Hamdard Islamicus 123 Vol. XLII, Nos. 1 & 2

THE IMPACT OF
×AJJ ON THE SOCIETY OF

BANGLADESH

PROF. MOHAMMAD THOWHIDUL ISLAM

Assistant Professor of Bangladesh Studies,

Center for University Requirement Courses (CENURC)

International Islamic University Chittagong (IIUC)

Kumira, Sitakunda, Chittagong-4318, Bangladesh

E-mail: tauhidcox@yahoo.com

Millions of Muslims from around the world including Bangladesh

pour perform ×ajj every year. Being the largest gathering of the Muslims,

the ×ajj has immense socio-economic and cultural impact on the Muslim

society. It develops a unique symbol of unity, equality, universality,

coexistence, indiscrimination, peace and tolerance among the individuals,

communities and nations belonging to different races, castes, colors, and

languages, which create differences in everyday life of human society. The

attitude of the ×ÉjjÊs of Bangladesh towards women is more liberal than

others as gender interaction is a natural part of ×ajj, while it is uncommon

in the country. The positive teachings of ×ajj produced several reform

movements in Bengal such as the FarÉ’iÌi movement of ×ajji Shariatullah.

×ajj works as a social platform of getting together for Bangladeshi people

at Makkah and Madinah. It has developed the private tour operating

industry in Bangladesh to facilitate the ×ajjÊs. Transaction of billions of

dollars takes place during ×ajj, while many commodities are exchanged

informally. The ×ajjÊs enjoy a very special dignity and status in the

society of Bangladesh. ×ajj creates an opportunity for inter-cultural

amalgamation combining various elements of different cultures. It increases

knowledge of the ×ajjÊs both experimental and theoretical through various

means. Bangladeshi ×ajjÊs consider ×ajj as the preparation for death; and

thus try to remain isolated from the worldly activities and observe the

religious duties strictly. ×ajj not only moulds the ×ajjÊs into sincere and

practicing Muslims, but also the society at large with their honesty and

piety. Thus, ×ajj brings immense impact on the society, economy, education,

religiosity and culture of Bangladesh. The objective of this study is to

identify diverse impact of ×ajj on different aspects of the society of



Hamdard Islamicus 124 Vol. XLII, Nos. 1 & 2

Bangladesh. The methodology used in this study is composed of critical

review of literature, analysis of relevant data and information from various

secondary sources and interview with the experts and individuals concerned.

It also includes various perspectives of the society with a view to better

understanding the influence of ×ajj on the ×ajjÊs, non-×ajjÊs and the

society at large.

Key Words: ×ajj, Society, Economy, Culture, Impact, Bangladesh

Introduction

The ×ajj or Pilgrimage to Makkah is one of the five fundamental

pillars of Islam. It is promised to have the best and unique reward. So,

×ajj-i-Baitullah (Pilgrimage to the House of Allah) has become a spiritual

longing of every Muslim. From the early history of Islam, the Muslims

from far and near began coming to Makkah every year to perform ×ajj.

With the increase of global population and the expansion of Islam in

different territories of the world over the centuries, the number of ×ajjÊs

increased accordingly. Now, Millions of Muslims from around the world

pour into Makkah every year to perform ×ajj. The number of ×ajjÊs

has increased by approximately 2,824% up, during the last 92 years, from

just 58,584 in 1920 to 1,712,962 (1.713 million) in 2012.1 In recent decades,

nearly one hundred thousand Muslims go to perform ×ajj from Bangladesh

every year.

Being the largest gathering of the world Muslim to take place on

a regular basis every year,2 ×ajj has got immense socio-economic and

cultural impact on every Muslim society irrespective of their geographical,

national and country affiliation. As the Holy Qur’Én states:  ِلیَْش���������َھُدوا

They may witness benefits (provided) for“  َمن�������افَِع لَُھ�������ْم ویَ�������ْذُكُروا اْس�������َم هللاِ 

them and celebrate the Name of Allah.”3 The word من�������افع benefits’

widely includes all the socio-economic and cultural virtues in every society

of the world. As a result of unity of opinion and unanimity arising from

believing in one Allah (SWT) and being the followers of one Guide Book-

the Holy Qur’Én and one Prophet Muhammad (œ), all Muslims stand in

a single rank facing the Qiblah4 and go round a center with a single aim.

It, thus, develops a unique symbol of unity, universality, indiscrimination

and social coexistence by creating mutual understanding among the nations.



Hamdard Islamicus 125 Vol. XLII, Nos. 1 & 2

The ×ajj not only moulds the millions of pilgrims who perform ×ajj, but

also greater number of their friends and relatives who share experience

of ×ajj through them. The religio-cultural and socio-economic impact of

×ajj is determined not only by the fact that it is one of pillars of Islam,

but by a range of particularistic factors which include local values, the

pilgrim’s subsequent attitude and conduct, and the web of relationships

in which they are embedded. No doubt, the society of Bangladesh has

widely been influenced by the institution of ×ajj in different ways and

perspectives. The present study finds that ×ajj brings immense and

diverse impact on the society, economy, education and culture of

Bangladesh, most importantly the spirituality of the ×ajjÊs as well as of

the society at large.

Methodology of the Study

The methodology used in this study is composed of review of

available literature, analysis of relevant data and information and interview

with the expert and individuals concerned. The literature on ×ajj in

Islam and its history in Bengal is read to understand the Islamic view

towards ×ajj, its significance and its historical relationship with the society

of Bengal. Relevant data and information have been collected from

different secondary sources including previous publications, journals,

reports of several governmental and non-governmental organizations,

research papers, periodicals, website of various institutions etc. To achieve

the objective of the study, a good number of interviews have

been taken from individuals of several categories such as ×ajjÊ

(included male, female, highly educated, uneducated, political leader etc),

Muallim who teaches the ×ÉjjÊs during ×ajj, travel agents who are

involved in ×ajj travelling, and such other concerned. The desire of this

approach is to find concrete data together with practical experience to

obtain the objective of the research.

×ajj and its Significance in Islam

×ajj literally means “to set out for a place”,5 “to go or proceed

straight away to visit a holy place.”6 From Islamic perspective, ×ajj

implies to set out for Makkah to observe the specific rituals during the



Hamdard Islamicus 126 Vol. XLII, Nos. 1 & 2

specified months. Oxford dictionary defines ×ajj as “the greater Muslim

pilgrimage to Makkah, which takes place in the last month of the year

and which all Muslims are expected to make at least once during their

lifetime if they can afford to do so.”7 The months of ×ajj are the last

three months of ×ijri calendar. These are: Shawwal, Dhul-Qi’dah and

Dhul-×ijjah. Following the divine instruction, the Prophet Ibrahim (*)

first performed ×ajj making Ka‘bah its center8 and later Prophet

Muhammad (œ) made it mandatory following the Qur’Énic instruction.

It is considered one of the fundamental religious duties of Islam.

×ajj is obligatory for every able-bodied adult Muslim man or woman

who can financially afford the trip once in a life time.The Holy Qur’Én

says: “And proclaim the pilgrimage among men: they will come to thee

on foot and (mounted) on every kind of camel, lean on account of

journeys through deep and distant mountain highways; that they may

witness the benefits (provided) for them.” 9 “Pilgrimage thereto is a duty

men owe to Allah, those who can afford a journey;”10 The Prophet (œ)

said: “×ajj is mandated once, so whoever does it more (than that), then

it is supererogatory.”11 “He who performs ×ajj seeking Allah’s pleasure

and avoids all lewdness and sins (there in) will return after ×ajj free

from all sins, just as he was on the day his mother gave birth to him.”12

Advent of Islam in Bengal and ×ajj

Arabia and Indian subcontinent including Bengal had a very long

and flourishing trade contact. K.A. Nizami remarked, “India’s relations

with the Arab world go back to hoary past. Long before the rise of

Islam, there was brisk commercial contact between India and Arabia and

the Arab traders carried Indian goods to the European markets by way

of Egypt and Syria.”13 Islam had begun to enter into Bengal through the

hand of Arab Muslim traders long before its political presence at the

beginning of 13th century.14 The then socio-political condition, particularly

strict caste system in Hindu society and corrupt of Buddhism, had created

the perspective for the rapid expansion of Islamic faith. The teaching of

social equality, justice and simplicity in Islam impressed the lower classes

of Hindus and Buddhists and they gradually became converted and flocked

into the fold of Islam.15 M. N. Roy described as follows:

“After the downfall of Buddhism, the country found itself in a



Hamdard Islamicus 127 Vol. XLII, Nos. 1 & 2

worse state of economic ruin, political oppression, intellectual anarchy

and spiritual chaos. Practically, the entire society was involved in

that tragic process of decay and decomposition. That is why not

only the oppressed masses readily rallied under the banner of Islam

which offered them social equality if not political equality; even the

upper classes offered their services to the foreign aggressor out of

selfish motives. That shows that, while the masses were in a state

of despire, the upper classes were thoroughly demoralised.....In any

case, it is clear that at the time of Mohammedan conquest, there

lived in India multitudes of people who had little reason to be

faithful to Hindu laws and the traditions of Brahmans orthodoxy,

and were ready to forsake that heritage for the more equitable laws

of Islam which offered them protection against the tyranny of

triumphant Hindu reaction.”16

With the expansion of Islam in Bengal, the tendency of pilgrimage

to Makkah by the Muslims to perform ×ajj as a fundamental religious

duty also gradually developed. Thus, the history of ×ajj from Bangladesh

is as old as the advent of Islam. The Muslims of Bengal had travelled

Makkah for ×ajj during the time of the companions of the Prophet (œ)

on sailing ships from Chittagong port.17 “Nur Qutb-ul-Alam, for example,

performed ×ajj several times in the 15th century. With an intention to

perform ×ajj, Mughul prince ShÉh ShujÉ‘ left Dhaka with the members

of his family to go to Makkah via Arakan. ×ÉjjÊ Muhammad Mahsin

performed ‘‘×ajj in the 18th century. ×ajjÊ Shariatullah also visited

Makkah with the same purpose. During the British period, the Muslims

of Bengal went to ×ajj by ship via Mumbai.”18 Until the 18th century,

×ÉjjÊs from Bengal as well as India had the option of travelling to

Makkah either by overland caravans or by sailing ships. Most of them

preferred to go by the sea routes, primarily through the Red Sea, and

occasionally through the Persian Gulf and rarely through the land routes.

