29 Mimicry and Hybridity of “Congrock Musik 17” in Semarang Sunarto Sunarto, Irfanda Rizki Harmono Sejati, Udi Utomo Department of Drama, Dance, and Music, Faculty of Languages and Arts, Universitas Negeri Semarang, Indonesia Submitted: May 23, 2020. Revised: June 9, 2020. Accepted: July 4, 2020 Abstract Keroncong, a slow and crooning music, serves as the art and culture that reflects Indonesian identities. This music style still exists today, particularly in Semarang that is widely known as an urban area. The resistance of such music is actualized with the process of mimicry and hybridity of keroncong and rock music, causing pros and cons that lead to a crisis. The performed mimicry and hybridity is a negotiation in identity construction that takes place in ambivalent behavior as a strategy to survive from the crisis. Building an identity of Congrock (keroncong and rock) is carried out to explore the mediation form in the third space, enabling the outlining of the position of Congrock identity in Semarang. A case study, an art research method, and historical reading were employed to interpret the existing phenomenon. The result indicated that the Congrock identity was the result of mimicry and hybridity that was formed due to the hegemony in Indo- nesia. Mimicry and hybridity had become the most important point because they took place in an urban area, such as Semarang. The integration of local and global cultures in Congrock generated a new identity in society as the third space and created a gray zone in Congrock, i.e., the area between the form of imitation and cross-cultural music integration. The position of Congrock in Semarang became a symbol of freedom in negotiating locality while partially articulating moder- nity. Keywords: Congrock; Hybridity; Mimicry; Semarang; Urban Area How to Cite: Sunarto, S., Sejati, I. R. H., & Utomo, U. (2020). Mimicry and Hybridity of “Congrock Musik 17” in Semarang. Harmonia: Journal of Arts Research And Education, 20(1), 29-38. Harmonia: Journal of Arts Research and Education 20 (1) (2020), 29-38 Available online at http://journal.unnes.ac.id/nju/index.php/harmonia DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/harmonia.v20i1.24563 keroncong music that still last until today, and are given media of preservation by the local government (Rachman & Pribadi, 2019; Rachman & Utomo, 2018). Neverthe- less, due to the consumerism of western cultures and the power of dominant cul- tures that cause an identity crisis, the art of keroncong has increasingly developed (Rachman, 2013). The impact of such iden- tity politics urges local artists to create in- novations in keroncong music to develop its identity, one of which is by combining INTRODUCTION As written in a book entitled Indone- sia Heritage: Seni Pertunjukan [Indonesi- an Heritage: Performing Arts] (Sedyawati, 2002), Semarang includes in the area of the keroncong music spreading map in Indonesia. This city is also considered one of the barometers for keroncong develop- ment in the homeland. The rapid develop- ment of this music in Semarang is proven by the existence of several communities of Corresponding author: E-mail: sunartofbs@mail.unnes.ac.id p-ISSN 2541-1683|e-ISSN 2541-2426 Harmonia: Journal of Arts Research and Education 20 (1) (2020): 29-3830 keroncong and rock genres to become a new contemporary genre called congrock (Rachman & Utomo, 2018). Congrock is derived from the words keroncong and rock. The mixed genres of music between keroncong and rock rhythms in Semarang came into an iden- tity of a student community in Universi- tas 17 Agustus 1945 on March 17th, 1983. There were mutual agreement and mission to create innovations towards keroncong music to maintain the existence of this mu- sic as local culture. The innovations were seen by a variety of instruments, tone, tem- po, and harmonization played by a group called “Congrock Musik 17” (Rachmawati, et al., 2016; Zahrotul & Rachman, 2020). According to Kartika (2015, p. 36), Indonesian society as a post-colonial so- ciety, which referred to the historical pe- riod of post-independence at that time, had empiricism towards the practices of fascist colonialism or the racist administra- tion. This issue also affects the existence of “Congrock 17” group that invites the pros and cons of its genre of music. The works created by “Congrock 17” is considered to be out of the keroncong music, in terms of the standard rhythm patterns and musical instruments. Figure 1. Double rhythms of cak (four-stringed instrument) cuk (three-stringed instrument), cello, and bass of keroncong (Source: Abel, 2019) Standard keroncong rhythm patterns are characterized by recognizable patterns, although they are varied. Nonetheless, the basic rhythmic form does not change; only does the tempo, accentuation, and tone co- lor (Utomo & Rachman, 2019). Based on the