Hamdard Islamicus Vol. XLV, No. 4 97 HIJRAH AND ITS APPLICATION IN CLASSICAL AND CONTEMPORARY MUSLIM CONTEXTS DR. KHALIL AHMAD SOASCIS, Universiti Brunei Darussalam, Brunei khalil.ahmad@ubd.edu.bnEmail: DR. FAREED MALIK SOASCIS, Universiti Brunei Darussalam, Brunei fareedmalik9903@gmail.commail: E Received on: 09-11-22 Accepted on: 02-12-22 https://doi.org/10.57144/hi.v45i4.640 Abstract The juristic opinion of several medieval Islamic scholars about hijra as an obligation (under certain conditions) to migrate from Darul Kufr (the land of non-believers) to Darul Islam has produced many ramifications both in the past and present. In the past, this dichotomous approach emerged as a doctrine and was widely imitated by the subsequent Muslim clergy and political dissidents in resolving several migration-related issues. However, phenomena like the advent of nation-states in the post-colonial era and the increasing migration of Muslims to non-Muslim states created new dimensions and challenges, and the notion of hijrah as a migration from Darul Kufr became irrelevant. To address and resolve the issues highlighted, this study argues for a recall and reassessment of all those factors that led to hijrah during the time of the Prophet Muhammad (RasËlullah KhÉtam un NabiyyÊn Øallallahu ‘alaihi wa ‘alÉ Ólihi wa AÎÍÉbihi wa Øallam). To examine the problem, this study uses a qualitative methodology. The data and findings given in this paper are the outcomes of a thematic analysis of the literature obtained from various classical and contemporary secondary sources related to the topic. This study emphasizes the fact that the hijrah of the Prophet Muhammad (RasËlullah KhÉtam un NabiyyÊn Øallallahu ‘alaihi wa ‘alÉ Ólihi wa AÎÍÉbihi wa Øallam). and his companions was not merely a relocation from the hostile, polytheistic, and sceptical environment but certainly, a divine guidance to seek moral refuge from all forms of vice and corruption, and to build a Tawhidic (monotheistic), peaceful, just, mailto:khalil.ahmad@ubd.edu.bn mailto:fareedmalik9903@gmail.com https://doi.org/10.57144/hi.v45i4.640 98 Hijrah and its Application … and coexistent Islamic society as a model for the generations to come. Further, to deal with the issues relating to the classical and dichotomous juristic interpretations of hijrah, this study emphasizes the current facets of hijrah from Maqāṣid al-Sharī’ah perspective. Finally, analyzing the historical event of hijrah from earlier sources and within the ambit of Maqāṣid al-Sharī’ah, this study finds that the hijrah was essential to safeguard and nurture the religion (al-dīn), life (al-nafs), intellect (al-‘aql), lineage (al- nasl), and wealth (al-mal) of the Muslims of that time. Keywords: Hijrah, Migration, Darul Kufr, Nation-States, Maqāṣid, Muslim minority, Fiqh al-Aqalliyyat 1. Introduction The term Hijrah which is roughly translated into English as Migration (of human beings), is not a new phenomenon. In human history, we find larger groups of people relocating to different regions for their survival and sustenance and to establish their civilizations. According to the World Migration Report of 2022, there were around 281 million international migrants in the world in 2020, which equates to 3.6 percent of the global population.1 Though, for Muslims, the notion of Hijrah is much broader. It emphasizes an essential Prophetic tradition, a historical migration, and the circumstances that guide the believers how to safeguard and nurture their spiritual (religious) and physical aspects of life. Emphasizing on various historical and contemporary precursors relating to the juristic understanding and application of Hijrah, this study focuses on several aspects and issues related to the Muslim minorities that cover more than one-fifth (317 million Muslims) of the total Muslim population across the globe.2 It ponders over how the notion of Hijrah as a doctrine could be seen as an essential Islamic tradition within the ambit of Maqāṣid al-Sharī’ah to safeguard and nurture the religion (al-dīn), life (al-nafs), intellect (al-‘aql), lineage (al-nasl), and wealth (al-mal) of the Muslims in a contemporary scenario. In Arabic lexicon, the term Hijrah is derived from the root word hajara (هجر)which means: to emigrate; to dissociate, separate, part, secede, keep away (from), part company (with); to give up, renounce, forgo, avoid; to abandon, surrender, leave, give up, vacate; to desert one another, part company, separate, or break up.3 However, in the Islamic tradition, the word Hijrah has a deeper meaning and is often used to describe the historically well-known events of the Muslim migration from Makkah to either Abyssinia (present-day Ethiopia) or more widely, as the Prophet Muhammad (RasËlullah KhÉtam un NabiyyÊn Øallallahu ‘alaihi wa ‘alÉ Ólihi wa AÎÍÉbihi wa Øallam).’s migration along with his other companions (al- Muhajirūn) from Makkah to Madinah in 622AD. Hamdard Islamicus Vol. XLV, No. 4 99 In the Holy Qur’an, the word hajara (هجر) and its derivative words are used 31 times in different contexts and meanings.4 For example, at some places it depicts the meaning of leaving something, forsaking, and abandoning, the husband should abandon his wife5 and the believer should flee from the abomination6. According to Asfahanī in his al-Mufradāt, the term hijrah, which is generally translated as renouncing or leaving something, could be emphasized in three levels.7 The first level, he states is the physical migration, such as leaving things or people who are hostile towards Muslims and Muslim states. In the second and third levels, he deliberates over a kind of spiritual migration, or migration from the heart and (slander or illicit use of) the tongue, in which a person renounces thoughts and acts that are contradictory or incompatible with Islamic values. Asfahanī also elaborates on ideological migration or renouncing an ideology or thought which is contradictory to Islamic values and reality.8 In a physical sense, the Prophet Muhammad (RasËlullah KhÉtam un NabiyyÊn Øallallahu ‘alaihi wa ‘alÉ Ólihi wa AÎÍÉbihi wa Øallam)’s migration from Makkah to Madinah was a voyage from a hostile, polytheistic, and sceptical environment. However, emphasizing its spiritual aspect, it was a great devotion prompted by divine guidance to develop a community based on piety and justice. It is narrated by Abdullah Ibn Umar that the Prophet Muhammad (RasËlullah KhÉtam un NabiyyÊn Øallallahu ‘alaihi wa ‘alÉ Ólihi wa AÎÍÉbihi wa Øallam) said, "The muhajir (emigrant) is the one who abandons what God has forbidden."9 Taking this hadith into consideration, it becomes very clear that it was not just a physical migration but also a spiritual valediction that reformed the society of believers from ignorance to knowledge and developed a society of people who migrated for the sake of God and submitted themselves completely to His Will and divine justice. It was a migration for the sake of moral refuge from all forms of vice and corruption and to build a peaceful, just, and coexistent model society of the believers in Madinah. 