During Mughul rule, several ships undertook the voyage, providing free

passage and provisions for the pilgrims. There were three ships called

the RahÊmi, the KarÊmi and the SalÉri for the cost-free transportation

for the pilgrims. The contemporary traveller John Fryer Keane

(×ÉjjÊ Mohammed Amin) mentioned that these pilgrim ships weighed

between 1400 to 1600 tons and often carried 1700 pilgrims each. They



Hamdard Islamicus 128 Vol. XLII, Nos. 1 & 2

used various Deccan ports on the east and west coasts for ×ajj sailing

such as port of Surat in Gujarat, which was described as Bab-ul-Makkah

or the Bandar-e-Mubarak (blessed port). They used to send regular

charity to Makkah and appoint AmÊr-i-×ajj for the pilgrimage. During

984-989 (A.H.) (1576-1582) the Akbar’s AmÊr-i-×ajj carried more than

Rs 600,000 in money and goods to be distributed to the people of Makkah

and Madinah as charity, along with thousands of khil‘ats (robes of honour)

and expensive gifts for the SharÊfs of Makkah. In 1659, Badshah

AwrangazÊb sent presents worth Rs 660,000 to the SharÊf of Makkah.

During the British rule, ×ajj continued to get regular attention. The

famous tourist agency Thomas Cook and Son was appointed in 1885 as

the official travel agent of ×ajj with the responsibility of streamlining the

pilgrimage trade. In 1927, a 10-member ×ajj Committee was constituted

headed by D. Healy, Esq., which provided services to the pilgrims. During

the World War II, when the number of ×ÉjjÊs reduced, the Saudi

government used to appoint MuÏawwifÊn or Mu‘allims

(guides for ×ajj pilgrims) since 1941 so that they could canvass for

pilgrims.19 During Pakistan period (1947-1971), the trend was still

continued. Now a days, more than one hundred thousand Muslims go to

perform ×ajj every year from Bangladesh, the 4th largest Muslim

country20 in terms of population containing 8.4% of global Muslim

population.21 The number of ×ÉjjÊs from Bangladesh in 2015 was

1,01,758,221,13,868 in 2016,23and 1,27,198 in 2018.24

Impact of ×ajj on the Society of Bangladesh

No doubt, ×ajj has diverse impact on every Muslim society as well

as of Bangladesh. ‘Although it comes fifth, ×ajj is very special in its

impact. It involves an unforgettable journey which adds to its mystique

and appeal. No one acquires a title for praying or fasting, but after taking

that journey to the heart of Islam.’25 In material life of the ×ÉjjÊs, there

are the benefits associated with social interaction which furthers trade

and increases knowledge.26 Thus, diverse aspects of the society have

been influenced by ×ajj in different ways at different levels ranging

from international to individual.



Hamdard Islamicus 129 Vol. XLII, Nos. 1 & 2

Social Impact of ×ajj

Bangladesh is the 4th largest Muslim country27 in terms of population

containing 8.4% of global Muslim population.28 89.7% of its total population

is Muslim, while the Hindu constitutes 9.2%, Buddhist 0.7%, Christian

0.3%, Animist and believers in tribal faiths is 0.1%.29 Every year thousands

of Muslims from Bangladesh make pilgrimage to the holy city of Makkah

for ×ajj and return home with new religious spirit, fresh Islamic teaching

and most importantly pure Islamic ‘AqÊdah. The spirit of ×ajj everyday

leaves diverse impact, passive or active on the individuals, family and

society of Bangladesh.

Impact of ×ajj in the Anti-Colonial and Reform Movements

The positive teachings of ×ajj produced several revolutionary

movements in the history of Bengal such as the FarÉ’iÌÊ movement led

by ×ÉjjÊ Shariatullah and the ÙarÊqah-i-Muhammadiyah movement led

by Meer Nisar Ali Titumir. Both of them started the reform movement

after their return from ×ajj. ×ajji Shariatullah (1781-1840) of present

Shariatpur district,30 made a pilgrimage to Makkah in 1799 to perform

×ajj, which privileged him with the opportunity of receiving education at

Makkah. It prepared him for the great role to be played by him in his

later life. ×ajji Shariatullah stayed there for 20 years and studied religious

doctrines under Shaikh Tahir Sombal. Returning home in 1818, he found

the Muslims of Bengal involving in many superstitious practices which

appeared to him grossly un-Islamic. For historical perspectives, the Muslims

of Bengal had been following many indigenous customs, rituals and

ceremonies which were far from Islamic principles. These were infiltrated

from the contemporary Hindu society into Muslim society because of

their close contact and huge number of conversion from Hinduism into

Islam.31 People here used to ascribe superhuman powers to the ØËfÊs and

PÊrs such as giving life to the dead, being present at several places at

a time and foretelling the future. Because of these, people considered the

shrine of a PÊr as a place of pilgrimage. They offered fruits, flowers etc.

at their tombs, illuminated them at night and thus the culture of worshipping

the PÊrs and ØËfÊs widely spread in the Muslim society of Bengal.32 Ta‘ziah

Observing the ‘ÓshËrah procession in a clumsy way, participation in the



Hamdard Islamicus 130 Vol. XLII, Nos. 1 & 2

Hindu festivals of Durga Puja, Rathayatra and so forth are also

mentionable in this context.33 The Muslims of Bengal, thus, steeped

themselves in the superstitious practices. Inflamed with a burning desire

to reform the Muslim society, ×Éjji Shariatullah tirelessly addressed the

social gatherings for preaching the pure doctrine of Islam indoors and

outdoors, in village after village, district after district, which ultimately

developed into an Islamic reform movement. The objective of the

movement was to purify the Muslim society from the superstitious ‘AqÊdah

and practices and induce the Muslims to follow the true teachings of

Islam. The movement popularly came to be known as the FarÉ’iÌi

Movement.The term FarÉ’iÌi was taken from the Arabic root-

word FarÌ meaning obligatory duties enjoined by Islam. The movement

emphasized on the five fundamentals of Islam, strict observation of TawÍÊd

(pure monotheism) and condemned all deviations from the original doctrines

as Shirk (idolatry) and Bid‘at (sinful innovation). Numerous rites and

ceremonies connected with birth, marriage and death were declared

ÍarÉm (for bidden) such as Chuttee, Puttee, Chhillah, Shabgasht

procession, FÉtiÍah, MÊlÉd, ‘Urs, worshiping the PÊrs, Ta‘ziah etc. ×Éjji

Shariatullah stressed on justice, social equality, and the universal

brotherhood of Muslims.34

The FarÉ’iÌi movement spread with extraordinary rapidity in

different districts of Bengal, particularly where the Muslim peasantries

were oppressed by both the Hindu ZamÊndÉrs and the European indigo-

planters. The ZamÊndÉrs used to impose different kinds of illegal taxes

such as tax for Hindu festivals as the Kali Puja, Durga Puja etc. ×Éjji

Shariatullah directed his disciples not to pay the illegal taxes and thus

there was a contentious relation created between the FarÉ’iÌis and the

Hindu ZamÊndÉrs. Through continuous involvement with the Hindu

ZamÊndÉrs and the European indigo-planters, this religious reform

movement gradually transformed into a socio-economic revolt. Faced

with such an effective Islamic revivalist movement, the ZamÊndÉrs and

the indigo-planters persecuted the FarÉ’iÌis ruthlessly through officially

condoned acts of violence and terror. ×Éjji Shariatullah had also to face

severe opposition from the conservative local ‘Ulama who had scant

knowledge of the original Islamic practices and thus they wanted to

preserve the existing traditional order. But the FarÉ‘iÌi movement won

rapid popularity. On the death of ×ajji Shariatullah, his only son



Hamdard Islamicus 131 Vol. XLII, Nos. 1 & 2

Muhsinuddin Ahmad Dudu Miyan who returned from Makkah in 1837,

after performing ×ajj and completing education, took charge of the

movement in 1840.35 Under his leadership, the FarÉ’iÌi movement turned

into a strong and powerful agitation against British colonialism. Bengal

Police estimated that Dudu Miyan had about 80,000 followers, while

Alexander Forbes calculated it at 300,000.36 During the 1857 Sepoy

mutiny, Dudu Miyan was arrested and after his release he passed away

in 1862. The number of followers of FarÉ’iÌi movement continued to

grow steadily during Dudu Miyan’s son Noa Miyan’s time. But after the

death of Noa Miyan in 1884, the movement seemed to have gradually

lost its spirit and influence.37 The lack of strong leadership and the

vigorous attacks of the ZamÊndÉrs and the opposition from the rigidly

conservative ‘UlamÉ brought the gradual decline of the movement. ×Éjji

Shariatullah and Dudu Miyan have been characterized as Islamic

revivalists, social reformers and peasant leaders in the history of Bengal.38

For more than fifty years, the movement dominated the history of that

territory, striving to create a genuine Islamic order among the Muslims.

The movement turned into one of the most prominent anti-colonial and

socio-religious reform movement in Bengal in the 19th century. The

FarÉ’iÌi movement strongly evidenced the power of ×ajj in creating the

original spirit of Islam in the mind of the ×ÉjjÊs and also showed that

how revolutionarily it could impact the society of a country like Bangladesh.

The similar movement is ÙarÊqah-i-MuÍammadiyah [the way

advocated by MuÍammad(œ)] Movement in Bengal led by Meer Nisar

Ali Titumir (1782-1831) of 24 Pargana district of present-day West Bengal.

This movement was originally founded by Sayyid Ahmad Shahid

(1786-1831) of Rai Bareli of Uttar Pradesh of India in the early 19th

century which got momentum in Bengal by the efforts of Titumir.