above idea, Purwanto (2015) opines that a crisis of identities cau- ses a shift in characters in cultural politics as a result of the hegemony of the domi- nant group until an agreement comes from a marginalized minority to show/build their identities. Building identities in cul- tural diversity is now a problem occurring in the ex-colonized nation, including Indo- nesia. This is a sign of colonialism in the modern era, which its agreement raises an ambivalence; such a phenomenon is kno- wn as identity politics (Dini, et al., 2018). On that ground, the phenomenon of identity politics is utilized to see the fac- tors influencing the “Congrock 17” group in choosing the rock genre. Further, the analysis of the works and performances of the group is used to answer the question regarding the position of congrock identity in “Congrock 17 Semarang” with mimicry and hybridity in a postcolonial study. In this context, keroncong has be- come an in-depth study in finding out the issue of the diversity of values in the pro- cess of forming the art itself. Along with technological advancements, the pheno- menon serves as the montage of time-ima- ge that relates to the complexity of social relations that starts looking for new iden- tities amidst the authority, politics, and ideology (Aryandari, 2018). Keroncong is a type of music that goes through an in- tegration, mixing, and re-interpretation of a culture (Lestari & Rachman, 2012). The mimicry and hybridity of keroncong are essential, considering their never-ending existence and consistency. Interestingly, when mimicry and hybridity take place in keroncong, the development is never- ceasing, leading to some innovations to the music itself. Congrock has been the most-reque- sted music by society. The diversity and continuous development of keroncong make this type of music more attractive (Zahrotul & Rachman, 2020). This paper will mix and match the concepts of mimic- ry and hybridity in explaining the cong- rock music, specifically in the “Congrock 17” group in the level of urban society in Sunarto Sunarto et al., Mimicry and Hybridity of “Congrock Musik 17” in Semarang 31 Semarang. Congrock has become very in- teresting with its diversity, particularly its existence, which has been continually ex- posed and becoming public consumption of Indonesian people in the past few years. Grounding from the above discus- sion, the problem of this research is the concepts of mimicry and hybridity in the “Congrock 17” group in the phenomenon of identity politics. This study is theoreti- cally significant in terms of finding out the forms of identities in a postcolonial study. Practically, this study is useful for opening up the view of the society, local musicians, and government that the hybrid identity of congrock can be an icon for its group in the context of arts in Semarang, so that it will become a sustainable local art. METHOD This research relies on case studies, historical research methods, and art in in- terpreting the process of mimicry and hy- bridism of keroncong. To make it easier, an in-depth reading of the problem can be done with this method. Qualitative data collection is the best choice in collecting research data. Data collection techniques used in this study were observation, inter- views (interviews), and documentation. The data analysis technique used is data reduction: all data is summarized, data from literature studies, interviews, observations, and research locations. Data presentation: collected data is sorted ac- cording to the category, broken down, then interpreted according to needs. Veri- fication of data: data that has been inter- preted and then concluded, checked again for correctness, then sorted, after all, is cor- rectly concluded; in this study descriptive data helps the analysis of Research and Development data. Draw conclusions: this analysis activity is very important becau- se, from the beginning of data collection, a qualitative analyzer starts looking for the meaning of objects, noting the regularities, patterns, explanations, possible configura- tions, causal flows, and prepositions. In addition, reading historical events also serve as valid data in finding out the existence of congrock in Semarang that can be specifically seen in the “Congrock 17 Semarang” group. Art reading, which is devoted to notation correlation, is conside- red capable of responding to art explicitly. This finding will be a reflection in seeing urban mimicry and hybridity in viewing art as a cultural manifesto. RESULT AND DISCUSSION Postcolonialism Speaking of postcolonialism, being traditional and modern is the same two si- des, and it is almost impossible to speak of it without involving the western and eas- tern countries, especially those with a his- tory of colonialism. One of the strategies to deal with the dominance of colonizing culture is