2. Methodology This study is qualitative in nature, and to obtain more reliable and insightful results, it employs a thematic approach. The data and findings given in this paper are the outcome of thematic analysis of the qualitative data obtained from various classical and contemporary secondary sources like books, journal articles, dissertations, and reports related to the topic. 3. Objectives 100 Hijrah and its Application … This study attempts to reassess the historical events of hijrah and its juristic understanding from various classical and modern sources to actualize the objectives (Maqāṣid) and application of hijrah as a liveable prophetic tradition in contemporary Muslim contexts. Recalling the event of hijrah as an essential prophetic tradition to safeguard and nurture the religion (al-dīn), life (al-nafs), intellect (al-‘aql), lineage (al-nasl), and wealth (al-mal) of the Muslims, this study attempts to find its scope, especially for those Muslim migrants who are relocated from their territories due to various social, political, religious, economic, or other environmental thrusts. 4. Review of Literature The works written so far on the given topic, whether from classical or contemporary sources, mostly emphasize the historical narratives and fiqh issues that evolved from the juristic understanding of medieval Islamic scholars about Hijrah. However, there is not much that has been written specifically to actualize the objectives (Maqasid) and application of hijrah as a liveable Prophetic tradition in contemporary Muslim contexts. For example, in classical works, there is: Al Sirah al Nabawiyyah by Ibn Hishām (d. 833), Kitab al- Tabaqat al-Kabeer by Ibn Sa’d (d. 845), Tarīkh al-Tabarī by Ibn Jarīr al-Tabarī (d. 923), and so on. Pursuing the chain of narrations (Isnad), these works are significant in providing the historical background and the basis for juristic understanding that evolved from the Prophetic traditions. However, such works are required to be reassessed in terms of finding their relationship and significance in contemporary scenarios. In contemporary literature, there are some works that are very relevant and applicable to this study such as: Āthar Al-Ḥarb Fī al-Fiqh al-Islāmī by Wahba al-Zuḥaylī (1998), al- ʿAlaqat al- Duwaliyya fi al-Islam by Abu Zahra (1987), Fiqhu al-Sīrah by Sa‘īd Ramḍān al-Būṭī (2002), The obligation to migrate: the doctrine of hijrah in Islamic law by Khalid Masud (1990), Western Muslims and the Future of Islam by Tariq Ramadan (2004), and Migration and Islamic Ethics by Ray Jureidini, and Said Fares Hassan (2020). These works are very crucial in providing the bibliographical foundation for this study. Following the thematic methodology, this study proceeds with the historical background and the different circumstantial stages of hijrah as follows: 4.1. Historical background Analysing the first thirteen years of the Prophet Muhammad (RasËlullah KhÉtam un NabiyyÊn Øallallahu ‘alaihi wa ‘alÉ Ólihi wa AÎÍÉbihi wa Øallam) in Makkah, the period can be classified into three main phases. The first phase involves the early three years of the prophetic period in which religious preaching (da’wah) was done Hamdard Islamicus Vol. XLV, No. 4 101 secretly. In the second phase, it was an open proclamation of the prophet hood and the propagation of Islam to the Makkan people by the Prophet Muhammad (RasËlullah KhÉtam un NabiyyÊn Øallallahu ‘alaihi wa ‘alÉ Ólihi wa AÎÍÉbihi wa Øallam) which continued for around seven years. In the third phase, which started at the end of the tenth year in Makkah, the call to Islam spread beyond Makkah, however, the persecution of Muslims by Makkan non-believers went beyond the limits and continued till the migration of the Prophet Muhammad (RasËlullah KhÉtam un NabiyyÊn Øallallahu ‘alaihi wa ‘alÉ Ólihi wa AÎÍÉbihi wa Øallam) and his companions to Madinah. The initial years of the proclamation of the Prophet Muhammad (RasËlullah KhÉtam un NabiyyÊn Øallallahu ‘alaihi wa ‘alÉ Ólihi wa AÎÍÉbihi wa Øallam) are very significant in Islamic history. The revolutionary message of equality and justice of Islam was taken by the Quraysh10 as a threat to their tribal supremacy and kinship pride; all humankind is equal in the sight of Allah regardless of their colour, race, or geographical contiguity. Quraysh believed that Islam would nullify the existing socio-political system and that their specific privileges would no longer elevate their status in Arabian society.11 Initially, the leaders of Quraysh ignored the Prophet Muhammad (RasËlullah KhÉtam un NabiyyÊn Øallallahu ‘alaihi wa ‘alÉ Ólihi wa AÎÍÉbihi wa Øallam)’s message and call to Islam and believed that he could not bring about a revolution and become successful. However, this attitude soon changed to hostility. The rise of the Muslim community in Makkah alerted the Quraysh that Islam would cause a massive change in the system that prevented them from remaining in power. On the one hand, rejection of their gods by Muslims was not tolerable, which resulted in severe verbal and physical harassment and abuse of Muslims while on the other hand, Muslims desired to learn and practice Islam in an open environment with peace, having no distress and discernment, and it was hard due to constant pestering of the Quraysh. 12 They did not leave any stone unturned in ridiculing and harassing Muslims. Nevertheless, victims of such indignities and persecution were mainly those who had no influential tribe to back them.13 Consequently, God revealed a directive for believers to migrate and seek asylum abroad. And those who emigrated for [the cause of] Allah after they had been wronged - We will surely settle them in this world in a good place; but the reward of the Hereafter is greater, if only they could know. [They are] those who endured patiently and upon their Lord relied. 14 Say, "O My servants who have believed, fear your Lord. For those who do good in this world is good, and the earth of 102 Hijrah and its Application … Allah is spacious. Indeed, the patient will be given their reward without account."15 4.2. Selection of Abyssinia In describing the reasons for the migration to Abyssinia, most scholars discuss the intolerable and unceasing persecutions and the humiliations the Quraysh inflicted upon the believers. 16 However, there might be some other factors that could be addressed. During the first phase of Islam, the social environment of Hijaz was derogatory and harassing for the destitute and weak in society, especially slaves. Tribal superiority was common among people. On the other hand, the revolutionary message of equality and justice in Islam, which Muslims carried to Abyssinia, influenced not only the masses but the ruler himself. Further, the ruler in Abyssinia was a Christian Monarch-Negus (Najāshi) who believed in justice. The Prophet Muhammad (RasËlullah KhÉtam un NabiyyÊn Øallallahu ‘alaihi wa ‘alÉ Ólihi wa AÎÍÉbihi wa Øallam) mentioned to him that “If you were to go Abyssinia (it would be better for you), for the king will not tolerate injustice, and it is a friendly country until Allah shall relieve you from your distress.”17 Besides, there were some other reasons why Abyssinia was chosen over the other regions of Hijāz, such as Yemen and Syria, though the message was very evident and implied to the people in such regions. However, Yemen was well-known for its enmity towards the Prophet