122 Tiger Dance: Transformation and Cultural Property Rights Discourse in Kerinci, Indonesia Febby Febriyandi YS1, Anastasia Wiwik Swastiwi2 1Badan Riset dan Inovasi Nasional, Indonesia 2Universitas Maritim Raja Ali Haji, Indonesia Submitted: 2023-02-01. Revised: 2024-01-20. Accepted: 2024-02-27 Abstract This article aims to answer why the tiger dance in Kerinci Regency, Jambi Province, has not de- veloped widely despite being preserved for more than 30 years and becoming a popular dance in Jambi Province. Qualitative research methods were used to carry out this study. In-depth in- terviews and uninvolved observation of the artists’ activities were used to collect the data. The analysis focused on the development of the tiger dance and the preservation discourse created by the artists and residents of Pulau Tengah Village. This study discovered that the extinct Ngagoah Imo ritual was transformed into the tiger dance. The “tiger man” myth, which the Kerinci people still hold dear, forms the basis of the tiger ritual and dance. Initially, the tiger dance was not sa- cred but was made sacred due to encouragement from various parties. Because of its uniqueness, the tiger dance soon became popular in Jambi and became a cure for the longing of the Kerinci people for the Ngagoah Imo ritual. Realizing the potential of tiger dance as an economic resource and as Kerinci’s regional identity, the artists then created a discourse of property rights over ti- ger dance. They prohibited other villagers from learning or imitating it. This discourse is slowly making tiger dance endangered because it is only controlled by a small group of artists. Such a discourse on cultural property rights needs to be straightened out. Apart from being contrary to the dynamic character of Malay culture, it is also contrary to various principles of cultural pres- ervation. Keywords: tiger; dance; kerinci; property rights; endangered How to Cite: YS, F. F., & Swastiwi, A. W. (2024). Tiger Dance: Transformation and Cultural Property Rights Discourse in Kerinci, Indonesia. Harmonia: Journal of Arts Research and Education, 24(1), 122-133 Harmonia: Journal of Arts Research and Education 24 (1) (2024), 122-133 Available online at http://journal.unnes.ac.id/nju/index.php/harmonia DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/harmonia.v24i1.42508 disappearance of the Ngagoah Imo ritual since the 1960s. To preserve this ritual, a dance known as Ngagoah Imo (tiger dance) was developed around 1980. Since then, ti- ger dance has gained popularity in Jambi Province and is frequently performed at local government-organized cultural fes- tivals. The issuance of Indonesian Presiden- tial Regulation No. 78/2007 on the Ratifi- cation of the Convention on the Protection INTRODUCTION The Ngagoah Imo ceremony is held by the locals of Pulau Tengah Village in Ke- rinci Regency, Jambi Province, in honor of tigers. This ceremony honors tigers who were either discovered dead in the forest or had to be killed for invading the village. Tiger deaths are now extremely uncom- mon due to the declining wild tiger popu- lation in Kerinci. This has resulted in the Corresponding author: E-mail: febriyanditpi@gmail.com p-ISSN 2541-1683|e-ISSN 2541-2426 Febby Febriyandi YS et al., Tiger Dance: Transformation and Cultural Property Rights Dis- 123 of Intangible Cultural Heritage has encou- raged communities and local governments in Indonesia to protect their cultural heri- tage and make it a regional identity. This awareness is also fueled by the economic potential and cases of disputes over claims to Indonesian cultural works with other countries (Djulaeka & Zulkifli, 2018). To preserve Ngagah Imo, the Kerinci Regen- cy government registered the tiger dance as an Indonesian intangible cultural heri- tage and designated it in 2018. Despite its growing popularity and designation as an intangible cultural heritage, tiger dan- ce has not spread throughout Kerinci. By 2022, only one art studio can perform ti- ger dance. This condition has led to tiger dance becoming endangered. Why is this happening following the popularity of the tiger dance? What discourses emerged in Kerinci alongside the preservation of the tiger dance? The answers to these questions are crucial because local customs and per- ceptions of tigers influence their ability to survive in the wild. Tigers have vanished from Java and Bali due to long-standing hunting customs and attractions like Ram- pogan Macan and Rampogan Sima (Forum, 2019; Boomgaard, 1994; 2001). Tigers only persist as symbols in various traditions, in- cluding the Popokan ritual in Semarang, the Babarit in Ciamis, and the Macanan dance in Blora (Slamet & Budy, 2017; Hafidz, 2017). These symbolic tigers are more en- during because they embody human inter- action with the environment and themsel- ves (Wessing, 