355 Manortor as a Solidarity and Identity Building Media of Mandailing Ethnic Group in Rokan Hulu, Riau Province Elmi Novita¹, Santosa Soewarlan², I Nyoman Sukerna² 1Institut Seni Budaya Indonesia Aceh, Indonesia 2Institut Seni Indonesia Surakarta, Indonesia Submitted: 2022-06-03. Revised: 2022-11-04. Accepted: 2022-12-06 Abstract This study aimed to explore manortors as a medium for building solidarity and identity for the Mandailing community in Rokan Hulu Regency, Riau Province. The research method was carried out through observation of manortor performances in Menaming, Bangun Purba, and Khaiti Villag- es as Mandailing ethnic dominions in Rokan Hulu. The observation focused on the movement as- pect of the manortor. In-depth interviews were conducted to reinforce the data obtained through the observation of the manortor and to explore how aspects of the movement in the manortor build solidarity and identity. The results showed that manortor is a dance that embodies kinship relationships with dalihan na tolu. The form of movement, standing position, and order of per- formance should be in line with the norms of kinship. The group members dance together with movements representing kinship relationships and strengthening kinship relationships, building solidarity and a strong self-identity.English translation. Keywords: solidarity, dance, kinship, identity How to Cite: Novita, E., Soewarlan, S., & Sukerna, I. N. (2022). Manortor as a Solidarity and Identity Building Media of Mandailing Ethnic Group in Rokan Hulu, Riau Province. Harmonia: Journal of Arts Research and Education, 22(2), 355-367 Harmonia: Journal of Arts Research and Education 22 (2) (2022), 355-367 Available online at http://journal.unnes.ac.id/nju/index.php/harmonia DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/harmonia.v22i2.36753 other activities tend not to have (Spencer, 1985, p. 15). This research is based on the as- sumption that dance as a form of expres- sion symbolizing kinship has an important role in building group solidarity. In China, kinship is an important foundation for the social order of traditional people’s lives. Collective rites involving music and dan- ce have a powerful effect, creating intense feelings of respect, love, and loyalty and, thus, are the basis for the Confucian social order (Roŝker, 2020, p. 1). The Chinese phi- losopher Li Zehou believed that, at first, the symbolic activities of kinship grew out of genuine shamanistic ritual music and dance (Roŝker, 2020, p. 5). INTRODUCTION Kinship refers to family relationships based on descent and marriage. Kinship as a cultural system includes the whole way of life that guides the attitude and behavior of ethnic groups. Each ethnic group has a different kinship system and determines who is classified as a relative in a diffe- rent way, with the rights and obligations attached to relatives. Relationships among members of kinship groups are expressed through cultural symbols that are carried out together, such as traditional rituals, weddings, dancing, singing, and others. Of the various activities that are carried out together, dance has an impetus that Corresponding author: E-mail: elminovita@isbiaceh.ac.id p-ISSN 2541-1683|e-ISSN 2541-2426 Harmonia: Journal of Arts Research and Education 22 (2) (2022): 355-367356 In line with traditional Chinese eth- nicity with the Confucian kinship system, the Mandailing ethnicity has a kinship sys- tem called dalihan na tolu or ‘three furna- ces. Dalihan na tolu refers to the three ele- ments of kinship consisting of mora (wife’s family), anak boru (husband’s family), and kahanggi (family relatives). Dalihan na tolu as the highest source of law regulates the relationship between mora, anak boru, and kahanggi. The relationship between the relatives is realized through the manortor. Manortor is dancing to the accompaniment of a song called onang-onang which tells the family’s history and group. Dancing without onang-onang is not called manortor. This is to distinguish it from other dances, such as sabe-sabe and endeng-endeng. The Mandailing ethnicity come from North Sumatra Province and moved to Ro- kan Hulu Regency, Riau Province, accom- panied by bringing with them their cultu- re, including dance and music. According to historical records, since the end of the XVI century AD, there has been contacted between Mandailing and Minangkabau in Rokan Hulu (Abdullah, 1990, p. 279). In the new life in Riau, as a result of interac- tion with other groups and adaptation to the environment, various changes occur in social, cultural, and religious life compa- red to the previous life. However, in the- se various changes, they maintain family and kinship relations. This is in line with Schneider’s view that kinship solidarity is more intense, more widespread, and lasts longer. Solidarity also symbolizes special trust (Schneider, 1980, p. 116). The persistence of kinship relations in the context of geographic mobility, as happened with the Mandailing ethnicity, is motivated by the fact that the family is a useful resource for immigrants (Crow & Maclean, 2003, p. 71). A relation is very important for the Mandailing ethnicity to build a new life