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Hamdard Islamicus 227 Vol. XLI, Nos. 1 & 2

OLD VERSUS NEW IN THE
SA‘ÕDI EXPANSIONS OF THE

MOSQUE OF THE PROPHET ( )

DR. SPAHIC OMER
Associate Professor,

Kulliyyah of Islamic Revealed Knowledge and Human Sciences,
International Islamic University Malaysia,

Malaysia.
e-mail: spahico@yahoo.com

This paper discusses the relationship between tradition and modernity
in the Sa‘Ëdi expansions of the Mosque of the Prophet ( ). Two major
expansions by King ‘Abd al-‘AzÊz and King Fahd have been targeted. The
first expansion by the first Sa‘Ëdi King, during the Kingdom’s formative
years, is regarded as a precursor to the second one, which was truly epic
and grandest of all previous expansions. The latter was necessitated by the
factors of incessant overcrowding and King Fahd’s need for boosting an
Islamic image. When completed, the Mosque represented a harmonious
blend between old and new, and between tradition and modernity. It was
modern and progressive in terms of its form, structural performance and
engineering means and methods, but traditional and conventional in terms
of its embedded meaning, function and substance. The Mosque oozed the
aura of authentic Islamic architecture.

Keywords: The Mosque of the Prophet ( ), King ‘Abd al-‘Aziz, King Fahd, Sa‘Ëdi
Arabia, Expansion.

Introduction

Just like most of their predecessors, the Sa‘Ëdis, too, showed great
concern and affection for the Mosque of the Prophet ( ) in Madinah,
so much so that there was no Sa‘Ëdi ruler (up to King Fahd who was
the fifth king of Sa‘udi Arabia and who died in 1426 A.H./2005 C.E.)
who did not leave a significant mark on the form and configuration of the



Hamdard Islamicus 228 Vol. XLI, Nos. 1 & 2

Mosque. Nonetheless, their contributions greatly varied, from epic to
modest, and from original to auxiliary. As a result, scholars disagree as
to how many expansions there were. Some say four,1 others three,2 and
yet others, who constitute a slight majority,3 say two.

Those who claim that there were four expansions have in mind the
contributions of King ‘Abd al-‘AzÊz (d. 1373 A.H./1953 C.E.), King
Faysal (d. 1395 A.H./1975 C.E.), King KhÉlid (d. 1403 A.H./1982 C.E.)
and King Fahd, attributing one expansion to each of them. The only ruler
that is omitted is the second King, King Sa‘Ëd (d. 1384 A.H./1964 C.E.),
whose rule was marred by relentless internal tension, following which he
was forced out from the throne and replaced by his brother Faysal. To
be fair to King Sa‘Ëd, furthermore, the first expansion of the Mosque
initiated by his father, King ‘Abd al-‘AzÊz, had to be taken over by him
following the latter’s death. The job was completed two years into King
Sa‘Ëd’s reign.

Fig. 1
The Mosque of the Prophet ( ) after the first Sa‘Ëdi expansion by the first

Sa‘Ëdi King ‘Abd al-‘Aziz.
(Courtesy of the “Muhammad the Messenger of Allah” Exhibition held in Madinah

in 2016-2017)



Hamdard Islamicus 229 Vol. XLI, Nos. 1 & 2

Those who believe that there were three expansions do away with
the name of King KhÉlid, whose main contributions accounted for provision
of vast shaded open spaces with minimum of other facilities outside the
Mosque’s western side. Finally, those who maintain that there were two
expansions omit the name of King Faysal, whose contributions, like those
of his successor, King KhÉlid, centered mainly on provision of vast shaded
open spaces outside the Mosque’s western side. However, since King
Faisal conceived the project of clearing the huge and densely populated
areas on the Mosque’s western side, and building rather short-term and
ephemeral shading structures for the newly created public spaces, or
squares, there, he is regularly referred to as the originator of the idea and
its executor. What his successor, King Khalid, later did, by and large,
was the extension of, as well as an upgrade to, the former. Hence, King
Faysal generally comes ahead of King Khalid in terms of contributions
to the architectural evolution and growth of the Mosque of the
Prophet ( ).

In this paper, the view that there were only two Sa‘Ëdi expansions
of the Mosque of the Prophet ( ) is adopted. Those two expansions are
ascribed to the first King, King ‘Abd al-‘AzÊz, and the fifth one, King
Fahd. They were successfully carried out between 1370 A.H./1951 C.E.
and 1375 A.H./1955 C.E., and between 1405 A.H./1984 C.E. and
1414 A.H./1994 C.E. respectively. The jobs of both King Faysal and
King KhÉlid cannot be called expansions. They only served as provisional
measures for a fast becoming desperate situation, on the one hand,
and as transitions between the two comprehensive expansions, on the
other.

The first relatively moderate expansion is regarded as a reflection
of the formative phase of the creation and development of the Kingdom
of Sa‘Ëdi Arabia and its gradual assertion on the regional and global
socio-political and economic stage. Whereas the second expansion, which
was the grandest and one of epic proportions, could be viewed as an
affirmation of the identity, crystallized vision and further developmental
aspirations of the Kingdom. As always, the Mosque signified both the
means and goal of a common and unified civilizational drive. It was the
beginning and end of a set of national interests.

As an additional and extremely important dimension in the Sa‘Ëdi
expansions was the impact of the emergence of globalization, end of



Hamdard Islamicus 230 Vol. XLI, Nos. 1 & 2

imperialism, decolonization, unprecedented newfound oil wealth
which brought with it considerable power and influence, and the gradual
growth of the Sa‘Ëdi society in sophistication and its equally gradual, but
particularly cautious, embracing of modernization. Thus, the paper both
conceptualizes and contextualizes the two expansions from the perspective
of the relationship between tradition and modernity in Islamic architecture,
which, in the case of the Sa‘Ëdi expansions of the Mosque, oscillated
between the moods of harmony and conflict, with the former seemingly
outstripping the latter. The discussion in the paper is tripartite,
concentrating on (1) a formative phase, (2) motives for the second epic
expansion, and (3) assessing the originality of the architecture of King
Fahd’s expansion.

A Formative Phase

When on 23 September 1932 C.E./23 JumÉda al-Awwal 1351 A.H.,
‘Abd al-‘AzÊz b. ‘Abd al-RaÍmÉn b. FayÎal formally united the Najd and
Hijaz regions into the Kingdom of Sa‘Ëdi Arabia, with himself as its first
king – as a culmination of a long process that started on the night of
15 January 1902 C.E./6 ShawwÉl 1319 A.H. with the capture of the city
of Riyadh – he knew that ahead lay winding and challenging roads of
consolidation, unification and development that would require maximum
tapping into his inborn qualities and talents, including courage, shrewdness,
farsightedness and religious fervor. Saddened by disintegration and the
state of anarchy, ignorance and poverty in the Arabian Peninsula, resulting
partly from the decline and ultimate collapse of the Ottoman Empire, and
partly from the centuries old local conflicts and vendettas, he resolved to
unify the ranks of his nation under the banner of Islam and its monotheistic
creed.

King ‘Abd al-‘AzÊz went on to unify the scattered parts and
splintered tribes of the Arabian Peninsula. Soon after establishing security
in the Kingdom, he began to organize the state. Departing from the
traditional administrative and organizational systems, he developed the
modern advanced systems that were needed for the new state to function
properly. The modern state also established diplomatic relations in
accordance with officially recognized political representation, including
the appointment of ambassadors.4



Hamdard Islamicus 231 Vol. XLI, Nos. 1 & 2

King ‘Abd al-‘AzÊz was a ruler highly regarded by his people. He
was the father of the Sa‘Ëdi nation, establishing its unity and national
identity, and laying the foundations of its modern evolution. He believed
that his successes teemed from “his faith in Islam and his determination
to maintain and build on the traditions of the region.”5 “It remains this
unique combination of faith and respect for traditions, while adapting to
the technological developments of the modern world, which characterizes
Sa‘Ëdi Arabia today.”6 According to Weston,7 after ‘Abd al-‘AzÊz took
Riyadh in 1319 A.H./1902 C.E., his political career went through three
different phases: about twenty-four years he expanded the kingdom,
about nineteen years he ruled it in poverty, and about eight years he
managed to the best of his ability – at times, mismanaging, though – its
immense new wealth.

It was towards the end of his eventful life, in 1370 A.H./1951 C.E.,
that King ‘Abd al-‘AzÊz ordered that the Mosque of the Prophet ( ) be
rebuilt and expanded. What he did, and how, was it consistent with his

Fig. 2
The Mosque of the Prophet ( ) after the second Sa‘Ëdi expansion by King Fahd.

(Courtesy of the “Madinah: the Refuge of Faith” Museum in Madinah)



Hamdard Islamicus 232 Vol. XLI, Nos. 1 & 2

personal qualities and nation building priorities. It reflected the overall
spirit of the day. The Mosque expansion took place as much because it
was warranted architecturally as because it was needed for boosting the
implementation of his nation building and consolidation agenda.

The last time the Mosque was rebuilt and expanded was during the
reign of Ottoman SulÏÉn Abdulmecid (‘AbdulmajÊd) (d. 1278 A.H./
1861 C.E.), a job that lasted 12 years, from 1265 A.H./1848 C.E. to
1277 A.H./1860 C.E. Thus, following the establishment of the Kingdom
of Sa‘Ëdi Arabia, the Mosque was not too old. During the period of the
Kingdom’s expansion and the period of relative poverty, the Mosque
underwent only some minor maintenance works and improvements. For
example, during the years of 1348-1351 A.H./1929-1932 C.E. – just
before the official establishment of the Kingdom, when the region of
Hijaz, with the holy cities of Makkah and Madinah, was under ‘Abd
al-‘AzÊz’s control – some minimal refurbishment works took place in the
Mosque, affecting the ground, the walls, the columns and the arcades
surrounding the courtyard.8 Moreover, during a period of three years
between 1354 A.H./1935 C.E. and 1357 A.H./1938 C.E., only three
years after the creation of the Kingdom, the Egyptian government was
commissioned to undertake some extensive restoration works that
comprised the Mosque’s ground, arcades, walls, entrances and minarets.9

Though the latter occasion was consistent with the choice and agreement
of the nascent Sa‘Ëdi government, it nevertheless displayed to what
extent the new Sa‘Ëdi administration was still a work in progress. It was
still fragile and needed much to be done in terms of upgrading its human
resources, skilled workforce and technological advances in order to ensure
a strong, sustainable and balanced growth for the country.