Muhammad (RasËlullah KhÉtam un NabiyyÊn Øallallahu ‘alaihi wa ‘alÉ Ólihi wa AÎÍÉbihi wa Øallam), and the distance between Syria and Makkah was longer and incompatible with the prevailing situation. In addition, these two regions were the marketplaces for Quraysh and had close bonds with the people of Makkah. As a result, they could have deported Muslims at the request of the Quraysh. Although Abyssinia was not a part of Hijāz, it was closer than other places. Another cause was the divine relationship between Muslims and the people of the book (ahlul-kitāb). Thus, the Prophet Muhammad (RasËlullah KhÉtam un NabiyyÊn Øallallahu ‘alaihi wa ‘alÉ Ólihi wa AÎÍÉbihi wa Øallam)asked the first Muslims to seek refuge in the land of the people of the book. He (Ṣallallahu ‘alaihi wa Sallam) wanted to convey the message that this is not a new religion but contains the same message as Jesus, Moses, and Abraham (Ṣallallahu ‘alaihi wa Sallam).18 Muslims believe in all prophets without discrimination.19 The incident illustrates the universality of Islam having no geographical restrictions or discrimination against any human. Arab and non-Arab, black or white, poor, or rich, etc. It was also the first step towards creating a global ’Ummatic society.20 Hamdard Islamicus Vol. XLV, No. 4 103 While analysing both internal and external factors that led to the migration of the believers to Abyssinia, the fact cannot be ignored that it was not just the internal situation but also a significant objective to convey the message of Islam to the people of the book living in Abyssinia. This emphasizes the approach of the Prophet Muhammad (RasËlullah KhÉtam un NabiyyÊn Øallallahu ‘alaihi wa ‘alÉ Ólihi wa AÎÍÉbihi wa Øallam) to convey the revolutionary message of equality in Islam that there is no discrimination between Arabs and non-Arabs, black or white, poor or rich, etc. The first instruction of migration enabled Muslims to take the first step towards establishing a global Ummah. However, an innocuous place was necessary for Islam to flourish, where Muslims could practice their religious obligations. According to Sayed Qutub (1906-1966), migration to Abyssinia resulted from the Prophet Muhammad (RasËlullah KhÉtam un NabiyyÊn Øallallahu ‘alaihi wa ‘alÉ Ólihi wa AÎÍÉbihi wa Øallam)’s desire to establish a centre outside Makkah, where Muslims could protect their faith and follow its teachings freely, and people would be free to enter the abode of Islam.21 4.3. The First Migration to Abyssinia The important aspect of the first migration to Abyssinia is that the first group of immigrants to Abyssinia was comprised of some prominent leaders and people from influential tribes. There were hardly any destitute or enslaved people accompanying this group. This accentuates that it was not merely an escape from the persecution but an effort to convey the message of Islam. Abu Bakr (Raḍi Allah ‘anhu) began his journey to Abyssinia and encountered Ibn Dughna who encouraged him not to migrate as he was a noble personality and the honour of his tribe. Ibn Dughna promised to have Abu Bakr under his protection. At first, Abu Bakr (Raḍi Allah ‘anhu) returned to Makkah, but later, he said Allah’s protection was enough for him.22 It is pertinent to state that even Uthman (Raḍi Allah ‘anhu) and his wife (the daughter of the Prophet Muhammad (RasËlullah KhÉtam un NabiyyÊn Øallallahu ‘alaihi wa ‘alÉ Ólihi wa AÎÍÉbihi wa Øallam) were among the first group of immigrants, which represents the approach and sound strategy of the Prophet Muhammad (RasËlullah KhÉtam un NabiyyÊn Øallallahu ‘alaihi wa ‘alÉ Ólihi wa AÎÍÉbihi wa Øallam). The other aspect of this migration can be understood as a preface of migration to Madinah, which indicates the benefits of living in a peaceful environment. Further, the interaction of Muslim immigrants with the people of Abyssinia showed its considerable impact as many embraced Islam. Ramaḍan al-Būṭī (1929-2013), referring to the incident of Abyssinia, elucidates that one can leave his country and wealth to defend his faith, even he may seek refuge 104 Hijrah and its Application … in a non-Muslim land if he is allowed to practice his religion freely. 23 Besides, the Qur’an explicitly announces the closeness of Muslims with the people of the book, especially Christians: You will surely find the most intense of the people in animosity toward the believers [to be] the Jews and those who associate others with Allah, and you will find the nearest of them in affection to the believers those who say, "We are Christians." That is because among them are priests and monks and because they are not arrogant.24 The Christians were much closer to Muslims in terms of their faith, as they believed in monotheism as mentioned in the Qur’an.25 Moreover, the glad tiding of his (Ṣallallahu ‘alaihi wa Sallam) coming was revealed in their scriptures, and most importantly, the ruler Negus (Ashama/ Najāshi) was a just and compassionate leader of Abyssinia. This incident was a milestone for the mission of the Prophet Muhammad (RasËlullah KhÉtam un NabiyyÊn Øallallahu ‘alaihi wa ‘alÉ Ólihi wa AÎÍÉbihi wa Øallam) from Ummah ijabiyah to Ummah da‘wah26 and from hardship to ease. The Prophet Muhammad (RasËlullah KhÉtam un NabiyyÊn Øallallahu ‘alaihi wa ‘alÉ Ólihi wa AÎÍÉbihi wa Øallam) never asked Muslim immigrants in Abyssinia to join any battle, such as Uḥad, Badr, and Aḥzāb. They returned to Madinah after the Muslim community was established in Madinah. 4.4. The Second Migration Based on classical sources of Sīrah, it is safe to say that the migration of Muslims to Abyssinia occurred twice. The first migration was during the month of Rajab of the fifth year of prophet hood in 615 CE, when eleven men and four women left Makkah for Abyssinia, including Uthman bin ‘Affan and his wife Ruqayyah (Raḍi Allah ‘anhum), the daughter of the Prophet Muhammad (RasËlullah KhÉtam un NabiyyÊn Øallallahu ‘alaihi wa ‘alÉ Ólihi wa AÎÍÉbihi wa Øallam). Referring to them, the Prophet Muhammad (RasËlullah KhÉtam un NabiyyÊn Øallallahu ‘alaihi wa ‘alÉ Ólihi wa AÎÍÉbihi wa Øallam) said, "They are the first people to migrate in the cause of Allah after Ibrahīm and Lūṭ (‘Alaihim As-Salām)". 27 This was followed by the second migration after a year in which eighty-three men and eleven women migrated to Abyssinia. There are some differences among scholars concerning the number of refugees. According to Ibn Ishaq, the first group comprised of ten men and four women, and the other sources mentioned fifteen or sixteen names. This first group was headed by Uthman bin ‘Affan (Raḍi Allah ‘anhum), and sixteen Muslims from various tribes who secretly reached the port of Shuaibah and paid half a dinar to go to Hamdard Islamicus Vol. XLV, No. 4 105 Abyssinia. 