Titumir went to Makkah for ×ajj in 1822, where he came in close

contact with great Islamic reformer Sayyid Ahmad, the exponent of

ÙarÊqah-i-MuÍammadiyah movement. He was motivated by the concept

of the movement. Returning home in 1827, Titumir started preaching the

idea of ÙarÊqah-i-MuÍammadiyah among the local Muslims. He advised

them to purify their activities from practicing Shirk and Bid‘Ét, and

inspired them to follow the true Islamic way of life as advocated by the

Prophet (œ). His movement initially aimed at socio-religious reform,

elimination of the superstitious practices from the Muslim society such as



Hamdard Islamicus 132 Vol. XLII, Nos. 1 & 2

worshiping the saint, erecting shrines etc. The perspectives and objectives

of both the FarÉ’iÌi and ÙarÊqah-i-MuÍammadiyah movement were

almost similar. However, one difference was that Titumir from the beginning

emphasized on the idea of JihÉd in Islam and got involved in conflict

with the oppressive ZamÊndÉrs, while Shariatullah followed the policy of

avoiding conflict. Titumir got a very devoted and organized group of

Muslim peasants who had been oppressed by the local Hindu ZamÊndÉrs.

Soon, he and his followers got involved in conflict with several Hindu

ZamÊndÉrs because of their sectarian attitude towards the Muslim

peasants and the imposition of illegal taxes. Titumir formed a MujÉhid

force and trained them with indigenous arms. The increasing strength of

Titumir alarmed the ZamÊndÉrs and Englishmen. Subsequently, several

expeditions were sent against Titumir, but they were beaten back and

suffered severe defeat.39 Titumir built a strong bamboo fort at Narkelbaria

in October 1831 and recruited MujÉhids (fighters). Having completed

his military preparation, Titumir declared himself Badshah (king) and

urged upon the people to participate in jihÉd against the British. He

established his control over the districts of 24 Pargana, Nadia and Faridpur.

Several ZamÊndÉrs had to pay tax to Titumir instead of the British. In

reaction, William Bentinck sent a regular army against Titumir under

Lieutenant Colonel Stewart consisting of 100 cavalry, 300 native infantry

and artillery with two cannons. The MujÉhids with traditional arms

failed to resist the English army equipped with modern arms. Titumir

along with many of his followers was martyred in the battle field on 19

November 1831, with which the movement got an end.40 Titumir’s

movement began as a socio-religious reform movement. But the then

socio-political circumstances compelled it to be characterized as agrarian

one against the British colonial authority. No doubt, the teachings of ×ajj

and the consequent realizations highly influenced Titumir for such a

purification movement which later on turned into an anti-colonial

revolutionary movement.

Social Perception towards ×ajj in Bangladesh

Besides apparent impact, ×ajj also leaves several virtual and passive

impacts on the personal, familial as well as social life of Bangladeshi

Muslims. In Bangladesh, the people generally think to perform ×ajj at

the late age or late middle age. Several types of thinking characterize this



Hamdard Islamicus 133 Vol. XLII, Nos. 1 & 2

realization regarding ×ajj. It is believed that pilgrimage to Makkah is the

last significant act of a Muslim and a preparation to death. So, one should

go to ×ajj after completing all the worldly responsibilities, as a beginning

of his journey towards the next world. A pilgrim should leave for ×ajj

only when all other debts have been discharged and all family matters

and social obligations have been settled. Similarly, old scores should be

resolved, money should be set aside for the care of the family, and all

children should be married prior to his departure for Makkah. It is also

sincerely believed that the money spent for ×ajj should not be borrowed

from others but should be from the savings accumulated from ×alÉl

(valid as per islamic teachings) employment, so that in the event of a

pilgrim’s death there will be no outstanding financial or material debts. In

this sense, after fulfilling all worldly responsibilities, the pilgrim departs

for Makkah with a clear conscience, and there he/she will be completely

purified from all worldly indulgences. With such a realization of end

journey and preparation to die or return home, many pilgrims bring with

them the wearing of IÍrÉm (two plain white sheets of cloth), so that they

can use these as their shroud. In order to make their life worthwhile, the

pilgrims desire to die either in Makkah while performing ×ajj, or after

returning home as a ×Éjji. Thus, ×ajj is understood among the Muslims

of Bangladesh as signaling the end to the material existence. After

returning home, the ×ÉjjÊs earnestly try to remain isolated from the

worldly activities so that they would not get involved in sins or indulgences

again. This may cause harm to his purified life through ×ajj. The spirit

of performing ×ajj in the early age is almost absent among the average

Muslims in the society of Bangladesh and even among the ‘UlamÉ too.

In recent years, the trend is getting changed steadily and many young

educated people are performing ×ajj and the number is gradually

increasing.

There is a tendency of performing ×ajj more than once among the

economically solvent Muslims and particularly the ‘Ulama. For example,

Shah Meer Muhammad Akhtar of Chittagong visited Saudi Arabia 29

times to perform ×ajj and ‘Umrah,41 Shah Maulana Mohammad Abdul

Jabbar visited Makkah and Madinah 33 times,42Maulana Hafez Ahmad

performed ×ajj six times.43 They usually encourage others to perform

×ajj and guide them from their own experience.44 Dr. Abdul Quader,

a professor of Chittagong University, who performed ×ajj 11 times, said



Hamdard Islamicus 134 Vol. XLII, Nos. 1 & 2

in an interview with the author that there are two reasons behind

performing ×ajj more than once, one is love for Ka‘bah and another is

the sense of purification. No Muslim can deny the attraction of the holy

Ka‘bah, especially one who visited it once. The Mua’llim, who acts as

a guide for a group of ×Éjji usually performs ×ajj several times.

Moreover, some ×ÉjjÊs undertake ×ajj al-Badal or proxy ×ajj on

behalf of others. They perform ×ajj several times on behalf of their

parents, relatives or others who could not perform ×ajj for several

reasons such as ill-health etc., or they passed away without performing

×ajj. It is believed that this ×ajj by proxy certainly earns the prime

rewards (tÍawÉb) for the person in whose account it is performed, while

it also confers rewards upon him who undertakes it. In this kind of cases,

experienced ×ÉjjÊs are chosen with priority.

Social Status of a ×Éjji in Bangladesh

In the society of Bangladesh, an aspirant ×Éjji is spontaneously

invited by his/her relatives and neighbours immediately after his/her decision

to perform ×ajj. Hosting the would-be ×ajji at least for one meal is

considered as a very pious job as he/she is hosting the guest of Allah

(SWT). Many people usually accompany him/her to the airport or

departure place and also welcome him/her after arrival at the station.

Everyone feels proud who could shake hands or hug the ×ÉjjÊs.

After performing ×ajj, the ×ÉjjÊs enjoy a very special dignity.

Historical accounts on ×ajj also suggest that ×ajj confers social prestige

and legitimacy.45 One who performed ×ajj is addressed as ×Éjji, which

is a very respectable title for anyone in the community. The ×ÉjjÊs are

generally addressed as ‘×ÉjjÊ ÎÉÍÊb’ (the honorable pilgrim), and their

names are written with the dignified title ‘Al-×Éjj’. This title indicates

that the person performed ×ajj and thus he/she would be given due

respect. Sometime, the real name of a person is overlapped under the

title ‘×Éjji SÉÍÊb’. The ×Éjjis are believed as purified personalities and

accepted slaves (MaqbËl Bandha) to the Almighty Allah as Allah (SWT)

accepted them specially to be His guests. Not only the Muslims, but even

the non-Muslims also show respect to them as purified ones. In a meeting

or public gathering, the ×ÉjjÊs are given special place of honor. Thus,

×ajj improves the social status of a Muslim after performing ×ajj. This



Hamdard Islamicus 135 Vol. XLII, Nos. 1 & 2

change becomes remarkable both in the manner in which the ×ÉjjÊs

behave with others as well as by the honor which others extend to them.

Everyone behaves quietly and respectfully with the ×ÉjjÊs in their company,

avoiding topics of conversation or styles of expression which could be

considered discourteous. The ×ÉjjÊs are given priority for the socially

honored positions, for example the chairmanship/member ship in the

governing committee of a school, college, Madrasah or Mosque, as well

as in different local governmental/non-governmental bodies. Another

person could also be selected, but only after expressing unwillingness by

the concerned ×ÉjjÊ. The opinion or advice of a ×Éjji is honored by all.

The businesses or social services run by a ×Éjji are considered to be

more reliable than those of others with the belief that they could not

cheat or harm the clients; rather they would be more honest in their

dealings. Such changes of status open up new areas of influence for the

×ÉjjÊs, such as in adjudicating disputes, the settling of marriage

negotiations, leading prayers in the mosque etc.

Impact of ×ajj on Everyday Life

×ajj brings significant changes in the daily life of the ×ÉjjÊs in

Bangladesh. ×Éjjis are expected to be more religious and honest in their

daily activities. After performing ×ajj, a ×Éjji usually tries to observe

all the religious duties strictly not only in his/her personal life but also in

the family and social life. For example, the women who didn’t observe

Purdah (Islamic dress code for a woman) before ×ajj, she rarely ignores

Purdah after ×ajj. Similarly, a Muslim who was in the habit of taking

bribe, involving in interest-based transactions, or such kind of unfair and

illegal means before ×ajj, he/she usually tries to avoid such kind of

activities after ×ajj. They fear that it may damage his/her purification

which is attained through ×ajj. One who did not wear beard previously,

would hardly remove beard after ×ajj. The ×Éjji regularly prays five

times a day, and avoids cheating or stealing or disturbing anyone. Even

the ×Éjji abandons morally dubious and frivolous pursuits and bad habits

such as smoking, drinking alcohol, different types of games such as LudË

(the board game), Daba (chess) etc. It is believed that a ×Éjji can

never tell a lie; rather he/she always tries to speak the truth. A ×Éjji

makes a demonstrable effort to change his behavior in line with the



Hamdard Islamicus 136 Vol. XLII, Nos. 1 & 2

desire which society associates with ×ajj. This positive change at

individual level of a ×Éjji, undoubtedly impacts the society, as the

individuals are the basic units of a society. The ×Éjji encourages the

members of his/her family and others to follow religious principles of

Islam. In some cases in rural Bangladesh, it has been found that some

×ÉjjÊs would not go out of home for 40 days as a beginning of his

purified life. A ×Éjji not only protects himself by leaving usury-bribe or

such kinds of unfair means, but also saves many others from involving

in these corrupt practices. However, it is important to stress here that

people’s expectation of a ×Éjji’s behavior is positively very high. It is

expected that the life of a ×Éjji clearly be a model of spirituality and

religiosity through prayer coupled with his/her concern for others, his/her

judicial participation in social affairs and his/her behavior with those

whom he comes into contact. A ×Éjji rarely gets involved in social

corrupt practices in Bangladesh. If a ×Éjji is observed getting involved

in corrupt practices, it is generally believed by the mass people that

he/she couldn’t perform ×ajj perfectly and thus, it was not acceptable

to the Almighty Allah (SWT).