in a new place, kinship. As a group of immigrants in Rokan Hulu, they provide mutual support to their fami- lies and fellow ethnicities (Vacca, Cañarte, & Vitale, 2021, p. 5). The similarity of cul- ture in the land of origin certainly provides a lot of convenience in facing various chal- lenges in a new place. The role of dance as a medium to con- firm identity and solidarity in a new place does not seem to have been replaced by other forms of cultural expression. In fact, although the dance itself undergoes chan- ges in form, function, and structure, dance consistently creates group solidarity. Like the Karen, an ethnic group who immigra- ted from Burma to the United States, varia- tions in some aspects of dance occur over time and space, but dance consistently creates a sense of unity, and togetherness, strengthening, and reaffirms their identity as Karen, both cultural and ethnic identity and sense of solidarity among Karen peop- le around the world (Smith, 2018, p. 7). This article analyzed the manortor as a medium for building solidarity and identity for the people of Mandailing. The manortor movement, as Harvina stated, has certain characteristics, meanings, and pur- poses. The manortor is performed by seve- ral people consisting of two rows, the front row is referred to as the panortor and the back row as the pangayapi (2008, pp. 3–4). Although mentioning the kinship system relationship of dalihan na tolu in the ma- nortor, Harvina did not explain how the manortor built a sense of solidarity for the people of Mandailing. Meanwhile, Sannur D. F. Sinaga also stated that togetherness, or solidarity for the common interest, is a principle inherent with tor-tor in the Batak Toba culture. The four standard hand po- sitions in tor-tor of the Batak Toba corres- pond to the dancer’s position in the Batak Toba kinship system. It consists of mane- anea which means to ask for blessings (to bear the burden), mamasu-masu which me- ans to give blessings, mangido tua which means to ask for and receive blessings, and manomba which means to worship and ask for blessings (Sinaga, 2012, p. 194). Simi- lar to Harvina, Sinaga did not elaborate on how elements of the movement brought solidarity and identity in kinship to the Batak Toba community. Dance plays a significant role in building solidarity and identity in kinship groups through ana- Elmi Novita et al., Manortor as a Solidarity and Identity Building Media of Mandailing Eth- 357 lysis between kinship norms, dance mo- vements, solidarity, and identity. To that end, the research is expected to provide an understanding of how dance tied to the norms of kinship relations presents a sense of solidarity and identity for society. Eng- lish translation. METHOD This research is qualitative. Quali- tative research is defined as research that aims to explain cultural phenomena, espe- cially values, opinions, and social contexts (Soewarlan, 2015, p. 94). Correspondingly, qualitative research is also directed at pro- viding a comprehensive understanding and interpreting the meaning of the social world of the community under the study by exploring the social and material envi- ronment, experiences, perspectives, and history of a community group (Snape & Spencer, 2003, p. 3). The research data were obtained through observation of manortor performances in 3 villages, including Me- naming, Bangun Purba, and Khaiti, which are the territory of the Mandailing ethnic group in Rokan Hulu. The meaning of dance is determined socially, and so are the ways of moving (Desmond, 1997, p. 31); therefore, to un- derstand the meaning of movement in the manortor, it is necessary to explore directly from the Mandailing community who un- derstands and acknowledges the values contained in the dance. For this reason, the next step is an in-depth interview to explo- re the meanings of the manortor. Dolok Ha- sibuan, 76 years old, is a resident of Ban- gun Purba village. He is a paronang-onang or singer in the manortor performance and the main resource person in this study. Furthermore, interviews were also perfor- med with Safrijon, the head of Menaming Village. He is highly concerned about the sustainability of the manortor performance as the identity of Mandailing. Nurhayati Nasution and Siti Duolom, who have ex- perience in manortor performances are the following resource persons to explore how manortor presents a sense of solidarity and identity more intensively. The perspectives used in this study were emic and ethical. An ethical perspec- tive or a scientist-oriented perspective (Kottak, 2005, p. 29) aims to look at the manortor from the researcher’s perspective; moreover, the manortor is interpreted from the researcher’s point of view. Meanwhi- le, the emic or native-oriented perspective (Kottak, 2005, p. 29) is the perspective of the people of Mandailing Riau, with more viewing of socio-cultural life, especially the manortor performance as a process as opposed to being a permanent element. Manortor as a cultural event representing the thoughts and behavior of the Mandai- ling ethnic is retold verbally. The data obtained through in-depth interviews, observations, and literature studies are then developed