107 Lareh Nan Bunta: Power Systems and The Concept of Musical Aesthetics in Talempong Basaua in Luhak 50 Koto Minangkabau Andar Indra Sastra, Wilma Sriwulan, Yon Hendri Institut Seni Indonesia Padangpanjang, Indonesia Received: February 6, 2018. Revised: April 23, 2018. Accepted: June 10, 2018 Abstract The goal of this article is to bring to light lareh nan bunta as a form of representation of the sys- tem of democracy – or power – developed by Dt. Nan Sakelap Dunia. The discussion in this paper uses a qualitative method which is backed up by quantitative data. The data was collected through participant observation, interviewing, discussion, and analysis. The analysis was car- ried out using a descriptive method using theoretical reasoning, with knowledge of aesthetics and art. The results of the research show that conceptually, talempong basaua is a musical reality which represents lareh nan bunta in Luhak 50 Koto Minangkabau. Lareh nan bunta is a synthesis of the influence of power – or dialectic – between lareh kotopiliang (autocracy) and lareh bodicaniago (democracy), each with its own system of leadership. The dualism in the autocratic and demo- cratic systems of power form a balancing power known as lareh nan bunta – a combination of all three existing conceptions. Lareh nan bunta is also reflected in the concept of musical aesthetics in talempong basaua in Luhak 50 Koto Minangkabau. Talempong basaua represents a combination of two musical concepts, namely talempong and the rhythms or irama of dendang (vocal music), which are combined to create a new genre. Keywords: Lareh nan bunta; Power; Aesthetics; Talempong basaua; 50 Koto; Minangkabau How to Cite: Andar Indra Sastra, Wilma Sriwulan, Yon Hendri. (2018). Lareh Nan Bunta: Power Systems and The Concept of Musical Aesthetics in Talempong Basaua in Luhak 50 Koto Minangkabau. Harmonia: Journal of Arts Research And Education, 18(1), 107-116. doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/harmonia.v18i1.13280 Harmonia: Journal of Arts Research and Education 18 (1) (2018), 107-116 Available online at http://journal.unnes.ac.id/nju/index.php/harmonia DOI: 10.15294/harmonia.v18i1.13280 This tradition consistently mentions two functionaries of the law, Dt. Parpatiah Nan Sabatang and Dt. Katumangguangan, who according to legend quarreled about the government system to be enforced after the era of Adityawarman. Their disagree- ment led to the establishment of two poli- tical and legal systems – systems of leader- ship – namely Kalarasan Kotopiliang headed by Dt. Katumangguangan and Kalarasan Bodicaniago headed by Dt. Parpatiah (Dob- bin, 1992). These two sources of law initi- ated the conflict between the followers of Parpatiah and Katumangguangan, and INTRODUCTION Lareh Nan Bunta represents the dia- lectic of a conflict between the ideologies of two legendary Minangkabau figures, namely: Dt. Katumanggungan and Dt. Par- patiah Nan Sabatang. According to legend, these two figures were involved in a con- flict of ideology, especially after the end of Adityawarman’s reign of power (1347- 1375) in Minangkabau. Christine Dobbin states that from this time on, the history of Minangkabau entered into an oral traditi- on – known by the local people as tambo. Corresponding author: Jln. Bahder Johan No. 35 Padangpanjang –Sumatra Barat, 27128 E-mail: andarstsipp@gmail.com p-ISSN 2541-1683|e-ISSN 2541-2426 Harmonia: Journal of Arts Research and Education 18 (1) (2018): 107-116108 each district (nagari) in Luhak Nan Tigo Minangkabau has since had a tendency to follow the leadership of one of these two traditions. V Rifai (2007), as quoted by Ju- naidi in Harmonia, states that leadership is the process of influencing, motivating, and improving the behavior of people in an organization [community] in achieving the goals of the group and their culture (Ju- naidi, 2017). Politics and law are related to a go- vernment system, which in turn is oriented towards the system known as kalarasan (a customary government system), and this refers back to these two legendary figures. Andar Indra Sastra in Humaniora states that these two figures established the two go- vernment systems that were subsequently followed by every district (nagari) in Mi- nangkabau. Dt. Parpatiah Nan Sabatang’s government system was known for its con- cept of mambusek dari bumi (bursting from the earth), which was more democratic in nature. In this system, decisions were made by a government by process of deliberati- on. Dt. Parpatiah Nan