×ajj offers Bangladeshi ×Éjjis a novel opportunity to interact with

the members of the opposite gender in a religious setting, and to observe

cross-gender interactions among Muslims from different nations. In

Bangladesh, interaction between men and women who are strangers is

very uncommon. Women rarely go to the mosque and when they do,

they typically pray in a separate area from men. But gender interaction

is a natural part of ×ajj. Men pray alongside women during the ×Éjj.

Thus, ×Éjjis’ views towards women and their rights in the society are

more positive. They also express greater concern about women’s quality

of life and discrimination against them in Bangladesh relative to other

countries. Here, the ×Éjjis are more likely to support girls’ education

and female participation in the professional workforce than the non-

×ÉjjÊs.

×ajj changes the philosophy of life of a ×Éjji. The ×Éjji is spiritually

transformed, which leaves a long-lasting impact on the family as well as

the whole society. The transformative properties of ×ajj enable the

×ÉjjÊs to pursue a more spiritual life. This purified life style of ×ÉjjÊs

creates the sense of honor in the mind of others towards them as well

as influences others to perform ×ajj. Thus, ×ajj brings a positive and



Hamdard Islamicus 137 Vol. XLII, Nos. 1 & 2

remarkable change in the life and society of the Muslims of Bangladesh

as a force of Islamization.

Sometimes, the image of ×ajj has exceptionally been manipulated

by some secular or even communist political leaders who practically do

not believe in the spirituality of ×ajj. They perform ×ajj with the intention

of using the image of ×ajj to earn social respect, confidence of the mass

people and manifesting them as religious personality to gain their ambitious

leadership. So, it may be said that everyone does not perform ×ajj with

pure Niyyah (motive). In short, if a ×Éjji maintains the spirit of ×ajj,

then he/she is a true ×Éjji; if he/she does not maintain the spirit of ×ajj,

then he/she is a worse person. It means in the society of Bangladesh,

the social and spiritual value of ×ajj depends not only on Divine judgment

but also on public opinion.

Cross-National and Universal Impact of ×ajj

From the socio-global point of view, thousands of people go to

perform ×ajj from various parts of the country (Bangladesh) as well as

from all over the world having differences of races, colors, nations,

cultures and speaking different languages. They mix across the lines of

ethnicity, nationality, sect, and gender that divide them in everyday life.

Even Bangladesh has more than 41 regional languages46 whereas the

world has thousands of languages. Although the ×ajj rituals last five

days, many ×ÉjjÊs stay longer. Most of the ×ÉjjÊs from Bangladesh

spend around 40 days worshipping in the cities of Makkah and Madinah.

Each ritual component of ×ajj is performed simultaneously with well

over two million participants from across the globe. All the people, despite

their diverse demographic attributes, wear the same unstitched clothes

known as IÍrÉm,47 come together at one place, affirm a common identity

by performing common rituals and exhibit unity, equality and discipline.

This substantial mixing across national, sectarian, and gender lines

emphasizes equality and universality. It negates the sense of discrimination

and difference among human being on the basis of wealth, race, creed,

language, and region. As a participant in a global platform with thousands

of people of differences, ×ajj increases the desire for universal

brotherhood, peace and tolerance in the mind of the ×Éjjis towards

others, both Muslims and non-Muslims. ×ajj helps to integrate the Muslim



Hamdard Islamicus 138 Vol. XLII, Nos. 1 & 2

world, leading to a strengthening of global Islamic beliefs and a sense of

unity and equality with others who are ordinarily separated in everyday

life by sect, ethnicity, nationality, or gender, but are brought together by

means of ×ajj. These feelings of unity and equality extend across all

artificial lines. This reflection has been observed among the ×ÉjjÊs of

Bangladesh in several social affairs. For example, the ×Éjji is usually

being asked to mediate in disputes among different groups or individuals,

resolve family quarrels, offer advice, attend marriage negotiations, lead

the social activities etc. In many social conflict resolutions, it is found

that the decisions of ×Éjjis are mostly more positive and tolerant than

the opinions of non-×Éjjis. This evidence suggests that the ×ajj increases

tolerance and positive views in the mind of ×ÉjjÊs. The ×ÉjjÊs, thus, play

an important role in creating peaceful co-existence among different

socio-religious groups in the society.

×ÉjjÊs gain experience-based knowledge of the diversity of Islamic

beliefs and practices, gender roles within Islam, and more broadly, the

world beyond Bangladesh. ×ÉjjÊs are also exposed to a degree of

religious diversity within the recognized schools of thought, in a religiously

sanctioned context in which all are accepted. ×ÉjjÊs update their beliefs

most positively about nationalities as they are likely to interact with

frequently. Since followers of different schools of Islam pray together in

a congregation at Makkah, this often leads to mixing of religious practices

and diversities.

Impact of ×ajj as Social Platform

There are about five million Bangladeshi migrants working in Saudi

Arabia. The ×Éjjis, whose relatives are living in Saudi Arabia, take the

time of ×ajj as an opportunity of their meeting with them. Even many

Bangladeshi people, who live in different countries, particularly of the

Middle-East, use the occasion of ×ajj as an opportunity to meet the

‘Ulama, Shaikhs or family-members and relatives who come from

Bangladesh. Thus, ×ajj works as a social platform of getting together

for Bangladeshi people at Makkah and Madinah. The ‘UlamÉ and Shaikhs

also use this opportunity to meet their disciples and visit different historical

and spiritual places of Saudi Arabia and the Middle-East.48 Not only at

Makkah, but also several ×ajj agencies of Bangladesh back at home



Hamdard Islamicus 139 Vol. XLII, Nos. 1 & 2

regularly arrange ×ÉjjÊ Reunion programs. For example, ×ajj-i-Baitullah

×ajj Kafelah, a leading ×ajj agency in Chittagong headed by Giasuddin

Talukdar, a professor of Chittagong University, regularly arranges ×Éjji

Reunion program every year. This program brings the opportunity for

×ÉjjÊs of different localities to meet together, review their experience

and share ideas. Such programs create spiritual reawakening among the

×ÉjjÊs and remind them about their glorious times spent in Makkah and

encourage them to keep the promise that they had made during ×ajj

with Allah (SWT). Thus, the spirit of ×ÉjjÊs renewed and it leads to live

a purified life whole the year through.

Economic Impact of ×ajj

The earliest Arab-Bengal relation was mainly based on commercial

activities. After the advent of Islam, early Arab Muslim traders had

established trading contact with the costal lands of Bengal.

Some indirect references in the writings of Arab Geographers

(such as Silsilat-ut-TawÉrikh by Sulaiman, Kitab al-MasÉlik wal-

MamÉlik by Ibn Khurradadhbeh, Mu‘jam al-BuldÉn by yÉqËt, Nuzhat

al-Mushtaq by Al-IdÊsi) strongly record a flourishing trade contact between

Arab and Bengal.49 This early contact is evidently supported by

archeological discoveries such as coin discovered at the ancient Buddhist

site of Paharpur in Rajshahi district dated on 788 A.C,50 and at the

ruins of Mainamoti in Comilla district.51 This trade contact led to the

emergence and expansion of Islam in Bengal. Being one of the five

fundamentals of Islam, ×ajj attracted the Muslims of Bengal and their

descendants to perform it and visit the holy sites of Makkah and Madinah.

So, it is believed that the Muslim merchants of Bengal who went to

Arabia for trade, naturally they performed ×ajj. At the same time, the

person who went to Makkah for ×ajj, also had some trading concerns.

They carried several local items to Arabia when they travelled to Arabia

for ×ajj and brought Arabian items with them when they returned home.

Thus, from the beginning ×ajj has economic implications. No doubt,

there are diversified economic impacts of ×ajj on the society of

Bangladesh.

×ajj has lots of impact on the private tour operators of Bangladesh



Hamdard Islamicus 140 Vol. XLII, Nos. 1 & 2

to facilitate ×ÉjjÊs of the country. The operators offer all kinds of support

to the ×ÉjjÊs within the country as well as in Saudi Arabia. It includes

visa processing, arranging air ticket, bus travel, accommodation, food and

all kinds of logistic support in Saudi Arabia. In 2018, 1,27,198 ×ÉjjÊs

performed ×ajj from Bangladesh. The expense for package one was

397929 BDT and for package two was 331359 BDT. It may be estimated

that the average cost was around 365000 BDT and the estimated total

cost was (365000X 127198 = 46427.27 million BDT = USD559.36 million).

Most of the money is spent for air travel and accommodation in Saudi

Arabia. As ×ajj involves huge number of activities, a good number of

private tour operators have developed schemes to undertake the ×ajj

activities. It generates profit also for the ×ajj agencies. There are,

presently, about 1000 private ×ajj agencies in the country working in the

field.52 The pilgrims of Bangladesh can travel only by two airlines i.e.

Biman Bangladesh Airlines and Saudi Arabia Airlines. Around ×ajj

activities, transaction of billions of dollars takes place commercially and

thus, ×ajj has become an important concern in the economy of

Bangladesh.

The ×ÉjjÊs travelling from Bangladesh traditionally take different

types of essential items along with them, such as cloths, essential medicine,

etc. to use during their stay in Saudi Arabia. Sometimes, they take

several Bangladeshi popular food or gift items for their relatives or friends

living in Saudi Arabia. Simultaneously, they bring many popular Arabian

items for Bangladeshi family members and friends when they return

from ×ajj. These include Arabian dates, drinking water of Zamzam,

perfume, prayer-rug, cap etc. It is traditional in Bangladesh that the

Bangladeshi ×ÉjjÊs after their return entertain their visitors with the

water of Zamzam and the Arabian dates. Sometimes, they use to offer

gifts of prayer-rug, perfume, cap etc. among the closest friends and

relatives. Few ×ÉjjÊs, particularly women members, bring with them

Arabian gold mainly for their own use or for their sons’ or daughters’

wedding. Thus, many commodities are exchanged informally between

Saudi Arabia and Bangladesh through the hands of the ×ÉjjÊs. Though

it has economic values, in most of the cases these have rarely been

conducted for commercial purposes.