through data validity development techniques. Data va- lidity used in this study was the principle of data triangulation. Data triangulation takes a different perspective in answering research questions. This perspective can be proven using several methods and/ or perspective approaches (Flick, 2018, p. 788). The resulting data provides insight into the perspective of the Mandailing ethnic who interprets their beliefs and behavior and, most essentially, an under- standing of the meaning attached to the manortor performance as the epicenter in building Mandailing ethnic identity (Rit- chie, 2003, p. 36). Data analysis is carried out with an interactive model that refers to Miles and Huberman, that there are three stages of analysis: data reduction, presen- ting data, and drawing conclusions or ve- rification (Miles & Huberman, 1994, p. 12). RESULT AND DISCUSSION Dalihan na Tolu Kinship System The Mandailing kinship system is called dalihan na tolu. The word dalihan has the meaning of ‘furnace,’ na tolu means ‘the three’. Etymologically dalihan na tolu me- ans three parallel and balanced furnaces. The three furnaces in question are three Harmonia: Journal of Arts Research and Education 22 (2) (2022): 355-367358 relative elements consisting of 1) Mora, na- mely the family of the wife; 2) Anak Boru, the husband’s family; 3) Kahanggi, family relatives taken from the father’s lineage (patrilineal). The term tungku refers to the stove used for cooking in traditional culture. For cooking, it takes three stoves that have the same size and are arranged in a balanced manner so that they can be used for coo- king. If it only consists of one or two sto- ves, you cannot put cooking tools on the stove. Three stoves of the same size sym- bolize the relationship between mora, anak boru, and kahanggi who have the same high position and synergize with each other in building the life of the Mandailing com- munity. As a social system, every element in the dalihan na tolu kinship has the nature of being interconnected with one another (Homans, 1950, p. 90). The relationship bet- ween the three dalihan na tolu kinship struc- tures is regulated through culture, ethics, morals, and law as part of the mechanism by which the Mandailing people maintain their cultural existence (Radcliffe-Brown, 1940, p. 8). The etiquette between the three elements of dalihan na tolu is expressed in the proverb “manat-manat markahanggi, elek maranak boru, and omba marmora.” It me- ans to be careful with relatives in the same clan so that there are no disputes, wise in treating and repaying the kindness of anak boru; and polite attitude towards morality. For relatives, moral rules and beha- vior are regulated in the Mandailing cultu- re. Attitudes and ways of behaving among relatives in the Mandailing community are bridged through holong or affection. Holong is a rope that unites every kinship group and member of the Mandailing communi- ty in the dalihan na tolu social system. The nature of having a sense of compassion in the Mandailing community is illustra- ted in the proverb, which reads holong do maroban domu, domu maroban parsaulian (love brings intimacy, familiarity brings common good). Holong, is the highest and most abstract cultural value, which is the basis for functional relationships among the three kinship groups (Nasution, 2007, p. 19). In addition to rights and obligations, attitudes and ways of behaving in social relations between people who are bound by the Dalihan Na Tolu kinship system are socially regulated and approved by the Mandailing community (Radcliffe-Brown, 1941, p. 6). Even though each element has the same position, the anak boru and ka- hanggi have great respect for mora. Mora is the source or base for the realization of relatives and must always be respected (Pulungan 2018, 114). A form of respect for mora is to prioritize them in carrying out various tasks and jobs. Embodiment of the Dalihan na Tolu Sys- tem through the Manortor Manortor is dancing together based on equal status in Mandailing kinship structure. If some people in other cultu- res have dances that are considered ap- propriate for a certain age and gender, different ages and different genders dance different dances (Royce, 1977, p. 80). In the Mandailing people, in every celebration, they dance the same dance, namely the manortor. From time to time, they dance tor-tor with the same movements, music, and rules. The difference is the status in kinship and song lyrics. Based on historical records, the ma- nortor is believed to have existed before pre-modern times, where forms of cultu- ral expression were collective expressions. Manortor existed when the ancestors of the Mandailing ethnicity had not immigra- ted from Toba to the south or the border of West Sumatra and Rokan Hulu. As an art that has existed since pre-modern ti- mes, manortor performances until now are always associated with certain celebra- tions or events such as weddings, family celebrations, appointment of village heads and so on. The artwork is not displayed in pre-modern art without any celebration (Sumardjo, 2006, p. 95). The meaning of manortor is only known in the context of a celebration or