Sabatang’s govern- ment system is also commonly referred to as Lareh Bodicaniago (Andar, 2017). Dt. Katumangguangan with his Kalarasan Ko- topiliang established an autocratic govern- ment system which nevertheless retained an element of deliberation and discussion. Decisions were only discussed by officials at the highest level, while lower officials and the general public had to accept the re- sults of the decisions made by those higher up in rank. This Kalarasan Kotopiliang style of government is known symbolically as manitiak dari ateh (dripping down from the top) which means instructions are given from the highest level (Andar, 2017). In ot- her words, the government system of Dt. Katumangguangan was oriented towards the system of a monarchy; and from this time onward, the two systems that were based on different ideologies became in- volved in the conflict. The conflict described between these two figures led to the implementation of these two systems in every nagari. Accor- ding to Christine Dobbin, each imposes a different legal tradition – known as lareh or laras. Limo Kaum is the central point for all nagari which follow the Kalarasan Bodicania- go system. Sungai Tarab, meanwhile, is the central point of the rival tradition – Lareh Kotopiliang (Dobbin, 1992) – both of which are found in Luhak Tanah Data. Mochtar Naim states that the conflict between these two figures led to a kind of phratry dua- lism which up to the present day conti- nues to colour all areas of life and culture in Minangkabau. To the outside, and in all intents and purposes, the Minangkabau community is united, but on the inside, its social and cultural system displays dialec- ticism, dichotomy, and bipolarity (Naim, 1983). This bipolarity in the conflict of the two different ideologies led to the emer- gence of a third figure, Rajo Babandiang, who took the initiative to integrate the two conflicting systems to create a third sys- tem, known as Lareh Nan Bunta or Lareh Nan Panjang. Over the course of time and as a result of the migration of some mem- bers of the Minangkabau community, a fu- sion between the two traditions began to appear in some nagari. In his dissertation, Andar Indra Sastra states that in general, nagari which purely retain the tradition of Koto Piliang are more prominent in Luhak Tanah Data, while those who purely retain the tradition of Bodi Caniago are found primarily in Luhak Agam. In Luhak 50 Koto, meanwhile, there is a combination of the two traditions (Sastra, 2015). This ideological conflict has also in- fluenced the formation of a musical concept which aesthetically is worth discussing in more detail. Musically, the significance of this concept can be seen in the music sys- tem that was created, both from bronze music (talempong) and from the concept of vocal music. This new form of talempong music promotes the concept of basaua. The concept of basaua is a talempong playing technique which produces different melo- dies from those used in the performance of talempong bararak (played in procession) and talempong duduak (played while sea- ted). Numerous studies related to the po- Andar Indra Sastra, Wilma Sriwulan, Yon Hendri, Lareh Nan Bunta: Power Systems ... 109 wer system in Minangkabau have been carried out, amongst others by Christine Dobbin (1992); Muchtar Naim (1983); A.A. Navis (1986); Taufik Abfullah (1987); and Zuryadan Zubir (2010). Their thought con- cepts are used to construct a framework of thought and provide an explanation of the social system – of politics and law – in the community of Luhak Nan Tigo Minangka- bau. Meanwhile, studies about talempong from a different perspective have been written by Nadiya Fulzi (2014) and Andar Indra Sastra (2015). The information ob- tained from these two researchers can be used as secondary and comparative data for writing this article. The research results related to music as the material object ori- ginate from the knowledge or thought con- cepts of talempong basaua artists in Luhak 50 Koto, Minangkabau. METHOD A qualitative method was chosen for this research since it was considered sui- table and relevant for the focus of study. The researcher was the main instrument responsible for the collection of data about the material object – talempong basaua in Luhak 50 Koto (Kabupaten 50 Kota). The collection of primary data was carried out through participant observation, intervie- wing, and documentation. The primary data obtained through these three models of investigation formed the basis