About three million Bangladeshi migrants work in Saudi Arabia



Hamdard Islamicus 141 Vol. XLII, Nos. 1 & 2

legally,53 while the number of illegal migrants is unofficially estimated to

be around two millions. They are involved in different types of business

in the holy cities of Makkah and Madinahh, particularly during ×ajj. The

commodities include garment items, Arabian dates, food items,

prayer-rug, cap, perfume, MiswÉk (teeth cleaning twig made from the

Salvadora persica tree known as Arak in Arabic) play items for kids

etc. The ×ÉjjÊs buy these items for their relatives and friends at the

home. It is assumed that the Bangladeshi ×ÉjjÊs spend around 1000$

during their stay at Saudi Arabia for buying such types of gift items.

Thus, huge amount of commodities are exchanged between Bangladesh

and Saudi Arabia during ×ajj. Though thousands of dollars are spent by

the Bangladeshi ×ÉjjÊs on the occasion of ×ajj, simultaneously thousands

of dollars also returned to the country because of this business run by

the Bangladeshi traders in Saudi Arabia.

Cultural Impact

×ajj, being practiced every year by thousands of multi-lingual and

multi-cultural Muslims together, has undoubtedly been resulting in

cross-cultural interaction. It combines together various elements of different

cultures particularly of Arabia. ×ajj brings the unique opportunity of

interaction among the Muslims of different nations, sects and culture. It

represents the largest annual confession of faith on earth where Muslims

meet one another and discuss their common affairs and issues which

promote their general welfare. It also represents the greatest annual

peace conference, while peace constitutes the dominant theme of the

whole ×ajj season.54 ×ajj brings diverse cultural impact on the society

of Bangladesh.

For example, in the society of Bangladesh, after returning home

from ×ajj, the ×ÉjjÊs usually begin to wear Arabian Jubbah55 in

preference to western fashions. They also use head-covering Keffiyeh

or Shemaghs56 at least occasionally such as during the time of performing

weekly Jumuah prayer in the mosque. Thus, Arabian dress culture

becomes dress culture of ×ÉjjÊs in Bangladesh. It has been considered

as a symbol of dignity identifying a ×ÉjjÊ. Several Arabian and Islamic

cultures which have randomly been practiced among the Arabian people

such as hospitality to the guests, charity to the needy people, giving gifts,



Hamdard Islamicus 142 Vol. XLII, Nos. 1 & 2

helping the disable etc. influence the minds of ×ÉjjÊs. The Bangladeshi

×ÉjjÊs after their return try to follow these practices in their everyday

life. The beards of the ×ÉjjÊs are carefully groomed and trimmed.

Traditionally, the ×ÉjjÊs in Bangladeshi society are unquestionably

respected by everybody irrespective of socio-religious or political groups.

They usually use the honorific title ‘×ÉjjÊ or Al-×Éjj’ before their name.

The society of Bangladesh tends to associate ×ajj with men rather

than women, since very few women perform ×ajj comparing to men.

A female pilgrim would become a local celebrity in the village area. The

female pilgrims rarely use the title ‘Al-×Éjj’ or ‘×Éjjiya’. It also varies

based on age. It is believed that age brings seniority, and etiquette demands

that young defer the old. Consequently, young person who performed

×ajj would not be given equal status and respect associated in general

with having performed ×ajj. It is, thus, socially problematic for a young

pilgrim to claim the status of ×Éjji and it is observed among the young

×ÉjjÊs in Bangladeshi society that they are not used to using the title

‘Al-×Éjj’. Even the people also usually donot address a young ×Éjji as

‘×Éjji ØÉÍib’ or do not show equal respect towards them as to the old

aged ×ÉjjÊs.

In Bangladeshi society, several in-house programs are arranged in

honor of the person who decides to perform ×ajj. These programs are

organized by his friends, relatives and neighbours and are generally

followed by lunch or dinner. It has been believed to be an honorific act

to find the opportunity of feeding the guest of Allah (SWT). Sometimes,

these programs turn into family and relatives get-together. Like any other

party, food is the prime course of these programs too, and of course

would-be ×Éjji is the chief guest. Though, there are no official statistics

or survey, it can easily be said that a would-be ×Éjji on an average

attends at least 10 to 15 pre-×ajj and post-×ajj feast programs. To see

off an aspirant-×Éjji is a unique feature in the society of Bangladesh.

Close friends and family-members go with intending pilgrims to the airport

to see him off. Huge rush is seen in the airports on the occasion of the

departure of the ×ajj flights. In the village areas, seeing-off an intending

×Éjji is a big event. Family-members, friends, villagers, relatives and

neighbours gather hours before the departure of the ×Éjji. They are

bidden good-bye with tears from their residence. Then they are taken to

the nearest railway or bus station in the form of a big procession. The



Hamdard Islamicus 143 Vol. XLII, Nos. 1 & 2

number of greeters gets reduced at railway or bus station, and only close

family-members and friends accompany the intending ×Éjji on their way

to the airport. They stay with the intending ×Éjji or even outside the

airport until the flight takes off. Upon their return, the same practice is

repeated. They are received by their close family-members, and friends

at the airport, and later on the same railway or bus station, the same

huge crowds are there to welcome the ×Éjji.

Sometimes, the families and friends who missed the chance of

inviting the would-be ×Éjji before their ×ajj, arrange such programs

after their return from ×ajj. ×ÉjjÊs briefly share their ×ajj experiences

with the friends and relatives and influence them to perform ×ajj and

visit the holy cities of Makkah and Madinah in the post-×ajj programs.

The ×ÉjjÊs entertain the visitors generally with the drinking water of

Zamzam and Arabian dates. These are believed to be symbols of Barakah

(blessing). Sometimes, the number of visitors becomes too many that the

water of Zamzam that was brought by the ×Éjji doesn’t reach all the

recipients. In those cases, few drops of Zamzam water is being mixed

with the regular drinking water and then distributed among the visitors.

Everybody including the children and the aged are very eager to drink

a little water from that with due respect to the holy water.57 Many of

them eat or drink it with the hope of being cured of their illnesses. The

×ÉjjÊs entertain close relatives, friends or dignified guests with some

special gifts that are brought from the holy city of Makkah. The special

gifts include Prayer-rug, Arabian perfume (Attar), prayer-cap, Arabian

Jubbah, beads (TasbÊÍ), Miswak (Teeth-cleaning twig made from the

Salvadora persica tree). Distribution of gifts of Makkah by a ×Éjji has

been the most attractive feature of post-×ajj programs.

Many ×ÉjjÊs in Bangladesh bring with them the cloths of IÍrÉm

(two plain white sheets of cloth) which they wore in Makkah during

×ajj, with the spirit of preparation for eternal journey, intending to use

these as their shroud. Or they bring different sets of cloths being washed

with the water of Zamzam to use as their shroud. They also try to bring

a part of the GhilÉf (covering cloth) of Ka‘bah to use it with their

shroud. Sometimes, they bring mud of the grave of Jannatul BaqÊ

(a famous graveyard of the Companions of the Prophet (œ) to use it in

their graves. It is believed that this wearing and mud may cause safety

from the dangers in the graves after their departure from the worldly life.



Hamdard Islamicus 144 Vol. XLII, Nos. 1 & 2

With the influence of globalization and modern westernized cultural trend

in the society of Bangladesh, these particular cultures around ×ajj and

its social impressions are gradually declining. Now, many people,

particularly young people of the country, donot show additional respect

towards ×Éjji only on account of being a ×Éjji; rather they observe the

reality and their practical life. They think that sometimes it is possible to

become a ×Éjji with the usual symbols but without any inner

transformation. Anyone can wear the right clothes, trim his beard, and

call himself a ×Éjji, but this does not suffice for his complete piety. Now,

people make judgments about the practical honesty and piety not with the

symbols only. The person using the symbols without practical honesty is

treated as a ‘×Éjji in-name only’. Thus, ×ajj being practiced among the

Muslims of Bengal for centuries, has been exerting socio-cultural impacts

on the various strata of the society.

Educational Impact

×ajj increases knowledge of the ×ÉjjÊs both experimental and

theoretical through various means. Primarily, whenever a person desires

to perform ×Éjj, he/she simultaneously tries to learn the ways of

performing ×Éjj correctly. The intending ×Éjji learns it either by way

of studying the books written on ×ajj or from a learned person (‘ÓlÊm).

This learning, sometimes, includes many other religious aspects. He/she

also tries to gather experience from the persons who already performed

×ajj. On the occasion of ×ajj, a good number of small booklets containing

the rules of ×ajj are published in Bangladesh by the Islamic scholars or

the ×ajj agencies. Sometimes, these books are distributed free of cost

by the wealthy persons as a gift to the intending ×Éjjis, or they buy it

from the market. The ×ajj agencies in Bangladesh also distribute the

×ajj guidelines among the intending ×ajj is and arrange pre-×ajj training

programs so that they can perform ×ajj perfectly. The main objective

of such training programs is to guide, and train the intending ×ajj is as

to how perform the ×ajj correctly. They also teach the intending ×ajj

is the techniques to avoid the rush during ×ajj. Bangladesh government

also arranges ×ajj training program for the intending ×ajj is. These

programs begin with recitation from the Holy Qur’Én followed

by Na‘t (songs of to praise for Prophet (œ). The speakers include mainly



Hamdard Islamicus 145 Vol. XLII, Nos. 1 & 2

Islamic scholars (‘UlamÉ) and experienced ×Éjjis. They deliver speech

about their ×ajj experiences, important features of ×ajj, the rules,

regulations and duties of ×ajj, the ways to perform ×ajj perfectly,

locations of important places in the ×aramain, legal requirements in the

country, laws of Saudi government which must be followed by a ×Éjji

during ×ajj and other sensitivities of the land, which need to be respected.

With the help of projector and other devices, the trainers inform the

intended ×Éjjis about procedure and mandatory requirements of ×ajj.

These training sessions usually last longer than any other session of a

pre-×ajj program as the intending ×ÉjjÊs are interested to know as

much as they can about their scheduled journey. Food is served at the

end of the training sessions.

After the training program, the intending ×ÉjjÊs devote themselves

into studying and learning ×ajj rituals in details until they perform ×ajj.