Despite all those efforts, the relatively long period of regional political
upheavals that marked the crumbling of the Ottoman Empire and the
gradual emergence of the modern Kingdom of Sa‘Ëdi Arabia, whose
beginnings were steeped in abject poverty and yet, whose primary focus
was the solidification of its political presence and power, contributed to
the adequate maintenance of the Mosque to be every now and then
seriously compromised. The matter resulted in some physical aspects of
the Mosque to structurally critically deteriorate. It in the end led to the
appearance of serious fractures on some columns and in the wall of the
northern section of the Mosque. The structural condition of the Mosque



Hamdard Islamicus 233 Vol. XLI, Nos. 1 & 2

gained international publicity after some Egyptian pilgrims had reported
them in 1368 A.H./1948 C.E. The Egyptian newspapers picked up the
story and with apparent exaggeration made out of it an international issue
that bordered on a scandal. Calls were made for rescuing the Mosque
of the Prophet ( ) from the Sa‘Ëdi incompetence before it collapsed.
Donation drives were instigated and media outlets as well as mosques
and other public institutions were mobilized for the purpose.10

Irrespective of whether the reports were true, grossly exaggerated,
or were simply part of a ploy intended to tarnish both locally and
internationally – especially in the eyes of Muslims – the image of the
newly created state of Sa‘Ëdi Arabia and its ambitions not only to become
the faithful servant of the holy lands of Makkah and Madinah, but also
a regional as well as international force to be reckoned with, the reports
were taken most seriously by King ‘Abd al-‘AzÊz, putting him as much
on the defensive as the offensive. No sooner had the Egyptian reports
reached the King than he contacted the Egyptian Prime Minister asking
him to stop the uncalled-for media witch hunt and indignation.

Indeed, there was so much at stake for the ambitious new state and
its leadership, such as national pride, reputation, religious sentiments at
home and abroad, and a good rapport with fellow Muslims and their
governments. As though partially giving credence to the circulating reports
and somewhat admitting responsibility for their substance, King ‘Abd
al-‘AzÊz pledged to rebuild and enlarge the Mosque. Not only that; he
decided to do so with his own money.11 He said that it was his duty to
sustain in the best possible shape and condition the Mosque, ensuring
thereby the safety, security, wellbeing, services and comfort of its pilgrims
and visitors, in their capacity as the guests of the most Compassionate
(ÌËyuf al-RaÍmÉn), as well as of the Madinah citizens. He even went
international by writing a letter to the entire Muslim community (ummah
islamiyyah) about his expansion plans and the raison d’etre for it.12 The
resonating message was that as the servant of the holy Mosque of the
Prophet ( ), King ‘Abd al-‘AzÊz was simultaneously at the service of
Islam and all Muslims and their religious interests. On top of all this there
were the perennial issues of steady increase of pilgrims and visitors and
their overcrowding inside the Mosque, which also called for an expansion.

After a couple of years of consultations and preparations, involving
especially the Egyptian and Pakistani built environment and civil engineering



Hamdard Islamicus 234 Vol. XLI, Nos. 1 & 2

experts, the work started in 1370 A.H./1951 C.E. As with every other
earlier expansion, the buildings surrounding the Mosque, which stood in
the way of the projected expansion, were first demolished and their
owners duly compensated. In the following year, the foundation stone
was laid. A year later, the foundation trenches were excavated at the
western side of the mosque, near the Gate or BÉb al-RaÍmah where,
according to a report presented by the Egyptian engineers, moisture and
humidity caused considerable damage to the wall. Work continued for
two and a half years, leading to the completion of the new extension.
The Mosque reopened in 1375 A.H./1955 C.E. during the reign of King
Sa‘Ëd.13

For the work, a special office, or bureau (maktab), was created for
the purposes of administering, monitoring and supervising all the matters
as pertained to administration, management, finance, engineering and
construction. The Office had more than fifty officers, including president
and several directors and managers covering a number of its sections.
Under the technical section, there were 14 engineers, 400 technicians
and 1,600 workers. A special workshop, or plant (maÎna‘), was also set
up in the area called Abar ‘Ali on the outskirts of Madinah, about 80 km
from the Mosque. The workshop existed for making bricks, stones and
other necessary building materials. It had a number of engineers and
other built environment experts, as well as 400 ordinary workers. In
addition, imported building materials carried by more than 30 ships via the
port of Yanbˑ, a major Red Sea port in the Madinah province, were
provided. In total, there were more than 30,000 tons of materials thus
imported.14

The new building works were characterized by reinforced concrete
construction with columns supporting pointed arches. The ceiling was
divided into square sections, similar to the wooden ceiling panels, which
were decorated with different patterns. That way, the ceiling itself
resembled a huge pattern that subtly integrated itself with the rest of the
structure’s decorative patterns and elements featuring different sizes and
shapes. The columns had capitals made out of engraved and pierced
yellow brass, the bases of which were covered in dark marble. The
column shafts were dressed in white marble and were painted white, a
significant departure from an aspect of the individuality of the existing
Ottoman architecture in the Mosque according to which the red color



Hamdard Islamicus 235 Vol. XLI, Nos. 1 & 2

was dominant, with column capitals of carved red stone and the bases
of the columns covered in rings of brass. The Ottoman columns were
later also repainted white, so as to create a sense of connectivity and
harmony inside the building. The depth of the foundations for the
walls and columns was five,15 or seven and a half, meters, as per
MubÉrakpËri.16

The Mosque hitherto had five minarets. As part of the latest
expansion, three of them: the MajÊdiyyah at the north-western corner,
the SuleymÉniyyah at north-eastern, and the one near the BÉb
al-RaÍmah (the Doorway of Mercy) on the western side – all of which
were in distinctive Ottoman architectural style – were pulled down. In
their place, two new minarets were constructed in a style similar to the
new building, which could be best described as MamlËk revival style that
served as an evidence of the continuous Egyptian involvement along with
their influences on the expansion mission. The two new minarets stood
at the north-western and north-eastern corners at a height of 70 meters
each. Their foundations were 17 meters deep.17 Each minaret was designed
in four transversal sections or segments. The first was square topped by
a square gallery, the second was octagonal topped by an octagonal
gallery, and the third section or segment was round and was topped by
a round gallery. The first square section of each minaret rose slightly
above the level of the main building.“The first three sections were equal
in height while the fourth was higher and topped by what appears to be
a fifth segment of a ribbed polygonal shape ending with a ribbed cone.”18

The Mosque now had four minarets at four corners. No new minaret
was erected near the BÉb al-RaÍmah.

For the expansion, all parts of the Mosque, except the entire southern
roofed sector that included the original Mosque of the Prophet ( ), his
tomb, his muÎalla (praying place), the honourable RawÌah, minbar
(pulpit), notable historical pillars and some of the earliest expansions,
were demolished. Only some minor improvements and modifications were
affected there, the most remarkable of which was building an additional
western wall, and thus masking from outside the sector’s Ottoman wall
on that side. This job was unavoidable and was necessitated by some
purely structural motives. Hence, the rest of the Mosque, which included
the two courtyards with all of their western, eastern and northern arcades
were completely destroyed, giving way to the new expansion project.



Hamdard Islamicus 236 Vol. XLI, Nos. 1 & 2

When completed, the whole Mosque, comprising the new Sa‘Ëdi
sectors along with the preserved southern Ottoman qiblah side, was
16,327 square meters. Of this total, 12,271 square meters were the
areas – both old and new – affected by the Sa‘Ëdi expansion, and
4,056 square meters was the roofed southern Ottoman area. In terms of
the Mosque’s overall size, the Sa‘Ëdi first expansion added 6,024 square
meters to it. 70 million Sa‘Ëdi riyals were spent for the expansion.19 The
expansion easily eclipsed all the similar efforts in history in terms of their
magnitude, scale and expenditure.

Fig. 3
The Mosque of the Prophet ( ) seen from the southern qiblah side. The first

two south-eastern and south-western minarets are part of the preserved southern
Ottoman area of the Mosque, the next two belong to the first Sa‘Ëdi expansion,
and the last and tallest pair of minarets belong to the second Sa‘Ëdi expansion.

The Mosque had five arcades at its rear, or the northern end, which
run parallel to the qiblah. It also had three arcades at the western and
eastern sides, running perpendicular to the qiblah. Between the two



Hamdard Islamicus 237 Vol. XLI, Nos. 1 & 2

courtyards there was a wing that also had three arcades, running parallel
to the qiblah like their northern counterparts. The width of each of these
arcades was six meters. The floor was covered with marble. In all, the
part of the Mosque built by the Sa‘Ëdis had 232 round columns,
474 pilasters, two inner courtyards, 44 windows, 9 gates and 2 minarets.
The length of the northern wall was 91 meters, and of the eastern and
western walls, 128 meters.20

Of the nine gates, the positions and names of five of them existed
before and were retained because they were important historically and
entailed important historical references. One of the gates whose location
has been painstakingly observed and its name retained was the al-BÉb
al-MajÊdÊ (the Gate of MajÊd or Abdulmecid) at the northern rear side,
named after the Ottoman SulÏÉn who was the last to rebuild and expand
the Mosque before the Sa‘Ëdis. Of the four new gates, two were named
after King ‘Abd al-‘AzÊz and King Sa‘Ëd on the eastern and western
sides respectively, as the patrons and executors of the first Sa‘Ëdi
expansion.21

What stands out perhaps most in connection with the first Sa‘Ëdi
expansion was King ‘Abd al-‘AzÊz’s wisdom, farsightedness and penchant
for consultation and listening. As a result of such qualities, the entire
honorable southern roofed sector that included the Prophet’s original
mosque, his tomb or burial chamber crowned by the magnificent green
dome, his muÎalla (praying place), RawÌah, minbar, historical pillars and
the traces of earlier expansions, was preserved and successfully integrated
into the latest expansion plan. According to al-AnÎÉrÊ,22 it was a
premeditated objective of the first Sa‘Ëdi expansion to impeccably
integrate itself with the existing Ottoman-style Mosque, further enhancing
it structurally and complementing as well as enriching it architecturally.23

Had it not been for those qualities of the Sa‘Ëdi leadership, the most
sensitive and, at the same time, most evocative, consequential and so,
hallowed segment of the Mosque would have been done away with as
well.