traditional event. At celebrations or traditional events, Elmi Novita et al., Manortor as a Solidarity and Identity Building Media of Mandailing Eth- 359 family and relatives gather and dance to- gether. Each area occupied by the Mandai- ling community has the names of different manortor. The manortor exhibited in Rokan Hulu Regency consisted of manortor raja- raja, manortor suhut, manortor mora, manor- tor anak boru, manortor kahanggi, manortor naposo bulung, and manortor pengantin. Naming is based on who is dancing, so the manortor raja-raja is the raja-raja or clan lea- ders. The suhut manortor is danced by the suhut, and others. From the types of ma- nortor which family and relatives mostly perform, it is reflected that the Mandailing culture attaches great importance to rela- tionships with family and relatives since dancers reflect the culture (Hanna, 2015, p. 28). Manortor may not mix men with women. Therefore, for each type of ma- nortor, there are at least two appearances, for example, the male host family (suhut), female suhut, and so on. There are excep- tions for manortor naposo bulung and ma- nortor pengantin. For the manortor naposo bulung, their purpose in dancing together is to find a partner, so they are combined into one performance. Even though they are combined, they are still without touch and eye contact. It is not allowed for men and women to join in one performance is a standard rule wherever the manortor is per- formed. In line with cultural expressions in Islamic culture in other parts of the world, some of which even separate the stage for women and men. Dance makes a unique contribution to society and culture based on its form and expression. At the same time, it is bound by kinship (besides religion, social, political, and economic organization) (Ro- yce, 1977). In line with this thought, the ma- nortor is a dance that is tied to the kinship of dalihan na tolu. More specifically, the ma- nortor represents the relationship between mora, anak boru, and kahanggi and elements of the Mandailing community which are regulated through the norms that apply in the dalihan na tolu kinship system. Who is dancing, standing position, form of mo- vement, accessories used, and so on are bound by the norms of dalihan na tolu. The manortor is displayed in the yard or a large area around the family home holding a celebration or event. The area that will be used as a place to dance is co- vered with a carpet or mat. Spectators can watch the manortor from any angle they want. The absence of boundaries between dancers and audiences allows communica- tion between dancers and audiences to be more intense. Although sometimes at the venue, there is also a stage used for mo- dern music performances, the manortor is not performed on an existing stage. The pattern of the manortor floor is in the form of parallel rows, whether car- ried out by traditional leaders, relatives of dalihan na tolu, or naposo bulung. Dances performed in a straight line like a manor- tor show a metaphor for engagement in a wider, dangerous, and unstable world (Hanna, 1979, p. 94). The straight-line floor pattern can be connected with the struggle of the Mandailing ethnic group to gain re- cognition for their existence in a new place. However, in the parallel-line floor pattern, the sense of solidarity is also very strongly felt. At first, the dancers face the line of raja-raja as a form of respect for them. In their ideal form, raja-raja, community lea- ders, relilgious scholars, and the gene- ral public occcupy different sides of the manortor’s performance arena. However, currently, that provision is no longer valid. One could watch the manortor from any side and mingle with one another. When a musical phrase is finished, the direction of the face is rotated 90° to the right. Then, start dancing again to a new rhyme until the musical phrase ends, and turn your body 90° to the right again. When the mu- sical phrase is finished, rotate the body back 90° to the right. Moving left or right, backward or forward, and turning right or left are sym- bols of space that refer to spiritual ratio- nality (Sumardjo, 2006, p. 94). At first, the change of direction facing the manortor was a myth. It is a tribute to the spirits that surround the performance area. But along Harmonia: Journal of Arts Research and Education 22 (2) (2022): 355-367360 with the various changes, today, the chan- ge of facing direction as a symbol to respect the audience who came from every side of the stage in rotation. The four directions of facing the manortor can also be interpreted as respect for the four elements in the Man- dailing community, which consist of clever people, religious scholars, village officials, and the general public (Dolok Hasibuan, interview on January 23, 2022). Changing the direction to face with the aim of respecting the audience from each side of the performance arena, on the other hand, is also a form of non-verbal communication between relatives who dance with the audience. Of course, in the end, it positively influences the broader sense of solidarity, not only for the family or relatives who dance but also for anyone who comes to see the show. This is