During their stay at the holy cities of Makkah and Madinah, the

Bangladeshi ×ÉjjÊs gather knowledge from different types of lectures

and practices of global Muslims particularly of Arabia. Several Arabian

scholars arrange religious discussion programs in the Masjid- al-×arÉm

compound, where Bangladeshi ×ÉjjÊs participate and acquire knowledge

about several important Islamic issues and practices. These lectures

mainly focus on the importance of having pure ‘AqÊdah (faith). Bangladeshi

×ÉjjÊs, who have been experiencing of several bid‘at (sinful innovative

practices) in the society of Bangladesh, because of historical perspectives,

receive exclusive knowledge of pure ‘AqÊdah. Thus, they can realize by

comparison that many practices that they had performed earlier were

originally not supported by Islam. This realization reflects on their practical

life after ×ajj. But, one disadvantage of these lectures, as has been

marked by Professor Dr. B.M. Mofizur Rahman, who has performed

×ajj several times,58 is that these are conducted in Arabic language,

while majority of Bangladeshi ×Éjjis does not understand them and

obviously they cannot get full benefit. Though there are some lectures

with Bangla translation arranged by the ×ajj agencies or some

Bangladeshi associations in Saudi Arabia, major lectures have no translation

facilities into any other languages. He also remarked that as many verses

of the Holy Qur‘Én and ×adÊth of the Prophet (œ) hung on the walls

of Masjid al-×arÉm in Arabic, most of the non-Arab people cannot

understand the meaning of these verses and Prophetic traditions. If these



Hamdard Islamicus 146 Vol. XLII, Nos. 1 & 2

lectures could be broad casted translating into other major languages and

the wall posters could be hung incorporating translations, it would be

better understood by the world Muslim community including Bangladeshi

×ÉjjÊs. Many organizations like Rabeta al-Alam al-Islami arrange many

Islamic programs during ×ajj season, where lectures are given by

world-famous Islamic scholars, from which the ×ÉjjÊs enrich their

knowledge about Islam and world Muslim communities of different

countries. ×ajj conference also takes place every year. The ×ajj agencies

of Bangladesh also arrange many educative programs which include

important lectures by Bangladeshi or Bangla-speaking Islamic scholars.

Many Bangladeshi students studying in different universities of Saudi

Arabia arrange different types of educative and instructive programs for

the Bangladeshi ×ÉjjÊs specially emphasizing on those issues which are

closely related to the society of Bangladesh. By participating in these

variant programs, the ×ÉjjÊs of Bangladesh enrich themselves with

important knowledge of Islam, understand the diversity of global Muslim

community, exchange their views, and come into close contact with the

famous Islamic scholars of different countries. Thus, one kind of

enhancement of knowledge and exchange of views has widely been

taken place among the ×ÉjjÊs of Bangladesh.

Many Arabian Shaikhs voluntarily arrange a good number of

intellectual discourses in different venues and mosques during ×ajj, where

Bangladeshi ×ÉjjÊs also participate. Professor Dr. A.K.M. Shahed,59

who performed ×ajj in 2013, remarked that he participated in these type

of several programs and Shaikhs also gifted him some books written on

Islam. He got huge benefits from these discussions and remarked that

these were very thoughtful, effective and these mainly focused on pure

Islamic ‘AqÊdah. Sometimes, Bangladeshi students studying there promptly

translate the lectures of Shaikhs into Bangla for the better understanding

and easy communication. He suggests for multi-lingual translations for

greater benefit of the ×ÉjjÊs coming from different language backgrounds.

Many Bangladeshi ‘UlamÉ go to perform ×ajj every year. They also

attend different discussion meetings and cultural programs where they

deliver valuable speech mainly arranged by the Bangladeshi migrants in

Saudi Arabia in honor of Bangladeshi ×ÉjjÊs. Professor Dr. B.M. Mofizur

Rahman,60 a renowned Islamic scholar of Chittagong, who performed

×ajj threetimes, participated in two such programs in 2015 and in six



Hamdard Islamicus 147 Vol. XLII, Nos. 1 & 2

programs in 2014 in the presence of hundreds of Bangladeshi migrants

and ×ÉjjÊs. Professor Dr. A.K.M. Abdul Quader,61 who performed

×ajj more than five times and every year he participated in several

programs and also delivered speech. He estimated that Bangladeshi

migrants arrange more than 100 such religio-cultural programs in Makkah

during ×ajj. Many Bangladeshi Islamic scholars, who live in different

European and other countries, also deliver speeches before the Bangladeshi

×ÉjjÊs during ×ajj in these kinds of programs. Thus, it may be said that

Bangladeshi ×ÉjjÊs get a very rare opportunity to listen to the speeches

from world famous Islamic scholars during ×ajj. Undoubtedly, it

contributes to increase their knowledge about Islam in general and ×ajj

in particular. It makes them conscious, acquaintances them with diversity

of Islam and enlightens them with global thinking.

Many educated people of Bangladesh who go to perform ×ajj,

take the opportunity to bring many books from Saudi Arabia particularly

the religious and historical books. The ‘UlamÉ and the people who

understand Arabic language usually bring the books for personal use as

well as for libraries of their institutions. H.M. Ataur Rahman Nadwi,62

who performed ×ajj second time in 2015, brought sixty kilograms of

books during his departure from Makkah, Dr. Masudur Rahman,63 also

couriered about 100 kilograms of book from Makkah when he visited

that sacred city. They brought the books particularly on TafsÊr, ×adÊth,

Fiqh and Arabic language. Professor Dr. A.K.M. Abdul Quader also

observed that during several lectures arranged by Arabian Shaikhs, he

and many other participants were presented with many books. Thus,

many Arabic books on Islam are brought to Bangladesh by the ×ÉjjÊs

every year. So, ×ajj not only enhances the knowledge, perception and

experience of the ×ÉjjÊs, but also opens the opportunity of learning Islam

from original source for the non-×ÉjjÊs of Bangladesh.

Religio-Spiritual Impact

×ajj is a phenomenon of the spiritual journey of the Muslim devotees

and the stages of their servitude to the Almighty Allah. The essence of

×ajj is the journey towards the Almighty Allah (SWT) and the external

acts of ×ajj, devoid of presence of the heart, are not considered as

worship. Thus, ×ajj, as a religious obligation and spiritual act, undoubtedly



Hamdard Islamicus 148 Vol. XLII, Nos. 1 & 2

leaves immense religious and spiritual impact not only on the mind of the

×ÉjjÊs and non-×ÉjjÊs of Bangladesh, but also the entire Muslim society

of the country. Following the tradition of the society of Bangladesh, all

worldly obligations of a ×ÉjjÊ have almost been discharged before

performing ×ajj. Subsequently, a ×ÉjjÊ after his/her return devotes his

full time to pursue a better advanced spiritual life. However, it does not

mean withdrawing from the world completely. Rather, it simply means

that they can now do more spiritual activities. The ×ÉjjÊs of Bangladesh

use this care-free time in observing non-obligatory prayers either in their

houses or in the mosques. It is sincerely believed that a ×ÉjjÊ after

completing ×ajj will receive special RaÍmat (mercy) from the Almighty

Allah (SWT) and his worldly problems would be solved easily.64 Spiritually,

the ×ajj works as a way of transition and transformation for the ×ÉjjÊs

from a materialistic life to a very spiritualistic one. A ×ÉjjÊ, who performed

×ajj correctly, is believed to have returned from Makkah free from all

sins ‘as clean as a new born baby’. Images of birth are felt and seen

in the returning ×ÉjjÊs and their feelings. Almost all the ×ÉjjÊs emphasize

on the necessity of being exonerated by the Almighty Allah (SWT) from

the accumulated sins of their life. In this sense, a Bangladeshi ×ÉjjÊ sees

the ×ajj as a rite which marks the transition from a sinless life to a

blessed death. Closely connected to this concept of spiritual rebirth,

purification is highly expected from the returning ×ÉjjÊs as a moral

transformation. Everyone in Bangladeshi society expects those who have

been to Makkah for ×ajj to come back spiritually rejuvenated, displaying

a new enthusiasm for the spiritual life. The ×ÉjjÊs often describe their

×ajj experience in terms of changed spiritual states. Again and again

×ÉjjÊs tell about how they felt themselves transformed by means of

×ajj as recounted by Dr. Helaluddin Noman65 who performed ×ajj in

2015. To quote him here:

“When I went to Makkah for ×ajj, I was happy and felt very

blessed to see the Holy Ka‘bah. After my return, I felt very keen

to see the house of Allah (SWT) again and again. This feeling could

not be expressed exactly in words. It is an eternal and spiritual

love.”

Mrs. Razia Begum,66 who performed ×ajj in 2013, described her

feelings as:



Hamdard Islamicus 149 Vol. XLII, Nos. 1 & 2

“I cried when I was returning from the holy mosque of the Prophet

(œ) and Baitullah. I felt as if I lost my parents or my sons and

daughters. It is an attraction forever. Still I cry whenever I see

these holy places on the TV screens. Every moment I feel to be

there, I feel as if I left my ever known places. It changed my whole

thinking. After every prayer, I pray to Almighty Allah (SWT) to be

able to go there again. I remember every time the days I spent over

there. Before ×ajj I prayed towards Ka‘bah and during ×ajj I

saw the Ka‘bah. And after returning home, whenever I stand for

prayer that lively Ka‘bah has appeared in front of my eyes. It is

an indescribable feeling.”

×ajj undoubtedly brings a tremendous change in the philosophy

and attitude of ×ÉjjÊs towards life and livelihood. As Dr. Helaluddin

Noman described that he can never think to do something inconsistent

with the Islamic SharÊ‘ah though in minor issues. ×ajj made him stronger

than before to be dependent on the Almighty Allah (SWT) in every

aspect of life. ×ajj creates a happy mood and cheerful attitude in the

mind of ×ÉjjÊs and thus, ×ÉjjÊs feel better in everyday affairs of their

daily life. These psychological transformation and spiritual change are

manifested in the daily activities, realm of prayer and other kinds of

religious activity of the ×ÉjjÊs in Bangladeshi society. Md. Abu Shama,67

who performed ×ajj in 2013, illustrated it well when saying:

“When I went to Makkah for ×ajj and saw everything with my

eyes, touched with my hands, prayed at the premises of the Ka‘bah,

I am thinking very differently. My heart says, stay here forever and

never leave it.”

