1 The dynamic phenomena of strékan music from colonial to contemporary era in Situbondo Panakajaya Hidayatullah Faculty of Cultural Science, Universitas Jember, Indonesia Received: March 31, 2017. Revised: May 6, 2017. Accepted: June 3, 2017 Abstract This research is an anthropology of music which discusses the dynamics of strékan music from colonial to contemporary era in Situbondo. In Situbondo, strékan is a term which refers to music for welcoming guests. By ethnography method and postcolonial perspective, this research will discuss social problems and phenomena of strékan music. The result of this research shows that a change of strékan music signifies a change of social condition in Situbondo. In colonial era strékan is assumed by people like music for elite class. The field data show that there is unequal power relation between colonized and colonizer. In pasca-colonial era the hierarchy relation becomes ambivalent. It appears negotiation space between colonial signs and Madurese culture of Situ- bondo people, considered to be symbolic resistance. Strékan music is reinterpreted as music for low class. In the contemporary era, strékan music tends to market oriented. Strékan music includes dangdut music, following market taste as a consequence of commercialization of art. Keywords: strékan music; colonial, Situbondo; Madurese; dangdut How to Cite: Hidayatullah, P. (2017). The dynamic phenomena of strékan music from colonial to contemporary era in Situbondo. Harmonia: Journal of Arts Research And Education, 17(1), 1-12. doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/harmonia. v17i1.9398 HARMONIA : Journal of Arts Research and Education 17 (1) (2017), 1-12 Available online at http://journal.unnes.ac.id/nju/index.php/harmonia DOI: 10.15294/harmonia.v17i1.9398 Dutch colonial government made Panarukan as an industrial area, central government (Besuki Residency) and tra- de center in 1800’s. The project of Anyer- Panarukan road, by Governor General Daaendels 1808-1811, was a way for faci- litating transportation to this strategic area (Arifin, 2008 p. 148). As an industrial area, Panarukan had six sugar factories and one Arabica coffee factory which opera- ted since the colonial era, which was sugar factory of Demas, Wringin Anom, Olean, Pandji, Mangaran, Asembagus and Arabi- ka Kayumas coffe factory. Panarukan city became the end of the Daendels road, because it became the most important port in eastern Java. The port of Introduction Since the colonial era, Panarukan had been a strategic area and trading center in Eastern Java. It began with the Portugese people arrival in 1580 which then built bas- tion for hoarding spices of the trade from Moluccas, until the Dutch arrival in 1743 by VOC (Arifin, 2008, p. 147). Panarukan is an early name of Situbondo Regency in the colonial era. The name Panarukan then changes to be Situbondo after issuance of government regulation of republic of In- donesia number 28 the year 1972, date 28th September 1972 about Change of Name and Removal of the seat of Panarukan Re- gency Government (Arifin, 2008, p. 155). Corresponding author: Jalan Kalimantan No. 37, Sumbersari, Jember, Indonesia E-mail: panakajaya.hidayatullah@gmail.com p-ISSN 2541-1683|e-ISSN 2541-2426 HARMONIA : Journal of Arts Research and Education 17 (1) (2017): 1-122 Panarukan became a center for hoarding agricultural products in a coastwise of Bali strait, which then exported to abroad, such as coffee, sugar and tobacco naoogst, which were regularly exported and auctioned in Rotterdam Dutch and Bremen Germany (Arifin, 2008, p. 153). As a central government which had important role in the colonial era, it indeed has given big effects and influences to so- cial and cultural development in that area. One of the important things to discuss is an appearance of strékan music. Strékan mu- sic is known by people as colonial music functioned as music for welcoming guest or high officials in regency. Today, strékan music still exists and becomes popular, alt- hough it has changed, also in the meaning. Like other hybrid music which is born from process of cultural encounter like keroncong, tanjidor, dangdut even some national songs (Ganap, 2011; Yam- polsky, 2001; Weintraub 2012; Mintargo, 2008), strékan music also has the same phenomena which is appropriation result of cultural encounter between Western culture and local Madurese culture. Madu- ra is a dominant culture in Situbondo Re- gency (based on statistic data of Madurese people in 1845) (Arifin, 2008, p. 164). Until now, based on filed observation, Madure- se culture still becomes dominant in Situ- bondo. Based on history, Madurese people in Situbondo were migrants from Madura island. According to Husson, Madurese people migration to the north coast of eas- tern Java happened before the 19th century, and deforestation was a progressive and continual process since the 17th century as a result of big demography pressure. (Hus- son, 1997, p. 79). This article will discuss some rese- arch problems