certain- ly different if the show is facing one direc- tion. Communication is more intense to the audience who is on one side only. The audience who are not in front of the dan- cers will receive a different message. After facing the four cardinal direc- tions, in the final part, the dancers form a circle, which consists of a large circle and a small circle. The dancers in the back row are in a big circle, while the dancers in the front row are in a big circle. Manortor with floor pattern parallel lines and circles basi- cally do not have much difference from the form of movement. However, in the circu- lar floor pattern, there is a slight variation where the dancers in the row perform up and down movements while the dancers in the outer row remain in their usual body position. The embodiment of the relationship between mora, anak boru, and kahanggi in the manortor follows several culturally es- tablished rules. Cultural rules are similar sets of instructions for constructing beha- vioral elements (Spradley, 1972, p. 20). The rules are summarized through three as- pects of behavior in the manortor consisting of (1) the movement form, (2) the manortor sequence, and (3) the standing position. Movement Form The movement form embodies mu- tual respect and care among relatives as regulated in the dalihan na tolu kinship system. Mutual respect and care are ex- pressed through gestures as a form of non- verbal communication. Manortor, from the point of view of dance, is a form of non- verbal communication containing certain meanings depending on the social setting in which it appears (Pušnik, 2010, p. 5). What is communicated without words (non-verbal) is the most important thing about dance as a social activity (Blacking, 1982, p. 90). As a form of nonverbal com- munication, dancing relatives communica- te various messages through motion sym- bols, spatial codes, and facial expressions that are in line with the norms of dalihan na tolu. In contrast to dance in Western cul- ture, the messages sent by people who dance in a social environment can be seen through the spatial code, touch, facial ex- pressions, and eye contact. (Peick, 2005, p. 1). In the manortor, there is no touch and eye contact between dancers. This is close- ly related to the norms of Islamic teachings that apply in the Mandailing community. During the dance, each dancer’s gaze fo- cuses on the tips of their fingers. The focus of the gaze on the fingertips also applies to the manortor naposo naposo bulung and ma- nortor pengantin. The manortor is carried out in slow motion, and smooth, symbolizing the gent- le and loving character of the Mandailing community (holong). The slow movement of the Mandailing manortor distinguishes it from the manortor found in the Toba Ba- tak culture and distinguishes it, in general, from the dances of other social groups. It is because the movement style is a pri- mary social text that has meaning and is constantly changing. Articulation signifies group affiliation and group distinction, whether consciously or not. Movements serve as markers for the production of gen- der, racial, ethnic, class, and national iden- tities (Desmond, 1997, p. 31). Before starting the dance, the dancers Elmi Novita et al., Manortor as a Solidarity and Identity Building Media of Mandailing Eth- 361 form two parallel rows facing the same di- rection. The number of dancers in the front row in the back row must be the same. The dancers in the front row, known as the panortor, move like worshipers. Position both hands raised to shoulder level and palms facing down, then move to the beat of the music, and focus the movement on the wrist. All the dancers in the front row perform the same movement. Movement in the manortor has the meaning of paying respects. Panortor movement, as illustrated in Figure 1. Figure 1. Panortor movement Photo: Elmi Novita, February 02, 2022 The dancers in the second row, or pangayapi, move with their hands raised to shoulder level, palms facing up. At first glance, the movement in mangayapi is like the movement of a bird, moving left and right following the dancers in the front row. The mangayapi movement is interpreted as giving protection to the dancers who are in front of him. Similar to the panortor, the dancers in the pangayapi line perform the same movement. Some variations usually occur between dancers, both manortor and mangayapi due to the different body langu- age of each person (see Figure 2). Figure 2. Hand Potition in mangayapi Photo: Elmi Novita, Februari 02, 2022. Manortor Sequence The order of types of manortor shown is based on respected groups in society. The respected group got the chance to dance early. The manortor show begins with the manortor of the raja-raja, followed by suhut, mora, anak boru, kahanggi, napooso bulung, and closed with the Manortor of the bride and groom. This shows that the raja- raja or clan leaders are the most respected parties by the Mandailing community who are outside the dalihan na tolu kinship ele- ment. The order of the manortor perfor- mances may vary between the suhut and the Raja-raja in some places which means that there are differences in respect for the suhut and the