of the analysis in accordance with the focus of the research. In addition, secondary data was also needed to strengthen the argu- mentation so that the results of the rese- arch could reach a level of credibility that could be accounted for. Participant observation was the se- cond step and involved watching a live performance of talempong basaua in Luhak 50 Koto, after the writer had first read a va- riety of literature and articles related to ta- lempong basaua in the Luhak 50 Koto com- munity. The information collected along with the empirical knowledge acquired through direct involvement in the perfor- mance provided the guidelines for inter- viewing the informants. The data obtained from the interviews with informants was divided into two sections, first about the concept of lareh nan bunta in the social system of the Luhak 50 Koto community; and second, related to the performance of talempong basaua, including: the number of players and musical concept of talempong – polong, tongah and tingkah, each holding 2 (two) talempong. The polong plays talem- pong 2 and 4; the tongah plays talempong 1 and 3, and the tingkah plays talempong 5 and 6. In addition to interviews, documen- tation was also made through audio-visu- al and visual media. This was needed to complement the other data and strengthen the argumentation that this event really is taking place and is in accordance with its context. Equally important in connecti- on with the documentation is the re-ena- ctment of a talempong basaua performance in accordance with its context – for the purposes of the analysis. The data analysis was carried out inductively – in accordance with the nature of the qualitative research. The researcher constructed an emic way of thought to provide an explanation. The explanation was strengthened with a theo- retical thought concept – etic – in order to add to the scientific level of the problem addressed. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION Lareh Nan Bunta: Adaik Kotopiliang, Langgam Bodicaniago Rajo Babandiang’s system of ka- larasan, known as Lareh Nan Bunta, is a combination of Kalarasan Kotopiliang in its structure of customary leaders and Kala- rasan Bodicaniago in the implementation of its government system. This model of government, which combines the two sys- tems, is referred to with the expression adaik Kotopiliang, langgam Bodicaniago (cus- toms of koto piliang, style of bodicaniago). A.A. Navis states that in Luhak Agam, the nagari that follow the two systems are cal- led lareh nan bunta, which literally means a round district. In Tanah Datar the term Harmonia: Journal of Arts Research and Education 18 (1) (2018): 107-116110 used is lareh nan panjang (a long district). The meaning of the words bunta and pan- jang in this sense can be understood as an expression that has the same meaning (Na- vis, 1986). Lareh Nan Bunta and Lareh Nan Panjang in the Minangkabau system of lea- dership are the syntheses of the creation of a dialectical balance between Kalarasan Bodicaniago and Kalarasan Kotopiliang. Lareh Nan Bunta or Lareh Nan Panjang in a custo- mary expression are described as follows: Pisang sikalek-kalek utan Pisang tambatu nan bagatah Bodi caniago inyo bukan Koto piliang inyo antah Tranlatated in English: A type of banana from the forest A type of banana with seeds and sap Bodi caniago he is not Koto piliang he is not either This customary expression means that their system does not take sides – whether of Kalarasan Bodicaniago or Kala- rasan Kotopiliang – but is a combination of the two. It states that they are neither Bodi- caniago nor Kotopiliang (see the explanati- on above). Both Lareh Nan Bunta and Lareh Nan Panjang show that there is a consensus to epitomize the process of synthesizing as an attempt to seek balance – to share po- wer. This balance of power ultimately led to the concept of a trilogy in the traditional Minangkabau government system (kala- rasan), known as tali tigo sapilin-tungku nan tigo sajarangan (literally: “a rope made of three strands, a stove supported by three stones”). All three systems have legal norms which reflect the power of each, and are not integrated but exist within three conceptions. For a clearer picture, see the Figure 2. The Figure 2 shows that the dialogic or dialectic process that took place between Lareh Bodicaniago and Lareh Kotopiliang re- sulted in the formation of Lareh Nan Bun- ta/Panjang, which symbolizes the process of a synthesis that has created balance or harmony. Yakob