The King had to make some tough decisions after two Egyptian
expert committees had presented conflicting reports and recommendations.
They had been commissioned to assess the architectural and functional
state of the Mosque, and come up with comprehensive reports and
action plans. While one committee recommended the complete preservation



Hamdard Islamicus 238 Vol. XLI, Nos. 1 & 2

and integration of the sanctified southern qiblah side of the Mosque, the
other committee, conversely, proposed that the area in question, except
the Prophet’s ( ) burial chamber, be destroyed and rebuilt like the rest
of the Mosque proper. The latter also proposed that the new design
should increase the height of the structure by approximately ten meters,
to 24 meters.24

Finding it difficult to decide, and feeling the pressure of ordinary
people, both locally and internationally, who wanted the most special
segment of the Mosque to remain intact, with the exception of some
necessary restoration works to be accomplished on it, King ‘Abd
al-‘AzÊz sought yet another opinion, this time from a group of most
competent Pakistani building technology and engineering experts. Following
thorough studies, the latter decided in favor of preservation, rather than
demolition, for the reason that the area of the Mosque in question was
structurally solid and was going to prove no impediment whatsoever to
the planned expansion – to the delight of most people, including, certainly,
the King himself. So earnest and genuine was the King about the matter
that he from the very beginning engaged the services of only the best,
and he did so by contacting and dealing with none other than the
governments of both Egypt and Pakistan.25

This way, the King did not want to break away from the past. He
knew that comprehending the present and successfully charting a future
course depended on how the past is understood and dealt with. He knew
that the southern sector of the Mosque, in terms of its architecture, plan
and decorative systems, denoted a historical reference and guide, thus
serving to the people as an inspiration and motivation, as well as a source
of enlightenment and spiritual guidance. It was more than just a structure,
or an architectural space.

The new Mosque was a combination of old and new, seamlessly
incorporated into one cohesive whole. Most of the old sections were
refurbished and enhanced in such a way as to make it difficult sometimes
to pinpoint where they stopped and where the new ones started. One of
the intended purposes and functions of the Mosque – as advocated
primarily by the Ottomans – to be a kind of an exhibition, yet an open
air museum, planned both to educate and inspire the people, was duly
retained with a modern touch concerning the general development style
plus the provision of facilities, services and products.



Hamdard Islamicus 239 Vol. XLI, Nos. 1 & 2

The new expansion was meant to enrich the already invaluable
legacy of the Mosque. Such was projected to be done artistically and
architecturally and at both conceptual and physical planes. The presence
of a great many MamlËk, Ottoman and now modern Sa‘Ëdi components
inside the southern qiblah section of the Mosque presented the story of
the evolution of the identity of Islamic architecture. Furthermore, since
architecture represents the level of the cultural and civilizational
consciousness of a people, the legacy of the Mosque likewise stood for
a story of the growth of Islamic culture and civilization.

The southern part of the Mosque, it goes without saying, was
as much a mirror into the past as it was a springboard to the future. It
was a treasure. It had an unparalleled intrinsic value for all parties.
Destroying it would certainly have led almost everybody to regret sooner
or later. This is so because the preservation of historic buildings is a
one-way road. Once it is gone, there is no chance to restore or revive
a historic building or site. And the people will never know what will
be valued and why in the future. Preservation teaches the people
to respect others and ensure thereby that they and their legacies are
respected by others. Equally, preservation helps the people find their
place in the matrix of things and ideas, just as it helps not only the
past, but also the present, acquire their due recognition and place in the
people.

Finally, amalgamating old with new, or modernity with tradition,
was implemented in the first Sa‘Ëdi expansion, principally, owing to
King ‘Abd al-‘AzÊz’s undisputed personal piety and certain especially
religious revivalist tendencies.26 The decision, in turn, went a long way
in propelling the new Kingdom as a country with a vision that transcended
its own cultural, historical and even ideological parameters, extending
towards those of the whole Muslim community. Regardless of how
some people might have interpreted those decisions of the formative
Sa‘Ëdi leadership, they, nonetheless, enhanced significantly thereby their
standing in the eyes of other Muslims. Had they destroyed and then
rebuilt according to some novel means and designs the most honorable
qiblah section of the Mosque, they would have generated more questions
than answers. The message aired to the world would have been that the
Sa‘Ëdis were hijacking and privatizing the Mosque of the Prophet ( ).
Their civilizational mission would have appeared as though pure



Hamdard Islamicus 240 Vol. XLI, Nos. 1 & 2

Sa‘Ëdi rather than ummatic, i.e., belonging to and concerning the whole
Muslim fraternity. In that, furthermore, the Sa‘Ëdi detractors and
outright enemies would have found an infinite substance for endlessly
condemning and criticizing the Kingdom. In short, demolishing the most
sensitive part of the Mosque under whatever pretexts would have been
suicidal for the Sa‘Ëdis. Marketing themselves as the true custodians of
the holy lands and their holy Mosques would have never been successful
thereafter.

Preserving the oldest section of the Mosque with the Prophet’s
elaborate burial chamber, or tomb, and other historical civilizational vestiges
there, also helped the Sa‘Ëdis to justify many of their other equally
sensitive religious initiatives and programs, the most important of which,
certainly, was the purification of the holy cities of Makkah and Madinah
and their environs of the myriads of impious customs and religious
innovations accrued over many centuries. The Sa‘Ëdis needed to present
themselves to the world as the bona fide champions of genuine Islamization
and global Islamic revivalism, rather than extremists and sheer dogmatists
bent on pursuing their narrow radical and excessive religious as well as
national agendas. And surely, expanding the Mosque the way King ‘Abd
al-‘AzÊz did only played into their hands, giving them the edge over their
critics.

Motives for the Second Epic Expansion

Following the first expansion undertaken by King ‘Abd al-‘AzÊz and
completed by his son, King Sa‘Ëd, the next full-fledged expansion was
undertaken by King Fahd. In between, King FayÎal and King KhÉlid
furnished the Mosque with vast shaded spaces outside its western side,
described by MubÉrakpËri27 as mere shelters. The time span between
the two major expansions was only 29 years.

The second expansion was the greatest and grandest of all. It was
an epic undertaking, producing one of the most remarkable buildings in
the Muslim world, which became a source of pride to Muslims. It was
the largest continuously roofed building in the world.28 Its total size,
including the surrounding piazzas, was more than 12 times the size of the
first Sa‘Ëdi expansion. Its capacity was to accommodate in excess of
one million worshippers.



Hamdard Islamicus 241 Vol. XLI, Nos. 1 & 2

Various reasons could be given for conceiving and embarking on
such a mammoth project by King Fahd. The following two are most
striking: unprecedented crowding and the issue of boosting an Islamic
image.

Unprecedented Crowding

The first and most often cited reason for any expansion of
the Mosque of the Prophet ( ) is increase in the number of pilgrims
and visitors, leading to serious overcrowding, which, in turn, leads to the
wellbeing of pilgrims being proportionately affected. This was the
case especially with regard to the second Sa‘Ëdi expansion due to the
following.

The emergence of the modern Kingdom of Sa‘Ëdi Arabia coincided
with the conceptual and actual cultural ascendancy of the phenomena of
globalization and modernization. Such phenomena, as a consequence, set
in motion global movement of people, goods, ideas, values and systems.
Moreover, popularization of air travel, which dramatically changed the
world and many people’s lives in more than one way – such as relating
to increase in the speed of travel, aiding international businesses and
tourism, and making the world more connected and globalized: economically,
politically, socially and culturally – and which was closely connected to
rising global prosperity, falling travel costs relative to people’s wages, and
lower overall business and travel risk, contributed as significantly to the
escalating cross-border and cross-continental movement of people. The
airplane, thus, is sometimes regarded as the single greatest cultural force
since the invention of writing. On the word of Bill Gates, former CEO
of Microcosm, the airplane became the first World Wide Web, bringing
people, languages, ideas and values together.29

Sa‘Ëdi Arabia in its capacity as a leading world oil producer,
generating an enormous wealth for the country, and increasing manifold
the standard of living of most Sa‘Ëdis, as well as in its capacity as
the home of two of Islam’s holiest sanctuaries, enhanced roughly from
the middle of the 20th century its global stature not only in the eyes
of Muslims, but also among non-Muslims as well. As the site of the
×ajj, or the Muslim annual pilgrimage, which constitutes a fundamental
pillar of Islam, Sa‘Ëdi Arabia, too, was one of the countries that had been



Hamdard Islamicus 242 Vol. XLI, Nos. 1 & 2

most seriously affected by the global developments. According to Baz
Lecocq,30 over the last years, in average, 2.1 million people per year
performed the ×ajj. These millions stand in contrast to the numbers
visiting Makkah half a century ago. On average, until 1946 rough by
60,000 pilgrims visited Makkah annually, with at least half of these coming
from the Arabian Peninsula. Today Sa‘Ëdi nationals make up about a
quarter of all pilgrims.

Based on another statistics, approximately during the past 60 years,
the number of pilgrims increased about 26 times. In 1364 A.H./1944 C.E.,
only 37,630 pilgrims from outside Sa‘udi Arabia performed the Hajj. But
in 1414 A.H./1993 C.E., as many as 995,611 did so. The figure is expected
to rise up to 4 million pilgrims in decades to come.31

The explanations for the staggering nearly thirtyfold increase in
total pilgrims, and the even more spectacular growth of the number of
foreign pilgrims in slightly more than half a century, are quite simple. First
of all, the increasing world population in general led to larger numbers of
pilgrims. Second, the journey became safer and better organized during
the 20th century. In those parts of the Muslim world where it was not
already (the Ottoman Empire), the organization of the ×ajj became a
state affair, organized first by the colonial authorities, and by the
postcolonial states afterwards. Third, improving global economy, and despite
growing disparities in the distribution of global economic wealth, an
increasing number of Muslims could afford to pay for the journey. Fourth,
the availability of cheap mechanical mass transport increased over this
period of time. Finally, Muslim independence from colonialism, and more
freedom for Muslim minorities, especially those that lived under the
Communist yoke, played likewise a big role.32

The growth of ×ajj since approximately 1369 A.H./1949 C.E. has
shown an increase of pilgrims by 100% for every decade. Dramatic
increases in pilgrims put severe strains on the cities of Makkah and
Madinah, which had remained little changed for decades. At ×ajj-time,
roads became impossibly congested, water scarce and pilgrim
accommodation overcrowded.33 The only solution was a spontaneously
comprehensive and hugely expensive program of expansion and renovation
of the two holy cities’ infrastructure and ×ajj facilities, which began in
the second half of the 20th century and still continues. As a matter of
fact, ever since the Kingdom was officially established, the Sa‘Ëdi inclusive



Hamdard Islamicus 243 Vol. XLI, Nos. 1 & 2

renovation and expansion programs were set in motion and never
ceased. With brief hiatuses, the mission only moved from one level of
intensity and volume to another, reaching a sort of a climax in the current
stage.