traditional leaders. If conditions in an area are incomple- te, the Mandailing community structure is incomplete, where there is no clan leader because they only consist of a few families and there are not many clans, then the ma- nortor of raja-raja is abolished. The manortor starts from suhut, the next sequence is still guided by the structure of dalihan na tolu, namely mora, anak boru, and kahanggi, and continues with the manortor naposo bulung and the bride. Manortor naposo bulung, like the king manortor, can be held if the dan- cing youth is sufficient, but it is common in areas with a small population of Man- Harmonia: Journal of Arts Research and Education 22 (2) (2022): 355-367362 dailing. This type of manortor is also not performed. Apart from the absence of the king manortor of rajas and naposo Bulung, there are no other differences with the manor- tor in areas where the Mandailing ethnic group is slightly occupied. All aspects of dance must be guided by the norms of dali- han na tolu, both the form of movement, the sequence of performances, and the stan- ding position. This shows that the norms of dalihan na tolu are very binding on the cultural expressions of the Mandailing people. Standing Position Just as the order of the show puts a respected member of the family dancing first, the standing position in the manortor also determines which family member is more respected or has a higher position. In the manortor, the dancers form two parallel lines (with the exception of the king-ma- nortor which is only 1 line). The dancers in the front row are a group of relatives who are more respected and protected than the dancers in the front row. For example, if the mora is in the front row, those in the back row are the anak boru or the manortor naposo bulung. The girls are in the front row, and the young men are in the back row. It is a form of respect for re- latives who are in the front row. They are equipped with a sadum scarf. Sadum scarf is worn by slinging over the back with one end tied to the right thumb and the other end on the left thumb. The sadum scarf symbolizes a relationship based on holong (love). Rules in a standing position, in one line, it is not allowed to mix between re- latives of different status. Mora who must stand in the front is not allowed to stand behind to join the anak boru, as well as the anak boru is not allowed to join the mora. If there is a violation of this standing posi- tion, the person who violates the law will be given customary punishment. As nar- rated by Dolok Hasibuan, a flute player and onang-onang singer in Bangun Purba District, in his area, there was once a vio- lation of standing position, and as a con- sequence, the person concerned was given the punishment of slaughtering a goat (Dolok Hasibuan, interview on January 23, 2022). Punishment for a wrong standing position is rare, especially in areas where the Mandailing community structure is incomplete. Nowadays, even if something goes wrong, someone can give a direct reprimand, and the dancers change posi- tions without stopping or interrupting the performance. In Khaiti, the dancers were not only family members, the host also brought a group of dancers in a package with music players. These dancers are join- ed by relatives, helping to direct the sha- pe of the movement and the way it spins. However, the musical groups’ dancers still follow the rules for separating men from women. Building Solidarity and Group Identity through Manortor The Mandailing ethnic group has several territories in Rokan Hulu. From an ethno-territorial perspective, they, as a cultural group, have patrimonial rights (property rights) over areas that are diffe- rent from other groups (Dahlman & Wil- liams, 2010, p. 414). Ownership of several territories in Rokan Hulu is not obtained for free or as a gift. It was forged through a very long process of interaction and struggle. The struggle to have their own territory has a special meaning for them as a group of immigrants and, at the same time, a minority in Rokan Hulu. In connec- tion with this, Robert D. Sack, as quoted by Elden reveals that territorial ownership is a social construction (not a product) for- ged through interaction and struggle and thoroughly infused with social relations (2010, 802). The area occupied by the Mandai- ling community is a form of group sym- bol. The region as a symbol of the group explains how the Mandailing people claim ownership of the territory by using terri- torial markers that signify their presence as ethnic Mandailing in Rokan Hulu. The Elmi Novita et al., Manortor as a Solidarity and Identity Building Media of Mandailing Eth- 363 claim of territorial ownership is mainly seen through the naming of the area which reflects the identity of Mandailing through the names of the areas in Mandailing lan- guage. The use of the Mandailing langu- age in naming regions is a symbol that le- gitimizes, strengthens, and celebrates the Mandailing community’s existence in Ro- kan Hulu (Martin, 1981, p. 37). In addition to naming territories, group symbols are often abstract expres- sions of group solidarity that embody the actions of political, economic, and cultural