related to social phenomena of strékan music which are; 1) How do so- cial context and history influence a change of strékan music from colonial to contem- porary era; 2) How do Situbondo people interpret the music in each era; 3) How does cultural encounter bear a ‘new’ spa- ce in a context of music. Some researches that are relevant and correlated with social phenomena of music: article by Wadiyo (2011, p. 115) entitled Campursari Manthous: Between New Music and Social Phenomena of Supporting Community and Joko Wiyoso (2011, p.: 1-9) article entitled Collaboration Between Jaran Kepang (Plated Horse Play) and Campursari: an Innovation of Traditional Art. Wadiyo’s work focused on social fact aspect people who lived in Gunung Kidul, Klaten, Boyolali, and Semarang through the Manthous Campursari phenomenon, meanwhile Wiyoso’s work talks about pla- ted horse art performing changing form in people context in Kendal Regency in the contemporary era. Both research relevan- cy is pinpointed on research topic about social phenomena of music, otherwise the differences are in those objects, perspecti- ves, and used methodologies. Method This research talks about musical anthropology using multidiscipline appro- ach. Specifically this research uses post- colonial perspective. The multidiscipline approach is required because the qualitati- ve data is quite complex and multidimen- sional. A method used in this research is ethnography which took steps in rese- arch including 1). Data collection; and 2). Data arrangment. Data collection step was technically done following the new eth- nography method of James P. Spradley which added some supporting elements. The following steps were, 1) Participato- rist observation; 2) Choosing informant; 3) Interviewing informant; 4) Listing ethno- graphy notes; 5) Asking descriptive ques- tions; 6) Analyzing interview; 7) Musical transcription; 8) lliterature analysis. Data which had been collected then classified according to groups and cate- gories for further data arranging and ana- lying. Classification is done according to its relevancy with applied theory in research. After being classified, then it’s concluded as following the pattern and data correla- tion. Classified data is then analyzed desc- riptively using theory as a foundation. Panakajaya Hidayatullah, The dynamic phenomena of strékan music from colonial ... 3 Results and Discussion Strékan in Colonial Era (1830’s - 1940’s) Strékan is a term used by Situbondo people to call music functioned for ‘ngam- bâ’ tamoy’ (welcoming guests) in parlo event (wedding party). Parlo is a term in the Ma- durese language which refers to a wed- ding party of Madurese people in Situbon- do, parlo in the Madurese language means ‘interest’. Based on history, this term (stré- kan) comes from the Dutch language. Stré- kan players and the people interpret it as a style which has a similar meaning to stijl (Kutunuk, personal communication, April 18, 2016). In vocabulary, the word is close to word trek which, in the Dutch language, means ‘interesting’. The term strékan had appeared since Dutch colonial era. The term early refer- red to brass band/marching band played by a native soldier (KNIL) for welcoming guests (officials) in Regency (Kutunuk, personal communication, April 18, 2016). Brass is a term for a group of wind me- tal music instruments, which generally consist of trumpet, trombone, horn and tuba (Banoe, 2003, p. 61). KNIL (Koninkli- jk Nederlandsche Oost Indische Leger) is a colonial soldier, taken from natives, and mercenary army from France, Belgium, Germany and Switzrland. It was formed in 1830 with an early name Oost Indische Le- ger then changed to KNIL on King Willem I advice in 1836. These soldiers were most- ly taken from natives people in Nusanta- ra. Its recruitment system was by taking a youngster from the village, in collaborati- on with village chief or local headman. If they passed and became soldiers, they got a cash advance. (Matanasi, 2007, p. 23). Strékan music was played by dozens of na- tive soldiers, from playing music processi- on around town square to playing music in the center of the town square in seat format. The music played was mars song in the Dutch language (Kutunuk, personal communication, April 18, 2016). Its mu- sic instruments were trumpet, trombone, horn, tuba, bass drum, snare drum, and clarinet. Strékan music became identical music played for welcoming guests/offici- als in certain celebration or formal ceremo- ny in a regency. At that time, Situbondo people began to know brass music, but this music was still odd and not really popular. Until in late 1940’s, some families from native sol- diers then formed their own strékan music group. One of them is strékan music group named “Chandra Keluarga”. The group is family music group in which some players are ex-colonial soldiers who have ever played strékan music before. A format of strékan music “Chandra Keluarga” is different to former strékan mu- sic. The strékan group of Chandra