28 Furthermore, in the second migration phase, J’afar ibn Abī Ṭalib (Raḍi Allah ‘anhum) was instructed by the Prophet Muhammad (RasËlullah KhÉtam un NabiyyÊn Øallallahu ‘alaihi wa ‘alÉ Ólihi wa AÎÍÉbihi wa Øallam) to lead Muslims. This second migration was not as easy as the first because, this time, Quraysh were observant of every suspicious movement of Muslims. However, due to two migrations, nearly a hundred Muslims settled in Abyssinia. Muslims were welcomed affectionately, enjoyed the local hospitality, and stayed there in comfort and peace, practicing Islam freely.29 It was excruciating for the Quraish to know that many Muslims migrated to Abyssinia, and that place happened to be a peaceful heaven for them. They were frightened by the thought that Islamic teachings would attract people to Abyssinia. Nonetheless, they despatched ‘Amr bin al-‘Ᾱs and ‘Abdullah bin Abi Rabi‘ah as their convoys, requesting Negus to extradite Muslims. The convoys brought some valuable gifts to win over the king’s and his clergy’s hearts. They were asked to approach each of them separately and present their gifts. As a result, the influenced generals asked the king to hand over the emigrants to the convoys. 30 However, the king disagreed with their opinions and encouraged both parties to discuss their arguments in his court of justice. The envoys argued that the Muslim refugees should be expelled from the country as they had abandoned the religion of their forefathers and come up with a new religion that is different from that of the king. In this account, Imam Ahmad reports in his Musnad that when ‘Amr bin al-‘Ᾱs and ‘Abdullah bin Abi Rabi‘ah spoke at the court of Negus, they said: “Your Majesty, a few of our foolish youths have come to your country and deserted the religion of their people but have not embraced your faith. They have come up with a new religion which neither you nor we understand. The nobles of their people, their fathers, uncles and tribesmen have sent us to you asking for them back because they know better what is best for them and what they had done wrong and had already admonished them.”31 Negus was a just king who didn't pass any verdict before hearing both sides. To hear from their counterparts, he summoned Muslims to present their arguments and called his prelates and bishops to be present with their sacred books during the dialogue. Though the convoys intended to stop this meeting as it was in their favour. Nevertheless, without caring about the consequences, Muslims decided to inform Negus about the teachings of the Prophet Muhammad (RasËlullah KhÉtam un NabiyyÊn Øallallahu ‘alaihi wa ‘alÉ Ólihi wa AÎÍÉbihi wa Øallam). Negus asked Muslims: “What is this religion that caused you to break away from your people without converting to my religion or any of the other religions?”32 106 Hijrah and its Application … It was a historical reply by J’afar ibn abī Ṭalib. He said: “O King, we were a people living in ignorance, worshipping idols, eating carrion meat, committing sins, forsaking our kinsfolk, and abusing our neighbours. The strong amongst us exploited the weak. We had been living like that until God sent us a Messenger, one of us whose pedigree, truthfulness, honesty, and purity are well-known to us. He called us to believe in the one God, worship Him, and discard the stones and idols we and our fathers had hitherto been worshipping besides Him. He urged us to be truthful in what we say, keep our trust, nurture our kinsfolk, be kind towards our neighbours and desist from offensive behaviour and killing. He advised us to avoid repugnant acts, falsehood, taking orphans’ property, and slandering chaste women. He urged us to worship God alone and nothing else besides Him, and taught us to observe prayer, give alms and fast. We believed him and followed his teachings, but our people set upon us and persecuted us to turn us away from our religion and take us back to idol-worship and the repugnant acts we used to commit. When they overwhelmed and oppressed us and prevailed over us, preventing us from practicing our religion, we came to your country. We chose you over all others, desirous of living as your neighbors and hoping, O King, not to be persecuted in your land.”33 The words of J’afar (Raḍi ‘Allahu ‘anhu) had an impact on the king to the level that he requested J’afar (Raḍi ‘Allahu ‘anhu) to recite some verses of the Qur’an. J’afar (Raḍi ‘Allahu ‘anhu) recited verses from chapter Marry, which was revealed just before the migration, where the stories of Jesus Christ and John’s birth had been mentioned followed by the story of Marry. The verses broke them down into tears and the king exclaimed: "It seems as if these words, which were revealed to Jesus, are the rays of the light which have radiated from the same source." Consequently, the convoy’s request was rejected, and their gifts were returned. The king allowed Muslims to live freely and practice their religion in his Kingdom. By analysing the incident of Abyssinia, we find several significant outcomes. For instance, all Muslims did not need to migrate to Abyssinia. The presence of Uthman and Ruqayyah (Raḍi ‘Allahu ‘anhu), the daughter of the Prophet Muhammad (RasËlullah KhÉtam un NabiyyÊn Øallallahu ‘alaihi wa ‘alÉ Ólihi wa AÎÍÉbihi wa Øallam) strengthened the confidence among immigrants. Further, J’afar and his wife Asma’s (Raḍi ‘Allahu ‘anhu) presence among them firmed their determination. Once the Prophet Muhammad Hamdard Islamicus Vol. XLV, No. 4 107 (RasËlullah KhÉtam un NabiyyÊn Øallallahu ‘alaihi wa ‘alÉ Ólihi wa AÎÍÉbihi wa Øallam) said that "you (J’afar) are like me in looks and character".34 Thus, he (RasËlullah KhÉtam un NabiyyÊn Øallallahu ‘alaihi wa ‘alÉ Ólihi wa AÎÍÉbihi wa Øallam) had chosen J’afar as the leader of Muslim immigrants with a charming personality, and he was considered one of the most eloquent speakers among the companions. They needed a spokesperson, and J’afar had all those qualities and was second only to Mus’ab in terms of personality and intelligence. Further, J’afar’s selection of the verse of chapter Merry shows his wisdom.35 4.5. The Prophet Muhammad (RasËlullah KhÉtam un NabiyyÊn Øallallahu ‘alaihi wa ‘alÉ Ólihi wa AÎÍÉbihi wa Øallam)’s Hijrah to Madinah In Makkah, the Prophet Muhammad (RasËlullah KhÉtam un NabiyyÊn Øallallahu ‘alaihi wa ‘alÉ Ólihi wa AÎÍÉbihi wa Øallam) continued his mission and invited various tribes of Arabia, especially those who flocked to Makkah during the pilgrimage season. In Dhu al-Hijjah, 620 CE, the Prophet Muhammad (RasËlullah KhÉtam un NabiyyÊn Øallallahu ‘alaihi wa ‘alÉ Ólihi wa AÎÍÉbihi wa Øallam) met with some people of the Banū Khazraj, a tribe from Yathrib near the place called al-‘Aqabah in Makkah and illuminated to them the divine message of Islam and recited some verses of the Holy Qur’an. As a result, they were highly impressed and embraced Islam. In the following year, 621 CE, five of them again undertook the pilgrimage, bringing seven more individuals along. These people reported to the Prophet Muhammad (RasËlullah KhÉtam un NabiyyÊn Øallallahu ‘alaihi wa ‘alÉ Ólihi wa AÎÍÉbihi wa Øallam) about the ongoing proliferation of Islam in Yathrib. They took a formal oath of commitment at the prophet’s hand, accepting him as Allah’s Prophet Muhammad (RasËlullah KhÉtam un NabiyyÊn Øallallahu ‘alaihi wa ‘alÉ Ólihi wa AÎÍÉbihi wa Øallam).36 At their solicitation, the Prophet Muhammad (RasËlullah KhÉtam un NabiyyÊn Øa llallahu ‘alaihi wa ‘alÉ Ólihi wa AÎÍÉbihi wa Øallam) deputed Mus’ab ibn ‘Umair to teach them Qur’an and invite their leaders to Islam.37 Ibn Hishām (d. 833 AD) reports that in Madinah, Mus’ab was known as ‘the reader’, and he used to lead prayers because the tribes, Aws and