235 Historical Accounts of the Indonesian 16th-Century Music Road Triyono Bramantyo, Suryati Suryati Institut Seni Indonesia Yogyakarta, Indonesia Submitted: 2023-02-06. Revised: 2023-05-08. Accepted: 2023-08-12 Abstract This research aims to seek clarity from a historical perspective to trace back the transmission and the remains of Gregorian chants in eastern Indonesia. This study also seeks clarity from a histori- cal perspective to trace back the Indonesian situation prior to the arrival of the Portuguese. The Madjapahit Empire (1293-c1520) dominated historical events as the first attempts to unify the country. The research method employed in this study was a critical historical method to analyze treatises of Gregorian chants in eastern Indonesia, with the remains still being found today and known as the Holy Friday Procession in the islands of Flores. Under Gadjahmada’s hands, an ordinary-ranking officer who succeeded in becoming prime minister (Mahapatih) of the Mad- japahit kingdom, the initial attempt at pan-Indonesia was successful, but the whole history of united Indonesia was dramatically declined by the death of Gadjahmada and since then united Indonesia was collapsed. When the Portuguese arrived in Indonesia, followed by the Dutch, Brit- ish, and Japanese, there was no such single authority in Indonesia. The foreign powers trickily, exacerbated the situation and transformed themselves to strengthen their stronghold as occupi- ers. This important historical event was not known by the people of Indonesia in general and by the Indonesian historian in particular. Therefore, this research is more important to be done today than later. Keywords: music road; historical accounts; gregorian music How to Cite: Bramantyo, T., & Suryati, S. (2023). Historical Accounts of the Indonesian 16th-Century Music Road. Harmonia: Journal of Arts Research and Education, 23(2), 235-245 Harmonia: Journal of Arts Research and Education 23 (2) (2023), 235-245 Available online at http://journal.unnes.ac.id/nju/index.php/harmonia DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/harmonia.v23i2.45796 for information and historical facts about the Jesuits’ presence in Maluku. This ar- ticle was the result of research funded by the Ministry of Education, Technology and Research of the Republic of Indonesia, fis- cal year 2023. The Jesuits were the single most in- fluential institution of teachers, academics, preachers, and pastors in early modern Europe. However, Catholic theologians, Jesuit or not, are bound by the demands of a curriculum that has no place for politics or economics. But, the tenet of the Jesuit paradigm is that what is important for the INTRODUCTION In 2018, I wrote an article entitled “Early Acceptance of Western Music in Indonesia and Japan”, published in the Arts and Social Sciences Journal (DOI: 10.4172/2151-6200.1000408). This article was a result of field research in 2017 as a personal initiative with the research pro- duct mentioned above. The writer was as- tonished to realize that so many remain in the form of folk music found in the islands of Maluku. The impression was so deep that the writer needed to further search Corresponding author: E-mail: bramantyo.triyono@gmail.com p-ISSN 2541-1683|e-ISSN 2541-2426 Harmonia: Journal of Arts Research and Education 23 (2) (2023): 235-245236 continuity of the common good of the go- vernment, principles, and superordination and subordination, that is, relationships of command and obedience. Most important- ly, Jesuit theologians followed these stan- dard topics (Hopfl. 2004:5). The Formula of the Institute, a brief summary of the goals and organization of the society submitted by Ignatius of Loyo- la and his companions to Paul III in 1539, describes the main purpose of the new community as simply the progress of souls in life and doctrine of Christian and the spread of the faith by the Jesuit, spiritual practice and works of charity, especially through the teaching of boys and the illi- terate in Christianity. It is clear from this that the Society originally imagined that its main work was to nominally increase the level of piety, knowledge of doctrine, and morality (Hopf. 2004: 9). In 1542, Francisco Xavier, the co- founder of the Jesuit, visited India and pro- vided a vital impetus to the missionary ef- forts that then took place in the Portuguese possessions in Asia. Over the following de- cades, Xavier, who is called the “apostle of the Indies”, successfully carried out mass conversions in India, Ceylon, Japan, Mela- ka, and