family plays music with a smaller format, which is 7-8 people. The music instruments are also quite different to conventional music instruments which are trumpet, trombone, horn, tuba, bass drum/jidur (in a big size with diameter 1 to 1,5 meter, using leat- her membrane and accessories of cymbal above), drum (snare drum using leather membrane), clarinet, tambourine and vo- cal. From these instruments, at a glance it looks similar to tanjidor music, but bass and snare drum used are different to tan- jidor music. If it is seen from instruments remnants, some brass instruments are pro- ducts from Germany. There is a brand, Ar- min E voigt Markneukirchen Sa, printed in the instrument. The use of instrument from Germany, at that time, was most likely be- cause Situbondo was an area designed by the colonial government as a central port in east Java. The port became trade center and current of exchange, transaction, bu- ying and selling goods inter-countries. Figure 1. A remnant instrument of brass strékan music orchestra from ‘Chandra Fam- ily’. HARMONIA : Journal of Arts Research and Education 17 (1) (2017): 1-124 ‘Chandra Family’ group does not only play music with mars rhythm but also some rhythm like bossanova, belero, waltz, ballad and other Latin rhythms. A most played song is bésame mucho (Mar- syiah, personal communication, July 24, 2016). In the beginning, this strékan group was formed to entertain Dutchmen and their descendants (Indo people) who lived in a Dutch cluster area. They play music regularly every Sunday in that cluster area. By music, they accompany Dutchmen who sing, dance and eat supper (Marsyiah, per- sonal communication, July 24, 2016). Soe- kiman explains Indies lifestyle and their entertaining music group as follows. “Among their servants (man or woman), there are those who specifically have a duty to entertain as music players. From this group, it then forms what is called by F. De Haan as slaven concerten or sla- venorkest (music players). Having slave- norkest shows a luxurious lifestyle with certain degree among landheer at that time” (Soekiman, 2011, p. 47). The statement above matches to a player who says that they play music with unfair wages. At that time, strékan music was assumed as elite and modern music. Suratno explains hierarchy position bet- ween colonized and colonizer in the colo- nial era. Dutch is posited superior and ar- rogant in front of Indonesian people who are natives (colonized) (Suratno, 2013, p. 1). Domination and hegemony power of colonizer then force the natives to follow and accept every aspect of their culture (Koentjoroningrat, 2000, p. 180). The natives express a ‘pride’ of Dutch culture assumed as modern and superior by means of strékan music. The existence of “Chandra Keluarga” music group and its intensity to entertain Dutch people then begin to be accepted by nati- ves, and some of them ask them to play in parlo event. Until in early Independence period, people began to know strékan mu- sic as music for welcoming guests in parlo event in Situbondo. Music strékan in parlo event becomes a signifier of a host social status. Those, who are able to have the stré- kan music in their event, are considered to be high class degree. Strékan in Pasca Kolonial Era (1940’s – 1970’s) Strékan Jiḍur / To’ Jher The appearance of strékan brass mu- sic in the wedding party of Situbondo people becomes a trigger for the birth of other strékan brass music. In Situbondo city, there are strékan brass music groups, which are Chandra Keluarga, Chandra Ki- rana and Borobudur (Marsyiah, personal communication, July 24, 2016). Besides in the city area, there are also many strékan brass music groups in Asembagus (east Si- tubondo). Asembagus is an area where has the most strékan brass music groups. This music is also known as strékan jiḍur or to’ jher. Jidur is a term in the Madurese langu- age to call bedug (drum) usually used in the mosque. The term jidur is used to call stré- kan brass music genre because of its similar bass drum model. While to’ jher is onoma- tophea of the brass music sound. Asembagus becomes a place where bears many brass music. It was because in the colonial era, in Asembagus there was a theatre named ‘Wijaya’ which often sho- wed tonil drama (toneel). Tonil drama is a drama/play which uses brass music. Besi- des, in early independence period, drum band music was very popular. Almost eve- ry community organization such as Ans- har (youngster community organization affiliated to Nahdatul Ulama, established in 1934) and Lesbumi (Lembaga Seniman Budayawan Muslimin Indonesia - Institute of Indonesian Moslem Artist and Humanist is an independent organization of NU which houses some artist and humanist groups, established in 1962 (Chisaan, 2008, p. 117)) had drum band music group in each sub- district. Therefore in that era, Asembagus people became familiar with that brass music (Rajana, personal communication, July 23, 2016). In pasca-colonial period (in the late 1950’s), strékan music had changed its instruments. Strékan to’jher adds bamboo flute instrument and kendhâng malang (ken- Panakajaya Hidayatullah, The dynamic phenomena of strékan music from colonial ... 