In order to tackle somehow the issue of unprecedented and endlessly
increasing crowding in the Mosque, especially during the holy month of
RamaÌÉn and during the ×ajj season, King FayÎal and King KhÉlid
created the shaded spaces outside the Mosque’s western side. The spaces
were so vast that they were about three to four times the size of the total
first Sa‘Ëdi expansion. The place, however, was neither pretty nor
adequately functional. It provided the pilgrims and visitors with little
comfort and relief, particularly in summer and winter when the people
needed added protection against the elements. It also lacked some basic
facilities, whereas the others were either insufficient or were not up-to-
date. In peak season, many people had to pray on streets and in other
adjacent open spaces, risking thereby their safety and health, let alone
their comfort and general well-being.

To all intents and purposes, the place was a sign of desperation and
the over whelmingness of the situation, and was calling for a brave and
avant-garde initiative. The initiative, coupled with concrete plan of action,
had to be like no other in history. It had to be commensurate with the
predicaments the Mosque and the city of Madinah were facing. Not only
that; it had to be revolutionary and long-term. That is to say, it had to be
so immense, functional, serviceable and ultramodern that no new expansion
will be sensibly needed in a foreseeable future. Unquestionably, the issue
of unprecedentedly swelling overcrowding in the Mosque of the
Prophet ( ) waited to be tackled head-on and fittingly resolved once
and for all.

No sooner had Fahd bin ‘Abd al-‘AzÊz ascended to the throne on
the death of his half-brother King KhÉlid in 21 Sha‘bÉn 1402 A.H./
13 June 1982 C.E., than he started preoccupying himself with the prospect
of solving the perennial dilemma of the Mosque of the Prophet ( ). He
was of the view that the existing facilities and conditions were neither
sufficient nor conducive to the best fulfillment of the intrinsic purpose
and function of the Mosque and the city of Madinah. In their capacity
as the guests of the most Compassionate (ÌËyuf al-RaÍmÉn), the pilgrims
and visitors deserved more, even if they did not ask, and the Sa‘Ëdis,



Hamdard Islamicus 244 Vol. XLI, Nos. 1 & 2

both as government and ordinary citizens, were duty-bound to do their
level best to make their stay in the Kingdom as comfortable, safe, beneficial
and memorable as possible.34

Hence, when he visited Madinah in the month of MuÍarram
1403 A.H./October 1982 C.E. – only four months after his
enthronement – King Fahd decided to embark on an unmatched expansion
of the Mosque, so as to finally solve all the outstanding crowding related
problems. In addition, he chose to do so in style and make the
Mosque of the Prophet ( ) the biggest and most beautiful mosque in
the whole world, employing the latest and most sophisticated building
technology and engineering advancements. The expansion was devised
to represent a harmonious blend between old and new, and between
tradition and modernity, in Islamic architecture, using the existing Ottoman
part of the Mosque and the first Sa‘Ëdi expansion as a blueprint and a
platform for moving forward. The three: the Ottoman section, the first
Sa‘Ëdi expansion and the new impending one, were set to flawlessly
combine and make up an aggregate that, even though so dynamic, modern
and forward-looking, would remain faithful to the permanent Islamic
teachings and values in general, and to those associated with the mosque
institution in particular.35 Although there were physical demarcations that
were relatively faintly delineating each of the three historical dimensions
of the Mosque, conceptual and spiritual distinguishing benchmarks did not
exist.

In this manner, when completed, the Mosque was both modern and
traditional. It was modern and progressive in terms of its form, structural
performance and engineering means and methods, but traditional and
conventional in terms of its embedded meaning, function and substance.
In other words, the Mosque oozed the aura of authentic Islamic
architecture. It epitomized one of a few exemplars of contemporary
Islamic architecture.

As such, the Mosque was also meant to serve as a catalyst for a
total urban transformation and development of the city of Madinah. That
made perfect sense in that the same pilgrims and visitors needed a
host of other exemplary facilities and services during their brief but
hectic stay in the city, such as roads, transportation, accommodation,
provisions, shops and healthcare. The city urbanization programs, therefore,
were required to be as comprehensive, visionary and long-term as those



Hamdard Islamicus 245 Vol. XLI, Nos. 1 & 2

of the Mosque. That made perfect sense, furthermore, because since its
inception during the Prophet’s era, the Mosque was envisioned as a
community development center, positioned at the heart of the city’s life
and fabric, and influencing, guiding, besides dictating the fate of the
latter. While deciding to make the Mosque of the Prophet ( ) the
driving force in Madinah’s future urban growth, King Fahd clearly made
it go full circle.

Boosting an Islamic Image

During King KhÉlid’s seven years in charge of the country, Sa‘Ëdi
Arabia became one of the richest nations in the world. By 1401 A.H./
1981 C.E., KhÉlid’s last full year as monarch, the Kingdom’s income
soared to USD 300 million a day. There was enough money for everything:
palaces for the royal family; free schools and medical care for the
people; and new highways, seaports, refineries and power plants for the
country’s economy.36 The Sa‘Ëdis generally regarded their oil wealth as
God’s reward to them as recognition of their piety.37

Towards the end of King KhÉlid’s reign, a few dramatic events on
both local and international scenes took place. They significantly affected
in many ways the Kingdom’s affairs, and their profound impacts were
still resonating across the country following King Fahd’s ascension to the
throne.

Those events were the seizure of al-MasjÊd al-×aram in Makkah
in 1400 A.H./1979 C.E. by a group of Sa‘Ëdi conservative rebels claiming
that a political and religious revolution in the country had begun. The
uprising ended in bloodshed. This event triggered significant protests by
the Shi‘ah in the city of Qatif in the oil-rich Eastern Province as well.
The protests that quickly morphed into widespread rioting spread to other
towns and lasted three days, resulting in 17 people being killed, hundreds
wounded, and several oil installations being sabotaged.38 The latter series
of incidents looked yet more ominous when juxtaposed against the
backdrop of the rise of Khomeini and the subsequent Iranian revolution
in 1400 A.H./1979 C.E. The revolution was followed by Iran-Iraq war
(1401-1409 A.H./1980-1988 C.E.) in which the Sa‘Ëdis openly and
generously supported Iraq. Moreover, the beginning of King Fahd’s
rule coincided with the beginning of the end of the oil boom which



Hamdard Islamicus 246 Vol. XLI, Nos. 1 & 2

translated itself into the sharp fall in price, production and revenues. For
example, the Kingdom’s oil revenues plunged from USD 116 billion in
1402 A.H./1981 C.E. to just USD 17 billion in 1407 A.H./1986 C.E.39

The first set of events had one thing in common. All of the rebels
in al-Masjid al-×aram in Makkah, the local ShÊ‘ah population and the
Shʑah of Iran spearheaded by their new charismatic leader, Khomeini,
accused the Sa‘Ëdi leadership of being corrupt, impious and materialistic.
The leader of the nearly 300 rebels in the holy Mosque in Makkah,
Juhayman bin MuÍammad al-Utaibi, while urging the people to join him
and his revolution, denounced the Sa‘Ëdi royal family as un-Islamic and
said that power should be based on one’s devotion to Islam alone. He
described them as fraudulent, worshipping money and spending it on
palaces rather than on mosques and other religious establishments.40 “He
called for the Sa‘Ëdi princes to give a full accounting of their wealth and
demanded that they break their diplomatic, military and educational ties
to non-Muslim countries.” He also demanded that the Sa‘Ëdi government
stop selling oil to the West and stop investing money abroad.41

Khomeini, too, made repeated television and radio broadcasts that
attacked the house of Sa‘Ëd as “pleasure-seeking mercenaries” unworthy
of ruling the holy cities of Makkah and Madinah and their holy Mosques.
At one point he asked: “How long must Satan rule in the House of
God?”42

Accordingly, in the early eighties the Kingdom of Sa‘Ëdi
Arabia was approaching something of the crossroads. Hence, when
King Fahd took the reins of power, he had to adapt some of his major
governmental programs and policies to the tune of the prevailing local
and international socio-political and religious circumstances. Even his
image he had to adjust considerably, not due to principle, but due to
political exigency.

Fahd had long held a reputation for being one of the Sa‘Ëdi liberals,
and he was the chief architect of the Kingdom’s modernization programs.
His rise to power raised the hopes of Sa‘Ëdi progressives that long-
promised political reforms would be enacted. However, those hopes were
dashed shortly after Fahd’s enthronement, as the strict implementation of
the Islamic laws and traditions continued unabated. Worse was the fact
that Fahd’s succession coincided with the first inklings of the bursting of
the country’s petrodollar bubble. It became a popular belief that since oil



Hamdard Islamicus 247 Vol. XLI, Nos. 1 & 2

wealth was bestowed by God due to the Sa‘Ëdi people’s piety, its dwindling
was on account of God expressing His displeasure over the Sa‘Ëdis’
gradual drift from Islam into materialism and Westernism.43 Reversing
the trend, it follows, was the only avenue to reversing the country’s
fortunes.

In such an atmosphere, hopes that Fahd could oversee liberal reforms
quickly evaporated. Instead – and true to many people’s expectations –
he resorted to shoring up his Islamic credentials and building a reputation
of a wise, caring and moderate leader steeped in the spirit of the Islamic
message, so as to fend off the growing criticism at home and abroad
targeting his policies and personal life.44 He might have been frustrated
at first with the ‘ulamÉ (religious leadership), but he needed them on-
board if he wanted to succeed in circumventing potential controversies
and scandals – especially in the latter stages of his life – and in modelling
himself as a true leader championing in equal measure the interests of
Islam, his people and all Muslims. The strategy worked to a great extent
and both history and public opinion were generally kind to King Fahd,
either singing praises to him or regarding him neutrally without taking any
sides.