through mimicry and hybridity that is usually called a process of imitating and integrating cultures. Many other stra- tegies can be applied in media that look for innovations to vocalize equality and self- identity in the dominance of the interest of western-style companies. Among the innovations is exploring Indonesian local culture as an icon (Laksono, et al., 2015; Widiastuti, 2015). The part of postcolonial identity complexities is related to the process of how the colonized society or culture ab- sorbs the meaning for themselves by the creation and coercion of the colonizers’ power (Easton, 1964). When colonized countries become independent politically and militarily from colonialism, their new sovereign status is usually the integration between elements and forms of previous identities (pre-colonial times) which are created during the colonization (Clayton & Gregory, 1996). Postcolonialism, in its turn, refers to the situation of a society or culture af- ter being colonized by those who intend to conquer, control, exploit, and even fix the society or culture itself. Although the use of postcolonialism normally refers to the aftermath of colonialism as mentioned earlier, this term has urged analytic values Harmonia: Journal of Arts Research and Education 20 (1) (2020): 29-3832 regarding the condition of the subject, so- ciety, or culture immediately after the ini- tial colonial contact came about (Chatter- jee, 1993). Urban Area and Popularity Every developing region desires an establishment of becoming an urban area, especially when the regional development is carried out massively. The advancement and concept of urban areas are what the society has been dreaming of, and its value has become a stigma. The society craves for a concept of urban areas, i.e., border- line of values in the society. Clark (2003) states: Seeing urban areas as spaces that have been conceptualized, and more im- portantly, signified in particular ways to- wards particular ends, can provide insight into the manner in which old, new and fluid cultural identities emerge, are negoti- ated or contested within and between the- se urban spaces. Urban spaces become a negotiation place in building old, new, and emerging identities with mixing and integration that is introduced as hybridity. Urban areas be- come the level of an arena in the occurren- ce of the hybridity. Looking at the previous concept of urban areas, Weirtheim (1964) claims “cities used to be the center of the kingdom, religious activities, or harbor”. It is implied that cities are the place of po- wer over something, such as suzerainty in a kingdom, God’s power in religion, and trade power in a harbor. There come values that are referred to and controlled, causing a new concept that is different from rural areas in general. Urban arts have more quantities in forming a performance with a strong exis- tence, and quantities with high frequency create values of popularity. Turner (1984) indicates that the culture of popularity acts as a domain of production, and come a ne- gotiation with the consent of the society. Turner also asserts that popularity is mass and the other way around. Popularity has a huge power on the demand of the so- ciety. Popular things come from conscious or unconscious habituation. A popular un- derstanding of a culture is expressed as the biggest demand and desire of people in ne- gotiating social and cultural aspects. There are many collaborative concepts in their application, which can be concluded as hybridity efforts. In the art domain, Hau- ser (1982) points out, “boredom is what underlies the presence of popular arts, and such boredom raises restlessness”. The boredom of the previous art has triggered people to look away to popular arts, and even initiate new arts that come from the regional or global scope. The categorizati- on of arts is stated in popular music. Usman (2000) argues that from the perspective of social aspect, three impor- tant factors influence people’s appreciation to popular music, including 1) Introducti- on refers to a contact with certain popular music products; 2) Habituation is the fre- quency of the contact; and 3) Intensity of Association with the popular music. More basic knowledge about the aspects and in- volvement in activities that use popular music is one of its main means. Usman’s theory strengthens the idea that the popularity of arts is based on its introduction, frequency, contact, and as- sociation. If applied to keroncong, the po- pularity of this music has been of a certain object. Keroncong is created as a natural reflection of the society over the resistance to the type of music coming from outside; this is the counterwork to the new culture. People make an interpretation by mixing and matching all developing cultures. Keroncong According to Paeni (2009), in the book Sejarah Kebudayaan