5 from colonialism which is then processed and appropriated by a local sense of Situ- bondo (Madurese culture). Bhabha said that cultural encounter between colonizer and colonized often occurs conflictual and antagonistic, rather than dialogical and consensual (Bhabha, 1994, p. 2). Bhabha then explains the concept of cultural dif- ference. Cultural difference understands culture as signifying practices (Bhabha, 1994, p. 34). Cultural difference space enables the emergence of hybrid space, third space, in-between space or beyond space. Its consequence causes a process of crossing signifier and involving various cultural expression, communicating each other for the sake of cultural recognition and freedom of dynamic various human expression. By means of cultural differen- ce, dominant discourse can be disrupted, which, in Bhabha perspective, can be done by mimicry. Mimicry is a mode of representation. It tends to repeat or imitate rather than re- represent, its similarity is partial, which make it remain difference (camouflage) (Bhabha, 1994, p. 86). Its presence is in- complete and has multiple articulatory signs. Mimicry is produced in liminal space, borderline or around ambivalent discourse, therefore it has the disruptive effect of dominant discourse. Its logical consequence makes the discourse split, ambiguous and fractured (Bhabha, 1994, p. 86). Model of strékan to’ jher music imita- tes the model of strékan from a colonial sol- dier. They imitate its colonial music style for welcoming guest but in a local sense. Therefore it emerges something difference as a kind of cultural translation. Instead of following elite and modern music style of the colonial with a sense of European mu- sic, strékan to’ jher even gives a unique style of brass music with a dominant sense of Malay music and Madurese dangdut. Pro- cess of imitating, which is not completely the same, then creates hybrid identity in negotiation space (subversive – disruptive) This next concrete example is a use of musical theme when welcoming guest. dang). The most played songs are mars, bossanova, belero, ballad, waltz and other Latin rhythms. Besides, songs with melayu rhythm like Mashabi, Ida Laila and some Madurese dangdut songs also become a must song in parlo event, even more do- minant (Rajana, personal communication, July 23, 2016). Usually, strékan music plays in front of labâng gelidik (gate of a wedding party) by sitting from 8.00 a.m. to 10.00 p.m. Labâng gelidik is a local term used by Situbondo people to call gate of a wedding party. It usually uses accessories of a bana- na tree, yellow young coconut leaves and banyan leaves. In Asembagus, the first group which initiates strékan to’ jher is strékan Al Fajar orchestra. Al Fajar was established by Su- hamo around 1950’s. According to some players, in the pasca-colonial era, not all strékan players are pure artists. Some of them mostly work as officials, unskilled workers, sugar factory workers, wardens, farmers etc (Rajana, Suhannat and Saha- mo, personal communication, July 23-24, 2016). It can be said that strékan to’ jher mu- sic are working class music. A change of model and interpretation in society signify a change of social condition at that time. People do not call strékan music as elite Dutch music anymore. They then reinter- pret strékan music as popular music. Mer- riam (1964) explains the relation between music and social condition in his book Ant- ropology of Music as follows. “Music is a uniquely human phenome- non which exists only in the understan- ding of social interaction; music is crea- ted by people and to other people, music is learned behavior. Music does not and does not exist only, by, from and for it- self.; there must be a human who does something to produce it. Simply, music cannot be defined only as sound pheno- mena, because there is individual beha- vior inside which wants a social consen- sus of society who decides what can and cannot be done” (Merriam, 1964,.p. 44). The emergence of strékan to’ jher mu- sic phenomenon is a result of the cultu- ral encounter, especially Western culture HARMONIA : Journal of Arts Research and Education 17 (1) (2017): 1-126 Strékan to’ jher has a typical music (melo- dy) theme as signifier when guests are co- ming. The musical theme becomes basic theme generally played in every parlo by all groups of the strékan orchestra in Situ- bondo. Here is a part of theme transcrip- tion. Figure 2. Notation transcription based on Rajana speech The part of musical theme above is a melody played when welcoming guests. The melody is played with march rhythm. Rajana explains the musical theme as fol- lows. “The melody is a must played by eve- ry strékan to’jher orchestra when guests are coming, the melody becomes sign or code which has ‘magnetic’ power. When the melody is played, all people will know