Indonesia before his death on an island off the coast of China. To facilitate this work, Xavier had written to Joao III in May 1545 from the Maluku for the estab- lishment of an Inquisition in Goa ((Ames. 2000:60). The liturgy was the basis for prac- ticing and expressing the Christian faith in the medieval West, and it is mediated through melody. The liturgical text is not read silently from the page, as is often the case in modern scientific experience, nor is it spoken. That is explicitly understood to mean the range of music from ornate singing soloists to simple weekday hymns sung regularly by entire monastic or cle- rical communities. Beyond this, however, readings and prayers are chanted rather than recited. The melodic articulation of liturgical texts is thus fundamental to any understanding of how they were experien- ced in the medieval liturgy (Hornby and Maloy. 2013. Preface). This is a critical note on the beha- vior of the Portuguese when they seized Malacca in cunning ways as described by Subrahmanyam as follows: at night, they lowered the cannons from their ships, and the guns were hidden in boxes, saying that there was cloth inside: that’s how the Por- tuguese misled the people of Malacca. And they did that so that the people of Malacca would not understand. Then, some time passed, the stone house was finished, and all their weapons were ready. One mid- night, when everyone was sleeping, the Portuguese bombarded the city of Malacca and destroyed all the houses of Malacca (Subrahmanyam. 2012:5. 2nd Edition). METHOD This study utilizes historical met- hods with a particular focus on the exis- ting documents related to the topic, and this involves analyzing documents and re- cords that have been preserved over time, such as individual records, diaries, letters, newspapers, and photographs. According to Watanabe (1967:5), historical research is an account of historical events written in chronological order. R. G. Collingwood states that historical research is concerned with human actions in the past; meanw- hile, more precisely, Marc Bloch points to human activities in the past (Topolski. 1973:52). The historical method must be essen- tially authentic. The time of its origin and the place to which it refers is known be- cause only such a source can provide data about historical facts with their time and space determinants, which are the funda- mental characteristics of those facts (Le Goff and Nora. 1985:433]. Interpretation of historical data, on the other hand, should be exclusively based on the written traces of human existence and constitute a new chronological series and would provide a completely new set of materials correspon- ding to the conceptual broadening that is currently taking place within the discipli- ne (Le Goff and Nora. 1985:18). Triyono Bramantyo et al., Historical Accounts of the Indonesian 16th-Century Music Road 237 Meanwhile, according to Muham- mad Hassan (2022:2), there are several ty- pes of historical research, but in this study, the writers only employed two of them. First, descriptive history is a type of his- torical research that focuses on describing events, people, or cultures in detail. It can involve examining artifacts, documents, or other sources of information to crea- te a detailed account of what happened or existed. Second, historical analysis is a type of historical research that aims to ex- plain why events, people, or cultures oc- curred in a certain way. It involves analy- zing data to identify patterns, causes, and effects and making interpretations based on this analysis. Therefore, as a descriptive historical study, this article describes the events of the music road in early Indonesia chrono- logically; the people might be involved in the events or cultures in detail if whenever it is applicable. This includes examining artifacts, documents, or other sources of information to create a detailed account of what happened or existed at a certain time or period. Secondly, the historical analysis and aims of events, people, or cultures that occurred must also be considered. Nevert- heless, more importantly, it also involves analyzing data to identify patterns, causes, and effects, and then making interpreta- tions based on this analysis. In addition to Hassan’s techniques, it is necessary to use compilation, descrip- tion, and critical analysis of primary and secondary historical sources with the in- tention of providing a contextualized exp- lanation and interpretation of the pheno- menon of interest found in the process of the music road of early Indonesia. Primary sources contain unpublished qualitative evidence regarding past events, territories, groups, individuals, and their interactions, originated by private and public individu- als and local authorities, as well as infor- mation about the actions of such authori- ties. Such sources may be archival or oral in nature. Secondary sources are published analyses and descriptions of past events, geographic regions, groups, individuals, and organizations. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION Early Jesuit Music and Its Pedagogy An account by H.J. Spencer (2020) in- formed us that the Society of Jesus, which was established in Paris, France, by two men, Ignatius Loyola (1491-1556) and Francis Xavier (1506-1552) in 1540, had an important intervention for their missiona- ry works around the world for a long time. Brás, Gonçalves, and Robert (2018) propo- sed a question: their concern was limited to the religious catechism and opposed the teaching and dissemination of science? But accordingly, the Jesuits were not only involved in education. They also taught the catechism and engaged in priestly mi- nistries and in charity works. According to Zwartjes (2011) in or- der to enable the people to speak to the lo- cal inhabitants, most missionaries had an excellent command of various ‘exotic’ lan- guages. Thus, very often, the missionaries knew multiple exotic languages. Howe- ver, there is an assumption that Christian terminology could not be translated and explained by the imposition of Latin, Por- tuguese, Spanish, etc., as well as the intro- duction of loanwords from these langu- ages in native languages. In the last part of this article, you might find music examples of the corrupted forms of the Holy Friday procession in Larantuka of Flores, East Nusa Tenggara, Indonesia. Tomasz Jeż, on the other hand, made an inclination that music, considered a spatial phenomenon, had an important function in the mission, mostly due to its rhetorical qualities (Jez. 2021:12, 42). He went on to say that the Jesuit presence in artistic culture can be defined as a mission and an accommodation. He added that to ensure the widest possible reception of the preached content, the mission’s language and object to the people, times, and pla- ces had to be accommodated per the Jesuit constitutions. All these subjects are crucial to understanding the Jesuit modus operandi, which is also revealed in the musical cul- Harmonia: Journal of Arts Research and Education 23 (2) (2023): 235-245238 ture. Celenza Anna Harwell and Anthony R. Deldonna made almost the same acclaim that Jesuits were capable of forming a com- munity from any anonymous social group using an appropriate repertoire. Looking for efficacious forms of religious instruc- tion, they supported natural configurative strategies, which allowed a group to be- come self-directed, such as lay (school or citizens) congregations. Furthermore, it is said, that music served in the identification and affirmation of these communities and confirmed its social structure and prero- gatives (Harwell and Deldonna. 2014:43). This method was also applied in Ternate when they were focusing on the instruc- tion of boys gathered in processions, in church, school, or musical ensembles. That was supposed to be what had been taught in the Collegio of Ternate at that time. In addition, Christian Storch descri- bes more specifically how a musical cultu- re was established, how it interacted with local music traditions, and how both Por- tuguese and local cultures influenced each other over the long term (Storch. 2012:208). He cited the musicologists Victor Coelho and Antonio Alexandre Bispo, who men- tioned documents from 1512 and 1514, which give evidence for the beginning of choral singing. One of these documents is a letter of 17 December 1514 written by the Malacca-based curator Afonso Martins to Portugal’s king, Dom Manuel I, in which he asks for chant books to use for Sunday masses in Goa. Martins complains about the lack of chant in one of the churches he visited, most likely the first version of the church of Santa Catarina, the first and the only church in Goa at that time. The- se chant books, I believe, were transmitted also for the Collegio of Ternate, and imple- mented as well in Flores. Furthermore, according to a letter of 25 November 1514 from Friar Domingo de Sousa to the Portuguese king, written that the construction of the main parish church, Santa Catarina of Goa, is about to begin, it is to have three naves, one crossing [sic.], a massively vaulted chapel, a choir loft above the main entrance and a bell tower. We now have evidence that the church of Santa Catarina was designed for musical purposes (Storch. 