Because of historical perspectives and lack of awareness on the

part of the Bengali Muslims, many socio-cultural practices infiltrated

from Hinduism and Buddhism into the Muslim society. Many superstitious

practices are prevailing in the society of Bangladesh such as worshipping

the PÊrs/AwliÉs, decorating their graves/shrines, constructing prayer houses

on the graves of PÊrs/AwliÉs, seeking their help, believing in their spiritual

power after death, offering food and flowers in the names of

PÊrs/AwliÉs, using amulets etc. When a person who had practiced these



Hamdard Islamicus 150 Vol. XLII, Nos. 1 & 2

infiltrated alien cultures or any Bid‘at previously, and goes to Makkah

for ×ajj, he observesthere a very pure practice of Islam which is entirely

free from such kind of Shirk and Bid‘at. Every Muslim in the society

of Bangladesh unquestionably believes in the purity of Islamic practices

at Makkah and Madinah. This practical experience creates a permanent

change in the devotional practices of a ×ÉjjÊ. Thus, the ×ÉjjÊs who had

the habit of such kind of Shirk and Bid‘at practices, they sincerely

abandon these after performing ×ajj. The superstitious beliefs for decades

have permanently been vanished as a result of performing ×ajj once. It

is undoubtedly considered as a revolutionary change in the religious affairs

of the Muslim society of Bangladesh. Many people who were worshippers

of graves of the saints previously, after ×ajj their minds turn towards

pure TawÍÊd, as Professor Dr. A.K.M. Shahed remarked.68 He gave

examples of several individuals of his own village, whom he observed to

be changed radically in their beliefs and practices after Hajj.

Remembering his father’s ×ajj history in 1983, Dr. A.K.M. Shahed

recalled that before his father’s journey to Makkah, he concluded all

kinds of economic transactions with the people from the belief that it

might be his last journey. It was believed an eternal journey and preparation

for next life. It leaves spiritual impact positively not only on the life of

the ×ÉjjÊs, but also on his/her family members and the society to a

greater extent. ×ajj can change the philosophy of life of a ×Éjji by

changing individual’s inner state, beliefs, preferences, and subsequently

he could spiritually be transformed by performing ×ajj. Thus, ×ajj brings

a remarkable change in the life and society of Bangladeshi Muslims.

×ajj inspires ×ÉjjÊs to be a better Muslim in both faith and practice

than before. It encourages them to participate regularly in practices

which they unambiguously identify as Islamic. In this sense, it is seen as

part of a process of Islamization among them. ×ÉjjÊs are more likely to

undertake obligatory and supererogatory (nawÉfil/optional) prayers such

as ØalÉt-ut-Tahajjud, Qur’Én recitation regularly etc. They become

regular attendants in the mosques to perform five times prayers, observe

obligatory and non-obligatory fasting and follow Islamic principles strictly

in the daily affairs of their individual, family and social life. The female

×ÉjjÊs are never seen to ignore Purdah. The male ×ÉjjÊs rarely shave

their beard as it goes against the Sunnah of the Prophet (œ). They try

to avoid all kinds of unfair, unethical and un-Islamic means in their



Hamdard Islamicus 151 Vol. XLII, Nos. 1 & 2

everyday activities. Even, the ×ÉjjÊ for sakes morally unsound habits

such as smoking etc. They rarely do cheat, tell a lie or break a promise

with others in their social affairs. The ×ÉjjÊs inspire their fellow brethren

and family-members to follow Islamic religious principles in their lives.

Thus, in the society of Bangladesh, life of a ×ÉjjÊ has ever been a model

of spirituality and Islamic religiosity. Most probably majority of the ×ÉjjÊs

do some religious commitment by self during ×ajj which they observe

in their post-×ajj life. It increases their devotion to religious practice,

honesty in social affairs and induces them to be more tolerant and kind

towards the different social groups. It inspires them to keep pure belief

consistent with the Holy Qur‘Én and Sunnah. ×ÉjjÊs in the society of

Bangladesh usually become more tolerant to the people from different

religious groups, sects, and to the member of the opposite gender. ×ajj

increases experience-based knowledge about global diversity of gender,

color, region with in the Muslim Ummah and most importantly, diversity

of opinion within Islam. This knowledge leads them to interact broadly

with other groups. Thus, ×ajj, as an Islamic religious obligation, inculcates

Islamic religiosity and inner spirituality of the ×ÉjjÊs of Bangladesh.

These are often reflected through their practical dealings in all through

the rest of their life after ×ajj. They become more meticulous in their

religious observances, more honest in their social affairs, more trustworthy

in their interactive attitudes, more reliable in their family commitments,

more confident in themselves, and most importantly, every moment they

remain ever ready to meet their beloved Lord Allah (SWT) with a

purified life and honestheart bedecked with the jewels of absolute surrender

to His will.

 

Conclusion

×ajj is the most complete and comprehensive form of worship in

Islamand submission before the Almighty Allah (SWT). It disciplines the

human being, teaches TawÍÊd, purifies his soul, creates unity with other

fellow-believers without arrogance, prepares the mind for death, ushers

in a feeling of humbleness, and strengthens the faith of a true believer

in Him. ×ajj has an enormous impact on the life of the Muslims of

Bangladesh in all respect as the social and religious sentiments run side

by side. ×ajj not only transforms individual life of the ×ÉjjÊs but also



Hamdard Islamicus 152 Vol. XLII, Nos. 1 & 2

collective beliefs and practices of the entire society that spread universal

Islamic values. Every year thousands of Bangladeshi Muslims; male and

female, perform ×ajj. This huge number of ×ÉjjÊs, with their practical

learning and diverse experience from ×ajj, are exerting positive influence

on different aspects of the society. It is the most vivid manifestation of

believing in and practicing TawÍÊd (belief in a single Deity of Allah) and

universal brotherhood. The ×ÉjjÊs practice true Islam with pure ‘AqÊdah

(beliefs) during ×ajj, which contribute to the spread of pure Islamic faith

and practice among the Muslims of Bangladesh who have been practicing

many social rites having relation to Shirk (polytheism) and Bid‘at

(sinful innovation) because of historical, and socio-cultural interaction

with the non-Muslim religious groups. The ×ÉjjÊs work for social peace

and wider tolerance towards different social groups irrespective of gender,

sect religion, based on Islamic teaching of justice and equality. ×ajj

offers the most evident and effective lesson of equality and universality

for mankind. It induces a shift from localized beliefs and practice towards

global Islamic practice. ×ajj increases tolerance and peaceful inclinations

and leads to more favorable attitudes toward others, particularly, the

women. It eradicates such vices as racism, murder, casteism, regionalism,

nationalism etc. and permanently annihilates polytheism from the minds

of the Muslims who gather around the Holy Ka‘bah to submit themselves

before the will of Almighty Allah (SWT). ×ajj also helps spreading some

Arabian culture into the Muslim society of Bangladesh. The ×ÉjjÊs in the

society of Bangladesh enjoy a position of special respect.69 It also

contributes to the spread of Islamic knowledge primarily at individual

level of the ×ÉjjÊs and at the collective level to an appreciable extent.

Several commodities are exchanged unofficially between Bangladesh

and Saudi Arabia during ×ajj, which facilitates the trading concerns with

the prospect of a rise to a very remarkable level. Spiritually, ×ajj

represents the essence and spirit of Islam, complete devotion towards

the Almighty Allah (SWT), self-sacrifice, equality, and in discrimination

on the basis of color, race, caste, wealth or power. It not only moulds the

×ÉjjÊs into more sincere Muslims, but also the society at large by their

honesty and piety. ×ajj is a coveted preparation for the next life and it

leads to a spiritual reawakening and improves social status. It creates the

unity of thoughts and acts by performing divine injunctions and consolidating

the pillars of social justice. The Bangladeshi Muslim’s keen attraction to



Hamdard Islamicus 153 Vol. XLII, Nos. 1 & 2

the Holy Ka‘bah and the great assembly of the Muslim Ummah during

×ajj in a single place, evidently, create mutual understanding, unity in

thinking and tendency of tolerance towards others. The most important

factor of understanding is the equitable teachings of Islam that bridge the

gaps, bring hearts together, create a link between the east and the west,

black and white, the Arabs and the non-Arabs, feel sympathy for one

another. Above allin the context of the society of Bangladesh, it may

confidently be said that ×ajj transforms a ×ÉjjÊ to be a better Muslim

in belief and practice, a better social member in dealings with the people,

a better personality in feelings towards others.

Notes and References

1. Sabir Shah, “Number of foreign ×Éjjis grows by 2,824 percent in 92 years”, The

News International, Pakistan, October 25, 2012, last modified 4 October 2015,

http://www.thenews.com.pk/Todays-News-2-139473-Number-of-foreign-Hajjis-

grows-by-2824-percent-in-92-years .

2. M.N. Pearson, Pious Passengers: The ×ajj in Earlier Times, New Delhi, Sterling

Publishers Pvt. Ltd., 1994, p. 1.

3. Al-Qur’Én, Vol. XXII, p. 28, Accessed February 10, 2017,  http://quran.com/22/

28.

4. Qiblah is the direction of the place to which Muslims must turn for prayer the

Ka’Ébah at Makkah.

5. Abu Ameenah B. Philips, ×ajj and Umra According to The Qur’Én and Sunna,

Riyadh, International Islamic Publishing House, 1989, p. 33.

6. Burhan al-Din Daluw, Jazirat al-Arab Qabl al-Islam, Beirut 1989, Vol. II, p. 273.

7. Oxford Dictionary, Accessed November 10, 2018, https://

en.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/hajj

8. Al-Qur’Én, Vol. XXII, pp. 26-27, And [mention, O MuÍammad], when We

designated for Abraham the site of the House, [saying], “Do not associate

anything with Me and purify My House for those who perform Tawaf and those

who stand [in prayer] and those who bow and prostrate. And proclaim to the

people the ×ajj [pilgrimage]; they will come to you on foot and on every lean

camel; they will come from every distant pass. Accessed February 10, 2017,

http://quran.com/22/26-27 .

9. Al-Qur’Én, Vol. XXII, pp. 27-28. Accessed February 10, 2017, http://quran.com/

22/27-28.