institutions in the continuous reproduction and legitimacy of systems of practice that are characteristic of concern for territorial integrity (Paasi, 1991, p. 245). In line with Paasi’s thinking, the abstract expression of the solidarity of the Mandailing communi- ty is manifested through the performance of the manortor, the manortor is a symbol of the solidarity of the Mandailing communi- ty. Solidarity is the bond that holds people together in society. People can be linked together in a number of ways that provi- de a common sense of identity, a common destiny, and a common commitment to defending the group (Fireman & Gamson, 1979, p. 22). Solidarity is the highest level of group awareness, where there is a ba- lance between collective consciousness and individual autonomy (Scheff, 1997, p. 49). That solidarity and unity are impor- tant features of village life and are expres- sed through social gatherings, religious activities, economic activities and the cre- ation of art (Soewarlan, 2018, p. 12). For the Mandailing community, solidarity is expressed through social gatherings by presenting a manortor performance. One of them is seen in the celebration and welco- ming of the new village head in Menaming on February 2, 2022. The manortor show starts at 21.00 WIB. Safrijon, the newly ap- pointed village head, invites clan leaders, relatives and the Menaming community to dance together. Through performances, the manortor Safrijon invites his community to jointly develop their area. After dancing together, it is hoped that the Menaming community will reunite, forgetting the dif- ferences of opinion that were previously caused by the competition in the village head election. The manortor show conti- nued with the slaughter of cows, cooking together until the early morning hours and closing with a meal together the next day. The solidarity that is built through the manortor’s performance is formed by two elements, namely the presence of the family dancing together and the family story being retold through onang-onang. This was stated by Siti Duolom, a Manda- iling resident who lives in Pasir Pangara- yan, Rokan Hulu. The Presence of the Family Dancing To- gether The presence of relatives dancing together is the main element in building a sense of solidarity through the manor- tor. In dancing, the relatives perform the same movement, which then strengthens the sense of solidarity. Siti Duolom shared her experience that when she and her sis- ter danced in the same line with the same movements, their sister-in-law, who was also a woman, danced in the back row. With the same movement, they feel a very strong togetherness and cohesiveness bet- ween families. Dancing in such a line, the family also realizes how strong the kinship relationship is, both among brothers, bet- ween brothers and sisters-in-law, and bet- ween in-laws and in-laws (anak boru). Siti Duolom’s statement about the similar movement between brothers and sisters-in-law that forms a sense of soli- darity for the Mandailing community is in line with McNeil’s view, which reveals that a sense of togetherness in dance ari- ses as a reaction to movements carried out together in groups. McNeil coined the term muscular bonding, which refers to the human emotional response to mo- ving rhythmically together through dance and exercise (1995, vi). Muscle movement rhythmically consolidates group solidari- ty by changing human feelings (McNeill, 1995, p. viii). McNeil’s view reinforces Hanna’s statement, which long before re- Harmonia: Journal of Arts Research and Education 22 (2) (2022): 355-367364 vealed that moving together at one level depends on solidarity while creating soli- darity (Hanna, 1979, p. 99). McNeil’s opi- nion can be confronted with the opinion of the Mandailing community. The togetherness formed through the movement then causes ecstasy to some relatives, dancing and just watching. Some of them wept in a collective movement supported by music, and on several occa- sions, relatives fell unconscious while the manortor. In connection with this event, losing oneself while dancing is due to being absorbed in a unified community; the dancer reaches a state of joy where he feels filled with energy or power beyond ordinary circumstances (Radcliffe-Brown, 1964, pp. 252–253). Crying or passing out, interpreted as relatives losing themselves during the manortor is not painful but ex- hilarating. Family members find themsel- ves in complete and joyful harmony with all relatives present and experience a gre- at feeling of attachment to the group (Ra- dcliffe-Brown, 1964, p. 252). The Manortor lasts for quite a long time, depending on how many or a few family members dance. The show starts around 21.00 (after Isha prayer) and ends early in the morning. The length of the manortor’s performance positively affects togetherness and solidarity among group members. Consistent with the view that dance’s distinctive ability to increase group solidarity is dependent on keeping time together for extended periods of time, thus translating individual release from anxiety into collective catharsis (McNeill, 1995, p. 17). For the Mandailing communi- ty, dancing together with their