Sumardjo states that the wisdom of the Minang people is harmony; anything that is dualistic in nature is not resolved through the victory or defeat of either side; instead both sides must remain as themselves – harmony is a paradox in peace (Sumardjo, 2010) – existing within two conceptions. However, one thing that escaped Sumardjo’s attention is that this paradox produces a third party, in this case Lareh Nan Bunta/Panjang – thus crea- ting a three-way pattern. Each of the three systems has its own style of architecture for the traditional houses, and at the same time this acts as a symbol of identity that distinguishes the three different figures. Figure 2. Concept of a Three-way Pattern: Tali tigo sapilin dan tungku nan tigo sajarangan Note: = Conflict = Symbol of conflict = Lareh Nan Bunta = Middle world = Three-way pattern Information: LBC = Lareh Bodi Caniago LKP = Lareh Koto Piliang LNB = Lareh Nan Bunta Lareh Nan Bunta/Panjang is a synt- hesis that combines the two traditional government systems (kalarasan) in a new customary tradition. Nadya Fulzi agrees that the Lareh Nan Bunta system is a combi- nation of Lareh Kotopiliang in the structure of its customary leaders and Lareh Bodica- niago in the implementation of its govern- ment system. The system through which the customs or traditions of an area are implemented is referred to using the ex- pression “Adaik Kotopiliang, Langgam Bodi- Andar Indra Sastra, Wilma Sriwulan, Yon Hendri, Lareh Nan Bunta: Power Systems ... 111 flict not only brings about division; on the contrary, it is a source of dynamics for the community. Zayardam Zubir states that conflict holds an important position in developing the dynamics of a culture. Conflict not only results in division, on the contrary it is a source for the dynamics in the Minangkabau community (Zubir, 2010). The dynamics in the life of the Mi- nangkabau community are founded on a dichotomy of two systems of values which define the behaviour and views of the com- munity, both in Lareh Kotopiliang and Lareh Bodicaniago, and from both a traditional perspective and a religious perspective (Is- lam). The two systems can sometimes exist side by side but on other occasions there is a potential for bitter and prolonged con- flict in the life of the community. A simple example of this is in the case of marriage, in which tradition forbids marriage between two people from the same ethnic group or clan (kawin sapasukan), while Islam allows it, with the exception of marriage between a brother and sister or with one’s own mot- her. If this rule is violated, it may lead to conflict in the community. The meaning of conflict is reflected in the traditional expression: basilang kayu dalam tungku, di sinan api makonyo hiduik, which means that cross-disputes or dif- ferences are acknowledged as something that are necessary to create conflict in the community. Conflict is an integral part of a community and is a way to create balan- ce. Balance is transformed into a three-way pattern, both in the concept of Minangka- bau culture and also in the concept of the musical aesthetics in the performance of talempong basaua (intertwined). The Concept of Musical Aesthetics in Talempong Basaua The creation of music in a commu- nity cannot be separated from a number of concepts, in that a concept is a source of knowledge originating from a world of ideas. In order to understand music in the life of a community – in this case the music of talempong lagu dendang, we must look caniago” (Fulzi, 2011). Ibrahim Dt. Sanggo- eno Diradjo states that Lareh Kotopiliang is characterized by a style of leadership that is reflected in the philosophy kato surang gadang sagalonyo (with one word alone everything is decided) (Diradjo, 1986). This means that in decision-making, prio- rity is given to the person with the highest position, while the task of those in a lower position is to implement the decisions that have been made. On the other hand, the implemen- tation of the customs of Lareh Nan Bunto displays the characteristics of Bodicania- go in which democracy, with deliberation and discussion to reach a consensus are the methods followed in decision-making, and the system is strongly oriented to- wards the common interests of the people, as reflected in the traditional philosophy: kato surang dibuleki, kato basamo kato mufa- kat (the word of one person is unanimous, the word of many is a consensus). As Na- dya Fulzi states, in the traditional system for decision-making in Lareh Nan