Indonesia: Seni Pertunjukan dan Seni Media (History of In- donesian Culture: Performing and Media Arts), in the 1970s, keroncong music had been regarded as modern music because it played pop music. This type of music was considered the first pop music in Indone- sia that always involved in a music com- petition held by RRI and TVRI (Indonesian TV channels). Keroncong, in the 1990s, al- Sunarto Sunarto et al., Mimicry and Hybridity of “Congrock Musik 17” in Semarang 33 ready had a huge position in its event (Da- rini, 2012; Rachman, 2013). Moreover, the keroncong community that brings hybrid keroncong or combines keroncong with other types of music to create new types of keroncong music, such as congdut (keron- cong and dangdut / melodious music gen- res in Indonesia), congpop (keroncong and pop), and congrock (keroncong and keron- cong stone) began to appear (Rachman, et al., 2018; Rachman & Utomo, 2019). As opined by Ganap (2006), keron- cong is a hybrid music, a genre resulted from the accumulation of western elements (from Portuguese and Netherlands) and non-western elements (from Saudi Arabia, Africa, India, China, Oceania, Betawi, and Java). In this case, keroncong turns into neutral and multicultural music due to its strong relation with various local and even global cultures. As seen in its deve- lopment, keroncong music has proven that it has characteristics different from other genres of music (Alfian, 2013). Keroncong has currently grown and developed, sho- wing Indonesian identities and personali- ties, so that this music may be proposed to be the world heritage (Alfian, 2013). In addition, Darini (2012) mentions that the development of keroncong music in Indonesia can be periodized into befo- re independence, independence, and the present time. Keroncong still stands with more creative innovations, music composi- tions and arrangements. Keroncong com- munity still grows in some cities, such as Semarang, Solo, and Yogyakarta. According to Mintargo (2017), keron- cong also serves as a form of acculturation between western and eastern cultures. This is characterized by the unique acculturati- on process of keroncong with functional transfer from gamelan musical instrument (traditional music of Javanese, Sundanese, and Balinese) to a western musical instru- ment. The process of acculturation takes place during the play of keroncong in the form of the philharmonic, indicating that this form is the acculturation model developed by the NIROM (privately fun- ded territorial broadcaster in the Nether- lands) and Jos Cleber in the Cosmopoli- tan orchestra. The conventional form and way developed in this type of keroncong orchestra are that all the instrumentalists use block notation with the western music system (Mintargo, 2017). The development of technological media makes keroncong music still acceptable by and more popular in society until today. Construction of Keroncong and Rock (Congrock) Genre The formation of the congrock gen- re in Semarang as the urban area is seen by the identity of the “Congrock 17 Sema- rang” group which is formed through two theoretical approaches, i.e., primordialism and constructivism. As stated by Susanto (2003), the perspective of primordialism describes that identities are formed natu- rally from generation to generation, which are also personally handed down by some of the parents of the “Congrock 17” mem- bers in Semarang. This becomes the strong factor causing some members to be fami- liar with keroncong genre since childhood, and have more personal ties with this mu- sic. The constructivism approach views identities as a product that is produced by a thorough social process seen in the selection of rock genre by “Congrock 17 Semarang”. This selection is through con- tinuous social interaction with the society, as well as media exposure that massively popularizes rock music at the time. “Congrock 17” group inevitably brings forth inspiration for the presence of groups of keroncong derivatives, e.g., congjazz (keroncong and jazz), congdut (keroncong and dangdut), and congyang (keroncong and goyang/shaking). For this reason, the Music Committee in Se- marang Arts Council immediately creates an appreciation place named “Warung Ke- roncong” (Keroncong Shop). The shop is open every Wednesday in Cultural Park of Raden Saleh, Semarang, where the youth gathers and has a small talk while listening to keroncong music. Besides Indonesia, “Congrock 17” is also sometimes invited overseas, such as Malaysia, and attends se- Harmonia: Journal of Arts Research and Education 20 (1) (2020): 29-3834 veral international keroncong festivals. “Congrock 17” itself was chosen as the name of the music group because the members studied at the Universitas 17 Agustus 1945 (Untag), Semarang. Howe- ver, an audience who watched one of their performances stated that their keroncong