Khazraj, could not tolerate seeing one of their rivals take the lead. In other similar reports quoted by al-Tabaranī (d. 971 AD) and others, it is narrated that when they sent their envoy to the Prophet Muhammad (RasËlullah KhÉtam un NabiyyÊn Øallallahu ‘alaihi wa ‘alÉ Ólihi wa AÎÍÉbihi wa Øallam) asking him to depute a person of his tribe to call people through the holy Qur’an as it would be an easy task for him to pursue.38 So, in this situation, it was essential to depute a person who could help reunite the tribes and invite their leaders and people to a God-centric polity and establish a preliminary ground for a new 108 Hijrah and its Application … society based on piety and justice in Madinah. Next year, in 622 CE, a group of about seventy-five believers from Madinah, including members of both the Aws and the Khazraj, reiterated the conditions of the First Pledge of ‘Aqabah and promised the Prophet Muhammad (RasËlullah KhÉtam un NabiyyÊn Øallallahu ‘alaihi wa ‘alÉ Ólihi wa AÎÍÉbihi wa Øallam) their full assistance and fortification if he relocated to Medina to act as a conciliator to bring peace between the two tribes.39 This second pledge at 'Aqabah was a religious and political victory that prepared the ground for Muslims to migrate to Madinah. Following these two important events at ‘Aqabah, the Prophet Muhammad (RasËlullah KhÉtam un NabiyyÊn Øallallahu ‘alaihi wa ‘alÉ Ólihi wa AÎÍÉbihi wa Øallam) urged the believers to migrate and settle in Madinah.40 When Quraysh noticed such developments and the increasing influence of the Prophet Muhammad (RasËlullah KhÉtam un NabiyyÊn Øallallahu ‘alaihi wa ‘alÉ Ólihi wa AÎÍÉbihi wa Øallam) in the region, they made a severe plan to assassinate the Prophet Muhammad (RasËlullah KhÉtam un NabiyyÊn Øallallahu ‘alaihi wa ‘alÉ Ólihi wa AÎÍÉbihi wa Øallam) and consulted ‘Abu Jahl for this heinous act. He suggested that from each tribe, a strong and fearless man should be designated, and should be given a sharp-edged sword with which all should assault the Prophet Muhammad (RasËlullah KhÉtam un NabiyyÊn Øallallahu ‘alaihi wa ‘alÉ Ólihi wa AÎÍÉbihi wa Øallam) at once, so that all the tribes would equally share the responsibility of the bloodguilt, and it would make it difficult for Banū Hāshim to fight with all the tribes of the Quraysh. This suggestion of Abu Jahl was approved by all. However, the Prophet Muhammad (RasËlullah KhÉtam un NabiyyÊn Øallallahu ‘alaihi wa ‘alÉ Ólihi wa AÎÍÉbihi wa Øallam) was informed about heinous plan thought revelation and was instructed to migrate to Madinah.41 Analysing the nature and reasons for the migration of Muslims and the Prophet Muhammad (RasËlullah KhÉtam un NabiyyÊn Øallallahu ‘alaihi wa ‘alÉ Ólihi wa AÎÍÉbihi wa Øallam) to Madinah, it is evident that this move was not a sudden act done on the edge of the hour. Rather, it was performed with proper planning and groundwork. This great event was not carried out in any slapdash way or to avoid any unexpected urgency. From the events which happened in the past and during the year of Migration to Madinah, it would not be fair enough to say that this migration was merely for safety of the Prophet Muhammad (RasËlullah KhÉtam un NabiyyÊn Øallallahu ‘alaihi wa ‘alÉ Ólihi wa AÎÍÉbihi wa Øallam) and the believers. The Prophet's refusal to accept Ṭufayl ibn 'Amr al-Daūsi's offer to take shelter in the strong fortress of the Daūs tribe, where strong men would take care of his defence, illustrates the fact more clearly in this context. 42 It should also be remembered that the Prophet Muhammad (RasËlullah KhÉtam un NabiyyÊn Øallallahu Hamdard Islamicus Vol. XLV, No. 4 109 ‘alaihi wa ‘alÉ Ólihi wa AÎÍÉbihi wa Øallam) turned down the offer of assistance from some tribes to gain and share political power over all of Arabia with them. The aspects of divine guidance and to serve the cause of Islam were the utmost reasons and a primary objective of this great journey. It is reported by al-Bukhari (810-870) that ‘Aisha (RA) said: the Prophet Muhammad (RasËlullah KhÉtam un NabiyyÊn Øallallahu ‘alaihi wa ‘alÉ Ólihi wa AÎÍÉbihi wa Øallam) said to the believers, "In a dream I have been shown your migration place, a land of date palm trees, between two mountains, the two stony tracts." So, some people migrated to Medina, and many Muslims who immigrated to Ethiopia returned to Medina. Abu Bakr (RA) intended to leave for Medina, but the Prophet Muhammad (RasËlullah KhÉtam un NabiyyÊn Øallallahu ‘alaihi wa ‘alÉ Ólihi wa AÎÍÉbihi wa Øallam) told him, "Wait for a while, because I hope that I will be allowed to migrate also."43 During this time it was feasible for the Muslims or the Prophet Muhammad (RasËlullah KhÉtam un NabiyyÊn Øallallahu ‘alaihi wa ‘alÉ Ólihi wa AÎÍÉbihi wa Øallam) to practice and propagate Islam in Makkah. While referring to the nature and causes of the migration, it is clearly mentioned in the Qur’an and the prophetic traditions that the Muslims during that period were oppressed44 and jeopardized at the account of their faith.45 They were also persecuted and driven out of their homes and property just because of their faith in Islam.46 4.6. Juristic interpretation of Hijrah as a doctrine In Islamic jurisprudence, the term hijrah in general is defined as an obligation (under certain conditions) to migrate from the land of non-believers (darul kufr) to a region or society where Islamic rules are predominant, imitating the example of Hijrah of the Prophet Muhammad (RasËlullah KhÉtam un NabiyyÊn Øallallahu ‘alaihi wa ‘alÉ Ólihi wa AÎÍÉbihi wa Øallam) and his followers, who moved from the pagan and polytheistic society of Makkah to Madinah, and established a new polity based on the principles of Islam. In earlier phases of Islamic history, the construction of the doctrines of hijra was interlinked with this dichotomy of darul Islam and darul kufr. However, the issues posed by the framing of these doctrines varied at different levels and situations. In the earlier period, the conditions for "where to where" one must migrate were apparent. Nonetheless, these conditions had a different meaning for dissident political groups, which later continued to be asked and re-emphasized during the medieval period, especially about those Muslims who were living in non-Islamic regions. Thirteenth century and onwards, the subject of hijrah again became central when Christians in the west and Tartars in the east occupied Muslim lands.47 As a result, we find a string of opinions given by some famous medieval Islamic scholars such as Ibn Qudamah al-Maqdīsī (1147-1223), Ibn Taymiyah (1263- 110 Hijrah and its Application … 1328), Ahmad ibn Yaḥya al-Wansharisī (1430-1508), and others in this context. This substantially contributed to the development of hijrah as a doctrine, not only questioning the migration of people but also investigating the migration of converts, traders, and preachers.48 5. Discussion For classical Islamic jurists, when hijrah as a notion comes under debate, they bifurcate the states into Darul Islam and Darul Kufr. So, in consequence of this dichotomy, it becomes necessary for Muslims living in Darul Kufr to relocate to Darul Islam, unless they do not have any sources to do so, and in such a condition, they would be termed as weak (mustad’afīn). This opinion of jurists is primarily based on their understanding of those Qur'anic verses (4:97–100 and 8:73) that were revealed in Madinah under specific conditions to emphasize the predicament of Muslims. Indeed, those whom the angels take [in death] while wronging themselves - [the angels] will say, "In what [condition] were you?" They will say, "We were oppressed in the land." The angels will say, "Was not the earth of Allah spacious [enough] for you to emigrate therein?" For those, their refuge is Hell - and evil it is as a destination. Except for the oppressed among men, women and children who cannot devise a plan, nor are they directed to a way - For those it is expected that Allah will pardon them, and Allah is ever Pardoning and Forgiving. And whoever emigrates for the cause of Allah will find on the earth many [alternative] locations and abundance. And whoever leaves his home as an emigrant to Allah and His Messenger and then death overtakes him - his reward has already become incumbent upon Allah. And Allah is ever forgiving and Merciful. 