1994). We are fortunate that the Sumatran tiger still survives. Kerinci people’s traditions and concepts about ti- gers have protected their existence in the forest (Bakels, 2000). Therefore, various traditions related to the existence of tigers must continue to be preserved. Numerous studies on the topic of ti- gers and cultural aspects of society have been done, including those by Swetten- ham (1895), Ahmad (1922, 1925), Daryusti (2005), Putri (2014), Utari (2015), Rahmah (2016), Hafidz (2017), Ramadani (2018), Anggraeni (2018), Sunarti (2020), Boom- gaard (2001), Yosseprizal (2015), Adu, Salampessy, Iskandar (2019), Heryanto and Eriyanti (2019). These articles discuss human-tiger conflicts, opinions on tiger conservation, tiger-man stories, tiger tales, tiger martial arts, and rituals and dances that draw inspiration from tigers. Nume- rous studies have been done on Ngagoah Imo and the tiger dance in Kerinci, inclu- ding those by Bakels (2000), Adriani (2001), Nurlidya (2007), Haryanto (2013), Usman, Azmi, Ahmad, Hasbullah (2014), Usman and Hasbullah (2014), Oktarini (2014), Zahdianto (2019); Tomi, Hadiyanto, Prata- ma, Alfat, Utami (2019), and Utami (2020). These writings describe the steps involved in the Ngagoah Imo ceremony, how tiger myths serve a social purpose, Telaga Biru art studio’s history, and the music played during the ceremony. Oktarini attempted to explain the history of the tiger dance’s invention (2014), but she fell short. In spi- te of all of these writings, it is still being determined how Ngagoah Imo came to be transformed into the tiger dance and why it did not catch on more widely. METHOD A qualitative research methodology was used for this project. Traditional lea- ders, tiger dance creators, handlers, dan- cers, musicians, local government officials, and residents of Pulau Tengah, Keliling Danau District, Kerinci Regency served as the research’s informants. Non-invol- ved observations and in-depth interviews were done to collect primary data. The ti- ger dance training process at Telaga Biru Art Studio was observed objectively. Select informants and a number of Pulau Tengah Village residents who were encountered during the research fieldwork in April to May 2020 and June 2022 were interviewed in-depth. Structured interviews were con- ducted in focus group discussions with dance creators, dancers, and musicians. The data analysis was completed in five stages. Begin with data logging, which is collecting raw data from interviews, focus group discussions, and observations. This Harmonia: Journal of Arts Research and Education 24 (1) (2024): 122-133124 was done to comprehend descriptions, emotions, insights, assumptions, and ide- as about tiger dance. The second stage is Anecdotes, which involves creating short narratives based on the collected data. This stage facilitates an understanding of the essence of the data. Short narratives are then expanded with more detailed and in- depth narratives. This stage seeks to com- prehend the data’s complexity. The fourth step is categorising based on emerging themes, patterns, and concepts. The fifth stage involves analysing the relationship between themes, patterns, and concepts to understand the data fully. The results of the data analysis are then systematically organised into a scientific paper (Akinyo- de and Khan, 2018). RESULT AND DISCUSSION Tiger Concept and Myth in Kerinci In the Malay world, tigers are fre- quently mentioned in customs and beliefs. The Malays view tigers not just as animals but also as brothers, friends, and even an- cestors (Wessing, 1994). According to the Sumatran people, there are three different kinds of tigers. The first is the ancestral ti- ger, which is an ancestor or messenger of the gods who is kind. The second is the supernatural tiger, which behaves badly and can kill humans. Third, the tiger as a wild animal (Bakels, 2000). The residents of Pulau Tengah Village see the tiger as a representation of the ‘nenek’ (ancestors) who need to be revered. Its presence is regarded as a sign of wisdom and invol- vement in the community’s interpersonal relationships (Usman et al., 2014). The most significant spiritual entities for the Kerinci people are their ancestors. In ritu- als and everyday activities, ancestors are crucial (Bakels, 2000). Ancestral tigers are mythical tigers with the ability to change into both tigers and humans. According to Usman and Hasbullah (2014), this type of tiger is also called the Cindaku tiger. Tigers are regarded as both friends and village guardians by the Pulau Tengah people. Tigers that are kept for a variety of reasons are known as friendly tigers. Alt- hough they have a physical appearance, these tigers are thought to be supernatural. How humans interact with tigers is simi- lar to how they interact with dogs or other animals fed and