2012:210). In addition, another account is based on the musicologist Cristina Urchueguía who has worked on this index for the Répértoire International des Sources Musica- les (RISM). In her introduction, she argues that some of the compositions can be dated back to the first half of the sixteenth centu- ry and therefore would already have been present at court before João was crowned in 1640. Such compositions are worthy of our particular attention since they might be typical of musical culture at the time when Portugal began to expand its po- wer in the direction of Southeast Asia, alt- hough we do not know for certain when such compositions reached the court of the Portuguese king (Storch. 2012:211). She also described that by 1545, mu- sical training and its attendants to the ce- remony in Goa had to become institutio- nalized as part of a pedagogical system for the parochial schools that all boys were required to attend (Storch, 2012). Portu- guese settlements in Southeast Asia sure- ly geared toward teaching children sin- ce they were the most open-minded and easy to influence. This is also what might have happened to the boys in the Collegio of Ternate. Convincedly, the key was that music drew people to church, and once in church, the Jesuits could preach to them and hear their confessions. Musical activi- ty was almost always referred to in these terms; there are terms that help the aposto- lic effectiveness of the order. First contact with Gregorian music Between the years of 1536-1539, du- ring the time of Antonio Galvâo leader- ship, the number of casados (Portuguese men who married native wives), their fa- milies and servants those who lived in the fortress of Ternate or in the town adjacent to it were reported numbered 1,600 people. Ternate then might have become a Christi- an city. Predictably in this settlement, the natives Maluku have first contact with the Triyono Bramantyo et al., Historical Accounts of the Indonesian 16th-Century Music Road 239 Gregorian chants. When Galvâo came to Ternate, he was greeted by a large crowd carrying the cross, singing Te Deum Lauda- mus” (Andaya. 1993:124). During his duties, Galvâo successful- ly opened and led a school called Collegio Ternate (Memorandum Xavier, in Jacobs. 1974: 63. Vol. I. D. 21). In this Collegio the doctrine of Christianity, reading and wri- ting Latin and Portuguese, and possibly music lessons too, have been taught by the missionaries. Thus, this event marked the beginning of the spread of chanting Gre- gorian chants in Asia, an important event that occurred when Europe was develo- ping Gregorian or medieval music. Francis Xavier, while telling his fel- low Jesuits in Rome (Letter of Xavier, in Ja- cobs. 1974:35. Vol. I, D.10), mentions that he has prepared catechisms translated into Malay that were sung enthusiastically by the children and women in Ternate, Bacan, Moro and Ambon. The Catechism contains the Creed, Pater Noster, Ave Maria, Salve Re- gina, Confession, and Declaration. Another Gregorian Song, Benedictus, is sung in the baptismal procession of the daughter of Ternate, who is named Dona Isabel. Du- ring his stay in Ternate, Xavier wrote addi- tional hymns in Portuguese. Another Gregorian chant was sung at the Mass of the Ascension of the Bles- sed Virgin Mary held on August 15, 1549, entitled Gloria in Exelcis Deo. This song was sung with a deep mood and with a deep voice by the Imam and followed by the people of the community (Letter of Perez, in Jacobs: 1974: 14. Vol. I. D.29). It is often said that the people of Maluku were really capable of singing. One example is when Xavier began his apostolic work soon af- ter when he came, he went from house to house with a boy who served as his inter- preter. People hide themselves or close their houses when Xavier comes, but when Xavier sings Psalms and hymns, they leave their hiding places and come out (Schur- hammer. 1980: 77. Vol. III). In his daily schedule, Xavier gives faith instruction twice an hour every day for children and adults. The result is im- mediate, in the open field and in the hou- ses, boys, girls, and mothers sing the Creed, Our Father, Hail Mary, Confiteor, The Com- mandments, and the Works of Mercy, day and night. The farmers in the fields and the fishermen in the sea sing the same songs, not worldly songs the usual ones. These were all sung in the language of the people and thus understood by everyone, both by new converts and by others who are not people Christian. Xavier immediately won the goodwill of Christians and Moslem people, and he was called by all as Holy Priest (Schurhammer. 