‘ Urdu Kitābiyāt-i-Sīrat, (Karachi: Zawar Academy Publications, NA), e-book: ارہی ش د اتکوبں اک اش رار ےس زای - اردو ںیم ریست ایبنل ملسو هيلع هللا ىلص رپ دس ہ Baseerat Online Urdu News Portal 78 Hāshimī, Deccani (Qadīm Urdu) Kei Taḥqīqī Maḍāmīn, 48. 79 Hāshimī, Deccani (Qadīm Urdu) Kei Taḥqīqī Maḍāmīn, 48. 80 Al-Dawlah, Fawā’id-i-Badariyyah, 3. 81 Al-Dawlah, Fawā’id-i-Badariyyah, 4. 82 Hāshimī, Deccan Mei Urdu. p. 37. 83 Al-Dawlah, Fawā’id-i-Badariyyah, 4. 84 Al-Dawlah, Fawā’id-i-Badariyyah, 2-3. 85 Khālid, Urdu Nathar, 263. 86 Ghāzī, Muhāḍrāt-i-Sīrat, 611. 87 Al-Dawlah, Fawā’id-i-Badariyyah, 4-5. 88 Hāshimī, Deccani (Qadīm Urdu) Kei Taḥqīqī Maḍāmīn, 50. 89 Khālid, Urdu Nathar, 229. Bibliography 1. Nu‘mānī, ‘Allāmah Shiblī. 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