Bunto, every person [leader] has the freedom to express an opinion, regardless of position. A meeting is not allowed to begin if one of the traditional leaders is not present in the meeting hall (Fulzi, 2011). The emergence of Lareh Nan Bunta in a democratic system – or leadership – in Luhak Nan Tigo Minangkabau has cre- ated harmony in the social system of the community. Harmony symbolizes the po- tential for conflict that imagines dynamics to be the result of a dichotomy of dualism and bipolarity in the community. Conflict exists because of the difference in values which form the behaviour and knowledge of the people. Taufik Abdullah states that the meaning of conflict is viewed from the dual perspective of traditional and religi- on (Islam). In Minangkabau, the concept of conflict is not only recognized but also developed within the social system itself. Conflict is viewed dialectically, as an int- rinsic element for achieving balance in the community (Abdullah, 1987). This means that conflict plays a significant role in de- veloping the dynamics of a culture. Con- Harmonia: Journal of Arts Research and Education 18 (1) (2018): 107-116112 at its concept, which is rich in a variety of meanings. From these meanings discourse will then arise about the paradigms of kno- wledge about talempong basaua as a mu- sic, both as a culture and also in a cultural context. J.O. Ihlau states that a concept is a symbol that is given a particular meaning (conception) for a particular event (object) (John J.O.I. Ihalaw, 2004). Basaua is a sym- bol that is conceived as a form of playing – performing – talempong using a special technique, the basic principle of which can be compared to the technique of hocketing in Western music. The name basaua (intertwining) comes from the impression of basaua that is present in the performance of the melo- dy, which at a glance displays similarities with the performance of talempong renjeang (carried). Apel (1972) states that hocketing is a technique which uses the quick and continuous alternation of single or groups of short notes played by a number of diffe- rent sound sources. While one part plays, the other parts remain silent, so there is seldom, or never, a clash of notes [sounds] in this process and the end product is a perfect melody. The melody referred to here is a melody produced from the rhyth- mic vocabulary of dendang (vocal music) that is commonly played in a performance of bagurau saluang (a kind of Minangkabau music played by a traditional wind instru- ment). Talempong basaua is performed by three talempong musicians; Nadya Ful- zi states that musically each player holds a pair of talempong, the three pairs being known as polong, tongah and tingkah. The polong consists of talempong 2 and 4; ton- gah consists of talempong 1 and 3, and tingkah consists of talempong 5 and 6. The ensemble also includes a double-headed drum, or gandang (Nadia Fulzi, 2014). The structure of the instrumentation is ideal for developing a composition of talempong basaua music with a rhythmic character, and developing a melody filled with imp- rovisation and dynamic ornamentation. Musically – aesthetically – the po- long, tongah, and tingkah each play a spe- cific role in accordance with the register of the pitches in the melodic structure of the dendang. Conceptually, the three parts are related, each having a different role or aut- hority. Gilles Deleuze states that all con- cepts are joined together through a variety of problems, without which the concepts would be meaningless. A concept has a sense of becoming which involves relation- ships with various other concepts situated on the same plane (Gilles Deleuze & Fellex Guattari, 2010). From the perspective of the anthropology of music, Alan. P. Merriam states that on the whole, concepts form the framework for music that is regulated in the community and the framework for the people who think about what the music is and what the music should be (Merriam, 1964). As a concept, polong, tongah and tingkah are a musical framework created by the community which invented or first gave rise to the music with all its unique- ness. Sandi Gunara (2016) in Harmonia states that in the practice of this music … there is a unique way that can be learned and inherited so that it does not disappear (Gunara, 2017). As a musical genre, talempong ba- saua is closely related to the cultural con- cept of the community by which it was created, namely the community of Luhak 50 Koto. According to Minangkabau