frequently asked to guard fields from pests and criminal activity. The pematang tiger, also known as the village guard tiger, is an animal that resides in the forest in the Pulau Tengah area and is tasked with protecting the area from ot- her tigers. According to Bakels (2000), the pematang tiger is more than just a typical animal; it also has mystical abilities. A mix between an animal and a forest spirit. The idea of tigers is inextricably lin- ked to tiger myths and legends. Ancestors named Bujang Nunggal, Serintik Hujan Panas, Hulu Balang Tigo, and Mangku Gunung Rayo are mentioned in the tiger myth of Pulau Tengah Village. There are several tiger myths that the residents of Pulau Tengah Village hold dear, but they all revolve around the same idea: that they are related to tigers. The tigers-related sto- ries in Malay culture are similar and origi- nate in the same region—Kerinci-Rejang- Basemah, which is centered on Mount Dempo (Boomgaard, 2001). In the commu- nity of Pulau Tengah Village, the myth of the tiger man is still alive and always refers to an area called Pasemah. Based on archa- eological research, Pasemah is an area that once had a fairly old civilization. One of the megalithic remains in the Pasemah re- gion is a statue of a mating tiger (Suryane- gara, Damayanti, Yudoseputro, 2007). From the Ngagah Imo Rite to The Tiger Dance Obligations Owed to Bayar Bangun The villagers of Pulau Tengah hold the mythical belief that their ancestors made a pact with the tiger that must be abided by. The tiger must not enter human territory, cross borders, or disturb residents (melompat pagar, menembus lawang, berbuat sio-sio). Contrarily, people shouldn’t go into the area and bother the tigers (e.g., by hunting tigers, cutting wood for sale, or killing wild animals, not for food). Ac- Febby Febriyandi YS et al., Tiger Dance: Transformation and Cultural Property Rights Dis- 125 cording to the agreement, the presence of tigers in human territory is thought to be a form of warning or punishment for people who disobey the agreement or go against their culture and religion (incok-incok). Those who tigers harass are required to perform ‘tebus diri’, which entails con- fessing their error and holding a ceremo- ny at the ancestral home. The tiger may be killed if the ceremony has been completed, but it still bothers people. They think that if the tiger is not killed by people, another tiger will. The people of Pulau Tengah Vil- lage must then perform a Bayar Bangun ce- remony. This is the procedure for paying a fine for the death of a tiger, regardless of whether it was intentionally killed or only discovered to be dead. According to Pulau Tengah Village tradition, missing stripes, fangs, tails, eyes, and voices are all repla- ced by matching ones (hilang belang digan- ti belang, hilang taring diganti taring, hilang ekor diganti ekor, hilang mata diganti mata hi- lang suara diganti suara). The Bayar Bangun ceremony begins with the tiger carcass being picked up whe- re the elders found it. It is brought into the village using a stretcher and covered with a white cloth. The cloth is only opened du- ring the tepuk tarai procession in the bayar bangun ceremony. In the evening, the hu- lubalang (village guardian) will sound the canang to signal that no work is to be done in the river, lake, or fields the next day. All residents must stay inside the village be- cause a ceremony will be held. The Bayar Bangun ceremony takes place in a field inside the village, usually close to the Pulau Tengah Village’s tra- ditional home. The tiger carcass is raised with wood or bamboo before the ceremo- ny to give the illusion that it is a living animal. The ceremony begins with the burning of incense and the reading of a mantra called perno adat. The recitation of the mantra begins by calling the ancestors of the tiger man named Serintik Hujan Pa- nas, Mangku Gunung Rayo, Hulu Balang Tigo, Jelangka Tinggi, and Lang Kalaut. The purpose of calling the ancestors is to inform them that their grandchildren have violated the contract (menembus lawang). The mantra contains four different call ty- pes: terawoi, terawai, huu, and hoi. The “hoi” call is for everyone present, while the other three calls are meant to call the ancestor’s spirits. The tarawak and tarawoi, musical instruments made from coconut shells and areca nut fronds, are also called the ances- tors. These musical instruments are used during the ceremony (Tomi et al., 2019). The elders place the pay-up offe- rings—a three-colored cloth to replace the stripes, a dagger to replace the fangs, a sword to replace the nails, a spear to rep- lace the tail, a coconut shell used as a gong to replace the voice, and a mirror to repla- ce the eyes—next to the tiger carcass while reciting the mantra. Tiger martial arts are then performed for the tiger