49 However, pointing to the moral dimension and rehabilitation of those Muslims who were living in non-Muslim states, the situations before and after hijrah could be classified into three main scenarios, i.e., the pre-hijrah phase (609–622AD), the post-hijrah phase (622–630AD), and the events of Abyssinia (615–622 AD) and Hudaybiyah (628–630 AD). Referring to Khalid Masud, these three important historical aspects could be seen as the three significant models for Muslims who live in non-Muslim states. According to Khalid, there was no mould of migration in the pre-hijrah Makkah Model (609–622 AD) because the notion of Darul Islam was yet to Hamdard Islamicus Vol. XLV, No. 4 111 be evolved. At that stage, Muslims, in terms of their religion and practices, were distinct from the mainstream community. In this paradigm, jihad and hijrah were not obligatory for Muslims. Nonetheless, the struggle for Darul Islam remained indispensable. In the second or post-hijrah Makkah Model (622–630 AD), Muslims were required to relocate to Madinah and struggle unless they had no resources to carry out their obligations. From a juristic standpoint, these Muslims were deemed as vulnerable (mustad’afīn) and were permitted to conceal their religious identity. Though they were required to have their true intent to relocate to Darul Islam and strive for better. But, looking at Abyssinia (615–622 AD) and Hudaybiyah (628–630 AD) as a third model, we find that it was not obligatory for Muslims to do hijrah or jihad during these events, however they were encouraged not to conceal their faith and practices publicly. In this model, they were assured to profess their faith freely and safeguard their interests; in Hudaybiyah, it was a signed contract; however, in Abyssinia, it was a verbal commitment. Under these circumstances, Muslims resided in non-Muslim territories, as they did in Darul Islam.50Navigating the functionality of these hijrah models in the past and present, we find the description of Darul Islam has become more intricate in the contemporary scenario. The emergence of nation states in twentieth century, and the increasing migration of Muslims to the non-Muslim or other developed states have created new dimensions relating to the juristic notions of hijrah in modern context.51 In this setting, the definition of hijrah as a migration from Darul Kufr seems to be limited or irrelevant. As a result, we find several contemporary Islamic scholars and jurists such as Wahbah al-Zuhayli (1932-2015), Muhammad Abu Zahra (1898-1974), Shaykh Faysal al-Mawlawi (1941-2011), and others who reassessed Darul Islam and studied for new dimensions of state in hijrah context. Relating to Darul Islam and other nation states within the contemporary framework of migration, a series of new or reassessed notions such as Darul ‘Ahd (the land of accord)52, Darul Aman (the land of peace)53, and Darul Dawa (the land of testimony)54, etc. have become more prominent. Darul Aman, in which Muslims are free to practice their religion are fortified by truce. According to Khalid Masud, any migration to a non-Muslim territory that comes under this agreement could be referred to as the Abyssinian model. He further justifies that this situation could also be referred to as the Hudaybiyah model, in which Muslims were not obliged to leave Makkah even though it was under the rule of non-believers at the time. For Khalid, such elucidations seem more applicable to the world of nation states because people are fortified by accords in this setting.55 While discussing the impact of political and dichotomous interpretations of hijrah as defined by some earlier classical jurists, it becomes important to explore those consequences that considerably 112 Hijrah and its Application … affected the phenomenon of Muslim migration, especially in the last two centuries. In the late 19th century, there were several Muslim organisations that opposed the expansion and reign of colonial powers. The Muslim clergy, referring to the dichotomous doctrine of hijrah, encouraged the Muslim minorities to migrate from the non- Muslim dominated regions of central Asia, the Balkan states, and the sub-continent.56 As a result, a huge proportion of Muslims left their native places and moved to the Muslim majority regions. In the Indian sub-continent, millions of Indian Muslims were displaced to Afghanistan and its neighbouring regions, which finally resulted in the formation of post-colonial republic of Pakistan. All these events address the same question of whether Muslims were compelled to leave their territories ruled by "infidels," and if so, under what circumstances? The other aspect, which is pertinent to emphasize here, is the emergence of nation-states in the post-colonial period. In this era, there were several Muslim majority territories that split into several new nation-states. As a result, the Muslim world that was recognised as Darul Islam in the medieval period was now divided because of ethnic diversity and nationalism. Contrasting to the premises that existed in the medieval Muslim period, a Muslim cannot freely relocate, reside in, or visit any Muslim country. A few of these nations are secular, while others have modified their socio-religious and public laws in accordance with the western world. The non-Muslim communities in these Muslim countries have contributed equally to the fight for independence, equality, and prosperity; and therefore, are not subjugated people who should be driven to adopt the status of second-class citizens.57 So, in this scenario, the doctrine of hijrah which was evolved and emphasised according to the challenges prevailed in the medieval period, seems largely different from the current situation. Following that, after World War II and the weakening of colonial powers, the flow of Muslim migration showed a different dimension. Muslims who were earlier migrating from non-Muslim territories are now voluntarily moving from Muslim lands to non- Muslim states. The political and economic factors that pushed millions of people to leave their countries are more inclined to look for work and security in the West. This process led them to