As one of a few tentative reformist measures of King Fahd, while
addressing a meeting of scholars from the Organization of Islamic
Conference (OIC) just a couple of weeks after his ascension, he called
for the scholars to give up their monopoly on interpreting what is right
and wrong in society. He also suggested a refurbishment of the practice
of consultation or ijtihÉd (independent reasoning) between scholars and
believers that would reconcile the Sharʑah with modern life. Observers
are of the view that the gist of his message was unpalatable to the
‘ulamÉ, who quickly distanced themselves. That might have caused the
King to recoil and never mention the subject again.45 He might yet have
regretted the content of his address, working thereafter on bolstering his
religious reputation and commitments with the aim of offsetting the
untoward repercussions his speech had earlier generated.

This outlook of King Fahd is epitomized by the following words of
his: “The aims of Kingdom of Sa‘Ëdi Arabia are to strengthen God’s
Sharʑah and to stick to all its aspects of life, using all the natural
resources which God gifted us, exert great efforts so as to achieve
comprehensive development and to raise the citizens’ standards of living



Hamdard Islamicus 248 Vol. XLI, Nos. 1 & 2

so that they could live in peace and prosperity. Moreover, God has
enabled these countries to achieve so many things and we will achieve
more and more due to God’s will and strength as well as the cooperation
of citizens seeking to achieve such aims.”46

As part of the boosting of his and his government’s Islamic image,
King Fahd undertook the most ambitious expansion of the Mosque of the
Prophet ( ) (he also expanded as extensively al-Masjid al-×aram in
Makkah, and restored al-Masjid al-AqÎÉ and the Dome of the Rock in
Jerusalem). Despite the lean years of his tenure, often called the age of
austerity,47 he spared no expense in carrying the epic expansion through.
Eventually, the cost of the expansion of the Mosque of the Prophet ( )
swelled to whopping 30 billion Sa‘udi riyals. King Fahd once said to the
effect that investing in the expansion of the holy Mosques meant investing
in the country’s future. The noble mission will return ample goodness
(khayr) and blessings (barakah) to the country and its people.48

In order to immortalize his association with the two holy Mosques
and his contributions towards their total transformation and painstaking
upkeep, setting in the process some new standards for further
popularization of the Sa‘Ëdi monarchy and legitimization of its undertakings,
King Fahd adopted the honorable title of KhÉdim al-×aramayn
(Custodian, Protector or Servant, of the two holy Sanctuaries or Mosques).
He was the first Sa‘Ëdi ruler to do so, thus reviving a tradition that dates
back to legendary ØalÉhuddÊn al-AyyËbi (Saladin) (d. 589 A.H./
1193 C.E.) – according to some, even earlier – and which was widely
articulated thereafter by some MamlËk and Ottoman sulÏÉns as well.49

To ×Émid ‘AbbÉs,50 King Fahd’s adoption of the title in question was an
official declaration and endorsement of what was transpiring all along in
the Kingdom since its establishment. It was an overdue formal proclamation
of the obvious.

Historically, the KhÉdim al-×aramayn designation was oscillating
from being merely honorable and hereditary, to being expressive and
indicative of tributes for outstanding services rendered to the two holy
cities and their holy Mosques, and by extension, to Islam and Muslims
at large. It appears as though the reason behind King Fahd’s use of the
title was a combination of both. After King Fahd, King ‘Abdullah
(d. 1436 A.H./2015 C.E.) and the incumbent King SalmÉn both followed
suit and adopted the same honorable title.



Hamdard Islamicus 249 Vol. XLI, Nos. 1 & 2

Proud of his royal family’s role in making the pilgrimages to Makkah
and Madinah easier, more comfortable, cheaper and safer for Muslims
around the world, King Fahd announced on 23 Øafar 1407 A.H./
27 October 1986 C.E. that he wanted a new and more humble title. He
is reported to have said: “I want to replace ‘His Majesty’ by something
I adore and am honored to carry, and that is ‘KhÉdim al-×aramayn.’”
The title indicated the King’s belief and total care for the holy Mosques.
Similarly, it implied all the aspirations in his mind and conscience, i.e.,
return to God, Islam, Sharʑah and serving the two Mosques. That was
considered at once an honor and responsibility.51

When once some sceptics questioned the timing and feasibility of
such massive expansion projects under the existing challenging economic
conditions, King Fahd self-assuredly replied that he did not worry at all,
for he knew that because the projects were intended to be undertaken
most sincerely for the sake of God and for the benefit of the entire
Muslim community, God and his Divine providence will guide him to the
best of ways. The successful completion of the Mosque expansion in
record time – sceptics were arguing that between 20 and 30 difficult and
taxing years were needed – plus what persisted of the country’s financial
sustainability, a subsequent new oil boom and a new favorable business
climate, were perceived as a heavenly reward for the heroic completion
of the expansions (not only of the Mosque of the Prophet ( ), but also
al-Masjid al-×arÉm). The boons were seen as the return on the earlier
investments, vindicating the courage of the King and his government.52

Regarding the expansion assignment as a duty towards Islam and all
Muslims, King Fahd contacted mainly during a planning stage the Muslim
governments, in addition to some other relevant international consultative
bodies, informing them of his government’s intentions, and seeking
constructive advices and suggestions as to how best it should go about
doing it.53 Given that the Mosque belonged to all Muslims, it stands to
reason that the King felt that they all should be duly informed and kept in
the know about the development plans, and that their governments and other
relevant agencies yet be allowed to express opinions and put forward
suggestions pertaining to the nature and implementation of the whole thing.

From the outset, King Fahd took the Mosque expansion to heart.
He formed a ministerial committee which was headed by himself to
supervise the expansion project. In order to ensure continuous progress



Hamdard Islamicus 250 Vol. XLI, Nos. 1 & 2

without even slightest delays and distractions, he appointed the emir, or
the governor, of Madinah province as his deputy. Another executive
committee was also formed, and was directed by the latter as well. The
King made it a point to make site visits to the Mosque project at least
once a year to personally inspect the progress and quality of the work.
His leadership as well as supervisory involvements from the project’s
conception to its completion were both remarkable and painstaking. He
meticulously and to the minutest details studied every architectural, artistic,
engineering and operational idea, proposal, plan and design concerning
virtually every aspect of the Mosque’s development, making countless
constructive remarks and suggestions in the process. For example, it was
him who chose building materials for the Mosque’s floor and walls. Also,
when his designers and engineers proposed that only one level be
designated for parking with a capacity of 2,000 vehicles, the King objected
on the grounds that it was insufficient. He then ordered that two levels
with a double parking capacity be built instead.54

Assessing the Originality of the Architecture of
King Fahd’s Expansion

Following the second expansion, the Mosque of the Prophet ( ),
including its external open spaces, or piazzas, which were designated as
additional praying areas, could accommodate in excess of one million
worshippers. It was a massive undertaking, resulting in the Mosque
becoming the biggest and architecturally most outstanding in the world.
To some, the expansion represented “the realization of one of the most
unique architectural feats in the world.”55

The entire Mosque area, together with the piazzas, became 400,500
square meters. It encompassed the core of the city of Madinah as it was
during the Prophet’s ( ) time. The Mosque had three levels: a basement,
ground-floor level and roof terrace. The latter is used as an additional
praying space whenever required. Since all the services for the building
were relegated to the basement area, the space of the ground-floor level
was completely freed to be used by pilgrims and visitors for worship
purposes. This created panoramic views of the interior of the main
praying floor without any visual barriers or interruptions between the
arcades, axes and dividing walls.



Hamdard Islamicus 251 Vol. XLI, Nos. 1 & 2

The height of the ground floor is 13 meters. The height of the
basement, however, is only 4 meters, raised above the 20 meter deep
foundations. The basement takes up an area identical to the ground floor.
Italian white Carrara marble covers the floors of the main prayer hall at
the ground-floor level. Its cold feel is always a welcome cooling effect
especially during the long hot summer months. At the roof level, floors
are covered in white Thassos marble which reflects heat, providing also
a cool floor space. At the basement level, the floors are covered in
ceramic tiles, governed by the functional requirements of that area.56

The plan of the expansion was rectangular. It featured a system
that was formed by the repetition of units similar in form and dimension,
which enclosed 27 courtyards adorned with sliding domes. The units are
connected with a forest of columns and arches, forming numerous arcades
some of which run parallel, and others perpendicular, to the qiblah side.
The ceiling is based on a dimensional unit of either 6 × 6 meters or
18 × 18 meters, and is supported by a set of regular load-bearing columns
at 18 meters intervals.57

The plan thus appeared as though a macro-arabesque, so to speak,
consisting of endlessly intertwined flowing lines, axes, shapes and patterns.
It followed a logic of geometry, the knowing and following of
which prove invaluable if one wanted to aptly discover, appreciate and
interact with the Mosque. Due to a forest of columns and arches that
alternated white and bluish-grey voussoirs, the Mosque often reminds of
the interior of the Great Mosque of Cordoba in Spain where a forest of
columns and arches, alternating red and white voussoirs, was famously
featured.

The second expansion incorporated 2,104 columns. All columns are
covered with Italian white Carrara marble. The capitals have an octagonal
base. They are made out of fine polished brass, engraved and carved in
a floral geometric motif which is repeated on each of the four faces.
Above each capital is a rectangular frieze cast with three eight-pointed
stars in artificial stone. The frieze surrounds each capital on four sides,
with another artificial stone frieze worked in pyramid shapes running
above it. Four arches spring from each column (with the exception of the
courtyard arcade in which there are three), to form the arcade spaces
and the structure of the ceiling. The arches are covered in artificial
granite in alternating bands of bluish-grey and white on the interior soffits,



Hamdard Islamicus 252 Vol. XLI, Nos. 1 & 2

and embellished with decorative floral motifs at the top side corners of
the outer arches as they meet the ceiling.58

A unique feature of the expansion project was the development of
27 main internal courtyards, each courtyard being capped by a state-of-
the-art sliding dome, which can be rapidly opened or closed according to
the weather and can be used in unison or separately as required.
Elaborately carved stone friezes decorate the domes, and the courtyards
have been paved in decorative geometrically patterned marble tiles.