carcass. Many onlookers will enter a trance at this point. The Bayar Bangun ceremony is then over when the tiger carcass is taken to the forest to be buried. The Invention of The Tiger Dance Dance is a timeless and dynamic ex- pression rooted in the human drive to find meaning through movement (Thomson, 2011). According to Beaman (2017), the cre- ation of dance is motivated by several fac- tors, namely the transformative experien- ce of dancers, the delivery of political and spiritual messages, the expression of cultu- ral identity, and the preservation of sacred and esoteric traditions, likewise, with the creation of the tiger dance in Kerinci. This dance was created to preserve sacred and esoteric traditions and express the identi- ty of the people of Pulau Tengah village. Before the existence of the tiger dance, the people of Pulau Tengah Village performed the Ngagoah Imo ceremony by presenting the tiger carcass directly. The reduction of the tiger population causes the discovery of tiger carcasses to be rare. This conditi- on has led to the extinction of the Ngagoah Imo ceremony since the 1960s. Harun Pasir is concerned about this extinction. He is a Pulau Tengah Village traditional elder and dancer. Then, Harun Pasir created a tiger dance as a way to protect Ngagoah Imo. Harmonia: Journal of Arts Research and Education 24 (1) (2024): 122-133126 This dance was created to make it simpler to perform Ngagoah Imo, which does not require the use of tiger carcasses so that it can be preserved on Pulau Tengah. The elders at first rejected Harun Pasir’s pro- posal to create a tiger dance because they believed it would diminish the sacredness of the ritual. With the support of the youth of Pulau Tengah Village, Harun Pasir suc- ceeded in creating the tiger dance. The creation of tiger dance goes through several stages, from exploration, improvisation, evaluation, practice, and performance. According to Soemaryatmi and Yulianti (2022), this method of dance creation allows for the development of mo- vement, form, technique, and the thematic content of the dance. Before creating the tiger dance, Harun Pasir went to the tradi- tional elders to learn the detailed process of the Ngagoah Imo. After understanding the details of the ritual, Harun Pasir created a socio-drama performance with the Telaga Seni group. This group was founded by Harun Pasir and Supratman in 1960. The socio-dramatic performance consisted of acting, comedy, silat, and tiger dances dan- ced by men. In addition, a man plays the role of a tiger. The socio-drama show was always featured in folk performing arts ac- tivities organized by the Kerinci Regional Government from 1985 to the mid-1990s. Around 1987, Harun Pasir made changes to the tiger dance performance. He com- posed the tiger dance so that it could be danced by women and accompanied by drums and gongs, and the movement pat- terns imitated the tiger’s martial arts mo- vements. The tiger dance performance in 1987 did not yet use properties and mant- ras as it does today. The tiger dance created in 1987 was the initial form of the current tiger dance. This dance was often performed at vario- us events at that time. In the early 1990s, Koto Dian Hamlet held a Kenduri-Sko and performed the tiger dance created by Ha- run Pasir. When the performance was in progress, a resident named Oktora was suddenly possessed. He jumped onto the stage and called Harun Pasir. Oktora cri- ticized Harun Pasir’s tiger dance as being incorrect because it was too gentle and slow. Oktora then performed the right dance, which was faster and more agile. Oktora fainted after doing the tiger dan- ce and didn’t realize what had happened. Oktora’s story is nonsensical to the general public. However, according to Gao (2020), it is not unusual for the subconscious to be involved in the creation of dance. When it comes to creating dance, the subconscious part of the brain is crucial since it provides the idea for the choreography and aesthe- tics. Following the arrival of two foreign researchers in Pulau Tengah Village in around 1993, the tiger dance underwent a significant change. They were known to Harun Pasir as Mr. Heru and Ms. Linda. Both of them were intrigued by Harun Pasir’s tiger dance. They asked Harun Pasir to create a tiger dance with magical com- ponents so that the dancers could feel pos- sessed. Harun Pasir was initially hesitant but was intrigued to create a tiger dance with mystical components. Harun Pasir re- ceived funding for training expenses from Mr. Heru and Ms. Linda. To realize Heru and Linda’s request, Harun Pasir created a tiger dance concept with a performance structure similar to the Bayar Bangun ce- remony. Harun Pasir enlisted the help of Nazaruddin, who is believed to be friendly with tigers and is the grandson of a tiger man, to add mystical elements. Harun