settle abroad and become part of culturally and religiously diverse and multi-ethnic societies.58 According to a Pew research report, more people are leaving Muslim-majority countries than migrating to them. By 2030-35, Muslim-majority countries are anticipated to lose an average of 47 people per 100,000 inhabitants per year, compared to a net loss of 81 people per year from 2010 to 2015. Before 1990-1995, Hamdard Islamicus Vol. XLV, No. 4 113 Muslim-majority countries lost significantly more individuals—an average of 160 per 100,000 per year.59 The rise in Muslim migration and the formation of Muslim minority communities in the West prompted several Muslim political and religious scholars to reassess the dichotomous notions of Darul Islam and Darul Kufr and to emphasize the importance of peaceful relations between Muslim and non-Muslim states. This laid the foundation for Islamic approval of Muslim residency, naturalization, and citizenship in non-Muslim territories under certain conditions.60 The conceptualization of this dynamic with the foundation of the Fiqh Council in the United States and the European Council for Fatwa and Research supported the formulation of a series of legal opinions. This laid the foundation for a new branch of Islamic fiqh, namely fiqh al-aqalliyyat, which was aimed at allowing Muslim minorities in the West to live as a practicing Muslim and also a responsible citizen of the country.61 Taha Jabir al-Alwani (1935-2016), Youssef al-Qaradhawi (1926- 2022) and Abdel Majid al-Najjar (b.1945) have played significant role for the development of fiqh al-aqalliyyat. In addition, in the last couple of decades, this new fiqh al-hijrah is being further evolved, resulting in a paradigm shift from fiqh al-hijrah to fiqh al-muwatana (the law of citizenship). Nonetheless, there is still a part of Muslim clergy in some Muslim states which does not embrace such notions of fiqh al-hijrah and consider more than 17 million Muslims of Western Europe in a state of Darul Kufr. There is a considerable gap between the classical concepts and the contemporary scenarios (al- waqi’). Some scholars reassess and prioritize the current state of affairs, while others, adhering to the classical fiqh interpretations, cannot go beyond the dichotomous view of the world, which is no longer compatible or functional in the current global scenario.62 Therefore, the process of redefining fiqh al-hijrah in this context is still a crucial issue that needs to be resolved further. 6. Conclusion The hijrah of the Prophet Muhammad (RasËlullah KhÉtam un NabiyyÊn Øallallahu ‘alaihi wa ‘alÉ Ólihi wa AÎÍÉbihi wa Øallam) and his companions to Madinah, was not merely a voyage from the hostile, polytheistic, and sceptical environment of that period but also a divine guidance to the believers to reform and migrate from ignorance to knowledge and to develop a God-centric society based on piety, justice and a model of Islamic tradition for the generations to come. It was a migration for the sake of Islam and a moral refuge from all forms of vice and corruption, and to build a Tawhidic (monotheistic), peaceful, just, and coexistent model society in Madinah. Evaluating this great historical event as a foundation of Muslim civilization within the framework of Maqāṣid al-Sharī’ah, we find that this migration was essential to safeguard and nurture the 114 Hijrah and its Application … religion (al-dīn), life (al-nafs), intellect (al-‘aql), lineage (al-nasb), and wealth (al-mal) of the Muslims of that time. However, in later generations, when Islam vastly expanded outside the Arabic peninsula, several Islamic scholars prescribed their juristic opinion about hijra as an obligation (under certain conditions) to migrate from the land of non-believers (Darul Kufr) to Darul Islam and it was all initiated in accordance with the socio-political conditions of their time. Similarly, in 13th century and onwards, the notion of hijrah further evolved as a juristic doctrine when several prominent Islamic scholars gave their juristic opinion (fatawa) specifically about the Muslim territories that were occupied by the Christians and Tartars. Nonetheless, moving forward to the contemporary scenario of 20th century and beyond, we find the dichotomous approach of Darul Islam and Darul Kufr, during medieval period by Muslim scholars under certain conditions, is no longer compatible or irrelevant in the current situations. In modern context, the emergence of nation-states and the increasing migration of Muslims to non-Muslim states have created new dimensions and challenges. The political and economic factors have pushed millions of people from underdeveloped and developing Muslim countries to look for opportunities in the West. However, there is still a section of Muslim clergy in some states that consider more than seventeen million Muslim residents of Western Europe and the USA in the state of Darul Kufr. Furthermore, to address and resolve such issues within the ambit of Sharī’ah, it is essential to recall and reassess all the situations and factors that led to hijrah during the time of the Prophet Muhammad (RasËlullah KhÉtam un NabiyyÊn Øallallahu ‘alaihi wa ‘alÉ Ólihi wa AÎÍÉbihi wa Øallam). The earlier resources available in this account, clearly indicate that the hijrah of the Prophet Muhammad (RasËlullah KhÉtam un NabiyyÊn Øallallahu ‘alaihi wa ‘alÉ Ólihi wa AÎÍÉbihi wa Øallam) and his companions involved both physical and spiritual dimensions. In its physical dimension, it was a voyage from the hostile, polytheistic, and sceptical environment. Though, looking at its spiritual aspects, it was a divine direction to the believers that inspired them to reform and migrate from ignorance to knowledge and develop a God-centric society based on piety and justice. Summing up all these aspects within the Maqāṣid framework, we find that this migration was essential to safeguard and nurture the religion (al-dīn), life (al-nafs), intellect (al-‘aql), lineage (al-nasl), and wealth (al-mal) of the Muslims of that time. However, contrary to that, when we look at the current situation of Muslim immigrants of several war trodden Muslim states such Palestine, Yemen, Syria, and others, we see a different scenario. We find that most of the Muslim countries (now nation-states) are flooded with gloomy waters of nationalism and ethnic disparity and the notions of Ummah (community), Ukhūwa (brotherhood), and diyafa (hospitality) are Hamdard Islamicus Vol. XLV, No. 4 115 being compromised. The treatment towards these destitute people notably by several Muslim nation-states is not just impertinent to the contemporary notions of human rights, but even to the basic premises of Islamic practices. In Islamic law, the objectives (Maqāṣid) of Sharī’ah are always in line with the safety, betterment, and sustenance of human beings. Therefore, it is imperative to re-examine and re-evaluate the current facets of hijrah keeping Maqāṣid in the mind rather than befalling in those doctrines of hijrah that evolved under specific conditions during the medieval times. Notes and References 1 Marie McAuliffe, and Anna Triandafyllidou, “World Migration Report 2022,” International Organization for Migration, last modified October 10, 2022, https://worldmigrationreport.iom.int/wmr-2022-interactive/. 