that guest are coming” (Raja- na, personal communication, April 18, 2016). Musical theme with march rhythm is a musical theme played by soldier players of strékan music in colonial era for welco- ming official guest in the district. Use of the melody signifies that a change of strékan music from colonial to pasca-colonnial era does not automatically erase or change the format at all. Strékan to’ jher players use/ play the sign assumed as ‘elite’ music in order to be used in different cultural spa- ce. They imitate Western elite music tradi- tion to present it in cultural space of low/ working class tradition. They play colonial signs with cultural local signs, which make colonial signs slippage. Model of march music with the mu- sical theme of a colonial soldier is a model of working class speech by means of imi- tating (mimicry) music style in welcoming colonial elite guest in cultural space of low class people. Bhabha explains that “mimic does not (completely) follow, because in mimicry, it tends to contain a mockery.” (Budiawan, 2010: xii). Mimicry could mean attitude of admiring as well as resisting, which means that subjects (strékan players) have an agency of interpreting colonial strékan music. The autonomy or agency of subject could mean disobedience of colo- nial values. Mockery explicitly can also be seen in slenge’an act during the break of the play. Here is an example of fun dialog in strékan music group Al Fajar in a parlo event. “One of the players provokes topic of jo- kes by saying Ta’ éberri’ nasé’ niko kang!!, ma’ tadâ’ ka’ angka’na (there is no food for us, no one brings the food). Then anot- her player answer, nyaré sé raddhin ka’ angka’ pas (let’s find a beautiful girl, and bring the food together). Then they all laugh, even sometimes the jokes become a talk by tokang siaran (MC)” (Sahamo, personal communication, July 24, 2016). The joke during the break of the play is a kind of negotiation space of strékan Al Fajar to strékan music style of a colonial soldier which seems serious and very dis- cipline. Instead of imitating very discipline performance style, they even show disobe- dience attitude by slenge’an act. Slenge’an refers to act of disobedience, ignorant and careless. They mock colonial style of stré- kan music by the jokes. In this case, the subject has shaken system of the sign in colonial discourse, it exists outside the sign and continuously shakes established the structure of mea- ning. Its position leads to movement of ambivalent signifier, undecidable and ten- se movement which opens hybrid space. They, who are workers, implicitly counter and ‘mock’ its former elite tradition in a ‘new’ space by ambiguous mimicry act. Strékan Tétét / Saronén In the same era, the strékan term is not only interpreted as brass music, but also refers to every music group played for welcoming guests (ngambâ’ tamoy) in parlo event. There are some music groups often called as strékan music which is to’ jher, strékan tétét dan strékan tabbhuwân / klénéngan. Klénengan and tabbhuwân refer Panakajaya Hidayatullah, The dynamic phenomena of strékan music from colonial ... 7 to Madurese gamelan music group usual- ly in a wedding event, in Situbondo. The group usually plays Madurese song with kéjhungan vocal. Before strékan to’jher/brass orchestra exists, Situbondo people have art music tradition called tétét music or in Madura known as saronén. The term tétét is coming from the onomatopea sound of that music instrument. In Situbondo, this instrument is popular as tétét rather than saronén. Sa- ronén/tétét has been assumed by Madure- se or non-Madurese people as Madurese instrument (Bouvier, 2002:55). Tétét music has been popular music in Situbondo, be- cause most Situbondo people are Madure- se who migrate to Situbondo since a long time (Husson, 1997, p. 86). Bouvier exp- lains tétét instrument based on its organ- ology, “Saronen is a cone-shaped music instru- ment made of the teak tree with six ho- les in front and one on the back. A small annulet made of brass (konéngan) ties the back part to stainless steel part (pessé poté). Its tip, made of palm wood, clamps its doubled tongue (pépet) made of sepat or palm leaves (tarébung: Borassus flabelli- fer L). In its tip, it adds a wing from coco- nut shell (pétok) which looks like player’s moustache when blowing it.” (Bouvier, 2002, p. 56). In Madura, the saronén orchestra is related to cow (for cow race competition/ karabhân sapé) and beautiful cow competi- tion sapé sono’), and horse (for the ritual ce- remony in shrine tomb or wedding party) (Bouvier, 2002, p. 56). In Situbondo, tétét is often used to accompany bride entourage line. One entourage (rombongan- local term to call traditional art group in Situbondo) tétét usually consists of tétét, kennong tello’ (three kenong), ghung (gong) and cak kocak/ kencér (Kutunuk, personal communication, April 18, 2016). In parlo event, tétét entourage line begins the show by playing music instru- ment by walking, accompanying bride en- tourage