Pa- sir enlisted the help of female dancers from the Puti Masurai art studio. The musicians came from the Telaga Biru art studio. They rehearsed at the high school field in Pulau Tengah Village. After several practices, Nazarud- din was unable to possess the dancers. Then, Harun Pasir recalled what had hap- pened in Koto Dian Hamlet and requested Oktora’s assistance in causing the dancers to become possessed. Oktora was success- ful in making the dancers feel possessed after several rehearsals. Oktora claimed that her ability to conjure the tiger spirit was innate. He simply asks God for protec- tion before speaking to the tiger spirit. Un- Febby Febriyandi YS et al., Tiger Dance: Transformation and Cultural Property Rights Dis- 127 expectedly, the ancestral spirits came and possessed the dancers. This success made creating a tiger dance similar to the Bayar Bangun ceremony easier. To add to the sacred atmosphere, the principal of Pulau Tengah High School made costumes re- sembling the color of tiger fur using spray paint (Figure 1). On the day agreed with Heru and Linda, Harun Pasir, along with the dancers, musicians, and Oktora, per- formed the sacred tiger dance for the first time in the field of Keluru Village. Due to the possessed and difficult-to-control dan- cers and audience, the dance performance, which was only supposed to last seven mi- nutes, ended up lasting two hours. Since then, the tiger dance has been known as a sacred dance involving ancestral spirits. The use of tiger puppets, incense, mant- ras, and possession were constant featu- res of later tiger dance performances. The tiger dance cast consists of eight dancers, six musicians, two singers, two handlers, six protectors, one person who receives of- ferings, and one person who reads spells. This number is not standardized and can be adjusted according to performance con- ditions. The tiger dance performance be- gins with the recitation of a mantra by a man who usually also serves as a protec- tor. Both the tiger dance and the Bayar Ban- gun ceremony employ the same mantras. The following is a fragment of tiger dance mantras: U…………… u... Ninak panunggung pama- to di alam kincai, dingang tujuh bukik,tujuh luhoh,tujuh guguk,tujuh pamato. Malantak mudek ninek lang kalaut, malantak ile ninik jalangkang tinggi, di tango-tangoh ninek hulu balang tigea, dengan kembang rekan- nyo pamangku gunung ayo dan sirintak hu- jan panah. Mining inih, kok matai lah kamai bangiu, tapaso lambeng tacacok lamat, utang lapah sandoa babalek, silang sakato salso lah su- doah, kito idoak buleh saling mengganggu agih. The handler walks around the per- formance area while incense is burning to create a magical fence while reciting the mantra. During the mantra’s third stanza, the dancers lay out offerings, including a three-colored cloth (red, black, and white), a kris, a sword, a spear, a coconut shell, and a mirror. The dancers also added sirih sekapur (betel leaves rolled in betel lime) and sirih seperantang (consisting of betel leaves, betel lime, areca nut, and cigaret- tes made from palm leaves). All of these things are positioned in front of the statue of the tiger. Figure 1. Dancers in tiger costumes carried the offerings. (Source: Telaga Biru art studio) The tiger statue’s cover is opened after the mantra has been read, and the dance starts. According to Harun Pasir (Interview, March 1, 2020), dance move- ments like pouncing, calling, walking, and stalking are derived from tiger martial arts movements that evolved in Pulau Tengah Village. The dance steps that were created were adapted to the tiger movements that were imitated but never given a specific name. According to Utami (2020), the mo- vements in the tiger dance are welcome, greeting, oath, attack, prey, and falling face down. According to Haryanto (2013), there are ten different tiger dance motions, including pemukoak (opening), matai ateh (pecking above), kedadea (claws on the chest), kamukea (claws forward), ngko ma- rawo (claws against), ngko nak npow (claws want to pounce), nko matai aweng (pecking below), ngko silang (crossing claws), nan- joak kateh (spearing up) nanjoak kaweng (spearing down). Harmonia: Journal of Arts Research and Education 24 (1) (2024): 122-133128 Figure 2. Tiger dance performance in Pulau Tengah village (Source: Telaga Biru art studio) Music and a song titled “lagu tari imo” (tiger dance song) accompany these motions. The drum, ketak (wooden clunk), large tambourine, kompang, malay drum, and gong are the musical instruments used. The tiger dance song’s lyrics are as follows : u…….nek..muyang tingkaih nga bugle…mangku gunung ayo.. u…….nek…rintek ujan paneh.. uhang gagoah dipunglimo tingkah u…….nek ulu balang tigea badan sibatoa ujud lanyo tigea nga…… di….serau lkah lah tibea ngak di pangge lkah lah datoa ngak sahi kilak ngak sahi gunteu ngak