2 Pew Research Center, “Mapping the Global Muslim Population,” last modified October 9, 2022, https://www.pewresearch.org/religion/2009/10/07/mapping-the- global-muslim-population/. 3 Ibn Manẓūr, Lisānul ‘Arab, vol. 6, (Cairo: Dar al-Ma‘ārif, n.d.), 4616-17; Hans Wehrs, A Dictionary of Modern Written Arabic, (New York: Spoken Language Services, Inc., 1976). 4 Muhammad Fu’ād Abdul Baqī, Al-Mu’jamul Al-Mufahras li ‘alfaẓil Qur’ān, (Cairo: Dar al-Kutub al-Miṣriyyah, 1927), 730-731. 5 The Holy Qur'an, 4:34, Translated by Mufti Muhammad Taqi Usmani (Karachi: Maktaba Ma’ariful Quran, 2010). 6 Ibid., 74:5. 7 Raghib Asfahanī, al-Mufradat fī Ghareeb al-Qur'ān, (Beirut: Dar al-M'arifah, 1997), 536-537. 8 Ibid. 9 The Sahih Al-Bukhari, 4:10, Translated by Dr. Muhammad Muhsin Kahn (Riyadh: Darussalam Publishers and Distributors, 1997). 10 Quraysh: A ruling tribe during the time of the Prophet Muhammad (RasËlullah KhÉtam un NabiyyÊn Øallallahu ‘alaihi wa ‘alÉ Ólihi wa AÎÍÉbihi wa Øallam) in Makkah. This tribe had 10 major clans, which included the Banu Hāshim, the clan of the Prophet Muhammad (RasËlullah KhÉtam un NabiyyÊn Øallallahu ‘alaihi wa ‘alÉ Ólihi wa AÎÍÉbihi wa Øallam); The History of al-Ṭabarī, vol.6, translated by Franz Rosenthal et al., (New York: State University of New York Press, 1988), 1-38. 11 Martin Lings, Muhammad: His Life Based on the Earliest Sources, (Lahore: Suhail Academy, 1984), 52-55. 12 Safiur Rahman Mubarakpuri, The Sealed Nectar, (Riyadh: Maktabah Darussalam, 2002), 107. 13 Abdul Hameed Siddiqui, The Life of Muhammad, (Kuala Lumpur: Islamic Book Trust, 1999),78. 14 The Qur'an, 16: 41-42, Translated by Saheeh International (Jeddah: Saheeh International, 1997) 15 Ibid., 39: 10. 16 The increasing number of Muslims in Makkah required a place to learn the faith under the guidance of the Prophet Muhammad (RasËlullah KhÉtam un NabiyyÊn Øallallahu ‘alaihi wa ‘alÉ Ólihi wa AÎÍÉbihi wa Øallam). As a result, the house of Zaid bin Arqam (Darul Arqam) was selected. He was one of the youngsters who accepted Islam in the beginning. This place was called the first centre of Islam for the first three years; Al-Ṭanṭāvī, Alī, Maqālāt fī Kalimāt, al-Majmū‘ah al-Thāniyyah, (Damascus: maktabat al-Fath, 1959), 170. 17 Ibn Hisham, Al Sirah al Nabawiyyah, edited by Ibrahim al Abyari, Abdul Hafeez Shalbi, and Mustafa alSaqqa, (Egypt: Mustafa Albani & Sons, 1936), 344. https://worldmigrationreport.iom.int/wmr-2022-interactive/ https://www.pewresearch.org/religion/2009/10/07/mapping-the-global-muslim-population/ https://www.pewresearch.org/religion/2009/10/07/mapping-the-global-muslim-population/ 116 Hijrah and its Application … 18 The Holy Qur'an, 42:13, 4:163, Translated by Mufti Muhammad Taqi Usmani (Karachi: Maktaba Ma’ariful Quran, 2010). 19 Ibid., 2:285. 20 Ibid., 21:107. 21 Syed Quṭb, Ibrāhīm Shārbī, Fī Zilāl al-Qur’ān. vol.1 (Egypt: Dār al-Shurūq alQāhrah n..d,), 29. 22 Ibn Hishām, Al-Sīrah al-Nabaviyyah, 2:242; Muḥammad bin Ismā‘īl al-Bukhārī, Ṣaḥīḥ Bukhārī, Book of Tawhīd, Ḥadīth 3905, translated by Dr. Muḥammad Muhsin Khan, (Saudi Arabia: Darussalam, 1997), 144-149. 23 Muḥammad Sa‘īd Ramḍān al-Būṭī, Fiqhu al-Sīrah, (Damascus: Darul fikr, 2007), 94,97. 24 The Holy Qur'an, 5:82, Translated by Mufti Muhammad Taqi Usmani (Karachi: Maktaba Ma’ariful Quran, 2010). 25Ibid., 3: 64; 29: 46 26 al-Nawawī, and Ibn Rajab, fatḥ al-Qawī al-Matīn fī Sharḥ al-’arba‘īn wa tatamma al-Khamsīn, edited by Abdul Muhsin, (Cairo: Maktaba al-huda al-Muhammadī, 2013), 199. 27 Mubarakpuri, The Sealed Nectar, 100. 28 Abdul Hameed Siddiqui, The Life of Muhammad, (Kuala Lumpur, Islamic Book Trust, 1999), 79. 29 Mubarakpuri, The Sealed Nectar, 102-105. 30 Martin Lings, Muhammad: His Life Based on the Earliest Sources, (Lahore: Suhail Academy, 1984), 81-84. 31 Abu Abdullah Ahmad bin Muhammad bin Hanbal Ash-Shaibani, Musnad, vol.2, translated by Nasiruddin al-Khattab, (Riyadh: Darussalam, 2012), 179-185. 32 Ibid. 33 Ibid. 34 Muhammad bin Sa’d bin Munie’ al-Zuhri, Kitab al-Tabaqat al-Kabeer, edited by Ali Muhammad ‘Umar, vol.4, (Cairo: Maktabah al-Khanji, 2001), 33. 35 Martin Lings, Muhammad: His Life Based on the Earliest Sources, (Lahore: Suhail Academy, 1984), 80. 36 Muhammad Mohar Ali, The Biography of the Prophet and the Orientalists, vol. I- B, (Madinah: King Fahd Complex, 1997), 839-840. 37 Ibn Hishām, Al-Sīrah al-Nabaviyyah, 435-438. 38Ibid. 39 Muhammad Mohar Ali, The Biography of the Prophet and the Orientalists, vol. I- B, (Madinah: King Fahd Complex, 1997), 844-850. 40 The Sahih Al-Bukhari, 45:3905, Translated by Dr. Muhammad Muhsin Khan 41Ibid., 45:3905 42 Sahih Al-Muslim, 49:116, Translated by Nasiruddin al-Khattab (Riyadh: Darussalam Publishers and Distributors, 2007). 43 The Sahih Al-Bukhari, 45:3905, Translated by Dr. Muhammad Muhsin Khan. 44 The Holy Qur'an, 16:41, Translated by Mufti Muhammad Taqi Usmani (Karachi: Maktaba Ma’ariful Quran, 2010). 45Ibid., 16:110. 46 Ibid., 3: 195; 59: 8; The Sahih Al-Bukhari, 45: 3900-3901; Ibn Hishām, Al-Sīrah al-Nabaviyyah, 467. 47 Muhammad Khalid Masud, “The obligation to migrate: the doctrine of hijrah in Islamic law”, Muslim Travelers, edited by Dale F. Eickelman, and James Piscatori, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), 43-44. 48 Ray Jureidini, and Said Fares Hassan, Migration and Islamic Ethics, (Boston: Brill, 2020), 3. 49 The Qur'an, 4: 97-100. 50 Muhammad Khalid Masud, "Being Muslim in a non‐Muslim Polity: Three Alternate Models," Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs, 10, (1989): 118-128. 51 Pew Research Center, “The Future of the Global Muslim Population- Projections for 2010-2030,” (Washington, D.C., 2011), 37, accessed October 11, 2022, Hamdard Islamicus Vol. XLV, No. 4 117 https://www.pewresearch.org/religion/2011/01/27/the-future-of-the-global-muslim- population/. 52 Wahba al-Zuḥaylī, Āthar Al-Ḥarb Fī al-Fiqh al-Islāmī, (Damascus: Dār al-Fikr, 1998), 95-96, 172–74. 53 Abu Zahra, al- ʿAlaqat al-Duwaliyya fi al-Islam, (Cairo: Dar al-Fikr al-Arabi, 1995), 54–5. 54 Faysal Al-Mawlawi, Al-usus al-shariyya lil-alaquat bayna al-muslimin waghayr al-muslimin, (Paris: UOIF, 1987), 104. 55 Muhammad Khalid Masud, “The obligation to migrate: the doctrine of hijrah in Islamic law”, Muslim Travelers, edited by Dale F. Eickelman, and James Piscatori, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), 44. 56 Ray Jureidini, and Said Fares Hassan, Migration and Islamic Ethics, 3. 57 Muhammad Khalid Masud, "Being Muslim in a non‐Muslim Polity: Three Alternate Models," Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs, 10, (1989): 118-128. 58 Tariq Ramadan, Western Muslims and the Future of Islam, (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004), 68. 59 Pew Research Center, The Future of the Global Muslim Population- Projections for 2010-2030, (Washington, D.C., 2011), 38. 60 Ray Jureidini, and Said Fares Hassan, Migration and Islamic Ethics, (Boston: Brill, 2020), 4. 61 Tariq Ramadan, Western Muslims and the Future of Islam, 53. 62Ibid., 67. https://www.pewresearch.org/religion/2011/01/27/the-future-of-the-global-muslim-population/ https://www.pewresearch.org/religion/2011/01/27/the-future-of-the-global-muslim-population/