1980: 153. Vol. III). In Manado, Pero Mascarenhas bapti- zed the king and 1,500 souls. He also bapti- zed the king of Siau who ruled over 25,000 souls. In Kaidipan, he baptized 2,000 men. He reported to the Jesuits in Portugal how much they loved singing doctrine. It was mentioned that when a new priest came, religious songs were sung as a greeting. In Buru, mourning songs were sung at funerals (Letter of Mascarenhas, in Jacobs. 1974:411. Vol. I. D. 125). So, the transmis- sion of Gregorian chants further reached out to the areas of Manado, Makassar, and Buru islands. It was another evidence of the increasing of the territories of the Mu- sic Road. It was reported in 1548, in the Col- legio of Goa, enrolled four Makassar stu- dents and six students of Maluku. This number was then added by ten Maluku boys brought by Xavier back from his apostolic work in Maluku. So, there were about twenty students from Indonesia at that time. They were boys between the ages of thirteen and fifteen and are said to have good aspects and talents (Schurham- mer. 1980: 460-461). Therefore, they had to take Latin as a compulsory subject alt- hough there are other subjects such as lo- gic, philosophy, theology, reading, written compositions, and the Psalms. Students assist High Mass on Sundays and Holi- days where they sing Terce, Sext, Nones, and Vespers. According to Xavier’s goals the children would be solidly educated in the Christian faith and equipped to work as apostles among their communities (Ja- Harmonia: Journal of Arts Research and Education 23 (2) (2023): 235-245240 cobs. 1980: 188. Vol. I). They were the first Indonesians to be sent abroad as a group of students who officially had their first ex- perience of learning Western music at the College of Goa, known as the center of the Jesuit Mission in Asia. However, we do not have more in- formation regarding their whereabouts in our resources afterward. If they studied well and returned to Indonesia as priests or brothers, they must have played an im- portant role in spreading Western music through their apostolic work. Throughout the document on Documenta Malucensia Vols. I and II found no Indonesian names listed on the missionaries who were sent back to Indonesia. Jacobs, in this regard, said that it wasn’t before the twentieth century that people of Indonesia would become imam (Pastor) (Jacobs.1980:104. Vol. I). Meanwhile, outside the land of Ma- luku, on the islands of Flores and Timor, Portuguese missionaries from the Domi- nican order have also lived there since 1556. At that time, the north coast of Solor and Timor and Larantuka on Flores were the centers of commercial and missiona- ry activity in Portuguese. To protect the growing Portuguese-Christian interests, the stone fort was first established in So- lor. After the Portuguese rule in Maluku declined, first with the loss of the Ternate fort in 1575, then the Ambon and Tidore forts in the year 1605, it also meant the end of the Jesuit Mission in Maluku. However, the Portuguese traders and the Dominican Fathers remained in the fortress of Solor on Flores until 1818. This is another pla- ce of evidence of further improvement of the music road to the Islands of East Nusa Tenggara, and later on, will also be expan- ded to the present-day Timor Leste. As in Maluku and Ambon Islands, the influence of Western music was also strong in Flores. Kunst was fascinated by the musicality of the Flores people when he was explained that from musical instru- ments he did not see much; however, when they were singing, they were more musically gifted than many others. Unlike in Flores, many sonorous male voices, sin- ging simple songs by the river still sounds like a melody that might also please Euro- pean ears. Kunst said, how could there be Flores people who could row without sin- ging the rhymes, complete with soli (seve- ral soloists) and the refrain sung in the cho- rus? Among these soloists, several voices might, with better training, become a good tenor, soprano, and bass” (Kunst. 