sahi tpok taringok angai u…….muyang butigea The Harun Pasir-organized tiger dance only lasts for about 10 minutes. Ho- wever, tiger dance performances always go on longer because the dancers and au- dience always fall into a trance. Music and songs must still be played to prevent the trance audience from leaving the perfor- mance space. The trance causes the dancers to faint, and the tiger dance performance is never completed by its structure. Tiger dance performances are still evolving to meet the needs of the commu- nity. In 1993, only two tiny tambourines were playing along with the tiger dance, and no incense was used. The use of incen- se was improved in the subsequent perfor- mance. At the Kerinci Lake Party in 2001, musical instrument changes first took pla- ce. At that time, four tambourines, a gong, and a tingting (a round piece of iron) were employed. To enhance the music’s sound, additional instruments were added. The ketak (a wooden clunk) and drum, which were added in 2018, are the newest addi- tions. Ketak has replaced tingting, which has been absent previously. Currently, a Malay drum, a drum, a ketak, two small tambourines, two large tambourines, and a gong are used as musical instruments. Who Owns the Tiger Dance? Tiger dance is currently one of the Kerinci community’s symbols of identity. Tiger dance is a well-known identity that is frequently displayed at cultural events in Kerinci and other parts of Jambi. The Jambi Provincial Language Office issued a performance invitation in 2016. Tiger dan- ce was also performed in Bengkulu that year. Tiger dance was also presented at the anniversary celebration of the Muko- Muko Regency in 2017. Tiger dance was also featured in the Batang Hari Festival that year. In 2018, the tiger dance was fea- tured in the Cultural Arts festival at the Language Office in Jambi and also in Mu- ko-Muko District. The tiger dance was also performed consecutively in 2018 and 2019 at the Kerinci Lake Festival. Despite its popularity, tiger dance did not flourish in many villages or artist communities. The reason is that the Telaga Biru Art Studio has claimed ownership of the tiger dance and the Bayar Bangun ritual. For them, the Bayar Bangun belongs to the people of Pulau Tengah, and the tiger dan- ce belongs to the Telaga Biru Art Studio. With such a discourse, Telaga Biru Art Stu- dio limits the acceptance of new members. Prospective members are only allowed to register if they live in Pulau Tengah. (the area of Pulau Tengah Village before the di- vision of the region). No applications from other villagers are accepted. According to Harun Pasir (Interview, March 1, 2020), only the Telaga Biru art studio is authori- zed to perform the tiger dance, and no ot- her studio in Kerinci is able to do so. He once protested to Iskandar Zakaria who was making his own version of the tiger dance. Harun Pasir argued that Ngagoah Imo belongs to Pulau Tengah and cannot Febby Febriyandi YS et al., Tiger Dance: Transformation and Cultural Property Rights Dis- 129 be copied carelessly. According to Harun Pasir, there are several justifications for the claim of property rights for Ngagoah Imo and ti- ger dance: First, only the Pulau Tengah community’s ancestors practice Ngagoah Imo. Nevertheless, with various regional variations, the Bayar Bangun ceremony is carried out throughout Kerinci, according to Bakels (2000). Second, the tiger dance is a ritual that unites the Pulau Tengah villa- gers with their ancestors (as demonstrated by the mention of ancestors’ names in the opening mantra), so it is inappropriate if performed by anyone else. The ancestors also personally selected the handlers of the tiger dance. Since 1993, Oktora has hand- led the tiger dance and has not been rep- laced. Third, the Minister of Education and Culture recognized Ngagoah Imo as an intan- gible cultural heritage in 2018. Ngagoah Imo had already taken on significance for the Pulau Tengahs’ identity long before this decision was made. Fourth, Harun Pasir and members of Sanggar Telaga Biru in- vented the tiger dance. Based on these four arguments, Harun Pasir and other Telaga Biru Art Studio members created a discourse asserting that Telaga Biru Art Studio and Pulau Tengah Village are the rightful owners of the tiger dance. Whatever the case, Tiger Dance is es- sential to the continued existence of Telaga Biru Art Studio. Though there are nume- rous other dance performances, tiger dan- ce is Telaga Biru Art Studio’s most crucial identity. Tiger dance has made it possible for Telaga Biru Art Studio to receive prai- se from a variety of sources. The Kerinci Regency Culture and Tourism Office and Telaga Biru Art Studio once had a tense working relationship. The relationship kept deteriorating because of a number of miscommunications. According to Harun Pasir (Interview, March 1, 