family ma- kes their minds more open. Thus, they can eliminate anxiety. This was expressed by Nurhayati Nasution. Furthermore, Nurha- yati Nasution said that when dancing, the- re are no more problems between families since, before the performance, the family manortor must gather together to conduct deliberation. If there are problems, they are resolved in deliberation (interview on March 7, 2022). Thus, going through a family manortor is no longer repairing a strained relationship. Being in a group for hours or even days, maybe for some people, it can’t be done in ordinary life due to their respec- tive activities and busyness. Therefore, through the manortor, they were able to stay in the group for a long time. This is one of the interesting aspects of the manor- tor, which provides a unique experience that is not obtained in everyday life by the Mandailing community. Thus, they are al- ways enthusiastic about being involved in the manortor, experiencing a different ex- perience from everyday life. Family and Group Stories Retold The family is the basic element in the formation of society. The real social unit is the family (Comte, 2009, p. 153). Each fa- mily member has a different story; fami- ly stories in addition to group stories, are told through song lyrics or onang-onang. The stories of families and groups that are retold have an important role in shaping the collective memory of the Mandailing people. Collective memory is a represen- tation of the past that exists in the minds of Mandailing community members, cont- ributing to their sense of identity (Manier & Hirst, 2008, p. 253). There are various stories in onang-onang, since each family member has a different life experience. In addition to the stories of family members, the story of the struggle of the Mandailing ethnicity coming to Rokan Hulu and how they adapt to the environment is also a story in the onang-onang. With the variety of stories in onang-onang, the Mandailing people share life experiences, creating positive sentiments towards the group. Positive sentiment towards the group st- rengthens the sense of identity, as the Mandailing ethnicity. The stories told in onang-onang are sad stories that relate to the struggles of fa- mily and group life, the loss of a parent or other family member, and how they face difficult times together. In the view of the Mandailing people, onang-onang evokes sadness and longing not only for family members whose life experiences are told Elmi Novita et al., Manortor as a Solidarity and Identity Building Media of Mandailing Eth- 365 by the paronang-onang (bearers of onang- onang poetry) but also evokes sadness for anyone who listens to onang-onang. Peop- le who listen to onang-onang will remem- ber his family and the life journey he has taken. As stated by Samsumar Nasution, when listening to people, what you feel is sadness. You spontaneously think of your parents who have passed away and how they raised and educated you from a young age. Samsumar Nasution said that he did not fully listen to the family life sto- ry conveyed, but focused more on the sad- ness and longing for his parents. In expres- sing his experience, Samsumar Nasution’s eyes were filled with tears. The sadness caused by the onang- onang that is felt not only by the family who has the event but also by other com- munity members who witness the manor- tor, is a form of sharing emotions. People share emotions with each other since they are both present in the midst of the group. They feel strong emotions together in the manortor. Although their stories are diffe- rent, they share sadness and emotion. Sha- ring emotions is a key element in solidarity (Heise, 1998). CONCLUSION As Schneider reveals, kinship is a re- lationship that is more intense, diffused, and lasts longer. The solidarity that sym- bolizes special beliefs is very relevant to the lives of the Mandailing people in Rokan Hulu, Riau, nowadays. As a minority and immigrant group, they maintain forms of kinship. Manortor is a form of cultu- ral expression that symbolizes the strong kinship for the Mandailing people even though they have moved from their native areas. Dancing together in groups strengt- hens the solidarity of a sense of self-iden- tity of the ethnic Mandailings who come from North Sumatra. There is a reciprocal relationship between manortors as a cultu- ral expression of strengthening kinship by building solidarity and identity within the group. Over time the mixing of the Man- dailing ethnicity with the Riau Malays and Minangkabau will become a new challenge in the ways how this group maintains kin- ship ties. How dance is used as a medium to encounter these challenges should be used as research material in the future. REFERENCES Abdullah, T. (Ed.). (1990). Sejarah lokal di Indonesia. Yogyakarta: Gadjah Mada University Press. Blacking, J. (1982). Movement and mean- ing: Dance in social anthropological perspective. Dance Research: The Jour- nal of the Society for Dance Research, 1 (1), 88–99. Comte, A. (2009). The positive philosophy of Auguste Comte (H. Marineau, Trans.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 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