These mobile courtyard domes perform an effective environmental
and climate-modifying function, contributing to the sustainable integrity of
the Mosque. They counteract the extreme seasonal changes in climate
and control as well as support the air-conditioned environment of the
building. “In summer, as the sun rises in the morning, the domes move
silently over the courtyards, sealing the openings perfectly and thus
providing shade and supporting the air-conditioning system. In the evening,
the domes slide back, warm air radiating to the cold night sky. In winter
this process is reversed, so that heat can be absorbed from the sun
during the day and radiation prevented at night when the courtyards are
covered. In addition, the white background of these domes had the added
benefit of reflecting sunlight, thereby lowering the overall temperature of
the structure.”59

It is notable that the design of the domes had to be considerate
towards both the architectural proclivity of the new expansion and the
Mosque’s oldest and most revered section. The form of a shallow
pendentive segmented dome was thus designed to complement the original
majestic green dome above the Prophet’s burial chamber, or tomb, with
neither conceptually, nor visually, nor aesthetically challenging its
pre-eminence, or integrity, within the Mosque. Furthermore, “the uniformity
in the design of the domes, with their white exteriors interlaced with blue,
was preconceived as creating a serene relationship with the sky, while
reflecting upon the intrinsic values in the geometric designs which embellish
the interior sphere of each dome.”60

The project also included six additional minarets, each one being
105-meter tall and crowned with a four ton gold-plated crescent. Each
minaret has a foundation 40 meters deep. The Mosque now has
10 minarets in total. The development of the surrounding open areas and
the seven newly constructed entrances ensured the smooth passage of



Hamdard Islamicus 253 Vol. XLI, Nos. 1 & 2

pilgrims into the Mosque. An extension to the roof area for praying
purposes has also been added, whilst also allowing for the possibility of
adding another floor to accommodate worshippers in the future, boosting
thereby the building’s sustainability prospect. In order to facilitate the
movement of people across different levels, the building extension has
also been fitted out with 18 staircases and 12 escalators placed at the
most strategic places near the main entrances.

The Mosque became fully air-conditioned. The comfort of
worshippers has been further enhanced by the unique and ingeniously
conceived shading system. Twelve enormous mechanically operated Teflon
umbrellas, six in each of the two open courtyards, have been deployed
to protect pilgrims and help them withstand the high temperatures. Their
height – 14 meters when opened – corresponds exactly with the height
of the eaves of the Mosque and in this position they perfectly fit the
proportions of the two courtyards. The umbrellas are programmed to
open and close according to climate conditions. The process takes less
than 90 seconds, drastically influencing the internal conditions of the
building and reducing energy consumption.61 Later during the time of
King ‘Abdullah, 250 similar umbrellas were installed in the Mosque’s
surrounding piazzas (thus totaling the figure to 262).

The Mosque project also included provision of extensive car parking
facilities. A labyrinth of service tunnels, drainage systems and supply
networks also now crisscrosses the area. In fact, the magnitude of
support services made it necessary to construct a vast basement complex
in which to accommodate the service equipment and wiring needs, as
well as various other maintenance works.

The reconstructed main gate leading into the Mosque site, the new
King Fahd entrance, is situated on the northern side, and is topped with
a profusion of domes and minarets on both sides. The exquisite decorations
and architectural touches here and elsewhere are in complete harmony
with earlier building work on the site, and they feature wonderfully crafted
golden grilles, cornices, pillars, brass doors and marble works, as well as
special ornately carved pigeon holes for the copies of the holy Qur’an.

The decorative systems of the Mosque are admirable. They feature
extensive calligraphy, geometry and floral patterns, often interwoven into
intricate arabesques. The effects of these are further augmented by
ingenious use and manipulation of rich and bright colors and abundant



Hamdard Islamicus 254 Vol. XLI, Nos. 1 & 2

light. As a result, the expansive prayer hall seems all the more magnified
and outspread by its clever organization of arcades and repeated geometry.
A view from one end of the Mosque into any of the prayer arcades,
displaying the seemingly endless progression of arches, generates a feeling
of an infinite craving and a constant spiritual movement towards a higher
order of ontological realities and experiences. The building thus accentuates
the effects of its shape and volume, ensuring a strong chromatic impression
as well. The decorative conceptualization that emphasized the repetition
of the myriads of geometric units, often led to the creation of bigger and
more complex patterns as a result of repetitions and unfolding. This
regeneration, based on geometric principles, is what causes the ideas of
proportion and harmony to be reflected and intuitively felt in the spaces.

Befitting its religious and historical significance, the building has
much to offer to the body, mind and soul. The completeness of its
structural, aesthetic and functional performances necessitates the
completeness of experiences in its users. The building’s decorative styles
engender a mixture of feelings of peace, tranquility, devotion, enthusiasm,
elation and curiosity. It as much soothes and relaxes as it inspires and
educates. For instance, while some decorative elements are used for
demarcating the prayer bays running between the bases of the columns,
others are used for demarcating certain structural components and entire
units and their harmonious relationship with other components and units,
and yet others are used for determining the positions and points of
openings, arches, heights and both the vertical and horizontal lines with
curvatures.62

The plan, design and decorative schemes of the Mosque intimate
that it was never meant to impose itself on its existential surroundings.
Nor did it intend to conquer, as it were, space, though its foremost
objective was to carve out and enclose some of it. Rather, the Mosque
was meant to be in complete harmony as much with its physical as with
metaphysical truths and realities. The concern was how the end result
will stand out when juxtaposed with the existing universal setting, a result
of heavenly will and artistry, in terms of both the outward appearance
and total function of the Mosque: will it complement, or contrast with it;
will it go well with it, or will it appear as if something of a misfit, an
oddity, or even offensiveness?

A perceptive observer easily gets a feeling that, as a corollary of



Hamdard Islamicus 255 Vol. XLI, Nos. 1 & 2

such an attitude, the space carved out for the Mosque has been
approached with reverence, not arrogance, as it is God’s physical realm
where people are to live and operate as mere servants. It has been
furthermore cut off in humility and with ease, harboring neither might,
nor self-assertion, nor defiance. This is an important at once spiritual and
intellectual lesson to be duly communicated to the people not only in
relation to the Mosque of the Prophet ( ), but also in relation to the
whole sphere of Islamic architecture. Besides, the ultimate objective of
the Mosque of the Prophet ( ) – and indeed, of every other mosque –
is to promote, inculcate and facilitate in a person peaceful and productive
relationships with his Creator and Master, with fellow men and women,
and with the rest of creation.

Accordingly, it is an Islamic architectural precept that Muslim
architects, designers and structural engineers should strive to exhibit
through their creativity and skills, anchored in the power of the Islamic
worldview, that the buildings designed by them interact with space, flowing
into and becoming part of general space, instead of separating from it.
Buildings thus generally remain connected with outside space by means
of the open inner courtyards, windows and other apertures. Toward the
same end, the edge of many Muslim building is often crenulated, the
skyline sometimes multiplied, and the vertical edges recessed or protruded
with broken surfaces designed to lessen the impact of the cut-off in
space.63 It goes without saying, therefore, that in Islam, architecture –
just like any other noble pursuit and craft taken up for the sake of
pleasing God – is but a vehicle for aiding the accomplishment of the
mission of Islam, not a goal in itself. It is a form of worship, and those
who practice it correctly will be rewarded correspondingly.

The Mosque of the Prophet ( ) has further given prominence to
this salient Islamic architectural principle by rendering its surrounding
spaces incorporated into the overall design scheme, forming from them
open piazzas that essentially became transitional spaces between the
surrounding town (space) and the Mosque proper. These can be converted
into additional prayer areas, should the need arise to accommodate a
greater capacity than the interior of the Mosque complex can hold, in
particular during the pilgrimage season and the weekly Friday Jumu‘ah
prayer. “The treatment of these spaces serves as an extension of the
Mosque complex, defining its exterior surroundings and ensuring a



Hamdard Islamicus 256 Vol. XLI, Nos. 1 & 2

coordinated link with the urban fabric. This can be seen in the squares
which extend around the Mosque and their link with the street network
leading to the city and its urban matrix which encompasses administrative,
commercial and residential buildings. The new Mosque extension has
been the heart and initiating force of the urban planning process.”64

The concept behind the new design was to achieve a harmonious
integration between the existing historical areas and elements of the
Mosque, dating back to the MamlËkes, Ottomans and the first Sa‘Ëdi
expansion, and the new technologically advanced expansion, resulting in
a balanced and organic entity. The protrusion of the oldest part of the
Mosque from the building’s main rectangle frame on the southern qiblah
part signaled that the old architectural traditions of the Mosque, along
with the principles and values such traditions exemplified, connoted a
basis of the building’s architectural legitimacy, and a point of reference
for evaluating its overall operations and prospective future directions.
Therefore, to some, like Badr,65 the plan of the Mosque after the second
Sa‘udi expansion resembled somewhat a wide human upper body with
broad shoulders. The protruding oldest Ottoman part of the Mosque
brings to mind the idea of the head, and the first Sa‘Ëdi expansion lying
under the former and very much inside the Mosque proper, reminds one
of all those vital organs that function in the chest directly beneath a
person’s head and neck. Without a doubt, the message that the allegory
conveys is unmistaken insofar as the relationship between the old and
new sections of the Mosque are concerned. As a matter of fact, in terms
of architectural design, plan and decorative style, King Fahd’s expansion
in many ways was inspired by and followed the first Sa‘Ëdi expansion.
The latter, thus, was as much the former’s archetype, or antecedent, as
its prelude, or overture. Such a relationship was a proof of the Mosque’s
spontaneous and harmonious architectural growth, despite its immense
size, instead of random and indiscriminate additions, or sprawls.

Moreover, the expansion was to concentrate on the amalgamation
of the classical Islamic architectural traditions, while at the same time
accentuating the use of suitable building materials that distinguish the
historical, alongside geographical, landscape of Sa‘Ëdi Arabia, such as
granite, marble and stone. The intention, additionally, was to simultaneously
apply the latest advances in building technology and engineering through
high-tech building designs, industrialized construction materials, production



Hamdard Islamicus 257 Vol. XLI, Nos. 1 & 2

as well as building methods and techniques. The pure vernacular styles
of architecture in the Arabian Peninsula, employing mainly mud bricks,
timber, earth plaster and stone rubble, were shunned, firstly, because,
when it comes to durability, strength and visual appeal, they were
inadequate for the sophisticated and ultramodern expansion, and, secondly,
because they were essentially local in character and, as such, were not
in a position to create a globally recognized and accepted brand of
Islamic architecture.