2020), in 1982, members of the Kerinci Regency Culture and Tourism Office “sabotaged” the Tela- ga Biru Art Studio so that it could not take part in the Jambi Arts Festival. Contrarily, Harun Pasir persisted in performing the satai dance and eventually won the com- petition. This misunderstanding continued until 2017. According to Jores (Interview, March 5, 2020), the management of the Telaga Biru studio had a dispute with an employee of the Kerinci Regency Culture and Tourism Office during the reception of the Pesona Indonesia Award. The tiger dance was named the second most popular cultural attraction of 2017 by the Ministry of Tourism of the Republic of Indonesia. At the time of selection, the local government did not provide support, but after winning the trophy, it was taken by the Kerinci Cul- ture and Tourism Office and not handed over to Sanggar Telaga Biru. This led to a commotion and feelings of disappointment and rage at the Telaga Biru art studio. The Kerinci Regent (Dr. Adirozal, M.Si.) crea- ted an award trophy to recognize Telaga Biru art studio’s national accomplishments to resolve the issue. Another dispute invol- ving grants for the 2017 Batang Hari Festi- val occurred in the same year. According to Jores (Interview, March 5, 2020), there was a dispute when the funds were recei- ved because some people wanted to lower the aid fund’s amount. Since the tiger dance from Jambi Pro- vince was recognized as an Indonesian intangible cultural heritage, the relation- ship between Telaga Biru art studio and the Kerinci Regency Culture and Tourism Office has improved. Telaga Biru art stu- dio has been better received since that de- signation. They also felt that they received attention from the central government by providing coaching funds (FKBM) of Rp. 100,000,000 in 2019. The funds were used to buy various musical instruments such as drums, bendang sike, Malay drums, djem- be, and also to make tiger statues as tiger dance equipment. Concerning these vario- us situations, the desire for appreciation instigated the development of tiger dan- ce property claims and prevented others from learning and performing it. As long as Telaga Biru Art Studio is able to estab- lish a claim of ownership and forbid others from learning tiger dance, it will draw a variety of interest from different parties. Harmonia: Journal of Arts Research and Education 24 (1) (2024): 122-133130 This is due to the global significance of the preservation of Sumatran tigers. The conversation about cultural pro- perty rights does not naturally arise when considered in a broader context. At least two factors are responsible for strengthe- ning cultural property rights claims. First, there is a dispute over property rights bet- ween Malaysia and Indonesia. The Pendet dance from Bali was featured in a Discove- ry Channel advertisement for Malaysia’s cultural heritage in August 2009. This was perceived as Malaysia’s attempt to “steal” Indonesian culture. Following the incident, Malaysia was the target of weeks of rage and insults (Chong, 2012). The spirit of ow- nership of cultural heritage in Indonesian society has become stronger, even encou- raging the emergence of mutual claims to cultural property at the local level. The second is the rhetoric in favor of cultural protection that both local and national governments spread. The Indo- nesian government developed a discour- se emphasizing the importance of cultu- ral protection in preserving the country’s identity and ensuring that other countries do not appropriate it, using the example of cultural disputes with Malaysia. The discourse of cultural preservation is then outlined in the Law on the Promotion of Culture Number 5 of 2017 as well as the Minister of Education and Culture Regu- lation Number 106 of 2013 concerning In- donesian intangible cultural heritage and Number 10 of 2014 regarding guidelines for the preservation of traditions. Cultural preservation has long been discussed as a form of local and societal identity. The In- donesian government has implemented a number of laws to safeguard the country’s cultural heritage since the early 1990s. This action represents Indonesia’s involvement in the global discussion on how to safe- guard cultural assets from being abused and privatized by others (Kreps, 2012). Although the regulations do not ex- plicitly state that they are intended to de- fend against claims from other nations, the discussion about cultural property rights and defending them against claims from other nations keeps coming up. This mo- tivation is reflected in the target quantity of recordings of Indonesia’s intangible cultural heritage, which is anticipated to be recognized by UNESCO as a world cul- tural heritage. This discourse promoted the designation of Ngagoah Imo as an Indo- nesian intangible cultural heritage, which