procession. Until today (2016), this tradition still continues, even the show so- metimes adds jârân kéncha’ (rocking horse) attraction. Cultural encounter, which hap- pens antagonistically, also influences mo- del of tétét music show, the change can be seen from costume and its show formation. Here is a costume used in the tétét show in Situbondo. Figure 3. Procession of tétét music in parlo event, in Kalbut (Situbondo). Source: Misyono documentation in 24th July 2016 Figure 3 is an example of tétét ento- urage show model when parading bride in Situbondo. Kutunuk explains costume used in the tétét show as follows. “In the past, tétét show in Situbondo only used kalambhi pésa’,but now it has chan- ged along with the times, philosophical- ly now its costume is pointless” (Kutu- nuk, personal communication, August 24, 2016). Kalambhi pésa’ is typical clothes of Ma- durese people which consist of a white t- shirt with red stripped, covered with black shirt unbuttoned and using black trousers (Prasisko, 2015, p. 77). The statement exp- lains a change of tétét show costume. From the costume, the entourage uses a uniform with striking red dominant color, which is pink. The striking color use in Madurese culture has its own meaning. Konstantinos Retsikas has explained in his research, that there is a relation between the rough and hard characteristic of Madurese people with their favorite color preference which is light and striking. “Thermal and colour dispositions are in- terrelated for the hotness of blood which is directly associated with the colour red, the colour par excellence of ‘Madurese’ sifat. HARMONIA : Journal of Arts Research and Education 17 (1) (2017): 1-128 Reddish colours and gleaming combina- tions are commonly interpreted as mani- festing the turbulent tentions imagined to inhabit the ‘Madurese’ person, its un- controllability of emotions and extrovert disposition”(Retsikas, K., 2007, p. 192). Color, especially, of clothes is assu- med as a kind of articulation or manifesta- tion of human characteristics. This means that rough and hard characteristic of Ma- durese people are represented by means of striking color. Madurese people articulate their characteristic of openness and blunt- ly through clothes color signifier (Prasisko, 2015, p. 60). Hub De Jonge also explains the same thing about the color preference of Madurese color clothes, “either Madu- rese man or woman likes striking and rou- sing color, such as scarlet, yellow, green, orange, light blue” (De Jonge, Huub, 2011, p. 66). Costume used by tétét entourage at glance is like soldier uniform with acces- sories on head and bracelet in hand, but it is still incomplete because there are other accessories also used such as wristwatch (used by saronén/tétét blower), sport shoes, soccer socks, sunglasses and black skull cap (used by saronén/tétét blower). Nord- holt said that “clothes is social skin and our culture” (Nordholt, 2005, p. 1). Laurie also said that clothes are an expression and identity of the person, because the clothes we wear will describe and define ourselves (Nordholt, 2005, p. 1). The use of costume by the tétét group is a way of how they articulate their iden- tity. By means of the costume, they express hybrid identity which is a symbol of mo- dernity, presented through wristwatch, sports shoes, soccer socks, sunglasses, and symbol of tradition seen from soldier uniform. Hybrid identity then emerges as something new and ambivalent, it is not something modern, but also not fully traditional. Besides costume, the hybrid form is also seen from how they do pro- cession. The procession is done by a tétét group almost the same like what drum band group usually does. They line up ti- dily while playing instruments. There is something which makes it look different from just only drum band parade, they do not just line up tidily, but also combine it with simple choreography/dance motion (looks like dancing). This hybrid costume and motion often become parody and en- tertainment for people. The ‘unique’ show spontaneously makes the audience laugh and fun. The phenomena show how mi- micry is again used in a ‘new’ space. As Bhabha called mimicry as an act of ‘imita- ting as well as resisting’, which often con- tains mockery. Mockery is seen from their eccentric gesture and show. Besides procession, strékan tétét is also appropriated to strékan to’ jher model. Strékan is identical to a music performan- ce for welcoming guest with seat format. After strékan tétét finish to parade the bri- de, they then present music with seat for- mat. In parlo event, the strékan tétét group usually sits beside strékan to’ jher. Strékan tétét is placed on left side of the gate and strékan to’ jher on the right side of wedding gate. The two strékan groups are alternate- ly playing the music. Here is a photo of the strékan tetet orchestra playing by seat for- mat in a parlo event. Figure 4. Strékan tétét when playing in seat format. Source: Misyono documentation in 24th 2016 When these two groups are playing side by side, it actually signifies a contesta- tion. There are two groups directly interact each other. Rajana explains it as follows. “In the past, strékan to’ jher and strékan Panakajaya Hidayatullah, The dynamic phenomena of strékan music from colonial ... 