Architecturally, the expansion followed the MamlËke revival, or neo-
MamlËke, style. It featured massive entry portals that easily remind one
of massive ÊwÉns in typical MamlËke four-ÊwÉn plans; façade recesses
into which doors and windows are placed; colored glass and stucco grills
for window openings and other smaller apertures; inlaid marble for surface
decoration; intricate arabesque patterns with geometric and floral elements
for decoration; calligraphy, particularly on horizontal bands that run across
the façade of a building; stilted pointed arches with alternate white and
bluish-grey voussoirs – a technique known as ablÉq in which the MamlËkes
excelled; richly ornamented and embellished flat ceiling, clad in artificial
stone, featuring carved floral and geometric patterns; and minarets that
have different sections along the component parts of their shafts, resulting
in an arrangement referred to as the three or four-tiered minarets.

The one thing that the highly symmetrical Mosque of the Prophet ( )
did not adopt from the MamlËke architecture was the latter’s consistent
asymmetry. In their overall composition, the MamlËke buildings, time and
again, tended to emphasize the use of balance over symmetry. The
alignment of the buildings with the different directions of the streets and
the qiblah wall was emphasized. However, that was understandable in
that the MamlËke society and architecture thrived, for the most part, in
densely populated urban environments, such as Cairo and Damascus.
Frequent asymmetry in their buildings was not by design, but due to
necessity.

Resorting to the MamlËke revival style was a reasonable course of
action for the Sa‘Ëdis on account of the following two reasons. First, the
last truly international Islamic architectural style was that of the Ottomans.
However, the Sa‘Ëdis were not inclined to adopting it because of a
considerable feeling of resentment many Sa‘Ëdis, thanks to the past
political tensions and conflicts, harbored against the Ottomans and their



Hamdard Islamicus 258 Vol. XLI, Nos. 1 & 2

heritage in the Kingdom, as well as because of the comparative
inappropriateness of the Ottoman architectural style – whose main
characteristic was the dominance of a central dome, often combined
with a series of half-domes and small domes that cascaded from the
former, which covers a significant part of the prayer hall – to thrive in
a hot-arid, or desert, climate.

In addition, although the Ottoman mosque architecture struck a
delicate balance between the internal and external spaces, it still could
be regarded as introverted, or inward-looking, rather than extroverted, or
outward-looking. Whereas, such are the character, volume and scale of
the Mosque of the Prophet ( ), plus the geographical and environmental
setting wherein it had been planted, that the disposition of the Ottoman
mosque architecture would not have fully satisfied them. The latter parts
of this reality even the Ottoman SulÏÉns themselves had fully grasped.
Hence, they never contemplated the prospect of expanding and rebuilding
the Mosque of the Prophet ( ) in an Ottoman architectural style.66

Second, the phenomenon of architectural revivalism has become
popular globally since the 19th century. That was so in part as a romantic
reaction to the impersonal and soulless nature of the industrial revolution.
Mass production of objects, including furniture and art, caused people to
hark back to the “good old days”, firmly rooted in the prevailing trend of
Romanticism. While many people tried to re-discover themselves, no
past style was safe from “updating” during the 19th century, especially
in the United States. Initially, classically inspired styles such as Greek
revival and Roman revival were madly popular in the US because of the
perception by Americans that American democracy was based on the
“democracies” of antiquity.67

As a consequence of these global trends, a number of Islamic
architectural revivalist trends in the Muslim world also emerged. The
MamlËke revival style played a significant role in the Middle East because
it represented in many ways a cumulative representation of most former
Islamic styles.68 As such, it was also most evocative of the fast-fading
cultural and civilizational glory of Muslims. It was still living on, both in
the form of many functional masterpieces that were dotting the region,
and in the minds and hearts of many people. It was most fluid and open-
ended style, ever receptive to new ideas, refinements and enrichments.
Thus, for example, at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the



Hamdard Islamicus 259 Vol. XLI, Nos. 1 & 2

20th century, the MamlËke revival style architecture was chosen for the
majority of public buildings commissioned by the state in Egypt. Such
was the case because of the increasing influences of Europe and how
the people responded to them, the wave of modernization in Cairo, and,
of course, because of certain religious motives.69

It was easiest for the Sa‘Ëdis, too, to relate to and accept the neo-
MamlËke style while they were grappling with the phenomena of
westernization, globalization and nation-building, trying at the same time
to capitalize on the elements of populism and religion in their evolving
political ideology. Such a style was a combination of the familiar and the
innovative, of the old and new.70 It was so flexible that it could endlessly
incorporate into its orb as much of the elements of tradition as of the
innovative and technological ideas and solutions of modernity. It could
easily be described as Islamic, yet modern, or modern, yet Islamic,
whichever appellation was making more sense and was more marketable
to the people.

No wonder that apart from the Mosque of the Prophet ( ), the
Sa‘Ëdis embraced, partly or completely, the same neo-MamlËki style for
many of their great many public buildings, including mosques. That was
in equal measure a political, social and religious statement. It was a
confirmation of the Sa‘Ëdi national development paradigm, and a part of
the building of their own architectural identity. However, it also showed
the extent to which Egypt, from the beginning the epicenter of the
MamlËke revival style, was still influencing the region, above all culturally
and socially.

Conclusion

There were two major Sa‘Ëdi expansions of the Mosque of the
Prophet ( ), one by the first King ‘Abd al-‘AzÊz and the other by the
fifth King Fahd. The first expansion took place during the formative
years of the newly formed Kingdom of Sa‘Ëdi Arabia. It was thus
regarded as a prelude to the second expansion, which is aptly described
as epic and the grandest of all earlier expansions. Its total area
encompassed the entire core of the city of Madinah as it was during the
Prophet’s era. At the end of each expansion, the Mosque’s architecture
was a combination of old and new, seamlessly incorporated into one



Hamdard Islamicus 260 Vol. XLI, Nos. 1 & 2

cohesive whole. Following the second expansion, the three main
dimensions of the Mosque: the Ottoman section, the first Sa‘Ëdi expansion
and the latest one, were flawlessly integrated, making up an aggregate
that, even though so dynamic, modern and forward-looking, remained
faithful to the permanent Islamic teachings and values, in general, and to
those associated with the mosque institution, in particular. Although there
were physical demarcations that were relatively faintly delineating each
of the three historical aspects of the Mosque, conceptual and spiritual
distinguishing benchmarks did not exist. Both expansions, in principle,
adopted the neo-MamlËke style in mosque architecture, which particularly
at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century dominated
especially in Egypt the Muslim leading architectural revivalist tendencies.
This additionally demonstrated the extent to which Egypt culturally and
socially was still wielding influence over the Kingdom. The Mosque truly
oozed the aura of authentic Islamic architecture. It epitomized one of a
few exemplars of contemporary Islamic architecture. It is unheard of
that anyone who visited the Mosque had any serious complaints or
unpleasant experiences relating to the building’s form, function, aesthetics,
facilities and services, which is the strongest attestation to its architectural
excellence.

Finally, the newly emerging local and global trends had a great
many far-reaching implications for the form and function of the Mosque.
But the Sa‘Ëdi leadership appears to have quickly and fully come to
terms both with the significance and magnitude of the subject matter.
Irrespective of what their inner spiritual motives might have been – and
irrespective of what some people might say in favor of, or against,
them – they were ready to pour their petrodollars amassed through exports
of crude oil into the prospects of expanding and advancing the contours,
function and services of the Mosque and other correlated sites and their
own infrastructure. They felt that they owed that, first of all, to the
Mosque itself, and to the entire Muslim ummah (community). They
witnessed the effects of the country’s vast wealth – which, when all is
said and done, God had nothing but honored and greatly tested them
with – amply manifesting themselves in all spheres of life, so, neither did
they hesitate to bigheartedly sanction the same insofar as the Mosque
and its expected performances were concerned. Such was always
regarded as an act of servitude, philanthropy and remuneration, so to



Hamdard Islamicus 261 Vol. XLI, Nos. 1 & 2

speak, not only with respect to the pilgrims, but also to the Mosque as
an ideological concept and architectural reality. It must have appeared
unfair to the Sa‘Ëdi leadership that the Mosque should have been left
lagging behind in mirroring God’s abundant boons and blessings, while all
other sectors of society unselfishly did otherwise. They must have
reasoned, furthermore, that such a scenario could even lead some people
who harbored incorrect thoughts, or possessed weak faith, to disrespect
the Mosque and all the history, meanings and values it evocatively
symbolized. Without a doubt, nonetheless, to be in charge concerning any
of the affairs of the holy city of Madinah and its holy Mosque denotes
as much an individual glory and privilege as a communal and civilizational
responsibility, the latter perhaps somewhat overshadowing the former
owing to its infinitely diffused scope and ramifications.

This principle that generally governed the evolution of the identities
of the culture and civilization of Muslims is derived from the following
Qur’Énic words: “Say: who has forbidden the beautiful (gifts) of Allah
which He has produced for His servants, and the things, clean and pure,
(which He has provided) for sustenance? Say: They are, in the life of
this world, for those who believe, (and) purely for them on the Day of
Judgment. Thus do We explain the Signs in detail for those who know”
(al-A‘rÉf:32).

God also says: “O you who have believed, do not prohibit the good
things which Allah has made lawful to you and do not transgress. Indeed,
Allah does not like the transgressors. And eat of that which Allah has
provided for you (which is) lawful and good. And fear Allah, in Whom
you are believers” (al-MÉ’idah:87-88).

On this, Prophet MuÍammad ( ) also said that when God bestows
a gift on a servant of His, He loves to see the traces of that gift on
him.71

Notes and References

1. Al-AnÎÉrÊ, NÉji MuÍammad,‘ImÉrah wa TawsÊ‘ah al-Masjid al-NabawÊ al-SharÊf
‘Abr al-TÉrÊkh, Madinah, NÉdi al-Madinah al-Munawwarah al-‘Adabi, 1996,
pp. 165-197; Al-JawÉhirah, HÉnÊ, Min al-MasÉkÊn al-TaqlÊdiyyah ila Natihat
al-SihÉb, al-‘ImÉrah fi al-Mamlakah al-‘Arabiyyah al-Sa‘Ëdiyyah, Al-Ahsa, King
Faisal University, 2002, pp. 212-217.