cultu- re, the people of Luhak 50 Koto fall under the control of Lareh Nan Bunta. This con- nection is in line with Alan P. Merriam’s idea that the sound of music as the result of human behaviour has a specific structu- re – separate from the cultural concept of its community (Merriam, 1964: 32). From a sociological perspective, Fabio Dasilva (1983) in M. Jazuli states that the existen- ce of music in a community in fact shows the social and cultural phenomena or con- ditions of the community (Jazuli, 2014). What Merriam and Fabio Dasilva are say- ing reinforces the argument that a music culture – in this case talempong basaua – must be synchronous with the cultural concept that gave birth to the music. From a musical – or aesthetical – perspective, the concept of talempong ba- Andar Indra Sastra, Wilma Sriwulan, Yon Hendri, Lareh Nan Bunta: Power Systems ... 113 saua is different from that of talempong renjeang. The differences are in the pairing of the talempong instruments played by each musician (Table 2). The Figure above explains that mu- sically, there is a difference in the concept of the talempong pairings between talem- pong basaua and talempong renjeang. This difference is not only related to the musi- cal or aesthetical principle but also inclu- des the form of the music or the talempong melody. Talempong renjeang plays melo- dies formed from the interlocking rhythms of the three musicians. Talempong basaua uses the technique of hocketing to produce the rhythmic melodies of dendang Minang- kabau (see photo and notation below). Figure 2. Talempong basaua performance (Photo. Documentation Andar 2017) The notation of dendang Mudiak Arau shows that the music is created using the technique of hocketing amongst the three talempong players, who play the polong (talempong 2 and 4), tongah (ta- lempong 1 and 3), and tingkah (talempong 5 and 6). The three musicians each strike the talempong to create a sound, in accor- dance with the course of the dendang me- lody. Meanwhile, the talempong renjeang – Jantan, Paningkah, and Pangawinan – is also played by three musicians using in- terlocking techniques. The talempong ba- saua with its hocketing technique can be described as a representation of Lareh Nan Bunta. The talempong basaua which uses a hocketing technique is only found in Lu- hak 50 Koto Minangkabau. The rhythms of the drum (gandang) in talempong basaua make up an essential part of the musical composition, and the main function of the gandang is to provide rhythmic accents and to accompany the melodic line. However, the gandang does not have the function of determining the tempo of the music, since this is completely controlled by the talem- pong players. Nadya Fulzi states that the perfor- mance of the music begins with the player who is responsible for playing the first note of the melody. The other players then join in, playing their notes in turn to form a melody. This continues, with the musi- cians taking turns to play their individual notes to create an unbroken melodic line (unless a particular piece requires that the- re is a break in the melody). In principle, the three players all have the same role, namely to form a melo- dy, but based on a careful audio and visual observation, the talempong that are more dominant in the process of forming the melody are the polong and tongah players, since the majority of the pieces from the saluang dendang darek repertoire that are played by this ensemble use mainly notes 1 to 4. The use of note 5 in the formation of the melody occurs mainly at the beginning of the melodic cycle (though there is an ex- ception in Mudiak Arau), and subsequent- ly, note 5 is used more often to provide a kind of ornamentation (tingkah/garitiak) throughout the course of the piece. This indicates that a higher level of skill is required for the polong and tongah players, who must display a high level of musicality to produce a complete and perfect melody, while at the same time displaying creativity and spontaneity in Table 2. Difference in pairing between talempong basaua and talempong renjeang Talempong Basaua Talempong Renjeang Talempong Pair Talempong Pair Polong Tongah Tingkah Jantan Paningkah Pangawinan 2 and 4 1 and 3 5 and 6 1 and 6 3 and 5 2 and 4 Harmonia: Journal of Arts Research and Education 18 (1) (2018): 107-116114 developing and interpreting the saluang dendang darek melody (providing melodic interpolations (sisik) or ornaments (bun- go)) according to the version of talempong lagu dendang, so