1942:11). Remains of the Jesuit Music in Larantuka of Flores Islands Back in 16th century Maluku, Te Deum Laudamus, a Gregorian chant sung in Maluku in 1533, for which there are no printed scores, can be considered as one of the ancient hymns for mass sung in the sty- le of antiphonal (i.e., alternating responses between Imam (Pastor) and jema’at (cong- regations). Willy Apel categorizes singing may be of Greek origin, supposedly be- cause of the textual similarity with the Te Deum. Moreover, its melodic resemblance to the Psalms (Apel.1958:478). Catechism hymns in Malay prepared by Xavier for his apostolic work in Maluku in 1546-1548, seem probable to be Gregorian chants of Mozarabic (or Visigothic) influence in Spain. As we have seen, there are four branches or local styles of Western chants: Gregori- an in Roman, Ambrosian in Milan, Gallican in France, and Mozarabic (or Visigothic) in Spain (Apel. 1958:5). Apel notes a Salve Regina is also in- cluded in Xavier’s translation of the Malay catechisms. This is one of four types of an- tiphonals among the most beautiful crea- tions of late medieval hymns in honor of the Virgin Mary. Apel further explains that a large number of such chants were com- posed during the eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth centuries, but only four of them have survived in current use: Alma redemp- torist mater, Ave Regina Caelorum, Regina Caeli Laetare, and Salve Regina. The first and perhaps the last might have been created by Hermanus Contractus (1013-1054), but the two other songs might originally from the 12th or 13th century (Apel. Ibid. p. 404). Whereas Pater Noster and Ave Maria are Triyono Bramantyo et al., Historical Accounts of the Indonesian 16th-Century Music Road 241 usually used as The Opening of the Mass, which essentially consists of singing the Psalms and the Song of Antiphons, Lessons, and Chapters with Responses and Hymns (Apel. 1958:22). There is also a Credo in the translated Malay catechism of Xavier, but it is not known which, because, there are more than three hundred melodies for the Creed alone. Gloria in Excelcis Deo is one of the Christian hymns which is also sung in 16th-century Maluku. According to Apel it is known as hymnus angelicus, or, in dis- tinction from that of Gloria Patri, or Grand Doxology, the second chant of the Ordinary Mass. It is very similar to the later text of the Te Deum, both are among the few rem- nants of the once thriving literary works known as psalmi idiotici, a new text based on the general literature of the Psalms. This begins with the verse Glory to God in the highest, and peace on earth for people of goodwill (Apel.1958:409]. There are also Portuguese liturgical songs sung at the Good Friday Processi- on in Flores, one of which is called Louva- do Seja, that are now still being preserved by the Sikka people of Flores today. The settlements of Portuguese traders and Do- minican Pastors were stationed on this is- land as their last outpost in eastern Indo- nesia before disappearing at the turn of the nineteenth century, except for East Timor, which they occupied until the 1970s. The first report about these ancient Portugue- se songs was written by Pastor C. Le Cocq d’Armandville, S.J., who became a priest in Flores in 1884. He made several visits to Sikka until he came across a Christmas Play with Portuguese masquerade dances that went terribly for a long time, and he also had the chance to witness the Good Friday Procession with songs in Latin and Portuguese. Sikka was completely Catho- lic in the early seventeenth century. It is believed that during this century, the mas- ked dances in Christmas Drama and the Good Friday Procession were introduced there (Heerkens, 1953). The songs in the Good Friday Proces- sion were full of obscure stories but everyo- ne loves them. It is assumed that the songs have undergone constant changes over the centuries of creation, passed down from generation to generation orally or without notations. Therefore, it is no longer clear where these songs originated after centu- ries have passed. The songs are not written down on paper; thus, they are so original and alive (Heerkens. 1953:6. Einleitung). These are very old choral songs that are deeply rooted in the language of the Sik- ka people as we might imagine when they sing soulful songs even though they do not understand the meaning of each syllable but like-wisely they understood the con- tents” (Heerkens. 