Hamdard Islamicus 262 Vol. XLI, Nos. 1 & 2

02. Al-RaqÊbah, Abdullah, Al-×araman al-SharÊfan wa al-MashÉ’ir al-Muqaddasah,
Riyadh, Al-Imam Muhammad bin Sa‘Ëd Islamic University, 2002, pp. 152-
157.

03. MubÉrakpËri, SafÊur RaÍmÉn, History of al-Madinah al-Munawwarah,

translated into English by Nasiruddin al-Khattab, Riyadh, Darussalam, 2002,

pp. 78-82; Isma’il, Muhammad, The Architecture of the Prophet’s Holy

Mosque, London, Hazar, 1998, pp. 63-103; Badr, ‘Abd al-BÉsit, Al-TÉrÊkh

al-ShÉmil li al-Madinah al-Munawwarah, Madinah: npp, 1993, vol. III, pp. 228-

234, 268.

04. Niblock, Tim, Sa‘Ëdi Arabia: Power, Legitimacy and Survival, London, Routledge,

2006, pp. 31-39; Al-Khatib, ‘Abd al-Hamid, Al-ImÉm al-‘Ódil, Cairo, Maktabah

wa Matba’ah Mustafa al-Babi al-Halabi, n.d., vol. I, pp. 20-24.

05. Al-KahtÉnÊ, Mohammad Zaid, The Foreign Policy of King AbdulazÊz, Leeds,

University of Leeds, PhD Thesis (Unpublished), 2004, p. 5.

06. Ibid.

07. Weston, Mark, Prophets and Princes, New Jersey, John Wiley & Sons, 2008,

p. 161.

08. Badr, ‘Abd al-BÉsit, Al-TÉrÊkh al-ShÉmil li al-MadÊnah al-Munawwarah, vol. III,

p. 228.

09. Al-AnÎÉrÊ, p. 163.

10. Ibid., p. 164. Badr, ‘Abd al-BÉsit, vol. III, p. 228.

11. Ibid., vol. III, p. 229.

12. Al-AnÎÉrÊ, p. 164.

13. IsmÉ‘Êl, MuÍammad, The Architecture of the Prophet’s Holy Mosque,

p. 63; MubÉrakpËrÊ, SafÊur RaÍmÉn, History of al-MadÊnah al-Munawwarah,

p. 79.

14. Al-AnÎÉrÊ, op, cit., p. 183; AbbÉs, Hamid, QiÎÎah al-TawsÊ‘ah al-KubrÉ, Jeddah,
Majmu’ah Bin Laden al-Sa’udiyyah, 1995, p. 258.

15. IsmÉ‘Êl, MuÍammad, p. 63; Al-AnÎÉrÊ, p. 173.
16. MubÉrakpËri, SafÊur RaÍmÉn, History of al-MadÊnah al-Munawwarah,

p. 80.
17. IsmÉ‘Êl, p. 66.

18. Al-AnÎÉrÊ, op. cit., p. 180.

19. Ibid., p. 182.
20. Al-RaqÊbah, Abdullah, Al-×araman al-SharÊfan wa al-MashÉ’ir al-Muqaddasah,

p. 152.
21. Ibid., p. 153.
22. Al-AnÎÉrÊ, op. cit., p. 170.
23. ‘AbbÉs, ×amÊd, QiÎÎah al-TawsÊ‘ah al-KubrÉ, p. 254.
24. Badr, ‘Abd al-BÉsit, vol. III, p. 231.
25. Ibid.
26. Al-KilÉnÊ, Kamal, AbdulazÊz Al-Sa‘Ëd and Contemporary Islamic Reform, n.np.,

n.pp., 2001, pp. 66-79.
27. MubÉrakpËrÊ, p. 81.
28. Al-AnÎÉrÊ, op. cit., p. 206.



Hamdard Islamicus 263 Vol. XLI, Nos. 1 & 2

29. Knorzer, Dietrich and Szodruch, Joachim, Innovation for Sustainable Aviation in
a Global Environment, Proceedings of the Sixth European Aeronautics Days,
Amsterdam, IOS Press BV, 2012, p. 16.

30. Lecocq, Baz, The ×ajj from West Africa From a Global Historical Perspective
(19th and 20th Centuries), inside “African Diaspora”, vol. V, 2012, pp. 187-
214.

31. ‘AbbÉs, ×amÊd, p. 327.
32. Ibid., Lecocq, Baz, The ×ajj from West Africa From a Global Historical Perspective

(19th and 20th Centuries), pp. 187 -214.
33. Daham, ‘Abd Allah Abd AlraÍmÉn, The Growth of the ×ajj: A Decade of

Increasing Pilgrims to Makkah (1970-1979), Claremont, Claremont Graduate
University, PhD Thesis (Unpublished), 1981, pp. 10-29.

34. Al-AnÎÉrÊ, op. cit., p. 193; Badr, ‘Abd al-BÉsit, vol. III, pp. 268-271. Al-RaqÊbah,
Abdullah, p. 155.

35. Órifin, Syed AÍmad, Architectural Conservation in Islam, Case Study of
the Prophet’s Mosque, Skudai, Universiti Teknologi Malaysia, 2005,
p. 133.

36. Weston, Mark, Prophets and Princes, p. 233.
37. Wilson, Peter and Graham Douglas, Sa‘Ëdi Arabia, the Coming Storm, New York,

M.E. Sharpe, 1994, p. 60.
38. Weston, Mark, pp. 243-247. Niblock, Tim, Sa‘Ëdi Arabia: Power, Legitimacy

and Survival, London, Routledge, 2006, pp. 77-80.
39. Weston, Mark, p. 256. Al-Rasheed, Madawi, A History of Sa‘Ëdi Arabia,

Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2002, p. 149.
40. Niblock, Tim, Sa‘Ëdi Arabia: Power, Legitimacy and Survival, p. 79.
41. Ibid., p. 77; Weston, Mark, p. 244.
42. Miller, Rory, Desert Kingdoms to Global Powers, New Haven, Yale University

Press, 2016, p. 51.
43. Wilson, Peter & Graham Douglas, Sa‘Ëdi Arabia, the Coming Storm,

p. 60.
44. Ibid., p. 61; Rashid, Nasser and Shaheen, Esber, King Fahd and Sa‘Ëdi Arabia’s

Great Evolution, Joplin, International Institute of Technology, 1987, pp. 135-
137.

45. Wilson, Peter and Graham Douglas, p. 61.
46. Development from Weakness to Greatness, Riyadh, Sa‘Ëdi Ministry of

Information, 1992, p. 4.
47. Al-Rasheed, Madawi, A History of Sa‘Ëdi Arabia, p. 150.
48. ‘AbbÉs, ×amÊd, QiÎÎah al-TawsÊ’ah al-Kubra, p. 317.
49. Bulliet, Richard W., Religion and the State in Islam: From Medieval Caliphate

to the Muslim Brotherhood, Denver, University of Denver, Occasional Paper
Series, Paper No. 2., n.d., p. 8.

50. ‘AbbÉs, ×amÊd, p. 316.

51. Development from Weakness to Greatness, p. 16.

52. ‘AbbÉs, ×amvd, pp. 294, 316-317.

53. Al-RaqÊbah, Abdullah, Al-×araman al-SharÊfan wa al-MashÉ’ir al-Muqaddasah,
p. 155.



Hamdard Islamicus 264 Vol. XLI, Nos. 1 & 2

54. ‘AbbÉs, ×amÊd, p. 296; Al-AnÎÉrÊ, NÉji Muhammad, p. 195.
55. IsmÉ‘Êl, MuÍammad, The Architecture of the Prophet’s Holy Mosque, p. 314.
56. Ibid., pp. 106-112, 249-255; ‘AbbÉs, ×amid, pp. 344-348.
57. Al-RaqÊbah, Abdullah, pp. 156-161; Badr, ‘Abd al-BÉsit, vol. III, pp. 276-

284.
58. IsmÉ‘Êl, MuÍammad, pp. 208, 214.
59. Ibid., p. 183.
60. Ibid., pp. 106, 184.
61. Ibid., p. 170; ‘AbbÉs, ×amid, pp. 344-348.
62. IsmÉ‘Êl, MuÍammad, p. 96.
63. Al-FÉruqÊ, IsmÉ‘Êl,  Islam and Architecture, inside: “Fine Arts in Islamic

Civilization”, Edited by M.A.J. Beg, Kuala Lumpur, The University of Malaya
Press, 1981, pp. 99-117.

64. IsmÉ‘Êl, MuÍammad, p. 103.
65. Badr, ‘Abd al-BÉsit, p. 269.
66. Al-AnÎrÊ NÉji MuÍammad, p. 146.
67. Cole, Karl, Revivalist Architecture,www.curatorscorner.com/2010/02/revivalist-

architecture.html., 2010, accessed on August 19, 2017.
68. Marei, Laila, Revival of Mamluk Architecture in the 19th & 20th Centuries, Cairo,

The American University in Cairo, PhD Thesis (Unpublished), 2013, pp. 10-21.
69. Idriss, Nadania, Architecture as an Expression of Identity: ‘AbbÉs ×ilmi II and

the Neo-MamlËk Style, International Conference on Recent Advances in
Geotechnical Earthquake Engineering and Soil Dynamics, scholarsmine.mst.edu/
cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2938&context=icrageesd, 2010, accessed on August
19, 2017; Dizdar, Gorcin,The Neo-Mamluk Style in Architecture, www.academia.
edu/432897/The_Neo-Mamluk_Style_in_Architecture, 2010, accessed on August
19, 2017.

70. Rizvi, Kishwar, The Transnational Mosque, Chapel Hill, The University of
North Carolina Press, 2015, p. 24.

71. Al-Jawziyyah, Ibn Qayyim, Al-FawÉ’id, Beirut, Dar al-Kutub al-‘Ilmiyyah,
1999, p. 204.

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Hamdard Islamicus 265 Vol. XLI, Nos. 1 & 2

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