music mixed with the rock genre. Marco and other members indeed combine two genres of music, i.e., keroncong and rock, in their performances as a form of freedom of expression without binding standards. The rock genre does not necessarily refer to producing loud, blaring, and thumping sounds from electric musical instruments, yet bringing up some unique parts of the rhythm, gesture, intonation, and someti- mes humor. The emergence of the “Congrock 17” group on the music scene in Semarang was initially unacceptable because many peop- le thought that their performance broke up the standards of classical keroncong. Among the standards was seven musical instruments, in which more or less than this number must not be called as keron- cong; that was stated by the audience. Ne- vertheless, the keroncong music communi- ty finally started enjoying the performance of this group. There are now 15 members of this group by adding musical instru- ments of brass, saxophone, trumpet, trom- bone, drum, and keyboard. The effect of media in building rock identity in “Congrock 17 Semarang” lasts for quite a long time. The continuous spread of keroncong by the media has be- come one of the strong factors in forming the genre of rock in the group. Further, so- cial interaction between group members and the society who likes rock also plays a big role in building rock identities until it reaches popularity at this time (Nasional Kompas, 2008; Metro Semarang, 2015). Identities of Keroncong and Rock (Con- grock) Genre in Postcolonial Study A postcolonial theory put forward by Bhabha (1984) elaborates that buil- ding identities are inseparable from cul- tural hybridity and mimicry; contem- porary products provide and create an “intermediate”/”third” space to actualize marginalized local cultures (Wirawan, 2017). The construction of the congrock identity in Semarang is viewed through the process of mimicry and hybridity done by the “Congrock 17 Semarang” group. Mimicry The process of composing music with keroncong and rock (congrock) gen- res by the “Congrock 17 Semarang” group is regarded as a form of mimicry. The mi- micry in this context is viewed as an action (performance) that shows the artificiality of all forms of symbolic expressions of po- wer. “Congrock 17 Semarang” group shows ambivalence because, on the one hand, they want to build an identity si- milarity by maintaining keroncong, but on the other hand, they want to show a difference by including rock genre. Colo- nialism, in this context, is defined as a role of a dominant group that employs globa- lization strategies to spread a culture, or rock music in this case. The imbalance in disseminating information or discourse by the media affects the position of local cultures, or in this case, keroncong music being marginalized. This is different from what has happened to rock music brought by the dominant group that is massively spread by the media over a long period of time in order that it has a major impact on society. One of the mimicries undertaken by the “Congrock 17 Semarang” group is the adoption of rhythm patterns in rock music, which then inserted with keron- cong rhythm as the local culture until it brings up new music known as congrock. “Congrock 17 Semarang” group did mimicry in the process of imitating rock music style spread by the media, particu- larly in terms of its rhythm patterns. No- netheless, by carrying out the mimicry, this group had also mocked/made a game of rock music at that time. Although this group is now also mocked by some groups of keroncong, yet the music of the congrock they have brought has become sarcasm for Sunarto Sunarto et al., Mimicry and Hybridity of “Congrock Musik 17” in Semarang 35 global music trends that are not comple- tely able to conquer the attitude towards the music of local musicians. “Congrock 17 Semarang” group also shows that they can create a new ‘market’. Congrock music presented by this group has vaguely remo- ved cultural boundaries between rock as a global culture and keroncong as local cul- ture. The action of mimicry or imitation in the congrock identity done by the “Cong- rock 17 Semarang” group further brings forth hybridity. Hybridity Hybridity is not only about mixing culture, but it also has cultural political is- sues that underlie its presence. The iden- tity of the congrock genre is the hybridity that is formed due to the media hegemony in Indonesia. Congrock as hybrid music is inextricable from identity politics that has a significant effect on the creation of the works by the “Congrock 17 Semarang” group. There is also a process of imitation and mimicry in the process of congrock hybridity. Figure 2. Sheet Music of Block Notation of the Intro in “Gambang Semarang” Song (Source: Abel, 2019) Hybridity in the congrock can be clearly seen in the performance and mu- sic in the works of the “Congrock 17 Se- marang” group. However, the hybridity is not only about the combination of local and modern elements, but also the subject formed by the dominant group through the media that can apply and play mo- dernity in discourse or daily life without losing their cultures or traditions entirely. When the subordinate group has become modern people, they are, in fact, not ta- king, adopting, and applying completely the truth of modern knowledge ideology that is massively disseminated through programs of readings on popular media (Bhabha, 1984) “Congrock 17 Semarang” also comes up with a different reality, so that it creates a gray zone contained in the congrock mu- sic. A zone between exoticism and moder- nity, a form of imitation and shrewdness in integrating cross-cultural music, self-awa- reness of bringing local wisdom, and cre- ating cross-cultural entertainment appears in the congrock music of the group. The group does not place rock music as a sym- bol of capitalist power; rather, it is a sym- bol of freedom to negotiate locality along with partially articulating modernity. Third Space Rock music is a cultural product owned by the dominant group in a long pe- riod and popularized by the media (Tolah & Utomo, 2014). “Congrock 17 Semarang” group as this research subject unwittingly gets the consequences of media exposure that spread rock music continuously. Rock music, which has become a trend among adolescents, has influenced the “Congrock 17 Semarang” group in imitating the cloth, style, and gesture that are shown on the stage. “Congrock 17 Semarang” group also carries out mimicry by adopting rock gen- re in stage performances. The group deci- des to keep preserving the local culture, specifically keroncong music as a cultural strategy to oppose capitalists in employing globalization strategies through the media. Harmonia: Journal of Arts Research and Education 20 (1) (2020): 29-3836 Figure 3. The performance of “Congrock 17 Semarang” (Source: “Congrock 17 Semarang” Group) Figure 4. The performance of “Congrock 17 Semarang” (Source: “Congrock 17 Semarang” Group) Congrock identity of the “Congrock 17 Semarang” group is then regarded as the third space or ‘intermediate’ space, in which there is a negotiation in congrock hybridity. The group members do not re- fuse identities or cultures brought up by the dominant group through the media. Instead, they show the dynamics of buil- ding an identity that continues to change, as well as a strategy to ‘survive’ from the rock genre exposure as the dominant cul- ture. Congrock genre of the group serves as the form of negotiation of cultural iden- tities in the third space mediation. The negotiation between rock and keroncong is a hybridity discourse taking place in ambivalence, i.e., imitating and mocking, and is not completely subdued in cultural discrimination that occurs in globalization strategies done by the me- dia. The performances and works of the “Congrock 17 Semarang” group presented on the stage show a negotiation of cultu- ral identities between rock and keroncong music that encompasses continuous cross- cultural encounters. CONCLUSIONS Keroncong and rock (congrock) is a mimicry and hybridity behavior that is shaped in cultural identity politics. The re- lation of this phenomenon in the congrock genre used by the “Congrock 17 Sema- rang” group is seen by the huge impact of media hegemony that strongly contributes to the choice of rock genre by the group. The unification between keroncong and rock genres in the group’s works is due to identity formation in the concept of pri- mordialism and media hegemony as the primary factors of the genre selection. Ne- vertheless, the group does not completely realize that the factors behind choosing rock genre are the consequences of me- dia influence in carrying out globalization strategies. The establishment of the cong- rock is analyzed by using mimicry and hy- bridity to find out the gap in the third spa- ce, i.e., the society that becomes a space of integration, mixing, and re-interpretation of a culture. What has been done by this group is a form of keroncong actualization that is risen with new meaning. The group shows ambivalence between imitating the performance styles and rhythm patterns of the rock genre and disobeying the stan- dard to play akin keroncong accompani- ment music. Choosing congrock music as the identity of the “Congrock 17 Semarang” group is a form of negotiation of the lo- cal cultures that are clearly seen in their works and performances on stage. The group members do not refuse the identi- ties or cultures brought up by the domi- nant group through the media. Instead, they show the dynamics of building an identity that continues to change, as well as a strategy to ‘survive’ from the domi- nant culture exposure. 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