was perceived by tiger dance performers and residents of Pulau Tengah Village as legitimate for their ownership interests in Ngagoah Imo. The assertion of Ngagah Imo’s pro- perty rights violates several laws. One of them is Law No. 28/2014 on Copyright’s Article 38, Paragraph 1, which states that the state owns the copyright to traditional cultural expressions. This essay emphasi- zes that traditional cultural expressions are not personal to any one person. The assertion of cultural property rights also conflicts with Article 11, paragraph 1 of Minister of Education and Culture Regu- lation Number 10 of 2014, which mandates that the provincial government make use of the culture that emerges in the commu- nity. Paragraph 2, letter a, states that cul- tural utilization is carried out through the dissemination of cultural information and national character values. Then, in letter d, it is stated that culture utilization is carried out through packaging as teaching mate- rials at the local level. Article 11 requires schools to disseminate culture and teach it to students. Ngagoah Imo’s claim of pro- perty rights contradicts the Telaga Biru art studio’s short-term program, namely dis- seminating regional arts through competi- tions and festivals and preserving almost extinct cultures (Utami, 2020). The protection of communally owned cultural heritage should not take the form of patents or copyrights, as granting such rights to a particular group goes against the basic idea of freedom of expression and the development and dissemination of culture in general. Furthermore, granting such copyrights is both practically and the- oretically impossible (Karjala & Paterson, 2017). Moreover, claims of cultural pro- perty rights go against the loose identity Febby Febriyandi YS et al., Tiger Dance: Transformation and Cultural Property Rights Dis- 131 of Malay culture. As Chong (2012) argues, it is impossible to attach (unequivocally) certain cultural elements to certain groups within the Malay world, given the region’s cultural exchange level. It is impossible to delineate who owns a particular cultural element as it goes against the dynamic and evolving concept of Malay identity. As long as these claims regarding cul- tural property are upheld, Kerinci’s practi- ce of tiger dance, which is only owned by a small group of people, will be increasingly in danger of disappearing. On the other hand, tiger dance will be more sustainable if it is shared and owned by many people. The values it teaches people to respect the existence of endangered Sumatran tigers are another reason why spreading know- ledge about Ngagah Imo is crucial. CONCLUSION The transformation of the Ngagoah Imo ritual into a tiger dance has been dri- ven by Harun Pasir, who the people of Pulau Tengah assist. This transformation was also encouraged by the Jambi regional government, which routinely organizes traditional art competitions in stages from sub-district to provincial levels. Extraor- dinary encouragement came from foreign researchers who visited Kerinci to conduct research. These foreign researchers have encouraged the emergence of the sacred and mystical tiger dance, which became popular in Kerinci society and became their cultural identity. In later developments, tiger dance continued to be preserved as the identity of the people of Pulau Tengah, with Ha- run Pasir and Telaga Biru art studio as the main actors. Harun Pasir, Telaga Biru art studio, and the people of Pulau Tengah then built a discourse that the tiger dance belonged to Pulau Tengah Village so that other people could not learn or imitate it. This property rights claim arises from a misunderstanding of the discourse on cul- tural preservation developed by the cent- ral and local governments. Telaga Biru art studio has misunderstood the concept of cultural protection. This claim causes tiger dance preservation efforts to be very li- mited because knowledge of tiger dance is only owned by a few people. The evidence is that, despite having been preserved for over 30 years and growing in popularity, tiger dance is only mastered by one art stu- dio. The tiger dance will ultimately be driven to the brink of extinction by this er- roneous assertion of property rights. Along with that, traditional beliefs that safeguard Sumatran tigers’ survival will also vanish, making efforts to preserve them more ho- peless. Therefore, in order to better sup- port the principles of cultural preservation, people’s perceptions of the rights attached to cultural property need to be clarified. In order to preserve the tiger dance, artists must alter the conversation about its pro- perty rights to make it clear that it belongs to all communities while still honoring Ha- run Pasir as its creator. REFERENCES Adriani. (2001). 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