1953:186). The story went like this. The young people pick up old Portuguese crosses with a beautiful corpus (body of Christ) and a golden crown on their head. They put it outside the priest’s house and put it on the highest altar. They took small objects with them to be brought to the church. Me- anwhile, the priest requires no preparation or anything to arrange because everyone knows what to do, and the people orga- nize and do everything. The pastor then put a little powder on the cross, took some with his hand, and turned to the people in the dark church and sang very catchy old Portuguese chants with a loud noise the Lovado Seja (see Figure 1). Figure 1. Lovado Seja [transcribed from Heerkens. 1953:188]. Tempo: slowly and freely, with bar lines indicating the phrase. To this introductory chant, the crowd sings a loud response, although some of them sing without any training or prepa- ration, however, they sing joyfully: Figure 2. Louvado Seja [transcribed from Heerkens. 1953: 188]. The priest, while still standing in Harmonia: Journal of Arts Research and Education 23 (2) (2023): 235-245242 front of the altar, turned the cross upside down by his hands to the people who sing again: Figure 3. O Santissimo [transcribed from Heerkens. 1953:188] Then two people replied to the sin- ging in a very soft voice: O Santissimo Sac- ramento Figure 4. O Santissimo Sacramento [transcribed from Heerkens. 1953:188.]. Then the Pastor sings again aloud to a mixed text of Latin and Portuguese: “Spell the rosary.” “O santissimo David regem (?) Maria Senjora nostra consebida sum macula.” Figure 5. Spell the Rosary... [transcribed from Heerkens. 1953:188]. Then the people repeated the follo- wing chant Consebida sum macula solemn- ly and soulfully, and the people began to reduce the volume to become very gentle until it finally comes to the word ‘amen’. Figure 6. Consebida sum macula ... [transcribed from Heerkens. 1953:188]. Figure 7. Sinjo Deus, Misericordia. [transcribed from Heerkens. 1953:189]. The soprano singer replied in a very sad voice: Eli, Eli, lamma sabbactani. Figure 8. Eli, Eli, ... [transcribed from Heerkens. 1953:190]. When these voices died down, the- re was a moment of deep silence in the church and then the sopranos sing the same melody one note higher: Eli, Eli, lam- ma sabbactani. Figure 9. Eli, Eli, ... [transcribed from Heerkens. 1953:190]. After a while there is silence again, they sing again this time also in a tone higher: Eli, Eli, lamma sabbactani. Figure 10. Eli, Eli, ... [transcribed from Heerkens. 1953:190]. During the second time of ‘Eli, Eli, ...’, four mostly aged people carried over the cross by carrying it on their shoulders and walking slowly and very carefully. They remained silent while walking with their eyes closed, as if about to react the sound is getting less and less. After the mourning song ‘Eli, Eli, lamma sabbactani’ finished, they moved quietly, not making any sound. Now the sopranos sing again a third time, while all four members of the Congregation of Mary install a picture of Maria in a sling and holding it carefully. When they start walking, the members of the Jema’at (Congregation) started to sing very slowly and monotonously, ‘Heu!, Hey!, Domine!’ Pastor Heerkens said he had managed to find this text, which sur- vived for hundreds of years in a very cor- rupted form: Heu! Heu! Domine! Heu! Woe! Wo! to us, oh Lord! Heu! Salvator noster! Woe! to us, Triyono Bramantyo et al., Historical Accounts of the Indonesian 16th-Century Music Road 243 Our Savior! Pupili facti sumus, We are orphaned, absque patre et absque matre. without father or mother, Matres nostrae quasi viduae; our mothers are as widows; Cecidit corona de capite nostro! the crown has fallen from our heads Vae! Vae! Vae! Vae nobis, Woe! Woe! to us, Quia, quia peccavimus! Heu! For we have sinned! Woe to us! [English translation found in Kunst. 1942: 23.] Figure 11. Heu! Heu! Domine! [transcribed from Heerkens. 1953:190]. Meanwhile, the church was getting more and more empty and people were waiting in front church until the pastor left the church as the last person. He took pictures with him called Ecce-Homo (dying Jesus) on the cover. Two youths appeared carrying candles in their hands and came to the Pastor who was about to unwrap the picture. When this program takes place, the Pastor will be for fifteen minutes sing Sikka’s Ovos Omnes in broken Portugue- se, let go of the cover image and he said: “Ovos omnes qui transitis per viam, attendite et videte si est dolor similis sicut dolor meus.” (“Oh, you who are here look, She is there, and the same sadness as I am feeling right now!”) Figure 12. Ovos Omnes [transcribed from Heerkens. 