9 tétét were performing side by side when welcoming guest. Implicitly, it depicts competition between tradition and mo- dernity. Visually, strékan to’ jher tends to call more modern and classy compared to strékan tétét. It is also seen from seat position, we, strékan to’ jher players, usu- ally sit on a chair, while strékan tétét sit crossed-leg on the floor with a mat. The contestation is actually shown from the outside, we are, in fact, mingling each other, we are joking and we, at a certain moment, even play shaking a hand, we call it gudung” (Rajana, personal com- munication, April 18, 2016). Agus’ statement explains that there is power relation in strékan music in parlo event. The two strékan group meet in a per- formance space, which then depicts a con- testation between tradition and modern. Strékan to’ jher with the Western element is assumed as modernity symbol, visual- ly seen from its seat position on the chair, while strékan tétét is assumed as tradition symbol from its seat position, sitting cros- sed-leg on the floor with a mat. If it is seen visually, it actually shows unequal power relation between modernity (elite) and tra- ditional (subordinate), clearly seen from that space. Power relation is not always stag- nant, as Bhabha said, in some condition phenomena can be bias and ambivalent. It is seen concretely when doing “gudung”. Gudung is a term which refers to a musical expression when the two strékan groups together play music emotionally. Here is Rajana explanation about gudung. “When all music groups sound toget- her, it calls gudung. In Asembagus, the- re were three music groups which are strékan to’ jher, strékan tétét and strékan tabbhuwân. Gudung sounds all music groups there, gudung is accompanied by sowing yellow rice. When gudung, the players are very emotional, playing music out loud (nyéng-ranyéngan), the groups compete for each other to play louder”(Rajana, personal communicati- on, April 18, 2016). Gudung is played when a wedding couple comes to wedding area and there come important guests. When doing “gu- dung”, the atmosphere becomes emotional, music sound becomes ‘chaotic’ (disorder), western music idiom from strékan to’ jher is mingled with sléndro pentatonic sound, a typical characteristic of strékan tétét music. Musically, the sound is actually ‘chaotic’ and disorder, but in the tradition of Ma- durese culture, the sound signifies fun ex- pression. From this phenomenon, it shows how the system of the sign in the position of hierarchy power relation becomes ‘cha- otic’ when doing ‘gudung’. Gudung shows the phenomenon of hybrid sound which potentially tends to disrupt the system of the sign in established power relation. Strékan in Contemporary Era (1970’s – Now) The anti-imperial politic of Soekar- no in 1960’s which declaimed influence of America and Europe commercial culture, opened a gate for popular music from In- dia and the middle east. (Weintraub, 2012, p. 64). Vigorous film industry from India, Malay and Arab give their own atmosphe- re for strékan music. In 1960’s, in Situbondo city there were two movie theaters named Nirwana and Dahlia. This place became the only entertainment for people, while television was still rare, and only owned by rich people (Kutunuk, personal communi- cation, April 18, 2016). The movies became sources of inspiration for strékan music. Gradually, its instruments have changed, firstly it added accordion, bamboo flute, instrument, kendang, contrabass and tam- bourine. The additional instruments also change its musical characteristic, from using mars, bossanova, belero and other latin music to dominant Malay rhytm. Until early 1970’s, when dangdut music begins popular, then strékan music change, following a trend of the times. From its instruments, they continual- ly change to instruments usually used in Malay orchestra, which are electric guitar, electric bass, ketipung, tambourine, flu- te and keyboard. Its instrumental change goes in line with a development period of dangdut national music which begins to HARMONIA : Journal of Arts Research and Education 17 (1) (2017): 1-1210 use the electric instrument in 1970’s (Sas- ongko, 2006, p. 20). Today (2016) strékan to’jher music in parlo event has transformed to use all instruments of Malay orchestra and the songs played are dangdut. The players rea- lize the change because of demands of the times, market and demand from audience taste. They, whether want it or not, must change the outdated music format to mo- dern music and more popular in society (Rajana, Suhannat and Sahamo, personal communication, July 23-24, 2016). Accor- ding to Hauser, something underlies the birth of popular art is boredom. Boredom then causes (restlessness) (Hauser, 1982, p. 