10. Al-Qur’Én, Vol. III, P. 97. Accessed February 10, 2017, http://quran.com/3/97.

11. Ibn hajar al-Asqalani, Bulugh al-Maraam min Adillat al- Ahkam, Book 6, ×adith

739, Accessed November 10, 2018,  https://sunnah.com/bulugh/6/13.

12. Abu Abdullah MuÍammad ibn Ismail al-Bukhari, Sahih al-Bukhari, Book 25,

×adith 9, Accessed November 10, 2018, https://sunnah.com/bukhari/25/9.



Hamdard Islamicus 154 Vol. XLII, Nos. 1 & 2

13. K. A. Nizami, “introduction” in Arab Accounts of India, ed. Dr. MoÍammad Zaki,

Delhi, 2009.

14. Md. Thowhidul Islam, “The Advent of Islam in Bengal, An Economic Perspective”,

IIUC Studies 7, Bangladesh 2010, pp. 91-106.

15. MoÍammad Akram Khan, Moslem Bhonger Samajik Itihash, Social History of the

Muslims of Bengal, Dhaka, Azad publications Ltd., 1965, p. 83.

16. M. N. Roy, The Historical Role of Islam, Delhi, 1981, pp. 82-84.

17. Ahmadul Islam Chowdhury, A History of ×ajj Pilgrimage via Chittagong Port

of Bangladesh, Chittagong, 2017, p. 4.

18. Syed Ashraf Ali, “×ajj,” in Banglapedia, The National Encyclopedia of Bangladesh,

eds. Sirajul Islam, Bangladesh, Asiatic Society of Bangladesh, 2003, Accessed

February 28, 2017, http://www.banglapedia.org/.

19. M. N. Pearson, Pious Passengers, The ×ajj in Earlier Times, New Delhi, Sterling

Publishers Pvt. Ltd., 1994.

20. “Muslim population by country,” Pew Research Center, Accessed February 12,

2017,http://features.pewforum.org/muslim-population/ .

21. “Top Ten Countries with Largest Muslim Population,” Maps of World, Accessed

February 12, 2017, http://www.mapsofworld.com/world-top-ten/world-top-ten-

countries-with-largest-muslim-populations-map.html

22. “×ajj Package 2015,” Bangladesh ×ajj Management Portal of Ministry of Religious

Affairs, Accessed March 11, 2017, http://www. Hajj.gov.bd/wp-content/uploads/

2015/12/Hajj_pakage_2015.pdf

23. “×ajj Package 2016,” Bangladesh ×ajj Management Portal of Ministry of Religious

Affairs, Accessed March 11, 2017, http://www.Hajj.gov.bd/wp-content/uploads/

2016/12/Hajj_pakage_2016.pdf

24. ×ajj Package 2018,” Bangladesh ×ajj Management Portal of Ministry of Religious

Affairs, Accessed November 11, 2018, http://www.hajj.gov.bd/wp-content/uploads/

2018/02/haj-package-2018.pdf

25. M. Abdel Haleem, “The Religious and Social Importance of ×ajj”, in The ×ajj,

Collected Essays, eds. Veneia Porter & Liana Saif, London, The British Museum,

2013, p. 1.

26. Akeel Ibrahim al-Ken, The ×ajj. Past, Present, and Future: The Communication

Aspect, Ph.D. Thesis, Netherland, The University of Leeds, 1995, p. 2.

27. “Muslim population by country,” Pew Research Center, Accessed February 12,

2017,http://features.pewforum.org/muslim-population/ .

28. “Top Ten Countries with Largest Muslim Population,” Maps of World, Accessed

February 12, 2017, http://www.mapsofworld.com/world-top-ten/world-top-ten-

countries-with-largest-muslim-populations-map.html

29. “Population Census 2011”, Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics, Accessed February

10, 2017,  http://www.bbs.gov.bd/ .

30. Shariatpur named as such after the name of ×ajji Shariatullah. Formerly it was

under the Madaripur sub-division of Bangladesh.

31. Md. Thowhidul Islam, “The Role of Migration in the Formation of Early Muslim

Community of Bengal, 1204-1757”, Journal of History and Culture,

(Itihas o Sanskriti) 1, Bangladesh, Islamic University Kushtia, 2010,

pp. 237-261.



Hamdard Islamicus 155 Vol. XLII, Nos. 1 & 2

32. Md. Akhtaruzzaman, “History of Sufism in Bengal: An Introduction”, Philosophy

and progress journal 28, Bangladesh, Dhaka University, 2000, pp. 54-62.

33. Muin-ud-Din Ahmad Khan, History of the Fara’idi Movement in Bengal, Karachi,

Pakistan Historical Society, 1965, Vol II, pp. 37-38.

34. Muin-ud-Din Ahmad Khan, “Shariatullah,” in Banglapedia, The National

Encyclopedia of Bangladesh, Eds. Sirajul Islam, Dhaka, Asiatic Society of

Bangladesh, 2003, Accessed February 28, 2017, http://www.banglapedia.org/.

35. Muin-ud-Din Ahmad Khan, “Dudu Miyan,” in Banglapedia, The National

Encyclopedia of Bangladesh, eds. Sirajul Islam, Dhaka, Asiatic Society of

Bangladesh, 2003, Accessed February 28, 2017, http://www.banglapedia.org/.

36. Iftekhar Iqbal, “Between Puritan Islamic and Syncretistic Muslim Traditions in

Bengal, An Ecological Perspective on the Faraizi Movement,” Bangladesh

e-Journal of Sociology 8, No. 1. Dhaka, 2011, p. 66.

37. Ibid., p. 69.

38. Muin-ud-Din Ahmad Khan, Islamic Revivalism, Dhaka, Bangladesh Institute of

Islamic Thought, 2010, pp. 176-205.

39. Ibid., pp. 141-162.

40. Muin-ud-Din Ahmad Khan, “Titumir,” in Banglapedia: The National Encyclopedia

of Bangladesh, eds. Sirajul Islam, Dhaka, Asiatic Society of Bangladesh, 2003,

Accessed February 28, 2017, http://www.banglapedia.org/.

41. MoÍammad Aman Ullah Khan, Mohimamoy Jiban (Glorious Life), Chittagong,

Baitus Sharaf Anjumane Ittehad, 2011, p. 100.

42. Muhammad Abdul Hai Nadwi, Hazrat Allama Shah Maulana MoÍammad Abdul

Jabbar R., Life and Ideal, Bangladesh, Allama Shah Abdul Jabbar Foundation

Chittagong, 2012, p. 67.

43. Ahmadul Islam Chowdhury, Aasheqe Rasul, Mujaddede Mahfil-i-Siratunnabi Hazrat

Shah Maulana Hafez Ahmad R., Bangladesh, 2007, p. 42.

44. Hazrat Shah Moulana MuÍammad Abdul Jabbar, Ta’alimul ×ajj, Umrah and

Ziyarat, a chapter entitled Cautions from experience, Chittagong, Allama Shah

Abdul Jabbar Foundation, 2012, pp. 30-33.

45. Hastings Donnan, “Symbol and Status: The Significance of the ×ajj in Pakistan.”

Muslim World 79, No. 3-4. 1989, pp. 205-216; C. Yamba, C., Permanent

Pilgrims: The Role of Pilgrimage in the Lives of West African Muslims in Sudan.

Edinburgh, Edinburgh University Press, 1995; Dale F. Eickelman and James

Piscatori, “Muslim Travellers: Pilgrimage, Migration, and the Religious Imagination.”

In Barbara D. Metcalf, Ed. Comparative Studies on Muslim Societies, Vol. IX,

Berkeley, University of California Press, 1990.

46. “Bangladesh” Languages of the world, Accessed February 28, 2017, http://

www.ethnologue.com/country/BD

47. Men wear two white sheets. Women face less stringent requirements but typically

also wear white.

48. Aman Ullah Khan, Mohimamoy Jiban, pp. 100-116.

49. Abdul Karim, Social History of the Muslims in Bengal, Chittagong, Baitush

Sharaf Islamic Research Institute, 1985, pp. 31-33, M. Mohar Ali, History of the

Muslims of Bengal, Vol. I A, KSA, Department of Culture and Publication of

Imam MuÍammad Ibn Sa’ud Islamic University, 1985, pp. 33-34.



Hamdard Islamicus 156 Vol. XLII, Nos. 1 & 2

50. K.N. Dikshit, Memories of the Archeological Survey of India, No. 55, Delhi,

1938, p. 87.

51. F.A. Khan, Recent Archeological Discoveries in East Pakistan: Mainamati, Karachi:,

Pakistan publications, n.d., p. 11.

52. “List of ×ajj Agencies of Bangladesh,” ×ajj Agencies Association of

Bangladesh (HAAB), Accessed March 11, 2017, http://www.haab-bd.com/

index.php?option=com_agency&Itemid=26&lang=en&limitstart=1220.

53. “Arab Versus Asian Migrant Workers in the GCC Countries,” UN Expert Group

Meeting on International Migration and Development in the Arab Region, Beirut,

Department of Economic and Social Affairs United Nations Secretariat, pp. 15-

17 May 2006, Accessed December 11, 2016, http://www.un.org/esa/population/

meetings/EGM_Ittmig_Arab/P02_Kapiszewski.pdf.

54. Akeel Ibrahim al-Ken, The ×ajj,  Past, Present, and Future, The Communication

Aspect, Ph.D. Thesis, Netherland, The University of Leeds, 1995, p. 31.

55. A long outer garment resembling an open coat, having long sleeves, and worn

especially by the Arabian Muslims.

56. A traditional square cotton scarf generally used by the Arabian men to cover their

heads.

57. Ahmadul Islam Chowdhury, A History of ×ajj Pilgrimage via Chittagong Port

of Bangladesh, Chittagong 2017, p. 18.

58. Personal interview with the author

59. Ibid.

60. Ibid.

61. Ibid.

62. Ibid.

63. Ibid.

64. Ahmadul Islam Choudhury, My First ×ajj-Mobarak Smriti (Blessed Memories),

Chittagong, 2005, p. 86.

65. Personal interview with the author.

66. Ibid.

67. Ibid.

68. Ibid.

69. Syed Ashraf Ali, “×ajj,” in Banglapedia: The National Encyclopedia of Bangladesh,

eds. Sirajul Islam, Bangladesh, Asiatic Society of Bangladesh, 2003, Accessed

February 28, 2017, http://www.banglapedia.org/.