1953:191]. It should be added here that the people of Larantuka, also in Flores, have Heu Domine! and Ovos Omnes in versions of melodies that are different from those of Sikkan. Here is the notation: Figure 13. Heu Domine from Larantuka [tran- scribed from Kunst.1942:23]. Figure 14. Ovos omnes from Larantuka [tran- scribed from Kunst. 1942:23.]. This next thing is a very special mo- mentum right now. When everyone wal- ked, there were only a few seriously ill, or very old people, and small children that doesn’t move. All others move and or ac- tually become actors in this play. Everyone is moving, and during this Procession, the Congregation now begins to sing another mourning song, Heu! Heu! Domine! Then people in front and back sang old songs with their unrehearsed voices, the songs are parts of the compilation Res- ponde mihi. The text of this song had be- come extremely corrupted after hundreds of years of inheritance passed down from generation to generation orally without text. Of course, that meaning is actually very difficult to understand. The reason why this song became so broken and diffi- cult texts is, as Pastor Heerkens conjectures that, “during hundreds of years, people at those festivals got pretty drunk with palm wine and brandy, etc. ., ... that the words quia eduxi te de Egypto (‘Who leads me out of Egypt’), etc., ... should be answered with ‘You led me out of Egypt’ but now be- comes qui dusti deesto, which doesn’t make sense either in a language neither Latin nor Portuguese, not even in Sikkanese. Harmonia: Journal of Arts Research and Education 23 (2) (2023): 235-245244 Figure 15. Responde Mihi [transcribed from Heerkens. 1953:192]. Then Veronica, the soloist, climbed to a higher point than the surroundings, accompanied by the youths with lamps in their hands, singing Ovos Omnes from Maumere (a neighboring town of Sikka), which sounds absolutely beautiful. Figure 16. Ovos Omnes from Maumere [tran- scribed from Heerkens. 1953:192]. The same ceremony is also held here, but now there is a male voice, the migh- ty one sings rhythmically like the waves of the sea another Ovos Omnes borrowed from Konga, an area also on Flores Islands. Figure 17. Ovos Omnes dari Konga [tran- scribed from Heerkens. 1953:192]. CONCLUSION The results of this research were to prove and to describe the evidence of the history of Western music in 16th-century Indonesia, beginning with the first arri- val of the Catholic missionaries, mainly of the Jesuits who came along with the Por- tuguese army in 1534. It was during this time that the music road of Indonesia took place and this is the focus of this study to elaborate and to search in detail what sig- nificant historical events might happen during the introduction and disseminati- on of Western music in Indonesia at that period. However, this study’s scope and areas should be limited to that of early 16th-century Western music of Gregorian chants that are still preserved and sung by the people of Flores, East Nusa Tenggara Islands, Indonesia. The music road of Indonesia was so prosperous that when Francis Xavier, a co-founder of the Jesuits Society in Lis- bon, Portugal, came to Ternate in 1543, he was astonished to find out how the local children were so capable of singing Grego- rian chants in both Latin and Portuguese texts so beautifully. These children have learned to sing Gregorian chants at the Col- legio in the fortress of St. John the Baptist in Ternate which was founded by Antonio Galvao, a Portuguese captain at that time. It should be noted here that this Collegio, a type of school for boys, was the first of its kind in Asia after the Collegio of Goa. The success story of Collegio Ternate, then by Xavier was brought to Hirado, a small is- land of Hiroshima, Japan, that later on was recorded as even more prosperous that the island was given the name Little Rome. The music road of 16th-century Indo- nesia reached out in parts of easternmost Indonesia from the whole parts of Malu- ku to Papua and the present day known as Timor Leste. But the most impressive one of the remains of this music road was the Holy Friday Procession in Sikka and Larantuka of the Islands of Flores, East Nusa Tenggara, Indonesia. This processi- on has been managed to be performed eve- ry year during the ceremony of the Easter Festival by the Catholic people of Flores for more than five centuries by now. As a consequence of practicing this ceremony without texts and notations for centuries, it can be understood how these very old Gregorian chants have already been in cor- rupted forms. 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