that the melody created is treated in a different way from the ori- ginal version. The terms sisik and bungo describe the types of ornamentations that the talempong players create to produce a more attractive sound. For this reason, it is only possible for senior players with a high level of musicality to exchange roles with each other in the performance of ta- lempong lagu dendang. In order to perform a technique kno- wn as basilang, the three talempong players each strike their own notes, in turn, accor- ding to the melodic line that has been cho- sen. In this process, all three players must pay careful attention to be accurate in the placement and duration of the notes so as to define the melodic line rhythmically. Therefore, in order to apply the basilang technique properly in talempong lagu den- dang, it is necessary for the players to have memorized the melody so that they are fa- Figure 3. Notation of Mudiak Arau (Transcription by Nadya Fulzi 2011) Andar Indra Sastra, Wilma Sriwulan, Yon Hendri, Lareh Nan Bunta: Power Systems ... 115 miliar with the order of the notes that they must play. The problem of timing and accuracy in the striking of every note is an essential part of the basilang technique. If a note is played too soon, it will clash with the pre- vious note, and if it is played too late, it will make the melodic line disjointed. Ta- lempong lagu dendang artists describe this as donga-mandongakan (listening to each other) or nanti-banantian (waiting for each other), which means that the players must be constantly watching and paying careful attention to each other, and control their emotions while they play in order to cre- ate a perfect melody. They compare this to a group of people who are discussing a problem. When one person speaks, the ot- hers remain silent and listen, and only give their answer when the first person has fi- nished speaking. The development of talempong lagu dendang involves the use of ornamentation (tingkah/garitiak); Willi Apel describes or- namentation as follows: Musical ornamentation originates from the spontaneity of the players, in the way they present, enhance, develop, or vary a written or traditional melody through their own technique of improvi- sation. Melodic figures that are more or less “cliché” or “stereotypical” in nature, when altered or added to within the ori- ginal notes of the melody, are known as ornaments. One form of ornamentation is improvisational ornamentation, which de- pends entirely on the improvisation of the player (Apel, 1972). In talempong lagu dendang, ornamen- tation is provided by the tingkah player, who plays note 5 with a short duration and a regular rhythmic pattern throughout, to accompany the melodic line. This kind of ornamentation is known by local musi- cians as tingkah or garitiak. CONCLUSION Lareh Nan Bunta, which represents the power system in Luhak Nan Tigo Minangkabau, emerged as the result of a dialectic that led to a conflict of ideologies between two legendary figures in Minang- kabau, namely Dt. Katumangguangan and Dt. Parpatiah Nan Sabatang. This ideolo- gical conflict was based on the implemen- tation of the two different power systems by these two figures, in which Dt. Katu- mangguangan was more autocratic or mo- narchy-oriented, leading to the birth of the government system known as Lareh Koto- piliang. On the other hand, the Lareh Bodi- caniago system, established by Dt. Parpa- tiah Nan Sabatang, was more democratic in nature. Lareh Nan Bunta is a synthesis of the ideological conflict between Parpatiah and Katumangguangan. Lareh Nan Bunta is a combination of Lareh Kotopiliang, in terms of the structure of its customary lea- ders, and Lareh Bodicaniago, in terms of the implementation of its government system – which in the Minangkabau tradition is known as the concept of adaik kotopiliang, langgam bodicaniago. The musical – aesthetical – the con- cept of talempong basaua is built on the concept of polong, tongah, and tingkah. This means that each of the three players plays 2 talempong instruments. The po- long consists of the talempong pair 2 and 4; the tongah talempong 1 and 3; and the tingkah talempong 5 and 6. Talempong ba- saua uses a technique of hocketing to create the rhythmic melodies of dendang Minang- kabau. Talempong renjeang uses the con- cept of Jantan, Paningkah, and Pangawinan – consisting respectively of the talempong pairs 1 and 6, 3 and 5, and 2 and 4 – also using three players. 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