580). The change of performance in strékan to’ jher to strékan dangdut is a logical conse- quence of commercialization of art. Although, it changes musically and instrumentally the name is still the same, by still using the name, strékan music. Mu- sically, strékan dangdut does not have a certain musical characteristic, strékan dang- dut music usually plays dangdut piur song (dangdut piur is a term used by Weintraub to differ rhythm of pure dangdut with eth- nic and koplo), with a slow rhythm. Espe- cially, the songs played are 1970’s songs, such as songs from Rhoma Irama, Rita Su- giarto, Ida Laila etc. Strékan dangdut still continues instru- mental characteristic of former strékan music. Typical instrumental characteristic of strékan to’ jher style when welcoming guest do not lose at all. Strékan dangdut music changes instrumental music with mars rhythm in the style of strékan to’ jher to instrumental dangdut music (the song which deletes its lyric and melody, then changes to instrumental music play). A song usually played instrumentally by strékan dangdut music is entitled ‘Pertemu- an’ (A meeting) by Rita Sugiarto. Its vocal melody song is played by flute instrument. Here is a photo of strékan dangdut orchestra in a parlo event. The Figur 5 explains that strékan mu- sic has changed many things, also changed interpretation of its performance model. Now this strékan music has used a stage usually placed in wedding area, beside kuade (bride seat). The change of perfor- mance model also changes its musical fun- ction. It formerly places in front of wed- ding gate and functions as ‘ngambâ’ tamoy’ (welcoming guests), now it changes to entertainment music to accompany guest while enjoying the food. Figure 5. Strékan dangdut Melodi Ria Source: Rasyid Melodi Ria collection Today strékan dangdut and tétét mu- sic still exist in Situbondo society (Based on field observation, in Kalbut (North Si- tubondo) in parlo even (wedding party) of Yuliyanti and Vijri Nur Rohmatillah in 24th July 2016, there are two strékan groups which are strékan dangdut and strékan tétét). It is different to strékan to’ jher music which has transformed to be strékan dangdut, strékan tétét still maintain its performance model and formation like before. That two strékan music still perform in a performan- ce space in parlo space, but its contestation space has been different to the era before. Conclusion The dynamic change of strékan music model from colonial to contemporary era becomes a sign of social condition change in Situbondo. In the colonial era, by me- ans of colonial domination and hegemony, strékan music emerges as modernity sign and is interpreted by people as ‘elite’ mu- sic. Strékan music in colonial style is a brass music group functioned as music for wel- coming important guests/officials in the district. There is unequal power relation Panakajaya Hidayatullah, The dynamic phenomena of strékan music from colonial ... 11 between colonizer (dominant) and coloni- zed (subordinate) seen from strékan music. The birth of strékan group ‘Chandra Kelu- arga’ as slavenorkest is an example which can be interpreted as a kind of colonizer’ power to colonized Cultural encounter, which occurs conflictual and antagonistic, then opens a negotiation space. Established hierarchy position then becomes ambivalent. Stré- kanin pasca-colonial era plays colonial system of the sign by means of imitating a part of the colonial strékan style, which is then appropriated and processed by a local sense of Madurese culture in Situ- bondo. This creates a hybrid identity in negotiation space. In a pasca-colonial era, strékan music is reinterpreted as popular/ working class music functioned as music for welcoming guests (ngambâ’ tamoy) in parlo event. Government politic of anti-imperia- lism in 1950’s and popularity of dangdut music in national music industry arena also influence strékan model and function in Situbondo, in the contemporary era. Model of strékan music has transformed to be Malay orchestra (dangdut). The change is a logical consequence of commercializa- tion of art. In the contemporary era, strékan music is then interpreted as entertaining music for commercial people. Music and society have a dynamic relation. 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Informants List Name: Agus Rajana As: A music player of strékan jidur/to’ jher and strékan dangdut Sandes in Asembagus Age:about 50 years old Name: Imam Kutunuk As: A cultural observer of Situbondo Age:about 70 years old Name: Suhannat As: A music player of strékan jidur/to’ jher Al Fajar Muda in Asembagus Age:about 60 years old Name: Sahamo As: A music player of strékan jidur/to’ jher Al Fajar in Asembagus Age:about 80 years old Name: Marsyiah As: A music player of strékan Chandra Ke- luarga and Chandra Kirana in Situ- bondo city Age:about 60 years old Name: Rasyid As: A music player of strékan Melodi Ria in Asembagus Age:about 60 years old Name: Misyono As: A wedding party host in Kalbut, Situ- bondo Age:about 50 years old